The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism 9789819947997, 9819947995

Citation preview

Understanding China

Qiyong Guo

The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism Translated by Wenkun Feng

Understanding China

The series will provide you with in-depth information on China’s social, cultural and economic aspects. It covers a broad variety of topics, from economics and history to law, philosophy, cultural geography and regional politics, and offers a wealth of materials for researchers, doctoral students, and experienced practitioners.

Qiyong Guo

The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism

Qiyong Guo Wuhan University Wuhan, China Translated by Wenkun Feng School of Foreign Languages University of Electronic Science and Technology of China Chengdu, China

ISSN 2196-3134 ISSN 2196-3142 (electronic) Understanding China ISBN 978-981-99-4798-0 ISBN 978-981-99-4799-7 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4799-7 Jointly published with Fudan University Press The print edition is not for sale in China (Mainland). Customers from China (Mainland) please order the print book from: Fudan University Press. Translation from the Chinese language edition: “中国儒学之精神” by Qiyong Guo, © Fudan University Press 2009. Published by Fudan University Press. All Rights Reserved. © Fudan University Press 2024 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publishers, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publishers nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publishers remain neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore If disposing of this product, please recycle the paper.

Translator’s Preface

The Origination of Translating The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism In recent years, I have increasingly felt the need to seek a spiritual harbor that can have a root relation with myself, and this spirit can have or have had a public or communal relation with the foreground and background of my personal growth. For me, this longing or desire have enabled me to return to the world in which I was born, namely the Chinese culture, after years of teaching and studying of European and American texts. This return signifies not just a shift in my reading preferences, but also a profound change in my cognitive framework. Cultural roaming in space can expand one’s cognition of the world and correct one’s previous cognitive limitations and prejudices from the perspective of combining rational analysis and personal experience. This is a type of culturally rooted dialogue that encompasses the historical foundation and contemporary implications of the interlocutor’s existence, as well as the subjectivity of cultural consciousness. Its outcome is to generate new value judgments and a higher level of value-oriented identification. Now, the completion of this Chinese-English translation project on The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism marks as my inaugural journey towards a deeper understanding and admiration for Chinese culture. Upon discovering Prof. Qiyong Guo’s The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism listed in the 2020 Guide to Chinese Academic Foreign Translation Projects, which was released by the National Office for Philosophy and Social Sciences at the end of 2019, I felt an instant urge to undertake its translation. Subsequently, the trial translation I submitted was trusted by Fudan University Press and unanimously recommended by project review experts. Since then, I have embarked on a threeyear journey of cross-linguistic and cross-cultural dialogue with the original work. During this period, I immersed myself in a variety of works on Confucianism and Chinese philosophy, exploring the perspectives of domestic authors such as Feng Youlan, Xiong Shili, Mou Zongsan, and Qian Mu, as well as overseas sinologists

v

vi

Translator’s Preface

like David L. Hall, Roger T. Ames, and more. Thus, the present translation is not only faithful to the original works The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism, but also situates my understanding of the work within a wider cultural context and the distinct logic inherent in Chinese cultural tradition.

The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism and Its World of Meaning The translation of the cultural thought history still poses some significant issues deserving of further consideration. For instance, how to effectively convey the ideological content of the source text through translation, how to adhere to the cultural context of both the original text and its source language, and how to establish an organic relationship between the world of meaning revealed by the source text and our living world that is accessible to target language readers. In particular, how to maintain the integrity of cultural spirit and its associated key words or central concepts within a social group when expressing them in another language, ensuring consistency and equivalence in both formal and internal content. For another instance, the harmonious symbiosis between the traditional Chinese concept of “Tian Dao” and “Ren Dao,” in contrast to the Western notion of “Heavenly Way,” which is disconnetced from humanity and surpasses even the highest of principles—these are among the primary considerations for translators. Different cultures employ distinct conceptual categories in their cognitive and practical domains, which manifests a distinctive worldview embedded within these structural systems of thought. These concepts and categories are the products of thinking activities, and they are also the units through which thinking activities gather and expand. They represent the coherence between rationality and empirical evidence, human beings and nature, cognition and belief within a specific cultural context, encapsulating the cosmological perspective and cognitive process of an ethnic group. This is because concepts possess a profound human dimension, stemming from cultural and social practices. Concepts are the essence of human thought; they can be said to open up and preserve a world of meaning. Important concepts or discourses prevalent in traditional Chinese culture, such as “Heavenly Dao,” “Humanely Dao,” “Principled Righteousness,” “Loyalty and Tolerance,” “Integration Between Heaven and Human,” “Unity Between Reason and Temperament,” “Cosmic Heart” and “World Harmonizing,” constitute a complex and colorful organic concept network. By exploring this network of concepts, we can gain deeper insights into the structured system of Chinese traditional thought. Meanwhile, these concepts exert a profound and subconscious impact on the perpetuation of Chinese culture, the daily experiences of Chinese individuals, and social practices. Over time, culturally specific insights have imbued concepts with an understanding of human experience, revealing both culture-specific worldviews and common sense and wisdom that have been refined over generations. Words or concepts are utilized by individuals, which

Translator’s Preface

vii

positions them as “active persons” within a larger shared community. When engaging with the community, individuals are labeled as “we,” thereby highlighting their identity and positionality as “I.” Concepts and specific cultures are interrelated as they both serve as descriptions of particular cultural phenomena. Concepts not only represent the identity of things, but also that of individuals or groups within their specific cultural context. We must then consider how to effectively aggregate, release, and revoke the rich meaning of the source text through key concepts inherently tied to a specific culture. The concept is intimately intertwined with human beings, their cognitive faculties processes, and the limitations of cognition within a given timeframe and spatial context. The concept functions as a breeding ground for the collective unconscious, gathering the interrelationships between individuals and their environment, preserving the memories and aspirations of the community. The concept serves as the focal point of human menaing, intentionality, memories, and perception, but also the site where novel implications emerge, and has the capacity to cover and explain the real manifestation of a group’s public sphere. Therefore, in the process of translating cultural thoughts, it is essential to give precedence to the fundamental concepts that are deeply rooted in the source language’s cultural context. Concepts are not abstract essences detached from actual situations, but rather collections of properties and experiences related to particular things. In the Chinese context, “heart” encompasses not only physical and psychological dimensions, but also social psychology. Similarly, in Chinese, “jingshen” (spirit) is composed of “jing,” energy and breath drawn from human’s environment, and “shen,” manifestation of life force. Therefore, the concept of “jingshen” is not the opposite of material and spirit or supernatural against nature, but the combination of the two. In short, certain concrete concepts constitute an epistemological presupposition on which a particular culture is founded to some extent. For instance, in the Chinese cultural tradition, the realization of the concept of “Co-construction of Heaven and Earth and Human,” the concept of “Unity of Heavenly Dao and Humanely Dao,” the concept of “Unity of Heaven and Human,” the concept of “Integration of Family, Country and World” (tianxiaguan, associating individual family with family congregated country and then with the world under the heaven), and the concept of “extension of love for one’s kinship to include others” are all based on the assumption that everyone should adhere to the natural or cosmic quality of “sincerity” (cheng). The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism explains in detail the thoughts and values of Chinese Confucianism, and explores its contribution as a global cultural resource to today’s globalized new form of culture. Culture is developed within a large community of individuals in a particular region, yet excellent culture and its fundamental essences can extend far beyond regional boundaries. Chinese Confucianism or Confucian culture constitutes the self-identity and subjectivity of Chinese people. The meaningful world in which Chinese people live embodies the national character, ultimate belief, temperament standard and survival wisdom of not only Chinese but also East Asian peoples. This is a world of humanity and rationality. The meaning of the world is generated in a semantic system of unique concepts, such as “Heavenly Dao,” “Heavenly Mandate,” “Humaneness,” “Heart,” “Integration of Nature

viii

Translator’s Preface

and Human,” “Establishment of one’s life in Pursuit of Heavenly Mandate,” “Cultivating Personality,” “Unity Between Cosmos, Country, society and family,” “Human Becoming,” “Concrete rationality,” “Dependent Origination,” “Intercourse between Yin and Yang,” “Principle and Cosmic Qi,” “Harmony in Diversity,” “Cosmological Harmony,” “Principled Morality,” “Humane Virtue,” “Benevolent Governance,” etc. As a native speaker, the world of the native text is my world, and I inhabit between this text and my or our world. I am not only a natural subject in this world, but also a cultural subject. There is a seamless continuity between myself and the world, as both an integral part of the whole fabric and a singular entity that exists autonomously within it. In fact, once I hear or grasp a concept, my consciousness focuses on that concept and incorporates it into a scene that includes me. We must acknowledge concept as a relational structure that is receptive to the past through the intentional act of the recipient. The schema or abstraction of a concept encompasses not only its physical attributes, but also its cultural dimensions. It functions as a spatial-temporal framework, encompassing the living environment, historical trajectory, value system, religious beliefs and national ethos among other factors. In summary, these concepts or terms can be employed to construct a narrative of Chinese thought, spirit, and ethics.

Through Translation, Meaning Emerges Between History and the Present French phenomenologist Merleau-Ponty posits that the meaning or sense in history arises amidst the “spirit of the times,” between past and present, synchronic and diachronic, institutions and ideas, freedom and restriction, individual and collective, tradition and modernity, as well as expression and silence. Historical meaning reemerges through our narrative. A historical narrative is essentailly a collaborative endeavor, a conversational project that we engage in to reconstruct and understand the past. History unfolds through the interplay of diverse philosophical and world views, transmitted across generations and perpetually shaping our conduct. MerleauPonty considers history to be a contextualized domain that generates conceptualized meanings, particularly in the realm of philosophy. We are not simply swapping one meaning for another in a straight forward substitution. Instead, we are finding an equivalent meaning that resonates with our present understanding and cultural context. The new structure emerges from the previous structure, while the previous structure persists within the new structure. Thus, the past is comprehended in light of the present. Meaning is never entirely novel or unique. It is always subject to the continuous revision of our own historical landscape, and it inevitably contains pre-grammar, pre-thought, pre-logic, pre-Confucius, pre-Laozi and some information about their existence. Meaning is neither given to us in absolute terms, nor is it cast in absolute terms by us in the midst of history. Merleau-Ponty emphasizes the importance of recognizing the influence of history and actively facilitating its

Translator’s Preface

ix

expression. Individuals must be prepared to articulate and amplify their own interpretations, as well as imbue events with meaning whenever possible. Thus, translation is always an act that takes place in dialogue. According to Gadamer, it is translation that performs a mediation between human and the world that has never been satisfactorily completed. Gadamer therefore points out that when interpretation begins, translation begins. Whenever conversation begins, translation begins. The moment conversation begins, the meaning of words begins. The linguistic problem of philosophical hermeneutics always arises wherever the topic of text begins.

Translators Who Reside at Home, and Readers Who Roam afar For an interlingual narration or translation of a cultural spirit or cultural thought, the translator is undoubtedly in the two states of being “at home” and being “away from home,” or it can be stated that the translator possesses the dual identity of being both the “host” and the “guest.” In this state of being host and guest, the translator naturally has a sense of confidence and self-determination at home, as well as a sense of alienation or strangeness as a guest in an elian land. Martin Heidegger believes that the soul commences its homeward journey in its wandering to strange lands. Man begins to enter his homeland in his departure from homeland. The soul’s wandering to a strange land is not to leave her homeland, but to let her homeland brighten up from its shelter, so as to complete its rescue and maintenance. Martin Heidegger believes that man’s memory of her homeland is not fully completed at home, but rather on the way away from home. Only the “stranger” heeds the call and begins to “walk on the path to his own homeland.” Therefore, man goes far away from vision of home, wandering to an alien land, thus producing the “worry of returning homeland.” Isn’t this just the expression of the relationship between dynamic and static human emotions? Isn’t this the precise expression of intercultural communication? I also appreciate one of Heidegger’s famous quotes: Language is “haus des seins.” Man’s existence is maintained and blossomed in language. Similarly, only at the boundary between home and non-home can man clearly perceive the warmth of home, and only at the boundary between self and the world can man understand his self. The human self and the world are at the same time in language. Man blooms himself in language, just like his homeland to appear in an alien land. In my book titled Translation and the Existence of Translation, I used the English word “demise” to unveil the nature of translation. This English word encapsulates the dichotomies of “life”/“death,” “beginning”/“end,” as well as “cause”/“effect.” While they seem to contradict each other, they are interconnected and mutually inclusive. Likewise, the relationship between source text and target text, as well as between the world of source language and the target language, embodies the semantic depth inherent in the word “demise.” The translation process involves the movement of “transfer” and “reproduction,” which is the process of conciliation, grant and bequest between author and translator,

x

Translator’s Preface

as well as between the world of source text and the world of target text. In this process, without the partial relinguishment of the original text, there would be no new birth in the realm of the target language.

Meaning Is Not Inherent But Always Manifests in Expression or Speech Meaning is not inherent but rather emerges in expression or speech, manifesting within the web of relationships and events Crucially, it is “generated” within the narrative, where the speaker assumes a specific position. Therefore, I advocate that retaining the presence of meaning in the process of translation is both the premise and the purpose of translation. The role of language expression or symbols is to restore the presence of meaning as much as possible. On this point, when a native speaker introduces his or her own culture to non-native speakers, his or her cultural stance or cultural subjectivity becomes particularly important. There exist specific to particular meanings; there are no universally applicable symbols capable of expressing general or abstract meanings. During the transfer between two languages, people always most often overlay preexisting symbols onto truths or conceptual meanings that needs to be conveyed. This involves mapping a language onto specific life experiences or social group, and aligning a particular language with a specific mode of thinking. No general sign can fully represnt truth, as signs do not inherently constitute truth but merely serve as a gateway to it. If we assume that language or signs precede what is commonly referred to as truth or essence, then any discussion of the essence of truth or sign becomes meaningless, rendering translation between two languages impossible. When translating the meaning or truth expressed in one language into another, special attention must be paid to the extent to which the intended meaning or truth in the source language is realized in the target language and its narrative context. Truth or meaning exists beyond physical reality; its implications can be replicated endlessly, and even its modes of expression and symbolic representations can be reproduced indefinitely. For example, the core words such as “humaneness (ren),” “sincerity (cheng),” “heart (xin),” and “nature (xing)” in the Chinese context can be echoed across numerous languages and expressions, yet this repetition transcends linguistic replication, embodying the reiteration of the profound truth or meaning implicated in these words. The most crucial issue lies in maintaining fidelity these truths or meanings during such reproduction. According to Jacques Derrida, ideality can be indefinitely repeated, contingent on specific conditions; firstly, that meaning is interpreted as non-reality; secondly, that ideality itself is viewed as non-reality or non-material; and thirdly, that objects are seen as abstract entities. Thus, it is precisely this ethereal or abstract nature of ideality that offers a steadfast assurance of recurrence.

Translator’s Preface

xi

While translating The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism, as a translator “at home”, I felt like a wanderer roaming between my homeland and an alien land. I am situated within a tapestry of individuals, society, ideas, and history, making me an active participant in the dance with the original text. My historical and empirical placement within the world described by the original text further cements my role as a collaborator, dancing alongside the original text. My situation and history, culture, and meaning system that have already occupied me have formed a tacit understanding and mutual enlightenment between me and The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism. As a translator deeply aware of my own culture, I am not merely a physical presence in this context but also a spiritual being immersed in it. As a translator, my life experience encompasses a seamless unity of nature, culture, history, and spirit, This holistic perspective shape my unique interaction with the original text that reflects the depth and breadth of my experiences. I am committed to maintaining this unity when crossing an alien land or a border between two languages, ensuring that the essence or truth it embodies can be sustained and articulated in the other language. Furthermore, I firmly believe that a translator, akin to an actor, achieves success by reproducing the archetypal character’s function and value setting as authentically as possible. In this endeavor, language or symbols serve merely as props, aiding the actor in the processing and conveyance of meaning. Ultimately, regarding the quality and effect of this translation, especially the effective organization and expression of language, I am full of anxiety and sincerely accept readers’ criticism at any time. Chengdu, China April 2023

Wenkun Feng

Preface

Dr. Chen Jun from Fudan University Press invited me to write this booklet. I am very grateful to him for having faith in me and in this project. Thanks to his kindness patience, I was able to gradually and carefully assemble lectures for students and speeches for the general public, all while adhering to the specific guidelines provided by Fudan University Press. First and foremost, I personally embrace an inclusive Confucian perspective, and I reject the notion of a monolithic Chinese culture or an immutable form of Confucianism. Confucius (c.551–c.479 B.C.) is known as a “sage of time,” while Confucians are esteemed as “men of time,” who are consistently keeping pace with time, and diligently laboring around the clock. In today’s era, Ruxue (Confucian Learning), Rujia (Confucianism), or Rujiao (Confucian Religion), retain their essence while embodying the spirit of contemporary times, thereby representing modern Confucian Learning (ruxue), Confucianism (rujia), and Confucian Religion (rujiao). I have consistently advocated for an open Confucian Learning, or what could be termed as “New Confucianism,” and I insist on the mutual embrace, complementarity and compatibility of between Confucian Learning, Marxism, Western academics, and the various schools of thought. Chinese culture, particularly its classical aspect, is incredibly diverse and rich. I disagree with the notion that Chinese culture or Chinese classical culture can be simplified to Confucian Learning, albeit it remains a significant component. Confucian Learning is not absolutely opposite to hundred schools of thought (zhu zi bai jia), indigenous Taoism, Chinese Buddhism, regional cultures or folk cultures. Historically, Confucianism and the aforementioned philosophical schools have coexisted wtihin a cultural ecology characterized by thoughtful interaction and mutual complementation. Today, it is even more unnecessary for us to hold a factional view, thinking that such various schools of thought are in conflict with each other and are absolutely excluded. Confucianism, Taoism, and Chinese Buddhism have consistently complemented each other in their pursuit of personal growth and cultural refinement (rengejingjie or Sphere of Personality), just as Du Fu (known as poetic sage), Li Bai (known as poetic fairy) and Wang Wei (known as poetic zen) complemented each other in the vibrant landscape of Tang poetry. xiii

xiv

Preface

Chinese culture, West culture, Marxism, Hundred Schools of Philosophers (zhu zi bai jia), Confucianism, Chinese Buddhism, Chinese Taoism, Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, and more, each possessing its unique brilliance and merit, offer all important intellectual and cultural resources for human modernization. They can undergo creative transform and integration, learning from each other and interacting with each other for the benefit of today’s China and the wider world. From the standpoint of contemporary open Confucianism, as well as through the lens of other viewpoints, we are better able to identify our own strengths and weaknesses. As such, Confucianism embraces criticism of all kinds and excels in learning from the wins and the losses of various schools of thought. What I refer to as open Neo-Confucian Learning or Neo-Confucianism1 involves not only personal cultivation, propounding noble truths through writing, but more significantly, it entails actively participating in modern social endeavors such as politics, community work, and various other activities. In essence, it means achieving personal fulfillment through action and vise versa. True Confucianism has consistently been a philosophy of life centered around practice and lived experience. I don’t agree with the distinction between Confucianism of heartmind (xin) and nature (xing) and Confucianism of politics. Confucianism has always been focused on the practical application of knowledge and advocated all-round development across various fields, including social and political affairs, educational methodology, and proficiency in ancient classics, history, literature, and various schools of philosophy. Of all ages, most true Confucians are individuals who strive for selfimprovement and self-discipline, constantly pursuing a higher sphere of personality. They keep themselves busy with state affairs and serve the public in a down-to-earth manner. They possess a spirit of dedication, administrative prowess, statecraftship, broad-mindedness and weather-beaten experiences, thereby influencing those around them. This is what is called the consistency between inner sagelihood and outer kinglihood (nei sheng wai wang). As an educator, I think it is more vital to invest time and effort in instructing youth, fostering their development, and engaging in social endeavors, rather than solely focusing on authoring books or propagating noble ideas. I remain in agreement with the concept known as the “Three Immortals” or “Three Great Accomplishments,” as outlined in Zuo’s Commentary on The Spring 1

Neo-Confucianism was an attempt to create a more rationalist and secular form of Confucianism by rejecting superstitious and mystical elements of Taoism and Buddhism that had influenced Confucianism during and after the Han Dynasty. Although the Neo-Confucianists were critical of Taoism and Buddhism, the two did have an influence on the philosophy, and the Neo-Confucianists borrowed terms and concepts from both. However, unlike the Buddhists and Taoists, who saw metaphysics as a catalyst for spiritual development, religious enlightenment, and immortality, the Neo-Confucianists used metaphysics as a guide for developing a rationalist ethical philosophy. Neo-Confucianism has its origins in the Tang Dynasty; the Confucianist scholars Han Yu and Li Ao are seen as forebears of the Neo-Confucianists of the Song Dynasty. The Song Dynasty philosopher Zhou Dunyi (1017–1073) is seen as the first true “pioneer” of Neo-Confucianism, using Daoist metaphysics as a framework for his ethical philosophy. Neo-Confucianism developed both as a renaissance of traditional Confucian ideas, and as a reaction to the ideas of Buddhism and religious Daoism. Although the Neo-Confucianists denounced Buddhist metaphysics, Neo-Confucianism did borrow Daoist and Buddhist terminology and concepts.—Translator’s note.

Preface

xv

and Autumn Annals (Hereafter shortened as Zuo’s Commentary), which prioritizes virtue, merit and dissemination of lofty ideas. Like most Chinese individuals, my social and family background reflects a strong Confucian influence. Similarly, my personal lifestyle aligns with Confucian values, and my academic focus and specialty primarily lies within the domain of Confucian Learning. However, this does not hindder my respect and exploration of Marxism, Western Learning, Christianity, Islam, Hinduism and One Hundred Schools of Thought before the Qin Dynasty (especially Taoism and Chinese Buddhism), nor does it impede my ability to critique and refine Confucianism. Confucianism is a kind of “Learning for Self-Improvement,” and it teaches us to enhance our abilities of self-cultivation, self-study, self-reflection and self-transcendence, and it has provide us with a series of methods, such as learning broadly, examining closely, reflecting carefully, discriminating clearly, and doing things earnestly. By reading Confucian Classics, Confucian scholars or new-era Confucian scholars would like to pay more attention to state affairs and people’s sufferings, show greater concern for working people and their children, devote themselves more fully to educational, academic, and cultural endeavors, serve the communities more actively, be more modest, generous and tolerant, and also have a more common and practical spirit, which is well stated in the old saying, “both attaining to the sublime and performing the regular tasks.” This is the highest sphere of living, one which transcends the daily functioning of human relations, although it also comes within the scope of this daily functioning. Or man can pass through the whole of the universe in his daily life by being aware that “The Noblest Mind only Dwells in the Most Ordinarily Daily Life.” In my view, exploring the integration of national spirit and the spirit of the times through the lens of Confucian culture offers a profound perspective. However I do also hope that scholars would like to take Taoism (Taoist Religion), Chinese Buddhism, national and folk cultures of different regions and phases as fulcrums or fields to study the integration and fusion of national spirit and the spirit of the time. Ultimately, this approach fosters a complementary academic ecology. Some individuals claim that Confucianism amounts to a form of pan-moralism, but, I believe that such assertions stem from a limited understanding of Confucianism. Mencius (371–289 B.C.) once said: “Good morality alone is not enough to deal with the governmental affairs, and decrees alone cannot work effectively by themselves.” (Mencius, Li Lou, A) Confucianism is so broad in its scope that it is difficult to categorize it solely as moral, pan-moral, political, or pan-political. In terms of the relationship between Confucianism and politics, the true Confucianism in history never acceded to the powerful and noble, nor a vassal of the authoritarian politics of past dynasties. Although history has witnessed the existence of vulgar Confucians who catered to trends, they never represented the mainstream of Confucian learning. Confucianism carried a tradition and critical spirit that opposes authority through resisting position with “Heaven (tian)” or “virtue (de),” hence the saying that “I have heard of the cutting off of the despot Zhou, but I have not heard of the putting of a sovereign to death.”(Mencius, King Hui of Liang) (Heaven is believed as the origin of all lives and sources of all moral values, its extension is cherished as Fate, Mandate, Value, Nature, Reason, Lawgiver, and Savior.)

xvi

Preface

Confucianism provides us with numerous valuable resources that can enhance traditional politics on three levels: concept, system and public enlightment. Many of these resources can undergo creative transformation, becoming significant asset for building democratic politics, fostering a modern society ruled by law, and cultivating engaged public intellectuals. Some Confucian ideas have been incorporated into some systems of traditional society, while certain value orientations merit contemplation yet are often overlooked. Confucianism is exceptionally rich in public awareness and morality, offering nuanced perspectives on public versus private, public morality versus private morality, and public interests versus private interests, which challenge conventional understandings. Confucianism cannot be simplistically reduced to mere “individualism” or “collectivism.” Confucian Learning cannot viewed as a static display in a museum or library, nor can it be regarded as a “lone soul,” a “wandering soul” or a “wild ghost.” Some overseas sinologists and scholars of Chinese Studies maintain a significant distance from modern Chinese society, unaware that Confucianism is intertwined with life itself and deeply ingrained in Chinese society. Even after the agricultural society, though the basic social structure and social life style have undergone earth-shaking changes since the late Qing Dynasty and the early Republic of China, Confucian Learning and Confucianism are still alive in the people, in the life of ordinary people—in their present life, in the daily ethic of a large number of people in society, and in the people’s regular activities without their awareness. Of course, we hope to elevate people’s daily activities without their knowing to their self-awareness and self-consciousness. We can find a lot of Confucian elements and spiritual accumulation in contemporary role models such as Kong Fansen, Wu Tianxiang, Gui Xien, Zhou Youshan, etc.2 Personally, I was born and raised in a common family in Xansi River, Wuchang, spending over a decade immersed among the rural and industrial working class. So far, I still keep contact with some of them. Moreover, I am well aware that the mainstream of folk families, communities, human nature and mind, and life belief and work ethic of ordinary people remains deeply rooted in Confucian tradition. Their main values continue to revolve around the “five constant virtues”—human-heartedness, 2

Kong Fansen孔繁森 (1944–1994), a native of Liaocheng, Shandong. In 1961, Kong Fansen joined the army at the age of 17 and was named “Five-Good Soldier” in the army for consecutive years. In September 1966, Kong Fansen honorably joined the Communist Party of China. In 1969, after he was discharged from the army, he first worked as a worker and was later promoted to a state cadre. In 1979, Kong Fansen, then deputy head of the Propaganda Department of the Prefectural Party Committee, voluntarily signed up to work in Tibet. On November 29, 1994, Kong Fansen, then secretary of the Ngari Prefecture Party Committee in Tibet, died in a car accident on his way back from an inspection tour in Tacheng, Xinjiang, at the age of 50. Wu Tianxiang, a national moral model and former deputy district head of Wuchang District, Wuhan, has been helping the weak and the poor for decades. Gui Xien was born in Wuhan, Hubei in 1937. He is a professor of the Department of Infectious Diseases, Zhongnan Hospital of Wuhan University, a famous AIDS prevention expert, and the director of the Hubei Provincial AIDS Clinical Training Center. In 2004, he was one of the ten “moving China” characters selected by China Central Television. In 2010, he was awarded the honorary title of “People’s Medical Scientist” by the Hubei Provincial Government. Zhou Youshan, deputy director of Ningbao Village Committee of Caidian District Town, Wuhan, is loyal and filial, and sacrificed his life to save people in fight against snowstorms.—Translator’s note.

Preface

xvii

righteousness, ritual, wisdom, and truthfulness—which are based on the principle of “human-heartedness and love (ren ai)” (albeit with evolving connotations influenced by the spirit of the times). Presently, various wholesome folk religions and corporate cultures have absorbed numerous Confucian principles as their core values. Confucianism and modernization are not inherently opposed ; in fact, Confucianism can be a driving force in modernization. It not only aids in overcoming modern maladies and curing persistent societal ills but also provides solace for the mind. Confucianism’s main spirit and values remain the spiritual Way that define our humanity and Chinese identity, forming the basis of cultural identity and ethical consensus in today’s law-based Chinese society. We, the people who reside in such a treasure trove, often overlook its true worth. The profound inner wealth of Confucianism remains to be explored, discovered and adapted by our future generations. Indeed As a matter of fact, Confucianism inherently embodies itself is self-cultivation, civilization, and human virtue. In today’s society, there is a pressing need to elevate the education attainment of our nation, and an even greater emphasis must be placed on enhancing the overall civilization of society. A healthy, modern civil society demands citizens who embodies the virtues of “temperance, kindness, courteosy, restraint and magnanimity,” while maintaining a sense of awe. This stands in stark contrast to the ruffian-like behavior examplified by the attitude of “I am a hooligan and who else am I afraid of.” Civil society is a society that highlights individual education and social morality and public trust. Hence, the modern cultivation of Shī詩, Shū書, Lǐ 禮, and Yuè樂 is imperative not just for lofty-minded persons ( junzi, symbolizing Confucian moral personality) but also for all citizens alike. It is rather the necessity of modern civil society and the foundation for building a contemporary civilized society. The formation of cultural accomplishment needs the edification of environment and atmosphere, and the accumulation of generations over times. Confucian education is education in authentic feelings. A person embodying Confucian values experiences a profound sense of happiness in both family and society, possessing the utmost feeling of contentment. However, this does not imply that Confucianism (rujia) and Confucian Learning (ruxue) are all treasures, without dross, and can be blindly replicated and restored. Confucianism, as a pre-modern civilization, certainly has its historical limitations that we must discard. In nature, Confucianism is constantly changing and updating with the times. The limitations of the times can be metabolized and sublated with the times. What I would like to say, in particular, is that we don’t have to make an unreasonably high demand of Confucianism, Confucian Learning, and Confucian Religion. No one should be too critical of Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, Chinese Buddhism, and Taoism. Why should we be highly demanding of Confucian Learning and expect it to give us ready-made modern values such as science, democracy, freedom, and human rights? Isn’t Confucian Learning worthless if it does not provide us with these ready-made things? In fact, Confucianism, like Christianity, cannot directly prescribe science, democracy, freedom, human rights, etc., but through our critical inheritance and creative transformation, it can transform and absorb modern and contemporary values more effectively, and enable modern values to be healthily

xviii

Preface

rooted in the existing traditional cultural soil more effectively. Individuals in every era bear their unique responsibilities. We cannot shirk our own responsibilities, nor can we offload all blame onto our ancients, expecting them to shoulder the entire burden. To discard Confucianism in a simplistic manner, reject it blindly, dismantle it recklessly, speak nonsense about it, or treat it as an enemy, is a crude and unthinking attitude; such is the approach of intellectually lazy individuals. These individuals lack a sense of historical responsibility and thoughtful consideration. Our ambitious and intelligent youth should take the initiative to familiarize themselves with their cultural heritage and the rich soil from which it springs. There are numerous complexities involved here. For instance, when regarding the topic of “ritual,” there are a lot of treasures in the “Three Rituls”— Yili (Ceremonies and Rituals), Zhouli (Rituls of Zhou), and Liji (The Book of Rites), which contain many complex dimensions and profound implications, and are by no means possible to throw them away with such assertions as “eat men” and “kill men.” This is like throwing bathwater out with baby. In fact, from another angle, any kind of written or unwritten cultural system has the side of “eat men” and “kill men.” Do today’s consumer culture, mass culture, network culture, porn culture, and officialdom culture not “eat people,” not “kill people?” Nowadays we are living in an era characterized by openness and dialogue. As a Confucian scholar in this new era, I consistently strive to embrace and advocate for the diverse schools of thought prevailing today, maintaining an open mind I promote open dialogue between past and present ideologies, East and Western philosophies, Chinese and Western Marxism, as well as literature, history and philosophy. Furthermore, I foster an exchange of ideas among Confucianism, Chinese Buddhism and Taoism, and encourage a broader dialogue among Confucians, Christians, Islamists, Hindus, and Buddhists. In the process of civilization dialogue, it is imperative that we should preserve our own treasures and strive to share them with all of humanity. Confucianism has abundant resources that enable us to engage in meaningful dialogues with Marxism, liberalism, communitarianism, feminism and other trends of thought, wherein they understand, communicate, integrate, and enrich one another. On the one hand, these ideas are not inherently opposed. Confucianism has numerous ideas and value orientations that can be connected with or foreshadowed by democratic politics. Personally, I’m liberal politically and socialist economically, but this does not stop me from taking a conservative stand in culture. The cultural conservatism mentioned here does not equate political conservatism, nor does it signify a rigid adherence to traditional culture. Rather, it involves using the legacy left by our ancestors for creative transformation and renewal. On the other hand, as mentioned above, we all need to observe ourselves from the perspective of others, and only from the perspective of others, in the comparative study of civilizations, can we see clearly our own weaknesses and strengths. In the owrds of Zhuang Zi, on the basis of observing things in terms of things, observing them in terms of vulgarity, observing them in terms of difference, observing them in terms of merit, and observing them in terms of tendency, we must ascend to the height of observing

Preface

xix

them in terms of the Tao. As he says under the guise of North Sea, “From the point of view of the Tao, things have no nobility or meanness; From the point of view of things themselves, each regards itself as noble and other things as mean; From the point of view of common opinion, nobility and meanness are not determined by the individual himself; From the point of view of differences, among all things in the world, there are none that are not big; From the point of view of function, among all things, there are none that are not useful; From the point of view of preference, among all things, there are none that are not right.”(Chuang Zi, Autumn Floods) Zhuang Zi believes that, on the basis of these observations, we should ascend to the highest realm of the Tao, that is, from the view of the Tao, among all things, there are none that are high and low, big and small. Now we have come to an era of contemplation and reflection, where it becomes imperative to evaluate prevalent customs, enlightenment, conventions, and ingrained ways of thinking. We must reflect on the understanding and prejudices held by fashionable people towards Chinese culture over the past 100 years. We must reflect on scientific and technological civilization. We must reflect on commercialization, modernity, globalization, cultural industry, mass culture or officialdom culture. We must reflect on the era of utilitarianism and critically examine the fetishization of money and power. We must reflect on anthropocentrism and today’s evaluation system. We must reflect on the deconstruction or erosion of our sense of rootedness, the loss of sacredness, the heart of awe, the abandonment of ultimate value, and the disruption of people’s spiritual grounding. We must reflect on our attitude towards the civilized heritage and Chinese cultural spirit passed down by our ancestors so as to rebuild the sublimity and the system of faith and belief. Additionally, we must critically examine dogmatism and the trend of total westernization. Of course, we must also staunchly defend the right of all individuals to express their views freely. This diversity of thought and expression is the essense of a cultural ecosystem, embodying the principle of “harmony in diversity” (he er bu tong). Now we are living in an era marked by cultural awakening, revival, and the reconstruction of Chinese national identity. I have full confidence in an open and inclusive Confucianism (rujia), Confucian Learning (ruxue), and Confucian Religion (rujiao). Our Chinese culture deserves its rightful place among the nations of the world, and it is imperative that we cultivate our own cultural subjectivity, rather than merely borrowing and parading foreign phrases as our own. Certainly, our Chinese national culture cannot use alien culture as its “fundamental.” However, Chinese tradition or culture, such as Heart-Nature culture, ideological culture, institutional culture, and instrumental culture, is constantly evolving and adapting. Today’s Chinese culture, predominantly shaped by traditional Chinese values, especially those of Confucian social culture, continuously evolves by integrating and assimilating elements from foreign cultures, forming a rich and dynamic new culture landscape. This new culture is characterized byoneness of original substance and function (ti yong ru yi), namely substance is function and function is substance (ti ji yong). But its core and mainstay, of course, constitute its inherent essence. Otherwise, what should we use to exchange with other cultures? Do we have to talk with other cultures in a parrot’s way? Do we want to be spiritual outcasts who “throw away our endless treasures

xx

Preface

and beg for alms, as a pauper, from door to door?” In short, we must confront the various conflicts arising between tradition and modernity, between East and West, with a healthy and balanced attitude. We must retain our cultural moorings and spiritual backbone, grounded firmly in our own confidence. In building a harmonious society and leading towards a prosperous and powerful country, we must harness the positive infuence of Confucian resources. Confucianism, unafraid of being misunderstood and criticized, possesses vast ideological wealth that remains to be explored, developed, creatively transformed by our younger generations, ensuring its continuous legacy. The integration of Confucian education into the national curriculum, beginning in childhood, is imperative. Confucian scholars must have aspirations and principles to uphold. The cultural ideal and ultimate goals of contemporary Confucianism are still encapsulated in the “Four Sentences of Heng Qu” or the “Heng Qu Si Ju:” “To testify a cosmic heart between Heaven and Earth, to vindicate the Heaven’s Mandate for all human beings, to accomplish the scholarship of ancient Saints and to bring about universal harmony for future generations.” I extend my heartfelt gratitude to all readers of this booklet, and warmly welcome any criticism and advice from all. Dated from winter of 2007 to February of 2008 at the foot of Luojia Mountain, Wuchang, Wuhan City, China

Qiyong Guo

Contents

1

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1

2

An Overview of Confucianism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Searching Out “Ru” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Confucius and His Disciples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3 Four Stages of Development for Confucianism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

11 12 24 45

3

Five Classics and Four Books . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 3.1 The Five Classics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 3.2 The Four Books of Confucian Classics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112

4

Humanist Spirit of Confucianism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 4.1 Characteristics of Chinese Humanity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130 4.2 Confucian Scholarship and Chinese National Spirit . . . . . . . . . . . . 147

5

Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1 Central Concepts of Chinese Confucianism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 Central Concepts of Korean Confucianism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3 Central Ideas of Japanese Confucianism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.5 Modern Significance of Confucian Core Values . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

167 167 177 184 194 232

6

Confucian Idea of Public and Private . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1 Notion of Public and Private . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2 Confucius’ Appeal to Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3 Mencius’ Theory of Rectitude and Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4 Confucian Public Philosophy and Issues of “Public Virtue” and “Justice” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

239 239 245 261

7

279

Mutual Concealing Between Relatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 291 7.1 Three Classic Texts and Main Ideas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 291 7.2 “Straightness,” “Concealment,” and “Love with Distinction” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 296

xxi

xxii

Contents

7.3 7.4 8

9

“Concealment Between Relatives” in History of Western Ideology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 308 Tolerance-Concealment System and Human Rights . . . . . . . . . . . 311

Theory of Human Nature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1 Mencius’ Idea of Original Goodness of Human Nature . . . . . . . . . 8.2 Xun Zi’s Idea of Original Evil of Human Nature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3 Theories of Human Nature of Confucians in Han and Tang Dynasties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.4 Ideas of Heart-Nature in Rationalist Theory in Song Dynasty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

321 323 332 338 344

Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1 National Character . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2 Four Dimensions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3 Doctrine of the Mean . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

357 357 366 377

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.1 Instiutionalized Religion and Spiritualized Religion . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2 Religiousness and Transcendence of Confucian Learning . . . . . . 10.3 “Heaven” and “Theory of Heaven and Human” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.4 Religion as Enlightenment and Religion as Faith . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

397 397 406 416 433

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.1 Gentleperson, Saint, Benevolent, and Complete Man . . . . . . . . . . 11.2 Zi Si-Mencius’ Theory of Ideal Personality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.3 Confucius-Mencius’ Idea of Personality Realm and Development of Song-Ming Confucianism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.4 Confucianism’s View of Life and Death and Its Contemporary Value . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

439 440 449

12 Confucian Wisdom in Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.1 Work Ethic of Confucian Merchants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.2 Confucius Philosophy of Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.3 Confucian Way of Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

483 483 493 499

13 Self-awakening and Self-consciousness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13.1 Confucian View of Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13.2 “Ritual” and “Cannibal Dogma” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13.3 Comments on So-Called “False Proposition” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13.4 Confucian Learning and Modern Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

515 516 521 529 535

456 469

Appendix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 541 Postscript . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 563 Works with Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 569

About the Author

Qiyong Guo is a professor and doctoral supervisor at the School of Philosophy and the School of Chinese Studies at Wuhan University, honorary director of the Center for Chinese Traditional Culture Studies, and a resident researcher at the Academy of Humanities and Social Sciences. In 2006, he was named a national-level teaching teacher, and in 2017, he was named an outstanding figure in world Confucianism research. He used to be the Dean of School of Humanities and School of Philosophy of Wuhan University, the President and Chairman of the International Society of Chinese Philosophy (ISCP), the Vice President of Chinese Philosophy History Society, etc. Now, he is the vice president of the Chinese Confucius Society, the honorary president of Shandong Jiaxiang Research Institute of Zengzi, and chairman of the academic board of Guiyang School of Confucius Studies. Mr. Guo is mainly engaged in the teaching and research of Chinese philosophy and culture, specializing in the history of Chinese philosophy and Confucian philosophy. He is academically prolific, and his main works include Chinese Philosophy, The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism, The Exploration of Wisdom of Chinese Philosophy, The Reconstruction of the Chinese Humanistic Spirit, A New Discussion on Confucianism and Modernization, The Characteristics of Chinese Cultural Spirit, The Wisdom of Chinese People, The Creative Transformation of Chinese Thought, Research on Modern and Contemporary Neo-Confucianism Trend, Research on Xiong Shili’s Philosophy, etc.

xxiii

Chapter 1

Introduction

In The Report to the Seventeenth Congress of the Communist Party of China (December 31, 2007) it is pointed out: “We must promote Chinese culture and build the common a shared spiritual home for the Chinese nation. Chinese culture serves as an enduring impetus for maintaining the Chinese nation to keep the unity and driving the progress of the Chinese nation throughout from the generations. … We will further promote the excellent traditions of Chinese culture … and expand its influence worldwide.” In The Report to the Sixteenth Congress of the Communist Party of China (November 17, 2002) it is pointed out: “National spirit is the moral foundation for a nation’s survival and growth. Without an inspiring spirit and lofty character, a nation cannot stand proudly in the family of nations. For more than 5000 years, the Chinese nation has evolved a great national spirit, centering on patriotism, unity, love of peace, diligence, bravery and ceaseless self-improvement.” In The Communique of the Sixth Plenum of the 16th CPC Central Committee (October 11, 2006) it is pointed out: “Carry forward the aspects of our traditional culture that is conducive to social harmony, and form moral and behavioral norms in line with traditional virtues and modern virtues.” The deeper we explore the value concept of traditional culture, the richer the spiritual resources we have and the more we are able to absorb the essence of foreign cultures, and make them resources for building our country’s socialist modern culture. The twenty-first century marked an era of globalization. “Globalization” is actually a process and stage of modernization. Globalization is an integration and assimilation of economy, trade, science and technology. But modernity is unity in diversity. Modernization does not equal Westernization, still less Americanization. Economic globalization does not mean uniformity in culture. The course of Western modernization since modern times and the modernization experience of other parts of the world including East Asia show that globalization and modernization are not just the universalization of Western democratic systems and rational values. Alasdair McIntyre (born Jan. 12, 1929) has made a profound examination of the enlightenment rationality of West and modern Western society centered on utility and rights in his

© Fudan University Press 2024 Q. Guo, The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4799-7_1

1

2

1 Introduction

work After Virtue: A Study of Moral Theory (1981). Various negative aspects that have been exposed in post-industrial society in the West also clearly indicate that the Western system and concepts have drawbacks of one-sidedness, one-dimensionality and “flatness.” Of course, China needs to refer to and learn from the Western institutional civilization and value concepts, and make some systems and values truly take root in China, so as to become an aid of China’s modernization. However, China’s modernization has its own path, mode and particularity. Moreover, just as Marxism without nationalization is difficult to take root in local cultures, so is modernization without nationalization. In the face of the overwhelming spread of the Western culture and the pervasive penetration of the Western religions, we must have a strong sense of cultural awareness and cultural identity. The challenge of globalization in the new era inspires us to have our own national identity and ethical consensus. Without national identity, such a multi-ethnic country as China will be “melted away” in the process of modernization and in the tide of globalization, and “washed away” in the high tide of market-oriented economy. Without an ethical consensus for us to follow, we cannot have a healthy society ruled by law, because the rule of law is underpinned by faith, belief, and ethical consensus. China’s modernization pathway necessitates the vigorous development of socialist market economy as our sole option. Market economy has infused dynamism into China’s development. However, it is undeniable that in the condition of market economy, there have appeared some problems with people’s values, such as materialism, money worship, power fetishism and idea of privilege, which are increasingly becoming the cancer of socialist market economy, devouring the achievements created by market economy and also devouring people’s ethical and moral concepts. Amidst the dual challenges posed by globalization and the market economy, how can our Chinese nation achieve its modernization while maintaining its connection to the larger context of world civilization and proudly taking its place among nations? This is a major issue raised by the era to us. The challenge of the new era calls for carrying forward and invigorating our national spirit and building a shared spiritual home for our multi-ethnic country. If we do not have our own national spirit and the spirit of the time, we will lose our spiritual pillar, even our Chinese nation. There exists an inherent tension between maintaining national character and adapting to the characteristics of the times, as well as preserving the national spirit while embracing time the spirit of the modern era. The national spirit relatively emphasizes the uniqueness of the nation and the persistence and continuity of its cultural identity. The spirit of the times relatively emphasizes the universality of human beings and the phases of social history. However, there also exists a unity between the two. Nations that are at the forefront of their era exhibit a national spirit that seamlessly blends traditional characteristics with contemporary values, embodying both the excellence from the past and the vitality of the present. A nation that moves in step with the times is bound to carry forward and cultivate its national spirit alongside the progression of the era.

1 Introduction

3

Economic globalization, world integration, and the emergence of the era of network culture do not signify the dissolution or segmentation of national character, nor do they imply the obsolescence of pre-modern civilization. Over the course of thousands of years, the Chinese nation and its culture have fostered a distinct spiritual and belief system, encompassing unique ultimate concerns, ways of thinking and behaving, ethical life order, value orientations, and aesthetic taste. Despite undergoing continual transformation with the passage of the time, there remains a fundamental essence that persists as the enduring foundation of Chinese nationality and culture. Chinese culture embodies unity within diversity. Confucianism, Taoism, Mohism, and one hundred schools of thought (zhu zi bai jia), as well as Taoist Religion, Buddhist Religion, and varied cultures and all strains of thought in the history of all Chinese nationalities are all treasures as cultural resources. They all retain their value and significance in today’s context, deserving our utmost respect as cultural resources. Naturally, each individual possesses their own unique specialty. Confucianism, as a product of Chinese agricultural civilization, encapsulates the spiritual essence of the Chinese ethnic groups. It is the distillation of Chinese and even East Asian social culture, containing national character, ultimate belief, living standards, life wisdom, and strategical thinking prevalent across all East Asian nations. The reason why Confucianism became a mainstay of ideology after the Qin and Han Dynasties is closely tied to its ability not only uphold ancient traditions and customs but also excel in “constant renewal with the times and innovation due to circumstances.” Hence, the Confucian culture stands as the most prominent representative of the Chinese national spirit, while exhibiting a distinctively modern character due to its capacity to evolve and “keep pace with the times.” The various elements of Confucianism, particularly its spiritual aspects, within the context of the once flourishing Chinese agricultural society, undoubtedly, possess undeniable value and significance that transcend time and space. As the consciousness and mentality of Chinese ethnic groups, Confucian culture remains vibrant and relevant even today. The status of the Confucian culture has naturally formed, rather than selfdeclared. Originating as a scholarship accessible to the common people, Confucianism emerged as a result of imperial and official knowledge percolating down to the folk society. During the era marked by the decline of Li (ritual) and Yue (music), Confucius founded private schools at the end of the Spring and Autumn Period, assuming the mission of preserving and promoting the rich cultural traditions of the ancient Three Generations (Xia, Shang and Zhou dynasties). The society from the end of the Warring States period to the middle period of the Western Han Dynasty witnessed a gradual establishment of Confucianism’s prominent status among the diverse schools of thought. Confucianism is relatively modest and reasonable, which can be accepted by both the court and the commonalty, satisfying the social mentality of “benefiting the people inside and subduing the barbarians in four directions,” adapting to the needs of intensifying social cohesion, and promoting the development of social undertakings actively in halcyon days. Confucianism emphasizes ethical education through the Li or ritual and the Yue or music which are regarded compulsory social norms ruling both the natural world and human societies, guiding China, Chinese dukedoms, as well as distant barbarians in their ways of living and

4

1 Introduction

social activities. Though some discounts may occur in actual implementation, they are, in general, suitable for people’s requirements for stability, peace, and edified customs. In order for the society to prosper and develop, order and harmony are the basic requirements. The Li (lijiao or Ritual Religion) makes the society orderly, while the Yue harmonizes the society. In allocating economic resources and redistributing property and power, Confucianism aims to fulfill the basic, fair, and reasonable demands of the people by emphasizing the importance of people’s livelihood, keeping a secure wealth with the people, advocating for policies that benefit and enrich the people, educating the masses, bridging the disparity between the rich and the poor, and protecting the vulnerable, the elderly, sick, widowed, and lonely individuals. Its system of civil service and education have provided opportunities for civilians and peasant children to receive education and engage into politics. This civil service system has become one of the fundamental principles to administer our country, which has brought new blood to politics at all levels of social structure in the past dynasties by welcoming participation of people from the grass-roots. The establishment of this system has been greatly facilitated by Confucian ideology, and its underlying principle is to maintain the public feelings and harmonize the collective will of the people. Those with a broad vision who encouraged learning from the West, including Marxism sinicization, predecessors of Chinese Communists, and modern idealists, embraced a positive attitude toward human life. They forged ahead with compassion, harbored a deep Confucian concern for state affairs and people’s well-being, and aspired to create a world of great harmony. They are all Confucianized in their ways of being a man, modes of thinking and behavior as well as in dedication of their life for righteousness and noble cause. The introduction of Marxism into China is precisely based on the Chinese Confucian culture as its cultural soil. As a matter of fact, early socialists and Marxists in China took the ideal of Great Harmony from Confucian book the Liyun or the “Evolutions” contained in the Li Ji or The Book of Rites as the cultural foreshadowing for the introduction of Soviet socialism and Marxism. During the process of adapting Marxism to China’s concrete conditions, Confucian social ideal has played a significant role, so has Confucian personality ideal and moral integrity in inspiring Chinese Marxists and Communists. These spiritual qualities are well stated as: “A determined person who has ethical integrity will not seek to live if it undermines ethical integrity. He will sacrifice his life to fulfil his ethical integrity” (Analects, Chap. 15); “The commander of the army may be carried off, yet the determination of even the simplest man remains unyielding and cannot be forcibly taken away” (Analects, Chap. 12); “Worry before everyone else has to worry, and feel happy only after everyone else can feel happy” (Fan Zhongyan, “Memorial to Yueyang Tower”). Officials must always bear in mind the people’s well-being, caring about their suffering, and doing their best to keep them free from misery. This embodies the Confucian concept of “governance by humanheartedness (ren zheng),” that is, save people from fire and water, relieve the people with liberal aid, cultivate oneself to benefit others, and cultivate oneself to benefit the common people. The reason why several generations of Chinese Marxists are favored by the people is all related to their personality cultivation and charisma.

1 Introduction

5

The combination of Marxism with the concrete reality of China’s revolution and construction naturally includes that of various factors of Confucian culture accumulated in the society and the people. Objectively speaking, the system construction of new China is closely related to the construction of Confucian society. Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, and the important thought of “Three Represents” are all intrinsically related to the Confucian tradition of stressing the practical value of knowledge and social responsibilities of intellectuals, seeking truth from facts, unifying knowledge with action, and caring for the people and being pragmatic. Mao Zedong’s “On Contradiction” (1937) and “On Practice” (1937), Liu Shaoqi’s “On How to Be a Good Communist” (1939), Deng Xiaoping’s style of easiness and simplicity in statecraftship, etc., all have a Confucian shade. Today, the most urgent topic of adapting Marxism to specific conditions in China is, first of all, the scientific concept on development, which emphasize a scientific, comprehensive and sustainable development; the second is to build a harmonious society; the third is to establish a socialist concept of honor and disgrace. Confucian cultural resources can play a certain role in these three aspects. Confucian culture contains extensive discussions on the relation between Human and Nature, individuals and society, humans among themselves, as well as a person and their inner self. It provides valuable historical insights, governance strategies, and principles for human cultivation, which need to be analyzed and summarized through a contemporary lens of scientific rationality, thereby serving as a valuable reference for today’s people. All in all, the sinofication of Marxism is actually completed on the soil of Confucian culture. The early first and second generations of Chinese Marxist theorists and statesmen were deeply influenced by Confucianized character. Whether it is the social ideal of the early Chinese communists or the ambitious undertaking of building socialism with distinct Chinese traits and fostering a harmonious society, Confucian ideas, such as human-heartedness and love (ren ai), peopleorientedness, public welfare, fairness, social harmony, the emphasis on the people over monarch, benefit for all the people in the world, harmony in diversity, care for the elderly, and support for the vulnerable, have served as precursors, backgrounds, and positive ideological resources for their endeavors. Since communication between China and the West, just like the relation between Confucianism and Marxism, the Confucian Scholarship (ruxue), and the Western Scholarship (xixue) have always been in the process of complementary interaction. From the late seventeenth century to the late eighteenth century, prominent Western philosophers, such as Leibniz, Voltaire, Montesquieu, Diderot and so on, all esteemed Confucianism highly. In fact, there are numerous points of convergence between the thoughts of Immanuel Kant, Russell, Dewey, and the Confucian Scholarship. There are also many similarities between Christianity and Confucianism. Mr. He Lin is a great master of the Western philosophy in China. During his lifetime, I had visited and consulted him many times. Mr. He respected the resources of Confucianism and had a deep understanding of Chinese culture. At the same time, he held high hopes on the worldlization and modernization of Confucianism, as well as the seamless integration of Chinese and Western cultures. Of course, the evolution of Western Scholarship (xixue) in China is inherently intertwined with Chinese culture, and Confucianism

6

1 Introduction

undoubtedly stands as a pivatal component of this rich cultural inheritage. In China, those who truly understand Western society, culture, philosophy, and religion hold a deep respect for their own indigenous civilization, particularly Confucian culture. This respect, in turn, aids them in understanding the West and Western learning more deeply, rather than just scratching the surface. Confucianism used to enrich itself by continuously absorbing the cultures of neighboring nations. Ethnic minorities have constantly brought vitality to Central China (zhongyuan). Moreover, it was just after the ethnic minorities entered the Central Plains, such as the Yuan and Qing Dynasties, that Confucian culture developed rapidly. Today, Confucianism remains the fundamental creed and lifestyle for people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, while Confucian culture prevails among the tens of millions within overseas Chinese communities. Our emphasis on rediscovering the spiritual wealth of Confucian culture as an important resource for carrying forward the national spirit and cultivating the spirit of the times is by no means to advocate restoring ancient ways, completely copying the whole set of Confucian culture, nor to try to resist foreign cultures with China’s inherent tradition. Indeed, certain elements in the Confucian cultural tradition lost their relevance due to historical progression, thus becoming historical encumbrances, whereas others may be the embryo of potential modernization. Therefore, the “Confucian cultural tradition” itself needs to undergo a process of continuous re-cleaning, re-discovery, re-excavation and re-processing. We ought to creatively transform Confucian culture with a critical and inheriting stance and a receptive mindset. As mentioned above, certain factors within Confucian culture should be examined, analyzed and criticized from the perspective of social life practices related to reform and opening up, the world of daily life, the process of globalization and modernization, as well as modern scientific and humanistic thoughts and consciousness. Only then can they be transformed and constructed into the beneficial connotation of today’s spiritual civilization and become the organic components of today’s national spirit and the spirit of the times. The trend of human culture in the twenty-first century is shifting away from the “Western Centralism” towards a balance between modernity and rootedness. In the future, a multicultural world will emerge where nations recognize and rediscover their unique cultural traditions, classics, and spirit. This shift will not only foster modernization and globalization within individual nations but also enrich the diverse development of human civilizations. We should systematically study the dialectical relationship between modernity and cultural roots, and comprehensively evaluate Confucian culture from the angle of national and ontemporary spirit within the context of globalization, exploring the ways and modes of accumulation and creative transformation of Confucian culture in modern social life, seeking to forge a diverse modernity. We should explore the contribution of Confucian cultural resources to the cultivation of the spirit of the Chinese nation and the spirit of the times, extracting the ideas and values of universal significance in the Confucian ideological resources. We should examine Confucianism from the perspective of cultural consciousness, national identity, and ethical consensus, probing into the national character of the Chinese nation and the characteristics of the

1 Introduction

7

Chinese cultural modernization in the wave of economic globalization and cultural diversification, re-examining the problem of what is called “national character.” We should systematically evaluate the resources of the Li or the ritual and the Yue or the music civilization and the Heart-Nature (xin-xing) civilization in traditional Confucian culture, bringing out the ideological resources which can provide nourishment for the construction of contemporary Chinese society under rule of law and the core values which can play a positive role in China’s modern social life, so as to provide spiritual food for the dialogue of civilizations and the construction of global ethics. We should deeply investigate the relation between Confucian values and environmental ethics, life ethics, community ethics and professional ethics, between Confucianism and modern democracy, rights awareness, civil society and modern political civilization, between Confucianism’s ultimate concern, religiosity and the transcendental issue, between Confucianism and feminism, and between the grassroots nature of Confucianism and its relation with the life world. Many values and ideals inherent in Confucian culture have consistently served as the foundation for the Chinese people’s spiritual pursuit, enabling Chinese culture to thrive and prosper unceasingly. The social structure and political system of Chinese traditional agricultural society have disappeared, but it does not mean that the values, moral consciousness, modes of thought and patterns of behaviors combined with them have lost their rationality. Today, a large amount of spiritual wealth can still be created and transformed into valuable support for China’s modernization process, supplying spiritual resources for China’s modernization efforts. Confucian spirit primarily embodies the essence of creative life and a profound sense of the origin of cosmic dynamics. In Zhouyi or thye Book of Changes, the qian yuan (≡ composed only of yang lines, it is purely yang, symbolizing all yang things or principles) trigram symbolizes “Heaven” and its “virtue of great life,” and qian also means creating and leading all things under Heaven, so it is stated in Qian. Xiang Chuan that “Just as Heaven keeps moving forward vigorously, a loftyminded person should strive continuously to strengthen himself.” In Zhouyi or the Book of Changes, “Kun yuan (≡≡ composed only of yin lines) trigram” represents “land” and its “vast virtue of bestowing life,” so it is stated in Kun. Xiang Chuan that “The (capacity and sustaining) power of the earth is what is denoted by Kun, and therefore, virtuous men support (men and) things with their perfect virtue.” Heaven and Earth vest human beings with this omnipresent spirit of life creation, so a man of virtue who is in possession of a subjective spirit of vigorous self-improvement and endless life should be fully motivated and work diligently to strengthen himself. Confucius, Zengzi, and Mencius have greatly promoted man’s unremitting pursuit of self-renewal and vigorous spirit of creation, and summarized it as a spirit of being broad-minded and constantly forging ahead. Confucius says, “The man of station must be both broad-minded and resolute. His burden is heavy, and the road is long. Human-heartedness (ren) is the burden he is charged with—heavy, is it not? The road ends only with death—long, is it not?” (Analects, Chap. 8). Mencius says, “One should never be corrupted by wealth, changed by poverty and bent by force, which is called a true man.” It is this spirit that constitute the main body of the Chinese national spirit. The Confucian culture is not a rigid antique, but a creative organic

8

1 Introduction

life that advocates changing and renewing constantly and advancing with the times. Confucians attach importance to “time” (shi), and Confucius (c. 551–c. 479 B.C.) is honored as “the Sage of Time” (sheng zhi shi zhe). That is to say, Confucius is a sage who is able to seize the opportunity of his era. The Confucian culture advocates “changing with the time,” “changing tactics as the time demands,” “keeping pace with the times” and “renewing with the times,” all of which can be transformed into the innovative spirit of advancing with the times and forging ahead in contemporary China. In the spectrum of Confucian culture, the humanistic spirit is Confucius’ “Philosophy of Human-heartedness” or Confucian “Humaneness Scholarship” (renxue). On the one hand, “human-heartedness” is human’s inner moral self-consciousness and the stipulation of human nature, which highlights human’s moral autonomy. On the other hand, “human-heartedness” reveals an emotional empathy among “Heaven, Earth, Human, all things and individuals” and the value ideal that “All in the universe are of one big family, so all the people are united as one.” That is to say, with this human-heartedness or humaneness as the cosmic heart, any person, thus religiously committed, should love his family members, social members, and even all beings in the world, since they are all equal members born by heaven, surviving on the earth as brothers and sisters. This value ideal takes the Doctrine of “Loyalty and Tolerance” (zhongshu), i.e., “the unity of self-disciplined loyalty and other-considered tolerance,” as its main connotations—“If one wants to achieve success, he should let others succeed as well, and if one wants to accomplish himself, he should let others accomplish as well” and “Do not do to others what you do not wish yourself;” and takes the principles of propriety, righteousness and humaneness as the Way of dealing with human affairs—“harmonizing the world by human-heartedness,” “ruling the country by ritual,” “in practicing the rules of propriety, it is harmony that is prized,” and “All within the four seas are his elder and younger brothers,” etc. These value ideals can be further extended to the Way of harmony between people and people, family and family, the Way of peace between country and country, nation and nation, the Way of co-ordination between religion and religion, culture and culture, and even the universal Way of harmonious unity between humans and animals and plants, and between humans and nature. The conception of “Harmony in diversity” recognizes diversity and integrates differences. Confucius’ “Theory of human-heartedness” (renxue) is the cornerstone of Chinese humanistic spirit and the value ideal of humanism, which works not only as the guiding principle of peace among countries, coexistence among nations and cultural exchanges, but also as the wisdom of “the Unity of Human with Heaven, Earth and all things.” It is no wonder that the drafter of The Declaration of Global Ethic, Mr. Hans Kung, regards Confucius’ motto “Do not do to others what you do not wish youself” as the golden rule of global ethics, which is profoundly insightful. Traditional Confucian intellectuals have always considered it their solemn duty to be deeply invested in the fortunes and misfortunes of the entire Chinese nation, as well as the welfare of its people. The Confucian ideal of salvage and helping all people through upholding truth and justice has always been permeated with a great sense of being on alert against potential danger in time of peace and worrying about

1 Introduction

9

the country and loving the people, which has played a crucial role in safeguarding national dignity and national sovereignty and opposing alien invasion. Confucians also endorse profit-seeking. Dong Zhongshu (ca. 179–c. 104 B.C.), to the most influential Confucian scholar in the Han Dynasty, says, “Pursuing justice instead of seeking profit,” which is aimed at a lofty-minded person’s self-cultivation and a ruler’s ruling his country, rather than the needs of the people and society. Seen from the perspective of Confucian ideology, Confucians often distinguish statesmen (men of virtue) from ordinary people. Confucians are very strict with rulers, requiring them to “pursue interests through righteousness rather than through interests.” Therefore, Confucius said, “A man of virtue understands and observes what is morally right” and “conducts government in accordance with virtue.” However, Confucianism exhibits remarkable leniency towards the common mass. Confucianism holds that humans are born with desires, and humans’ desire for external things is a natural instinct. “Food and courting the opposite sex are all basic human desires,” so humans’ desire has its legitimate reason. Therefore, Confucianism upholds that good governance should “make full use of resources to benefit the people,” namely “to multiply the populace,” “to make the people rich” and “to have the people educated.” The Confucian thought of pursuit of interests through justice and righteousness is still of positive significance even today. Moreover, the ideas and wisdom proposed by Confucian culture can also be transformed into valuable resources for modern social and enterprise management, such as “creating all things” and “valuing all things,” “wide-broadness through flexibility” and “suiting measures to different conditions,” “harmony” and “moderation,” “honesty” and “devotion to work,” “thinking of righteousness on seeing gains” and “making profit by righteousness,” etc. Confucianism lays great emphasis on self-cultivation, especially on edifying human’s soul and fostering human’s virtue. In Confucian ethic items, “sincerity,” “trustworthiness,” “integrity” and “shamefulness” all have their profound implications, and especially a series of discussions on official morality and theories of self-cultivation, including the monitoring system, are more significant and valuable to today’s administration of corrupt officials. All these must be guided, transformed and applied with modern people’s sense of citizenship, sense of rights, sense of rule of law, sense of morality, and spirit of socialist moral civilization.

Chapter 2

An Overview of Confucianism

Confucianism, founded by Confucius (551–479 B.C.) in the late Spring and Autumn Period, continued to evolve and proliferate until the Qing Dynasty. After the Han Dynasty, Confucianism was no longer just confined to the “Scholarship of HeartNature” (xin xing zhi xue)1 or the “Scholarship of Textual Research,” but was further extended along with the broad and profound scope of the Pre-Qin Confucianism into social and political affairs, the succession of teachings from masters to disciples, the ancient “Scholarship of Jing Shi Zi Ji”2 and so forth, and permeated the whole society in modifying and directing people’s life. Confucianism has long been implemented in political system, social conventions, educational purpose, and personal self-cultivation. It is the crystallization of Chinese people’s life style, behavior style, thinking style, emotive style, and value orientation for more than 2500 years. Confucianism is the belief of the majority of Chinese people, or the Way for people to settle down in spiritual pursuit, and even to the extent that people daily use it without their awareness. Thus, the status of Confucianism cannot be solely determined based on the subjective intentions or emotions of any particular school of thought. The reason why Confucianism has become the mainstay of Chinese society and folk culture due to its basic spirit, broad scope, and historical vision, rather than any wishful thinking of some individuls. Some attackers and critics of Confucian culture have 1

“Scholarship of Heart-Nature” (xīn xìng zhī xué) belongs to the category of traditional Chinese philosophy. Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism all involve this category. Heart (xin) refers to the innate mind, heart, or conscience. Nature (xing) refers to the original nature, self-nature or Buddha Nature. The Scholarship or Philosophy of Heart-Nature or the School of Mind and Nature is the study of what makes us humans—translator’s note. 2 “Jing Shǐ Zǐ Jí ” refers to the four major categories ancient Chinese people used to classify ancient books based on their contents. Jing refers to classics, that is, especially Confucian Classics. Shi refers to historical books, that is, orthodoxy history. Zi refers to hundreds of works and religions in the Pre-Qin period. Ji refers to the anthology, that is, the collection of poems. “Jing Shǐ Zǐ Jí ” generally refers to Chinese traditional cultural classics. In ancient China, some large-scale ancient books often involve four categories, which are named after them, such as Imperial Collection of Books in Four Sections, The Four Series Books, Four Essential Books and so on—translator’s note. © Fudan University Press 2024 Q. Guo, The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4799-7_2

11

12

2 An Overview of Confucianism

simplified Confucian ideology, narrowed the scope of Confucianism, and abstracted the development of Chinese society and Chinese history. In fact, the traditional Chinese society was a Confucianism-directed society, the traditional Chinese culture was Confucianism-directed culture, and the traditional Chinese people were of also Confucianism-typed character. Or vice versa. The role or function of Confucianism or Confucian Learning in China is similar to that of Christianity and Catholicism in the West, Orthodox Christianity in Russia, Hinduism in India, and Islam in the Arab world, all of which are the foundation of ethnic cultural self-identity and the cornerstone of ethical consensus. The Scholarship of Confucianism (ruxue) is known as Confucianism (rujia) or Confucian Religion (rujiao).3 In terms of school or sect of thought, it is called “Confucianism;” in terms of knowledge or scholarship, it is called “Confucian Learning;” and in terms of a conviction or belief, it is called “Confucian Religion.” In fact, all three terms are one and the same. They can be used interchangeably. So, what exactly is “Ru”? What is the historical development of the Scholarship of Confucianism (rúxue)?

2.1 Searching Out “Ru” If there is such a thing known as Confucianism, then it is obvious that there is something called Confucianism which it is the theory of. We can start, then, by asking the question: What is Confucianism (ru)? Etymologically, “儒” (ru), as a Chinese word, has two implications: the first refers to something “Soft” (rou), the second refers to “Confucian Scholars (shushi).” “Softness” does not refer to something weak in power and slow in motion, but something “spiritually peaceful” and “harmonious in state of mind,” that is, “Softness” means something able to console people in a peaceful way and convince them through reasoning so as to achieve harmony between Heaven, Earth, and humans. In his annotation to the treatise “Practice of Confucian Scholars” (Ruxing) contained in The Book of Rites, Zheng Xuan (127 A.D.–200 A.D.) says, “What is said by Confucians is elegant and harmonious, which is able to pacify people spiritually and persuade people reasonably.” Kong Yingda (574– 648 A.D.) explains, “Literally, Rú means to be moistened (and extending to being enculturated or educated), that is, to be cultivated by the Way of the former kings (sages).” This signifies that both Confucianism and Confucians advocate humility and harmony, treating others kindly and generously, not bullying the weak by force, 3

Confucian Learning, Confucian School and Confucian Religion, in a sense, constitute a circular interpretation of Confucianism, which all embody Confucian ideology founded by Confucius, upon which a comprehensive Confucian system of thought has gradually evolved. Of course, distinctions exist among these three terms. Generally speaking, Confucian Learning refers to a kind of theory or knowledge system; Confucian School refers to an intellectual class who believes and practices this knowledge; Confucian Religion refers to an idea or belief that people believe in. Three expressions share similarities yet retain difference, thus requiring careful differentiation. The translator of the book follows this distinction, acknowledging their overlap as well—translator’s note.

2.1 Searching Out “Ru”

13

but convincing others through moral excellence. In the “Commentary on the Biography of Sima Xiangru” contained in Hanshu or the History of the Han Dynasty it is said, “Those who are well versed in the Six Confucian Classics, namely the Book of Poetry (Shijing), the Book of History (Shujing), the Book of Rites (lijing), the Book of Changes (Yi jing), the Spring and Autumn Annals (Chunqiujing) and the Book of Music (Yuejing), are known as Confucians (ru).” Obviously, “Confucian scholars” or “those who possess a good mastery of the Six Confucian Classics” is its original meaning. Before the Han Dynasty, “Confucian scholars” were called “Rú.” Yang Xiong (53 B.C.–18 A.D.), a renowned scholar of the Han Dynasty, says, “He who is well informed about Heaven, Earth and humans is called Rú,” which refers to the Great Confucian or Masters of Confucian Scholarship. In the “Biography of Du Lin” contained in The History of Latter Han it is said, Du Lin who was “an erudite and well-informed man was called a huge Confucian scholar of his time.” In the Comprehensive Discussions On Traditional Customs4 it is stated, “A Confucian’s obligation is to draw a distinction. In speaking, he draws a distinction between ancient and modern times; In settling down peacefully, he meditates on words of sages; In action, he follows the Way directed by ancient classics, aligns himself with the governing system of the former kings, and establishes the order of human affairs of his time. Such an individual is called a Great Confucian! If he is only able to learn them but unable to understand them, only talks about them but unable to put them in practice, he is nothing else but a reciter, and if he is unable to penetrate between going forward and backward, he is just a vulgar Confucian.” Or we could say that “Ru,” in a broad sense, refers to erudite and learned scholars, say, Zhuang Zi, who belongs to Taoism and is also called a “Confucian” (see “Biographies of Mencius and Xuncius” of The Historical Records) as well as a distinction made between the title of “Lofty-Minded Confucian” and that of “Narrow-Minded Confucian” (Analects of Confucius, Chap. 6; Henceforth simply Analects) and so on. Of course, “Ru,” in today’s sense, or in its narrow sense, as a special conception, refers to (the School of) Confucianism.

4

The Comprehensive Discussions On Traditional Customs (Fēng Sú Tōng Yì or Fēng Sú Tōng) was collected by Ying Shao (ca. 153–196 A.D.), the satrap of Mount Tai regionduring the Eastern Han Dynasty. Fēng Sú Tōng originally consists of thirty volumes and one appendix, but only ten volumes have been preserved to this day. Fēng Sú Tōng documents numerous legends and anecdotes, interspersed with the author’s own comments, emerging as a crucial resource to for studying folklore, custom s and the vernation of deities before the Han Dynasty. Meanwhile, Fēng Sú Tōng focuses on exploring the systems, customs and hearsay surrounding esteemed figures and artifacts from past dynasties, challenging superstitions, folklore anecdotes, and mysterious tales prevalent during the Han Dynasty—translator’s note.

14

2 An Overview of Confucianism

Confucius

“Ru” is a general term for Confucian scholars (shi) who are well-versed with the Six Skills/Arts. “Six Arts” refer to the six skills, such as rituals (Li), music (Yue), archery (She), charioteering (Yu), writing (Shu), and mathematics (Shu), which were the basic contents of school teaching in antiquity.5 Li and Yue refer to the hierarchical order and life style of the Western Zhou Dynasty (1046 B.C.–771 B.C.), mainly dealing with social life norms, including what is today called religion, politics, ethics, arts, sports, and so on. Archery and charioteering are equivalent to the ceremonious performance of rituals. Writing and mathematics are primary skills that should be mastered. Nobles in ancient society must be familiar with the six arts in general. If a commoner wants to serve in a noble family, he must also learn the Six Arts or part of them. Early Confucians belonged to the class of “scholar-officials.” “Scholar-officials” used to be mostly held by the offsprings of nobles or lower-ranking nobles, but gradually fell into the civilian society. Confucius stands as the pioneer to introduce knowledge, once exclusive to the aristocracy, to the wider populace. “Ru” is essentially a teacher who preserves and teaches rituals, social norms, and historical records of ancient times. Confucius is the first person to spread the ancient noble knowledge to the civilian society. So, the term “ru” originally denoted a specific occupation, specifically who offered expert advice on rituals and provided regular instruction on their implementation. They possessed practical knowledge of these matters, including the various forms of the traditional music, as outlined in certain accepted handbooks. 5 The Six Arts (liuyi) refer to the Six Classics: The Book of Poetry (Shi), The Book of History (Shu), The Book of Rites (Li), The Book of Music (Yue), The Book of Changes (Yi), and The Spring and Autumn Annals (Chunqiu). Confucian scholars through ages were engaged in interpreting these classical texts, endowing them with rich implications. Theories related to the six arts represent the basic views of the ancient people in regard to world order and values. The Six Arts may also refer to the six essential skills of rituals, music, archery, charioteering, writing, and mathematics, which are the basic contents that were imparted in school of ancient China—translator’s note.

2.1 Searching Out “Ru”

15

In the “Taizai” contained in Rituals of Zhou it is recorded,6 “Nine official duties are listed in the “Taizai,” with the fourth one designated as Ru or Confucian, whose responsibility is to win the people by the Dao/Way (of virtue).” In his commentary, Zheng Xuan explains, “Ru is known as Bao Shi who masters the Six Arts, and through them the feudal vassals instruct their children.” In this case, “Ru” or “Bao Shi” refers to the official in charge of educating the children of nobles in ancient times. In the “Earth Gods” (Diguan) contained in Rituals of Zhou it is said, “Bao Shi administers the advice systems in distinguishing rights and wrongs of kings, and brings up children of vassals with good virtues through the Six Arts. Bao Shi is similar to Shi Shi in meaning, and Bao Shi and Shi Shi are both officials in charge of education and also teachers. In addition, Shi Bao and Shi Ru are similar in meaning, referring to teachers. Herein, “Bao” refers to someone who is able to pacify people through the Way. In the “Administrators” contained in Rituals of Zhou it is said, “The fourth official duty is called Shi Ru.” In his commentary, Zheng Xuan said, “Shi Ru” refers to one who instructs the Six Classics in the rural villages.” Evidently, Confucians are originally in charge of educating in the upper class society, and subsequently set up schools to educate children from the common people. They possess knowledge and skills. What Shi Ru mainly lecture to his students are the Six Arts. In other words, Ru had a certain relation with officials in charge of ritual, music and education in Shang and Zhou Dynasties (c. 1046–c. 256 B.C.), but later found its way into the folk society or gradually became popularized along with the downward movement of the culture. “Six Arts,” in general, refers to Ritual, Music, Archery, Charioteering, Writing, and Mathematics, and it also refers to “Six Confucian Classics,” namely Book of Poetry, Book of History, Book of Changes, Book of Rituals, Book of Music, and Spring and Autumn Annals. In the chapter “Under the Heaven (tianxia)” contained in The Works of Zhuang Zi (Chuang Tzu) it is said, “The person who makes humanheartedness his form of doing favour, and righteousness his form of ethical commitment, makes music his form of harmonizing is called a lofty-minded person.” Zhuang Zi went on to say, “What is intelligible in numbers and measurements, this the historians who follow the old traditions still have. What is in the sacred books, the Poetry, History and Rituals and Music, this the scholars of Zou and Lu, the teachers in their awe-inspiring (robes) for the most part could understand. The Book of Poetry expresses aims; The Book of History describes events; The Ritual formulates conduct; The Music secures harmony; The Yi or The Book of Changes shows the principles of the Yin and Yang; The Chunqiu or The Spring and Autumn Annals shows the rectification of names and duties.” The word “鄒” (zōu), mentioned here, can also take the form of “陬” (zōu or 郰 zōu), referring to “陬邑” (zōuyi), the birthplace of Confucius. Virtuous men of the states of Zou and Lu refer to Confucius himself and his disciples, without including Mencius yet. If both Confucius and Mencius are referred 6

Taizai was a high official position in ancient China, with different duties and positions in different dynasties. Zhou Dynasty, the system of Taizai, also known as da zhong zai, or da zai, his duty is to “take charge of the Six Classics of the country and help the king to govern the country.” Six Classics refers to the code of rule, the code of education, the code of ritual, the code of politics, the code of punishment and the code of major event. (Analects, Chap. 14.)—translator’s note.

16

2 An Overview of Confucianism

to, it should be written into “Lu-Zōu (鲁鄒) instead of Zōuyi (陬邑)”.7 These three terms of “搢绅” “缙绅” “荐绅” are respectively pronounced as jìn shēn, jìn shēn, jiàn shēn. “Jìn” (搢) means “insertion” and “shēn” (绅) means a large sash worn around man’s waist. “Jìn shēn” (搢绅), put together, means to insert a wat (hū) into the sash of the waist.8 Wat, often made of a piece of tablet, is used for keeping records on it. In ancient China, scholar-officials wore large sashes with a wat inserted in the waist, so they were called “jìn shēn.” What is quoted above from the chapter “Under the Heaven (tianxia)” of Zhuang Zi or The Works of Zhuang Zi (Chuang Tzu) tells us that in accordance with the principle of “human-heartedness,” a virtuous person should give favor to people, establish order for human affairs through appropriate measures, regulate people’s behaviors with ritual norms, reconcile people’s temperament with the beauty of music, and always take on a warm and kind appearance. In a word, Zhuang Zi wants to tell us that most of the scholar-officials in the land of Zou-Lu are proficient in the Six Classics. Six Classics played different functions in the education. Shijing or the Classic of Poetry focuses on the expression of one’s emotions, Shujing or the Classic of Documents focuses on government affairs, the Lijing or the Classic of Rituals admonishes the norms of people’s behavior, the Lejing or the Classic of Music focuses on the cultivation of one’s temperament, the Yi Jing or the Classic of Changes deals with the changes and interaction of Yin and Yang, and the Chunqiu Jing or the Classic of Spring and Autumn Annals deals with the differentiation of superiority and inferiority, names and functions. Confucianism has an indissoluble bond with the Six Classics. According to the chapter “Yi Wen Zhi” or “Treatise on Literature” contained in his dynastic history, the History of the Former Han Dynasty (Han Shu, Yi Wen Zhi, Zhu Zi Lue) that Liu Xin (ca. 50 BC–23 A.D.), one of the influential bibliographers in the later years of the Han Dynasty, defines Confucianism (rujia) in his famous Seven Categories of Scholarship (qi lue) as that “The members of Confucianism School had their origin of the Ministry of Education (situ),9 assisting rulers by advising them to follow the Dao/Way of Yin and Yang, and humanizing the people. This school was delighted in the Six Classics or the Six Liberal Arts and paid attention to matters concerning human-heartedness and righteousness. They regarded Yao and Shun (in the twenty-fourth and twenty-third centuries B.C.) as the ancestry of their school, King Wen (1120?–1108? B.C.) and King Wu, the son of King Wen, as brilliant exemplars. To give authority to their teaching, they exalted Zhongni or Confucius as 7

See Jiang Boqian, The Comprehensive Investigation of Philosophers in Ancient China, Hangzhou: Zhejiang Ancient Books Publishing House, 1985, p. 39. 8 Wat or Hu (笏) refers to a tablet or narrow board held before the chest by rulers and ministers during court meetings, which was crafted from jade, ivory or bamboo, on which important events could be recorded—translator’s note. 9 Situ denotes an official central government position established during the Western Zhou Dynasty in ancient China tasked with overseeing the land and the populace of the whole country. In the late Western Han Dynasty, the prime minister was designated as General Situ, whereas the position was referred to simply as Situ in the Eastern Han Dynasty. Later generations used it as an alternate name for the prime ministers of the royal court—translator’s note.

2.1 Searching Out “Ru”

17

their teacher. His teaching is the highest truth. Confucius is quoted as saying, ‘That which is admired must be tested.’ The glory of Yao and Shun, the prosperity of the dynasties of Yin and Zhou, and the achievements of Zhongni have been proven to be very effective in practice.” Liu Xin thinks that each of the hundred schools of thought originated from a certain official position, say, Confucianism originated from the official position of the Ministry of Education. According to the “Diguan” contained in Zhouli or The Rituals of Zhou, Situ was originally a high official in charge of humanizing the people by education. Before Confucius, there was no distinction between governmental officials and teachers. An official in the government is also an imparter of an academic knowledge related to a certain department of the government. After the decline of the Royal Kingdom of Zhou Dynasty, officials of various government departments lost their positions, drifted into the folk, and became teachers of private schools. We can know from Liu Xin’s “Seven Categories of Scholarship (qi lue)” and “Treatise on Literature” contained in the History of the Former Han Dynasty that Confucianism takes the “Six Confucian Classics” as its resources of thought and “human-heartedness and righteousness” as its tenet of thought, inherits former kings, namely Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, Wen, Wu, and Duke of Zhou, as its fundamental source for governance of the state and harmonization of the world, and respects Confucius as their grand master. In antiquity, Confucian sages not only talk the talk, but also walk the walk (not only sit pontificating, but also rise and act). They have been remembered by hundreds of generations either for their great deeds or for their noble sayings spreading far and wide. They are forever eulogized for their glory in a high moral standard they have set for people of later generation to follow, meritorious services they perform for their country, and noble ideas they put forward as a way of thinking through writing them down, which are known as “Three Great Accomplishments” or “Three Immortals.” While dealing with eight other schools of thought beyond Confucianism, “Treatise on Literature” first introduced “what they are respectively good for” and then criticized or depreciated each of them, but held only Confucianism in high esteem and praised it as “the highest Way in schools of philosophers.” This somewhat represents the idea that Confucianism is above all other schools of thought in the minds of the people in the Han Dynasty. In the “Essentials” contained in The Huai Nan Zi or The Works of Duke Huai Nan it is said, “Confucius probed into the Kingly Dao/Way of the great reign by King Cheng and King Kang of Zhou,”10 carried forward the teachings of Duke of Zhou, applied them in teaching his seventy disciples, required them to act on the rites and 10 “Cheng-Kang Zhi Dao” or “Cheng-Kang Zhi Zhi” is translated into “the Kingly Way of the Reign by Kings Cheng and Kang of Zhou Dynasty, and is also known as the “Reign of Kings Cheng and Kang.” It refers to the reign of Ji Song and Ji Zhao in the early Western Zhou Dynasty of ancient China. Historians say, “During the reign of King Cheng and King Kang, the state was in peace and punishment was sparingly used for more than 40 years.” King Cheng and King Kang inherited the achievements of King Wen and King Wu, and continued the Zhou’s kingly Way of “ruling in a virtuous way and being prudence in punishment” so as to ease class conflicts. They attacked the Huaiyi clans (referring to the ancient tribes living in the Huang-Huai and Jiang-Huai regions in the eastern part of China during the Shang and Zhou dynasties), controlled the eastern minority areas by force, and achieved great success—translator’s note.

18

2 An Overview of Confucianism

norms of the Zhou Dynasty and to study the classics passed down, hence the students of Confucianism.” In his commentary to the “Shuzhen” contained in The Huai Nan Zi or The Works of Duke Huai Nan, Gao You explains, “Ru or Confucianism is the Way of Confucius (who inherits and promotes King Cheng of Zhou and Kang of Zhou).” Obviously, the “Essentials” contained in The Huai Nan Zi or The Works of Duke Huai Nan focuses on affirming Confucianism’s inheritance and development of Zhou Dynasty’s humanistic establishment and humanistic spirit. All in all, the predecessor of “Confucian” (ru) cannot be fully verified, and the formal formation of Confucianism should be in Confucius’ era in the late Spring and Autumn Period.11 Confucianism comprises scholars and teachers who succeeded the 11

In modern times, many scholars have held heated arguments about the origin of Ru. In Discussions of Chinese Classics: Tracing Confucianism, Zhang Taiyan believes that “Ru” has broad and narrow meanings and varies with the times. Ancient “Ru” represents kind of warlocks like Zhu (祝: referring to the person who presides at the sacrifice), Shi (史: referring to the person who records and compiles historical events), Bu (卜: referring to the person in charge of divination), and Wu (巫: referring to a wizard who can communicate with deities), who could pray for rain by resorting to magic techniques. In its broad sense, “Ru” which includes all the experts of magic arts is also known as “Da Ming Zhi Ru” (達名之儒: as a general name for all Confucians). “Ru” later evolved into those who are versed with the Six Arts, say, “succeeding to Yao and Shun’s way of governing the world, observing the system of laws and regulations of King Wen and King Wu of Zhou Dynasty, respecting Zhongni or Confucius as an exemplary model,” which is known as “Ru of Classifying Names” (類名 之儒: lei ming zhi ru). Moreover, “Ru” with narrower academic scope and understanding of virtue, governance and education is categorized into “Ru of Private Names” (私名之儒: si ming zhi ru). Hu Shi wrote the essay “Talking about Confucians” in 1934, which proved that Confucians were ever priests of the Yin people. After being conquered by the Zhou Dynasty, they still engaged in funeral service, ceremonies and other religious professions under difficult conditions, such as praying for God, seeking for rain, exorcising ghosts, holding music (yue) and dance (wu) and so on. Feng Youlan published On the Origin of Confucianism and Mohism (yuan ru mo) in 1935, disagreeing with Hu Shi’s theory of survivors of former Yin Dynasty, and through combining theory of imperial official and occupation, he thought Confucians were experts with knowledge and learning. After the collapse of aristocratic politics in the late Western Zhou Dynasty, these experts with officialdom or aristocrats with knowledge were scattered among the folk, making a living by teaching and holding ceremony. “Later, these who didn’t want to be limited to teaching and holding ceremony, but wanted to rule the world with the ritual and music system of the former kings, and give the former ritual and music system a theoretical foundation are called Ru or Confucians.” Guo Moruo published the essay “Questioning Hu Shi” in 1937 (later renamed “Refuting ‘Talking about Confucians’”), denying Hu Shi’s view that Ru are priests of the Yin people, and holding that the warlocks after Qin and Han Dynasties are Ru or Confucians, which is just an abuse of Confucian name. “Ru should have been originally the special name for ‘the scholar-officials in the land of Zou-Lu or Mr. Jiàn Shēn.’ Though this special name already existed before Confucius, it was still a historical product of the Spring and Autumn Period, and also a result of the gradual collapse of the system of the Western Zhou.” Xu Zhongshu published the essay “The Word ‘Ru’ Found in Oracle Bones” in 1975, thinking that the word “Xu” (需) in Oracle bones is the original word “Ru” (儒), which takes the shape of bathing and soaking. So, Xu Zhongshu believes that Ru, as a kind of occupation, refers to the people who hold ceremonies and worship ancestors and serve God in the Yin and Shang Dynasties. They must fast and bathe before doing ceremony to show their sincerity. However, the oracle bone slices on which Xu Zhongyu based is an isolated evidence. For detail, also see Chen Lai, “A Talk About ‘Talk About Ru,’” “On the Origin of the Way,” Series No. 2, Unity Press, April 1995; and Zhao Jihui, “Modern Scholars’ Textual Research and Orientation of ‘Confucian,’” Studies of Confucius, No. 3, September 1995.

2.1 Searching Out “Ru”

19

cultural heritage of remote times and the Way of Confucius and Duke of Zhou, and taught the Six Arts. They were active in the civil society, being representatives of social conscience. They lashed and criticized the dark sides of reality with their social ideals, moral values and humanistic spirit, caring about the livelihood and sufferings of ordinary people, nourishing social morality and purifying people’s minds with the spirit of rituals and music civilization. During the Warring States Period, rulers of all states rejected Confucianism, and regarded it pedantic. All other schools of philosophers also held a critical attitude toward it. It was actually in this situation that Confucianism permeated the whole society. In early Han Dynasty, Liu Bang (247 B.C.–195 B.C.), the Founding Emperor of the Western Han Dynasty, gave up his hatred of Confucian scholars when coming to power and began to favor Confucianism. In the “Confucius Family” contained in The Historical Records it is said, Liu Bang passed by the land of Lu and “worshiped Confucius in the form of offering Tailao.” “Tailao” refers to the livestock used for sacrifice in ancient times, usually containing one cow, one sheep and one pig. This is the highest level of sacrificial ceremony. Liu Bang used to be disgusted with Confucianism. He once humiliated Confucians and even peed on Confucians’ cap. However, his decision to visit Qufu to pay homage to Confucius after the war indicates signifies a paradigm shift among rulers from conquering territories to govern the world.12 Of course, During the sixty or seventy years of the early Han Dynasty, namely the periods of Emperor Gao, Emperor Hui, Emperor Wen and Emperor Jing, the “Doctrine of Huang Di (Yellow Emperor) and Lao Zi” (huanglao zhixue) was authorized as the main ideology. That was because, after the social chaos, people lived in destitution so that it was imperative to carry out the policy of “No-Exploitation on People” (yumin xiuxi). After Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty “highly extolled the Six Confucian Classics,” Confucianism rose up in its status. In times of stability and peace, in order to well govern the country, rulers turned their eyes to Confucianism. This is mainly because Confucianism can not only succeed the traditional culture 12

In “Biographies of Lu Jia and Li Sheng” from The Historical Records it is recorded: “Lu Sheng always talked to Emperor Gao by quoting the Book of Poetry and the Book of History. Emperor Gao strongly scolded him and said, ‘I got the world on horseback. What’s the use of the Poetry and the Book?’ Lu Sheng replied, ‘Riding on a horse can conquer the world, but can you also ride on a horse to rule the world?’ Moreover, Emperor Tang and Emperor Wu of the Shang Dynasty seized the world by force, but they followed the situation to govern the world with culture and education, and used both civil administration and martial force, because they knew the Way to maintain a long-term stability and peace of the country. Just think of King Fuchai of Wu, Lord Zhi Boyao of Jin, and Emperor Ying zheng of Qin! They all died out because of loving wars and military exploits. At the beginning, given that the State of Qin practiced human-heartedness and righteousness after unifying the world, and followed up on the Way of sages, how could your Majesty win the world?’ After listening to it, Emperor Gao looked very unhappy, but his face showed shame and said to Lu Sheng: ‘Please write an article for me to analyze the reasons why the Qin Dynasty lost the world, and why I got the world.’” Lu Sheng wrote twelve articles. Every time he presented an article, Emperor Gao highly praised it, and the ministers around him called his writing “New Language” (xinyu). This passage can well represent the cognitive attitude of intellectuals in the early Han Dynasty, and they urged those in power to realize the transformation from chaos to governance and from being on the horseback to being off the horseback. Lu Sheng still stands for the tradition of Confucianism, especially Mencius, and even is similar to Mencius in the style of language.

20

2 An Overview of Confucianism

and laws and regulations, but also pursue innovation with the times and change due to the circumstances and meet the needs of rallying people’s hearts and actively promoting the development of social undertakings in stable and peaceful days. This is what is known as “alternate tension with relaxation, which is the Way of civil administration and martial arts.” Therefore, in order to maintain a long-term security and stability, rulers should resort to the rule of law and culture as the main way and govern the society in a more moderate and institutionalized way. In particular, the way of human-heartedness, righteousness, loyalty and forgiveness, and their inherent values, emphasized by Confucianism, can maintain social order, that is, the way of “regulating the proper proprieties between ruler and minister, father and son, and differentiating the proper relations between husband and wife, elder and younger,” which is good enough to benefit the people within and subdue the barbarians without. People’s livelihood and bordering invasions are two major issues that both the government of the Han Dynasty and the governments of successive dynasties needed to consider seriously. Moreover, to persuade the barbarians in all directions, of course, it is imperative to use tactics of both civil and military strategies, but mainly to adopt a conciliatory policy to persuade them by moral virtue and to make peace with various ethnic groups through political marriages. Therefore, among various doctrines of the Pre-Qin philosophers, Confucianism was the only ruling ideology that was finally selected by the Han Kingdom ruling the country and bringing peace to the world, which remained unchanged until the Qing Dynasty. The central government of the Han Dynasty, especially the Eastern Han Dynasty and beyond, was actually a civil government. Its civil service system, unparalleled in the world at that era, was remarkably well-developed. Those who were engaged in politics, even in high-level political administrations, were all intellectuals who were well educated in Confucianism (which is basically a kind of humanistic education) and were from lower classes of the populace as well. After Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty, Confucian Classics were revered as Classic ( jing), and those who were engaged in the Confucian Scholarship (ruxue) and proficient in the Six Arts were all able to become key government officials. “Since Emperor Xiao Wu initiated the promotion of Confucianism, he appointed Gongsun Hong (200 B.C.–121 B.C.), who was proficient in Confucianism, as a Confucian prime minister, followed by Cai Yi, Wei Xian, Xuan Cheng, Kuang Heng, Yu Zhang, Zhai Fangjin, Kong Guang, Ping Dang, Ma Gong and Dang Ziyan. All of them took the prime minister’s position, and were also Confucian masters, dressed in Confucian clothes and caps, and undertook the instructions of former kings.” (Ban Gu, the History of the Former Han Dynasty).13 In the ninth year of Jiajing in the Ming Dynasty (1530 A.D.), unifying the 13

The Book (History) of Han (hanshu), also known as The Book (History) of Former Han (qian hanshu), is the first biographical dynastic history of China and one of the “twenty-four Histories.” It was compiled by Ban Gu, a Confucian historian in the Eastern Han Dynasty. It was primarily completed in the early period of the Jianchu years, and annotated by Yan Shigu in the later Tang Dynasty. The eight tables of The Book (History) of Han were compiled by Ban Gu’s sister Ban Zhao, and the astronomic records of The Book of Han were compiled by Ma Xu, a disciple of Ban Gu. The Book (History) of Han is another important historical book in ancient China after The Historical Records. The Book (History) of Han, The Historical Records, The Book (History)

2.1 Searching Out “Ru”

21

Five Confucian Classics by following “The Resolution of Shiqu Pavilion Assembly” formulated by Emperor Xuan of the Western Han Dynasty was re-affirmed. Namely, in the third year of Gan Lu reigning period (51 B.C.), Emperor Xuan of the Western Han Dynasty presided over a meeting in Shiqu Pavilion to discuss the pros and cons of the Five Confucian Classics (wujing), and formulated “The Resolution of Shiqu Pavilion Assemble” with the intention of discarding the hundred schools and solely respecting Confucianism in the whole kingdom and establishing the Erudite System in the study of The Five Confucian Classics (wujing). “In about October of the fifth year of Emperor Jian Wu period, while passing through the state of Lu, Emperor Guangwu of the Eastern Han Dynasty ordered his deputy prime minister to offer sacrifice to Confucius.” (“Records of Emperor Guangwu” in the History of PostHan).14 In the fifteenth year of Yong Ping Period (72 A.D.), Emperor Ming of the Eastern Han Dynasty “visited the Confucius’ former residence and offered sacrifice to both Confucius and his seventy-two disciples, personally chaired the Lecture Hall, ordering all princes to preach the Five Confucian Classics” (“Records of Emperor Ming” in the History of Post-Han). In the first year of Jian Chu period (79 A.D.), Emperor Zhang of the Eastern Han Dynasty convened a meeting on Confucian classics at a place known as the White Tiger Hall in the capital, and issued the Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall.15 In the year of Yuanhe Period (85 A.D.), Emperor Zhang visited Confucius Memorial Temple at Queli (present Qufu, Shangdong Province), the birthplace of Confucius, to offer sacrifice to Confucius and his seventy-two disciples with the specification of Tailao ceremony. Confucius Memorial Temple was originally established by Duke Ai of Lu, in Queli at the beginning of Spring and Autumn Period. In the Northern Wei Dynasty, because Confucius was ever canonized as Duke Xuan Ni during the Han Dynasty, it was renamed Xuan Ni Memorial Temple. During the Northern Qi Dynasty, Confucius-Yan Memorial Temples were widely set up in all counties and schools, thus Confucius-Yan Memorial Temples were widespread all over the counties beyond the Northern Qi Dynasty. of Post-Han and The Records of the Three Kingdoms are collectively called The First Four Books of History. The Book (History) of Han mainly covers 230 years of history, from the first year of Emperor Gaozu of the Han Dynasty (206 B.C.) to the fourth year of Di Huang period of Emperor Wang Mang of the New Dynasty (23 A.D.). The Book (History) of Han consists of 12 chapters, 8 tables, 10 chronicles and 70 biographies. It is a total of 100 chapters, which are divided into 120 volumes by later generations, with a total of 800,000 characters—translator’s note. 14 The Book (History) of Post-Han, one of the “twenty-four Books of History,” is a chronological history of the Eastern Han Dynasty, compiled by Fan Ye, a historian of the Southern Dynasty of China. The Book (History) of Post-Han, The Historical Records, The History of Pre-Han and The Records of the Three Kingdoms are known as “The First Four Books of History.”—translator’s note. 15 “The Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall” emerged from the gathering of Confucian scholars that took place in the Capital’s White Tiger Hall during the first year of Jian Chu period (79 A.D.). During the meeting, disputed passages in Confucian Classics were debated and revised by Ban Gu, resulting in the compilation known as “The Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall”. The work represents the theories of the Modern-Script School, aligning with the doctrines of Dong Zhongshu. It also marksa deeper integration of the Confucian classical studies with theology, reflecting the domination of prognostication texts and apocrypha superstitious writings in the later Han period—translator’s note.

22

2 An Overview of Confucianism

During the rule of Zhenguan period of Tang Dynasty,16 Emperor Taizong issued an imperial decree that Duke of Zhou was no longer taken as the foremost sage, but Confucius as the foremost sage instead, promulgating The Authorized Five Classics and The Rectification of Five Classics, establishing Confucius Memorial Temple in every prefecture and county throughout the country. So, the status of Confucius was upgraded and his Temples proliferated over the country. Despite ups and downs afterward, after Emperor Xuanzong came to power, he followed “the convention of Zhenguan,” and in the year of Kai Yuan period (739 A.D.), he named Confucius King Wenxuan, and Confucius Temple was changed to Temple of King Wenxuan. In the first year of Da Zhong Xiang Fu period (1008 A.D.) of the Song Dynasty, Emperor Zhenzong honored Confucius with the title of “The First Sagly King Wenxuan.” In the fifth year, he changed the title to the “Perfect Sagely King Wenxuan.” In the eleventh year of Da De period (1307 A.D.) of the Yuan Dynasty, Confucius was conferred upon the title of “the Great Achieved and Most Perfect Sagely King Wenxuan.” During the reign of Yongle period (1403 A.D.–1424 A.D.) in the Ming Dynasty, Confucian Memorial Temple underwent a renaming and became the Wen Temple. In the ninth year of Jiajing period (1530 A.D.) of the Ming Dynasty appeared a motion of rectifying sacrificial rites, setting up a sacred tablet (muzhu) for him,17 on which was inscribed “Confucius as ‘The Sageliest Master of All Generations.’” In the second year of Shunzhi period (1645) of the Qing Dynasty, Confucius was conferred upon the title of “the Great Achieved and Sageliest Master of Wenxuan.” In the fourteenth year of Shunzhi period (1657), Confucius was designated as “the Foremost Sageliest Master.” In the third year of the Republic of China (1914 A.D.), the Department of Rites and Regulations18 stipulated that the Wen Temple be changed back to Confucius Temple. Confucius Statue stands in the hall of the temple, and the left and right columns of the hall are matched with statues of four sages and ten philosophers. Four sages refer to Yanzi 顏子, Zengzi 曾子, Zisi 子思, and Mengzi 孟子, who are all eligible for receiving homage from the people. Confucius’s disciples and great Confucians of all ages are all placed in the east side and west side of the hall, receiving regular offerings and 16

The Rule of Zhenguan or Zhenguan Era (貞觀之治或貞觀年間) represents a period of political clarity, economic recovery and cultural prosperity during Emperor Taizong Li Shimin’s reign in the early Tang Dynasty. Because the reign title of Emperor Li Shimin is “Zhenguan” (627–649), this era is historically known as the “Rule of Zhenguan” in China—translator’s note. 17 Muzhu (木主) refers to a wooden altar, on which the deceased’s name is written for survivors to offer sacrifice, or is also known as a tablet with the name of the deceased inscribed there on and placed in an honored position—translator’s note. 18 The Department of Rites and Regulations (禮制館 Li Zhi Guan) refers to the name of government agency, which can be also translated into The Ministry of Rites. The Ministry of Rites was set up by the Beiyang Government in December of the third year of the Republic of China (A.D 1914), which was in charge of revising the etiquette system of the Republic of China. In 1914, the Ministry of Rites promulgated the government’s code of worship regulations, such as the worship of Heaven, Confucius, Guangong, Yuefei, as well as the sacrifice offered to the Martyrs’ Temple, and also formulated the wedding and funeral ceremonies closely related to people’s lives. In the era of the alternation of old and new, the Ministry of Rites rebuilt the new national etiquette system, which had an important impact on the national and folk customs—translator’s note.

2.1 Searching Out “Ru”

23

grand ceremony every year. From time immemorial, dukes, princes, ministers and all local officials must first call on Confucius Temple before they entered politics. Whenever passing through Confucian Temple, civil officials got off their sedan chairs and military officers dismounted from horses, showing their deep respect and awe to Confucius. Confucius Temple is generally built together with state and prefectural schools or academies. It was regulated in ancient China that Confucius Temple was built on left side and schools or academies built on right side. Readers who have the opportunity to personally visit Yuelu Academy in Changsha will still be able to witness the impressive scale of temple and school standing alongside each other.

Yuelu Academy (Changsha, Hunan)

The reasons behind the official worship of Confucius are highly complex, but broadly speaking, it stems from the necessity to stabilize society. Of course, it does not mean that Confucianism is exclusive to officials or elites. As I will elaborate further below, Confucianism extends to ordinary individuals from lower societal strata as well. On the one hand, the real Confucianism in history is both constructive and structural; on the other hand, it is critical, that is, criticizing authorities both inside and outside the system. Officials regarded Confucianism as their ruling ideology, but this does not mean that they fully recognized and accepted Confucianism, and this is why Zhu Yuanzhang (1328 A.D.–1398 A.D.) had to revise The Works of Meng Zi when he became the Emperor. Following the Han Dynasty, the ruling class’s demand for and utilization of Confucianism imparted it with a dual character. While it’s true that Confucianism bears the flaw of being tied to traditional politics, worthy of criticism, its greater functions and values lies elsewhere.

24

2 An Overview of Confucianism

2.2 Confucius and His Disciples

Confucius and His Sagely Deeds

Confucius or Master Kong (kongzi)19 was a Confucian (ru) and the founder of Confucian School. Confucius’ family name is Kong, whose personal name is Qiu, 19

The term “Zi” or “Master” serves as a respectful suffix appended to the names of numerous philosophers of the Zhou Dynasty, such as Zhuang Zi, Xun Zi, etc., signifying “Master Zhuang,” “Master Xun,” etc.—translator’s note.

2.2 Confucius and His Disciples

25

and whose styled name is Zhongni. He was a native of Zhouyi of the State Lu, a regional state of eastern China in what is now central and southwestern Shandong Province. According to some reports, Confucius’ early ancestry was the Kong family from the Song State—an aristocratic family that produced several eminent counselors for the Song rulers. His father died when he was three years old. When he was young, he was in an “impoverished state.” When he grew up, he served as a small official in charge of granary, cattle and sheep in his native county. Confucius turned out to practical ability. In his career of study, he learned from whoever had knowledge and merits and made strenuous efforts to master the classics of Three Generations of Xia, Shang, and Zhou, especially the rites and music of the Zhou Dynasty. At the age of about 30, he began to set up private schools (sixue) and gradually gained a reputation in society. At the age of 50, he became the Minister of Justice at the place of Zhongdu. “Zhongdu” is a municipal place directly under the jurisdiction of the King of the State Lu, and his official position is not high. Confucius served in this position for about one year, and achieved commendable achievements, “winning praise from the people of all directions.” In the following year, Confucius was elevated to the position of “Small Sikong,”20 an adjutant overseeing civil engineering matters, and subsequently further promoted to the position of “Big Sikou,” the noble-ranked highest official overseeing the State’s justice, imprisonment and public security.21 While holding the position of Sikou, Confucius effectively fulfilled the role of Prime Minister, acting as a proxy in managing the highest administrative affairs of the State Lu. At the Alliance Meeting Between State Qi and State Lu at Jiagu (qilujiaguzhihui),22 Leveraging his wisdom, Confucius secured diplomatic and military triumphs for the State Lu. However, political intrigue, soon compelled him to relinguish his position. As a result, Confucius, accompanied by his disciples, departed from the State Lu and embarked on a fourteen-years exile, journeying through various states including Wei, Song, Chen, Cai, Qi, Chu and other states. His political ideologies based on moral idealism were not well-accepted by the rulers of numerous states, leaving him scrambling in desperation, unable to settle down in one place. In the land of Chen Cai, Confucius found himself in a predicament of hunger, yet, he kept going hither and thither to disseminate his visions and ideals, even though “he knew the improbability of successt, he eagerly pursued the seemingly impossible.” He steadfastly upheld his principles of morality and rightness, 20

“Si Kong” is an official position in ancient China. It is recorded in the “Canon of Yao” of the Historical Records that Emperor Shun set up nine official positions in the Council of Tribal Alliance, one of which was Si Kong, being in charge of water conservancy—translator’s note. 21 “Da Du” denotes an ancient official position that ranks beneath Qing (ranks of dukes, ministers, or high officials) and precedes Shi (positioned between Da Fu and subalterns)—translator’s note. 22 “The Alliance Meeting Between State Qi and State Lu at Jiagu” (qi lu jia gu zhi hui) was a famous alliance meeting held between Qi and Lu in the late Spring and Autumn Period. During this meeting, Confucius was bestowed with the title of “the great sage-minister” due to his aweinspiring courage and ability to persuade a formidable state, therey upholding rightness. Following this alliance meeting, the Qi people were impressed by Confucius’ righteousness, and returned the fields of Wenyang to Lu, such as Yun (in the east of Yuncheng, Shandong Province), Huan (in the north of Ningyang, Shandong Province) and Guiyin (in the southeast of Xinwen, Shandong Province)—translator’s note.

26

2 An Overview of Confucianism

never settling for comfort or convenience. Unafraid of toil, he remained joyful amidst adversity. Even in distress, he “studied rites with his disciples under a stately tree,” “reciting poetry aloud, and singing along to the melodies of stringed instruments” (The “Confucius Family” in The Historical Records). Upon finally returning to the State Lu at the age of 68, he devoted his late years to teaching, codifying, and editing the Liu Yi or the Six Arts. “Confucius imparted knowledge of the Shijing or Book of Poetry, the Shu or Book of History, the Li or Rituals or Rites, and the Yue or Music (which is no longer preserved as a separated work) to his approximately 3000 disciples, seventy-two of whom are well-versed in Six Arts.” (The “Confucius Family” in the Historical Records). “Confucius was deeply concerned about the decline of the Royal Way and the emergence of hersey, so he committed himself to compiling Poetry and History, as well as revising Rites and Music.” (The “Biographies of Confucians” in The Historical Records). “During Confucius’s era, the Royal Kingdom of Zhou was in decline, and the cardinal principles of Rites (li) and Music (yue) were fading, and the spirit of Poetry (shi) and History (shu) was being grossly violated. In response, Confucius took it upon himself to trace the ritual system of Three Generations, and re-arranged The Records of Historical Events (shuzhuan), spanning from the era Tang Yu (Tang Yao and Yu Shun) to Duke Mu of Qin Dynasty.” (The “Confucius Family” in the Historical Records). Confucius selected and arranged the contents of Poetry and History, and then processed and reorganized the Li and the Yue with the aim of storing their original integrity. In his later years, Confucius enjoyed reading the Yi Jing. He kept flipping through it so assiduously that even the cowhide tying bamboo slips broke a few times, leaving behind him a good story of “wei bian san jue.”23 He personally wrote an explanation of the Yi Jing, later known as the Yi Zhuan or the Commentary on the Yi Jing, also called the “Writing Style of Spring and Autumn” (chunqiu bifa) by the Historical Records.24 He also rewrote the Spring and Autumn Annals according to the Spring and Autumn Annals of the State Lu recorded by official historians of Lu in order to praise rights and goods, and condemn wrongs and evils. Sima Qian’s commentary is as follows: “Confucius’s purpose and functions in editing Spring and Autumn Annals lie in that dukes following the barbarian proprieties should be treated as barbarians,

23 “Wei bian san jue” is a Chinese idiom, which is literally translated into “leather thongs binding wooden strips break three times.” It is reported that Confucius was diligent in the study of the Yi Jing to the effect that he caused the leather rope of wooden slips to break many times. Subsequenly, this expression has become a metaphor to describe someone who studies assiduously—translator’s note. 24 “Chunqiu bifa,” a Chinese idiom, which is literally translated into “The Writing Style of The Spring and Autumn Annals.” As a style, it is characterized by simple and concise language, indirectly expressing ideas and commending or criticizing historical figures and events. The style is well known for its profound implications in “what is included or excluded.” Tradition has it that The Spring and Autumn Annals was edited by Confucius for the purpose of safeguarding the rites of the Zhou Dynasty. The texts avoid argumentative language in favor of tactfully expressing opinions on historical figures and events through brief accounts. Over time, this distinct style has evolved into a conventional approach for compiling historical works—translator’s note.

2.2 Confucius and His Disciples

27

while barbarians entering the Chinese territory should be treated as Chinese.”25 Confucius’ greatest contribution lies in creatively establishing the essential values of Chinese nations’s humanistic spirit . To understand Confucius, the Analects serves as a crucial source, which is a compilation of Confucius’s discourses, conversations and travels, carefully recorded by his disciples. Considered the earliest and most trustworthy acount of his life and teachings, the Analects has been deemed the foremost “scripture” of Confucianism. Some dialogues between Confucius and his disciples sound amiable, friendly, thought-provoking, and reading them over and over again, in combination with our own life experience, is quite conducive. To study Confucius comprehensively, it is not enough to rely solely on Analects, Zuo’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals (zuozhuan) and The Historical Records. Attention should be given to works such as Family Talks of Confucius,26 Book of Rites by Dai the Elder and Book of Rites by Dai the Younger, as well as books compiled in the Han Dynasty and unearthed bamboo slips and silks, which have kept significant information about Confucius’ ideology and should not be overlooked. Confucius is a world-famous thinker, an outstanding educator, and a great symbol of Chinese culture. Confucius’ “Philosophy of Human-heartedness” or the Confucian “Humaneness Scholarship” (renxue) he put forward represents the pinnacle of three generations of thought, which paved the way for Confucianism. He invested considerable effort in the compilation and revision of ancient texts, thereby making significant contributions to the advancement of ancient Chinese education and culture.

25

Han Yu, “Yuan Dao,” in The Complete Works of Han Yu (han chang li quan ji) (Beijing: China Bookstore Press, 1991), chap. 11, p. 174—translator’s note. 26 Family Talks of Confucius (kong zi jia yu, also referred to as Table Talks of Confucius) is a detailed recording of the words, deeds and thoughts of Confucius and his disciples. It has been suspected as Wang Su’s fake work since the Song Dynasty. In 1973, Family Talks of Confucians was unearthed from the tomb of Liu Xiu, King Huai of Zhongshan of the Western Han Dynasty in Bajiaolang, Dingzhou, Hebei Province. In 1977, bamboo slips with similar contents were also unearthed from Western Han Tomb in Shuanggudui, Fuyang, Anhui Province. In December, 2002, Parents of the People (min zhi fumu), collected in the second volume of Chu Bamboo Slips in the Warring States Period and published by Shanghai Museum, is similar to “On Rites” of Family Talks of Confucius and “Leisure Residence of Confucius” of Book of Rites in contents. Furthermore, in their works, Li Xueqin, Pang Pu, Yang Chaoming, etc., demonstrated that the prototype of this edition of Family Talks of Confucius is credible. The Book of Rites, also known as The Book of Rites by Dai the Younger, is a book explaining the Classic of Rites. In the Western Han Dynasty, there were 13 scholars who studied and imparted the Classic of Rites, but only the Rites transmitted by uncle and nephew, Dai De and Dai Sheng, gained widespread recognition. There are 85 articles in Dai De’s Book of Rites, also known as Book of Rites by Dai the Elder; there are 49 articles in Dai Sheng’s Book of Rites, also known as Book of Rites by Dai the Younger, which is commonly known as The Book of Rites.

28

2 An Overview of Confucianism

Guodian Chu Bamboo Slips

In the past, discussions about Pre-Qin Confucian Learning was often confined to the traditional Chinese trio of Confucius, Mencius, and Xun Zi, which was an overly simplistic approach. However, recent readings of the Guodian Chu Slips and Chu Slips of the Shanghai Museum have provided us with a deeper understanding of the history of Pre-Qin Confucianism. There are several noteworthy aspects to consider. Firstly, the Six Classics (liujing) stands as the cornerstone of Pre-Qin Confucianism. Beneath the Six Classics lies Confucius, and beneath him, lies the second focal point of our attention, that is, the seventy disciples, also known as the seventy sons (qishizi). The information regarding the seventy sons of Confucius can be substantiated through known literatures, and is further supported by archeological findings. For example, Talks of Confucians (Ru Jia Zhe Yan),27 unearthed in Dingxian County, is related to the contents of Shuo Yuan (The Garden Of Saying)28 and Family Talks of Confucius (Kong Zi Jia Yu), all involving the seventy sons. After the seventy sons of Confucius, various schools of thought emerged and flourished, culminating in the formation of the two prominent sects led by Meng and Xun. Mencius paved the way from interior sagelihood to exterior kinglihood via his Heart-Nature Theory, while Xun Zi comprehensively

27

In 1973, a large number of bamboo slips were unearthed from Han Tomb No. 40 in Dingxian County, Hebei Province, and there were about eight kinds of books, one of which was named Talks of Confucians (ru jia zhe yan). There are totally 27 chapters in the book, most of which are words and deeds of Confucius and his disciples. Among them, similar contents within at least 23 chapters, say, “Zi Gong Wen Wei Ren” or “Zi Gong Asks Confucius How to Be Modest and Prudent to Others,” can be also found in ancient books of Pre-Qin and Western Han Dynasties, such as Xuncius, Shuo Yuan and Xin Xu. A book titled Talks of Confucians was published by Qilu Publishing House in 2006, and its authorship is attributed to Qilu Publishing House—translator’s note. 28 Shuo Yuan, also known as Xin Yuan, is a collection of ancient miscellaneous historical events. It was compiled by Liu Xiang in the Western Han Dynasty and completed in the fourth year of Hongjia (17 B.C.). The book records anecdotes from the Spring and Autumn Period and Warring States Period to the Han Dynasty according to classification of categories, and each category begins with a general statement and ends with a comment. Among them, words and deeds of scholars of various philosophies are mainly described, and many chapters have philosophical maxims about governing the country and safeguarding the people, and the rise and fall of the country. Shuo Yuan mainly embodies Confucian philosophy, political ideals and ethical concepts—translator’s note.

2.2 Confucius and His Disciples

29

advanced Confucian Scholarship through a socialogical lens, particularly through the institutions of the “Scholarship of Rituals” (lixue). Numerous materials are related to the Six Classics in the bamboo slips and silks unearthed recently. For example, materials related to The Book of Changes, The Book of Poetry (scattered poems and Confucius’s discourse on poetry), The Book of History (shujing or shangshu), and etc., were found in the slips and silks. The materials explaining the Six Classics are related to Confucius’ seventy disciples. Some materials preserved on bamboo slips and silks contain commentaries, explanations, and sayings related to understanding of the classics ( jing). So, it is evident that Confucianism comprises numerous schools, extending beyond the traditionally recognized eight schools. With regard to the seventy disciples, Mr. Li ling, Professor of Chinese Literature at Beijing University, published an article titled “Rediscovering Seventy Disciples” in the fourth issue of The Journal of Reading in 2002. Before this, Mr. Li Qiqian, a scholar of Pre-Qin intellectual history, published his work A Study of Confucius Disciples, which is a collection of materials concerning Confucius and his disciples. Even so, Analects, Historical Records, Confucius Family and Biographies of Zhongni’s Disciples are still the basic documentary materials. Mr. Li Xueqin, a historian and paleographer, has discussed the problem of seventy disciples in several recent books such as Records Recovered from Bamboo Slips and Silk and History of Academics and other works. Mr. Li Yaoxian (1920–2005 A.D.), a scholar of Chinese intellectual history and Chinese cultural history, also delves into these topics in his esteemed work, New Discussions of Confucianism in Pre-Qin Dynasties. For those intrigued, I highly recommend exploring the writings of these four esteemed Mr. Lis. In fact, I have incorporated their insightful viewpoints from their works into this chapter. Chapter Eleven of Analects discusses four subjects and highlights ten philosophers who were Confucius’ disciples: “Confucius once said, ‘The students who accompanied me in Chen and Cai are no longer gathered here with me now. In terms of virtuous conduct, I had Yanyuan, Min Ziqian, Ran Boniu, and Zhonggong. For skill in language I had Zaiwo and Zigong. In administrative ability, there were Ranyou and Jilu. And for poetic attainment, Zi You and Zi Xia stood out.’” This statement clearly identifies the ten philosophers: Yanhui (Ziyuan), Minsun, Rangeng, Ranyong, Zaiyu (Zi You), Duan Muci, Ranqiu (Zi You), Zhongyu (Zilu), Yanyan and Boshang, and each of these disciples excelled in one of the four subjects: moral virtue, administration, language, and poetry. Today, we recognize these four subjects and the ten philosophers associated with them. In this context, Youzi, Zengzi and Zizhang were not mentioned, because they were still young at that time, and they had not accompanied Confucius when he was trapped in the land of Chen Cai. Though Zi You and Zi Xia were in this list, in terms of their age, they were not likely to become disciples of Confucius before traveling across various states. Yanyuan, Ran Boniu, Zaiyu and Zilu all passed away before Confucius. Min Ziqian could not establish his own school of thought because he had no desire to

30

2 An Overview of Confucianism

seek fame. For Yanyuan, Zi Xia, Zengzi, Zisi, etc., please refer to The Annals of Pre-Qin Scholars (zhuzixuezhi)29 co-written by Guo Qiyong and Wu Genyou. Early disciples of Confucius were generally 30 years younger than Confucius, with the exception of Zigong, who was 31 years younger. Among this group of disciples, Zhonggong (twenty nine years younger than Confucius), Shang Qu and Qidiao Kai are most likely to set up schools of thought. The later disciples of Confucius are generally around forty years his junior, including Zengzi, Youzi, Zi Xia, Zi You, Zizhang, and others. Apart from Youzi, these four disciples stand out as four great leaders in their own right. “Zi Xia, Zi zhang, and Zi You held You Ruo in high esteem as a sage, and wanted to accord him the same honors and observances they had shown to Confucius. They attempted to persude Zengzi to join them in their endeavor.” (Mencius, Teng Wen Gong, 4. 1.). But Zengzi strongly opposed their suggestion, ultimately thwarting their attempt to elevate You Ruo to the status of a sage. However, Analects refers to both You Ruo and Zengshen as “Master,” indicating that You Ruo indeed possessed significant influence and had numerous proteges. Gong Sunchou, one of Mencius’ disciples, said, “I have heard that Zi Xia, Zi You, and Zizhang each possess one of the virtues of the sage, whereas Ranniu, Minzi, and Yanyuan embody all of the sage’s qualities, albeit to a lesser extent. …” (Mencius, Gong Sun Chou, A) This means that Zi Xia, Zi You, and Zizhang individually exhibit certain strengths akin to Confucius, while Ranniu, Minzi, and Yanyuan demonstrate traces of all the virtuous traits associated with the sage.

Yanyuan 顏淵

29

Guo Qiyong and Wu Genyou, Annals of Pre-Qin Scholars, Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 1998.

2.2 Confucius and His Disciples

31

You Ruo 有若

Zilu 子路

In recent years, a collection of Chu bamboo books, released by Shanghai Museum, include many figures appearing in Confucius Family (kong zi jia yu) and Biographie of Zhongni and His Disciples (zhongni dizi liezhuan),30 such as Yanhui, Zhonggong, 30

Biographies of Zhongzi and His Disciples (zhongni dizi liezhuan) is codified by Sima Qian, a historian of Western Han Dynasty, which is contained in the Historical Records. This biography mainly records words and deeds of Confucius and his disciples—translator’s note.

32

2 An Overview of Confucianism

Zigong, Zi You, Zi Xia, Zengzi, Zigao, Zisi, and others, and some essays are even titled with their names. Chu Bamboo Slips of Guodian (guo dian chu jian) and Shanghai Museum (shang bo chu jian) possess the same sections and chapters as these preserved in today’s Elder Dai’s Record of Rituals and Younger Dai’s Book of Rites, such as “King Wu Acceded the Throne” and “Internal Rites,” which are also found in Elder Dai’s Records of Rituals. The former is named after each of chapters of Elder Dai’s Record of Ritual, while the latter has its own names for each chapter, but its content is similar to Zengzi’s Establishment of Filial Piety contained in Elder Dai’s Record of Rituals. There are also chapters like “Confucius’ Leisure at Home (Kong Zi Xian Ju)” and “Zi Yi” appearing in Chu Bamboo Slips of Shanghai Museum, which are also found in Younger Dai’s Records of Rituals, and named after the corresponding chapters of The Book of Rites (liji). Similarly, “Zi Yi” also appears in Chu Bamboo Slips of Guodian. The name structure of Zhonggong is similar to that of Jilu. Zhong and Ji represent the seniority among brothers and sisters in the family. Zilu’s surname is Zhong, his given name is You, his styled name is Lu, and his seniority among the children of the family is Ji, hence, he is called Ji Lu, and later generations revere him as Zilu. Zhonggong’s surname is Ran, his given name is Yong, his styled name is Gong, and his seniority among the children of the family is Zhong, hence, he is called Zhonggong, and later generations revere him as Zigong. Zhonggong excelled in the ritual system of the Western Zhou Dynasty, so Confucius said, “Yong (Zhonggong) could be given a seat facing south” (Analects, Chap. 6).31 Confucius advocates “ruling the country by rites.” Zhonggong once asked him about human-heartedness, and Confucius replied, “When you go out the door, behave as though you were going to meet an important guest. When hiring the common people, approach the process as though you were preparing for a solemn sacrificial ceremony.” (Analects, Chap. 12). Zhonggong excelled in this regard, prompting Confucius to recommend him by quoting the sentiments expressed by the people of the Spring and Autumn Period. Xun Zi’s expertise lies within the “Scholarship of Rituals” (lixue), which is why he esteemed both Confucius and Zigong equally, holding them in high regard. Is Zigong, actually revered by Xun Zi, the Hanbi Zigong (as is called Zihong according to the Biographies of Zhongni and His Disciples)? Hanbi Zigong is a disciple of Shangqu, but is regarded as a one of Confucius’ disciples and successor of Yi-ology or the “Scholarship of the Yi” (yixue) in the “Biographies of Confucians” in the History of the Former Han (hanshu rulin zhuan). Xun Zi advocates “valuing Li and Yue over Shi and Shu” among the Six Arts (The “Role of Confucianism” in Book of Xun Zi) and he particularly claims for “learning the Li as the utmost attainment” (The “Exhortation to Learning” in Book of Xun Zi). Considering that Zigong is possibly a great master of etiquette, Xun Zi here means that Zigong belongs to the subject of moral virtue (deke), so he is exalted as a great 31

“Face South” (mian nan) means to sit facing south. In ancient China, venerable people usually sit facing south. Emperors and princes sit facing south. So, “facing south” refers to high positions possessed by venerable individuals—translator’s note.

2.2 Confucius and His Disciples

33

Confucian scholar who is able to inherit the Way of Confucius and pass it on to later generations (referring to Prof. Li Yaoxian’s relevant propositions). However, numerous scholars maintain that Zigong, being Xun Zi’s teacher, cannot be identified as Ranyong or Zizhang, and Xun Zi’s knowledge of Yi-ology32 was imparted by Shengbi Zigong, who propagated the teachings of The Changes. In the Book of Xun Zi, the chapter “Fei Xiang” cites Yi Jing, while “Great Strategy” cites Yi Zhuan or the Commentary on the Book of Changes, and the chapter “On Heaven” heavily relies on the “Appendices” (xici), and was brought into full play. Shengbi Zigong is a native of the State Chu. As to materials related to Zigong (also known as Ranyong), further exploration is still necessary. Shangqu, also known as Zimu, a native of the State Lu, was 29 years younger than Confucius. In the Biographies of Zhongni and His Disciples it is said, “Confucius taught Yi Jing to Shangqu, and Shangqu to Hanbi Zihong.” Confucius began to study Yi Jing at the age of about 50 and imparted “the Human Way and the Heaven Way” discoursed in Yi Jing to his disciples. Among his disciples, Shangqu is the only one protege whom Confucius could discuss Yi Jing with. He is Confucius’ early protege and probably belongs to the subject of poetry. He imparted the Yi, which was passed down from one generation to another until Han Dynasty. Most possibly, Yi Zhuan or the Commentary on the Book of Changes may come from the Shangqu Sect of Confucianism. However, he neither traveled with Confucius nor accompanied him in his early years.

Qi Diaokai

32 Yi-ology or the Yi Learning, as a term, refers to the learning or knowledge about the Book of Changes or I Ching (Yi Jing)—translator’s note.

34

2 An Overview of Confucianism

Zeng Zi

Qidiao kai is also known as Qidiao Qi, whose personal name is Ping and his styled name is Xiu. He might be a native of the State Lu or Cai. He is 21 years younger than Confucius (Another saying goes that he is 11 years younger than Confucius). In Analects it is said, “Confucius urged Qidiao Kai to take an official position, but he replied, I am not yet confident I’m up to it. Confucius was pleased.” (Analects, Chap. 5). The Eight Great Schools of Confucianism discussed in “Eminent Learning” (xianxue) of The Book of Master Han (Han Fei Zi) includes Qidiao Kai’s school of Confucianism. He focuses on Confucian practice, emphasizing its “robust” aspect, yet he lacks the warrior-like akin to Bei Gongyou as portrayed in “Eminent Schools of Learning.” “A remark about Qidiao Kai” in “Eminent Schools of Learning” is that “When someone pierces his skin, he makes no attempt to avoid it; when someone pokes his eyes, he does not avert his eyes.” This is exactly what is said of “Bei Gongyou’s way of nourishing his valor” in “Gongsun Chou” of Mencius. (Mencius, Gong Sun Chou, 1) His works have been handed down, including thirteen essays collected in The Annals of the Han (hanzhi), titled “Qidiao Zi.” Zeng Zi is an eminent figure among later proteges of Confucius. In the earliest differentiation of Confucian disciples, Zeng Zi did not recognize You Ruo as a sage. Obviously, he is capable of discernment and should belong to the subject of moral virtue. Zeng Zi’ Confucian School should represent a large faction of Confucianism. Zengzi expanded upon multiple facets of Confucius’ ideology. He inherited Confucius’ thought of filial piety. We can read some sayings similar to some statements in the Classic of Filial Piety (Xiaojing) in the Bamboo Slips Talks of Confucians excavated in Bajiaolang, Dingxian County, Hebei Province, such as “My body, my skin, and my hair are gifts given by my parents (Zeng Zi);” “What is meant by the

2.2 Confucius and His Disciples

35

saying that ‘One dares not damage his body, hair and skin? (Le Zheng Zi)’”33 “If one damages them, his father does not recognize him as his son and people do not recognize him as a friend;” “If one respects and honors his own parents, he has no worries. Confucius said one who does so is called filial piety.” …. This is the school of emphasizing filial piety and filial classic. There is also the School of Great Learning emphasizing self-introspection and the Doctrine of Loyalty and Tolerance (zhongshuzhidao), as well as the School of Zi Si-Mencius and the school of Le Zheng Zi and Le Zheng zichun, which are all related to Zeng Zi. Zi Xia was 44 years younger than Confucius. He was excelled as the best of Confucius’ later proteges. He was quick in thinking and famous for literature. He was praised by Confucius as a brilliant student of literature. The Six Classics are mostly imparted by him. Later generations of Confucians took Zi Xia as a Confucian scholar to pass on the Six Classics, and Confucian scholars of the Han Dynasty respected him as a great master. Zi Xia was considered to be a Confucian of propagating teachings of Confucianism and was revered as Zeng Zi or the Master Zeng by Confucians of Song Dynasty. Confucius once encouraged him, saying, “You should strive to be a Confucian of lofty-mindedness, not a Confucian of small-mindedness instead.” When he talked about poetry with Confucius, Confucius said, “Shang (Zi Xia) is the one who reads my meaning. Finally, I have found someone to engage in discussion about Poetry with.” (Analects, Chap. 3). In “Biography of Xu Fang” contained in the Book of Post-Han Dynasty it is said, “It is Confucius who codified The Book of Poetry (Shi), The Book of History (shu), The Record of Book of Rituals (Li), and The Record of Music (Yue), but it is Zi Xia who began to discuss, clarify and comment them.” In Exploring What is Hidden in the Historical Records (shi ji suo yin), it is said, “Zi Xia is eminent in poetry among the four subjects:” he prefaced the Shi and imparted the Yi. He received Confucius’ dictation of The Spring and Autumn Annals, actively promoted the dissemination of Li, and authored The Annals of Rites (lizhi). In terms of propagating the Way of Confucius, his influence rivals that of Zengzi, making him a pivatal figure. Confucius has many a facet, and so does Zi Xia. After Confucius died, “Zi Xia lived in the land of Xihe, teaching and being an instructor of Marquis Wei Wen.” (“Biographies of Zhongni and His Disciples” in the Historical Records). “Since the demise of Confucius, his 70 disciples traveled extensively through the vassal states. Among them some became teachers of princes and ministers or dukes, some made friends with scholar-officials, and some lived in seclusion.” (“Biographies of Confucian Scholars” in The Historical Records).34 Quite a few of them who are good at speech, political affairs and poetry strove to 33

This quotation means that since body, hair and skin are all borne by our parents, we should appreciate our parents’ love for their children, protect our bodies and dare not damage them slightly. This is the initiation of obeying the principle of filial piety—translator’s note. 34 “Biographies of Confucian Scholars” (rulinwaizhuan) is an article by Sima Qian, a great historian of Western Han Dynasty, which is included in The Historical Records (shiji). This article narrates deeds of many Confucian masters in the early Western Han Dynasty, and also addresses dozens of disciples of Confucius, which mainly reflects the prosperity of Confucianism during the period of Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty. It is a special collective biography of many Confucian scholars, and is also translated into “Biographies of Confucian Forest.”—translator’s note.

36

2 An Overview of Confucianism

actualize their aspirations through engaging in social and political reforms of various states. As is stated, “Zizhang settled in Chen, Tantai Ziyu settled in Chu, Zi Xia settled in Xihe, and Zigong settled and finally died in Qi.” (ibid.). Zi Xia exerted a perennial influence on the institutional construction and legal tradition in the Sanjin regions (referring to the states of Han, Zhao and Wei of Shanxi area). For example, Zi Xia’s impact was strongly felt by significant legal thinkers such as Xun Zi, Han Fei (ca. 280 B.C.–233 B.C.), and Li Si (284–208 B.C.), who were deeply influenced by his teachings. In the late Warring States Period, names of penalty (xingming), spells and arts ( fashu), yin-yang, and five elements (wuxing) were prevalent. The dialogue between Confucians and these scholars primarily revolves around institutional matters rather than moral considerations. The fact that Zi Xia is not included among the Eight Schools of Confucianism raises questions about the validity of the Eight Schools hypothesis.35

Yan Yuan

35

The Eight Schools of Confucianism is said to include the Confucian School of Zizhang, the Confucian School of Zisi, the Confucian School of Yan, the Confucian School of Meng, the Confucian School of Qidiao, the Confucian School of Zhongliang, the Confucian School of Sun, and the Confucian School of Lezheng. See Guo Moruo, Ten Criticisms: Criticisms of the Eight Schools of Confucianism, Beijing: China Overseas Chinese Publishing House, 2008.—translator’s note.

2.2 Confucius and His Disciples

37

Zi Zhang

Zi Si

Yan Yan, alias Zi You, was one of Confucius’ later disciples, being forty five years younger his junior (another saying goes that he was thirty-five years younger). He thought that You Ruo resembled a wise sage and suggested that they accord You Ruo the same honors and observances which they had bestowed upon Confucius. He participated in the controversy over the first division among Confucius’ proteges, and later he established his own school of Confucianism. Zi You was proficient in musical scores and rites. It is said that when Confucius passed through Wucheng,

38

2 An Overview of Confucianism

where Zi You was appointed steward, he listened to the pleasing melodies of stringed instruments accompanied by a chorus.36 (Analects. Chap. 17) Zi You was proficient in quli (part of Li Ji), and his thought on dance-music (wuyue) is recorded in “Tan Gong II” from Li Ji: “While people feel happy, they want to express themselves; while they express themselves, they can’t help moving their bodies; while they shake their bodies, they can’t help dancing; while they dance to the extreme, they will be angry; while they feel angry to the extreme, they will sigh; while they sigh, they will beat their chests with their hands; while they beat their chests strongly enough, they will be filled with emotions of sorrow and jump up and down.”37 We also read the same material in Chu Bamboo Slips’ “Nature Comes From Decree of Heaven (xing zi ming chu).”38 The “Liyun” or “the Evolutions of Rituals” (part of Li Ji) is recorded by Zi You’s own disciples. According to the “Liyun”, Zi You, alone, personally heard of Confucius’ concept of Great Harmony (datong sixiang). Subsequently, the socalled Yan School of Confucianism emerged, which Professor Li Ling speculated might refer to the Zi You School of Confucianism. Following the discovery of the Chu Bamboo Slips in Guodian, Zi You has garnered increasing attention. Zhuansun Shi, a two-character surname of Zhuansun, also known as Zizhang, was a native of Chen. He was forty-eight years younger than Confucius and also the youngest disciple of Confucius in his later years. Zizhang, known for his meticulous attention to personal appearance and, presented a strikingly handsome and cool visage (Zengzi praised him, saying, “Zizhang is imposing indeed!”). However, his words and deeds are a bit overdone as Confucius said, “Shi (Zizhang) goes too far, but Shang (Zi Xia) is not far enough.” (Analects, Chap. 11). He possesses an impressive demeanor, yet his temperament tends towards grandeur. Contrastively, Zi Xia is an honest and sincere man, but he is a little narrow-minded. Both Zizhang’s and Zeng Zi’s mothers passed away prematurelly at the same time. (“Tan Gong” in the Liji). In the essay titled “Contra Twelve Philosophers” contained in Book of Xun Zi, Xun Zi criticized Zizhang, Zi Xia and Zi You, saying that the three schools represented 36

“When visiting Wucheng, Confucius heard the harmonious meloddies of stringed instruments accompanied by a chorus. A smile came to his face, and he said, ‘To cut up a chicken, why use an ox-cleaver?’ Ziyou replied, ‘In the past I have heard you say, Master, that when a junzi studies the Way, he learns to love others, and when xiaoren studies the Way, he becomes easy to employ.’ Confucius said, ‘You young men, what Yan (Ziyou) says is right. My earlier remark was just a joke.’” (Analects, Chap. 17). 37 Its original Chinese text reads: “人喜則斯陶, 陶斯詠, 詠斯猶, 猶斯舞, 舞斯慍, 慍斯戚, 戚斯 嘆, 嘆斯闢, 闢斯踴矣。”《禮記. 檀弓》—translator’s note. 38 Among Confucian Bamboo Slips in Guodian Chu Tomb, “Nature Comes From Decree of Heaven” (xing zi ming chu) is a significant article, and also a very eye-catching one. The theory of mind and nature the Scholarship of Heart-Nature, is an indispensable part in the formation of Confucianism. However, for a long time, there has been a lack of clarity within the academic circles regarding the evolution process of the theory of nature and mind in Pre-Qin Confucianism. As an important chapter of Confucian literature in Guodian Chu Bamboo Slips, “Nature Comes From Decree of Heaven” contains rich thoughts of nature and mandate. Among them, views on the connection between nature and mind, good and evil of human nature, unity of nature and emotions, unity of mind and nature, and unity of body and mind, are of great significance to understand the development of Confucian theory of mind and nature in the past hundred years—translator’s note.

2.2 Confucius and His Disciples

39

by them corrupted Confucianism, but he did not criticize Zeng Zi. As for Confucius’ disciples expressing their own opinions as recorded in Analects, there were 13 times for Zengzi, 12 times for Zi Xia, 2 times for Zizhang and 4 times for Zi You. These four people are the youngest among Confucius’ disciples, and they are also outstanding among the later disciples. Among early disciples, Yanzi voiced his view only once, praising Confucius, and Zigong voiced his views seven times, of which he praised Confucius five times and expressed his own opinions twice. “Eminent Schools of Learning,” namely, the title of the 50th chapter of the Book of Master Han Fei, enumerates Yan’s school of Confucianism, Zisi’s school of Confucianism, Mengzi’s school of Confucianism, Sunshi’s school of Confucianism, Zhongliang’s school of Confucianism and Lezheng’s school of Confucianism. However, Yan’s school of Confucianism cannot be created by Yan himself. Someone argues that “Yan 颜” and “Yan 言” are similar in pronunciation, which is likely to refer to Yanyan 言偃, whose styled name is Zi You 子遊. Although Zisi’s learning and deeds are able to be comparable to those of Zeng Zi, his understanding of Confucius’ teachings differs somewhat from Zeng Zi’s. Most possibly separated from Zeng’s school of Confucianism, Zisi established his own school. The Guodian Bamboo Slips features a distinctive article titled “Duke Mu of Lu Questions Zisi,” wherein we can feel his personality character and self-cultivation. The thought in the Doctrine of the Mean (Zhong Yong) is mainly originated from Zeng Zi, but its thought of human nature (xingdao) and the Heavenly Way (tiandao) is related to “The Xici” or “The Appendices” contained in the Commentary on the Book of Changes. Lezheng, also named Lezheng Zichun, is the preeminently talented scholar among Zeng Zi’s disciples. He possessed a distinctive approach to experiencing the Way of Confucianism, thereby establishing his own school of thought. As recorded in “Tan Gong” section of the Book of Rites (Liji), during Zeng Zi’s final moments, Lezheng Zichun sat beneath his bed, while Zengzi’s two sons, Zengyuan and Zengshen, were positioned at Zeng Zi’s feet. The Zhong Liang’s School of Confucianism is also known as the School of Zhong Liang Zi, who is also likely to be a student of Zeng Zi. There is another saying that Zhong Liang may refer to Chen Liang, and in “Teng Wengong (I)” it is said, he “was a native of Chu,” and before he went north to study in the Central China he “loved the Way of Duke of Zhou and Confucius,” and might have been influenced by Tantai Mieming.39 Tantai Mieming also lived in Chu. It was reported that he possessed 300 disciples, and Chen Liang was the best among them.

Tantai Mieming 澹台滅明 is briefly mentioned in “Biographies of Zhongzi and His Disciples.” Tantai Mieming (512 B.C or 502 B.C), with a compound surname Tantai, personal name Mieming, and styled name Ziyu, was born in Wucheng of Lu in the Eastern Zhou Dynasty (now Nan Wu Cheng, Pingyi County, Shandong Province). He is thirty-nine years younger than Confucius, and one of the seventy-two sons—translator’s note.

39

40

2 An Overview of Confucianism

Mi Buqi, also known as Zijian, was a native of Lu, and once served as the Warden of Shanfu.40 There is an article titled “Mizi” which is contained in the Annals of Han (hanzhi).

Meng Zi

Xun Zi

Shanfu 單父 refers to the name of a place in Lu at the Spring and Autumn Period, now in the south of Shan County, Shandong Province. Mi Buqi 宓不齊, one of Confucius’ disciples, served as the Warden of Shanfu, who was most beloved by the people and highly praised by Confucius. See Family Talks of Master Kong (kongzijiayu)—translator’s note.

40

2.2 Confucius and His Disciples

41

Mencius “studied under the dutelage of Zisi’s proteges,” yet he publicly declared himself to be a disciple (sishu dizi) of Confucius,41 despite never having received personal instruction from him. He was basically influenced by Zeng Zi’s School of Confucianism. Obviously, the lineage of Confucius-Zeng Zi-Zisi-Mencius signifies an important development trend within Confucianism, albeit not comprehensive. Now let’s talk about Xun Zi’s School of Confucianism. When Xun Zi was in the State of Zhao, he had his first acquaintance with Confucianism. Afterward, he went on a study tour in the State of Qi, and after a long exploration, he gradually went deep into the depth of Confucius’s thought by the way of Zigong. He challenged the Confucianism advocated by the School of Zisi-Mencius’ Confucianism. Unlike the Zengzi School of Confucianism, which emphasized self-reflection and self-conduct, he held a differing viewpoint. Furthermore, he had no positive remarks regarding the Confucian Schools of Zi Xia, Zi You, and Zizhang, displaying a rather sectarian attitude. The schools of Confucianism set up by early disciples of Confucius were synchronic while those set up by the later disciples of Confucius were diachronic. Among seventy disciples, they might be identical in essentials while different in minor points; they might be identical in minor points while different in essentials; and they might run counter to each other in essentials while they are also compatible with each other in essentials. These who are identical in minor points while different in essentials are the Zigong’s and Zeng Zi’s schools of Confucianism, wherein distinction between Mencius and Xun Zi is derived. The most heated debate occurred between supporters and opponents, and the most severe debate occurred between Xun Zi’s Confucianism and Zisi-Mencius’ Confucianism, which, however, is not given an enough recognition by the essay titled “Eminent Schools of Learning.” Now let’s talk about Gongsun Ni Zi, one of the disciples of seventy sons. The Book of Gongsun Ni Zi has been lost, and only The Records of Music (yueji) mentioned him, which is preserved in Li Ji or The Book of Rites. Yue Ji or The Records of Music contains a large portion of text similar to the “Xici” or the “Appendices,” which may be derived from the “Appendices.” The words in Yueji are frequently quoted by writings from the late Warring States Period to the early Han Dynasty, such as Book of Xun Zi, The Spring and Autumn of Duke Lü (lüshi chunqiu), etc. Of course, numerous scholars also believe that Yueji copied “On Music” of The Book of Xun Zi. Luxuriant Gems of the Spring and Autumn Annals (Chun Qiu Fan Lu) quoted Gongsun Ni Zi’s theory of nourishing Qi, taking as its central idea the concept of “neutralization.” This concept also appears in the Commentary on the Book of Changes (Yi Zhuan) and Zisi’s Zhong Yong or the Doctrine of the Mean, which signifies that Gongsun Ni Zi is quite close to the School of Zisi and also reflects the similarity of the times. This could be attributed to the fact that the Commentary on the Book of Changes (Yi Zhuan) was formed earlier than Zisi and Gongsun Ni Zi, which is equivalent to the era of the seventy sons, and is close to Confucius.

41

“Sīshū dizi” means that a disciple who has not taken lessons directly under the master himself, but admires his knowledge and his personality is called a sīshū disciple—translator’s note.

42

2 An Overview of Confucianism

In The Historical Records (shiji) it is said: “Confucius is fond of reading Zhouyi or The Book of Changes in his later years and wrote prefaces to Tuan, Xi, Xiang, Shuogua and Wenyan.” 42 In view of Confucius’ close relationship with the Book of Changes, Yi Zhuan, or the Commentary on the Book of Changes, which was completed about the same time as Analects, 43 was either written by himself or just recorded by his disciples. Both the Doctrine of the Mean and the Book of Xun Zi cited Yi Zhuan, which shows that Yi Zhuan is completed earlier than them. Of course, its original form during that period was not identical to the present edition we have today. It has already been said that Xun Zi is related to the Yi. He learned the Yi under the instruction of Hanbi Zigong, who is a native of Chu, and lives in Chu permanently. He also passes on what he has learnt about The Yi to Lujia and Musheng, natives of the Chu. Obviously, at the Warring States Period and Qin and Han Dynasties, the dissemination of the Yi-ology in the land of Chu is related to him. The Yiologists who based their study on silk-book Yi Zhuan are Zhao Li, Mou He (Mu, from Lanling), who are both from Chu. Obviously, the Yi in silk book (which is different from the Yi in Bamboo) constitutes an important school of Yiology in the land of Chu. The aforementioned Confucius’ Leisure at Home, which appears in Chu Bamboo Slips of Shanghai Museum, was finally titled the “Parents of the People” in the second volume when formally published by Shanghai Museum. Mr. Pu Maozuo, who codified it, points out that this text’s content is discovered in today’s “Confucius’ Leisure at Home” contained in Liji and the “On Rites” in “Family Talks of Confucius.” “On Rites” involves the contents of “Anecdotes of Zhongni” and “Confucius’ Leisure at Home” contained in Li Ji. The “Parents of the People” is composed of questions and answers between Zi Xia and Confucius. Zi Xia asked Confucius about how to become the “parents of the people,” which is seen in the poem titled ‘Jiongzhuo’ of Daya in Shijing (Shijing. Daya. Jiongzhuo), saying “The happy and courteous sovereign is like the parent of the people,”44 but how does a ruler enable himself to become the “parent of the 42

“Wenyan” is a special interpretation of the two hexagrams of Qian and Kun. The two hexagrams of Qian and Kun possesses a special position in the 64 hexagrams of the I Ching, which is the key to understanding the I Ching. Among them, the interpretation of the Qian hexagrams is called Qian Wenyan, and the interpretation of the Kun Hexagrams is called Kun Wenyan—translator’s note. 43 For further information, refer to Li Xueqin’s article titled “The Origin of Chinese Academics— Also on Confucius as ‘An Aggregator,’” published in the National Studies Edition of Guangming Daily, on June 30, 2008. 44 The poem “Jiong Zhuo” reads in its Chinese: 泂酌彼行潦, 挹彼註茲, 可以餴饎。 豈弟君子, 民 之父母。泂酌彼行潦, 挹彼註茲, 可以濯罍。豈弟君子, 民之攸歸。泂酌彼行潦, 挹彼註茲, 可以 濯溉。豈弟君子, 民之攸墍。And its English version, by James Legge, reads as follows: Take the pool-water from a distance; Draw it into one vessel and let it flow to another, And it may be used to stream rice or millet. [How much more should] the happy and courteous sovereign, Be the parent of the people! Take the pool-water from a distance;

2.2 Confucius and His Disciples

43

people?” This article signifies the relationship between Confucius and Zi Xia, as well as Confucius’ ideology of benevolent governance. Confucius replied to Zi Xia, “He must attain to the original source of etiquette and music and even achieve the ‘Utmost Five Attainments (wuzhi)’ and ‘Three Nons’ (sanwu) and then he could win over the world.45 Whenever disaster occurs in any place within the four seas, he will be able to know it first. Only by doing this can he be regarded as the parent of his people.” Then, what are “the Utmost Five Attainments?” (wuzhi) “Where one’s will goes, poetry goes; where poetry goes, courtesy goes; where courtesy goes, joy goes; where joy goes, grief goes; where sorrow goes, joy goes. Grief and joy go hand in hand.” They are known as the “Utmost Five Attainments” (wuzhi) which function as rectifying behaviors of the rulers. What does the “Three Nones” (sanwu) refer to? Confucius proceeded with his reply, saying, “Music goes without sound, etiquette goes without form, and grief goes without mourning. The rulers who have possessed such ‘Three Nons’ (sanwu) can rule the world: He does not listen but he hears everything, and he does not take a look but he sees everything, because he lets his spirit (Qi or vitality) run through the whole world.” They are known as the “Three Nones” (sanwu). The “Parents of the People” records Confucius’ great appreciation of Zi Xia: “Good indeed! Shang is the right person whom I can teach poetry.” We are able to know from Analects that Confucius praised Zi Xia for his problematic consciousness when Zi Xia asked “Does propriety come after one has acquired good virtue.” In Chapter 3 of Analects, Zi Xia asked, saying, “How pretty her artful smile with dimples is! Her lovely eyes are outlined in clear black and white! Oh! Colors are prominent on a white ground.” “What do these lines mean?” Confucius said, “The painting follows the plain white background (hui shi hou su).” “Zi Xia said, ‘So propriety comes afterward?’ Confucius said, ‘It is Shang who can bring out my meaning. Now I can begin to talk about poetry with him.’” (Analects, Chap. 3:8).46 From “talking about poetry with Zi Xia” to “teaching him poetry,” we are able to see Zi Xia’s Draw it into one vessel and let it flow to another, And it may be used to wash a [spirit] vase. [How much more should] the happy and courteous sovereign, Be the centre of attraction to the people! Take the pool-water from a distance; Draw it into one vessel and let it flow to another, And it may be used for all purpose of cleansing. [How much more should] the happy and courteous sovereign, Be the centre of rest to the people! 45

In “Confucius’ Leisure at Home” contained in Liji it is recorded: “Confucius said, ‘Music goes without sound, propriety goes without form, and grief goes without mourning,’ which is called ‘Three Nones.’” Kong Yingda explained: “These three nones all pertain to actions initiated by one’s internal heart, hence the ‘nones.’”—translator’s note. 46 Its Chinese text reads: “子夏問曰: ‘巧笑倩兮, 美目盼兮, 素以為絢兮。 ’何謂也?” 子曰: “繪事 後素。” 曰:”禮後乎?”子曰:”起予者商也!始可與言詩已矣。” (Analects, Chap. 3:8) In Confucius’

44

2 An Overview of Confucianism

progress. And then the rest part of this article repeatedly discusses the principles of “music without sound, etiquette without form, and grief without mourning.” In the second volume of Chu Bamboo Slips of Shanghai Museum, there is another article titled Zigao, which Mr. Liling considers to be the same one as “Confucius’ Talk on Poetry” in the first volume and “Great Drought in Lu” in the second volume. Zigao records Confucius’ reply to Zigao’s questions about Yao, Shun, Yu, Qi and Houji, namely, the ancient emperial system involving Two Emperors, Tang Yao and Yu Shun, and Three Kings, Xia Yu, Shang Tang and Wen of Zhou or Wu of Zhou. “Entering Political Affairs” (weizheng), composed of Chapter A and Chapter B, in the second volume of Chu Bamboo Slips collected in Shanghai Museum, emphasizes that politicians should emphasize the “Five Virtues” (wude), namely, leniency, courtesy, benefit, human-heartedness and seriousness or earnestness, saying, “Without leniency, there will be no tolerance for the people; without courtesy, there will be no elimination of humiliation; without benefiting the people, there will be no gathering of the people; without benevolence, there will be no possibility of governing country well; without being respectfulness, there will be no success of undertakings.” “Entering Political Affairs” involves politics, education, law and administration, as well as the principles of courtesy, modesty, loyalty and seriousness or earnestness. This treatise can be understood together with Analects and Li Ji, and also compared with “The Way of Being An Official” unearthed in Qin Bamboo Slips of Yunmeng Sleeping Tiger Land (Yunmeng Shuihu di).47 “The Way of Being An Official” (wei li zhi dao) is also a crucial document of Confucian political ideology in the Pre-Qin Dynasties. A similar document is also discovered in the Qin Bamboo Slips of Wangjiatai.48 “Zhonggong,” a chapter in the third volume of Chu Bamboo Slips collected in Shanghai Museum, is profoundly meaningful. It records the conversations between Confucius and Zhonggong (Ranyong). Obviously, the materials in Shanghai Museum have greatly enriched the contents of Confucius’ and his disciples’ thought. According to this treatise, Ranyong, the steward of the Ji Huanzi family, posed view, moral virtue or human-heartedness is fundamental, while propriety is the manifestation of moral virtue. Only when one possess the quality of human-heartedness, will they refrain from doing anything that goes against the ritual—translator’s note. 47 Qin Bamboo Slips of Yunmeng Sleeping Tiger Land, also known as Shuihudi Qin Slips, or Yunmeng Qin Slips, refer to numerous bamboo slips unearthed in Shuihudi Qin Tomb in Yunmeng County, Hubei Province in December 1975. The bamboo slips measure 23.1 ~ 27.8 cm in length and 0.5 ~ 0.8 cm in width. They were written during the late Warring States Period and First Emperor of Qin Dynasty, reflecting the transformation from seal script to official script. Its contents primaril consist of legal system, administrative documents, medical works, and books foretelling good or ill luck during the Qin Dynasty, which provide detailed information for studying the development of Chinese calligraphy, politics, law, economy, culture, and medicine of Qin Empire, and have very important academic value—translator’s note. 48 Qin Bamboo Slips of Wangjiatai were unearthed in March 1993 at Qin Tomb No. 15, Wangjiatai, Qiubei Village, Jingzhou Town, Jiangling, Hubei Province, with a total of 813 slips. Its contents include Guizang (歸藏), Jiaolu (效律), The Constant Principles of Political Affairs (政事之常), Rishu (日書 Book of Calendar) ,and Fortune-telling of Natural Disaster (災異佔). Among them, there are 394 slips relating to Guizang, with about 4000 words—translator’s note.

2.3 Four Stages of Development for Confucianism

45

inquiries to Confucius, who responded: “Offering sacrifices to the deceased is the ultimate expression of respect, a duty owed by the living, and must be carried out with utmost sincerity. Mourning the deceased is the ultimate expression of profound love and respect, and aids in fulfilling their life journey. We must approach this solemn task with utmost care and attention. ….” In reply to Zhonggong’s inquiry, “What is the foremost priority in assuming an official position?” Confucius said, “In the old days, the wise Kings of the Three Generations extended their respect to all people within the four seas, … advocating that the old should be respected and the children should be looked after, the officials should be upright and the virtuous people should be raised, the little crimes should be pardoned and the capital crimes should be punished, thence the beginning of being an official.” Compared with the conversations between Confucius and Ranyong recorded in the two chapters “Zilu” and “Yanyuan” from Analects, the content presented in “Zhonggong” seems richer, featuring additional propositions such as “the elderly should be respected and the young should be cared for.” Notably, this particular statement is not found in the Analects.

2.3 Four Stages of Development for Confucianism Views vary about the division of the history of Confucianism development. In my view, Confucianism has progressed through four distinct eras, namely, four major historical phases.49 At each phase, Confucian ideological system or its concepts of society and life was produced and formed in response to the internal needs of Chinese society. Though Confucianism has its constant principle that runs throughout its own evolution, it also has its adaptive principle that vary from time to time and go with the times. Its evolution and progress mainly stems from the internal demands of Chinese society, driven by the internal adjustments within Chinese society and culture, and additionally, it is a direct consequence of adapting to external social and cultural challenges. In general, we believe that the Pre-Qin Period (paleolithic period—221 B.C.) marks the founding of Confucianism. From the Han Dynasty (202 B.C.–220 A.D.) to the Tang Dynasty (581–907 A.D.), Confucianism underwent expansion. The period spanning from the Song Dynasty to the Qing Dynasty saw the reconstruction and renewd expansion of Confucianism. However, from the Opium War50 in the late 49

This formulation is related to my division of the whole history of Chinese philosophy. For details, please refer to Introduction to History of Chinese Philosophy, edited by Guo Qiyong, Higher Education Press, 2006. 50 Opium War was an aggressive war launched by Britain against China from 1840 to 1842, which ended with the failure of China and the signing of the first unequal treaty “Treaty of Nanking” in Chinese history. The Opium War is also called The First Anglo-Chinese war, that is, the first war that Chinese people fought against the Western capitalist powers. Britain often called it the first Sino-British war or “Trade War”, which also marked the beginning of modern Chinese history— translator’s note.

46

2 An Overview of Confucianism

Qing Dynasty to the present, Confucianism has entered a dormant phase, serving as a preparatory period for further reconstruction and expansion. We also believe that Confucianism is on the cusp of enbarking on its fifth phase, which promises to be the period of significant modern development. These four historical periods are different in cultural backgrounds. The first historical period, that is, the Pre-Qin Period, is that of laying foundation for Chinese humanistic value rationality. It is the period when the culture of the Yellow River Valley and the Yangtze River Valley merges with the cultures of the surrounding ethnic groups, initially forming an integration of Chinese multi-ethnic groups and their cultures. The second historical period, which involves the Han and Wei dynasties, the Western Jin and the Eastern Jin dynasties, the Southern and the Northern Dynasties, the Sui and Tang Dynasties, is the period when multi-ethnic Chinese nation and her cultural integration is established, when the construction of Chinese institutional civilization moves toward maturity, when it expands exchanges with its surrounding ethnic groups and alien cultures, and as well as when Indian Buddhist culture is introduced into China, integrated with Chinese culture, ideology, philosophy, art and religion, and gradually transformed into the Buddhism Philosophy of Chinese style, generally labeled as Chinese Chan Sect or Zen Buddhism in Chinese Tang Dynasty (618–907). The third period, which involves Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties, was a period of disintegration of the dualistic social structure of literati (shì) and commoners (shù), a period of downward movement and advancement of civilization in the whole society, a period of secularization, and a period of further digesting Indian Buddhism and revitalizing the subjectivity of Chinese culture and Confucianism. During this period, the Confucian Doctrine (Daoxue), also known as Rationalist Scholarship (Lixue)51 embody the essence of the entire East Asian civilization. It has 51 “Daoxue” refers to the Orthodox Learning of Confucianism or the Rationalist Learning (Lixue) or the Confucian School of Philosophy of the Song and Ming dynasties, represented by Cheng Yi, Zhu Xi, Lu Jiuyuan, and Wang Yangming. The Confucian Orthodoxy, also known as the Rationalist Learning, which persisted in China until the twentieth century, owes much of its foundation to Zhu Xi, and it also holds significant influence in the East Asia Area. The Rationalist Learning (Lixue) refers to Confucian philosophy during the Song and Ming dynasties. It is thus called because the Neo-Confucians dwelt on human nature and destiny on the basis of principle (yili). It emerged in the Tang Period when numerous intellectuals began to shift away from Buddhism. There was a revival of interest in the ideas of Confucian philosophers and the beginning of an attempt to build a new Confucian metaphysics, drawing on ideas and concepts from Taoism and Buddhism. So it is called the Orthodox Learning (Daxue). The first to recover and reinterpret traditional Confucian classics is Han Yu of the Tang Dynasty. But the man who initiated the vista and determined the direction of Neo-Confucianism is Zhou Dunyi. Zhou underscored the concept of the Supreme Ultimate (taiji) is, along with Shao Yong, infused a strong Taoist influence into the development of NeoConfucianism due to their Taoist leanings. Zhang Zai first elaborated the concept of material force (Qi), and spoke, with eloquence and conviction, of the unity among all things, and urged the complete identification of Man, Heaven and Earth. In the direct line of Zhu Xi’s mentors were the Cheng brothers, Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi, who made the concept of principle prominent in their teachings but also marked the beginning of the doctrinal schism within Neo-Confucianism. As a result, NeoConfucianism evolved into two distinct schools: the rationalistic school of principle, spearheaded by Cheng Yi and Zhu Xi, and the idealistic school of mind, led by Lu Jiuyuan and Wang Yangming. The Confucian orthodoxy that prevalent in China until the twentieth century was largely laid down by Zhu Xi. Additionally, Neo-Confucianism exerted significant influence in East Asia.—translators’ note.

2.3 Four Stages of Development for Confucianism

47

been deepened and developed in the Korean Peninsula, the Japanese Archipelago, Vietnam and other regions and countries. The fourth period, spanning from the late Qing dynasty to the present, marks a significant era when the Western European and American cultures, as strong cultures, have made a profound impact on Chinese culture. It is also a time when Eastern and Western cultures, philosophies, and religions have collided and merged, shaping a new cultural landscape. Chinese culture and Confucianism are currently experiencing a disadvantaged and dormant phase, serving as a preparatory or transitional period for assimilating Western culture and scholarship. This era aims to reshape and reinvigorate the subjectivity of Chinese culture and Confucianism.

Dai Zhen (1724–1777), a philosopher in Qing Dynasty

Zhang Taiyan (1869–1936), a democratic revolutionary, thinker and master of Chinese studies in late Qing Dynasty and early Republic of China

48

2 An Overview of Confucianism

During these four stages, the representative figures of Confucianism have varied achievements. Amongst the diverse academic achievements, a group of landmark figures or classics emerged, showcasing original creativity. Their names are predominantly enumerated as follows: The first stage includes the Six Classics and Confucius, Confucius’ disciples, and Zisi, Mengzi and Xun Zi. In the second stage, the representative figures, except Jia Kui, Xu Shen, Ma Rong, Zheng Xuan and others, who are masters of classics from the Han Dynasty to the Tang Dynasty, also include Lu Jiayi and Dong Zhongshu, Sima Qian, Liu Xiang, Yang Xiong, Liu Xin, Huan Tan, Ban Biao, Wang Chong, Ban Gu, Zhang Heng, Wang Fu, Xun Yue, Zhong Changtong, He Yan, Xiang Xiu, Guo Xiang, Huang Kan, Xu Gan, Liu Shao, Wang Su, Ruan Ji, Fu Xuan, Wang Bi, Ouyang Jian, Yang Quan, Liu Hui, Guo Pu, He Chengtian, Liu Xie, Zhong Rong, Jia Sixie, Yan Zhitui, Kong Yingda, Cui Jing, Jia Gongyan, Lu Deming, Yan Shigu, Wang Tong, Liu Zhiji, Du You, Han Yu, Li Ao, Liu Yu and others. In the third stage, there appeared a large lineup of representatives, including Fan Zhongyan, Sun Fu, Hu Yuan, Shi Jie, Ouyang Xiu, Li Gou, Shao Yong, Zhou Dunyi, Liu Chang, Sima Guang, Zhang Zai, Wang Anshi, Shen Kuo, Cheng Yi, Su Shi, Lǚ Dalin, Xie Liangzuo, Yang Shi, Shao Bowen, Zhu Zhen, Zheng Qiao, Hu Hong, Yang Wanli, Zhu Xi and the school of new tradition related to the studies of The Four Books52 represented by Master Zhu’s Collected Commentaries on the Four Books (sishuzhangjujizhu), as well as Zhang Shi, Xue Jixuan, Cai Yuanding, Lǚ Zuqian, Chen Fuliang, Lu Jiuyuan, Yang Jian, Chen Liang, Ye Shi, Huang Gan, Chen Chun, Qin Jiushao, Xu Heng, Huang Zhen, Jin Luxiang, Wen Tianxiang, Liu Yin, Wu Cheng, Ma Duanlin, Xue Xuan, Chen Xianzhang, Luo Qinshun, Zhan Ruoshui, Wang Shouren, Wang Tingxiang, Wang Gen, Yang Shen, Wang Ji, Luo Hongxian, Yan Jun, Luo Rufang, He Xinyin, Li Shizhen, Li Zhi, Lǚ Kun, Gu Xiancheng, Zhou Rudeng, Gao Panlong, Xu Guangqi, Liu Zongzhou, Sun Qifeng, Song Yingxing, Zhu Zhiyu, Fu Shan, Huang Zongxi, Fang Yizhi, Gu Yanwu, Wang Fuzhi, Mao Qiling, Zhu Yizun, Lu Longqi, Tang Zhen, Wan Situ, Yan Yuan, Xiong Cilv, Yan Ruo Qu, Li Guangdi, Li Gong, Fang Bao, Jiang Yong, Hui Dong, Quan Zuwang, Yuan Mei, Lu Wenzhi, Zhuang Cunyu, Dai Zhen, Ji Yun, Zhao Yi, Qian Daxin, Duan Yucai, Zhang Xuecheng, Wang Zhong, Hong Liangji, Jiang Fan, Jiao Xun, Ruan Yuan, Liu Fenglu, Gong Zizhen, Wei Yuan, and others. In the fourth stage, various trends of thought at home and abroad agitated each other, and the representatives who appeared were: Zeng Guofan, Yu Yue, Zhang Zhidong, Wang Xianqian, Zheng Guanying, Huang Zunxian, Sun Yirang, Pi Xirui, Liao Ping, Kang Youwei, Tan Sitong, Zhang Binglin, Liang Qichao, Wang Guowei, Ma Yifu, Liu Shipei, Wu Chengshi, Xiong Shili, Huang

52

“Four Books” (si shu) is the collective name of Analects (Lunyu), The Book of Mencius, The Great Learning, and The Doctrine of the Mean, also known as “The Books of Four Masters,” which is the core content studied by Confucian scholars of all ages. Zhu Xi, a Neo-Confucian in the Southern Song Dynasty, extracted The Doctrine of the Mean and The Great Learning from The Book of Rites, divided them into chapters and sentences, annotated them in detail, and combined together with Analects and Meng Zi as “Four Books.” Following the Song and Yuan Dynasties, The Great Learning and The Doctrine of the Mean were made mandatory reading in school textbooks and imperial examinations, significantly infuencing ancient education—translator’s note.

2.3 Four Stages of Development for Confucianism

49

Kan, Zhang Junmai, Liang Shuming, Qian Mu, Feng Youlan, He Lin, Xu Fuguan, Tang Junyi, Mou Zongsan and others. Due to varying epochal traits and social situations, Confucianism across these four stages exhibits both continuity and divergence in its own academic style, problematic awareness, central categories, with each stage possessing its own focus and characteristics. In the first stage, significant philosophers and scholars rose up in swarms and hundred schools of thought vigorously contended. Confucianism not only sprang up first, but also prevailed most. I agree with Mr. Qian Mu that Confucianism is the orthodox school and backbone of Chinese society and Chinese culture, and for more than 2500 years, Confucianism has adapted to and seeped the mass life of Chinese society. Prior to Confucius, education was confined to the imperial court and feudal bureaucrats. Confucianism emerged as a form of learning during the Spring and Autumn Period (770 B.C.–476 B.C.), making the shift from aristocratic to civilian learning, and reflecting the academic movement towards the common people. Confucians values school and education above all, advocating the unification of moral teacher (shidao) and moral sage-king ( jundao), that is, the unification of both moral teacher and moral king ( junshiheyi).53 The unification of moral teacher and moral king means that the Way prevails and is above all things, namely, all people are doing the right thing in order to govern the world well. The separation of moral teacher and moral king means that the moral authority is hidden and lie below all things, and the people in the world live in a troubled time. We should know that the Way advocated by Confucians is neither the Way of God nor the Way of the Sovereign, but rather, the Way of Humanity. Confucians don’t dwell on religion’s “other worldliness” or the world beyond society and humanity; hence, they neither focus on the Way of God nor advocate the supremacy of the state or monarchical power. Instead, they discuss the path towards a peaceful united, and harmonious world- the way of the ordinary people. Confucianism not only inherits ancient cultural ideologies but also creates a new value system.54 Confucianism in Pre-Qin dynasties has inherited the ultimate belief in Tian (Heaven), Di (the Supreme Being), Shang Di (High, Highest, First, Primodial, Supreme Deity),55 Tianming (fate designed by Heaven) and Tian Dao (the Way of 53

“Jun shi he yi” means that the ruler, who is construed as internally a saint, naturally becomes the nation’s moral teacher under the so-called jun shi he yi principle. The Confucian ethos of being internally a saint and outwardly a king (nei sheng wai wang) creates a model of authority recognition: it establishes the Chinese political-cultural norm whereby a regime’s mandate to rule relies on its moral authority. In other words, political legitimacy is established through establishing moral authority—translator’s note. 54 See Qian Mu, Chinese Confucianism and Chinese Cultural Tradition, Taiwan Student Publishing House, 1975. This lecture draws a lot on Mr Qian’s article. 55 It was during Ming and Qing dynasty, when Roman Catholicism was introduced by Jesuit Priest Matteo Ricci, that the idea of “Shangdi” (High Heaven or God) started to be applied to the Christian conception of God. While initially, he utilized the term Tianzhu, Ricci gradually changed the translation into “Shangdi” instead. His usage of Shangdi was contested by Chinese Confucians, as they believed that the concept of Tian and “Shangdi” is different from that of Christian’s God: Zhōng Shǐ-shēng, through his books, stated that Shangdi only governs, while Christian’s God is a

50

2 An Overview of Confucianism

Heaven) in the great traditions of Three Generations (Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties). They take the civilization of ritual and music as the background and “Heaven, Human, Nature and Mandate (Tian, Ren, Xing, and Ming)” as the hub, affirming the Way of Heaven and the Mandate of Heaven’s downward movement to permeate in human nature, and establishing a system of philosophy of human-heartedness that highlights human dignity, humanitarian consciousness and personality independence. It is focused on solving the problems of “what is human” and “why human turns out to be a human” between Heaven and Humans. It holds that humans should reach the Heavenly virtue through humanistic construction, human affairs, especially through human’s moral effort, thus achieving close combination of religion, philosophy, politics and morality. Confucianism, Taoism and the philosophers draws on the tradition of “Qi” and the relatively related concept of “Yin-Yang” to form a continuous and holistic view of the universe and the theory of universe generation. They reflect on the origin of civilization, think about the issue of the life of Heaven, Human, Nature and Mandate, and the limitation of the cultural system on human beings, and start a debate centered on the heaven-human-nature-mandate scholarship (tian-renxing-ming zhi xue) in Confucian tradition. Of particular note is that the three-power system or the trinity of Heaven, Earth and Human proposed in Yichuan is a thorough synthesis of Confucianism and Taoism, involving the universal life, the transformation and circulation of Qi, the achievement of perfect human nature by following heavenly goodness, and dual cultivation of virtue and undertakings. According to Confucian ideology, Heaven is believed as the origin of all lives and sources of all moral values, its extension is cherished as Fate, Mandate, Value, Nature, Reason, Lawgiver, and Savior. During the second stage, specifically in the early Han Dynasty (206 B.C.–220 A.D.), Confucianism laid a solid foundation for its subsequent development. During the late Zhou Dynasty and the early Han Dynasty, Confucianism has coalesced or absorbed various schools of philosophers of the Pre-Qin Dynasties and integrated them into one furnace. In Yi Zhuan, Zhong Yong, Great Learning and the “Evolutions of Rituals” (liyun), Confucianism has absorbed and melted Taoism and Mohism, unifying the outlook on the universe and the outlook on life, culture and nature, the Humanly Way and the Heavenly Way, individuals and communities, internal moral self and external social deeds and so on, and finally forming a new value system. Confucianism in the Western and Eastern Han Dynasties focuses on the Study of Confucian Classics or Chinese Confucian Classicalism.56 This is because, as far as creator, and thus differ. Ricci’s translation also invited the displeasure of Dominicans and Roman Curia; On March 19, 1715, Pope Clement XI released the Edict Ex Illa Die, stating that Catholics must use “Tianzhu” instead of “Shangdi” for Christianity’s God—translator’s note. 56 The Study of Confucian Classics ( jingxue) or Chinese Confucian Classicalism is a canon of important writings reflecting the teachings of the philosopher Confucius (551–479 B.C.). Authorship was partially attributed to Confucius himself, especially concerning the so-called Five Classics (wujing). In fact, only a small part of the whole canon dates from the time in which Confucius lived, which was called the late Spring and Autumn period (770–5th cent. B.C.). Parts of the Book of Poetry, the Book of Changes and the Spring and Autumn Annals existed already before the time of Confucius and must be deemed “ancient classical texts” which Confucians often referred to. Yet the

2.3 Four Stages of Development for Confucianism

51

the Pre-Qin Confucianism is concerned, what Confucius and Mencius have inherited is the traditional Confucian Classics of ancient times and what they imparted is also the Confucian Classics. It follows that the Study of Confucian Classics turns out to be the study of Confucianism because it has followed up to the tradition of Confucius and Mencius since the Western and Eastern Han Dynasties. Confucianism’s contribution during the two Han Dynasties lies in that all principles related to political system, economic system, social fashion, educational purpose, and life cultivation are grounded in Confucian Classics. Consequently, these principles have had a lasting impact upon subsequent Chinese cultural traditions.

Xi Ping Shi Jing (Taixue Shi Jing of Eastern Han Dynasty)

The Confucian Learning during the Wei, Jin, South and North Dynasties (220– 589 A.D.), as Qian Mu said, not only did not diverge or decline, but instead exhibits an expanding trend. During this period, the status of the Confucian Learning was not as good as that of the Two Hans, but its research vision and scope were more widely expanded than those of the Two Hans. Its “expansion” is mainly manifested in the annotations and commentaries made to the Confucian Classics, with its most main part of the corpus was written or at least compiled during the Han period Han (206 B.C.–220 A.D.), when Confucianism became the official state philosophy and thinking—translator’s note.

52

2 An Overview of Confucianism

notable contribution being the annotation and codification of The Thirteen Confucian Classics (shisanjing).57 However, most of the commentaries and interpretations of The Thirteen Classics are mostly completed during this period. The Learning of Confucian Classics ( jingxue) in the Southern and Northern Dynasties is divided into the Northern and Southern Confucian Classics. During the Northern Dynasty, people mainly focused on the study of the Official System of Zhou (zhouguan),58 whereas in the Southern Dynasty, the study of rites held significant importance. The study of exegesis (yishuzhixue)59 in the Tang Dynasty can be traced back to the Wei-Jin period. If it is true that Wei-Jin and South-North Dynasties only talked about Lao Zi’s and Zhuang Zi’s Daoist Metaphysics (xuanxue) and Buddhism’s other world in the past 400 years, how can it continue the legacy of Chinese culture and start the heyday of Sui and Tang Dynasties? On the other hand, we must discuss the expansion of Confucianism into the field of historiography. Historiography was originally an integral component of Confucian Classics. Notable scholars like Zheng Xuan, Wang Su and Du Yu emphasized the importance of historiography. Songshu (The History of Song Dynasty), Nan-Qi Shu (The History of Nan Qi Dynasty), Weishu (The History of Wei Dynasty) and so on all came into being during this period of time. Influenced by the writings of historiography in the Wei-Jin, South-North period, historiography in the Sui Dynasty especially flourished both in quantity and quality, which had a great influence on later generations.

57

The Thirteen (Confucian) Classics (shí sān jīng) is gradually developed from the Five Classics of Han Dynasty which covers The Book of Poetry (Shijing), Book of History (Shangshu), Rites of Zhou (Zhouli), Rites and Ceremonies (Yili), Classic of Rites (Liji), Book of Changes (Yi Jing), Zuo’s Annals (Zuozhuan), Gongyang’s Annals (Gongyang Zhuan), Guliang’s Annals (Guliang Zhuan), Analects (Lunyu), Erya (Erya), Classic of Filial Piety (Xiaojing), Mencius (Meng Zi)—translator’s note. 58 The Official System of Zhou (zhouguan) is completed in the Warring States Period. Judging from its title, it should be a book recording the official system of Zhou Dynasty, but its content is inconsistent with the official system of Zhou Dynasty. It may be a book about ideal political system of antiquity and duties of officials. However, The Official System of Zhou, as cultural relics unearthed in modern times, is mostly consistent with the persons, events and systems recorded in The Rites of Zhou, though most of them are not often recorded in other books. Such a fact not only proves that most of the contents of The Rites of Zhou are credible, but also has exerted a great impact on the closed system of “distinguishing ancient books by means of ancient books.” —translator’s note. 59 The Study of Exegesis (yi shu zhi xue) is one of the annotation systems of ancient books. It originated in the North–South period, and its content aims to clarify the meaning of the original book and old notes, explain away the original book’s ideas, or extensively compile relevant materials, scrutinize the old annotations, provides supplements, and identify falsifications—translator’s note.

2.3 Four Stages of Development for Confucianism

53

Thirteen Classics with Annotations and Commentaries

The Study of Confucian Classics and History in Tang Dynasty flourishes in the early Tang Dynasty, building upon the legacy left by the Wei, Jin, Southern, and Northern Dynasties. That suggests that the prosperous Confucian Learning witnessed in the Sui and Tang Dynasties had its roots nurtured as early as the late Northern and Southern Dynasties, finally bearing fruit during this time. Prominent scholars of Confucian Classics in the Tang Dynasty are Lu Deming, author of Interpretation of the Classical Works (Jing Dian Shi Yi), and Kong Yingda, who penned the Rectified Interpretation of Five Classics (Wujing Zheng Yi).60 In particular, The Rectified Interpretation of Five Classics is a large collection of the Study of Confucian Classics, and later, on this basis, it has been gradually enlarged into The Thirteen Classics with Annotations and Commentaries (Shi San Jing Zhu Shu). As for the historical writings, The Book of Jin Dynasty ( jinshu), The Book of Liang Dynasty (Liangshu), The Book of Chen Dynasty (Chenshu), The Book of Beiqi Dynasty (Beiqishu), The Book of Zhou Dynasty (Zhoushu), The Book of Nan Dynasty (Nanshi), The Book 60

Rectified Interpretations of the Five Classics (Wujing Zhengyi), also translated into The Converted Significance of the Five Classics, is an important and official interpretation of the Five Confucian Classics in Tang Dynasty. Authorized by Emperor Taizong of Tang Dynasty, Kong Yingda and his fellow scholars, taking previous commentaries and annotations for reference, reinterpreted The Five Classics, and respectively titled them A Rectified Interpretation of the Book of Changes (zhou yi zheng yi), A Rectified Interpretation of the Book of History (shang shu zheng yi), A Rectified Interpretation of the Book of Songs of Mao’s Version (mao shi zheng yi), A Rectified Interpretation of the Book of Rites (li ji zheng yi), and A Rectified Interpretation of the Spring and Autumn Annals (chun qiu zheng yi). From Emperor Gaozong’ reign onwards, the work consisting of 180 volumes was adopted as the official standard for the imperial civil service examinations—translator’s note.

54

2 An Overview of Confucianism

of Bei Dynasty (Beishi) and The Book of Sui Dynasty (Suishu), were all completed in early Tang Dynasty, and most of them continued the legacy of the Southern and Northern Dynasties. The Tang Dynasty’s new contribution to Confucianism lies in its ability to integrate Confucianism and literature. Since then, in addition to the Studies of Confucian Classics and History, Confucianism has also included literature. From that point onward, literature emerged as a subject within the realm of Confucian Learning. By the Tang Dynasty, Confucian Learning had encompassed Confucian Classics ( jing), Historical Records (shi), Philosophical Writings (zi), and Miscellaneous Works ( ji), paving the way for the integration of Confucian Learning in the later Song Dynasty.

Preaching of Confucian Classics painted by Zhan Ziqian (Sui Dynasty)

Throughout the second phase, the theory of “Heaven, Human, Nature, and Mandate” (tian-ren xing-ming) is deepened and expanded. In the process of the collision and integration in the “faith triangle” or the three traditions of Confucianism, Taoism and Chinese Buddhism (sanjiao), and under the tension between ultimate destination of transcendence and worldly life, the problem of “justifying oneself by heavenly mandate” (anshenliming) becomes more prominent. At this time, a variety of issues on body and heart/mind, physical nature, human nature and moral

2.3 Four Stages of Development for Confucianism

55

upbringing are in heated discussion. During this period, the question of how to transcend this world without breaking away from it became the central issue. In addition, issues concerning human’s existence, life-death, spirit-body, and human nature in the theory of “the Coincidence of Heaven and Human” or “Human Obligation to Heavenly Mandates” (tianrenganying) in the Han Dynasty, issues concerning being and non-being (you-wu), fundamental and incidental (ben-mo), substance and function (ti-yong), one and many (yi-duo), Confucian ethical code (mingjiao)61 and nature, and the debate on language and meaning, etc., in the period of Wei and Jin Dynasties, are all centered around the central issue of human’s spiritual transcendence and his worldly life. During this period, due to the introduction of Indian Buddhism into China, the Confucian Learning (ruxue) is more profound and insightful than the Pre-Qin philosophies in terms of human’s mind, nature, mentality, natural talents and cognitive structure, in terms of the multi-level relationships between human and the world, in terms of the sacred perfection of individual self, the dynamic subjectivity and the endless world, in terms of human’s insight, intuition, and explosive power of creative thinking, as well as in terms of human’s pursuit of artistic sphere of transcendence, etc.

Zhu Xi

61

“Mingjiao,” also known as Confucian ethical norm or code, is a Chinese term first used to refer to the ethical code with the rectification of names as its core advocated by Confucius and other Confucians. According to them, every name in society implies certain responsibilty and duty; emperor, minister, father, and son are all the names of such social relationships, and individuals bearing these names must fulfil their corresponding responsibilities and duties accordingly. Since the Han Dynasty, this term usually signified all the feudal moral and political principles, such as the Three Cardinal Guides (san gang) and the Five Constant Virtues (wu chang). During the Wei-Jin period, it was used as a contrast to naturalness or spontaneity (nature)—translator’s note.

56

2 An Overview of Confucianism

In the third stage, Confucian Learning comprehensively integrated the Confucian Classics ( jing), History (shi) and Literature (wenxue) throughout the Western Han and Eastern Han Dynasties, Wei and Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties down to the Sui and Tang dynasties, or the Confucian Learning, in general, was used to guide the Confucian Classics ( jing), Historical Records (shi), Philosophical Writings (zi) and Miscellaneous Works ( ji), namely, all of which were included in the scope of Confucian Learning. Particularly, the Confucianists in the Northern Song Dynasty, such as Hu Yuan, Sun Fu, Shi Jie, Xu Ji, and Fan Zhongyan, are all characterized by comprehensive synthesization of the Confucian Learning. All of them have achieved an integral understanding in aspects of education, moral principles, Confucian classics, history and literature, thus creating a new aspect in the development history of Confucian Learning. While their academic paths differed, they all operated within the realm of Confucian Classics, Historic Records, and literature, albeit with varying focal points. For example, Wang Anshi (1021–1086 A.D.) emphasized Confucian Classics, Sima Guang (1019–1086 A.D.) focused on historiography, Ouyang Xiu (1007–1072 A.D.) concentrated on literature and so on. Simultaneously, numerous among them achieved political success. Also, there emerged a new Confucianism (xinru) in North Song Dynasty (960– 1127 A.D.), which was represented by Zhou Dunyi, Zhang Zai, Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi, etc. Qian Mu believed that, unlike the above-mentioned Confucianists of comprehensive integration, none of them liked writing poems and literary proses, and they seemed to hold literature in contempt and paid little attention to the study of history either. Nor did they pay much attention to the achievements of Confucianists in the study of Confucian Classics after the Han Dynasties. They only valued the effort in self-cultivation of heartmind (xin) and nature (xing). What they learned and created is known as Neo-Confucianism (lixue) by later generations. As far as the general tradition of Confucian Learning since the Two Han Dynasties is concerned, the Neo-Confucianists in Song Dynasty can be regarded as an external faction in Confucian Learning. During the Southern Song Dynasty, Confucian Learning underwent another transformation following the emergence of Master Zhu.62 Zhu Xi is the 62

Zhu Xi (1130–1200 A.D.), also known as Zhi Zi or Master Zhu, was the most influential Chinese Neo-Confucian scholar. He has been hailed as the foremost philosopher of China since Mencius and Zhuang Zi. His influence has extended across East Asia, notably affecting Korea, Japan, and Vietnam, and continues to be felt even today. Zhu excelled as an interpreter of the Confucian Classics, as well as the teachings of Confucius, Mencius, and their predecessors. He assimilated the philosophical ideologies of eleventh- century Northern Song masters, such as Zhou Dunyi, Zhang Zai, Cheng Hao, and Cheng Yi, and integrated them into a comprehensive system by serious analytic and synthetic thinking. Zhu Xi’s system influenced his interpretive work, while his study of the classics and other thinkers provided him with issues, topics, and illustrative examples that foster reflection and further development of his system. Zhu possessed a probing and reflective mind, coupled with sharp analytic and synthetic skills, and his philosophical inquiries spanned multiple direction: ontology, cosmology, philosophical anthropology, natural philosophy, ethics, politics, epistemology, education, the transmission or succession of the Confucian Way, and so forth, making him the most well-rounded of traditional Chinese philosophers. He was at once a classical interpreter who sought deeper meanings as well as textual mastery, as well as a philosophical thinker who discussed and debated a range of issues with his contemporaries—translator’s note.

2.3 Four Stages of Development for Confucianism

57

most prestigious Confucian scholar in the Song Dynasty, and he is considered to be a successor of Ouyang Xiu’s school of Confucian Learning in North Song Dynasty. In a certain sense, Zhu Xi, or the Master Zhu, is a great practitioner in accomplishing comprehensive synthesis of Confucian Learning, that is to say, he wanted to bring Neo-Confucianism back again to the synthesis achieved by the Confucianists of North Song Dynasty. Hereafter, the Confucian School of Master Zhu became the mainstay of Confucianism, and its scholars were all versed in the Confucian Classics, Historic Records and Literature, and carrying forward the comprehensive and synthetic ideology established by Confucianists in North Song Dynasty. Later, the Confucian scholars in the Yuan Dynasty attached great importance to the study of Confucian Classics and Historic Records, mainly inheriting the thought of Zhu Xi, and having made considerable achievements. Since Yuan Dynasty, Master Zhu’s Collected Commentaries on the Four Books (sishuzhangjujizhu) had become a mustread textbook for national civil examinations. When Ming Dynasty was founded, its systems of politics, economy and culture all originated in Yuan Dynasty, just as the prosperity and peace of Sui and Tang Dynasties originated in South and North Dynasties. Even during an era of decline and chaos, the Chinese Confucian Learning has demonstraed its resilience and vitality by bridging the past and paving the way for a new future which should be attributed to the function of Chinese culture and the exceptional spirit inherent in Chinese Confucianism. Similarly, just as there was Rectified Interpretations of the Five Classics (wujingzhengyi) in the early Tang Dynasty, there was the complete collection of the Five Classics (wujing) and Four Books (sishu) in Ming dynasty, which was derived from the Learning of Zhu Xi in Yuan Dynasty, and henceforth a compulsory textbook for national civil examinations in Ming Dynasty. Following the early Ming Dynasty, Confucianism failed to undergo a rapid innovation, the Study of Confucian Classics lacked a vigorous development, and new historical writings were scarce. This is because the Confucianists in Ming and Tang Dynasties were more interested in displaying their personal talent and virtue in pursuit of achievement and success. In terms of literature, what Ming Dynasty advocates is the literary tradition of Qin and Han Dynasties, so the imitation of antiquity prevailed in the aspect of poetry. They did not grasp the trend that the Confucianism after Du Fu and Han Yu of the Tang Dynasty was incorporated into poetry and prose. When it comes to Neo-Confucianism (lixue), Wang Yangming is undoubtedly the dominating figure. When it comes to the effort in self-cultivation, Lu Xiangshan, Wang Yangming and others argued that the effort in self-cultivation should be simple, even as simple as simple can be. Finally, in the later stage of Wang Yangming’s theory, the Confucian Learning of Confucianism in the Ming Dynasty, much like the Ming Dynasty politics, ultimately came to an end. During the late Ming Dynasty and the early Qing Dynasty, Gu Tinglin, Huang Lizhou and Wang Chuanshan, known as three great Confucianists, all embarked on a road of integrating Confucian Classics ( jing), Historic Records (shi) and Literature (wen), that is, incorporating the three subjects into the study of Confucianism which once prevailed in North Song Dynasty, and ultimately became a generation of broadminded Confucianists with profound knowledge. Of three Confucianists, Gu Tinglin roughly draws on the Cheng-Zhu School in academic thought, but is mainly inclined

58

2 An Overview of Confucianism

to the academic direction of Zhu Xi. Wang Chuanshan is somewhat different in NeoConfucianism from the Cheng-Zhu School and is much similar to Zhang Zai, but he still inherited Zhu Xi’s tradition in his academic direction. Huang Lizhou regards Wang Yangming as his origin, but academically speaking, he, like Wang Chuanshan and Gu Tinglin, advocates reading more, learning extensively about Confucius Classics and Historic Records, and paying attention to literature. The three of them are largely identical but with minor differences, all characterized by comprehensive integration of Confucianism seen in Northern Song Dynasty. The contributions of the three Confucianists are multifacets. Take historiography as an example. Firstly, Confucianists in the Qing Dynasty created a new style of writing academic history and figures in the form of stele biography (beizhuanji)63 ; and secondly, they attached great importance to the study of local history, for example, the study of local chronicles promoted by Zhang Xuecheng, that is, the study of local chronicles or social history. In terms of the study of Confucian Classics ( jingxue), from Gu Tinglin to Dai Dongyuan of the heyday of Qianjia (1681–1796 A.D.), the Study of Confucian Classics was in full bloom. Initially, Confucian Learning was solely focused on Confucian Classics. However, over time, it gradually shifted away from this traditional approach, leading to a distinct emergence of Confucian Classics ( jingxue) as a separate field of study. Subsequently, there was a further divergence from the study of Confucian Classics, with textual research taking center stage. These three significant shifts mark the major transformations in the study of Confucian Classics during the Qing Dynasty. Confucianists of Song Dynasty only revered Mencius, which went on until the School of Yi-Luo.64 Confucianists in the Qing Dynasty held a deep reverence for Six Classics, a tradition that originated in the Eastern Han Dynasty with scholars such as Xu Shen (ca. 58 A.D.–ca. 147 A.D.)65 and Zheng Xuan 63

“The form of stele biography” (Bei zhuan ji), as a new style of writing, appeared in Qing Dynasty. Its literal translation is “a collection of biographies recorded on stone tablets” (bei) of figures in Qing Dynasty. The most famous is Biographies Recorded On Stone Tablets (Bei zhuan ji) compiled by the late Qing-period’s scholar Qian Yiji (1783–1850 A.D.). The book includes the biographies of more than 2200 persons of every social level from the early Qing to the Jiaqing reign-period (1796–1820 A.D.). The sources were semi-official family records ( jia zhuan), official conduct descriptions (xing zhuang), or tomb inscriptions (mu zhi ming). All persons are classified into 25 different categories according to their social or functional status or according to their conduct which are very similar to the categories used in the normal and collective biographies (lie zhuan) of the dynastic histories (zheng shi)—translator’s note. 64 Yi-Luo School (yi luo xue) refers to the School of Neo-Confucianism founded by Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi in the Northern Song Dynasty. Cheng Hao is called “the Elder Cheng” and Cheng Yi “the Younger Cheng.” Two Chengs, both from Luoyang (now Henan), lectured there for a long time, and later Cheng Yi lived in Yichuan. They lectured across areas of Yi and Luo rivers, so they are called “the School of Yi-luo,” also known as the “Study of Luo.” In the Southern Song Dynasty, Zhu Xi directly inherited the theory of Yi-luo School and developed it into a complete Neo-Confucianism system, forming the “Cheng-Zhu School of Neo-Confucianism.” Cheng-Zhu Neo-Confucianism became the official philosophy of late feudal society of China, and its influence was extremely far-reaching—translator’s note. 65 Xu Shen (58 A.D.–147 A.D.) is a Confucian classicist and scholar of the Eastern Han Dynasty. Xu was a native of Zhaoling (now Yancheng County, Henan Province). Xu Shen was versed in Five Classics and author of the work On the Differences of the Five Classics (wu jing yi yi), but he

2.3 Four Stages of Development for Confucianism

59

(127 A.D.–200 A.D.).66 During the late Qing Dynasty, the Qing Confucianism, represented by The Gongyang School of Modern Text Classics (jinwenxuegongyangpai), reached its peak,67 and among the Five Classics, it only revered The Spring and Autumn Annals (chunqiu), while among the Three Commentaries to the Spring and Autumn Annals (chunqiusanzhuan),68 it only revered Gongyang Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals (chunqiugongyangzhuan), which might be regarded as an external deviation from others.

was highly praised for his Explanation of Scripts and Elucidation of Characters (shuowenjiezi), a Chinese dictionary of 9453 entries. Because of Xu Shen’s immortal contribution to philology, later generations respected him as “the Sage of Chinese Words.”—translator’s note. 66 Zheng Xuan (127 A.D.–200 A.D.) is one of the greatest Confucian classicists in Chinese history. Zheng Xuan was a native of Gaomi (now Shandong Province). Zheng was well versed in both the Modern-Script and Ancient-Script Confucian Classics, but he followed chiefly the Ancient-Script School in his famous commentaries on almost all of the classics, though occasionally he also used the Modern-Script texts to comment on the Ancient Script ones. Most probably because of his synthesis of the two controversial schools, Zheng’s study of the classics is often called the School of Zheng Xuan in history—translator’s note. 67 Study of Confucian Classics ( jing xue) is a term usually used to refer to the commenting and expounding of Confucian Classics. According to records, this study was begun by Zi Xia, Master Xun and other scholars of the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods, but it did not gain momentum until the Han Dynasty. In 213 B.C., the Qin Court sanctioned the persecution of Confucian scholars and ordered the burning of Confucian writings. Some early Han Confucian scholars, who came back into prominence, restored the ancient classics. They were later called the ModemScript Classics ( jin wen jing) because they were written in the clerical style of calligraphy prevailing at that time. Late in the second century B.C., Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty was persuaded by Dong Zhongshu to proclaim Confucianism the official ideology. Since then, its authoritative and dominant position was established and the study of Confucian Classics became prevalent. But soon the classics of another version, which were believed to be hidden among walls and to survive the great burning, were found. They were written in the style popular in the Pre-Qin period, so they were called the Ancient-Script Classics (gu wen jing). Thus began the long controversy between the Modem-Script School and the Ancient-Script School—translator’s note. 68 Three Commentaries on the Spring and Autumn Annals (chun qiu san zhuan) is a collective reference to the three books, including Zuo’s Commentary on Spring and Autumn Annals (chun qiu zuo shi zhuan), Gongyang’s Commentary on Spring and Autumn Annals (chun qiu gong yang zhuan), and Guliang’s Commentary on Spring and Autumn Annals (chun qiu gu liang zhuan), which are usually shortened to Mr. Zuo’s Annals (zuo zhuan), Mr. Gongyang’s Annals (gong yang zhuan), and Mr. Guliang’s Annals (gu liang zhuan)—translator’s note.

60

Gu Tinglin

Huang Lizhou

2 An Overview of Confucianism

2.3 Four Stages of Development for Confucianism

61

Wang Chuanshan

In general, the Confucian Learning in the third stage can be comprehensively perceived as reconciliation and integration of Chinese Confucianism, Chinese Buddhism and Chinese Taoism (sanjiao), especially as integration with Confucianism as its mainstay, which has been proved by historical practice to be the most applicable for Chinese society. Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties marked the eras when the “Li” or “Rationality” (also known as Daoxue or Lixue) was highly esteemed as the guiding principle of the spiritual realm (and Qing Dynasty is no exception). The rise of Neo-Confucianism is a kind of “cultural self-consciousness” produced by Chinese intellectuals facing political and national crises, especially the serious challenges posed by foreign cultural ideologies. From the Confucian scholar Han Yu, through the Three Masters of early Song (song chu san xian sheng),69 the Five 69

The Three Masters of Early Song Dynasty (song chu san xian sheng) refers to Sun Yuan, Shi Jie and Hu Yuan. In the early Song Dynasty, they advocated for observing Confucianism and following the way of former sage-kings. They all studied in Taishan and taught in the Imperial Academy (taixue). They serve as transitional figures of Neo-Confucianism in Song Dynasty, inheriting Fan Zhongyan in the early stage and paving the way for the Neo-Confucianism of Zhang Zai and the Zhou brothers (referring to Zhou Dunyi and Liu Zongzhou)—translator’s note.

62

2 An Overview of Confucianism

Scholars of the Northern Song Dynasty (bei song wu zi)70 , and finally to Master Zhu of South Song, this era is renowned as a time when successive generations of intellectuals embraced it as their solemn mission “to testify a cosmic heart between Heaven and Earth, to vindicate the heaven’s mandate for all human beings, to accomplish the scholarship of ancient Saints and to bring about universal harmony for future generations,” which, in turn, have remolded the Chinese people’s ultimate belief and value system, and enabled them to return to the spiritual source of Chinese culture from a higher level, namely, returning to the “Six Classics,” Analects, Mencius, and Duke of Zhou and Confucius. The Debates between Master Zhu and his contemporaries (such as Lü Zuqian, Lu Jiuyuan and his brothers, as well as Chen Liang and Ye Shi from the school of social utilitarianism, etc.71 ), the Study of Yangming, the Heart School (xinxue, also translated as Mind School or Intuitional School, as distinguished from the other two schools of Li and Qi, also known as lixue and qixue) following Master Zhu, and other movements in Ming Dynasty, as well as the self-reflections of prominet Confucians in early Qing Dynasty, etc., exhibit extraordinary brilliance, creatively profound, complex systems, and arguments. Viewed together, although they varied greatly in nuances, their commonalities outweigh their differences Speaking in general, or standing on the premise of “first establishing the most important,” their effort revolved around criticizing, discarding, and assimilating elements of Buddhism and Taoism from within. Their ultimate goal was to reconstruct the cosmology and ontology of the Chinese people, to solve the issues surrounding the spiritual home of Chinese people, including beliefs, faith, ultimate concerns, and the relationship between transcendental pursuit and pragmatic considerations. It is Lixue, also known as the Study of Rationality that has reconstructed the cosmoontology and the theory of the Heart-Nature cultivation, as well as the system of moral metaphysics. During this period, the Confucian Learning’s greatest contribution in the history of Chinese philosophy lies in its remarkable abstraction, reddressing not only the occurrence and development of the universe and all things, but also further 70

“The Five Scholars of the Northern Song Dynasty” (bei song wu zi) refers to Shao Yong (1011– 1077 A.D.), Zhou Dunyi (1017–1073 A.D.), Zhang Zai (1020–1077 A.D.), and two brothers, Cheng Hao (1032–1085 A.D.) and Cheng Yi (1033–1107 A.D.). They played an important role in the development of philosophy in the Northern Song Dynasty. Zhou Dunyi is the founding master of Neo-Confucianism in the Song Dynasty, whose philosophy is a mixture of Taoist Nonaction and Confucian Doctrine of the Mean. His Explanation of the Diagram of the Supreme Pole (tai ji tu shuo) is a representative work in the early stage of Neo-Confucianism. Shao Yong is the founder of prenatal image-number theory in the Northern Song Dynasty, whose thought originated from Taoism, attributing the occurrence of the universe to the mysterious evolution of “image” and “number.” Zhang Zai developed the thought of “Qi Monism” and was the aggregator of the “twoone” theory of ancient Chinese dialectics. The Two Chengs, the founders of Neo-Confucianism of Northern Song Dynasty, established a systematic theoretical system with spiritual “reason” as the core of the universe—translator’s note. 71 The School of Social utilitarianism (gong li pai) is a philosophical school in the Southern Song Dynasty, represented by Chen Liang, Ye Shi, Lv Zuqian and others, which advocates such philosophical viewpoints as “principle in all things,” “applying what you have learned to meet the present needs,” and “morality and righteousness cannot be divorced from utilitarianism.” Its essence is to lay stress on social achievements and personal material interests. This school is essentially a reaction to Neo-Confucianism—translator’s note.

2.3 Four Stages of Development for Confucianism

63

discussing the metaphysical issues, such as the fundation, origin, and universal laws of Heaven and Earth, including the ultimate concern for human faith. “Li (Principle)” and “Qi” (material force/energy/ether) are the most two fundamental categories. Such two categories, “Tao,” “Yin-Yang” (representing natural masculine andfeminine principles), and “the Supreme Ultimate” (taiji) already existed during the Pre-Qin Dynasties. However, it was only during this period that they formed a cohesive system of interrelated categories, emerging as the central components of Confucian metaphysical ontology of the universe. In the Song and Ming Neo-Confucianism, the most important and influential schools are the School of Neo-Confucianism (lixuepai) represented by Cheng Yi and Zhu Xi, while the School of Heart was represented by Lu Jiuyuan and Wang Yangming. Regarding the theory of moral cultivation and efforts, Neo-Confucianism advocates the principle-based theory that “nature is principle” (xing ji li), from which the theory of effort in moral cultivation developed , such as the concepts like “investigation of things (ge wu) and exhaustion of principle” (qiong li), “the attentiveness of the mind in moral cultivation” (zhu jing han yang)72 , as well as “the transformation of personal temperament through moral cultivation” (bian hua qi zhi).73 However, regarding the theory of moral cultivation and effort, the philosophy of the Heart or Intuitional Sect (xin xue) firmly advocates the heart ontology, asserting that “heart is principle” (xin ji li), and based on this heart ontology, it further introduced the concept of “a simple effort” through which “the original heart can be extended.” Confucianism has underwent notable changes in its fourth stage or in its modern times. The term “modern” is defined in relation to the “pre-modern era,” and at this 72

“Attentiveness of the mind in moral cultivation” (zhu jing han yang) is an expression used by Cheng Hao. Cheng Hao said, “Moral cultivation must be achieved through reverence or attentiveness of the mind,” which means holding one’s will. Regarding commanding Qi, it is called the rectification of one’s mind; regarding the keeping of one’s word, it is called the abidance in reverence. To keep it with unchanging word is to make it devoid of depraved or confused thought, which is called abiding in spiritual cultivation.” Cheng Hao thinks that attentiveness is an effort of moral cultivation, and that “spiritual cultivation requires the application of attentiveness, and the advancement of learning lies in the extension of knowledge.” The way to achieve attentiveness is self-restraint and selfdisciplined. This kind of effort to abide in reverence is not easy to achieve, and it requires people to be leisurely and broad-minded, not in a hurry, and to persist unremittingly. This kind of effort to abide in reverence is not to make people sit upright in meditation, but to be calm while doing nothing, and to cope with it calmly when something happens. Zhu Xi laid special emphasis on the effort of holding attentiveness, thinking it is the foundation for all good things and the program for learning—translator’s note. 73 “The transformation of personal temperament through moral cultivation” or “to change personal temperament through moral cultivation” (bian hua qi zhi) is one of the most important concepts from Neo-Confucianism proposed by Zhang Zai of the Song Dynasty. To some extent, it refers to a psychological point of view on the cultivation of human nature. Zhang Zai believes that human nature can be divided into “the Nature of Heaven and Earth” and “the Nature of temperament.” The Nature of Heaven and Earth is purely good, and the Nature of Temperament is both good and evil, but it can lead to evil. In order to remove the evil and follow the good, Zhang Zai emphasizes the decisive role of acquired learning and moral cultivation in changing personal temperament, saying: “The biggest advantage of reading and learning is that it can improve one’s own quality and self-cultivation.” See Zhang Zai, “Principle” from Assembled Principles of Classical Learning (jingxueliku-yili)—translator’s note.

64

2 An Overview of Confucianism

stage, both in terms of its content and form, Confucianism is significantly different from its manifestations in the previous three stages. Modern Confucianism came into being in response to the challenge posed by Western civilization, and it continues to evolve through a dynamic dialogue with Western culture. In order to save Chinese nation in crisis, a variety of thoughts emerged, including modern and contemporary Confucian thought, all of which were trying hard to opt for a way that suited China without departing from the general trend of the world. The central issues in this stage are issues of universality and particularity, tradition and modernity, East and West, humanities and technology. What Confucianism especially needed to examine and reflect on were issues: What was the universal road to modernization and the connotation of modernity? What was the universal value in the Chinese humanistic spirit? Was it still necessary to pursue metaphysical and ontological values, as well as the Way of “justifying one’s life in spiritual pursuit” for modern Chinese people? (an shen li ming zhi dao).74

74

“The Way of settling down one’s life in spiritual pursuit” (an shen li ming zhidao) means that one’s life has the whereabouts and one’s spirit has its entrustments, or one settles down in peace and gets on with one’s spiritual pursuit. Mencius’ theory of “fully developing one’s mind, knowing one’s nature, knowing heaven, keeping one’s sincerity, nurturing one’s nature, abiding one’s destiny, cultivating oneself, and settling down in spiritual pursuit has formed the Way” of “settling down one’s life in spiritual pursuit” for Chinese people. “Anshen” [settle down in peace] means moral cultivation to the best of one’s ability; “Liming” [stand up spiritually or pursuit spiritually] means to stand up for the fate of human morality and actions, to wait for one’s destiny by following the Way of proper destiny, to meet one’s destiny with the greatest efforts, the best of one’s own. This is a rational and down-to-earth realism spirit, which has profoundly influenced the cultural psychology of the Chinese people. This rational, independent and indomitable national spirit is the spiritual source of realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation—translator’s note.

Chapter 3

Five Classics and Four Books

3.1 The Five Classics First, Jing (經) and Six Jings (六經) “Jing” (longitude or warp) is relative to “Wei” (latitude or weft). It originally refers to the longitudinal line for silk and cloth weaving. The longitudinal line is termed “longitude,” and the transverse line is termed “latitude.” According to Xu Shen’s Explanation of Scripts and Elucidation of Characters (shuowenjiezi), as a Chinese character, “經 ( jing) is composed of “糸” and “巠,” respectively, pronounced as jing, which means a vertical line on a loom,” and 經 further obtains its extended meaning as organization or unification. Some people in later generations used it to mean “ 常” (chang or the constant), and others extended it to mean “徑” ( jing, or the path people walk along). Accordingly, “經” ( jing) is often used to indicate the constant way or path, having the meanings of “often,” “invariability,” and “constancy.” In his reverence for the Classics, Liu Xie (465–520 A.D.) said: “Jing represents the ultimate manifestation of the Way, permanent immutable and everlasting, onstituting the noblest form of instruction that shall never fade away.” (Liu Xie, The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons, Chap. 2.) It is evident that the ancient people greatly respected the classics which are honored as “jing” and exploited them as the basis for effecting good administration and stability for the country and also used them as magnificent textbooks that cannot be changed. The official education of the Zhou Dynasty was centered on the Six Classics. In “Da Si Yue” of Zhouli or the Ritual of Zhou, “Da Si Yue,” also called “Yuè Zhèng,” who were officials in charge of the education of the kingdom, established decrees of education and manage the Chengjun schools (cheng jun xue guan) in the kingdom, and teach children of the duke, minister, and high official in the ways of state governance. Only those with high virtue could be qualified to teach in the imperial schools. When they died, they were canonized as master teachers and received sacrifices from their students. They educated young people to possess music and

© Fudan University Press 2024 Q. Guo, The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4799-7_3

65

66

3 Five Classics and Four Books

virtue (yuede), consisting of six virtues, such as moderateness (zhong), harmoniousness (he), courtesy (zhi), constancy (yong), filial piety (xiao), and fraternity (you). They educated young people six methods to use language effectively, such as evocation (xing), namely using something in the actual world to arouse one’s emotions and aspirations; reading under guidance (dao); subtle admonition ( feng), namely making critical comments on state affairs to the ruler in a tactful manner; reading aloud (song), namely reciting with an intonation; raising question and answers (yan yu yu), namely learning how to start a speech and interact with people. They also taught young people to master music and dance (yuewu) through studying works like Yunmen Da Juan, Da Han, Da Shao, Da Xia, Da Hu, Da Wu, and others and to perform these musical works through six bamboo pitch pipes (liùlǜ), six metallic pitch instruments (liutong, including Dalu, Yingzhong, Nanlu, Linzhong, Zhonglu, and Jiazhong), wusheng (the five musical notes that rise in pitch, from gong, shang, jue, zhi to yu, which correspond roughly to the notes of 1, 2, 3, 5, and 6 in today’s numbered musical notation), bayin (eight sounds produced when eight musical instruments made of gold, stone, earth, leather, silk, wood, gourd, and bamboo are played together create harmonious music), and liuwu (six musical works which refer to Yunmen Da Juan, Da Xian, Da Shao, Da Xia, Da Hu, and Da Wu). Through them all, great musical harmony is produced in the hope of revering gods and deities between Heaven and Earth, bringing stability for the country and harmony for all people, making faraway guests feel at home, people from afar happy, and all things grow and flourish. Chengjun is originally referred to as musical pitch and tune. In ancient times, education was mainly based on ritual and music, so Chengjun serves as the place where young people of nobility learned ritual and music. In the remote eras of five legendary emperors or sovereigns (usually referring to Huangdi, Zhuanxu, Diku, Yao, and Shun), the imperial academy (taixue) was known as Chengjun, which was inherited by the Zhou Dynasty as one of the five types of imperial academy in ancient China, which refers to Academy of Northern Shang Xiang (beishangyang), Academy of Eastern Dong Xu (dong dong xu), Academy of Western Guzong (xi gu zong), Academy of Southern Chengjun (nan cheng jun), and Academy of Middle Piyong (zhong pi yong). Moreover, Academies of Biyong and Chengjun are also referred to as the general names for Imperial Academies. In general, those who were eligible to study in Imperial Academies were offspring of nobility. In the time of Zhou Dynasty, its education took moral and virtue as its foundation, mainly through ritual and music, and education was combined with entertainment, which covers six virtues, such as the mean (zhong), the harmonious-mindedness (he), the courtesy (zhi), the constant (yong), filial piety (xiao), and fraternity (you), of which zhi has the implication of respectfulness and yong has the implication of being constant and ever-lasting. During the Spring and Autumn Period (770–476 B.C.), to be more specific, even in the era of King Zhuang of Chu (613–591 B.C.), the text materials used in educating princes were basically the Six Classics, ancient history, and canonical works from Central China. When King Zhuang consulted Shen Shushi, he said: “Teach them The Spring and Autumn Annals (chunqiu) so as to praise good deeds and suppress evils in them, and maintian their true hearts; Teach them The World (shi, the virtuous deeds of former kings) so as to brighten their illustrious virtue and keep them away from

3.1 The Five Classics

67

ignorance and regulate their acts; Teach them The Poetry (shi) so as to broaden their vision and improve their moral cultivation and arouse their aspirations; Teach them The Rituals (li) so as to know the distinction between the superior and the inferior; Teach them The Music (yue) so as to stay away from the filth and remain steadfast without frivolity; Educate them through decrees (ling) so that they understand the duties of officials; Teach them Discourses on the States (guoyu) so as to elevate their moral cultivation and know how the former sage-kings govern the country with illustrious virtue; Teach them The Ancient Annals (guzhi) so as to make them prepared for danger in times of peace; Teach them The Precepts of Former Sage-Kings (xundian) so that they understand the clan’s development and reproduction, and align their behavior with morality and righteousness.” And Shen Shushi continued to say, “To explain to them the principle of the extension of one’s own scope of activity to include others and guide them to follow the principle of both loyalty and forbearance; To explain to them the way to make the country continue for long and guide them to stay in sincerity and truthfulness; To explain to them the importance of moderation in measurement and direct them towards acting appropriately; To clarify to them the order of the upper and lower ranks and guide him to follow the ritual; To explain to them the principle of humility and frugality and guide him to love his relatives; To explain to them the principle of being in awe and veneration and guide them to succeed in their life; To clarify to them that they should treat people with loving heart and guide them to practice human-heartedness and virtue; … (“Discourses on The State of Chu” from the Discourses on The States or Guoyu. Chuyu)”. Obviously, Shen Shushi advocated for the princes to adjust their heart mind and nature character through reading poems and other literary works, so that they could possess virtues of being moderate, respectful, diligent, kind hearted, faithful, and trustworthy. Of course, what Confucius preserved remains the educational heritage of the “Six Classics.” The “Six Classics” refers to Classic of Poetry (Shijing), Classic of History (Shujing), Classic of Rites (Lijing), Classic of Music (Yuejing), Classic of Changes (Yi Jing), and Classic of Spring and Autumn (Chunqiujing). “經” ( jing), as a suffix component in each of the Six Classics, originated in late Warring States, and prior to this, they were simply known as The Poetry (Shi or Three Hundred Poems), The History (Shu), The Changes (Yi), and so on. According to “The Luck of Heaven (tianyun)” from The Works of Zhuang Zi (Chuang Tzu), “Confucius said to Lao Zi, ‘I think that I have studied the Six Classics of the Shi, the Shu, the Li, the Yue, the Yi, and the Chunqiu for a long time.’” This sentence at least implies that during the late Warring States Period, it was widely recognized that the six classics and canons had already established their importance. Then, what is the relationship between Confucius and the Six Classics? Did Confucius ever codify the Six Classics? Regarding this issue, the ancients held a predominantly positive view. However, for a long time following the May 4th Movement, skepticism became prevalent in academic circle, and the notion that Confucius had minimal no association with Six Classics gained popularity. Mr. Zhou Yutong once stated, “I think Confucius had minimal involvement with the Six Classics,” and “The Changes and The Spring and Autumn Annals bear little connection with

68

3 Five Classics and Four Books

Confucius.”1 However, archaological discoveries such as unearthed slips and silks have consistently demonstrate a close relationship between Confucius and the Six Classics. If Mr. Zhou were still alive today, he might reconsider his viewpoint.

The Deer Bleat (Lumingzhishi), painted by Ma Hezhi of Southern Song Dynasty.2 “The Deer Bleat” comes from the first group of “Xiaoya” from The Book of Poetry (Shijing), including ten poems, such as “The Deer Bleats,” “Four Horses,” “Brilliant Flowers,” and “The Flower of Shadbush”

The treatise Nature Comes from the Decree of Heaven (xing zi ming chu) in Guodian Chu Slips deals with the relationship between sages and the Poetry (shi), the History (shu), the Rituals (li), and the Music (yue), saying: “The Poetry (shi), The History (shu), The Rituals (li) and The Music (yue) are originally produced out of human needs. The Poetry is to express feelings, The History is to draw lessons from former sage-kings, and The Ritual and The Music to guide human behavior.” Sages codified them and organized them in good order, used them to observe human moral actions, embellish them in good language, adjust human emotions, or restrain them. And then they used them to civilize people and make them moral. The rituals were originally produced out of innermost human feelings, and were also produced based on the principle of adapting measures to suit actual conditions.3 Here is what Confucius advocated on the importance of learning the Poetry, History, Rites, and Music. Regarding this, the earliest known document an be traced back to the above quoted passage from “The Luck of Heaven” of Chuang Zi, which can also be found in the chapter “Under the Heaven (tianxia)” of The Works of Zhuang Zi (Chuang Tzu), which says: “Poetry addresses human’s will; History describes social events; Ritul regulates human’s conduct; Music addresses harmony; Changes deals with the interaction of yin and yang; Spring and Autumn describes titles and functions. These various policies prevailed throughout the world and were established in the Middle Kingdom (zhongguo), scholars from various schools of thought periodically emphasized and preached one or the other aspect in their praises and preachings.” In addition, in the essay titled “Six Virtues” found in Guodian Chu Slips it is said, 1

Zhu Weizheng, ed. Selected Works of Zhou Yutong on the History of Confucian Classics (revised edition), Shanghai people’s Publishing House, 1996, p. 876. 2 The Deer Bleat (Lumingzhishi) is composed of ten poems with The Deer Bleat (Luming) as the first poem in “Xiaoya” of The Book of Poetry—translator’s note. 3 Jingmen Museum, Bamboo Slips of Chu Tomb in Guodian, Cultural relics Publishing House, 1998, p. 179. Also see Guo Qiyong, “View of Body and Mind on Bamboo Slips in Guodian,” Proceedings of the International Symposium on Guodian Chu Slips, Hubei People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 200.

3.1 The Five Classics

69

“Observe The Poetry and The History, and you will find the Confucian norms in it, observe The Rites and The Music, and you will find the Confucian norms in it, and observe The Changes and The Spring and Autumn, you will find the Confucian norms in it.” In Clusters of Language (No. 1) (yu cong yi) found in Guodian Chu Slips it is said, “The Changes deals with the Heavenly Way (tiandao) and the Humanly Way (rendao). The Poetry deals with the wills of past and present. The Spring and Autumn deals with the events of past and present. The Rites deals with norms of words, deeds and interpersonal interaction. The Music deals with the function of music (yue) in regulating human feelings and behaviours and making them measured in accordance with social norms …” Liao Mingchun rearranged them in a different order: The Poetry deals with the wills of both past and present. The Changes delves into the Heavenly Way and the Humanly Way. The Spring and Autumn documents the events of past and present.4

Sample page of the Book of Changes

Regarding the relation between Confucius and The Changes, in The Family of Tianjing Zhongwan preserved in The Historical Records5 and Confucius Family it is said: “In his old age, Confucius loved to study The Changes,” and he avidly read and fingered through the Changes frequently so that “the leathern thongs binding the book were thrice worn out (wei bian san jue).” Later on, this term is used to describe a person who reads diligently. Tai Shi Gong (Sima Qian) talked about Confucius, saying, Confucius “loved to read The Changes so avidly that the leather 4

Bamboo Slips of Chu Tomb in Guodian, ed. Jingmen Museum, Cultural Relics Publishing House, 1998, pp. 188, 194, 199. Also see Liao Mingchun, “Bamboo Slips of Chu in Jingmen Guodian and Pre-Qin Confucianism,” Chinese philosophy, Vol. 20, Liaoning Education Publishing House, 1999, p. 66. 5 “The Family of Tianjing Zhongwan” (tianjiazhongwanshijia) is an essay which is contained in the Historical Record by Sima Qian (145–87 A.D.), a historian of the Western Han Dynasty. Tian Wan’s real name is Chen Wan, the prince of the State of Chen, who fled to the State of Qi because of the chaos in Chen and changed his name to Tian Wan. His eighth grandson Tian He seized the regime of Qi, which is called the Tian State in history. This essay is from Volume 46 of the Historical Record—translator’s note.

70

3 Five Classics and Four Books

ropes binding the wooded strip broke three times. Confucius himself said, ‘If I were given a few more years, I would have grasped the essential of The Changes more deeply.’” Likewise, in Analects: “Confucius said: ‘if additional years of life were granted to me, I would devote fifty of them to studying The Changes, and then I might overcoming my faults’.” According to Lu’s Analects (lulun),6 “易” (yi) is pronounced as “亦” (yi), which came into being after the Han Dynasty. As a matter of fact, “易” (yi) and “亦” (yi) pertain to two different rhyme categories in remote antiquity, which seemed to be unrelated to each other. Since modern times, many scholars, including Mr. Zhou Yutong (1898–1981 A.D.), have doubted Sima Qian’s saying. Nonetheless, Yi Zhuan or the Appendices to the Book of Changes in silk excavated in Mawangdui has provided evidence for Sima Qian’s saying. In the treatise titled “The Importance of The Changes” (yao) from Yi Zhuan in silk it is said, “In his old age, Confucius loved to study The Changes, keeping it at hand—whether placed by his mattress at home or carried in his pocket.” “Confucius ground assiduously at The Changes, and when he pondered over the two sǔnguà)” and “benefit image ( yìguà),” he repeathexagrams of “loss image ( edly would lay down the book and sigh with admiration …” All of these can confirm the reliability of the records in Analects and Historical Records. When Zigong could not understand the change of Confucius’ view of The Changes in his old age, Confucius explained to him his attitude towards Zhu (one who presides over a sacrificial ceremony), Wu (wizards who are the intermediaries between humans and deities), and Bushi (divination). In “The Importance of the Changes” (yao), Confucius is quoted as saying: “I am afraid that the reason why later generations criticise me might lie in The Appendixes to the Book of Changes (Yi Zhuan).” This is similar to what is recorded in Mencius about Confucius’ connection with “The Spring and Autumn:” “Confucius said: ‘If you read to understand the Spring and Autumn Annals, you may extol me with merits; if you read to misunderstand the Spring and Autumn Annals, you may defame me with demerits’.” (Confucius himself believed that the Spring and Autumn would definitely receive arying opinions from later generations.) In “The Importance of The Change” it is said: “Regarding The Changes, I put its divinition in a second-class position, because what I desire is to explore its virtue and righteousness. Through divination, [I am able to] master the miraculous implications of numbers in each hexagram, and then further grasp the principle and righteousness of each number; Through understanding the righteousness indicated by each number (shu), I come to follow the virtue and righteousness. Furthermore, when making decisions through divination, I should consciously obey the principle indicated by numbers and stick to human-heartedness and act in accordance with it. If one can only understand the communication between deities and humans without understanding the virtue and righteousness indicated by divination, he is just a wizard; if one can understand the virtue and righteousness indicated by the number without 6

There are three versions of the Analects of Confucius (lunyu) in ancient China, including The Ancient Analects of Confucius, Lu’s Analects of Confucius and Qi’s Analects of Confucius. Today’s Analects of Confucius is a version formed by Lu’s Analects of Confucius, while Qi’s Analects of Confucius was lost in the period of the Han and Wei Dynasties—translator’s note.

3.1 The Five Classics

71

understanding the virtue indicated by the number, he is just a historian. Even though I desire the magic of shi (historian) and wu (wizard), I do not pursue it. I like it, but I don’t think so in my heart. If people in later generations would doubt me, it may be on my relation to The Changes. However, I only explore the virtue and righteousness revealed in the image of each hexagram. I walk on the same path with Shi (historian) and Wu (wizard), but arrive at a different place. A virtuous man seeks happiness by virtue, so, although he talks about sacrificial ritual, he does not hold sacrificial activities frequently, and he seeks auspiciousness by following human-heartedness and righteousness; although he also talks about divination, he rarely uses it. Therefore, the practice of relying on divination to forecast good and bad luck is secondary to a virtuous man!”7 This explicitly shows the rationality of Confucius. Although skilled in divination, he rarely resorts to it. He advocates seeking auspiciousness and happiness by morality, human-heartedness, and righteousness, which distinguishes him from Zhu, Wu, and Bushi. In Yi Zhuan in silk book, there are a large number of Confucius’ comments and remarks in such chapters as “Er San Zi” (二三子), “Yi Zhi Yi” (易之義), “Yao,” “Xi Ci” (係辭), “Miu He” (繆和), and “Zhao Li” (昭力), which are essentialli identical to the present-day version of Yi Zhuan. (In “Er San Zi,” it is written as “Kongzi said,” in “Yi Zhi Yi” as “The Master said,” and in “Yao,” “Xi Ci,” “Miu He,” and “Zhao Li” as “Zi said.”) From Yi Zhuan in silk book, we come to understand that Confucius made a creative interpretation of Zhouyi or The Book of Changes. In addition, a onsiderable amount of information pertaining to Confucius’ seventy disciples, discovered on bamboo slips and silks, bears a connection to Yi Zhuan. Mr. Li Xueqin, a contemporary scholar, said: “Confucius is not only a reader, but to some extent, he was also a co-author of The Changes. Yi Zhuan, in particular, bears his authorship.” “In his old age, Confucius loved to study The Changes. Yi Zhuan, which was written either by himself or recorded by his disciples, was completed around the same time as The Analects.” The fact that Yi Zhuan was cited by Zisi, Xuncius, and others indicates that Yi Zhuan is by no means a late book. Of course, the early version of Yi Zhuan was not identical to the present version, which is a common phenomenon for ancient books, and this is not surprising. Therefore, in studying Confucius, we cannot disregard certain classical annotations and commentaries on The Changes.8 This is quite different from the perspective of recent scholars who advocate that Confucius must be approached through strictly adhering to The Analects. For example, Li Xueqin argued that it is challenging to refute the possibility that Confucius revised or authored the Spring and Autumn Annals.9 I firmly 7

What I quoted here from Yi Zhuan preserved in silk book is integrated with the collated edition by Liao Mingchun and Zhao Jianwei. Liao Mingchun’s Preliminary Study of Silk Book “Yi Zhuan,” accompanied by interpretations, was published by Taipei Literature, History and Philosophy Publishing House in 1998; Zhao Jianwei’s Inquiry Into Unearthed Bamboo Slips of “The Book of Change” was published by Taipei Wanjuanlou Book Company in 2000. 8 Li Xueqin, A Collection of Ancient Embellishment, Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 1998, pp. 14–15. 9 Ibid., pp. 16–22.

72

3 Five Classics and Four Books

believe that with an in-depth study of documents in bamboo slips and silk, Confucius’ connection with the Six Classics will definitely achieve a breakthrough. In addition to the above-mentioned quotations from The Works of Zhuang Zi (Chuang Tzu) and the texts from the bamboo slips of Chu, in “The Teachings of Confucianism (ruxiao)” contained in The Book of Xun Zi it is also said: “The sage is the cardinal hub of Dao/Tao (the principle of all things). All thoughts and principles beneath the heaven converge in him, and all principles of countless kings of all ages are oneness. Hence, the Book of Poetry, Book of History, Book of Rituals and Book of Music are all originated in him. Therefore, The Book of Poetry is an expression of human’s will; The Book of history is concerned with state events; The Book of Rites is concerned with norms of human’s conduct; The Book of Music is concerned with human’s feelings regulated by ritual; and The Spring and Autumn is concerned with small words with subtle implications.” “Wei” (small) signifies something sublime hidden within small words, implying that the Spring and Autumn often hides its profound meaning within seemingly insignificant words or hides its eulogy and critique within common place phrases. The Poetry, The History, The Rituals, and The Music are books of sagely preaching and constitute the cardinals of Confucian thought. The above quotations not only explain the significance and main point of the Six Classics, but also show that the Six Classics are the common source and headwater for one hundred schools of thought. The “Six Classics” are also referred to as “Six Arts.” “Confucius said: ‘Despite their distinct nature and content, the Six Arts serves a unified purpose in the governce of the country. The Rituals is to regulate people’s conduct; The Music is to bring out a peaceful and beautiful feelings among people; The History is to record historical events of former kings; The Poetry is to express human feelings and thoughts; The Changes is to understand the changes in all things, combining the changes of things with supernatural inspirations; and The Spring and Autumn is to explain the truth and righteousness of the world’” (“Funny Collected Biographies” from The Historical Record (shiji.hua ji lie zhuan)). All these demonstrate the roles and functions of the Six Arts. In “Six Techniques” from The Book of Master Jia (xinshu.liushu), Jia Yi (200–168 B.C.), a scholar of the Han Dynasty, said10 : “A sage internalizes the Six Rules in his heart, performs them in his action, and holds them in high esteem—each of which matches the Book of Poetry, the Book of History, the Book of Changes, the Spring and Autumn, the Book of Rites and the Book of Music—as the great principle, and this is what is called the Six Arts.” In the “Biography of Sima Qian” containded in The History of the Han Dynasty (han shu si ma qianz huan) it is said: “On the one hand, Spring and Autumn can help people understand the Way of the Three Kings (the founding rulers of Xia, Shang, and 10

New Writings (xinshu) is a work written by Jia Yi of the Western Han Dynasty, and also titled The Book of Master Jia. Consisting of 10 volumes and 58 essays, the work, chiefly on politics, points out the faults of the Qin Dynasty and claims that the people are the fundamental of a state. In philosophy, Jia holds that Tao is the origin of the universe, but he also says that the interaction of yin and yang produces all things in the universe. Jia Yi’s treatises include “On the Faults of Qin Dynasty,” “On Agricultural Production and Increasing Storage,” “On Social Security,” and so on—translator’s note.

3.1 The Five Classics

73

Zhou dynasties); on the other hand, Spring and Autumn can assist people in discerning the universal ethical principles, tackling challenging situations, distinguishing right from wrong, resolving ambivalent issues, ommending virtue and suppressing vice, preserving the history of vanished states, perpetuating severed lineages, rectifying maladministration, and revitalizing foresaken entreprises, all of which are essentials of the kingly Way. The Changes clarifies the laws of operation of Heaven and Earth, yin and yang, four seasons and five elements (metal, wood, water, fire, and earth), so it is good at predicting the evolution of all things; The Ritual stipulates the ethical relations of the human world, so it excels at maintaining social norms of conduct; The History records the deeds of former kings, so it excels at governance; The Poetry depicts mountains, rivers, animals, plants, grasses, and trees, as well as males and females, men and women, thus effectively illuminating people’s emotions. The Music touches the emotions and thus can affect human behavior, so it excels at edifying people’s temperament. The Spring and Autumn distinguishes right from wrong, so it excels at governing the people. Therefore, The Ritual stipulates people’s behavior; The Music fosters harmonious feelings amongst the people; The History educates us on the deeds of former kings; The Poetry articulates inner aspirations; The Change explains the transformations of all things in the universe; and The Spring and Autumn clarifies matters of justice and righteousness.” Confucius once taught his disciples with classics, such as The Poetry, The History, The Rituals, The Music, etc. He said: “If one doesn’t learn rituals, he can hardly establish himself in society;” “If one does not learn poetry, he can hardly speak well.” In the Spring and Autumn period, people needed to respond to one another with poems, especially in formal diplomatic occasions, such as at ceremonies and alliances, at which hosts and guests expressed their respect or wishes by reciting poetic lines from poetry. He who does not know poems cannot deal with state affairs. Of course, the function of teachings from the Six Classics is mainly to edify one’s mentality, to increase one’s cultural literacy, to make one well versed in historical experience, and to heighten one’s sphere of living. Now that the Six Arts were used to teach and transform people, there were the teachings of The Poetry, The History, The Ritual, The Music, The Changes, and The Spring and Autumn. According to The Interpretations of Classics from The Book of Rituals (liji. jingjie), “Confucius said: ‘Entering a country, you can learn how well its people are educated; if its people are mild, gentle and sincere, it must be the result of education by The Poetry; if its people are broad-minded and profound-visioned, it must be the result of education by The History; if its people are broad-minded and easy-going, it must be the result of education by The Music; if its people are good in morality and insightful in thought, it must be the result of education by The Changes; if its people are dignified and courteous, it must be the result of education by The Ritual; if its people are good at wording, comparing facts and chronicing history, it must be the result of education by The Spring and Autumn’.” During the Spring and Autumn Period, not just the states of Central China, but even the State of Chu in the south, educated their royal progeny with the Six Classics.

74

3 Five Classics and Four Books

To sum up, the Chinese ancients’ comprehension of the content, functions, and traits of the Six Classics, as well as their teachings can be roughly concluded in the table below: Book of Poetry

Expresses Expresses one’s will one’s idea

Achieves ambitions past and present

Promises what is right

Narrates customs of different regions

Book of History

Expresses Expresses state state affairs events

Records events of former kings

Promises something righteous

Focuses on Is centered on state broad-visioned governance governance

Book of Rites

Speaks of Regulates man’s one’s acts conduct

Sets ethic norms for human relations

Sets role model for man to follow

Emphasizes social order and stipulations

Claims a cautious, thrifty and serious attitude

Book of Music

Speaks of Arouses one’s harmony rectified emotions

Sets role model for man to follow

Strives for harmonious human relations

Focuses on emotions under human morality

Informs us of change in the universe

Is subtle in thought and insightful in wisdom

Book of Speaks of Speaks of Focuses on Changes yin and transformation connection yang of all things between Tian Dao and Ren Dao Spring and Autumn Annals

Expresses Clarifies great Narrates titles and justice and events in functions morality past and present

Upbrings tender and gentle character

Distinguishes Talks about Reveals right from governing hidden wrong people meaning in small words

Regarding the order of arrangement of the Six Classics, there was a general consensus of the sequnce during the Warring States Period and the early Western Han Dynasty, which can be ordered as: The Book of Poetry, The Book of History, The Book of Rituals, The Book of Music, The Book of Changes, and The Spring and Autumn. The two chapters, “Biography of Sima Qian” and “Yi Wen Zhi” or “Treatise on Literature,” contained in The History of the Former Han Dynasty (hanshu) compiled by Ban Gu (32–92 A.D.) of the Eastern Han Dynasty, listed The Book of Changes as the first of the Six Classics. In his “Summaries of Six Arts” (liu yi lue) contained in Yi Wen Zhi, they are enumerated as: The Book of Changes, The Book of Poetry, The Book of History, The Book of Rituals, The Book of Music, and The Spring and Autumn, and then up to the Thirteen Classics with Annotations and Commentaries (shisan jingzhushu), they are basically arranged in this way. Obviously, The Book of Changes takes the lead, followed by The Book of History, The Book of Poetry, and other classics. This specific order is arranged according to the source from which each of the classics emerged.

3.1 The Five Classics

75

As the Yue or the Book of Music has not survived as a separate text, only five of the original classics remain extant. During “the Heyday of Emperor Wen and Jing” (wen jing zhi zhi) in the Western Han Dynasty, a system of Scholars of Broad Learning (boshi) in Poetry, History, and Spring and Autumn had been established, and when Emperor Wu came to power, a system of Scholars of Broad Learning in the Yi and the Li had been also established. Therefore, up to the reign of Emperor Wu (140 A.D.–87 B.C.) of the Han Dynasty, the central government had already established a system of Scholars of Broad Learning in Five Classics (wujing).11 The Five Classics serve as the fountainhead and cornerstone of Chinese culture. After Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty instituted the title “Scholar of Broad Learning in Five Classics,” the study of these texts became the foundation of Chinese learning, culture, and ideology. Throughout history, Confucian scholars have enrich the significance of these classics by offering their interpretations of the original texts. The Five Classics comprise traditional Chinese culture’s fundamental understanding of world order and values, epitomizing the concept of Dao (the theory of the transmission of the Truth Yao and Shun downward). In his Wen Shi Tong Yi (General Principles of History), Zhang Xuecheng (1738–1801 A.D.) of the Qing Dynasty said, “The Six Confucian Classics predominantly revolve around history,” retaining a large number of historical materials of ancient social life, and it is what Zhang Xuecheng said: “Scholars venerate the Six Classics, believing that they contain the wisdom of ancient sages meant to educate later generations. However, they fail to recognize that these classics are the regulations and historical facts recorded by officials during the prosperous era of the Three Dynasties of Xia, Shang, and Zhou, rather than being the personal writings of ancient sages.” (Zhang Xuecheng, General Principles of History). In the following section, I will introduce each of the Five Confucian Classics. Secondly, Yi Jing, also known as The Classic of Changes, often hailed as “the masterpiece of all classics.” The Chinese character “周” (zhou) in 周易 (zhouyi) has two implications: “Zhou” first of all refers to the Zhou Dynasty, that is, Zhouyi represents a divination commonly used by the Zhou people, and secondly “Zhou” refers to something universal (zhoupian), that is, the law of change discussed in Zhouyi has universal significance. The Chinese character “易” (yi) in 周易 (zhouyi) has three implications: (1) “易” (yi) refers to “changeability” (bianyi); (2) “易” (yi) refers to “the invariability” (buyi) in the “variability” (bianyi); (3) “易” (yi) refers to “easiness and simplicity” ( jianyi). 11

“Boshi” may be translated into scholars of broad Learning or grand academician. As a term for academic officials, it started in the Warring States Period more than 2000 years ago. Boshi was responsible for keeping documents and archives, compiling writings, imparting knowledge, and training talents. During the reign of Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty, a system of Boshi or a system of scholars of broad learning in Five Confucian Classics was established. Boshi became an academic officer specializing in teaching Confucian Classics. At the early Han Dynasty, each of the Five Confucian Classics (The Book of Changes, The Book of History, The Book of Poetry, The Book of Rituals, and The Spring and Autumn Annals) was assigned a boshi, so it was called Boshi or Erudites of the Five Confucian Classics. The Erudites were usually famous scholars on the classics and appointed by the Court—translator’s note.

76

3 Five Classics and Four Books

In other words, Zhouyi is a canonical text discussing the changes of all things in the universe and the human world, and at the same time affirming something invariable which rules the evolutions of all things. Zhouyi contains the law of the universe as embodied by Heaven and Earth, which is easy and simple for us to understand and follow. Yi Jing, renowned as the arch-masterpiece of all Confucian classics (qun jing zhi shou), associates the Heavenly Way and the human affairs, the natural and the social phenomena, and the law of natural evolution and the organizational structure of human affairs, emphasizing the mutual interaction between them, urging a consideration of issues within a vast spatial and temporal framework. Ultimately, it promotes a harmonious balance between nature and human affairs. Yi Jing affirms the perpetual change and development of all things and the relative correlation among different internal forces, kinetic energy, and potential power of all things, which oppose each other and yet also complement each other. Yi Jing not only inspires people to understand the fundamental principle of the world and the law of change in the universe, but also to adapt to a developing and varying world, to treat the changes of natural society, human life, and body with a good mentality and self-cultivation, to seek advantages and avoid disadvantages, and to give an active play to human’s role, so that Human and Heaven and Earth cooperate with each other and complement each other. The Ancient Chinese have gone through a far-flung and complicated course in understanding nature, society, human body, and human life. In their daily lives, they gazed upward at the sky, observing celestial phenomena, and downward at the earth, observing geographical images, while also examining images of birds, animals, and all terrestrial creatures. They carefully selected symbols, drawing inspiration from both the nearby human body and various objects far away,12 trying to understand diverse phenomena such as Heaven, Earth, human beings, all things, the selves, etc. Notably, they focused on understanding the phenomena around them and exploring the causal connections between these various elements. As early as in the late Neolithic, Chinese ancestors began to employ divination to predict good and ill luck, and the props they used in divination were diverse. During the Three Generations, when encountering sacrifices, wars, farming, business trips, weddings, etc., they often used tortoises and yarrows for divination. For example, the Yin people often used tortoise for divination, that is, drilling holes with a knife on the tortoise shell and roasting it with fire. From the shape change of the tortoise shell cracks, they can judge the good and bad luck of the divination. As a matter of fact, inscriptions 12

This sentence is derived from the retelling of “Appendix” of Yi Zhuan. Its original Chinese version reads: “古者包犧氏之王天下也, 仰則觀像於天, 俯則觀法於地, 觀鳥獸之文與地之宜, 近取諸 身, 遠取諸物, 於是始作八卦, 以通神明之德, 以類萬物之情。” Its English translation is: “When in early antiquity Pao Hsi (包犧氏) ruled the world, he looked upward and contemplated images in Heaven; he looked downward and contemplated patterns on earth. He contemplated markings of birds and beasts and all other things that existed on earth. He proceeded directly from himself and indirectly from objects. Thus he invented the eight trigrams (乾 qian , 坤 kun , 震 zhen , 巽 xun , 坎 kan , 離 li , 艮 gen , and 兌 dui ) in order to enter into connection with the virtues of deities and distinguish the states of all things”—translator’s note.

3.1 The Five Classics

77

on oracle bones in the Yin ruins are records of some divination results. The Zhou people used both tortoise shell and yarrow for divination. What is called by yarrow divination is to explain, judge, or reason the results of divination according to permutation and combination of yarrow. The recorded divinatory activities were compiled into different divinatory systems, and future divinatory activity should be checked and deduced according to these established divinatory symbols. Hence, divination practices utilizaing turtle shells or yarrow stalks exhbit distinct rules across different systems, inherently encompassing the subjective conjectures and speculations of diviners themselves.

Oracle bone inscriptions

Legend has it that there are three versions of the Yi (sanyi), namely the Yi of Lianshan (The Changes of Lianshan) in the Xia Dynasty, the Guizang Yi (The Changes of Guizang) in the Yin Dynasty, and Zhouyi in the Zhou Dynasty. All of them are divination books, probably representing several typical divinations prevailing in different eras. The formation of these systems has gone through a long process from simplicity to complexity. Yi Jing that we see now has 64 hexagrams (guaci) and 384 lines (yaoci). Although these hexagrams lack internal connection in content, they are organized into a coherent system in form. It is said that Fu Xi, the mythological emperor, devised the eight trigrams and King Wen of Zhou went on to elaborate on Zhouyi by overlapping eight diagrams into 64 hexagrams to form Yi Jing (Classic of Changes). Judging from the social and historical factors preserved in the hexagram statements or texts in Yi Jing, some texts of hexagrams and lines already existed during the Yin and Zhou dynasties.13 Yi Jing was not authored by a single individual in a short period of time, and its written statements or texts appended to each hexagram and each line were product of long-term accumulation, which were probably compiled and organized at the 13

“Hexagram Statements or Texts” (guayaici) are written statements appended to each hexagram and each line within hexagrams. “Hexagram texts,” which came from divination records, were later compiled and attached individually to each of the 64 hexagrams and each line within the hexagrams. The texts generally fall into two categories: one indicating auspicious or inauspicious events, and the other consisting of narratives or judgements. These texts recorded many aspects of social life in ancient China and reflected early understanding ancient people had about God, spirits, and the world—translator’s note.

78

3 Five Classics and Four Books

late Yin Dynasty and the early Zhou Dynasty. Moreover, from the Western Zhou Dynasty to the Han Dynasty, diverse systems of divinatory methods likely emerged, and as a result, Yi Jing developed distinct systems of codification, with written statements appended to each hexagram and each line (yao) becoming increasingly rich in its content. Additionally, its formal system incorporating mathematical variations became progressively rigorous in organization. According to Zuo’s Commentary (zuozhuan) and Discourses on the States (guoyu), while divinatory activities had varying systems during the early Spring and Autumn Period, the divinatory symbols and hexagrammatical names became unified gradually. The only differences lay in written statements or texts appended to each hexagram and each line (yao). However, during the middle and late Spring and Autumn Period, the utilization of Zhouyi to interpret various things progressively increased.

Divinatory symbols applied in Yi Jing are called gua-pictures (卦畫 gua-hua), and shi-words or statements (筮辭) within divinatory symbols are called divinatory words (筮辭 shi-ci). A gua (a trigram or a hexagram) is a system of symbols consisting of undivided or unbroken lines (—) and divided or broken lines (- -). The undivided line (—) is a yang line while the divided one (- -) a yin line. Each of the eight trigrams consists of three lines, and each line is either divided (- -) or undivided (—), representing yin or yang respectively. The eight trigrams are: 乾 qian ( ), 坤 kun ( ), 震 zhen ( ), 巽 xun ( ), 坎 kan ( ), 離 li ( ), 艮 gen ( ), and 兌 dui ( ). There are 64 compound gua-pictures which are evolved by multiplying eight trigrams by eight, for example, 乾 qian ( ), 坤 kun ( ), 泰 tai ( ), 否 pi ( ), 謙 qian ( ), 豫 yu ( ), 剝 bo ( ), 複 fu ( ), etc. Zhouyi says: “When the eight trigrams were invented, they embodied the images of all things between Heaven and Earth. When the eight trigrams were multiplied by eight trigrams and permuted into the 64 hexagrams, all the 384 lines were included”

Short and refined written statements are appended to each hexagram and each line. At the very beginning, two lines, undivided lines (—) and divided lines (- -) , did not represent yin and yang, but were likely to be an indication of long and short yarrow stalks, and only later did they begin to have the implication of the odd number 1 (written as —) and the even number 2 (written as – –). Trigram comes from different organizations of one long yarrow stalk and two short yarrow stalks or two short yarrow stalks and one long yarrow stalk. At the outset, the eight diagrams did not symbolize basic things and phenomena of nature or society, nor did they represent heaven, earth, thunder, wind, water, fire, mountain, and lake, respectively.

3.1 The Five Classics

79

In fact, the above symbolic meanings to each hexagram and each line were all added by people during the Spring and Autumn period. Although we are yet unclear about the arrangement system of Yi Jing in the Western Zhou Dynasty, the primordial version of Yi Jing we have seen so far can be traced back to at least the Spring and Autumn Period. During the Spring and Autumn Period, people had the concepts of yin and yang and also the theory of gua-pictures (hexagrammatical symbols). And its layout structure generally reflects some simplified views on the transformation resulting from the interaction of yin and yang, as well as the development of all things in the universe. Later on, the theory of yin and yang has become the basis for ancient Chinese to explain and understand the universe and everything in it. For instance, Heaven is yang and Earth is yin, ruler is yang and subordinates are yin, husband is yang and wife is yin, noble stands for yang and the ignoble corresponds to is yin, and leading is yang and following is yin. Take qian gua as an example. As one of the eight trigrams, it consists of three undivided yang lines: . It is also one of the 64 hexagrams when it consists of six yang lines: . And is its symbol, qian is its name for , and the statements for each of its hexagrammatical lines are as follows: “Yuan-Heng-Li-Zhen” is the guaci or written statements for qian , which implies something great and originating, penetrating and advantageous, correct and firm. Zhouyi says: “Great is the qian hexagram! All things owe their existence to it, and it guides the movement of Heaven and creates its impact.” The hexagrammatical statements appended to each line of qian gua (by Duke of Zhou) read: In the first (or lowest) line, undivided, (we see its subject as) the dragon lying hid (in the deep). It is not the time for active doing. In the second line, undivided, (we see its subject as) the dragon appearing in the field, and it will be advantageous to meet with the great man. In the third line, undivided, (we see its subject as) the superior man active and vigilant all the day, and in the evening still careful and apprehensive. (The position is) dangerous, but there will be no mistake. In the fourth line, undivided, (we see its subject as the dragon looking) as if he were leaping up, but still in the deep. There will be no mistake. In the fifth line, undivided, (we see its subject as) the dragon on the wing in the sky, and it will be advantageous to meet with great man. In the sixth (or topmost) line, undivided, (we see its subject as) the dragon exceeding the proper limits, and there will be occasion for repentance. (The lines of this hexagram are uniformly strong and undivided, as appearing from) the use of the number nine. If the host of dragons (thus) appearing were to divest themselves of their heads, good fortune or prosperity would ensue. Cheng Yi, the younger of the Cheng brothers, said: “Yuan 元 symbolizes the beginning of all things, heng 亨 their growth, li 利 their further development, and zhen 貞 their maturity.” (Cheng Yi, Commentary on ‘Yi Zhuan,’ Vol. 1.) “Yuan-Heng” 元亨 signifies a wide, smooth path, or a grand sacrificial rite. “Li-Zhen” 利貞 refers to a favorable reading by a diviner and an auspicious prospect. Each hexagram consists of six lines which are overlapped in a bottom-up order. The first line at bottom is called “down,” and the sixth line on top is called “up.” All yang lines are called “ninth,” and all yin lines are called “sixth.” Qian hexagram signifies a beginning for prosperity, beneficial to divining future outcomes. Its first line symbolizes that

80

3 Five Classics and Four Books

the dragon is lurking underneath, and it is not the time for active action. Its second line symbolizes that the dragon appears in the field, and it will be advantageous to meet with great man. Its third line symbolizes that the superior man is active and vigilant all the day and still alert all the night, which is often the case, and even in case of danger. There will be no disaster. Its fourth line symbolizes that even if the dragon were leaping up, but still in the deep. There will be no mistake. Its fifth line symbolizes that the dragon leaps up on the wing in the sky. It will be advantageous to meet with the high-ranking man. Its sixth line symbolizes that the dragon flew to a very high altitude, and everything would turn against him. There will be occasion for repentance. Finally, to conclude, as the qian trigram is composed of all yang lines, it is thus used to symbolize all yang things or principles. If the host of dragons were to roll together but did not see their heads, there would be no regret. The six lines within the qian hexagram, as a whole, are auspicious for good future. By summarizing the experience of nature and human society, Qian hexagram reflects the view of Yi Jing’s author(s) on the evoluation of things and thus has a certain philosophical rationality. For example, when things or people move from low to high, from birth to maturity, and to a certain degree, it is necessary to pay attention to whether they will go to the opposite. So, regarding how people avoid “mistake,” “disaster,” or “fault,” qian hexagram tells us that we should be good at making adjustments to prevent exceeding the limits of all things. We should avoid complacency in our achievement, and we should maintian a sense of urgency, staying diligent and prudent to avoid misfortune and strive for favourable outcomes. The relationship between lines and hexagrams also reflects the author’s or compiler’s consciousness of the mutual connection, relative correlation, and complementary interaction of all things in the universe. 乾 Qian and 坤 kun , 泰 tai and 否 pi , 謙 qian and 豫 yu , and 剝 bo and 複 fu are all relatively interactive, interrelated, and mutually transformational. The gua-picture of Tai hexagram is to place qian at bottom and kun on top, which is an indication of auspicious divination, symbolizing a peaceful and harmonious unity of Heaven and Earth, or Yin and Yang. However, the third line 93 (九三爻) within qian hexagram points out that “nothing is always straight without slopes (not all roads go smooth without turns and twists) and nothing moves forward indefinitely without coming back.” In other words, we shouldbe mindful of the interplay between smoothness and slopes, moving forward and moving back. No road is always smooth without any inclines, and no journey moves forward forever without twists and turns. All things cycle around and change forever. When reaching a certain critical point, they will go to the opposite of their extreme. The sixth line on top refers to the varied line, named zhen lin (貞吝), which is specially used to predict something ominous that may occurs. The gua-picture of pi hexagram is to place kun at bottom and qian on top,14 symbolizing that Heaven 14

“Pi hexagram” (否卦) is in the form of Heaven above and Earth below. This hexagram is associated with the seventh lunar month (August–September). The year has passed its zenith and declines toward autumn and winter. Piji-tailai (否極泰來): When worse reaches the worst, things will turn for the better. When worse reaches the worst, things and events at their extremes will reverse and turn for the better. Tai (泰) and pi (否), two hexagrams in the Book of Changes, represent the positive and negative aspects of things, with one unimpeded and the other blocked, one faced with favorable conditions and the other with adversity, and one good and the other bad. According to

3.1 The Five Classics

81

and Earth or Yin and Yang cannot mingle with each other, and all things are closed to each other, and it is an ominous hexagram. But the fourth line 94 (九四爻) is an indication of the change for the better fortune, as is pointed out in the fifth line 95 ( 九五爻): “[Pi 否 hexagram means that] negativity ceases in its effect and a favorable situation begins to emerge for the great man. However, the great man should always be mindful of the common people and have a sense of crisis like treading on thin ice so as not to perish.” [Pi 否 hexagram says: “休否, 大人吉。其亡其亡, 係於苞桑,” which means that the great man’s situation is like a nest of grass tied to a mulberry tree, which can be easily blown away by wind. Or, the great man should be prepared for danger in times of peace and deeply rooted among the people, just as a mulberry tree is deeply rooted in soil]. Chinese character of “休 Xiu” refers to celebration, meaning that it is a good thing to be able to notice the occlusion and be vigilant, and, so, the great man will have good luck. Be alert to danger, you will be as firm as a lush mulberry tree is rooted in soil. The ninth line on top refers to a varied line, meaning that the time for occlusion or block-up will not be too long. Even if it is unfavorable at the beginning, the joyous occasion will come soon. In all hexagrams, the second lines and the fifth lines are generally auspicious and mistake-free, which is understood by later generations as the middle way or balanced harmony between firmness/yang and softness/yin. This may also reflect that the Yi Jing’s creator attached importance to the middle way and balanced harmony in summing up a variety of experiences, so as to prevent going too far or falling too short. Moreover, in the view of ancient Chinese, all things are in a perpetual state of cycling and transformation. When things reach a certain critical point, they will transform into the opposite of their extreme (物極必反 wuji-bifan or 反者道之動 fan zhe dao zhi dong). Or when the development of anything reaches an extreme, it undergoes a reversal towards the other extreme; echoing the German philosopher G. W. F. Hegel’s phrase, everything inherently involves its own negation.

Reading Yi Jing by the Window in Autumn, by Liu Songnian, Southern Song Dynasty

ancient Chinese, all things cycle around and forever change. When things reach a certain critical point, they will transform into the opposite of their extreme characteristics. Pi hexagram reveals the dialectical movement of development and change. It gives moral support and hope to people experiencing difficulties and encourages people to be optimistic, seize the opportunity, work hard, and turn things around. Pi means negativity, evil, and bad. When prospering ends, all is decline and clogging—translator’s note.

82

3 Five Classics and Four Books

Yi Zhuan is an explanatory work about Yi Jing, including “The Commentary on the Hexagrams” (I, II) (Tuan Zhuan), “The Commentary on the Hexagram Symbols” (I, II) (Xiang Zhuan), “The Appendices” (I, II) (Xici Zhuan), “The Commentary on the Words of the Text” (Wen Yan Zhuan), “The Remarks on the Trigrams” (Shuo Gua Zhuan), “The Treatise on the Orderly Sequence of the Hexagrams” (Xu Gua Zhuan), and “The Treatise on Miscellaneous Hexagrams” (Za Gua Zhuan), totaling seven types and ten articles, which are known as the “Ten Wings.” These ten articles were not authored by one person at one time. According to some experts’ textual research, they should have something to do with Confucius’ proteges, which were completed and imparted during the Warring States Period, and shaped during the Han Dynasty. Confucian classicists of the Han Dynasty attached the contents of “The Commentary on the Hexagrams,” “The Commentary on the Hexagram Symbols,” and “The Commentary on the Words of the Text” to the corresponding 64 hexagram texts, which played the role of annotations, and other commentary texts were still independent. Yi Zhuan is a philosophical book, focusing on metaphysics, cosmology, life philosophy, moral philosophy, and thinking modes, and many of its ideologies and concepts have exerted perennial influence on later generations of China. Firstly, Yi Zhuan established the theoretical path of the origin of the cosmology in Chinese philosophy (mainly covering Confucianism, Chinese Buddhism, Taoism, etc.). In the “Appendix I” it is said, “In the Yi there is the Supreme Ultimate (taiji) which produces the Two Forces or the Two Forms (liang yi), indicating yin (- -) and yang (—). The Two Forces produce the Four Emblems (Si xiang) and the Four Emblems produce the eight trigrams. The eight trigrams determine good fortune and misfortune. Good fortune and misfortune brings out the great field of action.” “The Supreme Ultimate” or “Taiji” is known as the Tao/Dao, which is the origin and beginning of the universe. “Taiji” that permeates the chaotic state of the universe produces Qi (two vital forces) of Heaven and Earth, or yin Qi and yang Qi. Due to the interacting qualities of floating and sinking, rising and falling, motion and stillness, coming and going, expanding and contracting, caused by [the emanating forces] of Qi of Yin and Qi of Yang, the Four Emblems or the Four Forms (Spring, Summer, Autumn and Winter, and Young Yang, Old Yang, Young Yin and Old Yin) are produced, and the eight trigrams are generated from within the Four Emblems. And the eight trigrams simulate all things and objects in the universe, such as Heaven, Earth, mountains, rivers, wind, thunder, water, and fire. The eight trigrams multiplied by eight diagrams equals sixty-four trigrams, which symbolize the intricate and complicated relationship of all things in the universe. Therefore, through coordinating and grasping the main relationships and the changes in eight trigrams, people can seek advantages and avoid disadvantages in a constantly changing world and create human cultures and institutional civilizations. According to Yi Zhuan, qian (representing Yang) and kun (representing Yin), known as two primordial vital forces or agents, represent the origin and cause that produce all things in the universe. Qian and kun or two vital forces of Yin and Yang constitute the origin of all things in the universe. Qian Yang is the spirit of initiative, or the particle and energy that form the matter, while Kun Yin is the spirit of continuity, or the particle and energy that form the matter. Yin (Female) and Yang

3.1 The Five Classics

83

(Male) mix their seed, and all things take shape and are produced. The movement and change motivated by Qianyuan 乾元, like clouds moving in the sky, raining on the ground, promote the birth and growth of all things. Relying on Kunyuan 坤元, all things come to gather and exist and are transformed into varying forms. Kunyuan is soft, productive, tolerant, and bearer of all things. The unity of Earth virtue and Heaven virtue has its infinite effect. Earth accommondates the grand Yang Qi and carries it forward so that all things and all objects grow and prosper. That Yin and Yang are joined in virtue means that mutual sympathy occurs between Yin and Yang. Yin and Yang is characterized by firmness (the creative) and softness (the receptive), and there are two expressions, like “Firmness and softness receive their form” and “Yin and Yang are joined in virtue,” which are inter-textual explanations, meaning that the intercourse between Yin and Yang is able to produce something visible and tangible. Although Heaven and Earth do not speak, all things of various forms are bred. Although all things are diverce in form, they are unified in Qi of Yin and Yang. Through celestial phenomena of variety, people can realize that the roles of Heaven and Earth are like wordless writings, and the creation of Heaven and Earth is like that of the marvelous Creator. The change of Yang and Yin lines within each trigram in Zhouyi simulates the creation of all things in the universe, and the principle of Zhouyi is the wonderful wisdom hid in the change of lines within each trigram. The alternation through closing and opening and through movement and repose, of all things between Heaven and Earth, is called change. What causes the movement between the going forward and backward without ceasing is called formless Tao (which enables ancient people to enter into connection with the virtues of deities and to regulate the conditions of all beings). What manifests itself visibly as an object is called an image or emblem; what manifests itself in bodily form is called an instrument or tool (qi). The wisdom reflected in Zhouyi can help people follow patterns of all things on earth, make images and instruments, and put them to use in daily life. When putting the principle of Zhouyi into practical use, people will make some alterations according to local conditions. This is why common people use it every day without knowing its origin, (therefore) thinking it is magical. Through the intercourse of one Yin and one Yang, the course in which all things in the universe are naturally produced is called the “Tao/Dao.” Hence in “Appendix I” it is stated: “One Yin and One Yang: this is the Tao/Dao (or The Tao/Dao is constructed by One Yin and One Yang which emerge together concurrently, and both of them are indispensable). … Its great virtue and its great achievement are the most sublime of all things. It possesses everything in Heaven and Earth: this is its great achievement; it constantly renews everything daily: this is its great virtue. As begetter of everything, it is called change.” Yin and Yang cannot form Tao/Dao individually, but “the intercourse between One Yin and One Yang” forms the “Tao/ Dao.” “Tao/Dao” is the process of unceasing change and dynamic integration of Yin Qi and Yang Qi. This is the Tao/Dao of life creation. Its virtuous deed that is able to produce all things cannot be overstated. Therefore, we call it “abundance” because Tao/Dao possesses everything, boundless in space, which is defined as “that which has nothing beyond,” and we also call it “daily renewal” because Tao/Dao is endless in time, and it flows everywhere like river currents, wandering beyond the four seas

84

3 Five Classics and Four Books

but silently and steadily. This is what is meant by “He who possesses the wisdom of Tao/Dao can continue long; he who acquires the virtue of Tao/Dao can become great.” The Tao/Dao of One Yin and One Yang produces and nurtures all things and constantly renews all things. Hence the expression about Tao/Dao: “the begetter of all begetting” and “ever renewal of all things in the universe.” This is all that we know about Tao/Dao. Secondly, Yi Zhuan established a thinking mode of systemic theory that unifies the Way of Heaven, the Way of Earth and the Way of Human. According to Yi Zhuan, the “Tao/Dao” that produces all things has no shape, no quality, no sign, no purpose, and changes unpredictably, but what is generated by “Tao/Dao” is something within shapes. So, In “Appendix I” it is said, “What is above shapes is called the Tao/Dao (That which is shapeless is called the Tao/Dao); what is within shapes is called the instrument.” The “Tao/Dao” intepretated by Yi Zhuan is inclusive and comprehensive, unifying the three great systems of Heaven, Earth, and Human: “Appendix II” says: “Zhouyi, as a book, is vast and great, containing everything completely. The Tao/Dao of Heaven is in it, the Tao/Dao of Earth is in it, and the Tao/ Dao of human is in it. Each trigram, depicted in Zhouyi, consists of six lines, with each two lines forming a unit, symbolizing Heaven, Earth and Human. These six lines embody the Tao/Dao of Three Primal Powers and nothing else.” (The “Appendix II” of the Book of Changes.) In “The Remarks on the Trigrams” (Shuo Gua Zhuan) of the Book of Changes it is said: “Once upon a time, when the Sage devised the Yi, he employed it to follow the principle of Nature and Mandate of Heaven. So the Tao/Dao of Heaven is governed by Yin and Yang; the Tao/Dao of Earth is governed by softness and hardness; and the Tao/Dao of human is governed by human-heartedness (ren) and righteousness (yi). Each trigram within the hexagram in the Yi consists of six lines with each two lines being a unit representing Heaven, Earth and Human.” (“The Remarks on the Trigrams” of the Book of Changes.) Zhouyi, as a book, is all-inclusive in content, embracing all that is between Heaven and Earth. Each of eight primary trigrams is composed of three lines, and each of sixty-four respective trigrams is composed of six lines, all symbolizing the whole unity of Heaven, Earth, and Human. Zhouyi uses the changes of the lines within the hexagram and the changes between the hexagrams to symbolize the function and change of the inner vitality between the three systems and within each system. By collecting folk wisdom and taking images from Heaven, Earth, and Human affairs, the Sages compiled Zhouyi and used it to comply with the laws of Heaven, Earth, Nature, and all things, thus establishing the inherent contradictory nature of all things in the universe, that is, the mutual opposition and correlation of One Yin and One Yang is the natural law of changes in the universe; the mutual opposition and correlation of One Softness and One Firmness is the fundamental principle of the change of all things on earth; and the mutual opposition and correlation of One Human-heartedness and One Righteousness is the fundamental principle for dealing with social relations. Zhouyi combines these three primal powers of Heaven, Earth, and Human and multiplies each of the three, and that is why six lines constitute one trigram. These three systems

3.1 The Five Classics

85

of Heaven, Earth, and Human are integrated by the “Tao/Dao,” so the “Tao/Dao” in Yi Zhuan is universal and objective. Thirdly, Yi Zhuan established the moral philosophy of good nature and the value system of life creation. In the “Appendix I” it is said, “The interaction of One Yin and One Yang is called Tao. What human continues from Tao is called goodness, and what human actualizes from Tao is called nature.” “To accomplish the human nature endowed by Heaven and to make the living prosper, which is not only the gateway of morality and justice, but also a good way to govern the world.” What Yi Zhuan is discussing here is that Yin Qi and Yang Qi which constantly flow between Heaven and Earth enable all things to be produced, developed, grown, and nurtured. That human beings absorb the Qi of Heaven and Earth, continue the spirit of Tao, fulfill the unique nature of all things in the world, and assit all things in growing and sustaining life is called goodness. It is human nature to accomplish the cause of the Tao/Dao of Heaven. The Tao/Dao of Zhouyi is that of Heaven and Earth, which helps, promotes, unswervingly follows the nature of all things, and preserves all things, and wherein morality and righteousness come. Regarding the human nature, Zhouyi implies that human goodness originates from the Tao/Dao of Heaven, that is, from the supreme virtue of Heaven that is to produce and reproduce. Again: Zhouyi emphasizes human’s acquired effort, that is, following the Heavenly Tao and expanding their human nature. In “Qian Trigram” from the Commentary on the Hexagrams (qian.tuan zhuan) it is stated: “The Tao/Dao of Qian can change by itself to create everything, and, duo to it, everything in the universe can get its own nature and life. So, if all things can remain in their original state of balanced harmony, they can have a truly rewarding and chaste life, and hence it is stated: Qian is yuan 元 (primal) and heng 亨 (prosperous), li 利 (beneficial) and zhen 貞 (steadfast).” In other words, the operation of the Heavenly Way enables all things to obtain their normal state. Only by maintaining Yin Qi and Yang Qi and infusing them into four seasons can people walk on the right and grand path. What is underlined herein is the field domain of harmony where the Qi between Heaven and Earth flows smoothly and suffuses plentifully, in order to establish and protect the solemnity of human nature and the right path of humanity. In the “Remarks on Trigrams” (Shuo Gua Zhuan) it is stated: “In the past, when sages devised the Yi, they followed the principle of nature and the mandate of Heaven, and established the Tao/Dao of Heaven as Yang, the Tao/Dao of Earth as Yin, and the Tao/Dao of Human as human-heartedness and righteousness.” Therefore, the Yi combines Heaven, Earth, and Human, which is called the Way of Three Primal Powers (san cai zhi dao), and the Yi uses three lines to represent them and double them. What if we want to know where the Way of Three Primal Powers come from? They move downward from the Tao/Dao of Heaven above in accordance with principle of nature and the mandate of Heaven, Earth, and Human. The Tao/Dao of Human represents the principle (yili), human-heartedness (ren), and righteousness (yi). Tao/ Dao refers to process, while li refers to the principle that runs through the Tao/Dao. Human nature is what defines a human, and according to Yi Zhuan, human nature is accomplished by the Tao/Dao of Qian’s moving downward from Heaven above, which discusses human nature from a cosmological perspective. The two Chinese

86

3 Five Classics and Four Books

words “xing” and “ming” (nature and mandate) can be combined together, meaning that Heaven endows human with “nature” (xing) and “principle” (li), and human is able to practice the Tao/Dao in line with the principle of “nature” and “mandate.” The two words “xing” and “ming” can also be considered separately: “xing” refers to the principle, while “ming” has the meaning of “Qi.” There are similarities and differences between the theory of human nature in Yi Zhuan and the statement in Zhong Yong or the Doctrine of the Mean, which says: “What Heaven confers is called the nature. The following of this nature is called the Way [Tao]. The cultivation of this Way is called spiritual culture. The Way is that which no human for a moment can do without. What a human can do without is not the Way.” According to Yi Zhuan, the concept of “xing” and “ming” contains the theory of heaven-endowed human nature, that is, the “heaven-endowed nature” is good, having a transcendent sense and value, but it does not exclude the “nature of Qi and Ming,” also known as “the physical nature” (qi zhi zhi xing), which signifies the nature actually inherent in the physical endowment of an individual. This physical nature is formed in the midst of circulation of Qi between Heaven and Earth, which is powerful and can support all things in sustaining and growing. This foreshadowed the disputes between “the Nature of Heaven and Mandate” (tian ming zhi xing) and “the physical nature” and between “Li” (universal principle) and “Qi (Substance)” in the history of later Chinese philosophy. So according to Yi Zhuan, human nature comes from the Nature of Heaven and Earth, and the Way of human beings is to actualizes the Nature of Heaven and Earth. In “Qian Trigram” contained in The Commentary on the Hexagram Symbols (qian·xiang zhuan) it is stated: “Just as the evolution of the universe [Heaven] keeps moving forward vigorously, a gentleperson or a lofty-minded person ( junzi) should strive to strengthen himself;” and in “Kun Trigram” contained in The Commentary on the Hexagram Symbols (kun.xiang zhuan) it is stated: “Just like the earth, which is generous and peaceful, aperson of virtue should have ample virtue and accommodate all things.” A lofty-minded person, who follows the Nature of Heaven and Earth, should work diligently to strengthen himself, together with the ability of endurance, tolerance, co-ordination and co-operation, as well as the spirit of bestowing beneficence and virtue upon all things and fellow humans. This is the Chinese view on governance and self-development. In line with the broad and great virtue of Heaven and Earth, Yi Zhuan emphasizes that a virtuous person should exalt the virtue of Heaven and Earth and expand his moral deeds in social activity, never stopping promoting his personal virtue and seeking self-improvement. “The Appendix I” says: “The sage elevates people’s moral character and improves their deeds through The Yi.” Again, “the Qian Triagram” contained in The Commentary on the Words of the Text says: “A lofty-minded person should never stop promoting his personal virtue and seeking self-improvement. Cultivating honesty and trustworthiness aids in fostering and strengthening virtuous character. Establishing credibility by cultivating diction can lead to the accumulation of achievements.” All these are quoted from Confucius. We should hold in esteem human’s wisdom and virtue, develop various undertakings of society, stress loyalty and improve morality, establish credibility through careful choice of words, and

3.1 The Five Classics

87

handle human affairs with integrity and honesty. “The Appendix II says: Thus, once a lofty-minded person grasps the subtle principle of the Yi, he can apply it to his daily life; once he uses the principle shown in the Yi, he can make him secure and elevate his moral cultivation. Something that goes beyond what is shown in the Yi, even a sage would not be able to know and move forward. It is a great virtue to use the wisdom of the Yi to understand the wonders of things, to know the changes of things, and to take correct actions.” Again, these words are quoted from Confucius, which means that when a lofty-minded person grasps the natural principle of the coming forward and going backward without ceasing, he is able to know the future, and is also wise, hence he is able to store up the past, and that when he comes to know the interaction, contraction, and expansion of One Yin and One Yang, he can apply the subtle principle to human affairs, so as to achieve a magic realm through bending before extending, and through hiding before succeeding. Other than that, nothing is more important than to comprehend the wonders of the Way things change, as well as the profound principle shown in the transformation of things, and this is the highest wisdom revealed by The Yi. Yi Zhuan not only affirms and promotes the human endeavors but also underlines the internal principles that drive the transformation of things, as is stated in “The Appendix I”: “That which transforms things and fits them together is called change; that which stimulates them and sets them in motion is called continuity. That which raises them up and applies them to benefitting people all over the world is called the pursuit of a virtuous human.” That is to say, to abide by the law of all things, seize the opportunity to make timely judgments, or revise and regulate policies, make them appropriate and accessible, and apply these policies and achievements to benefitting the ordinary people. Such is the pursuit of a virtuous human. Yi Zhuan is aimed at “finding out the truth inherent in things, and acting accordingly so as to succeed in one’s endeavors.” That is to say, sages try to use proper methods to change the world through doing things successfully according to their intrinsic relations and rules. Yi Zhuan’s author advocates using the wisdom of Yi Jing “to penetrate all aspirations of people in the world” and “to determine the way the causes of all fields are done properly in the world,” and “to resolve all doubts in the world.” That is, sages use Yi Jing to enlighten their wisdom, clarify their intrinsic nature, discern right from wrong, achieve personal accomplishments, establish laws for good governance, and ultimately benefit all people of the world. All these aspirations sufficiently express the t Confucian ideal of striving to enhance their wisdom and morality, while actively and proactively pursuing endeavors that serve the common good. This is a pioneering theory of self-cultivation, which embodies the principle of dual cultivation of virtue and industry. Thirdly, Classic of History or Book of History (Shujing) Shujing 書經 (Classic of Book), also known as “Shu” 書 (Book), was frequently quoted in a variety of writings during the Pre-Qin Period. In the early Han Dynasty, it was called “Shangshu” (尚書) for its being a book of antiquity. “Shang” 尚 means “up” or “distant” 上 or remote in time. “Shangshu” refers to announcements, orders, conversations between rulers and ministers, archives, and documents preserved in

88

3 Five Classics and Four Books

ancient times. However, by the late Spring and Autumn Period, only a few of them had been preserved and circulated. After Confucius organized, revised, and taught his proteges, more than 120 chapters of Shangshu were circulated. Through First Emperor of Qin’s “burning books and burying Confucians,” and Xiang Yu’s setting fire to Xianyang Palace, and then to Emperor Wen of the Western Han Dynasty, only 28 chapters were left, which was generally known as The Book of History in Modern Text ( jinwen shangshu) and passed down by Fu Sheng (260 B.C.–161 A.D.). Such 28 chapters of the Book of History in Modern Text were engraved on stone tablets and authorized as the teaching subject of the imperial school by Emperor Wu of the Western Han Dynasty. Scholars specializing at it were entitled “Erudites” (boshi) and appointed by the imperial court. According to The Historical Records (shiji) and The Book of Han Dynasty (hanshu), The Book of History in Modern Text ( jinwen shangshu) is composed of 29 chapters, with an additional chapter labeled “Taishi” that was appended by an individual during the Han Dynasty. During the reign of Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty, Prince Gong of Lu (died 127 B.C.) destroyed Confucius’ house and found the so-called The Book of History in Old Text (guwen shangshu) hidden in the wall, which was written in the great seal script of the Pre-Qin Dynasty. It is believed that Kong Anguo15 obtained The Book of History in Old Text and dedicated it to the imperial court. The Book of History in Old Text consists of 45 chapters, with 29 chapters mirroring these found in The Book of History in Modern Text, while 16 chapters remain lost. The Book of History in Old Text with twenty-nine chapters was authorized as the teaching subject of the imperial school during the Wei Dynasty and engraved on stone tablets, which was known as the Wei Stone Classic (wei shi jing), but the rest remain lost. Up to Emperor Yuan of the Eastern Jin Dynasty (276–322 A.D.), Mei Ze dedicated The Book of History in Old Text with a Commentary by Kong Anguo (kong chuan gu wen shang shu), consisting of 58 chapters, in the name of Kong Anguo of the Han Dynasty and with the so-called preamble and annotations of Kong Anguo. After being studied and sorted out by masters of classic studies in Northern Dynasty and Tang Dynasty, it was established as the teaching subject in the imperial school during Tang Dynasty and engraved as the Tang Stone Classics during the reign of Emperor Xuanzong. There are 34 chapters in the Book of History in Old Text with a Commentary by Kong Anguo with the same titles as these in The Book of History with a Commentary by Zheng Xuan (127–200 A.D.). “The Canon of Shun” (shundian), that is, the first chapter of The Book of History, is separated from “the Canon of Yao” (yaodian), that is, the second chapter of The Book of History; the chapter of “Yi Ji” (yiji) is contained in “Gao Yao Mo,” etc. During Tang Dynasty, on the basis of The Book of History with a Commentary by Kong Anguo, Kong Yingda (574–648 15

Kong Anguo (ca. 156–ca. 74 B.C.), styled name Ziguo, was a native of Lu in the Western Han Dynasty (now Qufu, Shandong). A descendent of Confucius, he is said to have found The Book of History in Old Text in the wall of the Kong house and thus began the School of the Book of History in Old Text. Many later scholars, such as Zhu Xi, had doubts about the truthfulness of his discovery. The Book of History with a Commentary by Kong Anguo is attributed to him, but some scholars thought it was a forged one in his name—translator’s note.

3.1 The Five Classics

89

A.D.), Confucius’ grandson of the 32nd generation, compiled The Rectified Interpretation of the Book of History (shang shu zheng yi)16 as the authoritative resource for national service examinations. Later on, during the Song Dynasty, it was included in the Thirteen Classics with Annotations and Commentaries (shisanjingzhushu), and it has since been preserved and handed down to the present day.

Fu Sheng’s Teaching Confucius Classics painted by Wang Wei of Tang Dynasty

The circulatory history of Shangshu or The Book of History is very complicated, and it is often accompanied by Controversy of the Old and New Text Schools, as well as internal controversy within old texts and new texts. As beginners, we only need to grasp the core content of what the Confucian scholars of the Han Dynasty, particularly those of the Song Dynasty, termed as the Shujing. Generally speaking, Shangshu, also known as Shujing, is a book that recorded words and actions of kings in the Yu, Xia, Shang, Western Zhou, and Spring and Autumn periods, retaining some laws and regulations at that time. Apart from the chapter “Yugong,” which focuses on ancient geography, the remaining chapters encompass a range of topics such as canons (dian), strategies (mo), admonitions (gao), suggestions (xun), oaths (shi), orders (ming), etc., which record matters akin to today’s politics, military affairs, ethic norms, laws, religion, philosophy, etc. What is recorded in canons and strategies involves words and deeds of former sage-kings, such as “Canon of Yao” and “Canon of Shun.” In addition to preserving speeches and thoughts of former sage-kings, these documents also record historical events such as flood control, crown abdication, etc., which fully reflects that the Chinese nation is steeped in history and has a long-standing tradition of commemorating significant events, as is stated in the “Yu Zao” contained in the Book of Rites (liji):“Zuoshi’s duty is to record words of former sage-kings, and Youshi’s duty is to chronicle momentous events.” Likewise, in the “Yi Wen Zhi” or “the Treatise on Literature” contained in the History of the Former Han Dynasty it is stated: “Zuoshi records words, while Youshi documents events.” Furthermore, chapters like “Hongfan” and “Gao Yao Mo,” document dialogues between monarchs and their ministers, which retain crucial decisions and some political strategies, as 16

Kong Yingda (574–648 A.D.) was a Confucian classicist of the Tang Dynasty. Styled Chongyuan, Kong was a native of Hengshui (now Hebei Province). Because of his excellent mastery of Confucian classics, he was appointed “the Erudite” both in the Sui and Tang dynasties and was authorized by Emperor Tai Zang of Tang to make commentaries on The Five Classics which were compiled into a collection titled Rectified Interpretations of the Five Classics.—translator’s note.

90

3 Five Classics and Four Books

well as notable ministers’ magnificent arguments and insightful remarks. What is recorded in the “Hong Fan” chapter is that when King Wu of Zhou inquired Jizi (King Zhou’s uncle), a surviving minister of the Yin Dynasty, about governing the world, Jizi gave a comprehensive and systematic response. “Admonitions” (gao) denote important proclamations issued by the central government or a royal edict addressed to officials by kings. “Suggestions” (xun) denote advices or persuasions suggested to kings by subordinates. “Oaths” (shi) denote declarations of expeditions or pledges of political mobilization before the war. “Orders” (ming) denote what are stated in kings’ canonization and appointment, which are also important official announcements issued by the central government. In Shangshu with Annotations and Commentaries (shang shu zhu shu), contained in the existent Thirteen Classics with Annotations and Commentaries (shisanjingzhushu), there is “the Preface to Shangshu” written by Kong Anguo, which is generally called “Zhuan Xu” or “Da Xu” (grand preface), and then followed by fiftyeight classical texts attributed to Shangshu in old and new texts. Among the fifty-eight canonical chapters, nine originate from “The Book of Yuxia,” seventeen from “The Book of Shang,” and thirty-two from “The Book of Zhou.” In addition, there are the prefaces to each chapter (known as small prefaces), including Kong Anguo’s “Zhuan” (Commentary on Shangshu) and Kong Yingda’s “Shu” (Rectified Interpretations of the Five Classics). “Shuxu” (the preface of each chapter), written by scholars in or prior to the Han Dynasty based on Zuo’s Commentary and various other sources, is analogous to the explanatory note or exposition preceding each chapter. These prefaces are highly valuable, including brief prologues to numerous text that have been lost over time. The so-called Book of History in Old Text with a Commentary by Kong Anguo is not really authored by Kong Anguo himself, but a forged one in his name. Indeed, it is a ompilation of interpretations on Shangshu by scholars from the Wei and Jin Dynasties, who incorporated the insights their predecessors. This collection surpasses the commentaries and annotations provided Confucian scholars of the Han Dynasty, making it a valuable reference for our study. Of the fifty-eight chapters that exist today, thirty-three belong to the version of Shangshu in New Texts. These chapters correspond to the original twenty-eight chapters, some of which have been further divided into two or three chapters, so the twenty-eight chapters have been expanded into thirty-three chapters. This should be the version of Shangshu in new text passed down by Fu Sheng during the Han Dynasty, and it is considered the most reliable ancient document. The remaining twenty-five chapters were dedicated by Mei Ze, a famous scholar of the Eastern Jin Dynasty, which were regarded as “Mei Ze’s pseudo version of The Book of History” and also known as “the Later Book (wanshu).” In fact, these twenty-five chapters were not actual ancient texts discovered in the wall of Confucius’ house, but compiled by scholars during the Eastern Jin Dynasty, ultilizing documents from the Pre-Qin Dynasties, various rewritten chapters that circulated during the Han Dynasty, and artifacts unearthed in Ji county (now Weihui, Henan Province). Nevertheless, these so-called forged books and later books are also valuable. After nearly 50 years of archeological excavations, some new documents preserved in ancient bamboo slips

3.1 The Five Classics

91

and silks have been unearthed, including some lost chapters of Shangshu, which can be compared with the Shangshu in new text and old text. Shangshu, also known as Shujing, has emerged as a crucial Confucian canonical text since it was established as a subject of instruction during the imperial school during the Han Dynasty. The ideas of “worshiping Heaven,” “protecting people,” “cultivating illustrious virtue,” and “punishing sparingly” in the Yu, Xia, Shang, and Zhou periods have consistently served as the foundation of subsequent Confucianism.

A photocopy of A General Introduction of Shangshu by Chen Mengjia

We are aware that in the history of Chinese civilization, the integration of all natural deities and the unification of all tribes on earth occurred almost simultaneously. The so-called Shangdi or Di is the supreme ruler and the highest authority that the Chinese ancestors imagined to command all natural phenomena, natural forces, and natural spirits. And the leaders of tribes and tribal alliances (who initially held both political and religious roles) on earth sought to strengthen their dominion over diverse social forces by strategically relying on the authority of Heaven. Thus, “Shangdi,” “Di,” “Heaven,” and “Heavenly Mandate” turned out to serve as the basis for the political legitimacy of the kingship of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties. According to “the Canon of Shun” contained in Shangshu, it is evident that when Shun succeeded Yao as the leader, he presided over a solemn and grand religious ceremony,initially sacrificing to the Heavenly God “Shangdi,” and subsequently to other natural deities. This pious religious rite also signifies the legitimacy of Shun’s political and military rule. Xia Yu’s conquest of the tribe of Sanmiao and Xia Qi’s crusade against the tribe of Youhu were both executed under thepretext of Heaven’s orders and the authority of Heavenly God. This is proved from the reason that Qi of Xia Dynasty declared war on the tribe of Youhu, as is stated in “Ganshi” or in “An Oath Made in the Place of Gan” contained in Shangshu: “The Youhu tribe has disobeyed Heaven’s will, severely neglecting the harmony of the five elements (of metal, wood, water, fire, and earth), and abandoning the three cardinal principles of cultivating their morality, harnessing natural resources, and serving the people. Consequently, Heaven would withdraw its favor from them. Now I must follow Heaven’s will and mete out punishment. … I will reward those who have obeyed the ancestral commands and shown reverence

92

3 Five Classics and Four Books

before the throne of their forebears, while those who have disobeyed shall face the ultimate penalty in front of their ancestral temple.” Emperor Qi of Xia vowed to go on a punitive expedition on the Youhu tribe in Gan due to their disrespect towards officialsmanaging the five elements of water, fire, wood, metal, earth etc., and their abandonment of governmental duties, such as rectifying virtue, properly using natural resources, and benefitting the people, and consequently disrupted thenatural and societal order. Qi of Xia and the tribe of Youhu were both descendants of the Si family and should belong to the same tribe. Therefore, Emperor Qi of Xia declared at the mobilization meeting that any tribes, officials, and soldiers who followed orders and achieved military feats would be rewarded in front of their ancestral temple, whereas those disobeying orders would face punishment at the altar of land. Evidently, ancestral worship, like the worship of Heavenly God, is intertwined with royal politics. Shang was originally a vassal state of Xia Dynasty. Shang Tang addressed the mobilization meeting, urging the overthrow of King Jie of Xia, the notoriously corrupt final ruler of the Xia Dynasty, which reads: Come, ye multitudes of the people, listen all to my words! It is not I, the little child [a humble name used by kings], who dare to undertake what may seem to be a rebellious enterprise; but for the many crimes of King Jie. God [Heaven or Shangdi] has given the charge to destroy him. … King Jie is heinously guilty and God [Heaven or Shangdi] decided to get rid of him. As I fear God, I dare not but punish him! (“Tangshi” or “Tang’s Speech” in Shangshu)

This does show that the Yin Shang Dynasty (ca. 1600–1046 B.C.) inherited not only the worship of “Shang Di” or “Heavenly gods” of Xia Dynasty, but also the notion of using the “Mandate of Heaven” as the foundation of political legitimacy. The Yin Ruins contains numerous oracle bone inscriptions in the Yin Ruins,17 including various forms of divinations. With the assistance of soothsayers (zhenren), individuals consulted “Di,” “Shangdi,” and other deities on matters such as sacrifice, expedition, farming, yearly harvest, wind and rain, hunting, and other concerns, resolving doubts through turtle divination. The Yin people had faith in “Di” or “Shangdi,” but 17

Such inscriptions include oracles and events recorded on bones or tortoise shells of the Shang and Zhou Dynasties. They are also known as “scripts chiseled out with a knife,” “oracles on bones or tortoise shells,” or “scripts from Yin Ruins.” They are the earliest known characters of ancient China dated more than 3000 years ago. Inscriptions on bones or tortoise shells were first uncovered from the Yin Ruins at Xiaotun Village in Anyang of Henan Province, generally believed to have first been discovered in 1899 by Wang Yirong (1845–1900), a late Qing epigrapher. In the Shang and Zhou dynasties, royal families and noblemen would consult Heaven about anything ranging from state business to trivial affairs in daily life, such as sacrificial rituals, weather, harvesting, war, hunting, illness, and giving birth. It was the answers they thus elicited that determined what course of action to take. Divination was an important part of a country’s governance, and the bones and tortoise shells with characters inscribed on them would be stored away as state archives. So far, more than 100,000 bones and tortoise shells have been unearthed, about 4500 characters have been tallied, and of these, about 1700 have been understood and deciphered. Characters on bones and tortoise shells have become increasingly systemized, with the six ways of forming Chinese characters (namely, pictographs, self-explanatory characters, associative compounds, pictophonetic characters, mutually explanatory characters, and phonetic loan characters) all reflected in them and a large number of pictophonetic characters (or phonograms) that had merged. Oracles inscribed on bones and tortoise shells are also valuable firsthand material for studying the history of the Shang and Zhou Dynasties—translator’s note.

3.1 The Five Classics

93

“Di” or “Shangdi” was not the so-called creator in the Western religion. During the Yin Dynasty, Kui was esteemed as the remotestancestor of divination among the Yinpeople, and he was regarded as a manifestation of Heavenly God with ancestors, an identification that originated in the Xia Dynasty. When the Zhou Dynasty (1046–256 B.C.), as a small vassal state, replaced the larger Yin Shang Dynasty, its political legitimacy remained rooted in the Mandate of Heaven and Heavenly God. After the death of King Wu of Zhou, King Cheng (1055–1021 B.C.) was still young, and Duke of Zhou acted as Lord Protector on behalf of King Cheng. When he sent troops to crusade against the rebellion of Wu Geng and his followers, he proclaimed throughout the world by issuing “The Great Imperial Mandate” (Dagao), which remained the traditional method that Xia and Shang dynasties ever used in political mobilizations: Come! As the little child of King Wen, I dare not disobey my fate predestined by Heaven [Shangdi]. Heaven [Shangdi] has rewarded King Wen by bringing tranquility to our small state of Zhou. It is through divination that King Wen has inherited the great destiny granted by Heavenly God. Now! Heaven God has commanded you people to assist Duke of Zhou. Today, since we all know what Heaven wills, we have to be in awe of Heaven’s order. Alas! Assist me in our great enterprise! (“Dagao” in Shangshu)

The Duke of Zhou used thelarge tortoise, which had been handed down by King Wen, to divine Heavenly God’s will He received Heavenly God’s command through the oracle inscription revealed on tortoise shells. Duke of Zhou said: “I dare not disobey Heavenly God’s command. Heavenly God has blessed King Wen, and brought prosperity to our small state of Zhou. By following the divination, King Wen was able to bear the great Mandate of Heavenly God. Now Heaven continue to bless us, the Zhou people, and we must continue to act on divination. Alas! Heaven has already shown its mighty power to bless us in this great cause!” As mentioned earlier, the integration of gods and ancestor worship originated in the Xia Dynasty. In the sacrificial performances of Xia, Shang, and Zhou Dynasties, usually abbreviated as the Three Dynasties, only kings, also known as Sons of Heaven (tianzi), were eligible to worship Heaven. These great priests, who were also kings themselves, always honored Heaven by paying tribute to their ancestors, offering them as companion sacrifices. This is what is known as “matching Heaven with ancestors” (yi zu pei tian). The reason is stated in the “Jiao Te Sheng” section in the Book of Rites (liji): “Heaven stands as the genesis of all things, while ancestry marks the beginning of human beings.” Thus, when sacrificing to Heavenly God or the Supreme God, we should invite our ancestors far and near to share it. Whenever we remember Heavenly God, we also remember our ancestors as well. It is essential that we repay their grace and virtues, revisiting theorigins of our body and mind, and never forget our roots.

94

3 Five Classics and Four Books

Duke of Zhou

During the revolutions of Yin and Zhou Dynasties, there were notable shifts in the ideologies of the rulers, sucn as the Duke of Zhou, compared to those of Xia and Yin Dynasties. These shifts were reflected in developing “matching Heaven with ancestors” into “matching Heaven with virtue,” developing blood-borne ancestral worship into political and moral ancestral worship, and developing externalization of Heaven worship into internalization and moralization of Heaven worship. These shifts have played a decisive role in the trend of the history of the entire Chinese culture and thought. Nevertheless, we cannot say that there was only religious consciousness but no moral consciousness during the Yin and Shang eras. Actually, we can strongly feel a moral commitment in several of Pan Geng’s proclamations concerning moving the capital18 : Ah! In the past, all our former Kings were people-oriented and dared to employ capable people with good virtue and responsibility. Yi Yin, the prime minister, shared weal and woe with the late king, acted upon Heaven’s will and public opinion, and achieved great deeds. When disaster struck, our former king did not cling to comforts of the old capital, but preached to his people on the benefits of moving to the new capital. (“Pan Geng II,” in Shangshu) Now our people are currently displaced due to flood and lack a permanent abode, and yet you question my decision to relocate millions of you people to a new place! It is God’s will that brought upon us these disasters, guiding us towards the new capital, where we can revive the noble pursuits of our great ancestors, and bring prosperity to our country. As the Son of Heaven, I am earnestly and reverently obedient to Heaven’s command, striving to prolong your lives and guide you towards a dwelling of lasting harmony in the new capital. (“Pan Geng III,” in Shangshu)

Here, King Pan Geng stated that in the past, my former kings loved people with all their hearts. Subjects and the populace were sympathized with each other and always acted upon Heaven’s will. In the past, when Heaven brought disaster upon the Yin people, my former kings did not hesitate to relocate from the old capital to the new 18

Pan Geng was the nineteenth monarch and also a very successful monarch of Shang Dynasty. Pan Geng’s moving capital to the Yin was a historical event in the middle and late Shang Dynasty. After succeeding to the throne, in order to save the political crisis, Pan Geng decided to move the capital to the Yin (now Anyang, Henan Province), now known as the Yin Ruins—translator’s note.

3.1 The Five Classics

95

place, in order to safeguard the well-being of their people. King Pan Geng continued to state: Now we are encountering great flood again, and my people are uprooted and homeless. Why would I arouse you all torelocate from the capital to a new place? Because Heaven has brought upon us disaster as a warning for us to move to a new capital, so as to revive the great pursuits of our ancestors and prosper our country again. Therefore, I must devoutly and carefully follow Heaven’s command, and I must devote myself to protecting my people. Evidently, Pan Geng’s admonitions have embodied respect for the public opinion, the interests of the people, and the sincerity and professionalism of those in power, and there is a subtle germination of humanistic spirit. However, it is worth noting that the Yin Dynasty primarily concentratd on the worship of ghosts and deities. After the small state of Zhou succeeded the larger Yin Shang Dynasty, the early Zhou people fostered a sense of humanistic self-consciousness, which stemmed from their embrace of the “Grand Mandate of Heaven” (cheng shou da ming), asthey faced rebellions within and without. When summing up lessons and experiences received from the Xia and Yin dynasties that once gained their “Mandate of Heaven” (tianming) but lost soon, they couldn’t but think of the potential crisis when staying in peace. The fact that the once powerful Xia and Yin dynasties collapsed in the hands of King Jie and King Zhou very shortly indicates that the “Mandate of Heaven” (tianming) can be transferred and changed. In the “Kang Gao,” the Duke of Zhou cautioned Kang Shu that the “Mandate of Heaven (tianming) is not permanent, but rather it can be acquired by those with virtue and lost by those without.” Obviously, what mostly matters is that rulers should “perform illustrious virtue and revere virtue.” Duke of Zhou pointed out that King Wen was able to “prize high moral value and punish his people sparingly,” in other words, he cultivated his own virtue and refined his behaviors, handled punishment cautiously, and avoided bullying and belittling aged people, widowers, widows, orphans, and childless persons. He was diligent, respectful, prudent, and reverent, carefully selecting worthy individuals for appointments, showing deference to the wise, and meticulously punishing those lacking in virtue. He enjoyed high esteem of his people for his lofty virtue. So, Heaven bestowed upon him the great mission of overthrowing the Yin Dynasty. In “the Zhao Gao,” Duke of Zhou pointed out: “We cannot fail to take the Xia dynasty as our warning, nor can we fail to take the Yin Dynasty as our warning.” According to Duke of Zhou, the lesson drawn from the downfall of Xia and Yin is that “they have neglected the importance of virtue, which has led to the premature loss of Heaven’s blessings.” Accordingly, [Heaven or Heavenly God grieves and cares for the fate of the people in all directions] and thus changed the fate of rulers of the Yin Dynasty by ending the fortune of the two big great powers of the Xia and Yin dynasty. In view of the fact that Xia and Yin disobeyed the Heavenly Way and thus lost their blessings from Heaven, Duke of Zhou warned King Cheng, saying: “Your Majesty should not disregard virtue” and “Your Majesty should earnestly implement virtuous governance as soon as possible! If Your Majesty respects virtue, blessings from Heaven will continue long.” The Zhou people regard Heavenly God and supernatural beings as legislators and judges of human politics and morality, which makes the objects that people worshiped have something identifiable and therefore adds

96

3 Five Classics and Four Books

rational activities to religious theology. Through reforming the theory of the divine right of Kings in Xia and Yin Dynasties, the Zhou people not only established the concept of the Son of Heaven, justifying the royal legitimacy through Heavean’s authority, but also introduced the concept of the destiny transfer. In other words, this thoery ultilized Heavenly authority to impose certain restrictions and moral constraints on rulers’ power, giving them the dual responsibility of both governing people and educating or humanizing the people. The early Zhou people realized that no one can forever remain a recipient of the bestowed supreme power by Heaven or Heavenly God, as is stated: “Heavenbestowed supreme power is not eternal;” (“Great Elegance” in Shijing) “High Heaven (Shangtian) feels no emotion and helps only the virtuous;” (“The Fifth Year of Xigong” in Zuo’s Commentary, quoted from Book of Zhou) and “High Heaven seeks the lord of the people” who follows the Mandate of Heaven and complies with the wishes of the people, in other words, one who can save the people from harm and enjoy their allegiance can be called the lord of the people, and thus “deserve divine bestowment from Heaven” (“Duofang” in Shangshu). For the early Zhou people, the concepts of “reverence ( jing),” “reverence for virtue” ( jingde), and “performance of illustrious moral character” (mingde) showed that they possessed a strong sense of worry and responsibility, shifting from entrusting Heaven with their fate to assuming responsibility for their own actions . There goes the saying: “One should be fearful, discreet and watchful, as if standing on the edge of a cliff or treading on thin ice” (Shijing). In such precarious situations, utmost caution is imperative for personal safety . This cautious state of mind comes from one’s deep vigilance, intense spiritual focus, and prudent handling of government affairs, coupled with a conscientious responsibility for individual behaviors, which, of course,stands apart from mere religious piety. This is not to dispel one’s subjectivity, but to consciously, actively, and reflectively highlight the zest and rational role of the subject. This is the earliest manifestation of Chinese humanistic spirit, which is a humanism or humanistic spirit with moral character driven or actuated by “reverence” ( jing). In Confucian thought, “jing” or respect is a virtue which requires individuals to maintain a reverential attitude toward a particular group of people ormatters. By holding a respectful attitude, a person can appreciate his inherent meaning, awaken his inner consciousness, and maintain both self-reflection and self-control. Duke of Zhou put forward a series of humanitarian thoughts such as [state governance is to] “revere virtue to protect the people,” [state governance is to] and “revere virtue to satisfy the people,” which are very profound and have played some roles in social practice. From the perspective of archeological excavations, what is strikingly remarkable is that the difference between Zhou Dynasty and Yin Dynasty lies in the fact that humans or animals buried alive with the dead were remarkably reduced. In the early Zhou Dynasty, rulers realized the importance of the people’s livelihood, well-being, and aspirations, elevating them to a status commensurate with the Mandate of Heaven This neccessitated that rulers comprehend the Mandate of Heaven through observing the people’s way of life. In other words, Heaven’s will is manifested through public opinions, and rulers should take their people as a mirror

3.1 The Five Classics

97

and grasp Heaven’s will from the well-being of the people. This ideology is plentifully expressed in such statements as “Heaven sees what people see; Heaven hears what people hear”; (“Taishi” from Shangshu); “Heaven desires what people desire”; (“Xianggong’s Thirty First Year,” “Taishi” from Shangshu); “A state is like a tree. Its root is firmly anchored in the people’s will, thereby determining its growth and lushness”; (“Houfu,” quoted from Bamboo Slips of the Warring States Period); and “An old saying states: ‘A ruler should not use clean water as a mirror, but take their people as a mirror and give ear to them’” (“Jiu Gao” from Shangshu). All these expressions later became the source of China’s people-oriented ideology. Ancient Chinese often took the “Mandate of Heaven” as the highest concept for the legitimation of political authority and policy making, and at the same time they often regarded the “will of people” as the principal source and manifestation of the “Will of Heaven.” They have also recognized the peopleas the fundamental bedrock upon which the state is built. Throughout history, all enlightened Chinese statesmen, both past and present, have consistently viewed the “will of people” as the paramount consideration in effective governance. Shangshu, also known as Shujing, is rich in implications. Above, I have only commented on some aspects of its political philosophy, in order to get a glimpse of its value and status in the history of Chinese culture. Fourthly, The Book of Poetry Or Shijing

Ten Pictures of Jie Nan Mountain (partial), which is believed to be painted by Ma Hezhi of South Song

Poetry (Shi), also known as Three Hundred Poems, is officially known as Shijing (詩經) or Classic of Poetry or The Book of Poetry after the Han Dynasty, which is the earliest compilation of poetry in ancient China. According to Mr. Chen Zizhan, Shijing can also be regarded as an encyclopedia, mirroring the social life of antiquity. Shijing contains a total of 305 poems. These poems were composed from the early Western Zhou Dynasty to the middle of the Spring and Autumn period, spanning approximately five hundred years or so. With only a few exceptions where authors are documented or conjectured, the most part of them remain anonymous. Shijing or Classic of Poetry is categorized into four sections: Guofeng (“Ballads from the States”), Xiaoya (“Minor Court Hymns”), Daya (“Major Court Hymns”), and Song (“Hymns of Extolment”). In ancient times, the court established the position

98

3 Five Classics and Four Books

of yue guan, officials tasked with gathering, refining, organizing, and instructing music (yue) and poetry. “Guofeng” is a kind of folk ballads collected by officials of Zhou Dynasty, also known as “youren” or “xingren,” which are certainly polished or embellished by lettered noblepersons or officials. Some of them were ballads and anthems composed by feudal princes and dukes. “Feng” refers to the pitch of voice, and “Guofeng” or “Ballads from the States” are mostly folk ballads collected from diverse regions of the country, which are subdivided into 15 states: Zhounan 周南, Zhaozan 召南, Bei 邶, Yong 鄘, Wei 衛, Wang 王, Zheng 鄭, Qi 齊, Wei 魏, Tang 唐, Qin 秦, Chen 陳, Kuai 檜, Cao 曹, and Bin 豳, which respectively reflect the customs of these places at that time (equivalent to today’s Shaanxi 陝西, Gansu 甘肅, Shanxi 山西, Henan 河南, Hebei 河北, Shandong 山東, Hubei 湖北, Anhui 安徽, and other places). “Ya” is “Xia,” which are close in ancient sounds, and used alternately. “Xia” refers to the Yellow River basin area. “Yayue” (“Elegant Music” or “Highbrow Songs”) refers to the music played by princes and nobles in Central China on formal occasions. Where there is yue (music), there is poetry (hymns, songs, and eulogies). Zhu Xi (1130–1200 A.D.) said: ““Daya” (Great Elegance) are songs performed at court banquets or grand ceremonies, whereas “Xiaoya” (Small Elegance) denotes songs sung during feasting.” Typically, the lyrics of these songs are mostly penned by scholar-officials. Of course, this is just the case in general. Actually speaking, some poems from Xiaoya which sound similar to ballads from Guofeng also echo the voice of the lower class. To a certain extent, the musical pitch distinguishes Daya and Xiaoya. “Song” (Odes, Hymns of Extolment) originally derives from“rong” (demeanor, receptivity, grooming), and evolved to signify “extolment of great virtue through the portrayal of demeanor.” “Song” carried a dual connotation of both songs and dances. According to Shijing, “Song” is categorized into Odes of Zhou, Odes of Lu, and Odes of Shang, which are mainly hymns and eulogies in honor of deities (both supernatural and ancestral ) during sacrificial ceremonies. Of course, there are numerous poems that also celebrate or flatter ruling monarchs of the time. Sima Qian (145 or 135–90 B.C.), widely regarded as the forefather of Chinese historiography, stated that during the era of Confucius, over 3000 ancient poems were still in existence. After Confucius deleted the duplicates and retained only those poems that suitable for propriety and righteousness, the final collection consists of just 305 poems, all capable of sung to the accompaniment of stringed instruments, harmonizing beautifully with the melodies of “Shao” and “Wu.” This is what is known as “Confucius’ Deleting Poems.” Kong Yingda in Tang Dynasty believed that Shijing frequently cited by ancient books existed mostly in its handed-down version, and very few were lost. The same is true when today’s scholars have compared the Shijing quoted in Zuo’s Commentaries, Discourses on Governance of the States, and The Book of Rites (liji). Even Confucius himself also said: “Shijing is composed of three hundred poems,” so the saying that Confucius deleted poems is not credible. Of course, there is no doubt that Confucius codified Shijing. In Analects it is said: “Confucius said: ‘Upon my return from the state of Wei to Lu, I rectified the music, ensuring thatYa and Song were restored to their rightful places’” (Analects, Chap. 9).

3.1 The Five Classics

99

This shows that Confucius indeed undertook the task of adjusting, correcting, and revising the musical compositions, tunes, and re-arranging the sequences of Ya and Song. There are three ways or techniques of expression employed in Shijing: Fu (narrative), Bi (analogy), and Xing (association). Fu refers to a direct reference to an object or an event; Bi refers to an analogy which metaphorically likens one thing to another; and Xing refers to an association which is an impromptu expression of a feeling, a mood or a thought, or using an object as metaphor for sensibilities. While discussing the importance of learning poetry with his disiciple Yang Huo, Confucius said: “Shijing can stir one’s mind, enable one to understand society, exchange feelings and thoughts with others, and express resentment. Shijing can guide you on how to properly serve your father at home and your sovereign in public life. Shijing can also help you learn about various birds, beasts, and plants” (Analects, Chap. 17). In Confucius’ view, Shijing had four essential functions: Shijing can stimulate imagination, foster understanding of nature, society, life, and politics, facilitate the exchange of thoughts and feelings, and help one express his anger and inner emotions. According to Confucius, by reading Shijing, one could apply its principles to serving his parents, serving his ruler, as well as expanding knowledge of birds, animals, and plant species worldwide. During the early Western Han Dynasty, there existed three schools of Shi or Shijing, known as the Three Schools of Shi or Shijing in history. These schools were recongnized as authorities on modern texts and were established as imperial academic teachers (xueguan) during the reign of Emperor Jing. The Three Schools of Shijing refer to Shen Pei of Lu, Yuan Gu of Qi, Han Ying of Yan, and all of them were known as“academicians in poetry” (shiboshi). Poetry of Qi (qishi) was lost in the Wei, Poetry of Lu (lushi) was lost in the Western Jin, and Han Ying’s Commentary on Poetry (hanshi) was lost in the Song Dynasty, and now only Han Ying’s Outer Commentary on Poetry (han shi wai zhuan) remains. After the Song Dynasty, only Maoshi has survived to this day, and it is the version of the Shijing we read today. Maoshi refers to Mao’s Exegetical Commentary on Shijing (mao shi hu xun zhuan), simply known as Maoshi, authored by Mao Heng, a native of Lu or of Hejian region of the Han Dynasty. Mao Heng passed it on to his nephew Mao Chang. Mao’s Exegetical Commentary on Shijing belongs to classics in the form of new texts. Mao Heng is often referred to as Mao Sr., and Mao Chang is referred to as Mao Jr. During the Eastern Han Dynasty, Zheng Xuan completed the Rectified Interpretation of Maoshi (maoshiqian), primarily drawing from Maoshiwhile also integrating the perspectives of the three contending schools of Shi or Shijing. Since the early Western Han Dynasty, Shi has been formally recognized as Shijing or Classics of Poetry. Then why does Confucianism deem it a “Classic”? What do the ideas reflected in Shi align closely with Confucianism? What is the relationship between the ideas reflected in Shijing and Confucianism? Confucianism holds the classics of Chinese civilization in high esteem, with Poetry (Shi) standing as one of the most precious classics. As mentioned earlier, Confucian, the master of Confucianism, had an indissoluble bond with Poetry. Among freshly unearthed materials of Chu Bamboo Slips of Warring States in Shanghai Museum

100

3 Five Classics and Four Books

Collection, the text titled Confucius’ Discourse on Poems (kongzilunshi) records Confucius’ ideas on poetry: “Poetry fails to be poety if it does not freely express one’s will; music fails to be true music if it does not freely utter one’s inner feelings; and narration without significant words fails to constitute true narration.” Obviously, Confucius claims that poetry is an expression of people’s aspirations, through which people can express their hidden will and heart. Similarly, hidden feelings can be expressed through music, just like writing literatures (articles) without sparing words. Confucius’ Discourse on Poems involves more than sixty poems in Shijing, singing praise of love, and especially emphasizes emotional expression through the Poetry and its relationship with the natural feelings of early people, and advocates embracing the original, returning to the beginning, and leading people’s emotions to ritual norms. “Confucius said: ‘I have begun to understand the inborn feelings of the early people through the poem ‘Getan’. When they meet something lovely, they must think of kindness of their parents. This is the reason why ‘Getan’ is written into poetry and what it symbolizes.19 Likewise, the poem ‘Guan Ju’ is to quell the emotion for my fair lady through yue (music); The poem ‘Jiu Mu’ is to make people follow the natural law of four seasons; the poem ‘Han Guang’ is to show us the wisdom through which things are handled; the poem ‘Magpie’s Nest’ symbolizes the marriage between man and woman through the image of birds returning to their nests; The poem ‘Gan Tang’ is to express the people’s nostalgia for their ancestors; The poem ‘Green Coat’ is to express one’s precious memories for hisdeceased wife; and the poem ‘Yan Yan’ is to expressa deep feeling for a beloved person. Do these poems reveal the sublimation of human emotional instinct? Is the emotional outburst in the poem ‘Guan Ju’ not natural, uncontrollable expression of love for a cherished individual ? Why? Poetry leaves no emotions concealed; rather, it channels all sentiments through the lens of forms and ritual.”20 Confucius’ discussions on poetry, preserved in Confucius’ Discourse on Poems and Analects, mutually complement each other, explain each other, and set each other off. Confucius’ Discourse on Poetry initially established 19

Ge (Kudzu) is a perennial herb, its flowers are purple-red, its stems can be used as ropes, and its fibers can be woven into kudzu cloth. Tan describes the leafy appearance of Ge or its spread and extension. The poem “Getan” is contained in Zhou and Nan of Shijing, which is generally believed to describe the nostalgic feeling of a married daughter eager to go back to see her parents, which is rightly embodied in the last poetic line “歸寧父母 (Home-going of the Bride).” The poem consists of 3 stanzas, the last of which reads: “言告師氏, 言告言歸。薄污我私, 薄浣我衣。害浣害否?歸 寧父母.” Here is the translation of Mr. Xu Yuanchong: I tell Mother-in-law Soon I will go home. I’ll wash my undershirt And rinse my outskirt. My dress cleaned, I’ll appear Before my parents dear—translator’s note.

20

Li ling, Proofreading Notes on Three Articles from Chu Bamboo Slips in Shanghai Museum, 2002, Taipei Wanjuanlou Books Co., Ltd., pp. 25–26.

3.1 The Five Classics

101

the theoretical model of poetry criticism in the history of Chinese literature. Its author not only insightfully approached “Poetry” through emotions, recognizing the peotry’s essence and touching the core of Chinese poetry theory. Adherring to Confucian principle of propriety and righteousness, the author pioneered a theoretical exploration of the relationship between emotions and ritual in Confucian literary creation. This discourse not only shaped the study of “Poetry” in the Han Dynasty, but also influenced the broader tragectory of Confucian poetics.

Maoshi drawn by Zhou Chen in Ming Dynasty

“The Canon of Shun” in Shangshu says: “The poem articulates what is on the mind; through singing, aspirations endure. Articulation, accompanied by notes, is harmonized into rhythmic melodies.” In other words, the poem is used to express one’s thoughts and feelings, while songs are to sing out one’s feelings with language. If language is not enough to articulate, it is essential to chant and articulate, accompanied by the instruments of metal, stone, silk, and bamboo. Thus, Poetry (shi) and Music (Yue) are one at the same time. “Yongyan” (last long) means the prolonged speech with meter and melody. Its lyrical verses evolve into a chant, elongating slowly and melodiously, emerging as a musical performance that twists and turns, alternating between slow and urgent tempos. The seven notes in music (yue) are termed as gong (宮 corresponding to 1 in the numbered musical notation), shang (商 corresponding to 2), jue (角 corresponding to 3), bianzhi (變徵 corresponding to 4), zhi (徵 corresponding to 5), yu (羽 corresponding to 6), and biangong (變宫 corresponding to 7), which suit well with one another. In the "Introduction to Shijing" it is said, “Poem is the outlet for our deepest thoughts. In the mind, it is contemplation; expressed through language, it becomes a poem.” Therefore, a poet expresses his feelings and aspirations by chanting about things in the world. (Introduction to Mao’s Version of The Woks of Poetry.) On the one hand, numerous ideas reflected in Shijing or The Book of Poetry became the pioneering voices and were inherited by Confucianism. On the other hand, Confucianism further developed some ideas through creative elaboration of Shijing. These ideas mainly include: (1) whipping and satirizing rulers for their lewdness and tyranny, and their extorting and seizing common people by force and

102

3 Five Classics and Four Books

trickery, and being close to nasty snobs and staying away from virtuous people; (2) reflecting people’s resistance to oppression and exploitation, as well as wars, corvee and cruel penalty; (3) showing sympathy for hardships and sufferings of the common people and praising their yearning for free and happy life; (4)singing of peace and stability, governance with virtue, free love, and happy marriage and family life. Similar to Shujing, from Shijing we can also comprehend ancient people’s reverence and belief for Heaven and Heavenly God. Confucianism obviously inherited this great tradition. The Confucian theory of Heavenly Mandate stems from and gives full play to the thought of Shujing and Shijing. Shijing contains some epics which sing of the history of Shang and Zhou dynasties, in which we can still have a taste of the ideas of changeable Heavenly Mandate, matching Heaven with virtue and some profound historical consciousness. In the poem “King Wen” it is said: “Thus the officials of the Yin became the subjects of Zhou. This follows the rule that no one can forever enjoy the Heavenly Mandate to rule forever. The Yin officials, healthy and agile, wearing costumes embroidered with black-and-white designs and traditional caps, came to the capital to assist in the ritual ceremonies. Shouldn’t they, now appointed by the Zhou as officials, be grateful for the virtue of their ancestors?” (“Daya” from Shijing). Fifthly, Lijing or Classic of Rituals Li (lijing) or The Classic of Rituals contains the “Three Rituals” or “Three Ritual Classics” (sanli), namely, Yili (Rituals and Ceremonies), Zhouli (Rituals of Zhou), and Liji (the Book of Rites).21 Lijing, originally, should refer to what isnowadays known as Yili or Rituals and Ceremonies. In the early Han Dynasty, it was referred to as Li, and was also recognized by the names Shili (Rites of Officials), Lijing (Classics of Rituals) However, since the Jin Dynasty, it has been commonly known as Yili. In the Han Dynasty, Gao Tangsheng, a native of Lu, passed down 17 chapters of Shili, which was later transmitted to the three schools led by Dai De (ca. 99–37 B.C.), Dai Sheng and Qing Pu, eventually becoming known as the Classics of Rituals in New Text ( jin wen li jing). The fifty-six chapters of Old Classics of Rituals (li gu jing) discovered on the wall of Confucius’ house by Duke Gong of Lu are known as the Classics of Rituals in Old Text. There are seventeen chapters in the new and old texts that are roughly identical. Zheng Xuan once proofread the seventeen chapters of the Yili or Rituals and Ceremonies by comparing both old and new texts. These chapters have survived to the present day, while others have not been preserved. According to Qian Xuan, an expert on the “Three Rituals” (sanli), some rituals retained in Yili or Rituals and Ceremonies were put into practice in the early Western Zhou and were studied and often cited after the period of the Spring and Autumn. The ritual system and vessels depicted within the Pre-Qin classical documents are mostly consistent with what is recorded in Yili or Rituals and Ceremonies. Thus, each of seventeen chapters of Yili, which are now completed, may date back to no later than the Spring and Autumn Period. As to compilation into 21 Here is a brief introduction to the “Three Rituals,” with reference to the Dictionary of the Three Rituals, edited by Qian Xuan and Qian Xingqi, Jiangsu Ancient Books Publishing House, 1998.

3.1 The Five Classics

103

one single collection, it might be later, but it would not be too late. In 1959, Yili in the wooden slips, unearthed in Han Tombs in Wuwei, Gansu Province, revealed a different chapter order compared to the traditional handed-down version of Yili. The rituals documented in Yili, including marriage, funeral, sacrifice, and others, were passed down to later generations with some innovative modifications.

A Copy Form of Rites of the Zhou

Zhouli, formerly known as Zhouguan or The Official System of Zhou, also known as Zhouguan Jing (Classic of Official System of Zhou), was renamed Zhouli (Rituals of Zhou) during the late Western Han Dynasty. Zhouli first appeared in the Western Han Dynasty, belonging to the school of Classics in Old Texts (gu wenjing). Names of people and objects, official positions, and ritual systems narrated in Zhouli are largely in conformity with what are recorded in the ancient books of the Pre-Qin Period, and so Zhouli is undoubtedly completed in the Pre-Qin Period. Zhouli is a detailed elaboration of the six official positions appointed by Son of Heaven and their obligations, namely Tianguan Zhongzai (the prime minister in charge of national affairs), Diguan Shitu (the prime minister in charge of education), Chunguan Zongbo (in charge of various rituals), Xiaguan Sima (in charge of military affairs), Qiuguan Sikou (in charge of penalty), and Dongguan Si kong (in charge of engineering, construction, water conservancy, etc.). The more than one hundred official positions recorded in Zhouli are similar to what is recorded in the bronze inscriptions in the Western Zhou and the Eastern Zhou. Dongguan is lost in the early Han Dynasty. Later generations supplemented it with Kao Gong Ji (Artificers’ Record), which recorded in detail the division of labor, such as carpentry, blacksmith, leather, dyeing, carving, and clay ware. Zhouli is an important document concerning rules, regulations, and systems of the Pre-Qin Dynasties, which greatly influenced the political system structure of later generations. For example, the six-department system which was implemented from the Northern Zhou Dynasty to the end of the Qing Dynasty, namely Board of Civil Official (libu), Board of Revenue and Household (hubu), Board of Ritual (libu), Board of War (bingbu), Board of Punishments (xingbu), and Department of Labour (gongbu), all originated from Kao Gong Ji. The Book of Rites (liji), also known as Younger Dai’s Records of Rituals, is a collection of 49 chapters, which were compiled by Dai Sheng in the Western Han Dynasty on the basis of notes and interpretations written by Confucian scholars to explain rites and ceremonies from the Pre-Qin Period to Qin and Han Dynasties. Some of its contents are about explaining the rites covering more than 30 chapters, such as “Quli,” “Tangong,” “Neize,” “Guanyi,” and “Hunyi”. Some are about learning, such as “Great Learning” (daxue), “Doctrine of the Mean” (Zhong Yong), “Records of Learning” (xueji), and “Confucian Norms” (ruxing). Some are about politics and institutions, such as “Institutions of a King” (wangzhi) and “Monthly Commands”

104

3 Five Classics and Four Books

(yueling). At the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty, Zheng Xuan juxtaposed Younger Dai’s Record of Rituals (xiaodailiji) with Zhouli and Yili, collectively called them “the Three Rituals” (sanli) and made commentaries on them. In addition, there is a collection of eighty-five texts of “Rituals,” compiled by Dai De, which is known as Elder Dai’s Records of Rituals (dadailiji), and only thirty-nine texts survived. Elder Dai’s Records of Rituals is mixed in content, including the “Lesser Annuary of Xia” (xiaxiaozheng) of the Pre-Qin Period, which is the earliest monthly order in my country, and some lost ancient classics of “Yili” 逸禮 outside of the thirty-nine classic texts of rituals, such as “Tou Hu” 投壺 and others, which are similar to the texts of “Rituals and Ceremonies.” There are also various commentaries on rituals by scholars of the Han Dynasty. During the Chinese civilization, the “Three Rituals” have gone through continuous change and reform along with the times and also with the innovations of ritual instruments, ritual forms, ritual music, ritual codes, ritual customs, rule of rites, and ritual doctrine (lijiao, rite religion). However, in modern times, it has almost become a rarely studied subject, but some elements are still deeply sedimented into our life style and in the collective memory of our ethnic groups. “Ritual” (li) originally came from folk customs and primitive religious activities. “Ritual” covers a wide range of aspects, generally speaking, covering social norms, institutions, laws, and behaviors. Traditional China could not possess today’s branches of knowledge, such as sociology, politics, law, ethics, religion, art, and philosophy. Actually, all these contents are contained in the “ritual.” “Among all rituals, the cap wearing ceremony marks the beginning of rituals, the wedding is an important ceremony in human life, through which a man and a woman become a married couple, the funeral for someone who died is the most grand, the sacrificial ceremony for Heaven, Earth, the Sun, the Moon, mountains, rivers, and ancestors is to show reverence, and the archery and village banquet ceremony are to bring harmony between people. All these are the essentials of the ceremony” (“Hunyi” in Liji). Rituals for coming-of-age ceremony, wedding, funeral, sacrifice, archery, riding, village banqueting, etc., originally serve as folk exchange activities, but they also include worship ceremonies for natural gods and ancestry, and in the upper ruling group, they gradually evolved into ritual systems of banqueting, feasting, field hunting, pilgrimage-seeking, engagement, and other ritual systems, which, of course, also have gone through continuous change due to reformation and inheritance. Generally speaking, although complicated, rituals can be roughly classified into five categories: auspiciousness, ominousness, celebration, war, and carnival. Confucian etiquette, in addition to daily reception, contacts and interactions between individuals, such important things as adult capping ceremony, marriage, funeral, sacrifice, journey made for a pilgrimage, archery, riding, village banqueting, all have their specific meaning and function. Coming-of-age ceremony or adult capping ceremony marks an adult’s responsibility. Wedding ceremony marks distinction between man and woman and establishes his/her respective obligation. Funeral ceremony makes people mourn the deceased and remember these long gone and comprehend the meaning of human life and death. Sacrificial ceremony makes people stay in sincerity, loyalty, and respectfulness, in which sacrifice to Heaven makes

3.1 The Five Classics

105

people know how they are created, sacrifice to ancestry makes people show parents filial piety for their kindness, and sacrifice to hundreds of deities makes people revere virtue and repay kindness. Ceremony for paying tribute to monarch makes people know the difference between rulers and subjects. Ceremony in diplomatic occasions makes rulers of countries and other independent political entities respect one another. Ceremony of village banquet makes people learn about the order between elders and juniors and superiors and inferiors. Ceremony for archery makes people rectify his moral and act by norms. In a word, these ancient rituals have integrated the values of religion, politics, ethics, art, and esthetics, which are of positive significance for stabilizing society, regulating people’s mind, and improving quality of human life. Apart from education in etiquette (lijiao), Confucianism also advocates education in poetry, which are all for the purpose of making people tending toward goodness, honesty, sincerity, respectfulness, gentleness, so as to live in harmony with others, and to overcome something negative in human nature. Of course, the rule of rites is fundamentally ordering the society. When “ritual” developed into “ritual system,” its main function was to determine the degree of intimacy and estrangement, far and wide, nobility and humbleness, to establish social structure of monarch and minister, father and son, elder and younger, husband and wife, to regulate social customs and conventions, to economize social property, to straighten out social order, to impose restrictions on aristocrats, etc. During the middle Spring and Autumn period, Cao Gui of Lu, descendant of King Wen of Zhou and a famous military theorist, pointed out: “Ritual is to put the common people right, so former Kings devised a system of rituals. Ritual stipulates that princes should send envoys to pay tribute to their king four times every five years, and visit his King once in person. Pilgrimages are used to let them know the distinction between high and low, and to lessen tax burdens on the common people through formulating the standard for using material resources; through tribute and homage, vassal states know how rank of nobility is ordained and why proper order between old and young should be followed.” (“The 23rd Year of Duke Zhuang of Lu” from Zuo’s Commentary.) In other words, rituals serve to organize social life, establish a hierarchy within human relationships, stipulate duties of officials, optimize the use of resources, and maintain the order between old and young. In “Qu Li Shang” in Liji it is said, “Ritual is to determine proper human relations, clarify ambiguities, discern between things or people, and distinguish between right and wrong. … Such four qualities, namely, Tao/ Dao, virtue (de), human-heartedness (ren), and righteousness (yi), cannot be actualized without ritual’s stipulations. Rectification of customs and conventions cannot be obtained without ritual’s stipulations. Disputes and litigation cannot be solved without ritual’s stipulations. Human relations between ruler and minister, superior and inferior, father and son, and elder and younger cannot be determined without ritual’s stipulations. Whether as an official or as a student serving his instructor, he cannot establish an intimate contact with each other without ritual’s stipulations. An official fulfilling duties in the royal court, a military leader commanding troops, and a legal official enforcing the law, all requir the pursuit of solemn and dignified rituals to function effectively. When praying to Heaven for blessings, and sacrificing

106

3 Five Classics and Four Books

to deities, he who does not act on rituals is not sincere and solemn. Evidently, “ritual” serves as a hierarchical norm of a certain society, which makes the whole social life orderly.” “Ritual” is “law” in a certain sense, namely it is what is known as “law of ritual,” which, of course, is historically conditioned. Even so, undeniably, along with gradual establishment of monogamy following group marriage, patriarchal family, private ownership, class, and state came into being. “Law of Ritual” stipulating distinction between man and woman and norms of ethical relations, which were consistently being expanded, turned out to be symbol and crystallization of what is known as “progress” and “civilization,” and hierarchical norms set up by them integrated the whole social life and made it orderly. Of course, “ritual” not only contains the meaning of “law,” but more importantly, “ritual” contains religious beliefs and moral values. In Xun Zi’s view, social integration, maintenance, and orderliness are established through the social division of labor, birthright, and social stratum system. Ritual’s function is to “establish distinctions” and “determine ethical relations.” Xun Zi said: “Ritual serves to delineate ethical distinctions among individuals” (“On Music” from The Work of Xun Zi), and “Ritual’s role serve to establish ethical social hierachies among individuals” (“On Man of Virtue” from The Work of Xun Zi). The Chinese word “Lun” 倫 has the implication of order or sequence, and here it refers to bloodtied relation, but it also refers to social attribute and hierarchical order. Xun Zi said: “Ritual determines gradation between noble and humble, order between old and young, distinction between rich and poor, and measurement between powerful and weak.” (“Property of State” from The Work of Xun Zi.) “Thus, exalting the deserving, employing the capable, ranking the noble and worthy, differentiating those near and far, assigning the appropriate places to the old and the young, and these are the principles that our former sage-kings adhered to.” (“Man of Virtue” from The Work of Xun Zi.) “Ritual embodies respect for the high, filial piety for the old, obedience for the elderly, love for the young and favor for the lowly.” (“Great Strategy” from The Work of Xun Zi.) “A country cannot be rectified without ritual. Ritual is for the rectification of a country, ask in to a balance in measuring weight, rope and ink in defining curves and straight lines, or a compass and ruler in drawing squares and circles. With these established, deciet becomes impossible” (“Way of Being A King” from The Work of Xun Zi). A ruler cannot govern a country well without practicing a system of rituals, just as a carpenter cannot draw either a square or a round shape without using a compass or a ruler. As to family-establishing, country-ruling, and the world-harmonizing, the values of li lies in moderation and appropriateness in all things This means neither going too far nor falling too short (no-more-no-less). Going too far or falling too short is equally undesirable. Of course, being appropriate should not be an end in itself, and there are deeper cultural values inherent in this pursuit. However, using certain rules and regulations to control people’s (especially those who are in power) interests, words and deeds are the main function of ritual. Hence, the concept of “jiedu” (self-control and limitation in conduct) inherent in rituals deserves exploration. When talking with Zigong about what ritual (li) is, Confucius said: “Ritual serves to regulate people’s behavior and promote moderation and restraint” (“Confucius’

3.1 The Five Classics

107

Leisure at Home” in The Book of Rites). “Ritual” is closely related to traditional concepts, like “golden mean” (Zhong Yong), “balanced harmony” (zhonghe), “middle way” (zhongdao), and “moderation” (being in keeping with the Mean at all times) in the history of Chinese philosophy. The concepts of “control of limit” ( jiedu), “dynamic balance,” and “holding fast to the middle course” (zhi liang yong zhong) are also worth exploring. In The Records of Rituals it is stated: “In remote antiquity, people firstly revered virtue, and secondly emphasized mutual benefit. Ritual values equality and mutual benefit. Anyone who does not repay the goodwill he has received would be in violation of ritual. When one acts up to rituals, he will enjoy peace. Without adherriing to rituals, one will cause trouble. Therefore, Confucius said: ‘Ritual! You have to learn it!’ The essence of ritual is to humble oneself and respect others. Even peddler who carries burden on the street should have his own dignity, not to mention those who are rich and noble! When you are rich enough and know how to be keen on etiquette, you will not be corrupted by riches and honours. When you are impoverished yet understand the importance of ritual, neither poverty nor humility can lead you to stay from your principle” (“Qu Li I” in The Book of Rites). This principle of communication includes contents as follows: valuing virtue, humbling oneself and respecting others, laying emphasis on benefiting others, repaying kindness, and promoting reciprocity among people. Regardless of wealth or poverty, we must respect and learn from each other, with particular emphasis on showing respect to those who are often overlooked, such as peddlers, the poor, and the lowly. Confucius reproves some politicians for “not inspiring and mobilizing people with ritual,” laying stress on saving the labor of people, “employing the people reasonably,” “keeping wealth with the people, and employing them only at proper times.” (Analects, Chap. 1.) Again Confucius mentioned the respect for the weak class, such as the peddlers, the poor and the lowly, and the reciprocal giving and repaying relationship. In the past, we misunderstood the statement, specifically, “Ritual does not extend to the common people.” According to the interpretation by Sun Xidan (1736–1784 A.D.) of the Qing Dynasty, the statement that “Ritual does not extend to the common people” means that there is no need to make a system of rituals specially for the common people, rather than that it is feasible to have no rituals for the common people or that the common people don’t need to act up to rituals. In ancient times, rituals, like capping ceremony, wedding ceremony, greeting ceremony, etc., were required for official-scholars and above, or required for a social stratum between senior officials and common people, while the common people act according to rituals for official-scholars (shili), and they can lower the standards for marriage ceremony, funeral ceremony, and sacrificial ceremony and do what they are capable of in terms of size, form, or ritual instruments. Although “ritual” and “music” have different focus—“ritual” “determines ethical social differences among human relations,” “music” “brings people together in harmony,” “ritual” regulates the outer performances of people, “music” cultivates human heart from inside, and “ritual” cultivates human behavior from outside. “Ritual” and “music” work in coordination with each other, especially work together to “direct human heart,” just as Xun Zi said: “Nothing can replace music for creating

108

3 Five Classics and Four Books

social harmony, and nothing can replace ritual for determining ethical social differences. Music brings people together in harmony; ritual establishes roles and relationships. Music and ritual are unified to direct human morality” (“Discourse on Music” from The Work of Xun Zi). “Music is characterized by seeking similarity while ritual is characterized by seeking differences. Similarity enables people to love each other, while difference enables people to respect each other. Music, without any control of limit, will confuse the distinction between the superior and the inferior and lead to social disorder. Ritual, without any imposed control of limit, will lead to people growing apart from each other. Education through ritual and music aims to bring people together in harmony, fostering mutual love and respect, establishing standards for them to follow, and clarifying the distinction between the superior and the inferior. If music can be shared by all people, the upper and lower can be reconciled without any strife or conflict. People are distinct in likes and dislikes, and virtuous people are naturally distinguished from these who are not. If vicious people are punished for their crimes, and virtuous people are recommended for their virtue, the state will be peaceful in its political situation. Therefore, people should be treated with human-heartedness and their mistakes be rectified with righteousness, and the world will be ruled peacefully” (“Discourse on Music” in The Book of Rites). “Music can edify human’s spirit from inside; Ritual can direct human’s action from outside. Ritual and music can permeate into human’s heart and are manifested outside. As a result, he who is edified by ritual and music can grow up smoothly and develop a respectful and gentle temperament” (“Princes of King Wen” from The Work of Rituals). Obviously, humanization through ritual and music is mainly to harmonize and promote the common people, just as is stated in “Chun Guan Da Zong Bo” from Zhou Li: “Ritual and music unite Heaven/Yang and Earth/Yin so that all things in the universe are transformed in harmony; Ritual and music can serve ghosts and spirits, achieve harmony among human beings, and sustain everything in growing and prospering vigorously.” Sixth, Chun Qiu Jing or Classic of Spring and Autumn

“The Unicorn Captured in the Hunting of the West” from The Pictures of the Holy Trail 22 22

This is a beautiful legend, which goes like this. In the 14th year of Duke Ai of Lu (481 B.C.), Duke Ai led his ministers to go hunting in the south of the region Daye. During driving away wild animals, they startled a beast. After being disturbed, the beast fled in a hurry. Having never seen a beast like this, Duke Ai and his ministers were very curious and chased after it desperately. The kirin continued to run west even after being shot. Eventually, the kirin was captured by Shushengshi’s carter and his henchmen in the west of Wolong Mountain in Jiaxiang and found to be a female

3.1 The Five Classics

109

The history of various states was then known as Chun Qiu (usually translated into The Spring and Autumn Annals), which specifically refers to the history of the State of Lu. Chun Qiu covers a period of 242 years from the first year of the reign of Duke Yin of Lu (722 B.C.) to the 14th year of the reign of Duke Ai (481 B.C.). Mencius, Dong Zhongshu, He Xiu, and Sima Qian believed that it was Confucius who compiled Chun Qiu, or that it was Confucius who compiled Chun Qiu based on the chronicles of the State of Lu. Although there are different sayings on its author, we commonly believe that Chunqiu has a certain relationship with Confucius. We truly believe that Confucius once expounded, polished, and edited the historical recordings of the State of Lu. At the same time, Confucius tactfully expresses his favorable and unfavorable views on historical figures and events through concise narratives, using designations with special connotations or nuanced expressions derived from the rituals of Zhou. Furthermore, Confucius’ value evaluation in Chun Qiu reflects the unique charm of Chinese characters and articles, which are integrated into historical narratives with extremely refined and simple words. Later on, this particular style has become a traditional method of compiling history works. Mencius said: “Social mores and moral conduct were in decline; evil theories and violent deeds kept emerging; some subjects killed their rulers and some sons killed their fathers. Deeply worried, Confucius compiled The Spring and Autumn Annals (chunqiu). The Spring and Autumn Annals (chunqiu) chastises evil deeds and urges people to do good deeds, and it deals with the duty and conduct of the Son of Heaven. Therefore, Confucius said: ‘If you read to understand The Spring and Autumn Annals, you may extol me with merits; if you read to misunderstand the Spring and Autumn Annals, you may defame me with demerits!’” (“Teng Wen Gong II” from The Work of Mencius.) According to Sima Qian’s “Confucius Family” from The Historical Records, in the springtime of the fourteenth year of Duke Ai of Lu, Duke Ai went hunting in the western suburb and caught a kirin, but it died. Confucius was deeply saddened, and then he “began to compiled Chun Qiu based on the records of history. Chun Qiu, which went all the way up to Duke Yin and down to Duke Ai for fourteen years, covers twelve Dukes. Chun Qiu takes the state of Lu as its main body, Zhou as its suzerain, and Yin as its mirror, investigating the political and religious evolutions of the three dynasties of Xia, Shang and Zhou, and clarifying their political systems. Chun Qiu is characterized by simple and concise language expressing ideas and commending or criticizing historical figures and major events in a subtle way. For example, Dukes of Wu and Chu who proclaimed themselves ‘Kings’ were reprimanded as ‘villians’ by Confucius in Chun Qiu. In order to secure his dominant position among the vassal states,

beast they had never seen before. When Duke Ai and others arrived, everyone gathered around to discuss it, but they were not sure of its name. Later, a master was invited and told them this was the first “beast of human-heartedness” in the world. But he was deeply saddened to see Kirin seriously wounded. So the master suggested that every benevolent person love all the creatures in the world and that Duke Ai take it back to heal. However, due to excessive shock, Kirin died quickly without eating or drinking, and was buried in Qilin Town, Juye County. Now there is a unicorn tomb in Qilin Town—translator’s note.

110

3 Five Classics and Four Books

Duke of Jin Wen held the Jiantu Alliance23 and invited the Son of Heaven of Zhou to be present, but Chun Qiu studiously avoided this event and implicitly expressed it as that the ‘Son of Heaven of Zhou is hunting in Heyang’. What has been derived from such cases should be extended and used as criteria to chastise what is bad and urge people to follow what is good. Sage-kings of future generations should promote this great righteousness reflected in Chun Qiu, and spread its profound meaning all over the world. Chun Qiu advocates that sage-kings practice human-heartedness and righteousness, so bad kings who gain fame by deceiving the people will be vigilant and afraid. When Confucius once assumed the chief judge and tried a lawsuit, he seldom made his own judgment alone, and he always discussed it with others, even so about the choice of words. Regarding writing Chun Qiu, Confucius insisted that what should be written down must be written down and what should be excluded must be excluded. Even his disciples, like Zi Xia and others, could not add or delete one single word. When talking about Chun Qiu with his disciples, Confucius said: ‘Later generations get to know me through reading Chun Qiu, and blame me also through Chun Qiu.’” There exist three commentaries of the Spring and Autumn Annals, which is known as “Three Commentaries:” Zuo’s Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals, Gongyang’s Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals, and Guliang’s Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals, which are simply known as Zuo’s Commentary, Gongyang’s Commentary and Guliang’s Commentary. Zuo’s Commentary was formerly titled Zuo Qiuming’s Chun Qiu. Zuo Qiuming (ca. 502–422 B.C.) was a scholar of the State of Lu in the Spring and Autumn Period. The classic texts recorded in Zuo’s Commentary on Chun Qiu cover ten years more than the original Chunq Qiu. Zuo’s Commentary explained, added, and rectified Chun Qiu with reliable and detailed historical materials, which is of great value for us to understand the society, history, and culture of the Pre-Qin Dynasties. It belongs to the Classics in Old Text (guwenjing). Gongyang’s Commentary was formerly titled Gongyang Gao’s Chun Qiu. Gongyang is a native of Qi in the Warring States Period. Gongyang’s Commentary was first handed down by word of mouth and was completed as a single book by Gong Yangshou and Hu Wusheng of the early Han Dynasty. Gongyang’s Commentary belongs to the Classics in New Text ( jin wen jing) and was established as an imperial learning in the Han Dynasty. Gongyang’s Commentary is characterized by the prospect of the future with political idealism and the establishment of legislation. During the reign of Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty, Gongyang’s Commentary was most valued, prevalent in the Han Dynasty and the late Qing Dynasty, and convenient for scholars to find its deep 23

Jiantu Alliance Conference refers to the Alliance convened by Duke Wen of Jin in the Spring and Autumn Period so as to establish the supremacy of Jin. In 632 B.C., after the war of Chengpu, Duke Wen of Jin summoned the vassal states to Jiantu (near Hengyong at that time, now in Henan Province). States of Jin, Lu, Qi, Song, Cai, Zheng, and Wei attended the Alliance Conference, and Jin was elected as leader of the Alliance. The Son of Heaven of Zhou also sent his representative to attend it. At this Jiantu Alliance conference, A Treaty of Jiantu Territory was signed, which was a symbolic event of the hegemony of Duke Wen of Jin after defeating the state of Chu in the battle of Chengpu in the same year—translator’s note.

3.1 The Five Classics

111

meaning in subtle words. Guliang’s Commentary is said to have been written by Gu Liangchi, who is a native of Lu in the Warring States Period. It belongs to Classics in New Text ( jinwenjing). Until the Western Han Dynasty, Guliang’s Commentary was written on slips and silk and established as an imperial learning during the reign of Emperor Xuan, which is characterized by judging the right and the wrong of history according to the principle of ritual and righteousness in moral culture. Classics of Chun Qiu and its “Three Commentaries” contain a great deal of historical philosophy and ethical philosophy, which have become the yeast of later ideological history. The Five Classics (wujing) gradually have evolved into the Thirteen Classics in history. In the Han and Wei Dynasties, when stone-inscribed classics were established as an imperial learning (for tutoring the scions of state in the right principles), there were already the “Nine Classics”: namely, Yi Jing, Shujing, Shijing, Lijing (which is subdivided into three rituals—Yi Li, Zhou Li, and Li Ji), and Chun Qiu (which is subdivided into Three Commentaries—Zuo’s Commentary, Gongyang’s Commentary, and Guliang’s Commentary). Later on, Xiao Jing (Classic of Filial Piety), Lunyu (Analects), and Erya (Literary Expositor) were upgraded to classics. Up to Tang Dynasty, there were already twelve classics, all of which appeared in the form of stone-carved classics of Tang Dynasty. By the time of Song Dynasty, there were already “Four Books,” and The Work of Mencius rose in status and became book of classic. From the Southern Song Dynasty to the end of the Qing Dynasty, the Confucian Classics had always been composed of the “Thirteen Classics.” They are arranged in the order: Yi Jing or The Book of Changes, Shangshu or The Book of History, Maoshi or Mao’s Version of Book of Poetry, Zhou Li or Rituals of Zhou, Yi Li or Rituals and Ceremonies, Li Ji or The Book of Rites, Zuo’s Commentary or Zuo’s Commentary to Chun Qiu, Gongyang’s Commentary or Gongyang Gao’s Commentary to Chun Qiu, Guliang’s Commentary or Guiliang’s Commentary to Chun Qiu, Lunyu or Analects of Confucius, Xiaojing or Classic of Filial Piety, Erya or Literary Expositor, and Mencius or the Works of Mencius. Ruan Yuan (1764–1849 A.D.), a scholar of Qing Dynasty, engraved the “Thirteen Classics with Commentaries,” which is a popular version.

112

3 Five Classics and Four Books

Zuo Qiuming, author of Zuo’s Commentary on Chunqiu

John B. Henderson (1826–1913 A.D.), an American scholar, thinks that, compared with other traditions, Confucian classics is characterized by keeping it open and constantly allowing new classics to appear, such as its development from Five Confucian Classics into Nine Classics, Thirteen Classics, and Twenty-one Confucian Classics. However, scholars of the Song Dynasty honored “Four Books” and neglected “Five Classics,” and scholars of the Qing Dynasty did the opposite. Obviously, Confucianism has never been as fixed and closed in its definition of classics as Christianity and has not easily regarded the new theories as something heretic and slander them. In addition, Henderson points out that God in Old Testament is unbearably brutal so that biblical commentators often have to cover it up with “fables.” In contrast, Confucian classics take morality as the main consideration, which is very unique among the cultures of the world. Therefore, apart from Shi Jing, Confucian Classicists need not bother addressing improper contents.24

3.2 The Four Books of Confucian Classics The “Four Books,” also known as the “Four Masters,” are canonical works of Confucian philosophy and the treasures of Chinese culture. Undoubtedly, Zhu Xi’s Collected Commentaries on the Four Books (si shu zhang ju ji zhu) is a classic as well. It is a great epitome of annotations and interpretations on the “Four Books” by scholars of the Song Dynasty which has exerted a great impact on East Asia (China, Japan, Korea, Vietnam, and other countries or regions) for seven or eight hundred years. The “Four Books” is a must-read book for Chinese people since its publication, and it is to China what Agama Sutra is to India, Koran is to Arabia, and New Testament and Old Testament are to the West. The “Four Books” became the source from which the Neo-Confucian scholars drew inspirations to further their learning and thus exerted a profound influence on the development of later Confucianism. The “Four Books” is basically to teach people how to be a human. If you do not read the “Four Books,” you are unable to know the dignity of being a human, the strength of personality, the value, and the meaning of human life. Zhang Zai, known as Master Hengqu, a distinguished philosopher of the Northern Song Dynasty, is often quoted for his four-sentence mottoes: “To testify a cosmic heart between Heaven and Earth, to vindicate the heaven’s mandate for all human beings, to accomplish

24

For details, see Li Shuzhen, “Research on Chinese Tradition of Annotations and Commentaries in Contemporary American Academia,” Newsletter of Chinese Literature, History and Philosophy, Preparatory Research Office of Chinese literature and philosophy, “Academia Sinica,” Vol. 9, No. 3, September, 1999.

3.2 The Four Books of Confucian Classics

113

the scholarship of ancient Saints and to bring about grand peace for future generations.”25 These four sentences express the spheres of mind nursed at the hearts of traditional Confucians, indicating the metaphysical breakthrough from ancient religion to moral philosophy, which also shaped the cultural ideal or cultural commitment for ancient Chinese scholars, and also Zhang Zai’s high summary of the essence of Confucianism. According to Mr. Liang Qichao (1873–1929 A.D.), The Analects of Confucius, The Work of Meng Zi, etc., are the general sources of Chinese people’s thinking for two thousand years, governing the internal and external life of our Chinese people. Some of the sagely maxims that are beneficial to our body and mind have formed a common consciousness in our entire society. As a member of this society, we must always understand them thoroughly so as not to be estranged from this common consciousness.26

Zhang Zai (1020–1077 A.D.)

Mr. Yang Guoshu (1932–2018 A.D.), a famous psychologist of Chinese Taiwan, said that Chinese culture rooted in Confucian culture is actually a very important spiritual resource that shapes Chinese people’s mentality and behavior. Long Yingtai, professor and writer of Chinese Taiwan, said that she established her outlook on life a few years after she started her high school at the age of thirteen, through the study of the compulsory Basic Textbook of Chinese Culture, the content of which is the “Four Books”. Through this textbook, she has acquired some basic values contained in Chinese culture, like “If one wants to achieve his own success, he should let others succeed as well, and if one wants to accomplish himself, he should let others accomplish as well;” “Do not do to other what you do not wish yourself;” “To expand your respect towards your own parents to others’ parents, to offer tender loving care to your kids as well as others’;” “An official-scholar, however impoverished, never loses hold of rightness, and, however successful, never departs from the Way. … 25

Quotations from Zhang Zai, see Feng Youlan, The Complete Works of Three Pines Hall (sansongtang quanji) (Zhengzhou: Henan People’s Publishing House, 2000) Vol. 10, p. 135—translator’s note. 26 See Liang Qichao, “Essentials and Reading Methods of the Introductory Books of Chinese Studies” and “Miscellaneous Words on Pursuing Chinese Studies,” all quoted from Two Collections of Hu Shi’s Works, East Asia Library, 1934.

114

3 Five Classics and Four Books

When impoverished, he cultivates himself in solitude. When successful, he devotes himself to benefiting the world,” etc. These values have subtly influenced her life, inadvertently played a role in correcting her human life, and even have become the mainstay of spiritual life and the principle of life and work. Her experience tells her that people around her, such as some colleagues or subordinates, are actually moistening their lives with Confucius’ human-heartedness and Mencius’ righteousness, and moral integrity, thus preparing themselves to face the society and stand out in the world. I personally have a similar life experience. In my opinion, what the “Four Books” talks about is the spiritual mainstay for our ordinary people to justify ourselves in the world, and the basis for us to be humans. Any society or ethnic group has two things that constitute its cultural soil or social and cultural background: one is called “ethical consensus,” and the other is called “cultural identity.” The so-called cultural identity or national cultural self-identity is to solve the questions of “who I am” and “where I come from,” which is the self-positioning of the basic identity of the national culture to which an individual is attached, and is also the homecoming and homeland in which the spiritual belief of an individual is rooted. The so-called ethical consensus is actually a hidden, but binding value, life attitude, way of treating family and society, and the common ground of ultimate belief among the people. If there is no “ethical consensus” or “cultural identity” in the life of a society and an ethnic group, it will inevitably suffer from the danger of being out of order. Of course, it is impossible to have a healthy modernization and healthy political, economic, technological, and cultural construction. In fact, the construction of a healthy modernization, a healthy society under the rule of law, and a business society cannot but rely on “cultural identity” and “ethical consensus.” The “Four Books” is the essential classics that have bred the “ethical consensus” and “cultural identity” of Chinese nation, and the principles contained in them, such as the five constant virtues (wuchang), namely “human-heartedness” (ren), “righteousness” (yi), “ritual” (li), “wisdom” (zhi), and “truthfulness” (xin), are the core values of the Chinese nation, which are still lively rooted in the common people to date and continue to play a positive role in the growth and rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. All classics of human civilizations can regulate our modern life and nourish our spiritual world, and Chinese classics, such as the “Four Books,” The Work of Lao Zi or Tao Te Ching (daodejing), The Work of Zhuang Zi (Chuang Tzu), and Platform Scripture of the Sixth Patriarch (liuzu tanjing),27 have the same effect. Regarding reading classics, Master Zhu Xi required one to become deeply absorbed in the work, repeatedly ruminating on its meaning until one is able to fully digest its significance, saying: “When a scholar reads a book, he must sit straight, read attentively, read out softly, set his mind on the book, be entirely absorbed in it, 27

Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch (Liuzutanjing), which is also translated into Sutra of Hui Neng, Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch, or Sutra Spoken by the Sixth Patriarch, is one of the most important sutras in Chinese Zen or Chan Buddhism. Usually simply known as Platform Sutra (tanjing), the work records the biography and speeches of Hui Neng (638–713 A.D.), the sixth patriarch of the Zen or Chan Buddhism of China. Consisting of 10 chapters, the book preaches sudden enlightenment, the realization of one’s self-true nature and the attainment of Buddhahood, and so on—translator’s note.

3.2 The Four Books of Confucian Classics

115

and meditate on its significance from his own experience.” (Classified Conversations of Master Zhu Xi.) Mr. Qian Mu (1895–1990 A.D.) said that there were two great men in the history of Chinese culture, whose status are above all others—Confucius in antiquity and Master Zhu in late antiquity. Mr. Qian’s saying is well-founded. Master Zhu was an encyclopedic scholar, but also a very promising politician who was actively involved in society and deeply concerned about sufferings of the common people. In fact, a real Confucian has always been consistent with the “Dao of Inner Saint and Outer King” which was proposed as the ideal model of social rule in harmonizing the world. As a Confucian, he cultivates himself to elevate his capacity and virtue constantly to achieve perfection, thus inwardly becoming a sage, and at the same time, he displays his own talent and virtue to benefit others, thus outwardly becoming a sage-king. Neither is there such a Confucianist who only studies “Heart-Nature Theory” (xin-xing lun) or only engages in self-cultivation, nor is there such a “political Confucianist” who only gets involved in politics. If the two are separated, it is not Confucianism or Confucianist. The Confucian people may give more weight to inner sageliness or outer kingliness due to the objective constraints, but they will never just favor one of them and give up the other. For Confucians, Tao or Dao must be incarnated as a saint who has a kind heart and moral commitment which entitled him to be a king sooner or later, at least in the realm of morality. The same is true of modern people. We cultivate our body and mind, and at the same time, we undertake certain public affairs and have certain social responsibilities, which are still dual pursuit of moral and social achievement. As is commonly known, the “Four Books” (sishu) are Chinese classic texts that Zhu Xi selected, in the Song dynasty, as an introduction to Confucian ideology. They, in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, made the core of the official curriculum for the civil service examinations. They are: The Great Learning (daxue), The Doctrine of the Mean (Zhong Yong), The Analects of Confucius, and The Work of Mencius. “Si Shu” are a simplified expression for The Texts and Annotations of the Four Books (sishuzhushi), which were compiled and annotated by Zhu Xi, a Neo-Confucian scholar of the Southern Song Dynasty to establish his own theoretical system of Li or (Cosmic) Principle. The Great Learning (daxue) is originally the forty-second chapter of the fortynine chapters in Li Ji, that is, The Book of Rites by Dai the Younger, whose author is unknown. In the Tang Dynasty, Han Yu (768–824 A.D.), a writer and philosopher, quoted The Great Learning in his essay titled “Yuan Dao” or “On the Origin and Nature of the Truth,” and Li Ao (772–841 A.D.), a litterateur and philosopher, began to explicate the theory of “the extension of knowledge through the investigation of things” (ge wu zhi zhi). Before the Song Dynasty, there was not yet a single printed book of The Great Learning. In the eighth year of Tiansheng (1030 A.D.) in the Song Dynasty, Emperor Renzong (1010–1063 A.D.) rewarded The Great Learning in its offprint book to Wang Gongchen and others, who became newly selected Confucian scholars ( jinshi), which means that The Great Learning in its offprint book came out. Sima Guang (1019–1086 A.D.), a historian and philosopher of the Northern Song Dynasty, wrote a book titled The Comprehensive Commentaries on Zhong Yong and

116

3 Five Classics and Four Books

Daxue grouping Zhong Yong and Daxue together and publishing them in an offprint from. Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi highly appraised The Great Learning (daxue), The Doctrine of the Mean (Zhong Yong), The Analects of Confucius (lunyu), and The Work of Meng Zi, collectively calling them the “Four Books,” regarding them as the primary method to attain to the Six Classics, and particularly taking The Great Learning as “the door for beginners to become virtuous.” The Great Learning (daxue) has put forward the concepts of the “Three Principles” and the “Eight Items.” According to later Confucianists, the Three Principles are actually condensed into one chief principle, that is, “to manifest one’s illustrious virtue.” “To love the people” is the way “to manifest one’s illustrious virtue,” while “to stay in the highest good” is “to manifest one’s illustrious virtue” in the perfection. Likewise, the “Eight Principles” are also condensed into only one chief principle, that is, to cultivate one’s own self in morality. The steps preceding the cultivation of the self are the investigation of things, extension of knowledge, sincerity of the thought, rectification of the mind, cultivation of the self, proper regulation of the family, right governance of the country, and harmonization of the world, which are the ways and means for cultivating the self to its highest perfection, or as the text says, for “staying in the highest good.” All in all, the “Three Principles” and the “Eight Items” take self-cultivation as its pivot and “cultivating oneself to bring peace to the people” as its main content. And the unity between Three Principles and Eight Items constituted the quintessence of chief content in 205 words, and the rest of the explanations to The Great Learning of later Confucian scholars were mainly associated with this quintessence. Dr. Sun Yat-sen (l866–1925 A.D.), a thinker and pioneer of Chinese modern revolution, hailed The Great Learning as the best political philosophy which surpassed any major works of political science written by the Western philosophers. The Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong) is the thirty-first chapter of Li Ji or The Book of Rites by Dai the Younger, but it has come out in its offprint form for long. The Doctrine of the Mean, authored by Zisi, the grandson of Confucius, was written with the intention of ensuring that Confucian teachings remaind on the right path and did not stay from its original principles. Although some deletions and additions were made by scholars during the Han Dynasty, there is no doubt that its main thought is Zisi’s. Two chapters of Talk about The Doctrine of the Mean (zhong yong shuo), which are contained in The Annals of Han (hanzhi) written by Ban Gu (32–92 A.D.), a famous historian, litterateur, and scholar of the Eastern Han Dynasty, later received intensive attention of all dynasties. Li Ao, a well-known Confucian scholar in the Tan Dynasty, wrote an essay titled “Fu Xing Shu” or “Letter on ‘Restoration of Universal Nature’,” which was the first to explore into the value of nature-mandate scholarship (xing and ming zhi xue) implicated in The Doctrine of the Mean. Zhou Dunyi (1017–1073 A.D.) et al., a Master Confucian scholar of the Song Dynasty, further elaborated the metaphysic philosophy and Heart-Nature Theory of The Doctrine of the Mean. Master Zhi Yuan, a Buddhist scholar of the Northern Song Dynasty, advocated The Doctrine of the Mean, styled himself the Son of Zhong Yong, and explained its principles, which was earlier than Sima Guang’s Broad Sense of Zhong Yong. Xing Bing (932–1010 A.D.), a scholar and educator of the Northern Song Dynasty, expounded to Emperor Zhen Zong the major principle

3.2 The Four Books of Confucian Classics

117

of The Doctrine of the Mean, which was adopted. Emperor Ren Zong donated jinshi (successful candidates in the imperial examinations) The Doctrine of the Mean as a gift. Fan Zhongyan (989–1052 A.D.) taught Zhang Zai through The Doctrine of the Mean, leading him into sages’ house. Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi, known as the Two Cheng Masters, praised The Doctrine of the Mean and put it in parallel with The Great Learning (daxue), The Analects of Confucius (lunyu), and The Work of Meng Zi. Cheng Yi felt that The Doctrine of the Mean was the teaching method of Confucius’ school, and The Doctrine of the Mean begins with the elucidation of the principle of “Zhong Yong,” then applies it to all things in the universe, and ends with all things in the universe returning to the principle of “Zhong Yong.” “Zhong Yong” is the highest virtue, which runs throughout one’s life. According to Cheng Yi, the Li or the Principles are eternal, and can neither be added to nor reduced. As he says: “Existence, or non-existence, addition, or reduction, cannot be postulated about Li. All Li are complete in themselves; in them there can never be deficiency.” (Literary Remains of the Two Chengs, chuan 2a.) The Analects of Confucius (lunyu) is a collection of sayings by Confucius and dialogues with his disciples. It is the authoritative source for the philosophical theories of Confucius, although great many of his sayings are also to be found in other books compiled during the Warring States (5th cent.–221 B.C.) and Former Han (206–8 B.C.) periods. About the end of the Spring and Autumn period, his disciples wrote down “their conversations with Confucius,” which were passed down through word of mouth, and noted down by his disciples through memory. Later generations of Confucians compiled them into chapters of bamboo slips or silks. About the early Warring States Period, there appeared a collection of The Analects of Confucius. When transmitted to Han Dynasty, there were at least three versions of Lunyu or Analects of Confucius, namely Lunyu of Lu, Lunyu of Qi, and Lunyu of Old Text. It is popularly believed that during the last years of the Western Han Dynasty, Zhang Yu, Duke of Anchang, formed a new version of Lunyu through integrating Lunyu of Lu and Lunyu of Qi, which has been called, in history, the Lunyu of Duke Zhang and has been handed down to the present time. In addition, there is an extant bamboo slips of Lunyu, which was unearthed in 1973 in the tomb of Liu Xiu, Lord Huai of Zhongshan in the Western Han Dynasty, Dingzhou, Hebei. “Lun” 論 in Lunyu 論語 indicates “compilation” and “discussion,” and “Yu” 語 indicates speeches or language. Lunyu or Analects of Confucius records Confucius’ sayings or dialogues with his disciples or politicians and scholars at that time, whose style sounds simple and friendly, and reveals profound meaning in tranquility. Of course, Lunyu is not a complete set of ideological systems or ethical dogmas, but is mostly a true record of teachers and students discussing and experiencing Heaven and human affairs. Since Confucius’ era, Lunyu has heavily influenced the philosophy and moral values of China and later other East Asian countries as well. The imperial civil examinations, initiated in the Jin Dynasty and eventually abolished with the founding of the Republic of China, emphasized Confucian Studies and expected candidates to quote and apply the words of Confucius in their essays. Lunyu became an enlightenment reader for women and school children from Han Dynasty to Tang Dynasty. Lunyu contains almost Confucius’ all philosophical thoughts, such as the

118

3 Five Classics and Four Books

rectifying of names, governance by human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, faithfulness, and ritual education. The Work of Meng Zi is a work by Meng Zi himself or by his distinguished disciples which recorded Meng Zi’s arguments with other schools of thought, his speeches with his disciples, his lobbying of princes, and so on and was finally organized and collected by Meng Zi himself in his later years. In contrast to the sayings of Confucius, which are short and self-contained, The Work of Meng Zi consists of long dialogues with extensive proses. Seven chapters contained in The Work of Meng Zi involve Commentaries on Meng Zi (mengzizhangju) by Zhao Qi (?–201) of the Eastern Han Dynasty. Although The Annals of Han (hanzhi) placed The Work of Meng Zi under the category of the classical philosophers, the people of Han Dynasty saw it as a “commentary” assisting in reading “Books of Classics” ( jingshu). Emperor Wen of Han Dynasty (203–157 B.C.) established a system of erudites by grouping The Work of Meng Zi with The Analects, The Classic of Filial Piety, and The Literary Expositor (erya), who were known as “Erudites on Commentaries” (zhuanjiboshi) and appointed by the royal court. Zhao Qi (ca. 108–201 A.D.) revered Meng Zi and regarded him as a sub-sage and juxtaposed The Analects with The Work of Meng Zi. Wang Chong (27–ca. 97 A.D.), styled Zhongren, one of the most original and independent thinkers of Eastern Han Dynasty, also regarded The Work of Meng Zi as a “commentary.” After the mid-Tang Dynasty, Han Yu put forward the theory of the transmission of the Truth from Yao and Shun downward in his essay titled “Yuan Dao” or “On the Origin and the Nature of the Truth.” Meng Chang (919–965 A.D.), the last Emperor of Later State of Shu (934–966 A.D.) in five dynasties and ten kingdoms (907–979 A.D.), ordered that eleven classics, including The Work of Meng Zi, be carved into stone inscription, and later Emperor Taizong (939–997 A.D.) of Song Dynasty refurbished them. Since then on, The Work of Meng Zi has been included in the “Book of Classics.” Sun Fu, Shi Jie, Ouyang Xiu, Wang Anshi, and others, who were all the first-class Confucian scholars and politicians in Northern Song Dynasty, responded to Han Yu’s theory of the orthodox line of transmission of the Tao or Truth, and very soon veneration of Meng Zi and revival of Confucianism were recognized by official-scholars.28 By the time of the two Cheng Masters, both The Analects and The Work of Meng Zi were jointly referenced, and their significance was elevated above the Six Classics. 28

Han Yu (768–824 A.D.), styled Tuizhi, a native of Heyang, Dengzhou Prefecture (now Meng Xian County, Henan Province), was a writer and Confucian thinker of Tang Dynasty. Han Yu thought that only Confucianism, which came into being much earlier than Taoism and Buddhism, is the Confucian Doctrine or the Way of China. According to Han Yu, the Confucian Doctrine began with Yao and passed through Shun, Yu, Tang, King Wen, King Wu, the Duke of Zhou, Confucius, to Mencius. After Meng Zi, it greatly declined and was no longer transmitted, and it was himself that continued this great cause. Han Yu began a defense of it and quoted extensively from The Work of Meng Zi, The Great Learning, The Doctrine of The Mean, and The Book of Changes that hitherto had been somewhat neglected by later Confucianists. He thought that the so-called Confucian Doctrine is nothing else but the traditional virtues of human-heartedness, righteousness, and others advocated by Confucius, and the “Four Books” did reflect these ideas. Han Yu was the first proponent of what later came to be known as Neo-Confucianism, which had wide influence in China and Japan—translator’s note.

3.2 The Four Books of Confucian Classics

119

Since the Song Dynasty (especially the Southern Song Dynasty), the status of the “Four Books” had been greatly enhanced. From Yuan Dynasty to Qing Dynasty, the “Four Books” is integrated into civil service examinations and designated as a required reading for official-scholars. The Analects and The Work of Meng Zi originally printed separately were finally combined with The Great Learning and The Doctrine of the Mean (part of Liji) to form the “Four Books.” Of course, there are cultural and social reasons for this. Facing the challenges of Buddhism and Taoism, rebuilding the spiritual core of Chinese culture is the cultural reason for the formation of the “Four Books.” After externally expelling Buddhism and formally imitating Buddhism in history, in the Song Dynasty, scholars began to absorb, digest, and sublate Buddhism actively and internally, and also assimilate native Taoism, and reconstructed the spiritual system suitable for the lives of large group in China, including philosophical cosmology, metaphysics, and theory of Heart-Nature. It was in the Song Dynasty that the real integration of religious Confucianism, religious Buddhism, and religious Taoism (sanjiao) was really realized, especially the integration with Confucianism as the mainstay of Chinese ideology, which has been proved by historical practice to be the most suitable for Chinese society. Song, Yuan, Ming, and Qing Dynasties were periods when “Confucian Doctrine” or “Li” (Rationality) was regarded as the spiritual world (the Qing Dynasty was no exception). The rise of “Confucian Doctrine” is a kind of “cultural self-consciousness,” which came into being when Chinese intellectuals faced political and national crises, especially serious challenges from alien cultural ideas. From Han Yu to the “Three Masters” (a collective term for Hu Yuan, Sun Fu, and Shi Jie) of the Early Song Dynasty, from the “Five Masters” (a collective term referring to the five pioneering thinkers, namely Zhou Dunyi, Shao Yong, Zhang Zai, Cheng Hao, and Cheng Yi) of the Northern Song Dynasty to Zhu Xi of the Southern Song Dynasty, it is a process that several generations of intellectuals remolded the ultimate belief and value system for the Chinese people and returned to the spiritual source of the Chinese people from a high level and standard, that is, the progress of returning to the “Six Classics,” The Analects, The Work of Meng Zi, the Duke of Zhou, and Confucius. In history, there appeared many debates between Zhu Xi and his contemporary scholars, such as Lv Zuqian (1137–1181 A.D.), the Lu brothers, and Chen Ye’s utilitarian. After Zhu Xi, debates mainly revolved around the Scholarship of Yangming (yang ming xue), the Scholarship of Heart and the Scholarship of Qi in the Ming Dynasty, and even the introspection of great Confucians in the late Ming and early Qing Dynasty. Although colorful in form, creative in thought, complicated in faction, and endless in argument, speaking in detail, similarities among them outweigh dissimilarities in details, and speaking in general or “first establishing the most important,” the debates are developed around a center, which is to criticize, discard, and digest Buddhism and Taoism from something internal, for the purpose of rebuilding the Chinese own cosmology and ontology, and solving the problem of the spiritual home of the Chinese people (such as ultimate belief, and faith) as well as the relationship between transcendental pursuit and realistic concern. All in all, it is the Neo-Confucianism (Confucian Doctrine) of Song and

120

3 Five Classics and Four Books

Ming Dynasties that has reconstructed theories of cosmology, ontology, and HeartNature cultivation and reconstructed the system of moral metaphysics. The greatest contribution of philosophy in this period in the history of Chinese philosophy is a high degree of abstraction. It not only discusses the natural occurrence and development of the universe, but also further discusses metaphysical issues such as the basis, origin, and cosmological laws of all things in the universe, including the problem of ultimate concern of human beings. After Tang Dynasty, the transformation of Chinese society is the social reason for the formation of the “Four Books.” Song Dynasty’s difference from Tang Dynasty or previous dynasties lies in the fact that Song Dynasty saw the beginning of the process of civilianization, and the structure of binary opposition between the aristocracy and the common people in traditional society began to disintegrate. The economic level, city scale, and cultural prosperity of the Song Dynasty were beyond the reach of the peoples living in other parts of the earth at that time. It is a spectacle in the history of world civilization! A civilian society after the disintegration of the binary oppositional social structure usually needs to condense the spiritual texts or classics that are acceptable to all ethnic groups in China, especially the commoners, which contain social ideals, ways of life, and ultimate beliefs. Thus, the “Five Classics” once learned and read by the upper class of Tang Dynasty gradually gave way to the “Four Books” learned and read by the common people. This is a long process indeed. Of course, the “Four Books” cannot completely replace the “Five classics.” After the Song Dynasty, numerous officials and scholars ontinued to conduct research on the “Five Classics” and even the “Thirteen Classics,” achieving numerous creative outcomes. However, from a broader cultural perspective, the “Four Books” emerged as a house-recitation and dominated the imperial, urban, and rural cultures.29 The “Four Books” and the “Studies of Four Books” came into being due to the need of people in the society, and they are the product of downward movement of culture. Confucius is the representative of the first downward movement of culture among the Chinese intellectuals. He shifted imperial and official studies to the folk people, inittiated private studies or schools, deleted and revised the “Six Classics,” and established the tradition of classic collation and interpretations among Confucian scholars. Likewise, Zhu Xi is the representative of the second downward movement of culture among the Chinese intellectuals. He gave lectures to the common people, annotated the “Four Books,” and opened up a new tradition of learning “Four Books” in the public. In today’s term, the key words with high click-through rates were “Zhou-Confucius” or “Confucius-Yan” and “Five Classics” before Song Dynasty, and “Confucius-Mencius” and “Four Books” after the Song Dynasty. This is also what Mr. Qian Mu (1895–1990 A.D.) once said. During the Northern Song Dynasty, a 29

Mr. Feng Yu Lan pointed out: “To the Westerner, who see that the life of the Chinese people is permeated with Confucianism, it appears that Confucianism is a religion. As a matter of fact, however, Confucianism is no more a religion than, say, Platonism or Aristotelianism. It is true that the “Four Books” have been the Bible of the Chinese people, but in it there is no story of creation, and no mention of Heaven as well.” See Feng You Lan, A Short History of Chinese Philosophy, New York. The Macmillan Company, 1960, p. 1.—translator’s note.

3.2 The Four Books of Confucian Classics

121

cultural movement arose to expand the scope of Confucian classics and to re-annotate them, leading to the emergence and widespread popularity of the “Four Books.” Zhu Xi spent his whole life explaining the chapters and sentences of The Great Learning and The Doctrine of the Mean, and writing collective Commentaries on The Analects and The Work of Meng Zi. Taking for reference Commentaries on the Four Books by preceding scholars and thinkers, Zhu Xi dedicated approximately 40 years of his life to penning his own commentaries. It is said that even on the eve of his demise, he was engrossed in revising the Commentary on the chapter titled “Sincerity in One’s Thought” contained in “The Great Learning.” Trully, he lived up to the phrase “study all his life until his heart ceased to beat.”30 Master Zhu’s Collected Commentaries on the Four Books (si shu zhang ju ji zhu) is characterized by explaining difficulties and key points of the “Four Books,” sentence by sentence, chapter by chapter, with a polished and concise style. He began by assigning phonetic tags to each Chinese character, elucidating allusions, figures, events, as well as complex wordsand phrases, and subsequently explaining the underlying principles contained within them. It should be mentioned that Master Zhuremained on exegetical studies, specifically on dredging words and expressions within the “Four Books.” Within these commentaries, he expounded almost all of his primary concepts on philosophy and ethics, including his ideas of the Way, Principle, human nature, heartmind, sincerity, the investigation of things, the extension of knowledge, human-heatedness, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom. Of course, Zhu Xi’s interpretation of yili (principle, philosophy of principle, or study of Heart-Nature) in the Collected Commentaries on the Four Books (si shu zhang ju ji ju) is not entirely the view of Neo-Confucianism in the Song Dynasty. He began with the prevailing views of preceding scholars, and then explicated the basic knowledge and moral principles of Pre-Qin Confucianism. Whenever he encountered special challenges, such as some categories, key words, and some opinions different from Confucianists from Han to Tang Dynasties, and whenever he encountered an opportunity to express his views of New-Confucianism, he would either elaborate on them by quoting the views of the Two Chengs and their students, or other authorities, or directly present his own exposition. After quoting views from predecessors or people at that time, where there was no need to say more, he would not say anything; where he needed to decide and judge by himself, he would add “I personally think” and “I personally feel” to make his own decision or leave room for alternative interpretations. At the end of each chapter or section, he summarized it with words like “this is what I have 30

In 2003, I visited Kansai University in Japan. On May 27th, my wife and I went to the City Gallery of Osaka and visited the Exhibition of Chinese Calligraphy lost abroad. Some treasures of Chinese calligraphy are collected in the USA and Japan. Some are treasures that I have never seen even in Palace Museums of Beijing, Taipei, and Shanghai Museum, for example, Wang Xizhi’s “Xing Rang Calligraphy.” One treasure that particularly haunts me is the manuscript of Zhu Xi’s Collective Commentary on Analects written in a graceful running style of type, which was bought acquired by a Japanese buyer in the cultural relics market of Beijing in 1914. And the portionon display, the original manuscript of “Chapter of Yan Yuan,” which dated back to the fourth year of Chunxi in the Southern Song Dynasty (1177 A.D.), held wife and I captivated for a l considerable ime. In addition, the display also features three pieces of Zhu Xi’s manuscripts in cursive script, collected by the Tokyo National Museum.

122

3 Five Classics and Four Books

said about this chapter,” “this is what this chapter implies,” “this concludes all I have to say about it,” etc. When necessary, he also made particular statements to remind the reader of the connection between different contexts. Generally speaking, except for philosophical terms and yili (Principles) particularly convenient for extension in meaning, which are provided with personal understandings of the Song people or Zhu Xi himself, the annotations of the whole book are roughly public knowledge, and thereby, the “Four Books, as a textbook, is essential, profound and irreplaceable.” Li Xingchuan, one of Zhu Xi’s disciples, said: [this book is] “the most refined in exegesis,” which is very accurate. Of course, in Qing Dynasty and recent times, there were other works annotating and explaining the “Four Books,” such as Jiao Xun’s Rectified Interpretation of Meng Zi, Liu Baonan and Liu Gongmian (father and son)’s Rectified Interpretation of Analects, Cheng Shude’s Collected Commentaries on Analects, Yang Shuda’s Commentaries on Analects, etc., and although they were more complete and accurate in exegesis, they still cannot replace Zhu’s work. Readers may as well read them for reference. Undoubtedly, Zhu Xi’s work stands as a remarkable synthesis of the Song people’s studies on the “Four Books”, primarily due to his successful systematization of the “Four Books”. Zhu Xi’s contribution in Collected Commentaries on the Four Books even surpassed that of Confucian Scholarship during the Qing Dynasty’s interpretation of the Han Learning (hanxue). His greatest contribution, to borrow a phrase from somewhere else is that Zhu Xi “first established the most important” or “aimed to achieves high.” That is to say, Zhu Xi has grasped the essence of the “Four Books” through a comprehensive and interconnected perspective , which is not only the essence of Pre-Qin Confucianism, but also a creative explication of this essence under the historical and cultural background of Song Dynasty. Limited by the level of textual research in Song Dynasty, Zhu Xi’s exegesis of names and objects may contain some defects, which were later corrected by Confucian scholars of Qing Dynasty, but Confucian scholars of Qing Dynasty were unable to match Zhu Xi in terms of summary and elevation of the meaning-world and value system. Though Confucian scholars of Qing Dynasty attached great importance to detailed textual research, which were of course very important, they often neglected the gist and essence of the most popular and influential Confucian ideological system in the Chinese intellectual world. So, no matter how many works explaining The Great Learning, The Doctrine of the Mean, The Analects of Confucius, and The Work of Meng Zi have been published after Zhu Xi, none of them can replace Zhu Xi’s work. Now we should have the conditions to go beyond the exegetical studies of Confucian classics of Han Dynasty and Song Dynasty and make a new interpretation of the “Four Books,” but the biggest problem with our modern people is that we are too quick to jump a hasty conclusion before we have taken pains to read Zhu Xi’s complete work and the representative interpretations of Qing people and modern people. With his profound knowledge and wisdom, Zhu Xi dedicated over 40 years of painstaking and meticulous effort to this book, making it a significant accomplishment that cannot be overlooked. Zhu Xi’s annotations and commentaries, particularly his sub-chapters and additons to The Great Learning, were harshly criticised by both ancient and modern

3.2 The Four Books of Confucian Classics

123

scholars. But, speaking frankly, recent academic research on handed-down and unearthed documents has revealed that Zhu Xi made a crucial distinction between “jing” 經 (classic) and “zhuan” 傳 (commentaries) in his structural analysis of The Great Learning, which accurately captures the essence of Chinese classics and classical hermeneutics, carrying significant methodological importance. Some scholars, such as Li Xueqin, Pang Pu, Li Ling, and others, also used this same method in their collation of unearthed documents and materials, which has proved effective. Regarding his supplementary Commentary on “Investigation of Things” (gewu) contained in The Great Learning, he would inevitably encounter criticism of “fabrication.” But doesn’t this show that Zhu Zi’s interpretation of the “Four Books” is a creative one? While reading his Collected Commentaries on Great Learning, we can strongly feel Zhu Xi’s outstanding merit of thinking. Through his interpretation, the proposition of “the extension of knowledge through the investigation of things” (ge wu zhi zhi) or “the investigation of things can be the way and means for the spiritual cultivation of the self” has influenced China, Japan, and Korea in accepting the Western learning and become a cultural soil and background for them to embark on modernization. Of course, this process is linear, instead, it gradually infiltrates and accumulates with each other over time. Regarding annotations on The Analects, both He Yan’s Collected Commentaries on The Analects and Huang Kan’s Commentaries on The Analects both provided us with significant philosophical hermeneutical insights. However, in comparison, Zhu Xi’s Collected Commentaries on Four Books presents an innovative and more comprehensive interpretation of philosophy that is both contemporary, and deeply personalized. Naturally, any philosopher’s interpretation is influenced by his the era they live in and their unique individuality. Therefore, Zhu Xi’s Collected Commentaries on The Analects, and even the whole interpretation on the “Four Books” must be examined against the background of the history of philosophy during the Song Dynasty. In a word, Zhu Xi reconstructed the system of Confucianism through compiling and elucidating the “Four Books”. Furthermore, he rejuvenated the spiritual source of Chinese cultural values.

Book Print of Collected Commentaries on The Analects by He Yan

Studies of Confucianism and “Studies of Four Books” have gone beyond Chinese territory and have turned out to be the spiritual civilization of the whole of East Asia. Since Zhu Xi’s book was established as the primary textbook for the imperial examinations during the Yuan Renzong’s reign in 1313, with all official annotations strictly

124

3 Five Classics and Four Books

adhering to Zhu Xi’s commentaries, its influence permeated both the royal court and the general populace. Naturally, once it was designated as an official philosophy, it transformed into a tool for official-scholars pursuing fame and success. For example, persons aiming to excel in the national service examinations were compelled to interpret the “Four Books” in line with Zhu’s commentaries. In the later traditional society, Zhu’s commentaries became more and more rigid and stereotyped, losing its spiritual driving force which used to be lively, fresh, innovative, and healthy. The “Four Books”, annotated by Zhu Xi, remained the formal and authoritative academic source for national service examinations until its abolition in the 1911 Revolution. Zhu Xi’s Collected Commentaries on the Four Books stands as the most influential work not only in China but also across East Asia. Upon its dissemination to Korea, Japan, and Vietnam, local scholars in studies of Confucianism adapted and developed it in ways distinct from China, endowing it with innovative and locally relevant significance. Likewise, Zhu’s work had a wide impact on local people, sparkling extensive discussions in academic circles. Due to its diverse interpretations, the “Four Books” within context of East Asian Confucianism boasts a remarkable complex, diverse, vivid, and rich tradition. Nowadays, there exists a tendency to be vulgar in the interpretation of ancient classics. For the common readers, it is normal to make them simplified, but we must improve the level of the readers and work hard to replace “joky interpretation” and “vulgar interpretation” with “positive interpretation.” Some foreign scholars “randomly distort” The Analects or the “Four Books” under the banner of academic freedom. A typical example is The Original Analects: Saying of Confucius and His Successors co-authored by E. Bruce Brooks and A. Taeko Brooks, husband and wife. E. Bruce Brooks and A. Taeko Brooks, in line with Cui Shu (1740–1816 A.D.)’s trend of historical skepticism, expanded and enlarged their skepticism of The Analects31 and randomly dismembered The Analects and misinterpreted it into political power struggle by using the so-called textual research on ancient classics to delve into secret facts, which, as a matter of fact, has nothing to do with the study of textual research. Unfortunately, it has attracted considerable attention from the community of American Sinology and received no real criticism.32 Today, the “Studies of Four Books” has a tendency to boom. Judging from my colleagues’ and my own experiences teaching I the “Four Books” in various setting like schools, associations, enterprises, media, local libraries in recent years, I have come to deeply 31

Cui Shu (1740–1816 A.D.) is a scholar of Qing Dynasty. Styled Wucheng and literarily named Dongbi, Cui Shu was a native of Daming (now Hebei Province). Though Cui took some official positions, he is remembered for his detailed studies of Confucian classics. According to him, when the historical and other documents of the Han Dynasty were found to be at variance with the accounts in Confucian classics, these texts had already been marred by many accretions and false origins. Therefore, he made detailed studies of the classics, tried to derive the truth from them, and resolved to write a work to rectify unwarranted accretions in spurious books and to expose the fallacies in popular theories. The result was a collection of his treatises on ancient history, sages and the Confucian classics, bearing the collective title Records of Beliefs—translator’s note. 32 For details, see Li Chunling, “On the Forged Book-The Original Analects: Saying of Confucius and His Successors and Issue of Academic Division,” Humanities Series, Issue 2006, Wuhan University Press, 2007.

3.2 The Four Books of Confucian Classics

125

appreciate urgent need our people have for the wisdom contained in the “Four Books.” I have observed a natural affinity for towards the “Four Books,” and the people are able to relate and understand them through their life experiences and practices. I firmly believe that the “Four Books” remain the finest spiritual nourishment for modern Chinese people. Regarding the method to read the “Four Books,” Zhu Xi said: “we should read The Great Learning first so as to set a framework for our life. Second, we should read The Analects so as to set a foundation for our life by following sages’ Way. Third, we should read The Work of Meng Zi so as to keep pace with the times, and finally read The Doctrine of the Mean so as to comprehensively understand the subtleties of ancients, which are the accumulation and high generalization of the previous three generations.” (Recorded Conversations of Zhu Xi, vol. 14.) Some individuals might say, why do we have to follow Zhu Xi’s steps to read the “Four Books”? Of course, we can go our own way, but Zhu Xi’s reading conforms to the principle of gradual progress, that is, from the shallow to the deep. The “Four Books” deserves our utmost attention and sincerity, just as we would treat life itself. Ancient sages do not rely on authority to preach; Rather, they inspired students or readers to understand themselves. The Scholarship of Confucianism (ruxue) embodies the scholarship of life, which ought to be grasped through experience, practice, and the integration of body and mind. To truly master these Confucian classics, we should put what we have learned into practice and apply what we have learned to dealing with concrete things. We cannot disconnect what we learn from what we do. I have read and taught the “Four Books” countless times, and each rereading brings fresh insights and rewards . The “Four Books” represents the fundamental belief and faith of the Chinese people as well as the Way for the Chinese to justify themselves. It has become a household learning, passed down from household to household. Even illiterate laborers in rural areas would instinctively adhere to the principles outlined in the “Four Books”. To this day, the oncept of “human-heartedness” remains not only the foundation of the Chinese people life philosophy but also stands as a precious and esteemed spiritual wealth of human civilization. Finally, I want to point out in particular that Confucian edification is not the socalled moral preaching, but it is like life-giving spring breeze and rain. Confucian styled education not only does not exclude skills and arts, but exactly embeds education in such skills as ritual, music, archery, charioteering, writing, and mathematics. Confucian-styled education is a comprehensive and broad education, including today’s knowledge infusion, technical education, moral education, life education, art education, physical education, and other aspects of morality, intelligence and physical beauty, as well as today’s family education, social education, school education, and so on. Chinese traditional education, first of all, is characterized by “its integral view, that is, view of big education. Chinese tradition regards education as a subsystem of whole social system. Many problems in education are essentially social problems, which must be examined and resolved in the whole social

126

3 Five Classics and Four Books

system.”33 And education permeates into every subsystem of society. Regarding education’s social function, it is stated in “Records of Learning” (xueji) contained in Li Ji: “governing the country and ruling the people begins with moral education;” “enlightening the people and improving the social customs depends on education.” Obviously, education involves two functions: to cultivate talents for the country and promote talents’ all-round development, and to form good customs, good moral, and healthy humanistic environment. The two are cross-integrated, and both are indispensable. The Chinese people attach great importance to family spirit and family education. Tang Yongtong (1893–1964 A.D.), a famous scholar in Chinese and foreign philosophy and Chinese Buddhism, and also vice president of Peking University in 1950s, talked about his own learning and cultivation, saying: “first and foremost, I owe my own education to four Chinese words, that is, ‘childhood got family edification.’” This is what is called family education or enlightenment education received as a child. In ancient times, it is known as “Correcting Education for Beginners” (zhengmeng), that is to say, a child must be rectified at beginning. In traditional China, education through the “Four Books” ran through and permeated all aspects of society and family and played a positive role. To cultivate a person who is useful to society, country and nation, no matter what career he does in the future, his root must be rightly corrected, and especially education of being a man, education of humanities and morality should be regarded as the foundation. Therefore, today’s parents should not be too utilitarian in their children’s education. Parents should educate their children not just through words, but also through their own behaviour as an example. Now, let me talk about two great scientists as examples. Dr. Yang Zhenning (1922 A.D.–), a world-renowned physicist and winner of 1957 Nobel Prize in physics, recalled his childhood in his memoir, Dawn—Anthology of Yang Zhenning: “When I was in junior high school, aged 11 or 12, my father, a Ph.D. from University of Chicago, returned to China as Professor of mathematics. In order to make me to read The Work of Meng Zi, he asked Professor Lei Haizong to recommend Ding Zeliang, an excellent student of History Department, to teach me The Work of Mencius. And at the same time, Ding also taught me something about remote antiquity, which was not found in textbooks. During my middle school years, I memorized the entire text of The Work of Meng Zi. Thus, The Work of Meng Zi has immensely benefited me throughout my life.” Professor Wu Zhengyi (1916–2013 A.D.) is a famous botanist, academician of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, honorary director of Kunming Institute of Botany of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, and the winner of the 2007 National Highest Science and Technology Award. For over 90 years, he strictly adhered to his parents’ family motto of “Five Principles.” The “Five Principles” come from The Doctrine of the Mean, which read: “Learn broadly, examine closely, reflect carefully, discriminate clearly, and practice earnestly.” [Or more specifically, the five stages are: broad study 33 Guo Qijia, “Chinese traditional philosophy of Education and Global Ethics,” Educational Research, No. 11, 2000. For more details of ancient education, see Guo Qijia, A History of Chinese Educational Thoughts, Educational Science Press, 1987.

3.2 The Four Books of Confucian Classics

127

for collecting information and acquiring knowledge, close examination for identifying problems and resolving doubts, careful reflection for absorbing and mastering knowledge, clear discrimination for developing concepts and reaching conclusions, and earnest practice for putting knowledge into practice and developing character.] Particularly worth mentioning is that there have appeared three academicians of the Chinese Academy of Sciences among the six brothers of the Wu family. It is The Doctrine of the Mean that has empowered the children of the Wu family to set lofty goals and acquire effective methods of thinking and learning. Professor Wu adhered to his mother’s family motto and successfully imparted it to future generations of scientists. The Confucian kernal value and the main point of the Four Books also flow into society and influence the heart of people and the whole society through various channels of folk art, through reading materials in primary schools, through tea houses, and through singing and telling stories. The owner of Qiao Family Courtyard, in Shanxi Province, taught his children with some moral texts, such as Master Zhu’s Maxims for Regulating Family (zhu zi zhi jia ge yan) and others. The Confucian style of education differs significantly from today’s rote learning methods. Instead, it is primarily based on a heuristic style of education that focuses on guiding and inspiring students. Just as Confucius said: “I rfrain from instructing a disciple until he eagerly to learn; I withhold guidance from a disciple until he feels compelled to express himself but struggles to articulate his thoughts . If, after teaching him one thing, he fails to extrapolate to three other related matters, furthe instruction becomes futile.” (Analects, Chap. 7:8.) Mencius said: “Only by understanding from one’s own perspective can one get to know something appropriately” (The Work of Meng Zi: Wan Zhang I) and “Only through one’s constant study can one reach his deep insight.” (The Work of Meng Zi: Li Lou I.) There are numerous educational examples easily discoverable in the “Four Books,” and I will not go into details.

Chapter 4

Humanist Spirit of Confucianism

It is generally believed that Confucianism is the product of agricultural civilization and cannot provide anything valuable for industrialization, today’s scientific and technological civilization, and even economic globalization. In my opinion, firstly, in terms of national character, the Scholarship of Confucianism (ruxue) is not only the product of agricultural civilization, but also the spiritual form of the Chinese ethnic groups, as well as the crystallization of social culture of China and even East Asia. The Scholarship of Confucianism (ruxue) contains the national character, ultimate belief, life standard, life wisdom and life strategy of all ethnic groups in East Asia. It remains vibrant today, representing the consciousness and mentality of East Asian community. Secondly, in terms of time and space, all regional and ethnic pre-modern civilizations, of course, including many factors in the once splendid agricultural civilization of China, especially spiritual factors, possess value and significance beyond time and space. Therefore, economic globalization, world integration or era of network culture does not signifies the dissolution of national character, nor does it siginify that pre-modern civilization possess no effect. Thirdly, in terms of the relationship between diversity and unity, the prerequisites and necessary supplements for modernization or globalization of economy and technology is rather the diversification of “culture” in a broad sense. This diversification encompasses the diverse political, economic, cultural and spiritual needs of people from different areas, ethnic groups, nationalities, languages, religions, classes, strata, genders, and ages. It also includes Abraham Harold Maslow’s hierachy of needs, such as human physiology, safety needs, belongingness, loving and being loved, esteem needs, and self-realization needs, as well as the collision and blending of different values and national cultural identities. Shibo in the late Western Zhou Dynasty said: “Uniformity does not lead to continuation; it is harmony that begets new things.”(Discourses on Governance of the States). He believed that using one thing to complement another is harmonization, which leads to lasting abundance and attracts all things. If a thing

© Fudan University Press 2024 Q. Guo, The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4799-7_4

129

130

4 Humanist Spirit of Confucianism

is added to another of the same kind, it will be discarded when used up. For the same reason, without national character, there is no worldliness; without localization, there is no globalization; without diversity, there is no integration; without regulation of humanistic spirit, development of the present and future society can only be a deformed and one-dimensional plane; without nurturing and accumulation of “social capital,” “cultural capital” (or “human capital”) and the cultural ability proposed by Pierre Bourdieu and Fukuyama et al., and without the construction of a new family ethic, work ethic, community ethic, and even global ethic, the construction of China’s “economic capital” and the modernization of economy and technology will encounter significant difficulties. Consequently, the pursuit of healthy economic globalization becomes an elusive goal without these ethical foundations. Spiritual and cultural capital, which includes social customs, public and private morality, humanistic attainment, and work ethic, holds the potential to be transformed into economic capital. Furthermore, this spiritual and cultural capital not only enhances but also refines and invigorates the behavioral patterns associated with modern socialization.

4.1 Characteristics of Chinese Humanity The Confucian Scholarship (ruxue) is originated in the remote three generations of Xia, Shang and Zhou dynasties, which was founded on the civilization of ritual and music in the Western Zhou Dynasty, and has been deeply rooted in the life of Chinese nation and the heart of Chinese people. The Scholarship of Confucianism (ruxue) constitutes the main spiritual form of Chinese traditional society and culture. If we peel off its formal shell and negativity that are inescapable from its historic conditions, The Confucian Scholarship (ruxue), characterized by its organic, continuous and holistic view of the universe, its self-improvement and virtuous way of being a human, its theory of harmony in diversity, and its pursuit of the meaning of human life and the sphere of ideal personality, etc., still embodies its practical significance, and can be creatively transformed and become the fountainhead that nourishes our modern society and modern souls. The humanistic spirit, nurtured by China’s rich 5,000year-old civilization, stands as is a crucial spiritual asset for our modernization in the twenty-first century and the foundation of the spiritual life of all Chinese people. Carrying forward the Chinese humanistic spirit, especially the Confucian humanistic spirit as its mainstay, will help to overcome some predicaments of love and hatred, cooperation and confrontation, ease and blood, crises and hopes in contemporary social life, and is especially conducive to the reconstruction of contemporary ethic.

4.1 Characteristics of Chinese Humanity

131

“Boya Is Playing Harp” drawn by Wang Zhenpeng (Yuan Dynasty) “Boya Is playing Harp” drawn by Wang Zhenpeng (Yuan Dynasty)

Our Chinese nation has gradually formed its unique spiritual belief and value consciousness in the course of long-term social practice. Among them, its reflection on “Heaven, Earth, Human, Things, Selves” and their relations, especially its reflection on “human” himself, is the most distinctive. In the historical process of the long-term integration of the Chinese nation, the three religions of Confucianism, Chinese Buddhism and Taoism, especially Confucianism, have exerted great impact on all aspects of politics, religion, etiquette and customs. In the history of Chinese ethnic groups, various schools of thought have conducted extensive discussions on the relationship between Humans and High Heaven, humans and nature, humans and things, humans and other humans, as well as humans and self. These discussions have generated a wide range of viewpoints, each differing from the other, creating a rich tapestry of philosophcial thought. Today, it is indeed challenging to generalize the diverse viewpoints. However, broadly speaking, we can still identify certain ideas about “human” that have gained wide acceptance among both the upper and lower classes of Chinese society over the past 3000 years. Like other ethnic groups in the world, Chinese ancestors had a dim understanding of human status in the atmosphere of primitive religion. In other words, human is always associated with “deity,” especially with the natural deity “Di” or “Heaven” bestowed with willed personality. “Di” or “Shangdi”, emerged on oracle bones or tortoise shells and Shangshu or Records of Documents, is the Supreme Power or High Heaven in the hearts of the Yin people. “Di” appeared in inscriptions on bones or tortoise shells. For example, “Di calls wind and wind comes,” “Di calls rain and rain comes,” “Di calls famine and famine comes,” “Di calls food and food comes,” etc., mostly referring to natural deities.1 The concept of “Di” that appears in the classics Shangshu and Shijing represents the sacred integration of worship for supernatural deities and ancestors [, and this belief justifies why humans should worship his ancestors alongside Heaven, as they believe that his ancestor’s soul has ascended to Heaven, thereby invoking his ancestor’s blessings from above]. “Di” or “Shangdi” represents the ultimate soverign over human communities and individual 1

For details, see Script from Yin Ruins (Part A), edited by Dong Zuobin, published in the Commercial Press in the 37th year of the Republic of China, and also The General Compilation of Inscriptions on Bones or Tortoise Shells, by Guo Moruo, Beijing: Science Press, 1983.

132

4 Humanist Spirit of Confucianism

lives.2 In the bronze scripts or chime and cauldron inscriptions of Zhou Dynasty, the term “Tian” appeared frequently. The two characters of “Tian” 天 and “Ren” 人 are very similar in shape. Adding a round dot on top of “人” is the word “天”[the symbol consists of a circle with a small cross below it].3 In Zhou Dynasty, the appellation of the traditional High God was mixed with “Di” and “Heaven,” and gradually became the sole use of “Heaven.” “Tian” has become the personality god who creates life, all things, and blesses the human world, as are found in expressions like “Tian, (working) unseen, secures the tranquility of the people,” “Tian endows heavenly mandate on Cheng Tang (the founding monarch of Shang), and Cheng Tang acts accordingly,” “Tian gives King Wen the charge to destroy the Yin peope,” “Tian blesses King Wen and revitalizes my small state of Zhou,” “Tian has created all people. Decrees of government must be consistent,” “Tian has given birth to people, provides them what they need, and subjects them to laws. People obey universal rules and value virtues.” etc. (see details in “Hongfan,” “Taishi,” “Kanggao,” “Dagao” in 2

“Shangdi,” a Chinese religious concept, often translated as “High Heaven” or the Supreme Ruler or Ruler of Heaven, has two implications. One refers to the Supreme Ruler of the universe, also known as the Ruler of Heaven. During the Shang and Zhou dynasties, wizards were the intermediaries between humans and the Supreme Ruler. They asked for his orders by means of divination and conveyed them to humans. The other refers to the supreme ruler of an empire or dynasty, that is, the emperor or monarch, including those of remote antiquity and those who had died; each was referred to as Son of Heaven. After Christianity was introduced to China, missionaries used this term as a translation of the word “God.” -translators’ note. 3 The modern Chinese character Tian天and its early seal script both incorporate dà大 (“great, large”) and yī一(“one”). However, some original characters in Shāng oracle bone script and Zhōu bronzeware script anthropomorphically portray a large head on a great person. The ancient oracle and bronze ideograms for dà 大 feature a stick figure person with arms stretched out, denoting “great” or “large.” The oracle and bronze characters for Tian 天emphasize the cranium of this “great (person)”, either with a square or round head, or head marked with one or two lines. Schuessler (2007:495) notes the bronze graphs for Tian, showing a person with a round head, resemble those for dīng丁 “4th Celestial stem “, and suggests “The anthropomorphic graph may or may not indicate that the original meaning was ‘deity,’ rather than ‘sky’.” Two variant Chinese characters for Tian 天 “Heaven” are (written with 王wáng “king” and 八bā “8”) and the Daoist coinage (with 青qīng “blue” and 氣 “qi “, i.e., “blue sky”). Some argues that Confucius used the term in a religious way. He wrote in The Analects (7.23) that Tian gave him life, and that Tian watched and judged. (6.28; 9.12) A person can know the movement of the Tian, giving the sense of having a special place in the universe. (9.5) Confucius wrote that Tian spoke to him, though not in words (17.19). Feng Youlan differentiates five different implications of tian in early Chinese writings: (1) A material or physical Tian or sky, that is, the Tian often spoken of in apposition to earth, as in the common phrase which refers to the physical universe as ‘Heaven and Earth’ (Tian Ti 天地). (2) A ruling or presiding Tian, that is, one such as is meant in the phrase, ‘Imperial Heaven Supreme Emperor’ (Huang Tian Shang Ti), in which anthropomorphic Tian and Ti are signified. (3) A fatalistic Tian, equivalent to the concept of Fate (ming 命), a term applied to all those events in human life over which man himself has no control. This is the T’ian Mencius refers to when he says: “As to the accomplishment of a great deed, that is with Tian” ([Mencius], Ib, 14). (4) A naturalistic Tian, that is, one equivalent to the English word Nature. This is the sort of Tian described in the ‘Discussion on Tian’ in the [Xun Zi] (ch. 17). (5) An ethical Tian, that is, one having a moral principle and which is the highest primordial principle of the universe. This is the sort of Tian which the [Chung Yung] (Doctrine of the Mean) refers to in its opening sentence when it says: “What Tian confers (on man) is called his nature.” See Feng Youlan, A History of Chinese Philosophy (vol. 1), translated by Derk Bodie, London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1952: p. 31 — translator’s note.

4.1 Characteristics of Chinese Humanity

133

Shangshu as well as “Dang” and “Zhengmin” in Daya of Shijing and etc.) These classic statements clearly indicate that all beings under heaven and on the earth are the gifts of heaven in the form of natural evolution, and thus heaven is always blessing them in selecting and sending political leaders for their social affairs and teachers for their moral affairs. However, “Tian,” as personality god, gradually forfeited its authority, becoming an impersonal supreme ruler, and even becoming the target of curses, which can be found in many poems of Shijing or The Book of Poetry.

A Painted Suitcase with A Picture of 28 Star Divination. In the middle is a circle of “Tian” drawn around the north pole and rotated by the Big Dipper, which was unearthed in Tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng, Suixian County, Hubei Province. In the Zhou Dynasty, the culture of ritual (li) and music (yue), which integrates religion, ethics and politics, shows the prominent consciousness of “human” and “humanity.” Rule by ritual [li] obviously highlights the active and promising rule by humans, but from the substantial origin of rule by ritual, according to Xun Zi, the source of ritual is “Tian and Earth,” “remote ancestry” and “Son of Tian (sagekings).” Tian and Earth are the original source of life, remote ancestry is the original source of race, and rulers and superiors are the original source of politics. Therefore, ritual and ceremony are to serve Tian above, serve Earth below, revere ancestry and respect rulers and superiors. Ritual determines individual’s proper position in social relations, thus achieving harmony among human beings, and between humans and everything else in nature. Education through ritual(li) and music (yue), of course, including education by Shi Jing, Yi Jing, Shu Jing, Chun Qiu and so on, is used to edify minds of ruling class and intellectual strata, to rectify their moral conduct, and then to enhance the cultural literacy and personality sphere of ordinary people, adjust and satisfy their material and spiritual needs. This is, therefore, what is said in “Le Ji” in Li Ji: “Ritual (li) guides human’s aspirations, while music (yue) establish harmony in human’s deep heart.” Ritual cultivates self-restraint among people, while music fosters harmony within people, so both ritual and music can enhance the cultural attainment of the people, fostering a harmonious and respectful environment. Confucius’ era is that of awakening of Chinese “humanistic consciousness.” Confucius once exclaimed that “The Zhou people continued the system of ritual

134

4 Humanist Spirit of Confucianism

from Xia and Shang dynasties. What a great leader Yao is! His undertakings are exceedingly magnificent just because he models himself after the rules of Heaven.” (Analects, ch.3). Confucius regarded the rich and prosperous “ritual system and culture of Zhou,” which had innovatively inherited the civilization of Xia and Shang dynasties, as a profound big tradition of our nation. The “ritual system and culture of Zhou” originated from but not deviated from the primitive religion of remote antiquity, and at the same time it emphasized education by ritual and music. Ritual is able to make society orderly and music is able to make society harmonious. Confucius rekindled and revitalized the living spirit in the civilization of ritual and music of Zhou Dynasty, and carried forward this spirit. This is rightly the spirit of “humanheartedness!” “Human-heartedness” is the kernel of ritual and music. Ritual and music, without “human-heartedness,” is nothing but just a ritualized ceremony with a formalized shell. As a matter of fact, Chinese humanistic spirit is nothing else but the spirit of Confucius’ “Human-heartedness Scholarship” (renxue)! What is “humanheartedness(ren)”? “Human-heartedness” is human’s inner moral self-consciousness and essential stipulation, which “makes a human a little different from beasts” as Mencius said. Confucius said: “human-heartedness is not far off; he who seeks it has already found it.” (Analects, ch.12); “human-heartedness is a remote thing, isn’t it ? If I wish to be human-hearted [benevolent or virtuous], human-heartedness is at hand.” (Analects. ch.7). What Confucius stated highlights human’s subjectivity, especially his moral autonomy. “Human-heartedness” can connect “Heaven, Earth, human, all things and self” together and also function as the value ideal that is well stated in the saying that “All beings under heaven are just the intimate members of one big family, so China should be endeared and self-cherished as one person, [with each individual part treasuring its identity and role within the whole].” This value ideal takes as its mainstay the doctrines of loyalty and tolerance (zhong shu zhi dao) that “If one wants to achieve success, he should let others succeed as well; if one wants to accomplish himself, he should let others accomplish as well,”(Analects, ch.6) and that “Do not do to other what you do not wish yourself.” (Analects, ch.15). This value ideal is the principle of cosmic harmony which can be extended to include the relations between human and human, country and country, nation and nation, religion and religion, culture and culture, even between human beings and animals and plants, and human and nature. Confucius’ “philosophy of human-heartedness” (renxue) is the inner core of Chinese humanistic spirit, and it is also the value ideal of humanism, which is not only the guiding principle for peaceful coexistence of all nations, all states and exchange of cultures, but also the wisdom that achieves the unity of “Heaven, Earth, Things, and Humans.” It is no wonder that Mr. Hans Küng and Mr. Karl-Josef Kuschel, co-drafters of Declaration Toward a Global Ethic, took what Confucius said—“Do not do to other what you do not wish yourself”—as the golden rule of global ethics. This is very insightful.4 Confucius and Confucianism have greatly magnified human’s continuous selfimprovement and positive creative spirit, especially human’s active construction 4

See Hans Küng et al., Global Ethics, Taipei Yage Publishing House, 1996.

4.1 Characteristics of Chinese Humanity

135

of material culture, institutional culture and spiritual culture, promoting the development and prosperity of culture, affirming morality, knowledge, wisdom, pursuit of refined writing, rules and regulations, and education through ritual and music, etc. However, while greatly affirming human cultural creation, Confucius and Confucianism did not fall into the position of anthropocentralism and humanistic supremacy, but cautiously handled the relationship between humanities and nature, humanities and religion, humanities and science. The Confucian “humanistic spirit” is not opposed to nature, religion, and science. This is the unique character of humanistic spirit of China, especially propogated by Confucius and Confucianism. One would be amused by the fact that the Chinese in their spiritual and social domains harmoniously and peacefully have been integrating those superficially confounding ideas or arrangements. The secret behind the Chinese tradition might be that the Chinese nation as a whole is particularly good at ideological reconciliation in which philosophy and religion have been transformed into dancing partners during its gracefully enduring history. Firstly, Confucianism’s humanistic spirit is not opposed to religion. Confucius said: “[We must] not talk about weirdness, strength, rebellions, and ghosts,” (Analects, ch.7) and “[We must] respect ghosts and deities but keep aloof from them.” (Analects, ch.6) Obviously, Confucius does not readily express his attitude regarding belief in small folk traditions and superstitions in ghosts and deities, or takes a reserved attitude but does not easily discuss them. But this does not mean that his belief in the great tradition of elite culture at that time was shaken in the slightest. Confucius himself also used divination as spiritual practice, and emphasized the importance of sacrificial ritual and piousness. Confucius particularly and repeatedly expressed his belief in “Tian” and his reverence for “Mandate of Heaven”(tianming). Confucius said: “He who offends Tian has nowhere to pray; (Analects, ch.3)” “A gentleperson or a virtuous human has three targets to worship, firstly to worship the Mandate of Heaven (tianming), secondly the person in high position, and thirdly the words of Saints.” (Analects, ch.16) To Confucius, the three targets all symbolize the transcendent beings in their different dimensions accordingly, the Mandate of Heaven being—the supreme dominator in the universe and the person in high position— the supreme ruler in society, and the words of Saints being the supreme authority in individual’s faith. When talking about Yao, Confucius said: “Great is Yao as a ruler! Awesome, awesome, Heaven alone is great, yet Yao alone made it his model!” (Analects, ch.18) Confucius retained the belief and awe of “Heaven” and the “Mandates of Heaven” in his thought and practice, and affirmed the transcendence and mysteriousness of “Heaven.” From his many remarks, it can be seen that Confucius retained his own belief and reverence for “Tian” and “Tian’s Mandate,” and affirmed “Tian”’s transcendence and mystery in value. His exclamation divulged emotionally the sense of religious ultimacy and political justification. According to Mencius, Confucius highly praises the poem, titled “Zhengmin” in “Daya” in Shijing, as “Pursuit of Dao [or Comprehending Dao],” which states: “Tian gives birth to people, provides them with goods and materials, and subjects them to rules. People obey universal rules and value virtue.” (“Gaozi I” of Mencius) Confucius affirms that Tian which gives birth to all people is the original source of human beings, believing that

136

4 Humanist Spirit of Confucianism

the constant Tao held by human beings is to tend toward a good morality, that is to say, it is Tian that endows human beings with intuitive goodness. Confucius affirms individual’s religious need, and further combined religion with morality. Both Confucius and Confucianism advocate a positive and promising spirit of “Enlarging the Tao”: having a strong sense of commitment, having an open and broad-minded attitude that goes beyond life and death, having a love and thirst for the Truth for life, saving people from fire and water, giving one’s life for achieving virtue, and sacrificing one’s life for righteousness, which all come out of such belief and faith for enlarging the Tao. Or else. We can say, behind Confucian humanity, it is precisely the religious and spiritual belief that supports it! Confucius said: “Tian endows me with virtue;” (Analects, ch.7) “If Heaven would let civilization perish, later generations (like myself) would not be permitted to participate in it. But since Heaven has not wished to let civilization perish, what can the people of Kuang do to me?” (Analects, ch.9:5) Regarding himself, Confucius said: “If my principle is to be achieved in the world, it is a matter of Fate. If it fails to be achieved, it is also a matter of Fate. (Analects, ch.38).” Whether Confucian ideals can be realized or not depends on Fate. Due to historical conditions and objective environment, Confucians do not have to deliberately go against Fate, nor do they have to escape from Fate. Despite this, Confucians, as proponents of subjective life, must still bear their fate consciously and strive to do their utmost. Confucianism has transformed this religious spirit into moral spirit. In a certain sense, Confucianism represents a kind of moral religion. Confucianism’s “Tian” symbolizes a metaphysical “Tian,” as well as a “Tian” of moral law. This “Tian” or “Tian’s Mandate” is transformed by Confucianism into human’s inner nature, giving orders from inside his life. Accordingly, for thousands of years, there have arisen nuermous resilient and self-motivated people with lofty ideals who have the spirit to take on responsibility and heroic spirit of sacrifice. This spirit is perfectly manifested in expressions like “[A virtuous human should] take the whole world as his/her own duty,” and “The commander of armed forces may be beheaded, but the will of even a common person cannot be taken off.” Such spirit is also reflected in the creation of social culture at all levels. It serves to show that Confucian humanistic spirit not only does not reject religion, but also embraces religion and can be integrated with religion. This is also the reason why there have been few religious wars as tragic as the West in the history of our country.

4.1 Characteristics of Chinese Humanity

137

Temple of Heaven (tiantan)

Second, humanistic spirit of Confucianism is in opposition to nature. Confucianism indeed regards human as the most precious in the world. Xun Zi makes this comparison and draws inferences: “Water and fire have Qi but no life, grasses and trees have life but no perception, and animals have perception but no morality; human beings have Qi, life and perception, and pursue morality. Therefore, human being is the most valuable species under the heaven. The righteousness in his context is the awareness of moral rights.” (“Wang Zhi” from The Work og Xun Zi) Confucianism, at the turn of Zhou and Qin dynasties, holds: “Human is the [cosmic] heart of Heaven and Earth. […] Human possesses virtues bestowed by Heaven and Earth. Human is the product by an integration of yin and yang, a combination of form and spirit, embodying the five elements of metal, wood, water, fire and soil.” (“Liyun” in Li Ji) Nonetheless, human does not stand in opposition to Heaven and Earth, including plants, birds, animals and all things. Human’s position in the universe is very important, but human is only a part of the harmonious universe. The Doctrine of the Mean (zhong yong) says: “Only he who possesses the perfect cheng (the cosmic trueness) can develop his nature to the utmost; only he who can fulfill his nature can fulfill the nature of others; only he who can fulfill the nature of others can fulfill the nature of all things; only he who can fulfill the nature of things can assist the transforming and nourishing operations of Heaven and Earth. And then, he can form a trinity with Heaven and Earth.”(The Doctrine of the Mean in Li Ji) This is about the saint with the perfect cheng. A saint can exhaustively fulfill his heaven-endowed nature, so his words and deeds are naturally consistent with the “Heavenly Way” or the “Cosmological Principle.” Through his influence and enlightenment, he can assist all others fulfilling their nature, and further assists all things in the world fulfilling their nature, each in its place and each in its way. Being able to do this, a sage can see that all things of Heaven and Earth are likewise perfected. That is to say, a sage cannot perfect oneself while disregarding the perfection of others. The reason is that one can develop one’s nature to the utmost only through the human relationships,

138

4 Humanist Spirit of Confucianism

that is, within the sphere of society. A sage with the utmost cheng and his [working] function can be comparable to or stand side by side with Heaven and Earth, to form the Integration of Three Powers (sancai). We understand from this statement by The Doctrine of the Mean that both human beings and other universal beings are created equally by Heaven with the same vitality. Human beings cannot fully appreciate their merits as living creatures unless they hold all other creatures or universal beings in greatest respect. This is the sphere of mind described as understanding, serving, pleasing, and becoming the Heaven or our moral God. Accordingly, it is just in this context that the thought that “Heaven, Earth, and Human stand side by side to form a unity of three” is expressed. That is why a human of virtue or a gentleperson must uphold cheng as his utmost pursuit for moral attainment and an approach to achieving the “Heavenly Way” and the “Heavenly Principle.”

Listening to the Wispers of Wind Gently Through the Pines by Ma Lin (Southern Song Dynasty) Listening to the Wispers of Wind Gently Through the Pines by Ma Lin (Southern Song Dynasty)

Confucian humanistic spirit emphasizes the Way of “Three Powers” (san cai zhi dao) of Heaven, Earth and Human which go hand in hand, nurturing all things without harming each other, and achieving a large system of human and universe.5 Through their joint operation, all things are produced and developed, each in its place and system, without harming one another, and achieve a great system of mutual care between human and the universe. The Yi says: “The Yi, as a book, is 5

The Three Powers or Three Elements (sancai) refer to Heaven, Earth, and Human. When explaining the trigrams, Yi Zhuan or the Commentary on the Book of Changes proposes the concept of the “Three Elements.” In a trigram which consists of six unbroken (—) and broken lines (—), the first and second lines at the bottom represent the earth, the third and fourth lines in the center represent human who lives between Earth and Heaven, and the fifth and sixth lines at the upper part represent Heaven. Collectively, the six lines united in one diagram signify the whole of Heaven, Earth, and Human. The Three Powers share the same rules, but manifests distinctively within their respective field. These six lines merely show the Way/Principle underlying the Three Powers. —translator’s note.

4.1 Characteristics of Chinese Humanity

139

vast and great, in which everything is completely contained. The Way of Heaven is in it, the Way of Earth is in it, and the Way of Human is in it. It combines the Three Primal Powers and doubles them; that is why there are six lines.”(Appendix II) The Yi refers to Heaven, Earth, and Human, or the Way of Heaven, the Way of Earth, and the Way of Human as the “Three Powers.” When explaining the trigrams, Yi Zhuan or the Commentary on the Book of Changes proposes the concept of the “Three Powers,” which is also known as the “Co-construction of Three Powers” and the “Way/Principle of Three Powers.” This concept generalizes the universe into three large systems of different levels and mutual restriction, which constitute a unified whole. That is to say, Heaven, Earth, and Human are not independent and confronted with each other, but inseparably connected with each other, and all the Three Powers are in the same flow of constant changes of production and reproduction. Confucian humanistic spirit is creativity which is rooted deeply in the harmonious operations of Heaven and Earth, and is stated as “The supreme virtue of Heaven and Earth is sheng [production of life],” just as Yi Zhuan or the Commentary on the Book of Changes says: This virtue “is of all things the most sublime: it possesses everything in complete abundance, which is called its great enterprise. It renews everything daily, which is called its glorious power. [Accordingly,] it is the begettor of all begettings, which is called change.” (Appendix II). The Way of Heaven and Earth, i.e. the role of constant transformation of yin and yang, is to produce and reproduce all things. Its abundance which enables all things to be produced and reproduced is what is called “great enterprise.” Its daily innovation which brings about all things is what is called “productive virtue.” Its course which produces and reproduces all things endlessly is what is called [the course of] “change.” Therefore, humans should follow “the great virtue of begetting all things” of the universe to make continuous creations. The Yi says: “It is natural that hardness [Yang/Heaven/Qian/Father] and softness [Yin/ Earth/Kun/Mother] interweave; it is cultural that male and female come together to make a family by conforming to what is perfect.6 By observing the movement of 6 The Chinese term “renwen”人文, translated as human culture, first appeared in Yi Jing. It is said in the hexagram Bengua of Yi Jing, “Hardness and softness interlace, which produces astronomic images; human acts according to law of nature, which produces human culture (renwen). Observing natural images reveals the transformations of the four seasons, while observing the evolution of human culture sheds light on the enlightenment of the people in the world.” It means that there are men and women in the world, men are hard and women are soft, and hardness and softness interlace, which is an emulation of natural images, that is nature. It is cultural that man and woman come together to make a family, to build a country and even become a leader of the world, which is humanity and culture. In contrast to humanity, natural images refer to Heaven and Earth, and humanity refers to social human relations. To govern a country, one must observe the law of Heaven and Earth, so as to understand the temporal sequence of farming, fishing and hunting. On the other hand, one must grasp the order of human relations in human society, so as to understand the hierarchical relationship between monarch and minister, father and son, husband and wife, brothers and friends, to act on civilized rituals, and thus extend it to include the whole world, which is called an achievement of great humanization (dahua). In general, in traditional Chinese culture, “Renwen” 人文 encompasses the cultural and ethical progress created by ritual and music, moral codes, and systems, as well as a social order which is hierarchical but harmonious. “Renwen” is in contrast to”tianwen”天文, including the sun, the moon, the stars, and all things on earth. “Renwen” also refers to human affairs in general, that is, behaviors, customs, and human state. Under the influence of

140

4 Humanist Spirit of Confucianism

constellations, we can learn about the change of seasons; by observing development of human culture, we can enlighten the people and build a civilized society.” (Zhou Yi. Bengua. Tuanci) Myriad things which are mixed form “line images” or “patterns,” and yin and yang, hardness and softness which crisscross form “astronomic images” or known as natural patterns. Natural patterns are product of the integration of diversity. In accordance with the Tao/Dao of Nature, Heaven and Earth, applying strategy of non-force in solving problems of social affairs is known as “staying in civilization.” The social organization and structure of human affairs is known as “human culture” (renwen), and “human culture” should follow “natural patterns.” By observing natural images, we can investigate the changes of the four seasons, and by observing the development of human culture, we can enlighten the people in the world. It shows that the law of human affairs should be matched with the laws of nature. The Song Confucianists claimed that “human beings and all things under Heaven are equally oneness,” and that the extension of one’s mind of benevolence to include birds, animals, grass, plants, and pebbles. Zhou Dunyi wrote a phrase that “never cutting the green under his window, which shows his awareness that all plants are just like human beings with their respective lives and ethics;”7 and Zhang Zai stated that “All people are my brothers and sisters, and all things are my companions.” This profound perspective highlights that Chinese humanistic spirit is inherently in harmony with nature, avoiding anthropocentrism and domination of nature, while upholding respect for the existence of animals and plants. Contrarily, Confucian tradition emphasizes human’s coordination with nature. Despite its mystic mood in explaining environmental ethics, Confucian tradition did expect a maximum harmony between humans and nature. As a matter of fact, its kernel conception of “benevolence” and “virtue of producing all things” are exactly the demonstrations and infiltration of the spirit of natural universe into cultural activities of human society. Thirdly, the Confucianism humanistic spirit is not antagonistic towards science. Instead of rejecting science and technology, the Confucian humanistic spirit and value concept embrace and foster the advancement of science and technology. Over the past century, there have been two prevalent misconceptions about Chinese traditional culture. The first misconception is that Chinese traditional culture stifles human creativity and restricts individual’s autonomy and initiative spirit; the second misconception is that traditional Chinese culture is anti-scientific, or at the least, has hindered the progress of science and technology. Both of these misconceptions need to be clarified. Of course, it is not the task of this chapter to specifically analyze the positive and negative values of Chinese culture in the development process across different times and spaces, nor can it be explained in a few brief words. When I explained the second characteristics of Chinese humanistic spirit earlier, I have positively responded to the Western culture in the modern period, “renwen” evolved to encompass not only cultural phenomena in human society but also the academic disciplines that study human culture, collectivelly known as the humanities.—translator’s note. 7 See Feng Youlan (Fung Yu-lan), The Complete Works of Three Pines Hall (san song tang quan ji) (Zhengzhou: Henan People’s Press, 2000), Vol. 10. p. 65.—translator’s note.

4.1 Characteristics of Chinese Humanity

141

first misconception. Here, we will respond to the second misconception through a positive elaboration.

Silkworm Weaving (partial) (Southern Song Dynasty), by unknown painter

Celestial Globe Celestial globe

Seismograph invented by Zhang Heng of Eastern Han Seismograph invented by Zhang Heng of Eastern Han

Some people argue that Confucianism or Chinese culture disdains nature and rejects technological advancements. However, this assertion is entirely baseless. Confucian humanistic spirit neither disdains nature nor excludes technology. Regarding the research of the development of ancient Chinese science and technology and its unique paradigms, we should have our own unique vision, rather than taking the Western modern science as the sole reference. Although Joseph Needham (1900 A.D.–1995 A.D.)’s study of science and technology of ancient China leaves

142

4 Humanist Spirit of Confucianism

much to be discussed, his cognitive wisdom lies in that he has gotten rid of the “Western centralism” and correctly appraised the peculiarity of the ancient Chinese concept of the universe, the way of thinking, and the contribution made by ancient Chinese science and technology that is no less than that of the West. Actually, the traditional Chinese have made numerous inventions and creations that attract the world’s attention, shining brightly with astonishing wisdom. Joseph Needham said: “While the Greeks and Indians developed mechanical atomism, the Chinese cultivated an organic cosmology.”8 Ilya Prigogine (1917 A.D.–2003 A.D.), a Belgian physical chemist, also quoted Joseph Needham’s point of view, pointing out that, different from the Western view that emphasizes “substance,” “the Chinese view of nature is based on ‘relationship’ and thus on a more ‘organized’ view of physical world.” “The academic thought of traditional China first attaches importance to the research of wholeness and naturalness, and coordination and harmoniousness;” and “Chinese thought has always been a dynamic source of inspiration for the Western scientists.” “I believe we have already moved towards a new synthesis, a new generalization, which will combine the Western tradition characterized by experimental and quantitative analysis with the Chinese tradition centered on the idea of “a spontaneous, self-organizing world.”9 The thinking paradigm of the whole, the system, and the relationship, along with the behavior mode emphasizing practicality, national economy and people’s livelihood, has brought success to the development of ancient natural science and technology in my country, about which we should have a clear and full understanding, while also achnowledging its historical limitations without hesitation. There is a view that Confucian humanistic spirit that values life and morality, must definitely despise nature and reject science and technology. This view also needs to be discriminated. Take Zhu Xi, the most famous humanist scholar of the Song Dynasty in China and the most misunderstood and cursed by people today, as an example. The word “thing” (wu) in Zhu Xi’s “extension of knowledge through the investigation of things” (ge wu zhi zhi) not only refers to ethics, but also something natural, or signifies to understanding how we should conduct ourselves through our contact with things and observations of both ethical and natural “things”. His proposition that “There is but one principle in the universe, which exists in diverse forms” (lǐyī-fēnshū) not only lays stress on the one “li” or the one Cosmic Principle, but also on different guiding “principles” in concrete things and their correlations. To put it differently, the concept of the li or the Cosmic Principle being one and same ensures unity of the world, whereas its diversity provides the basis for multifarious things and hierarchical order. The presupposition of this proposition is to “pursue the Utmost Principle in all things.” The Li or the one Cosmic Principle runs through all things, which is derived from one source. But as the li or the Cosmic Principle is present in different things, its functions and forms vary. “From Non-Ultimate (wuji) 8

Joseph Needham, History of Science and Technology in China, Vol. 3, Beijing, Science Press, 1975, p. 337. 9 See Yan Zexian, Dissipative Structure and System Evolution, Fujian People’s Publishing House, 1987, pp. 107–108.

4.1 Characteristics of Chinese Humanity

143

to Supreme Ultimate (taiji), which comes from wuji and gives rise to two primal forces of yin and yang, from one grass, one tree, to one insect, even though very small, each of them has its own li or principle.” If you miss reading one book, you miss the li of this book; if you fail to investigate one event, you miss the li of this event; if you fail to investigate one thing, you miss the li of this thing. You must study each of them without no omission.”(Recorded Conversations of Zhu Xi, V.15) Zhu Xi’s Neo-Confucianism emphasizes both human relations and the Heavenly Way, affirming nature and the value of science and technology, and he himself has also made contributions in astronomy, geology, and agronomy, even showing a strong interest in armillary sphere and hydraulic drive devices, etc.10 The three characteristics of the Confucian humanistic spirit outlined above are mutually complementary. Chinese classics, such as Shi Jing or The Work of Poetry, Shu Jing or The Records of History, Li Jing or The Work of Rituals, Yi Jing or The Book of Changes, and Chun Qiu or The Spring and Autumn Annals, focus on Heaven, Earth, and Human in the context of the interpenetration of Heaven, Earth and Human, which is not consistent with the Western thinkers’ view that the development of human thought should first focus on “God,” second on “Nature” and finally on “Human.” The origin of Western humanistic spirit is Greece and Rome, but the real formation of a whole set of humanism was in the Renaissance. Renaissance humanism was primarily directed at medieval religions. Humanism liberates human body and spirit from religious authority, which is known as the recovery of human nature and the selfawaking of human consciousness. Early European humanism got rid of domination of divinity, affirming human’s pursuit of secularity of human society, affirming human’s erotic desires, emotions, and confirming the physical nature. After that, humanism went through the development stages of several humanism trends of thought, such as German new humanism in 18th century, and scientific humanism, religious humanism and existentialist humanism in 20th century.11 At present, the main trend in the Western humanistic circles is no longer aimed at “divinity,” but at “materiality,” that is, at the overflowing of “thingness” and the alienation of “people” caused by high development of science, technology, and commercialization. The modern Western thought has changed from God to human, from human to pure rationality, to consciousness and experience, and further to biological instinct and life impulse. Human has come to realize the importance of “things,” and his thought has been externalized to the extreme, and things have been adored to the extreme. If human’s mind and spirit are corrupted no longer, he must go back and find God and religion. For example, religious humanism, also known as an integration of humanist ethical philosophy or a classic example of a nontheistic religion, believes that the

10

Zhu Yazong, Wang Xinrong, Ancient Chinese Science and Culture, National Defense University of Science and Technology Press, 1992. This book is a monograph full of insightful views, which are quite different from some specious theories of his time. 11 See Tang Junyi, Chinese Humanities and Today’s World (part II), Complete Works of Tang Junyi, Volume 8, Taiwan Student Book Company, 1988, pp. 44–51.

144

4 Humanist Spirit of Confucianism

civilized society since modern times has brought about the secularization and materialization of human spirit, which has led to an increasing decline of human’s high-level spiritual life. Jacques Maritain (1882 A.D.–1973 A.D.), a French philosopher and political thinker, sharply criticized the anthropocentrism of the Renaissance and the Enlightenment, which, he thinks, caused human gradually leave God and divinity, and this is the beginning of human’s depravity. Existentialism opposes the objectification and externalization of human beings by human science (including social science), thinking that human has lost his true internal subjectivity in his relation with objects, commodities, rationality, and machines, and in his activities of producing material wealth. In modern society, human is treated like things, and human is treated as if he were a machine. Human is related to means as an end. Means becomes an end, and human who is end becomes tool, symbol and number. Human turns out to be abstracted into an unreal being by others and himself. So, the human nature that contemporary Western humanists talk about is no more the human nature that is different from the divinity as held in the Renaissance and the Enlightenment, but the human nature that is different from materiality or thingness. Some of them even advocated returning to collaboration between human and God so as to save human’s fall, and this includes the rebirth of the Western religious spirit. Of course, this does not mean a return to the negativity of medieval religion, which have already been baptized by modern culture and civilization. This is to use the religious spirit to avoid human’s fall again because of utilitarianism, instrumentalization, alienation, and materialization. What Western Marxism and cultural critiques have severely criticized is the over-expansion of “instrumental rationality” or the enslavement of human beings by “rational tyranny” caused by the supremacy of science and technology. The modern people are confronted with the paradoxical predicament of “having no Heaven above, no earth below, no others outside, and no self within.” Chinese humanistic spirit, especially Confucian humanistic spirit, is able to cure the crisis of modern people. As mentioned earlier, Confucianism underlines “making good use of resources to enrich the people,” but at the same time avoids domination, control and destruction of nature. It emphasizes a humanistic construction and criticizes superstitious activities, but never dissolves an awe for “Heaven” and a religious spirit, an ultimate belief and faith that people are supposed to possess. Confucianism even holds that there is divinity inherent in human nature and physical nature, so human must respect all humans, all things (even grass, trees, birds, animals, tiles, and stones), and insists that by fully fulfilling one’s mind, he knows his inborn moral nature, and by knowing his inborn moral nature, he knows what it is that Heaven does. And it is through preserving his mind and nurturing his inborn moral nature that he may serve Heaven. He who is the utmost sincere like god is able to understand such a mind, that is, the mind of Heaven, and he is able to achieve a spiritual sphere of living. Confucianism is not divorced from the life world and daily ethical relations; rather, it seeks spiritual transcendence within the realm of mundane, worldly life. Pursuit of outer kingliness for meritorious deeds, pursuit of political accomplishment, and

4.1 Characteristics of Chinese Humanity

145

pursuit of scientific and technological advancement, are precisely the performance of human’s spiritual life. Therefore, the Chinese humanistic spirit can fully cooperate with the Western learning and modern civilization. As we have said earlier, the Chinese humanistic spirit does not oppose religion, nature, and technology. On the contrary, it can make up for the disadvantages of religion and science and technology, and seek the mutual adjustment and healthy development of humanities and religions, science and technology, and nature. With the rapid advancement of technological revolutions, encompassing electronics, networks, artificial intelligence, and portable communication tools and others, we are faced with the urgent issue of ethical reconstruction. In terms of the development of life science, numerous pressing issues such as genetic engineering, loning of human life, surrogacy, euthanasia, and animal rights urgently necessitate the urgent establishment of genetic ethics and bioethics. In terms of environmental science and sustainable development of whole society, amidst the crisis triggered by population explosion, ecological degradation, and environmental pollution, there is a dire need for a new environmental ethics that fosters harmony between human and nature. In the face of the current reality of society, in terms of social relations, many levels of interpersonal relations have been eroded by material supremacy. The relation between humans is transformed into a naked relation between things, between loss and gains of economic interests, between money and power, between money, power and sexuality, between desire satisfied and desire unsatisfied. All in all, everything is “calculable,” realistic and utilitarian. As a social cell, family is also facing a crisis. Family disruption, high divorce rate, high single parent families, bigamous marriage or so-called “mistresses” phenomenon, hot sex industry, and others, are becoming increasingly serious and corrosive to the whole society. And problems of puppy love and abortion, AIDS, drug abuse, etc., are also very serious. In addition, with the problem of supporting the elderly brought about by the aging of the population, because of imperfect social security system and welfare system, it is not uncommon for the elderly to support the over-aged. Many other problems need to be re-focused and redefined by society, such as rights and interests of migrant workers who come to work in cities, left-behind couples and children, lack of parental care, maintenance of family ties due to being away from home soil, and “filial piety” for the elderly, etc., all of which require us to build healthy modern family ethics and community ethics. Fierce competition inside and outside company and enterprise, intrigue against each other, swindling and dishonesty, credit crisis, child labor, rights and interests of workers and so on, all need to have a new business ethics. Trust is especially needed in a commodity economy, so the question of “trust” has been put forward again. Due to rapid development and popularization of network, e-mail and e-commerce, the problem of network ethics is brought about. Conflicts between countries, nations, races and religions urgently call for a new global ethic. Even the progression of space technology has underscored the imperative of constructing space ethic for the benefit of human society.

146

4 Humanist Spirit of Confucianism

The Confucian Scholarship may provide valuable spiritual resources and humanistic wisdom to guide economic globalization, including: firstly, re-creation of ritual and music civilization, extension of cultural space, accumulation of social-cultural capital and cultivation of human’s emotional quotient; secondly, Confucian core values are of positive significance for construction of modern global ethics, community ethics, family ethics, work ethics and new human relations, like “Do not do to other what you do not wish yourself,” the five constant virtues (human-heartedness, righteousness, ritual, wisdom, and truthfulness), “work diligently and keep good company with people”; thirdly, some Confucian concepts, like “Human is unified as oneness with Heaven, Earth, and all things,” and “All people are my blood brothers and sisters and all things are my companions,” can serve as valuable resources in constructing a new ecological environment ethic and strategic planning for sustainable development. Fourth, Heavenly Mandate, Heavenly Way, divinity, feeling of reverence and human’s ultimate belief, as well as relations between holy sages and mortals shown by what is stated in “He who acquires extensive knowledge and gain command of it in an in-depth way can thus reach mastery of the Doctrine of the Mean,” all of which are closely related to the issue of modernity. In a word, such values as human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, truthfulness, loyalty, filial piety, sincerity and forgiveness, advanced by the Chinese humanistic spirit, after being stripped of its historically attached negative effects, can be transformed into more reasonable factors, and penetrated into today’s social life, and then as guiding values cure diseases of modern society, restore human dignity, reconstruct the meaningful world of human beings, and rebuild the benign interactive relationship between humans and “Heaven, Earth, Human, all things and selves.” Since the May Fourth Movement, many Chinese intellectuals have tended to view our civilization through a “Western-centric lens”, with our humanities and social science research heavily influenced by Western academic discourse. As a result, we have become somewhat estranged from the rich spirit and wisdom embedded in our own historical and cultural heritage. Sadly speaking, we are basically in a state of “throwing away our endless treasures, but begging for alms, as a pauper, from door to door.” I think it’s not too much to say so. What does “globalization” mean to us? For many people, it means that the discourse hegemony of the West, especially the United States, further expands and even becomes the yoke of dominating the whole world. We Eastern and Chinese people cannot lose our own true self, especially our cultural origin. This is by no means inciting nationalism, but we must stand up spiritually and actively participate in dialogue between civilizations. Confucian humanistic spirit is one of the spiritual foundations for our extensive dialogues among civilizations. Healthy “globalization” is by no means dominating everything with one language, one regional habit, one way of thinking, or even the interests of one country or class. All civilizations, all spiritual resources, all religions, all languages, kinds of knowledge possess the potential to transform into factors of global significance.

4.2 Confucian Scholarship and Chinese National Spirit

147

In particular, we must recognize and appreciate the inherent capabilities and unique contributions of the East Asian region, and there is no need to canonize what is special about the West, especially the United States, as a universal and absolute standard that must be blindly followed. Instead, we should view different civilizations and their cultural achievements with an open mind and a willingness to learn from each other. We possess a remarkable humanistic tradition and humanist spirit that is deeply ingrained in our culture. Due to the self-suppression and neglect of Chinese intellectuals for over a century, this tradition remained hidden and underappreciated. I believe that today’s Chinese intellectuals must re-recognize and embrace their own civilizational tradition, in order to actively engage in and cultural exchanges and dialogues.

4.2 Confucian Scholarship and Chinese National Spirit The history of the Confucian Scholarship and the history of Chinese society and culture have been complementary and intertwined. Since the time of Duke of Zhou and Confucius, Confucianism have embodied the humanist spirit and exerted profound influence in traditional Chinese civil society. The Confucian Scholarship highest belief and ultimate ideal is aptly expressed by through the proposition of “harmony between human and nature” or “unity between the Way of Nature and the Way of Humanity. The Confucian Scholarship remains a living tradition that evolves with the times, serving as a crucial spiritual resource for China’s modernization efforts and a foundation for modern individuals to justify their spiritual beliefs. The Chinese cultural spirit and national character are primarily established and nurtured by Confucianism. Throughout the history of China, Chinese traditional society is structured by four distinct social strata the shi or official-scholar, nong or famer, gong or artisam, and shang or merchant), with shi class, or official-scholar occupying the topmost position. The fluctuations within the shi class can affect the transformations of the whole society. The Shi or the official-scholars represent, carry forward, practice and adhere to the humanistic orientation of Chinese people, and bear dual responsibilities: both leading the way in Chinese social education and overseeing state governance. Mr. Qian Mu said: “The Shi or the shi-scholars are the people with first-class quality, which is unique to Chinese society, and cannot be found in other ethnic groups and societies.12 The Shi with first-class quality started 12

Shi or Shiren generally refers to scholars or a social stratum in ancient China, between senior officials and common people, and it is also the collective name for ancient literati and intellectuals, lliterally meaning “forest of scholars” or “scholars in the rural district,” namely the term implies the “literati out of state office.” The Shi or the Shi class pursue knowledge, spread culture, follow the Kingly Way politically and the Way of Confucianism academically, and navigate between the Way of Confucianism and the Kingly Way. They are not only participants in national politics, but also creators and inheritors of Chinese traditional culture. In ancient China, the Shi signifies a special identity and an elite social group unique to Chinese civilization. There is a saying that Confucius and Mencius arose from the Shi class-translator’s note.

148

4 Humanist Spirit of Confucianism

with Confucius and Confucianism and flourished during the Warring States Period. All the philosophers of various schools of thought are called the Shi. Therefore, after the Han Dynasty, there arose the establishment of the Shi-based government, which lasted until modern times.13 Mr. Qian Mu pointed out that there is a very special feature of ancient Chinese society, that is, it does not need church priests and court lawyers, but it can form a long-lasting and expanding society. What does this depend on? It mainly depends on the Chinese people’s way of being a human, on the concepts such as “humanity,” “humanheart,” and “the human Way,” etc. Additionally, it is shaped by the Shi’s pivatal role in the structure of the four-people based society and their profound spiritual impact, stemming from their position as individuals of the first-class quality. “Confucius’ greatness lies in the fact that he is the founder of the Shi with the first-class quality who has formed the backbone of Chinese traditional fourpeople society since then.”14 In ancient Chinese society, the Shi occupied a significant position, spanning from villages to cities and even influencing the government at the highest levels. The formation of this Shi system is based on a set of spirit. This set of spirit that has been maintained has become the “leadership spirit of history” of Chinese society. The Chinese historical guiding spirit is entrusted to the Shi-based class, a group of individuals who embody the highest quality and standards,” while this class is primarily formed and represented by illustrious figures such as Duke of Zhou, Confucius, Mencius, and etc. It is through their influence on Chinese history that we have come to know the traditional spirit of Chinese history and culture that has shaped the country throughout its illustrious past.”15 After a rigorous historical analysis and comparison between China and other countries, Mr. Qian Mu confirmed that the Shi-based class serves as the pivot of Chinese society. The guiding spirit of a Chinese history is rooted in the exceptional quality of the Shi class, and the continuity of Chinese history is primarily upheld by the spirit of Confucianism, that is, the tradition nurtured by the likes of Duke Zhou, Confucius, and Mencius.

13

Qian Mu, Nationality and Culture, Hong Kong New Asia College, 1962, p. 7. Ibid., p. 66. 15 Ibid., p. 79. 14

4.2 Confucian Scholarship and Chinese National Spirit

149

“Dress worn by the Shi persons from New Authorized Three Rituals, written by Ding Ding, Tsinghua University Press, 2006

The “leadership spirit” in Chinese history embodies a humanistic aspect, a respect for historic significance, a dedication to education, and an appreciation for diverse integration. Mr. Qian Mu believes that the humanistic spirit of traditional China derives from the Five Classics (wujing). Duke Zhou’s significant contribution was shifting the focus from the remote religious concepts to practical human life practice, particularly emphasizing its application in politics. Confucius further completed an academic ideological system which emphasized humanities, and reversed the political and educational thinking of Duke Zhou, and established ideal politics based on ideal education. Through the transformation of Duke Zhou and Confucius, the Five Classics (wujing) became the foundation of Chinese politics and education. The spirit of the Scholarship of Confucian Classics ( jingxue) has focused on humanistic practice, while retaining the highest level of ancient religious belief passed down from ancient times, namely, the belief in Tian (High Heaven) and Shangdi (High God). Chinese humanistic spirit embodies the spirit of integrating oneself with all other beings within the scope of universal nature, fostering harmony among them to create a sustainable unified whole this spirit manifests the natural justice advocated in Confucian Classics, expressed as “cosmological harmony”(zhonghe), and reflects the lofty

150

4 Humanist Spirit of Confucianism

cultural ideal that “all people under Heaven are one family.” Chinese culture stands as “one origin with diversity” or “relying on one ontological entity with different routes.”16 Chinese culture has one mainstay inherent in its whole system, which is a people-oriented and human culture-centered philosophy. Traditional education and edification through ritual and music takes the place of the function played by religion, but it is not hostile to religion, so it may be called “humanistic religion”(renwenjia). Ultimately, the essence of Chinese cultural spirit, lies in its emphasis on humanistic moral values, promoting harmony, unity, and respect for all beings.

Literati’s gathering in Xiyuan Garden, drawn by Ma Yuan of Southern Song Dynasty

The Chinese traditional spirit focusing on history originates in the Five Confucian Classics (wujing). Duke Zhou and Confucius placed significant emphasis on the practical application of humanistic spirit within society, recognizing the crucial guiding role of historical experiences. Confucius, in particular, held an open view of history, incorporating both praise and critique into his interpretation of past events, which embodied his unique philosophy of history and his critique of life. Confucius promoted the historiography from a special department of historiographers in the imperial temple to a free study of the civilian scholars, and advocated the communication between Confucian Classics and historiography. Mr. Qian Mu pointed out that the Chinese historical consciousness is deeply rooted in a human-oriented perspective. The self-awakening of Chinese historical consciousness is closely linked with the humanistic self-awakening of the ancient Chinese people, especially Duke Zhou and Confucius. In China, especially in Confucianism, history, nation and culture are unified. Nation is the nation of culture, culture is the culture of nation, and history is also the history of the nation and culture. Only from the historical perspective can nations and their cultures be fully understood. Chinese people’s emphasis on 16

Zhou Yi says: “All people under Heaven have the same goal, though they take different routes; they cherish the same concern, but they hold different views.” Confucius said: “Under Heaven, people have the same goal but they go by different routes.” This means that all things under Heaven rely on the same ontological entity. (Wang Fuzhi: Explanatory Notes to the Book of Changes)—translator’s note.

4.2 Confucian Scholarship and Chinese National Spirit

151

history, their interest in historiography, and the progression of historiography, especially the spirit of seeking the variability (bian) and the invariability (chang), are all rooted deeply in Confucianism, which is well stated in the phrases like “governing the country and illustrating the Way” ( jing shi ming dao), “reviewing the past so as to understand the present” ( jian gu zhi jin), and “exhaustively exploring what is gone so as to promisingly know what is to come” ( jiu wang qiong lai). The spirit of Chinese traditional emphasis on education originates from the Confucian Five Classics. In Mr. Qian Mu’s view, ancient Chinese people highly regarded self-cultivation as the primary way of molding a person, placing particular emphasis on attaining this self-cultivation by [following] moral persons. When studying the Scholarship of Confucian classics, the highest aspiration of Chinese people is to learn to be like Duke of Zhou and Confucius, to achieve a complete personality, and to reach the highest sphere of self-cultivation. It is just through education that the ancient Chinese culture and its spirit were passed on and carried forward from generation to generation. The Chinese nation has a long tradition of revering teachers and moral principles, and it is Confucianism that extended education to the folk society, made it rooted in the folk society, started the undertaking of free and private teachings, laid the scale of humanistic education and the foundation of building a country by education. The educational awareness among Chinese people is undoubtedly influenced by Confucianism or Confucian philosophy. The traditional Chinese spirit emphasizing unity and integration originated from the Five Confucian Classics (wujing). The cultural outlook for ancient Chinese people took the humanity as its foundation and applied it to enlightening the people and building a civilized world (hua cheng tian xia). The concept of “the world” (tianxia) reflected in the Five Confucian Classics (wujing) stands as the concept of continuous integration, expansion and renewal of nation and its culture. The Chinese culture, characterized by its inclusiveness and assimilational capacity, shows that the cultural concept of Chinese people is extremely broad-minded and eventually suitable for the world after all. This trait stems from a Confucian orientation, that is, cultural concepts are deeper than national concepts, and cultural territories are deeper than ethnic territories. The “harmonious integration” embodied by Chinese culture and Chinese character is greater than its “diversification.” Therefore, Chinese culture upholds tolerance, moderateness, and broad-mindedness, inclusiveness, absorbing everything that can further one’s creativity, and intercommunication, synthesis, cohesive wholeness, and mutual assimilation, and all these are basically the values advanced and upheld by Confucians.17 Mr. Qian Mu’s assertion that the essence of Chinese history and culture is deeply rooted in the Confucian ethos holds a solid foundation. After conducting an extensive study on the history of Chinese historical thought, he confidently stated: “The Confucian Scholarship is the mainstay of Chinese ideology,” and “The Confucian 17

For details, see Qian Mu, General Meaning of Chinese Learning, Taiwan Student Book Company, 1984, pp. 2–6; “Nation and Culture,” pp. 3, 29, 48; The Spirit of Chinese History, Hong Kong, 1964 (third edition), p. 136; “An Introduction to the History of Chinese Culture,” Shanghai Sanlian Bookstore, 1988, pp. 19, 120.

152

4 Humanist Spirit of Confucianism

Scholarship is the main backbone of Chinese culture.”18 In the history of Pre-Qin ideology, Confucius set the precedent for all subsequent philosophers representing various schools of thought. Confucius’ historical contribution lies not only in his specific achievements of thought, but also in his overall achievements of thought. He is not merely the successor of imperial learning but also the pioneer of a learning tradition established accessible to the common people, thereby influencing numerous philosophical schools. Confucius is the figure who inherits the past and opens up a new generation of learning tradition. It is just this special historical position that determines Confucius’ important role in various theories of the Pre-Qin philosophers. On the whole, the theories of Pre-Qin philosophers marked the self-awakening of the common people’s class consciousness during the Spring and Autumn Period, emerging as a result of the shift in academic focus towards the common people. Qian Mu believed that in traditional China, religion was politicized, and politics was ethicized. In other words, this signifies the substitution of divine authority with royal authority, and the subsequent tempering of royal authority through moral authority. The trend toward the civilian or folk scholars just evolved in accordance with this general trend of ancient culture, especially Confucianism. Confucianism values schools and education most, placing them above politics and religion. Confucianism has shifted its focus from advocating the unity of the monarch and Shangdi (God) to emphasizing the unity of the Way with the moral king or the unity of inner sageliness and outer kingliness. Confucianism particularly focuses on a humane Way of life or the Way of all people that seeks a peaceful and a harmonious world, in which all the people under Heaven are one family, equal, friendly, and supportive of each other. Under the infiltration of Confucius-Mencius’ Philosophy of Humanheartedness (renxue), Confucianism achieved the humanization of politics and religion, transforming ritualistic religion and divine rites into educational and humane practices. Mr. Qian Mu compared the similarities and differences among the three schools of Confucianism, Mohism and Taoism. He highlighted that both Mohism and Taoism in their visions and theories aim to transcend the individual self and seek a broader perspective. Mohism finds its foundation in Heaven, namely, Shangdi [High Heaven] and ghosts, while Taoism, as a nature-oriented philosophy, bases its teachings on phenomenal things, namely nature. Two schools of Mohism and Taoism have contributed many ideological works and great ideas. From both the origin of thought and the characteristics of its thought, Confucianism stands above Mo and Taoism. This is because Confucianism emerged directly from the history of Chinese society, and thus, it can best reflect and embody the reality of Chinese social history and the way of life, the way of moral conduct and the way of thinking of Chinese people. After the Pre-Qin period, thinkers of all dynasties, in general, established their own system of thought with Confucianism as the axis and integrated the ideas of other schools of thought. If we say Confucianism is characterized as positive, then Mohism and Taoism can be seen as negative, often emerging as critiques and supplements 18 Qian Mu, A History of Chinese thought, Taiwan Student Book Company, 1985, p. 171; Lectures and Manuscripts of New Asia Academy, Taipei Dongda Book Company, 1989, p. 417.

4.2 Confucian Scholarship and Chinese National Spirit

153

of Confucianism. If we say Confucianism is viewed as mostly constructive and enterprising, Mohism and Taoism are mainly socially critical. Regarding the summary of Pre-Qin academic ideology, Mr. Qian Mu thinks that its summary occured during the historical period spanning from the First Emperor of Qin Dynasty (qinshihuang) to Emperor Wu of Han Dynasty. Generally speaking, the unification of academic thoughts is accompanied by the unification of politics. Politically, the unification effort represented by Li Si (ca. 284 B.C.–208 B.C.) and centered around Legalism proved to be a failure by history, as evidenced by the demise of the Qin Dynasty. The unification represented by Dong Zhongshu (179 B.C.–104 B.C.) and centered around Confucianism was well-adapted to and effectively promoted the social development at that time. Its symbol was marked by the great success of the Han and Tang Dynasties. At that time, there were three paths for academic reconciliation and unification. One was to go beyond the schools of Confucianism, Mohism, Taoism and Legalism; the other was to take Taoism as the patriarch, and the third was to take Confucianism as the patriarch. The first path is represented by Lü Buwei (ca.292 B.C.–235 B.C.) and his followers, but they did not put forward higher theories than other various schools and did not have the capacity to absorb and merge the theories of various schools. Therefore, The Spring and Autumn of Duke Lü (lüshi chunqiu) is only a mixture of theories of various schools, a product of compromise of various schools, and cannot be regarded as a success. The second path is represented by Liu An (179 B.C.–122 B.C.) and his followers. Due to the limitations of Taoism itself, it was impossible to advance the positive historical trend of the time, so The Huai Nan Zi or The Works of Duke Huai Nan was not successful. The third path is represented by Confucianism and the authors of Yi Zhuan that appeared in this period, and The Great Learning (daxue), The Doctrine of the Mean (Zhong Yong), The Evolutions of Rituals (liyun), Institutions of a King (wangzhi), Records of Music (yueji), and Confucian Norms (ruxing), which were all contained in The Book of Rites (liji). They are all dominated by Confucian ideology, absorbing significant concepts from Mohism, Taoism, Legalism, and the Yin-Yang Advocates (yin yang jia), and seamlessly integrating them into the Confucian framework to forge a novel system of thought. For example, Yi Zhuan and Zhong Yong made up for the Confucianism’s lack of attentiveness to the universe and nature, absorbed Taoism, and constructed a system of thought that unifies the Heavenly Way and the Humanly Way, the universe and human life, nature and culture. Yi Zhuan and Zhong Yong have drawn on Lao Zi (Lao Tzu)’s and Zhuang Zi (Chuang Tzu)’s philosophy of nature to elucidate the humanistic concept of Confucius and Mencius, whose cosmology is a moral cosmology. The Great Learning (daxue) and The Evolutions of Rituals (liyun) are similarly virtue-oriented, expressing the tradition of Confucius and Mencius in a concise and systematic way, enhancing the status of Tao/Dao, and integrating Taoist ideas and Mohist emphasis on thought of material and economic life. This not only demonstrates the inclusivity of Confucianism but also underscores that its backbone position in the history of Chinese ideology is neither self-declared nor politically endorsed. Rather, it is a natural outcome shaped by Chinese history and societal

154

4 Humanist Spirit of Confucianism

preferences. The reason lies in the fact that the essence of the Confucian Scholarship resonates deeply with the realities of Chinese society and history.19

Dong Zhongshu

Qian Mu stated: “Chinese traditional culture, at its core, is a humanitarian and moral spirit.”20 “The reason Chinese traditional humanistic spirit can serve as a substitute for a religious function rests with its exceptional emphasis on moral value. The moral concept of Chinese people is rooted in human heart and nature (xin-xing) inside, while attributed to Heaven (tian) outside.”21 In Qian Mu’s view, Mencius’ saying that “He who completely develops his heart knows his nature. He who knows his nature knows Heaven [Mandate]” is directly acquired from Confucius. Qian Mu emphasized: “Mencius argues for the goodness of human nature, which is the only essential belief in the humanistic spirit of Chinese traditional culture. Only by believing in the inherent goodness of human nature can human nature tend to be good. Only by believing that human nature is bound to be good can the Way of human be possible. The only foundation for the way the Chinese people get along with others is the belief in the goodness inherent in human nature.”22 Thereupon, Zhu Xi commented: “Mencius’ proposal that human nature is inherently good has made a profound contribution to humanity.” (Zhu Xi: An Introduction to Mencius). Qian Mu emphasized that “goodness” represents the ultimate ideal within human life and society. If staying from goodness and leaning towards evil, tideals within all life and society will be lost. Hence, it is the highest moral belief for the Chinese people to strive for utmost goodness by fully developing one’s intuitive nature; it is the universal religion for the Chinese people to practice non- harm to all near and far, to perform all good for others, deriving joy from such deeds, and to pursue all that is virtuous under Heaven. Since one’s life aims to achieve the highest goodness, and then achieve the highest goodness of the universe, he can ultimately achieve the unity of Human and Nature, that is, being unified in the only word “goodness.” The Chinese people have built the Humanly Way (rendao) on the word “goodnes,” 19

For further information, please see Qian Mu, A History of Chinese Thought, Taiwan Student Book Company, 1985, pp. 86–110. 20 Qian Mu, Nationality and Culture, Hong Kong New Asia College, 1962, p. 32. 21 Ibid., p. 25. 22 Ibid., p. 25.

4.2 Confucian Scholarship and Chinese National Spirit

155

and also the Heavenly Way (tiandao) on the Humanly Way. The Humanly Way (rendao) refers to “cultivating oneself (the cosmic heart),” “regulating the family,” “governing the state,” and “bringing peace to the world under Heaven,” all of which should be completed within human society. The Humanly Way (rendao) embodies the essence of goodness, and its ultimate moral aspiration is to attain the utmost goodness. Thereupon, Chinese cultural spirit, in short, is primarily a humanistic moral spirit.”23 Morality is in everyone and in everyone’s heart. Confucian culture aspires for moral spirit to shape our environment, rather than allowing the environment to manipulate humanlife and personality. Morality is inherent in everyone’s life and personality, reflecting true life and genuine feelings. “This moral-based spirit perpetually radiates brightness in the human world. The Chinese people know that this moral spirit has indeed become the historical spirit of Chinese nation, which is the most valuable part of the historical spirit of Chinese nation.”24 In short, Qian Mu believes that this moralbased spirit is an internal ideal that Chinese people pursue, and the embodiment of an ideal personality that Chinese people actively and enterprisingly strive for and attain to. It is under this precondition that Qian Mu claimed that “Chinese culture is a culture centered on both individual self and morality. This does not imply that the Chinese disregard material achievements; rather, it emphasizes that all material pursuits should be inherently grounded in morality. This is what is called peopleorientedness and self cultivation-centeredness, culminating in the utmost goal of serving and benefiting all people under heaven.”25 What is called people-orientedness and self cultivation-centeredness means to start with self-cultivation and regard it as a primary unit and ultimately practice the consistent principle of governing a whole spectrum of “self-regulating, family establishing, country ruling, and world harmonizing” (xiushen qijia zhiguo pingtianxia). Qian Mu emphasized that humanistic cultivation in traditional Chinese culture is the mainstay of Chinese culture, and the so-called humanistic center and moral spirit must start from this mainstay. Mr. Qian quoted The Great Learning (daxue) as saying: “As a ruler, he must dwell in humanheartedness (ren). As a subject, he must dwell in loyalty to his ruler. As a son, he must dwell in filial piety to his parents. As a father, he must dwell in kindness to his children. In dealings with other people near and afar, he must dwell in good faith,” which is deemed, by him, as the chief compendium of humanistic cultivation. He pointed out: “What is called by humane culture (renwen) is that we should know the unity of family, society, country and the world. To be a human, one must complete himself in the crowd, in the family, in the society, in the country, and even in the world under Heaven. To be a human, one must complete himself through his personal effort, but this personal effort is quite different from so-called individualism. To be a human through this personal effort, one must complete himself by placing him in a group of people, but this is also quite different from so-called collectivism. To be a human, one must be a human of virtue, and he must also possess the “five 23

Ibid., p. 29. Qian Mu, The Spirit of Chinese History, Hong Kong, 1964 (Third Edition), p. 104. 25 Ibid., p. 136. 24

156

4 Humanist Spirit of Confucianism

virtues” (leniency, courtesy, benefit, human-heartedness and respectfulness). … In the family, he must show kindness to his children and filial piety to his parents. In any setting, whether it be the country, the crowd or any organization, he must behave in accordance with human-heartedness and reverence. In dealings with others, he must behave in accordance with truthfulness. Hence, the spirit of Chinese traditional culture lies in the life practice, in the moral cultivation of life practice, and in the moral significance of education.”26 We can see herein that Confucian humanistic spirit is essentially concerned with human moral spirit, which rests in each individual, and extends to the family, the country, and the world. In other words, through education and self-cultivation, each individual fulfills their respective duty within the family, the country, and the global community, By maintaining virtuous relationships with others, we ultimately attain the ideal realm where “all the people under Heaven are one family.” Qian Mu believes that the ultimate ideal of Chinese culture is to make it possible that the whole life, the whole society, even the whole world, and the whole universe are full of filial piety, kindness, human-heartedness, and reverence, which is an actualization of the human-centered moral spirit. In Qian Mu’s view, both knowledge and power are tools in service of human life. It is not life itself, only human moral spirit is the true life of human, and also the true life of history and culture. Thereupon, if we want to understand the history and culture of a nation, we must also understand it through the moral spirit of a nation. Obviously, Qian Mu regards moral spirit as a driving force to promote history and culture, as well as a foundation for a human to settle down in life.

Ancient Jade Cong. Its shape symbolizes the square sky and the round earth (Ancient Chinese believed that Heaven is round, while Earth is square. Heaven revolves, accommodates and harmonizes, while Earth, in contrast, is motionless, firm, and straightforward). Qian Mu used two propositions to summarize the essence of Confucian Philosophy: one is “the unity of Heaven and Human,” and the other is “the unity of Heavenly Way and Humanly Way.” First, regarding the unity of Heaven and Human (tian ren he yi), Qian Mu said: “Human heart (renxin or cosmic heart) is born with human, and its great origin 26

Qian Mu, Nationality and Culture, Hong Kong New Asia College, 1962, pp. 32–33.

4.2 Confucian Scholarship and Chinese National Spirit

157

comes from Heaven, so the ultimate accomplishment in human’s self-cultivation is expected to reach the oneness of Heaven and Human.” Again he said: “Chinese traditional culture is centered on the humanistic spirit, but its ultimate ideal is to reach the realm of the oneness of Heaven and Human, or to achieve the oneness of heart, human nature, and Heaven. Such a state of spirituality can be achieved through selfcultivation of morality, enabling one to transcend the limitations imposed by family, country, and world, thereby achieving a higher plane of existence. An individual who has reached such a state has already risen beyond the confines of the crowd and risen up to the state of universe, or the state of God, or the state of Heaven. Even so, such an individual is still the one who transcends the human realm without leaving it, and only by not leaving the human realm can he transcend the human realm.”27 According to Mencius, if you have a heart to expand and share grace with both your family members and the people in the world, you can unite the four seas at your disposal; if not, you cannot secure your wife and children. The ancient saints excelled in this expansion of good-wished heart. This universal and religious love generated from family experience has become the mainstay faith of the Chinese nation, which is idealized as the Confucian motto “self regulating, family establishing, country ruling and world harmonizing.” The Chinese tradition places the utmost importance on the inherent qualities of a person, rather than their specific capacity. Like a natural being, every individual is expected to integrate himself with all other beings in the universal nature,which is refered to as “cosmological harmony” (zhonghe) in Confucian classics. When synthesizing the main spirit of Chinese Confucian Classics, Qian Mu said: “Firstly, the concept of the unity of Heaven and Human, as the highest and lofty belief in the truth of the universe and the truth of life, is the most celebrated and valued in the Five Confucian Classics, and the Confucian Classics become the main source of this belief. Secondly, the history-based humanistic spirit, which also locates its spiritual source in the Confucian Classics, enables Confucian scholars to infer that there exists an inherently consistent truth within the evolution of human history, and this truth remains unchanging even in the vicissitudes of the historical process, where we can enumerate a galaxy of eye-catching figures and their undertakings that represent this truth and its lessons and hold us with a feeling of respect and yearning.”28 In other words, one can reach the transcendent world without leaving the actual world, and one can go beyond the scope of the human world even if he lives in the actual world, getting rid of the swelling world and achieving spiritual detachment and liberation. Chinese tradition holds that a holy sage (shengren) can reach this state, and meanwhile, a holy sage or saint is also a human. That “Everyone can achieve a Confucian Sagehood” is to say that everyone can be up to the state of the unity of Heaven and Human through self-moral cultivation. Mencius said: “Just as compass and ruler are instruments for squares and circles, sages are models for human’s ethical behavior.” (Mencius, Li LouI) To be an ideal person or a holy sage, one should complete himself in the actual society and actual life or one must do so 27 28

Ibid., p. 31. Qian Mu, General Meaning of Chinese Learning, Taiwan Student Book Company, 1984, p. 13.

158

4 Humanist Spirit of Confucianism

within the human bonds. To accept this humanistic spirit, one must be familiar with history and at the same time have a spirit similar to religion, that is, the so-called “harmony between Human and Heaven.” The ultimate ideal of traditional Chinese culture is to make everyone possess all virtues and achieve ideal personality through the effort of self-cultivation, so that the human society can also achieve the great unity and great peace, and the actual society can also be transformed into an ideal society of transcendence, that is, the Kingdom of Heaven, the divine world and the ideal universe. According to Qian Mu, the concept of “the Oneness of Heaven and Human” not only refers to the oneness of Nature and humanity, but also the oneness of this world and the transcendent world, the oneness of what is and what should be, the oneness of what is actual and what is idealistic, especially the oneness of what is transcendent and what is internal in human, the oneness of the pious belief in the Heavenly Way and the active accountability for the ethical relations of the present life, and the unity of the ultimate concern and the actual concern. Now regarding the concept of “the Unity of Heavenly Way and the Humanly Way” (xing dao he yi). The concept of “the Unity [Integration or Harmony]of Heavenly Way and the Humanly Way” is actually “the unity of Heaven and Human,” because nature (xing: referring to the inherent nature of human beings and all things, rather than the acquired result) is something endowed by Heaven, and Way/Tao/dao (referring to the rules that govern human activities) is achieved by human or human effort. When Chinese people talk about morality, they always seek the origin from inherent attributes that all people share. In other words, the source of moral value not only rests in human heart, but also in the heart of Heaven (cosmic heart). Thereupon, the majority of Confucians hold that human nature in itself possesses a basic sense of human-heartedness (ren), righteousness (yi), ritual(li) and wisdom (zhi), and they together constitute a human’s virtuous nature. The Doctrine of the Mean (zhong yong) said: “What Heaven has bestowed upon human is called human nature. Acting on this moral nature is called the Way, and self-cultivation through this moral nature is called education.” The “Way” refers to the Humanly Way, human life or human culture, which is a much higher synthesis of all different aspects of human life and human culture. And the “self-cultivation by this moral nature is called education or teaching” which is also a Way. The “Way” spoken of by Chinese people not only refers to external cultural phenomena, but also refers to the noumenon of human life, namely, the internal meaning and value of human life. The most valued aspect about Chinese culture is that it knows and values the Way. Then where does the Way come from? The Way is human-oriented and humanistic, but the great source of the Way originates in Heaven. “Nature” (xing) seems to have the implication of motivation, yearning and inevitable intention [however, good human nature does not automatically constitute virtuous conduct. People need to continuously cultivate good human nature in order to develop virtuous conduct]. Qian Mu said: “Chinese traditional culture holds that the Humanly Way (ren dao) should be shown up in human nature (ren xing). Later scholars regarded human virtue as the heavenly law or moral manifested in human nature. Acting in accordance with human nature is therefore viewed as following the heavenly law. The Western scientists focus only on nature, while Chinese people think that only when thing (wu) possesses its thingness

4.2 Confucian Scholarship and Chinese National Spirit

159

can its principles be sought.29 Yi Jing says: “The universe comes first, and then everything comes into being and fills up the universe.” In Writings of Cheng Brothers (Er Cheng Yi Shu) it is said: “Everything exists according to its objective law but all things must follow the common law.” Comparatively speaking, the theologians in the West only talk about God, while Chinese people say that Heaven gives rise to all things in the world, and all things are endowed with their own nature (xing). Nature is bestowed upon all things and humans by Heaven. In other words, nature is generated from Heaven, so in The Doctrine of the Mean (zhong yong) it is said: “What Heaven has bestowed upon human is called human nature.”30 The Chinese people value human nature above everything else. The ancient Chinese people believe that “nature” (xing) is beyond something physical and physiological, and is different from the concept of “nature” in the West. All activities of human life are profoundly rooted in human nature, which is originated in Heaven (tian). Nature (xing) that is evolved from Heavenly nature (tianxing) and deeply rooted in human’s inner heart is a universal which is possessed by all people. “Nature (xing) can be divided into different development stages: “nature” of goodness, “nature” of absolute true self, and “nature” of utmost fulfillment of one’s nature. Nature also varies from one to one: someone is given with “nature” by Heaven and someone acquires his “nature” through his self-cultivation, which is a continuous and consistent discovery and development of human nature. And all conducts that come out of nature (xing) are called the [humanly] Way. Since human nature is the same, the Humanly Way can also be the same. “The Chinese people say that acting upon the [human] nature is called the Way, and they want to develop the human nature to the point where everyone is perfect and flawless. This is known as the fulfillment of one’s nature. When one fulfills his own nature, he must fulfill the nature of others; and when one fulfills the nature of others, he must fulfill the nature of all things. This is the theory that the Chinese people have proposed about “nature” or “human nature.”31 In other words, what the Chinese pursue is the trinity of “fulfillment of one’s own nature,” “fulfillment of others’ nature” and “fulfillment of all things’ nature.” To some extent, it can also be said that the unity of the three is the best interpretation of the “Unity of Heaven and Human.” In a certain sense, Chinese Confucianism has been integrated as a unity among cosmology, epistemology, and value orientation. Such unity, termed as “the integration between heaven and human”(tian ren he yi) of Chinese genre, reveals the feature of evolution in its cosmology as opposed to creation in the West, the intuitional feature combining objective knowledge and subjective experience in its epistemology instead of stark objective knowledge of the West, and universal 29

Thing (wu) usually denotes an existence in the universe that has a form or an image. In general, thing (wu) in the Chinese language has three different meanings. First, it refers to any concrete existence, encompassing all natural and man-made objects, all organisms and human affairs. Second, it covers interpersonal matters and activities such as taking care of one’s parents, entering politics, or managing state affairs，etc. - translator’s note. 30 Qian Mu, Twelve Lectures on Chinese Culture (Third Edition), Taipei Dongda Book Company, 1987, p. 9. 31 Qian Mu, Twelve Lectures on Chinese Culture (Third Edition), 1987, Taipei Dongda Book Company, p. 12.

160

4 Humanist Spirit of Confucianism

incarnation for each individual as sage in its value orientation other than exclusive holy reincarnated Being in Christian tradition. Mr. Qian Mu emphasizes that the Chinese view of human nature is not exclusively rational. Chinese people value true feelings (xingqing) over rationality. Only when one possesses his true feelings may he produce his conduct, and his conduct return to his own true heart again, which is called “virtue.” Human’s all conducts move outward, for example, showing filial piety to parents, and in the meanwhile, his conduct for filial piety also affects his inner heart, and this is the manifestation of “virtue.” Qian Mu said: “All conducts originate from one’s own inner nature and finally dwells in his inner heart, thus completing his inner virtue of becoming a full human, which, therefore, is often called “virtuous nature” by Chinese people. … The Chinese people believe that human’s conduct is not only manifested outwardly, but also rests in human’s inner heart, which becomes a human’s moral character or virtuous nature. Nature (xing) is innately born, and virtue is externally acquired; virtue and nature (de-xing) is unified in one, just as the Heavenly Way and the Humanly Way is unified in one. Thus, Chinese people often put Tao and De together and call them Dao De.”32 Therefore, The Book of Rites (liji) says: “A person of virtue should revere the virtuous nature and consistently pursue the knowledge of the Way so that he will acquire extensive knowledge and gain command of the Way in an in-depth way, and thus he is able to master and observe the doctrine of the mean.” (Zhong Yong in Liji).

Based on the above discourses on “unity between Heaven and Human” and “unity between the Heavenly Waye and the Humanly Way,” it becomes evident that the moral spirit of Confucian humanism has its deep roots and foundations. The moral spirit of Confucian humanism bears three primary traits. First and foremost, Confucian humanism is an inherent humanism thus, it is apt to say that “Chinese culture is humanity-centered, focusing on personal fulfillment. When individuals pursue this ideal, they collectively shape an ideal society. Humanity moves outward, its origin lies within.”33 Chinese culture is concerned with human true feelings and morality, and morality springs from human’s true feelings, which is again the “unity between 32 33

Ibid. Ibid., p. 13.

4.2 Confucian Scholarship and Chinese National Spirit

161

the Heavenly Waye and the Humanly Way. Secondly, a humanism characterized by Chinese traditional culture is not an oligarchic humanism, but “aims to pursue the unity of nature and human. […] In the view of Chinese people, xing is nature, and all Ways/Principles are produced by xing (Heavenly Way), which means the unity of nature and humanity. In other words, it is the unity of Heaven and Human.”34 Chinese humanism holds that human should fully develop his inner nature, and further fully develop the nature of others, and even all things in Heaven, making Heaven, Earth, Human and All things in the world flourish in their roles, and settle down peacefully in their places, and get along with one another gracefully and magnanimously. Thirdly, Chinese humanism is deeply rooted in the primitive Chinese religion’s belief in Tian (Heaven) and Shangdi (Heavenly God), and its pious and utmost sincerity to the Heavenly Mandate, the Heavenly Way, and the Heavenly Nature (tian xing). Chinese humanism speaks of human without breaking with Heaven, and speaks of the Humanly Way without breaking with the Heavenly Way. Thus, this humanistic moral spirit is also religious. That is the very reason why the Doctrine of the Mean underlines its first sentence as “The universal nature has been destined by heaven’s mandate,” which indicates that secular human nature is initiatively bestowed with sacredness of Heaven and this sacred initiative is also deeply rooted in human nature enabling him to motivate himself, to verify his holy nature, to experience the mandate of Heaven and to finally unify himself with Heaven. To sum up, Chinese humanism is characterized by the pursuit of unity between inside and outside, nature and humanity, and morality and religion, which is different from the Western humanism. Without understanding these characteristics, it is impossible to define the Chinese national spirit. Qian Mu said that the highest belief of Chinese people is the oneness of Heaven, Earth and Human. Borrowing a term from Christianity, it is akin to the trinity of Heaven, Earth and Human. The work of Heaven and Earth is to nourish all things, and human being is part of all things. But in the meanwhile, the Chinese people think that human beings should not only be nurtured, but also able to assist Heaven and Earth in growing and nurturing all things. This belief is not possessed by other major religions. The belief of any ethnic group or religion in the world always believes that there are two worlds, one is the human, earthly or material, physical world, and the other is the divine, heavenly or spiritual world. The Chinese people believe in only one world. They believe that Heaven and Earth are nature, with physical properties as well as divine properties. Heaven and earth are one God, but they are also physical. Heaven and Earth produce all things. All things between Heaven and Earth possess physical properties, and they also possess divinity, especially human beings. In this world thingness is in God and God in thingness. Human and all things have their inner nature, which is bestowed upon by Heaven. Heaven dwells in humans and all things. That humans and all things fully act on their own nature is known as the Way. In the Chinese concept, human is united with god, and human is also god. In other words, human is Heaven. Human’s goodness is the nature bestowed upon by 34

Qian Mu, Twelve Lectures on Chinese Culture, Third Edition, 1987, Taipei Dongda Book Company, p. 14.

162

4 Humanist Spirit of Confucianism

Heaven, which human naturally possesses. If human can develop the goodness of this nature, he is both sagely and divine. This is what is called by the oneness of the Heavenly Way and the Humanly Way, the oneness of Heaven and Human, the oneness of human culture and cosmic nature, and the oneness of the divine world and the human world. Everything humans do embodies the will of Heaven, and his whole life embodies the Heavenly Way. Therefore, the unity of Heaven and Human embodies the ultimate belief of Chinese culture, while the unity of culture and nature embodies the ultimate ideal of Chinese culture.35 According to Qian Mu’s understanding, what is lacking in the history of Chinese ideology is a religion similar to Christianity that is unitary and externally transcendental. However, China has a humanistic religion (ren wen jiao) that encourages people to be engaged in the actual world. The highest advancement of Confucian ideology is bound to have this religious spirit as its unceasing fountainhead. Everyone can become a sage like Yao and Shun, which is the highest belief and the highest conviction of this humanistic religion. This humanistic religion regards an ideal society as its paradise, and a real family and a real society as its church. To create an ideal society, we must first create an ideal inner world and a spiritual life common to all humans. Such a state of inner heart is just what Confucius named as humanheartedness, what Mencius named as human goodness, and what Yangming named as intuitive knowledge or innate human faculty (liangzhi). As long as we all achieve such an inner heart, each of us has already lived in an ideal society. This is just the starting point of an ideal society. Only when each of us reaches this state of inner heart and life can such a society be completely realized. This is the highest possibility of human cultural ideal. A life that reaches this state of heart and life is a life that leads to immortality. This human life practice promoted by Confucianism must inevitably bring with it the Chinese traditional religious spirit, that is, the spirit of humanistic religion that encourages people to promote their spiritual cultivation within society and the human world. The focus and value of Confucian ideology lies in proposing a common principle for human beings to solve their own problems. On the one hand, such a principle is founded on human’s heart-nature (xinxing), founded on human’s society, and historical experience, which is therefore most close and pragmatic to humans. On the other hand, Confucianism’s ultimate concern exhibits religious character, grounded in the Heavenly Mandate and personal experience. “Tian” (Heaven), “Tianming” (Heavenly Mandate) and “Tian Dao” (Heavenly Way) are the origin of all things in the universe and human life, the source of value for the meaning of human life, as well as the source of all values. Confucianism’s thorough understanding of life and death and spiritual transcendence over this mundane world and death are based on Tian (Heaven), Tian Dao (Heaven Way), Tianming (Heavenly Mandate) and its stipulations on what makes a human. Although Confucians do have a very strong sense of worldly concern, they are still interested in metaphysical problems within

35

Qian Mu, Twelve Lectures on Chinese Culture (Third Edition), 1987, Taipei Dongda Book Company, pp. 83–85.

4.2 Confucian Scholarship and Chinese National Spirit

163

their worldly affirmation, that is, ultimately final concern or what is known as supermoral values. For example, in order to safeguard his human dignity and moral rights or Confucian principles, a Confucian will unhesitatingly “prioritize human-heartedness over human body and sacrifice his life to obtain righteousness”(sha sheng cheng ren, she sheng qu yi). A Confucian bears it as his sublime belief to “take upon himself the responsibility for the world” and “save the people in disasters,” to take it as his personality quality to become ultimately sincere and honest, most devotional and godly, and takes it as the Way of settling down in his spiritual pursuit that he establishes him by fully developing his heart and knowing his nature, preserving his heart and nourishing his nature, and “No matter whether his life span is long or short, he does not change his attitude, but just cultivates his character and waits for his doomed fate,” (Mencius, ch.13, Exercising Mind to the Utmost)” which all show that he who possesses such qualities has a religious character. A Confucian’s sense of mission, sense of responsibility, spirit of leadership, consciousness of suffering, and practice with vigor, especially his ultimate commitment to belief and faith, all have their theoretical justification for transcendence. In a word, we need to rediscover, re-recognize, and re-interpret the spiritual value of Confucian “Heavenly Mandate Theory” (tianminglun) and Confucian “Heart-Nature Theory” (xinxing lun). Chinese intellectuals, like Qian Mu and etc., never forget “being cautious in being a human throughout his life.” He said: “Despite decades of loneliness, poverty and hunger, I have remained unchanged in my study of Chinese ancient and modern scholarship, especially working hard in the study of the Song-Ming Confucian Scholarship. Though living in an out-of-the-way country, I have never dared to quit learning for one day. Though being in dire situation, I have never dared to lay down my desired goal. Even though fame and gain being in front of my eyes, I would never dare to be tempted. Even though praise and blame would happen to me unexpectedly, I have never dared to become discouraged in the least. Though I am not good enough to be self-established in academic scholarship, I have never dared to forget the teachings of our ancient Confucians, and I have always been holding them in high esteem and take them as role models. Though being in my declining years, I have never forgotten to devote my meager strength to my country, my nation, and my people, still harboring the feeling that every human has a commitment to his country.”36 Qian Mu adhered to the highest belief and ultimate ideal of Confucianism all his life. Until the advanced age of 96, just three months before his passing, he continued to “ponder deeply” on the highest proposition of Confucian philosophy—the “oneness of Heaven and Human,” and felt “immensely gratified” for his final “thorough comprehension” of this principle. From Qian Mu’s life, we can also see the effect of religious complex of Confucian humanistic religion on Chinese intellectuals’ spiritual sphere. Qian Mu attaches great importance to the objective foundation of Confucian Scholarship in the social and cultural life style of traditional China. In particular, under the background of water-filled region, agricultural civilization, one unified

36

Qian Mu, An Author’s Preface to An Overview of Neo-Confucianism in Song and Ming Dynasties.

164

4 Humanist Spirit of Confucianism

world, four-people-based society (si min she hui),37 civilian-based governance (wenzhi), gallery officials (langli)38 or imperial civil examination system, Confucian culture is absolutely not dispensable. In other words, there is an objective basis for the emergence and development of Confucian Scholarship and its becoming the axis of Chinese civilization for thousands of years. On the other hand, corresponding to this, the Confucian value system is latent and infiltrated in the daily life of the vast majority of Chinese people, and it is the sages that who organized these latent values into a cohensive system. As Mr. Yu Yingshi (1930 A.D.–2021 A.D.) emphasized, Mr. Qian Mu concretized and historicalized Zhang Xuecheng (1738 A.D.–1801 A.D.)’s concept that “Sages learn from everyone,” that is why he has gone all out studying the Confucian culture and its value system that have been continuously updated with the change and development of objective reality of social life for the past two thousand years. Qian Mu affirmed that the Heart-Nature Theory is the “guiding outline” of Chinese scholarship, and country-ruling and world-harmonizing (zhi guo ping tian xia) is the “political constancy” of Chinese typed scholarship. He claimed that the traditional ideology in Chinese history is that society is led by politics and politics is led by scholarship, and scholarship starts from the bottom of society and is not controlled by government. As mentioned above, such a humanistic spirit that focuses on people and values people’s place in society contains the spirit of religion and takes the place of the function of religion. Chinese traditional scholarship may be divided into two cardinal outlines: “One is the Heart-Nature Scholarship, and the other is the CountryRuling and World-Harmonizing Scholarship. The Heart-Nature Scholarship is also known as the Scholarship of Morality and Nature (de xing zhi xue), namely, the Scholarship of Rectifying One’s Heart and Being Sincere (cheng) in One’s Thought (zheng xin cheng yi zhi xue), which belongs to the aspect of self-cultivation in one’ true feelings, inner heart and personal sphere.” “The Country-Ruling and WorldHarmonizing Scholarship is known as the Scholarship of History (shixue), which is also a scholarship of social practice, like the Heart-Nature Scholarship. But we can also say that the Heart-Nature Scholarship belongs to an effort in self-cultivation, while the Scholarship of History and the Country-Ruling and World-Harmonizing Scholarship belong to social practice as well. After attaining a certain cultivation of mentality, we must put it into the crowd for practice. Only when we put it into the crowd for practice can we complete our effort of heart-nature cultivation. These two

37

SI Min She Hui/four-people based society refers to the social formation unique to traditional China, consisting of four primary social groups: shi/shiren, peasants, artisans and merchants. This social formation is also the main feature and significant symbol of traditional Chinese society which is distinct from Western feudal society. The prototype of the four people society existed as early as the Western Zhou Dynasty, and it was formally produced during the process of the disintegration of the enfeoffment system, which appeared roughly around the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period. —translator’s note. 38 In ancient China, 廊吏(langli), which may be translated into “gallery officials” or “corridor officials,” refers to petty officials at all levels of government. For example, there were warders in prisons and tax collectors all over the country.— translator’s note.

4.2 Confucian Scholarship and Chinese National Spirit

165

cardinal outlines interact with each other, and they can be spoken of separately but cannot be actually separated.”39 Qian Mu believes that the true life or the true spirit advocated by the Confucian Scholarship constitutes the “living force” that propels the advancement and growth of our nation, its history, and culture, enabling us to triumph over darkness and embrace brightenment. Regrettably, since May 4th Movement in China, many narrow-minded scholars saw this “living force” as “resistance of development” and “burden of ideology.” Qian Mu criticized this trend of thought that defamed the spirit of traditional Confucian Scholarship as “radicalism” or “radical ideology,” and believed that this trend of ideology had “lost its positive orientation,” and the more easier it spreads and becomes popular, the more easily it became extreme.”40 He has repeatedly dismissed this trend as ignorance and distortion of our own country’s history. For example, to simplify traditional Chinese society by labeling it as “feudalism” and the ancient political system by labeling it as “dictatorship,” and to say that “China is a historical stage behind the West,” is basically to “adopt the style of others and compels ourselves to fit into their framework” and to “dismiss the uniquness of our own culture.” He added: “Emperor Wu (156 B.C.–87 B.C.) of Han officially endorsed the Six Confucian Classics (liujing), and outlawed all non- Confucian schools of thought, thereby establishing Confucianism as the orthodox ideology in traditional China. From then on, scholarship appeared to be focused solely on one ideology. However, upon closer examination, this assertion proves untrue.” “It is often assumed that the emperors of China exploited Confucianism as a tool to enforce their despotic rule over the people. This misconception is particularly absurd.”41 In numerous works, Qian Mu effectively refuted these paradoxical claims with historical facts. The Confucian Scholarship not only provides the theory of the coordinated development of Heaven, Earth, Human, Things and Selves, being conducive to protecting the ecological environment of human existence, but also aids in solving the problems of human’s spiritual settlement and ultimate care in today’s depravity of humanity. Modern people lack nourishment for their soul and spiritual sustenance for their life. Modern science and technology civilization cannot replace modern individuals in actively contemplating the profoun questions related to the meaning and value of life and death. Science provides us with rational, logical, empirical, measurable, and replicable tools and technologies essential for effective functioning in life, while spirituality intills love, compassion, generosity, and a sense of mutuality. We need both of them indeed. Without the spiritual dimensions of value, vision, ethics, and aesthetics to guide us, we will be led astray by science and technology. The Confucian Scholarship, especially its metaphysical ontology of human-heartedness (ren) and 39

Qian Mu, Methodology on Chinese History Research, Taipei East University Book Company, 1988, p. 72. 40 See Luo Yijun, “Qian Mu’s Inspection of the New Cultural Movement”, Collection of Modern Neo-Confucianism Research (2), China Social Sciences Press, 1991. 41 Qian Mu, Methodology on Chinese History Research, Taipei University of Technology, 1988, p. 76.

166

4 Humanist Spirit of Confucianism

sincerity or the ultimate trueness (integrity, cheng), cosmology, heart-nature scholarship, human ethic relations theory, ideal personality theory, theory of cultivation in body and heart, theory of life value orientation, and etc., can enlarge our spiritual space, avoiding unitization and planarization of value, avoiding the one-sidedness of the value goal preset by Western “modernity,” and criticizing the hyperinflation of instrumental rationality. The Confucian Way of settling down in spiritual life can enrich our lives, enhance our personalities, invigorate our souls, alleviate our anxieties, release our inner tensions, transcend material obsession, reignite our pursuit of humanistic ideals, enabling individuals to embrace a truly human life. Undoubtedly, the Confucian spirit will play an increasingly important role in the society and lives of the twenty-first century. The vitality of the Confucian Scholarship still remains in the folk society. The Confucian Scholarship has a civilian character and is a folk-based scholarship. For thousands of years, it represents the conscience or intuitive knowledge (liangzhi) of society, and bears the moral principle of society. It restricts and regulates political rule (zhengtong) and governance rule (zhi tong) of traditional Chinese society by virtue of the Confucian Orthodoxy (daotong), namely, its “leadership spirit.” Confucian Scholarship’s foundation rests in its free teachings in the folk society. With the modernization of industry and Commerce in China, folk academy, folk research institute and folk peer publications have been inevitably flourishing. Confucian Scholarship must be able to adapt to the evolution of modern life, reconnect with the people, take deep root among the people. Today, similar dedication is necessary to facilitate the shift from emphasizing the Five Classics tradition to the Four Books tradition. Undoubtedly, Confucian spirit will achieve a triumphant modern transformation. The creative transformation of the Confucian Scholarship (ruxue) in modern society will surely aids in promoting the harmonious development among nature, society, and human life, whle addressing the decline in national and human quality, as well as preventing the dissolution of ethnic identity. A person or a race or an ethnic group must have its own spiritual root and ground, and thus possess its own ultimate belief. Confucian resources are important spiritual food for China and the global community in the twenty-first century. This brings to mind the prophecy made by the renowned twentieth Century British historian Arnold Joseph Toynbee (1889 A.D.–1975 A.D.) regarding Chinese civilization. Toynbee held the belief that the future of mankind lies in East Asia, and that Chinese civilization will provide invaluable cultural treasures and resources for the upcoming transformation of the world and the human society in the twenty-first century.

Chapter 5

Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

During the long-term development of East Asian society, the Confucian Scholarship has formed various schools and ideological trends with rich and diverse value demands under the unique spatio-temporal environment and ethnic cultural background. In China, Korea, and Japan alone, Confucian masters of ages throughout history have their different emphasis. As for the social life or cultural traditions of different regions, nations, and the times in East Asia, the differences between folk beliefs, faiths and vivalues, and the major cultural traditions cannot be calculable. It is difficult for us to generalize all these complicated problems. Why the Confucian Scholarship is viewed as the Confucian Scholarship or why the Confucian value system is viewed as the Confucian value system, of course, has its unique manifestations, alongside a consistent and central principle. Nowadays, many articles delve into the particularities of moral values across China, Korea, and Japan. In this context, I aim to explore the core values, universal ethics or central categories shared by Chinese, Korean, and Japanese Confucians, and briefly outline their contemporary significance.

5.1 Central Concepts of Chinese Confucianism Relatively speaking, some ideological categories or virtuous items such as humanheartedness and love (ren-ai), sincerity and respectfulness (cheng-jing), loyalty and tolerence (zhong-shu), filial piety and brotherliness (xiao-ti), and faithfulness and righteousness (xin-yi) constitute the contents that are shared by China, Korea, and Japan in the history of the Confucian Scholarship (ruxue). Let’s start with the Chinese Confucian Scholarship (zhong guo ru xue). According to the “Four Books” and The Work of Xun Zi, the core values recognized by Confucian scholars spanning from

© Fudan University Press 2024 Q. Guo, The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4799-7_5

167

168

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

Han to Song and Ming dynasties were generally developed on the basis of humanheartedness and love (ren-ai). These categories were human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, faithfulness, filial piety, brotherliness, loyalty, forgiveness, sincerity and respectfulness, etc. In The Analects of Confucius it is recorded, the central topics of discussion between Confucius and his proteges centered around human-heartedness and love (ren-ai), ritual and music (li-yue), faithfulness and righteousness (xin-yi), filial piety and brotherliness (xiao-ti), loyalty and forgiveness (zhong-shu), respectfulness and reverence (gongijing), etc. According to statistics made by Mr. Yang Bojun in his Translation and Annotations on the Analects of Confucius (lun yu yi zhu), the Chinese word “仁” (ren, human-heartedness) has 109 occurrences in The Analects of Confucius, of which 105 occurrences involve moral standard; the Chinese word “義” (yi, righteousness) has 24 occurrences; the Chinese word “禮” (li, ritual) has 74 occurrences. The Chinese word “知” (zhi, intellectual capacity) has 25 occurrences with the meaning of “智” (zhi, wisdom). The Chinese word “信” (xin, faithfulness) has 38 occurrences. The Chinese word “孝” (xiao, filial piety) has 19 occurrences. The Chinese word “弟” (di, brotherness) has 4 occurrences with the meaning of “悌” (ti, friendliness). The Chinese word “忠” (zhong, loyalty) has 18 occurrences. The Chinese word “恕” (shu, tolerance) has 2 occurrences. The Chinese word “恭” (gong, yielding, deference) has 13 occurrences. The Chinese word “敬” ( jing, respectfulness) has 21 occurrences. The Chinese word “聖” (sheng, sagelihood, sainthood) has 8 occurrences, of which 4 occurrences has the meaning of sages. In a word, Confucius’ values revolve around “human-heartedness” (ren). Confucian ideas are quite approachable and reasonable, such as extending love beyond one’s immediate relatives to include others. You Zi, one of Confucius’ disciples, said: “A man of virtue or a lofty-minded person operates at the root. When the root is firmly established, the principle of ruling a state and being a person may proceed. Filial piety and brotherly conduct is the root of human-heartedness.” (Analects, Chap. 1:2) Obviously, “human-heartedness” is fundamental, while filial piety is concrete manifestation of human-heartedness, that is, filial piety is the initial step to practice humanheartedness and one of manifestations of human-heartedness and love (ren-ai), rather than the whole of human-heartedness. Human-heartedness and love (heart of renai) starts with one’s love for his relatives or family, and then extends the scope of love to include others. According to Confucius, human-heartedness-and-love is the core and theme of civilization of ritual (li) and music (yue), which runs through his complete philosophy. Without “human-heartedness,” ritual and music may become a superficial form. According to Zeng Zi’s understanding, the fundamental principle that Confucius always observes throughout his long life is “loyalty” (zhong) and “tolerance” (shu), so Zeng Zi said: “Confucius’ Way is simply this: loyalty and tolerance.” (Analects, Chap. 4:5) “Loyalty” and “tolerance” (shu) are two wings of “human-heartedness.” “Loyalty” (zhong) is the full development of one’s heart, and “tolerance” is the extension of one’s heart to include others. “Loyalty” means that “He who wants to stand up himself helps others stand up. He who wants to achieve himself helps others achieve.” (Analects, Chap. 6:30) “Tolerance” means that “Do not do to other what you do not wish yourself.” (Analects, Chaps. 12:2 and 15:23) Confucius pointed out that the practice of human-heartedness and virtue should

5.1 Central Concepts of Chinese Confucianism

169

start from oneself, and start step by step from the closest thing at hand. Meanwhile, within the framework of “human-heartedness,” there exist several virtuous attributes, including deference (gong), magnanimity (kuan, generosity), truthfulness (xin), diligence (min, initiativeness), and reciprocality (hui), etc. Confucius once said: “One who can consistently practice the five virtues at any time is an adherent to humanheartedness. […] Namely respectfulness, magnanimity, trustworthness, diligence, and reciprocality. With respectfulness one will avoid insult; with magnanimity one will win over others; with truthfulness one will be trusted; with diligence one will have achievements; and with reciprocality one will be able to employ services of others” (Analects, Chap. 17).

24 filial piety charts from shouldering rice for parents, drawn by Chen Shaomei

The bamboo slips unearthed from the Tomb of Chu in Guodian, Jingmen, Hubei Province in 1993 show that Confucius, his seventy disciples, and followers inherited former sages and creatively developed these concepts such as sagelihood, wisdom, human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, loyalty, truthfulness, respectful, kindness, filial piety, brotherliness, fanji (反己, self-introspection, self-examination), self-cultivation, and shendu (慎独, self-disciplined while being alone), which had already spread in and affected the land of Jingchu1 by the middle of the Warring States Period at the latest. For example, “Six Virtues” (liude) encompass “sagelihood, wisdom, human-heartedness, righteousness, loyalty, and truthfulness.” “Five Virtues” (wuxing) encompass “human-heartedness, righteousness, ritual, wisdom, and sagelihood.” “Reverence for Virtue and Righteousness” (zun de yi) affirms “reverence for human-heartedness, being close to whoever is loyal (qingzhong), honoring whoever is brave ( jingzhuang) and acting in accordance with ritual (guili).” “The Principle/Way of Loyalty and Trustworthiness” (zhong xin zhi dao) shows that loyalty is the “substance of human-heartedness,” and truthfulness is the “commitment of righteousness.” “The Way of Tang and Yu” (tang yu zhi dao) emphasizes that one 1

Jingchu refers to present Hubei whole region and its surroundings—translator’s note.

170

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

should “love his relatives and respect the worthier,” and attaches equal importance to human-heartedness and righteousness. Slightly dissimilar to later Confucian Scholarship, the author(s) of “Five Virtues” advocated “listening to what men with virtue (tingde) say” and “observing what men with virtue do (shide).” The former is known as “intelligence” (cong), the latter is known as “enlightenment” (ming), and the two virtues of “sagelihood” (sheng) and “wisdom” (zhi, originally written as 知 zhi) go hand in hand in one’s life. The so-called “sagelihood” is to hear and know the Way of a virtuous man, while the so-called “wisdom” is to see and know the virtue of a sagely man. To know through hearing and through seeing are knowledge based on embodied experience. As is pointed out in the Five Virtues (wuxing): “He who listens to the way of a virtuous man is wise; he who not only listens but also is able to understand the Way is a sage, and only the sage is able to understand the Heavenly Way. “(Five Virtues, from Bamboo Slips Unearthed from Chu Tomb in Guodian) However, all these virtuous items from the articles mentioned above emphasize that “human-heartedness-love” (ren-ai) is the extension of love for one’s relatives to include others. The Five Virtues (wuxing) says: “He who looks gentle and amiable brings people joy and happiness. He who feels happy in his inner heart is able to feel close to others. He who is filled with warmth in his inner heart is able to be intimate to others. He who has an intimate feeling in his inner heart is able to love others. He who is able to love others is able to achieve human-heartedness.” “It is an indication of change that one has a beatific and blithe countenance. It is an indication of happiness that one has an intercourse with others from his inner heart. It is an indication of harmony that one and his brothers live in concord and in peace, sharing weal and woe. It is an indication of closeness that everyone is close to each other and trusts each other. It is an indication of love that everyone is sincerely close to each other and holding on to each other. It is an indication of human-heartedness that one loves his own father, and proceeds to love others’ father.”2 Primitive Confucianism regarded love for parents as human-heartedness (ren) and respect for worthy and able men as righteousness (yi). Or say, they believe that human-heartedness (ren) is the extension of “love for parents” to include others, and righteousness (yi) is the extension of “respect for worthy and able men,” both of which can complement each other. Some sayings from Clusters of Language (yucong) reiterate Confucius’ teachings, defining “human-heartedness (ren)” as “love for others” and “love for goodness,” and “righteousness” (yi) as “a path to becoming good,” “an improvement of virtue,” and “an appropriateness of dealing with things, and also defining “mourning” (sang) as the beginning of human-heartedness, saying: “mourning is manifestation of human-heartedness; righteousness is the recognition of what is right and proper; love is manifestation of human-heartedness; righteousness is taken as the root and manifested through ritual;” and “He who loves his 2

Jingmen Museum, Bamboo Slips of Guodian Chu Tomb, Cultural Relics Press, 1998, p. 150. Its Chinese version is:《五行》曰: “不Ě不戚, 不戚不親, 不親不愛, 不愛不仁。” “顏色容貌溫變也, 以其中心與人交, Ě也。中心Ě焉, 遷於兄弟, 戚也。戚而信之, 親也。親而篤之, 愛也。愛父, 其攸 愛人, 仁也。” Also see: Pang Pu, “The Five Virtues of Bamboo and Silk and the Theory of the Five Virtues of Zisi-Mencius,” Annotation and Research of the “Five Virtues of Bamboo and Silk, Wanjuanlou Book Co., Ltd., 2000, p. 103—translator’s note.

5.1 Central Concepts of Chinese Confucianism

171

parents can loves others.”3 In “The Way of Tang and Yu” (tang yu zhi dao) it is said: “He who loves his parents but forgets worthy and able men is human-hearted but not righteous; he who reveres worthy and able men but forgets his parents is righteous but not human-hearted.”4 In Clusters of Language I it is said: “He who favors human-heartedness over righteousness has kindness for his parents but has no respect for worthy and able men. He who favors righteousness over humanheartedness has respect but has no kindness.”5 The aforementioned definitions of relationship between “human-heartedness” and “righteousness,” in fact, constitute a positive affirmation of Confucian ethical values, which advocates both loving one’s parents and respecting worthy and able men, both valuing blood kinship and breaking through blood kinship, thus revising and establishing the principle of affection for one’s parents and veneration for the worthy and capable. Six Virtues (liude) has laid down three ethical relations and six duties for husband and wife, father and son, monarch and subject, which put emphasis on each one’s duty: humane morality inside and righteous morality outside, which is stated: “Father should be holy and son should be human-hearted; husband should be wise and wife should be faithful; monarch should be righteous and subject should be loyal. Holiness produces human-heartedness, wisdom leads to good faith, and righteousness secures loyalty.” “Human-heartedness is something internal, and righteousness is something external. Ritual and music bring people together in harmony. Thus, the order or position among father, son, and husband is established inside, and the order of monarch, subject, and wife is established outside.”6 This stipulation can be regarded as the prototype that father must be kind and son must be filial, monarch must be righteous and subject should be loyal, and husband must be respectful and wife must be obedient. Here, the word “立” (li) in the statement “內立父、子、夫也, 外立 君、臣、婦也” means “order”, “role”, “position”, “function,” or “establishment.” Clusters of Language I regards the relationship between monarch and subject as that between friends, while Clusters of Language III points out that the relationship between monarch and subject is different from that between father and son, which cannot be cut off, saying: “If the subject does not feel happy, he can leave his monarch. If his monarch wants him to do something immoral, the subject can reject him.”7 In the relationship between the monarch and the subject, there existed not only a profound sense of kinship, but also the independence and the free spirit 3

Ibid., p. 211. Ibid., p. 157. 5 Ibid., p. 197, lines 3–5. The quotations derive from the rearrangement of the bamboo slips 77th, 82nd and 79th. The Book of Rituals says: “If you think human-heartedness is more important than righteousness, though people are willing to be close to you, they do not respect you very much. If you think righteousness is more important than human-heartedness, people will stay at a respectful distance from you.” Moreover, the definition of human-heartedness and righteousness in Guodian Bamboo Slips is similar to that in the Doctrine of the Mean, which says: “One with humanheartedness loves people, of whom he should love his parents the most. One with righteousness does everything appropriately, of which he respects the worthy and able men the most.” 6 Ibid., p. 188. 7 Ibid., p. 209. 4

172

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

of a literati (shiren). This means that if a literati (shiren) feels unsatisfied, he can leave his monarch, and even decline to serve him for his immoral request. These aforementioned dynamics can be regarded as the prototype of father’s kindness and son’s filial piety, king’s righteousness and subject’s loyalty, husband’s respect and wife’s obedience. In general, Confucian bamboo slips of Guodian primarily focus on the concepts of human-heartedness and love (ren-ai), equally emphasizing human-heartedness and righteousness, regarding human-heartedness and righteousness as the essence and aim of loyalty and good faith, regarding loyalty to monarch and love for people as an extension of filial piety and fraternity, and regarding reverence ( jing) as the core of ritual (li). Filial piety and brotherliness, loyalty and truthfulness, and ritual and reverence are all related to human-heartedness and righteousness. However, Confucian bamboo slips of Guodian does not emphasize “sincerity” (cheng) as The Doctrine of the Mean and The Work of Meng Zi, instead it highlights the concept of “truthfulness” or “good faith,” suggesting that “sincerity is the culmination of the evolution of “truthfulness.” Mencius emphasized that human-heartedness and righteousness are something internal, and [human] nature (xing) is manifested by heart, affirming that these moral values of human-heartedness (ren), righteousness (yi), ritual (li), and wisdom (zhi) originate in the original heart, while “Tian (Heaven) is the ultimate basis of human good nature. It is Mencius who has unified heart, Nature and Tian (Heaven). Moreover, influenced by Zi Si, Mencius placed more emphasis on the category of “sincerity” (cheng). Basically, “sincerity,” which is truthfulness without deceit, refers to the law of the operation of Heaven, a state of moral experience, as well as the ultimate source of innate heart and intuitive knowledge. In short, “sincerity” is a feeling of piety and awe for Heaven. Mencius underlined the species trait and species nature inherent to humans, asserting that “principle and righteousness” (li yi) constitute the common ground shared by all our hearts, thereby defining our humanity.” (The Work of Meng Zi, Gao Zi, I) He advocated to enlighten and guide human’s innate knowledge and innate capacity, and expand and actualize it. Mencius proposed that one should “first establish the most important” or “first aim high achieves high,” and, at the same time, he also understood that “morality alone is not sufficient to achieve good governance, nor is decree alone.” (The Work of Meng Zi, LouLou. I) Xun Zi, a Mencius’ peer Confucian scholar, raised the thought of promoting ritual. He advocated “the transformation of human’s innate nature and fulfillment of human’s acquired nature,” and emphasized that through the acquired education, social norms, and criminal punishment, humans can tend toward goodness and stay away from evil. According to Xun Zi, “Human being is born with desires that inherently drive them to gain and seek satisfaction. If human desire is motivated without rules, strife will invariably arise, which in turn will bring about chaos leading to social poverty. So our saint kings invented proprieties to rule over the possible chaotic quarrels.” (“On the Proprieties” or “Lilun,” The Works of Xun Zi) Xun Zi believes that all good and valuable things are results from human’s acquired effort. By removing evil from

5.1 Central Concepts of Chinese Confucianism

173

humans’ intrinsic nature and developing acquired nature of goodness, and compulsively subjecting them to reason over sensibility, the country can be well governed and conform to goodness. Xun Zi also affirmed that human has intelligence and is able to be good, and he can achieve himself through acquired learning and accumulation. Just as Xun Zi said: “[That being so, it is clear that] the common person on the street can become like Yu, as every individual possesses the capability to understand the nature of human-heartedness, righteousness, norms, and rectitude, and to have the tools necessary for mastering these values” (“Nature is Evil” or “Xing E,” The Works of Xun Zi). When speaking of “human nature is good,” Mencius means that the characteristics that define a human are the inner four minds of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom, namely, four initiators which are all rooted in human’s mind. When speaking of “human nature is evil,” Xun Zi thinks that human is not born with ritual and righteousness, and he must attain to them by relying on acquired education, learning and training. In social view, Xun Zi advocates the coordination of rites, music, punishment and politics; but in terms of values, Xun Zi still greatly affirms “human-heartedness and righteousness.” He points out: “A lofty-minded person or a virtuous person, even though in a down-and-out condition, should take it as his high aspiration in life to promote human-heartedness; even though rich and noble, he should be more modest and courteous, so as to be affable and approachable;” “He, who is respectful in his deeds, sincere in his inner heart, and follows up ritual and human-heartedness and readily has affection for people, will be respected by people. Wherever he goes across the world, and even if he is trapped in land of barbarians, he will be honored by all people. He worries before everyone else worries, and he feels happy only after everyone else feels happy. He is upright and prudent, sincere and honest, and keeps to his faith and never gives it up. Thereupon, such a human will be trusted, wherever he goes across the world, and even if he is trapped in land of the four barbarians.” (“Self-cultivation,” The Work of Xun Zi) Xun Zi went on to say: [“When Emperor Zhao of Qin Dynasty said, ‘so what if a Confucian becomes a monarch?’”] “When the Confucian becomes a monarch, his influence will be vast. He will be firm and ambitious in his inner heart. So in the imperial court, ritual will be rectified; in the government, legal norms and rules will be just and fair; among the folk society, virtues such as loyalty, truthfulness, human-heartedness, and reciprocity will prevail in the world. To do something unjust, to kill an innocent person, so as to win the world, he will never do it. As a sovereign, he is trusted by the people, and his good deeds are spread all over the world, so that the people of the world will answer his call and praise him in chorus. Why is that? It is because of his distinguished reputation and merciful governance of the world. Therefore, those who are near praise and love him, and those who are far away do their best to come to him. All people within the four seas are as close as brothers, like one family, and wherever transportation can reach, no one would disobey him. This is what is called the monarch of people.” (“Roles of Confucians,” The Work of Xun Zi) It is evident that Xun Zi upholds the core values advocated by Confucius, and believes that rites are born from human-heartedness and righteousness, and that rule of ritual is the humaneness-oriented politics (renzheng) in nature and carried out by lofty-minded persons. Rituals and righteousness constitute

174

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

the societally recognized moral principles, while rituals and music fulfill people’s spiritual needs. Confucianism, through the educational lens of rituals and music, promotes individuals’ personality sphere, edifies his temperament, cultivates their physical and mental well-being, and facilitates social integration and differentiation among groups.

Cheng Hao

Cheng Yi

The value orientation of Confucianism in Song, Ming and Qing dynasties still revolves around “human-heartedness.” In An Understanding of Human-heartedness (shirenpian), Cheng Hao (1032 A.D.–1085 A.D.) said: “The learner needs first to comprehend human-heartedness. The human possessing human-heartedness is

5.1 Central Concepts of Chinese Confucianism

175

undifferentiably one with all things. Righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and good faith are all manifestations of human-heartedness. Understanding this profound truth and cultivating it with utmost sincerity and attentiveness is the essence of personal growth.” (Er Cheng Yi-shu or Literary Remains of the Two Chengs, Volume 11: I) In “A Treatise on Human-heartedness” (renshuo), Zhu Xi says: “Within the human heart lie four virtues: human-heartedness (ren), righteousness (yi), ritual (li), and wisdom (zhi). Among these, human-heartedness encompasses and ties them all together. In their emanation and function, they constitute feelings of love, deference, appropriateness, and discrimination between right and wrong, and the feeling of commiseration or the unbearing heart permeates them all. Therefore, in discussing the heart (or the moral organ) of Heaven and Earth, it is said: ‘Great is Qianyuan (Heaven), the originating power!’ and ‘Great is Kunyuan (Earth), the originating power!’ Both the substance and the function of the four virtues are thus fully manifested without enumerating them one by one. In discussing the excellence of human heart, it is said: ‘Human-heartedness is human heart.’ Both the substance and the function of the four virtues are thus fully presented without mentioning them one by one. For human-heartedness as constituting the Way consists of the fact that the heart of Heaven and Earth to produce all things is present in all things under heaven. Before feelings are aroused, its substance is already existent in its completeness. After feelings are aroused, its function is infinite. If we can truly practice love and preserve it, then we have in it the spring of all virtues and the root of all good deeds. This is why in the teachings of the Confucian School the student is always urged to exert anxious and unceasing effort in the pursuit of human-heartedness. […] What kind of heart is this? In Heaven and Earth, it is the generative heart that endlessly produces all things. In humans it is the heart to love people gently and to benefit all things under heaven. Human beings are spontaneously endowed with ‘four origins’ or ‘four initiators’ (of ren yi li zhi, or si duan, or human-heartedness, righteousness, ritual, and wisdom). Sense of commiseration is the initiator of human-heartedness. Sense of shame is the initiator of righteousness. Sense of deference is the initiator of ritual, and sense of right and wrong is the initiator of wisdom. These four initiators are naturally possessed by humans. They are fundamental features defining a human being” (Collected Writings of Zhu Wengong, Volume 67, zhuwengong wenji, juan 67). Hereby, in “A Treatise on Human-heartedness” (renshuo), Zhu Xi particularly critiques Master Cheng and his disciples for their erroneous approach of “discussing human-heartedness while setting aside love” in a question-and-answer format, clarifying Master Cheng’s statement, “love is feeling while human-heartedness is nature” (aiqing-renxing)8 , suggesting that it should be interpreted as “love should stem from 程子曰: “五者之欲, 性也。然有分, 不能皆如其願, 則是命也。不可謂我性之所有, 而求必得之 也。” [朱熹]愚按:“不能皆如其願, 不止為貧賤。蓋雖富貴之極, 亦有品節限制, 則是亦有命也。” 《孟子尽心章句注24》Master Cheng said: “The desires of these five belong to one’s nature (xing). Nonetheless one has what is allotted ( fen); if one cannot get everything according to one’s wishes, this is ordained by Heaven (ming). One cannot say that what one’s nature (xìng) contains will necessarily be achieved if one seeks it.” [Zhu] added: “That one cannot get everything according to one’s wishes does not merely apply to the poor and lowly, as even the richest and most powerful

8

176

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

the feeling of human-heartedness (ren zhi qing), while human-heartedness represents the inherent nature of love” (ai zhi xing). Again, Zhu Xi said: “Is it not wrong for Master Cheng to say that love is feeling while human-heartedness is nature, and that human-heartedness should not be regarded as initiator of love? It is not so. Master Cheng claims to use the word love to refer to human-heartedness, while I claim to use the principle of love to refer to human-heartedness. For although the spheres of human’s nature and feelings are different, their mutual penetration is like the blood system in which each part has its own role. When did they become sharply separated and made to remain unrelated? I am deeply concerned that students are reciting Master Cheng’s words without inquiring into their implications, thereby resulting in a misplaced understanding of human-heartedness as being clearly apart from love. I have therefore purposely talked about this to reveal the hidden meaning of Master Cheng’s words, and you may regard my ideas as different from his. Are you not mistaken?” (Ibid)9 Chen Chun (1159 A.D.–1223 A.D.), a disciple of Zhu Xi, authored a work titled Bexi’s Analytic Glossary of Philosophical Terms (bei xi zi yi), which primarily incorporated the thoughts of Zhou Lianxi, Zhang Hengqu, and the Two Chengs, reconciling them with teachings of Master Zhu Xi. It emphasized key categories closely related to Li or Rationality (lixue) during the Song Dynasty, such as nature (xing), mandate (ming), sincerity (cheng), respect ( jing), human-heartedness (ren), righteousness (yi), propriety (li), wisdom (zhi), good faith (xin), loyalty-faithfulness (zhong-xin), and loyalty-tolerance (zhong-shu), and etc. These constitute important components of Confucian value system. Compared to the previous Confucian Scholarship, the Confucian Scholarship of Song and Ming dynasties not only discussed “human-heartedness” in terms of life philosophy, but also “human-heartedness” in terms of cosmology, combining the creativeness of all things of Heaven and Earth, namely, the human-heartedness of continual production and reproduction of life (sheng sheng zhi ren), with the heart of human-heartedness and love (ren ai zhi xin) in human life moral practice. From the Two Chengs to Lu Jiuyuan and Wang Yangming, they all discussed “oneness of Heaven, Earth, and all things.” However, Zhu Xi objects to the simplistic assertion that “The humanhearted is one with Heaven and Earth and all things,” because he believes that humanheartedness is the substance (ti) and the principle of love, while love is the function of human-heartedness and emerges from human-heartedness. If we solely discuss “human-heartedness” in terms of its substance, its principle and its root, it may appear profound, expansive, and challenging to comprehend. Therefore, Zhu Xi approaches human-heartedness through the lens of love, making it more accessible and easier for people to grasp.10

individuals, if held back by their own limitations, are subjected to the ordination of Heaven (ming)— translator’s note. 9 Chan, Wing-tsit (trans. and ed.), A Source Book In Chinese Philosophy, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963. pp. 593–596—translator’s note. 10 Qian Mu, Outline of the Study of Master Zhu Xi, Taipei Dongda Book Company, 3rd Edition, 1991, pp. 75–78.

5.2 Central Concepts of Korean Confucianism

177

Confucianism underwent further development of its fundamental values by prominent thinkers during late Ming Dynasty and Qing Dynasty. What is especially noteworthy is that during this period emerged the philosophical trend of statecraft ( jing shi lun),11 which developed the new inner sagelihood and outer kinglihood in the original Confucian tradition. From the great masters like Gu Yanwu, Wang Chuanshan, Huang Zongxi, Fang Yizhi, Fu Shan, Tang Zhen, Yan Yuan, Dai Dongyuan, and others, they re-interpreted the kernal values inherent in the Confucian tradition, specifically focusing on individualism, the practice of positions based on virtue, the spirit of freedom, and a study approach emphasizing practical application and experience. This reinterpretation aimed to align Confucianism with evolving social changes. All of these can be regarded as the transformation of the Confucian Scholarship and the forerunners of Confucian modernity.

5.2 Central Concepts of Korean Confucianism Chinese Confucianism was introduced to Korea very early. Korean Confucianism (K.Yuhak) has a history of at least two thousand years, and has served as the spiritual backbone and prevailing trend of social culture prior to the modern times. After 372 A.D, the Three Kingdoms of Goguryeo, Baekje and Silla successively established the Imperial Colleges to teach Chinese Confucian Classics. In 918 A.D., the Koryo Dynasty was established. During five hundred years of the Goguryeo Dynasty, the curriculum system in the imperial academies was dominated by the Chinese Confucian Classics, with regular sacrificial ceremonies for Confucius. Officials were selected through regular imperial civil examinations, and Confucian scholars were appointed as civil officials, and folk private tutorings were widespread.12 It was An Xiang or 안향 (1243 A.D.–1306 A.D., whose styled name is Hui Xuan) who is 經世論或經世致用論 [ jing shi lun; jīng shì-zhì yòng lun], Learning should contribute to good governance. Jingshi (经世) means governance of the country and society, and zhiyong (致用) refers to meeting practical needs. In the early seventeenth century, thinkers such as Gu Yanwu, Wang Chuanshan, Huang Zongxi, and Li Yong argued that scholarly studies should be geared to meet current needs. They held that while interpreting ancient classics, scholars should expound their views on the social and political issues of their day, solve practical problems, enhance governance of the country, improve people’s livelihood, and promote social reform. This view stressed the practical value of knowledge and the practical responsibilities of intellectuals. This ideology reflects the pragmatic character of traditional Chinese intellectuals as well as their concern for the well-being of the people and eagerness to shoulder responsibility for the whole nation. Theory of Statecraft Idea [經世論, Jing shi lun; 經世致用論, Jing shi-zhi yong lun] is one of four main spheres of NeoConfucianism. It includes all the political ways to solve problems in social realities, and covers all the theories of management systems for the Neo-Confucian Idea State. However, the ideology was perceived as the ultimate goal from the ancient Confucian philosophy. Furthermore, the four main spheres of Neo-Confucianism are: (1) Theory of Principle and Material Force 理氣論; liqilun); (2) Theory of Mind and Nature (心性論; xinxingglun); (3) Theory of Self-cultivation (修養論; xiuyanglun); (4) Theory of Statecraft Idea (經世論; jingshilun)—translator’s note. 12 For details, see Xu Yuanhe, Confucianism and Oriental Culture, People’s Publishing House, Beijing, 1994, p. 179. 11

178

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

the first Korean scholar to introduce the Study of Master Zhu Zi (zhu z ixue) into Goguryeo from Yuan Dynasty in about 1290. In An Xiang’s view, “the Way of Sage is nothing else but daily ethical relations, that is, as a child or junior, he should have filial piety in serving his parents, and as a subject, he should have loyalty in serving his monarch; ritual is to regulate family, and good faith is to make friends; selfcultivation must be sincere, and all things accomplished must depend on sincerity. That’s it!”13 At the end of the Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Korean regime, philosophers of nature and principle (xing-li xuejia), like Li Se (1328 A.D.–1396 A.D., C. 李穡, K. Li Saek), Zheng Mengzhou (C. 鄭夢周,K. Jeong mong-ju), Zheng Daochuan (1342 A.D.–1398 A.D., C. 鄭道傳, K. Jeong Dojeon), and Quan Jin (C. 權近, K. Kwon Jin), etc., promoted the Confucian Scholarship in an all-round way, and made the Philosophy of Li or Rationality develop by leaps and bounds inside and outside the Korean imperial court. Li Saek summarized the important values of the Confucian Scholarship in the following four words: “Loyalty, filial piety, neutrality, and harmony.” He said: “Filial piety in serving one’s parents and loyalty in serving one’s country, which of the two is fundamental? In my view, ‘If someone asks me which of the two is more important, it is just the Way of the Mean. Serving one’s parents with kindness is called Filial Piety (xiao), and serving one’s monarch faithfully is called Loyalty (zhong). Though different in name, the principle contained in them is the same, which is called the Way of the Mean. Why is it so? Human being is intuitively endowed with the Five Confucian Constants (wuchang), which constitute his nature. Why would there be loyalty and filial piety? What has enabled the Saints to reach all depths of all things, to grasp seeds of all things, to observe all affairs, and to act justly, is what is referred to as the Way of the Mean. Only through it can the Saints be quiescent and do not move. But if the Way of the Mean is aroused, it penetrates all situations under Heaven, like drifting clouds and flowing water, which is the application of the Way of the Mean and is called the Harmony (he). Once the Way of the Mean, functioning as the original substance of all things, is established, Heaven and Earth are determined; and once the Mean works, it breeds all things under Heaven. The Saints highly extol these virtues: cherishing moral nature, revering ethical human relations, keeping to order of Heaven and Earth, and making them rightly understood by people, which can be simply known as Loyalty (zhong), Filial Piety (xiao), the Way of the Mean (zhong), and Harmony (he). These are the differences among them.”14 In Li Se or Li Saek’s view, “the Mean” (zhong) refers to the Ti (substance, or ontological existence of things) while “the Harmony” (he) refers to the function (Ti’s manifestation and application); “the Mean” refers to the great substance (dati), while “the Harmony” refers to Qi’s penetration into all things under Heaven, which is also

13

“Collected Writings of Huixuan—Instructions for Imperial Scholars,” quoted from Jin Zhonglie’s A History of Korean Confucian Thought, Taipei Dongda Book Company, 1992, p. 274. 14 Mu Yin, Collected Writings of Mu Yin, Dandong Cultural Research Institute, vol. 10, p. 877.

5.2 Central Concepts of Korean Confucianism

179

known as the lesser substance (xiaoti). Both loyalty and filial piety are actualization of the principle of “the Mean.” During Chosŏn dynasty (1392 A.D.–1910 A.D.), also known as the Yi Dynasty, Korea’s last and longest imperial dynasty of Korea, Zhu Xi’s philosophy flourished This period witnessed the emergence of numerous schools of thought, prominent among them being the Tuixi School, founded by Yi Hwang (styled Tuixi, 1501 A.D.–1570 A.D.) and Yi I (Toegye, 1536 A.D.–1584 A.D.), alongside scholars like Cao Zhi (styled Nanming, 1501 A.D.–1572 A.D.)and Han Yuanzhen (styled Nantang, 1682 A.D.–1751 A.D.). During the five hundred years of Joseon Dynasty (1392 A.D.–1910 A.D.), Chinese cultural influences were profound, with the Scholarship of Neo-Confucianism (xing li xue) being adopted as the “national learning,” which later evolved into “the guiding ideology for state and societal political practices, shaping both public and private school education, driving scholarly research, and defining societal values.”15

Yi I (Yulgok, 1537 A.D.–1584 A.D.)

Yi Hwang (Yi Toegye)’s ten diagrams on sacred learning [C. 聖學十圖, K. Sŏnghak Sipto)

Yi Hwang comprehensively discussed and creatively developed the Confucian kernal values. In his expansive system presented in the Ten Diagrams of Sacred Learning (Sŏnghak Sipto), which encapsulates Heaven, Earth, society, and human 15

Cai Maosong, A History of Modern Korean Thought and Culture, Taipei, Dongda Book Company, 1995, p. 2.

180

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

life, “human-heartedness” (ren) emerges as the spiritual essence connecting Heaven and Humans. The essential theme penetrating throughout the Ten Diagrams of Sacred Learning deals with how to be a human and enhance the realm of personality. With the help of Zhu Xi’s “A Treatise on Human-heartedness” (renshuo), Yi Hwang clarified the Four Origins (si duan) and Four Virtues (si de), as well as the relationships among the Four Virtues of human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom. He thought that sense of commiseration permeates all Four Origins, running on incessantly and endlessly, and flowing around without any obstacles. Human-heartedness contains four virtues, loving people gently and benefiting all things, and embracing all things as oneness. Yi Hwang also highly praised Zhang Hengqu for his essay titled “Xi Ming” or “Western Inscription” (K. Sŏmyŏngdo), considering it to be an extension of the thought of human-heartedness that “All human beings are my blood brothers and sisters and all things are my companions” (minbao-wuyu).16 Yi Hwang creatively put forward the proposition of unifying [Human] Nature and Principle-Qi/Material Force (C. xinglixue, K. sŏngnihak), believing that “Principle is harmonized with Qi/Material Force, and nature is unified with emotions” (he li qi tong xing qing). He held that the relationships between characters endowed by Heaven and characters endowed by Qi should be understood from the standpoint that Principle-Qi (liqi) and nature-feelings (xingqing) are unified as one, so as to grasp the mutual infiltration relationship between the heart of “Four Beginnings” (heart of commiseration, heart of humbleness, heart of shame and dislike, heart of right and wrong) and the “Seven Emotions” (qiqing, K. chŏng, referring to joy, anger, sadness, fear, love, hate, and desire), all of which “are initiated by the motion of Qi and accompanied simultaneously by Principle.”17 Furthermore, Yi Hwang elaborated on his concept of the “Four Origins” and “Seven Emotions” in alignment with these principles:(Yi 1985, 402–4) (1) “Four Origins are manifested from Principle, therefore, purely good;” (2) “Seven Emotions are manifested from Qi and, accordingly, can be either good or evil;” (3) “Four Origins are manifested from Principle and Qi, thus passively follow it;” (4) “Seven Emotions are manifested from Qi and Principle, therefore, passively rides on (accompanies) it.”18 At this point, let’s refrain from discussing his Heart-Nature Theory. Yi Hwang’s theory of political ethics is based on human-heartedness and filial piety. He said: “I believe that it is the great virtue of Heaven and Earth to produce life. Between Heaven 民胞物與 (minbao-wuyu) means that “All human beings are my blood brothers and sisters and all things are my companions.” This idea was first posed by Zhang Zai of the Northern Song Dynasty, who held that all human beings and things are all created by the vital force (Qi) of Heaven and Earth, and thus are similar in nature. He advocated love for all human beings and things in the world, and his view transcended the old anthropocentric viewpoint and aimed to reach harmony between oneself and other human beings as well as between oneself and other creatures and things under Heaven. It is the same as the idea that a true human has an ample virtue and cares for all things. This notion is an important part of the School of Principle (li xue pai) of the Song and Ming dynasties—translator’s note. 17 See Zhang Liwen (ed), Essentials of Tuixi’s Writings, China Renmin University Press, 1989, preface, pp. 13–14. 18 Yi, Hwang 李滉. 1985. Jeungbo Toegye Jeonseo 增補退溪全書, vol. 16. Seoul: Daedong Munhwa Yeonguwon. Sungkyunkwan University—translator’s note. 16

5.2 Central Concepts of Korean Confucianism

181

and Earth, all creatures—whether animals or plants, great or small, dynamic or static, are all embraced by Heaven and deserve to be treated with human-heartedness and love (ren-ai). Not to mention those who bear the likeness of our human form and are the (Cosmic) Heart of Heaven and Earth (tian di zhi xin)? Thus, what Heaven repeatedly reminds the ruler of, over and over again, is nothing else, but to entrust him with the solemn responsibility of human-heartedness and love (ren-ai). Naturally, it is his duty to reciprocate human-heartedness and love (ren-ai) to all things under Heaven.”19 “Furthermore, should we seek what is called the Way elsewhere? No! Acting on loyalty and tolerance (zhong-shu), and completely grasping their principle, we gain the Way of loyalty and tolerance. Acting on human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and fully understanding their principles, we gain the Way of human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom. Today, people who pursue loyalty and tolerance say that they cannot attain to the Way, while people who pursue human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom say that they find it difficult to understand the Way, then they want to seek the Way elsewhere, and this is especially as shallow as it can be.”20 “Therefore, the fundamentals of governing a country is filial piety, brotherliness, kindness, as well as human-heartedness, deference, loyalty, and tolerance. The worldharmonizing is also based on these virtues.”21 It follows that the core of Li Tuixi (K.T’oegye)’s value concept is humanheartedness and love (ren-ai), which governs human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, loyalty and tolerance, filial piety and brotherliness, and so on. He also especially esteemed “filial piety” all the more and believed that “while filial piety is indeed the foundation of all walks of life, it cannot be considered pure if any aspect is neglected. Similarly, human-heartedness, the greatest of all virtues, cannot be deemed complete if it lacks even a single element of goodness.”22 “One should have filial piety in his heart, which is the essential principle for him to be engaged in any walks of life. If one can do his utmost, he can achieve it even if he does not study it deliberately.”23 Liu Xiya, a disciple of Tuixi (K.T’oegye), even believed that “there can be no successful career without loyalty and filial piety.” Moreover, like Zhu Xi, who regards “reverence” ( jing) as the foremost tenet of sages, Yi Hwang also attaches exceptional significance to “attentiveness to reverence” (zhujing). Staying in quiet reverence (to fathom Principle) is an effort of self-cultivation of the heart to cultivate one’s personality, and his Ten Diagrams of Sacred Learning (shengxueshitu), which represents the finest synthesis of this Neo-Confucian thought prevailing in Korea at that time, in a certain sense, is also

19

Yi Hwang, “The Sixth of Six Commentaries on the Lunar Year of Wuchen,” Essentials of Tuixi’s Writings, edited by Zhang Liwen, Renmin University of China Press, 1989, p. 151. 20 Yi Hwang, Reply to Jin Sijian and Xiyu, ibid., p. 301. 21 Ibid., p. 462. 22 Yi Hwang, The First of Six Commentaries on the Lunar Year of Wuchen, ibid., p. 123. 23 Yi Hwang, Inscription on Tomb of Minister Li, ibid., p. 515.

182

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

chiefly based on reverence ( jing). Yi Hwang said: “He, who lays emphasis on reverence ( jing, or reverent mindfulness), therefore, can mutually cultivate himself and conjointly unify thinking and learning, motion and stillness, inside and outside, at a broad penetration. He, who put this state of heartmind into self-practice while handling things, can exert his heart to the utmost, and investigate the principle most thoroughly between learning and critical inquiries. Thereupon, he becomes such a person who remains cautious when no one sees him, and remains in fear and awe when no one hears him. The more deeply one lives in solitude, the more closely and strictly he examines himself. Or one should be constantly aware of his heartmind in daily practice, controlling its impulses to ensure that good thoughts translate into virtuous deeds.”24 So, “Staying in quiet Reverence” is an effort of self-cultivation of the heartmind to cultivate one’s personal state. However, it contains solemn attitude which is expressed outwardly. “Fathoming Heavenly Principle” is an effort of self-cultivation of heartmind to extend knowledge by studying principles of all things. Nan Ming (1501 A.D.–1572 A.D.), Yi I (Yulgok Yi), and other Confucian masters, during the Chosŏn era (1392 A.D.–1910 A.D.), all emphasized the “oneness of reverence and righteousness.” They saw reverence as substance (ti) and righteousness as function (yong), with reverence as the internal and righteousness as the external. In addition, “staying in quiet Reverence” is an effort of “heartmind,” that is, the application of “substantial heartmind” or the manifestation of “substantial heartmind,” thus becoming the substance of “external righteousness.” According to the saying that substance (ti) and function (yong) are inseparable, or that substance and function (tiyong) are interdependent, whenever there exists “staying in quiet reverence,” there exists manifestations of “righteousness;” whenever there exists manifestations of “righteousness,” there exists “reverence.”25 Yi I (Yulgok Yi) attached great importance to “sincerity” (cheng) and regarded “reverence” ( jing) as the utmost effort made by people, and “sincerity” as the harvest from the utmost effort.” “Sincerity constitutes the essential principle of Heaven and the substance of heartmind.”26 Influenced by the ideology of Zhong Yong, Yi I (Yulgok Yi) advocated taking “sincerity” as the substance of heartmind, dominating the heartmind, and improving material/ psychophysical nature (physical matters/character endowed by Qi/the combination of Heavenly laws and Qi). Yi I believes that “sincerity” discussed in the Doctrine of the Mean serves not only the substance but also represents an individual’s self-effort in personal cultivation. This “sincerity” can be interconnected with the concepts of “illustrious virtue” in the Great Learning, “human-heartedness” in the Analects of Confucius, and “mind/heart” in The Work of Mencius. His book titled Fundamentals of Sage Learning (sheng xue ji yao) embodied his main ideological system, 24

Ibid., p. 4. See Tang Yijie, “My Reading ‘Collected Writings of Nanming’”, published in International Confucianism Research, Vol. 4, China Social Sciences Press, 1998, pp. 77–78. 26 See The Complete Works of Yulgok (photocopy), Dadong Institute of Culture Research, Chengjun Library University, Seoul, 1958, p. 479. Or See Yi, Yi 李珥. 1988. Yulgok Jeonseo. 栗谷全書. Minjok Munhwa Chujinhoe. 25

5.2 Central Concepts of Korean Confucianism

183

whose main theme is “sincerity.” He said: “Human-heartedness is the substance of the Analects of Confucius, and it is the first important thing for learned men to deal with; and heartmind is the head of seven chapters and the target of learned men.” Yi I went on to say: “Human-heartedness is the whole virtue of my heartmind and the perfectest of all goodness. Human heartmind is master of my body and leader of my nature and emotions. Human cannot preserve original/fundamental/metaphysical nature of the Heavenly Principle (tianli) without sincerity; one cannot become the master of body in his life without seriousness or reverence.” “Due to the existence of an essential principle in Heaven, the transformation of material force flows seamlessly and continuously. Humans possess an original heartmind, enabling them to maintain and shed unceasing brilliance. However, if one loses touch with this original heartmind, he deviates from the Heavenly Principle (li).” “He whose will is not sincere cannot have a firm will; he whose principle is not sincere cannot investigate things to the utmost; he whose material nature or psychophysical conditioning is not sincere cannot improve his natural endowment. In this way, it can inferred that what kind of person he would be.”27 Proceeding from the heartmind of sincerity, Li Gu laid emphasis on practical affairs, practical achievements, and practical effectiveness, including all the political strategies aimed at solving social issues and covering all the theories pertaining to management systems for the Neo-Confucian Ideal State, and, therefore, ushered in the ideological trend of “Practical Learning” (shixue). During the middle and later period of Korea, the theory of “practical Learning for statecraft or for ruling a nation, and relieving the subjects” promoted the development of Korean society. Chong Yagyong (1762 A.D.–1836 A.D.), styled Tasan, was a leading thinker of “Practical Learning” and played a leading role in founding the Joseon Kingdom and mapping out its ruling institutions. He advocated going back to the teachings of Confucius, Six Classics, and Four Books to seek their original essence and ancient meaning, believing that a lofty-minded person’s learning is evenly split between selfcultivation and governance. He asserted that the Learning of Nature and Principle (xinglixue, K. Sŏngnihak) should be the Practical Learning, emphasing the importance of national economy, people’s wellbeing, rituals and music, law enforcement, and administration.28 Jeong Dojeon authored On Heartmind, Material Force, and Principle (xin qi li pian) and An Array of Critiques against Buddhism ( fo shi za bian) to refute Buddhism and Taoism. Within these books, he expounded Neo-Confucian theories, ranging from the cosmos to the governance of human beings and the state. He identied the primary goal of statecraft as Humane Governance (renzheng), which is based on the People-centric Idea (minben) and emphasizes Ruling by Virtue (dezhi). His statecraft ideology was systemized into “Administrative Code of Joseon” and “Mirror of Governance.” He represents the ideology that political power over the people must be under control. Similarly, he firmly entrenched the basic governing ideology of being people-oriented and governing the country by virtue, saying that “A 27 See The Complete Works of Yulgok, Daito Cultural Research Institute, the Sungkyunkwan University, Seoul, 1958, pp. 1109–1110, pp. 464–465. 28 See Cai Maosong, A History of Modern Korean Thought and Culture, Taipei, Dongda Book Company, 1995, pp. 480–486.

184

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

ruler’s position must be maintained through virtue, so as to gain the people’s hearts. Meanwhile, Jeong Dojeon criticized and revised Cheng Zhu Rationalist Scholarship (cheng zhu li xue).” Firstly, he replaced “Principle” (li) and “Supreme Ultimate” (taiji) in “Rationalist Scholarship” (lixue) with “Heaven” (tian) and “High Deity (shangdi) and emphasized the religious nature of Confucian Scholarship (ruxue). Secondly, he creatively interpreted “human-heartedness” as “doing” (wei), that is to say, “human-heartedness” functions through social practice, and is manifested through one’s action. Obviously, Jeong Dojeon advocates that an individual with a humane heart must actualize his value goals through his action, enabling Confucian Scholarship to align with the demands of the era. In summary, the Korean mainstream school of the Confucian Scholarship held deep respect for the values of human-heartedness and love (ren-ai), sincerity and reverence (cheng-jing), loyalty and tolerance (zhong-shu), filial piety and brotherliness (xiao-ti), truthfulness and righteousness (xin-yi), etc. They not only fully comprehended these values but also personally embodied and practiced them, placing special emphasis on virtuous items like “human-heartedness,” “filial piety,” “reverence,” and “sincerity.” When interpreting the central concepts of the Confucian Scholarship, Korean Confucian thinkers adapted them to the evolving times, endowing them with fresh significance. Consequently, their ideology of “practical learning” (K. Silhak) foreshadowed the emergence of modernity.

5.3 Central Ideas of Japanese Confucianism Confucian Scholarship (C. Ruxue; J. Jukyō) was introduced into Japan around early fifth century.29 Early Confucian Scholarship in Japan primarily revolved around the political concept of “Rule of Virtue” (dezhi), emphasizing moral governance and virtuous leadership. The systematic introduction of Confucian Religion (rujia) into Japan occurred during the era (late seventh century—tenth century or so) of Ritsuryō system or Ritsuryō codes, namely, a legal system based on Chinese Confucianism and legal philosophy. In the seventh century, Japan established its legal system, primarily modeled after the decrees and laws of Chinese Sui-Tang dynasties, as well as the Confucian Classics from the Han and Tang dynasties. Japan learned from and emulated the practices of the prosperous Tang dynasty of China, with which it maintained a strong trade and diplomatic relationship. Prince Shōtoku (547 A.D.–622 A.D.), broadly educated in Confucian Classics, Buddhist scriptures, and various secular studies including history, astronomy, and geography, was the inaugural Japanese statesman to integrate Confucianism into personal cultivation and faith. In December 603, he established A System of 12 Court Ranks, wherein each rank was distinguished by the color of the official’s cap and named after Chinese Confucian virtues, namely virtue, human-heartedness, propriety, good faith, righteousness, 29

Herein Wang Jiahua’s view is adopted. See Wang Jiahua, “Ancient Japanese Confucianism and Its Characteristics,” in Comparative Culture: China and Japan, Jilin University Press, 1996, p. 2.

5.3 Central Ideas of Japanese Confucianism

185

and wisdom. In 604, he enacted 17 Articles of Constitution, which strongly emphasized the Chinese Confucian Ideology of a centralized state under the governance of a signle sovereign. This constitution advocated for the appointment of officials based on merit, underscored the officials’ responsibilty towards the ruled, and stressed the subjects’ obedience to their rulers. Furthermore, it promoted an ideally harmonious bureaucracy grounded on the Confucian virtues of righteousness, decorum, and diligence. Prince Shōtoku’s “17 Articles of Constitution” firmly established Confucian ideals and Buddhist ethics as the moral bedreck of the emerging Japanese nation. This constitution served as the blueprint for court etiquette and decorum in Japan for centuries. During this era, the concept of “filial piety” was not yet prevalent among the Japanese people. It was during the Nara period (710 A.D.–784 A.D.) that the Japanese rulers initiated the Way of “filial piety” (J. kō). By the time of Nara and Heian, “filial piety” had been widely accepted by the Japanese people, and the discussion about the meaning of “filial piety” and the relationship between “filial piety” and “loyalty” was actively debated among the upper echelons of society. In 720, Emperor Shotoku (680 A.D.–748 A.D.) issued an imperial decree, saying, “Humans are endowed with five constant virtues: human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and truthfulness), among those, human-heartedness and righteousness are critically important. And in all walks of human life, filial piety and respectfulness stand as the paramount virtues”30

A picture of prince Shotoku

During the era of legal system of Japan (roughly from Late seventh century to the tenth century), State Confucianism mainly focused on the five ethic relations, known as “wulun,” with particular emphasis on “the affection between father and 30

See Wang Jiahua, “Ancient Japanese Confucianism and Its Characteristics”, in Comparative Culture: China and Japan, Jilin University Press, 1996, pp. 7, 17, 22.

186

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

son” (heavenly unity of father and son) ( fu zi tian he), and “the righteous unity of monarch and minister” ( jun chen yi he). At that time, it came into vogue to be fond of the Chinese language and poetry among aristocrats, which also revealed conflicting ideologies between loyalty and filial piety, as well as the dichotomy between public and private interests. This trend also sparkled debates on which of these values should prevail. Zhu Jinlan’s reply contained in volume 20 of An Anthology of Kanshi (a collection of classical Chinese poerty written by Japanese poets, also known as Jing Guo Ji, or Keikokushū)31 reveals a consciousness of prioritizing loyalty to the public over filial piety to the private or personal, with loyalty coming first and filial piety second. Zhu Jinlan said: “Historically, loyalty and filial piety have often been at odds. Some have sacrificed their kins to die heroically for their country, while others have forfeited their personal interests to serve the public. […] When it comes to our fathers, filial piety is fundamental, but for our monarch, loyalty stands as the first. Examining the purpose of loyalty and filial piety in modern times, it becomes apparent that loyalty should precede filial piety.”32 This ideology undoubtedly foreshadowed the much heated debates among Confucian thinkers in Japan’s later shogunate system-based state regarding Confucian Religion (rujiao).33 During Japan’s Edo Period Edo (1600 A.D.–1868 A.D.), also known as the Tokugawa era, the Confucian Scholarship prevailed widely in Japan. During this period, a revised form of Confucian Scholarship, known as the Confucian Scholarship of Zhu Xi (C. zhu xi xue; J. Shushigaku), gained great appeal among samurai class and elite class. The Scholarship of Zhu Xi brought renewed attention to human and secular society, emphasizing social responsibility in mundane world, and liberated it from the moral supremacy of the influential Buddhist monasteries. Gradually, Zhu Xi’s Confucian Scholarship evolved into the official academic discourse. In addition, School of Yangming Confucianism and School of Ancient Confucianism, among others, emerged in succession.

31

“J. Keikokushū” is An Anthology of Kanshi written in Classical Chinese by Japanese poets in the Heian period, which was compiled by Yoshimine no Yasuyo, Minabuchi no Hirosada, Sugawara no Kiyotomo, Yasuno no Fumitugu, Shigeno no Sadanushi, and Abe no Yoshihito under the command of Emperor Junna. The text was completed in 827—translator’s note. 32 Quoted from Masahiko Miyake, The History of Japanese Confucianism, translated by Chen Huabei, Shandong University Press, 1997, p. 8. 33 “J. Bakuhan System” refers to the political structure established by the Tokugawa House during the early years of the seventeenth century. According to the Bakuhan System, the general is the supreme ruler of Japan, and the shogunate is the highest political organ of the country, which ruled vassals over the country—translator’s note.

5.3 Central Ideas of Japanese Confucianism

187

Bronze statue of Hayasirazan

When discussing the contradiction between loyalty and filial piety, Hayasirazan (C. linluoshan, 1583 A.D.–1657 A.D.), the founder of Japanese Zhu Xi Philosophy (zhuzixue) or the Japanese Zhu Xi Confucianism, said: “Sometimes monarch is more important than our parent. Sometimes our parent is more important than monarch.” However, when commenting on Mencius’ attitude toward the murder committed by Gusou, father of Emperor Shun, namely, “Emperor Shun would desert the world and fleed with his father on his back,” Hayasirazan argued that “Though Emperor Shun loves his father out of filial piety, he must not pervert justice for his private grace.”34 Thus, “justice” is understood as being related to the state and the world, and “private grace” as being related to the relation between father and son. Hayasirazan simply considered the loyalty-filial piety relation to be the public–private relation, and antagonized them. Japanese Zhu Xi Confucianism regards “public” as universal moral law and “private” as arbitrary personal desire, and gradually developed into that ideology that “loyalty” is absolutely superior to “filial piety,” and then became the ideology that dominated the national ethic direction of the shogunate and vassal states. Obviously, this ideology is more suitable for landlord-based Japanese society. Thereby, “Loyalty” became the code of conduct for Japanese samurai class (wushi dao; Bushido, or the Way of Warrior), which emphasized honor, courage, martial skill, and loyalty to warrior’s master (J. daimyo) above all else. Nakae Toju (1608 A.D.–1648 A.D.), the founder of Japanese Yangming School, put “filial piety” above “loyalty” and even above all virtues. He believes that “filial piety” is the fundamental conscience of human beings. If one loses his heart of “filial piety,” he loses his innate conscience and the spiritual harbor to settle down. In the face of the conflict between “justice” and “private grace,” Nakae Toju believes that “private grace” to thank parents for their upbringing is more important than “public 34

Quoted from Masahiko Miyake, A History of Japanese Confucianism, trans. by Chen Huabei, Shandong University Press, 1997, p. 86.

188

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

justice.” Nakae Toju criticized the ethic order based on principle of “public justice” by promoting the principle of “primacy of private grace.” He also put forward the “Way of Temporary” (quandao) which changes according to “time, condition, and place,” and he put forward the concept of changing history for the first time in modern Japanese ideological history.35

Nakae Toju

Yamazaki Ansai (1618 A.D.–1682 A.D.), another leading propagator of Zhu Xi Philosophy in Japan and an Early Edo period Confucian and Shintoist of highly individual character, embraced Confucius’Human-heartedness Scholarship (renxue), extolled Zhu Xi’s doctrine of human-heartedness, and wrote two books, Treatise on Human-heartedness and Questions and Answers on the Theory of Humanheartedness. He was influenced by Yi Hwang of the Joseon Dynasty. In the Preface to Question and Answer on the Theory of Human-heartedness, he said: “In pursuit of human-heartedness, it is imperative to initially understand its name and meaning, grasping its connotations and implications. Secondly, one must strive dilligently towards reverence ( jing) and tolerance (shu), while committing to self-disciple and reverting to propriety. Only then can one achieve the state of human-heartedness! This represents Zhu Xi’s initial motive to educate individuals in pursuit of humanheartedness. […] Through reading The Analects of Confucius and The Work of Mencius over and over again, you can comprehend the subtle meanings of kindheartedness and warmth inherent in human-heartedness.”36 Yamazaki Ansai valued what Zhu Xi called “the Principle of Love” (aizhili), claiming that “the Principle of Love” is where the essence of kindness and warmth of “the virtue of heartmind” dwells, and that, after Zhu Xi, almost none of Confucian scholars of Song, Yuan, 35 See Sheng Banghe, East Asia: The Spiritual Course Towards Modern Times, Zhejiang People’s Publishing House, 1995, pp. 28–30. 36 Quoted from Takehiko Okada, Yamazaki Ansai, Taipei East University Book Company, 1987, p. 49.

5.3 Central Ideas of Japanese Confucianism

189

and Ming dynasties understood its true meaning, even Yi Hwang’s Ten Diagrams of Sage Learning did not make it clear. Cheng-Zhu Neo-Confucianism views humanheartedness as a fundamental principle, interpretes the inherent principle within humans as nature (xing), and emphasized the purity and dignity inherent in this nature (xing). Therefore, Cheng-Zhu Neo-Confucianism believe that the relationship between nature (xing) and material force (qi) is that of Ti (Substance) and Yong (Function). Yamazaki Ansai interpreted “human-heartedness” as “nature of all beings” (shēng zhī xìng) and “love that is not yet aroused” (weifazhiai), and claimed that all beings and nature are oneness, and human-heartedness and love are of same source. He believed that as long as one could recognize human-heartedness, humanheartedness was manifested by kindness and warmth. Like scholars of Zhu Xi’s Neo-Confucianism in Korea, Ansai also discussed the relationship between reverence ( jing) and righteousness (yi) and criticized Cheng-Zhu. Regarding reverence within and righteousness without, the School of Yamazaki Confucianism launched a heated debate. Abe Yoshio (1905 A.D.–1978 A.D.) compared Ansai and Yi Hwang in his book Chu Hsi Neo-Confucianism of Japan and Korea, believing that Yi Hwang valued personal self-cultivation, laid stress on the philosophical thinking of PrincipleMaterial Force (li-qi) and Heart-Nature (xin-xing), and summarized the Way of Learning into learning, thinking, and respectfulness ( jing), while Ansai valued the construction of ethical relations of Japanese society and the active participation in society, and summarized the Way of learning into three key elements: knowing, doing, and respecting. [Of course, we should also consider specific historical situations. For example, in Yi Hwang’s era, a series of literati purges (sahwa) frequently occurred in the “forest of scholars.”] In short, they both valued “respectfulness” ( jing) relatively highly. Yamaga Sok (1622 A.D.–1685 A.D.), Itô Jinsai (1627 A.D.–1705 A.D.), and Ito Toya (1670 A.D.–1736 A.D.), a father and son, duo, belonging to the Ancient School of Japanese Confucianism, advocated a return to the teachings of Confucius and Mencius, emphasizing the important categories of “human-heartedness” (yi) and “sincerity” (cheng), as well as “righteousness, loyalty (zhong), good faith” (xin), among others. The Ancient School of Japanese Confucianism, prominent in the era of Edo, not only adhered to the Han and Tang commentaries on Confucian Classics to probe into the true meaning of Confucius and Mencius’ teachings, but also strove to uncover their orthodox truths through the lens of norms of social life and social organizations. Thus, this school attached great importance to reality, human nature cultivation, experiential knowledge, and the reformation of social systems, deeply rooted in the daily life of the people.37

37

See Zhang Heqin, A Prologue to Confucianism in Japan, Taipei, Ming Wen Publishing House, 1987, pp. 57–58.

190

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

Mr. Yamaga Suyuki by Shimada Moxian

Yamaga Sokō (1622 A.D.–1685 A.D.) was a military strategist and Confucian philosopher. In his critique of the Neo-Confucianism of Song and Ming and the asceticism centered on respectfulness or seriousness ( jing) in Japan, he pointed out: “What makes the benevolent become the benevolent is that he is committed to selfdiscipline and practicing propriety. Heaven and Earth operate through non-action (wuwei), while the world stands firmly on the foundation of human-heartedness. When Yan Yuan inquired about human-heartedness, Confucius responded with a concise compendium, wherein human-heartedness’s wholeness, greatness, and function is exhaustively expressed. The human-hearted [person] possesses the doctrines of Five Constant Virtues (wuchang), abides by the teachings of sages, and regards human-heartedness as the perfectest virtue. Confucian scholars of Han and Tang dynasties viewed human-heartedness primarily as a synonym for love, a perspective that understates its depth, whereas Confucian scholars of Song Dynasty viewed human-heartedness as nature (xing), a conception that seems overly elevated. Neither of them fully grasped the true significance of sage’s human-heartedness. Han and Tang Confucians had fewer misinterpretations of human-heartedness, while Song and Ming Confucians made more errors in their understanding. Sages gave a detailed explanation of human-heartedness: for righteousness, human-heartedness means to love what should be loved and hate what should be hated. Human-heartedness is manifested by righteousness, while righteousness stands on human-heartedness, hence human-heartedness and righteousness are inseparable. Human emotions boil down to love and evil, which are inherent in human nature. Human-heartedness and righteousness provide the necessary balance between these two extremes.38 This approach relaxes the rigid Nature-Principle Theory of Song and Ming and reverts back to Confucius’ Theory of Human-heartedness (renxue) It embraces a philosophy of human-heartedness and love (ren-ai) that is distinct from human nature (xing) and emotions (qing). Yamaga Sokō solemnly viewed “sincerity” as an essential aspect of human feelings, akin to our natural attraction to beautiful colors and craving 38

“Yamaga Sok”, The System of Japanese Thought, vol. 32, edited and annotated by Tanhara Shiro, etc., Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1976, p. 343.

5.3 Central Ideas of Japanese Confucianism

191

for delicious food. Naturally, he also objected to excessive affection, viewing it as a form of dishonesty. When discussing loyalty and truthfulness, Yamaga Sokō said: “In serving others, loyalty demands selfishness, while in friendships, faithfulness precludes insincerity and fraud. The loyal is not selfish, while the faithful is not fraudulent. Loyalty springs from within the heart, while faithfulness manifests in our dealings with all things in the world. By loyalty, we serve our leaders, and by sincerity, we engage with friends. Sages’ teachings lie in their emphasis on truthfulness and sincerity.”39 This is Yamaga’s understanding of human-heartedness, righteousness, loyalty, and truthfulness. Ito Jinsai, a scholar of Ancient School of Japanese Confucianism, opposed the official Neo-Confucianism of Tokugawa Japan, departed from the Zhu Xi Philosophy, and advocated a return to the original Confucian Classics represented by Confucius and Mencius. His Intepretations of Terms in “Analects” and “Mencius” (C. yu meng zi yi, J. Gomō Jigi) comprehensively revived Confucius’ theory of humanheartedness and Mencius’ theory of righteousness by abolishing Neo-Confucian interpretations of Confucian Classics that were dominant at that time. Ito Jinsai’s academic reputation and thought underwent a shift from “respectfulness” ( jing) to “human-heartedness” (ren), and during this period, he experienced serious spiritual confusion and crisis of spiritual pursuit. His original intention was to restore Confucianism to its humanistic world and ethic roots, shifting the focus from mere “respectfulness” to a deeper sense of “human-heartedness.”40 His interpretation of The Work of Mencius also reflects his transcendent pursuit, claiming that “The Way is in vulgar,” and “Heavenly Principle” is sought in “worldly human affairs,” which is exactly in line with the thought of Dai Zhen (1724 A.D.–1777 A.D.) one hundred years later.41 Ito Jinsai said: “The principle of Saints is simply human-heartedness and righteousness.” “The School of Confucianism aught to prioritize human-heartedness as its fundamental purpose.” “Huaman-heartedness and righteousness are indeed the fundamental virtues that underlie all other qualities, serving as the driving force behind all forms of goodness.” “Human-heartedness is the virtue of mercifulness and love, which permeates all things under heaven, widely and thoroughly, within and without, far and near; while righteousness entails consistently acting upon what is morally right.”42 Ito Jinsai went on to say: “Human-heartedness is the virtue of human nature and disposition, which is known as the original heart of human being. The great virtue of Heaven and Earth is 39

Ibid., p. 344. Yang Rubin, “Human Relations and Heavenly Principles: the Pursuit of the Way by Ito Jinsai and Master Zhu,” see Confucianism in Modern East Asia: On Japan, edited by Huang Junjie, Taiwan, Preparatory Office of Institute of Chinese Literature and Philosophy, “Academia Sinica”, 1999. 41 Ibid., See Huang Junjie, “Ito Jinsai’s Interpretation of Mencius: Content, Nature and Meaning.” 42 “Itō Jinsai, Itō Tōgai”, The System of Japanese Thought, vol. 33, edited and annotated by Yoshikawa Koujiro and et al., Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1979, pp. 143, 130, 128. 40

192

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

known as production of all beings, and the great virtue of humans is known as humanheartedness. And human-heartedness is endowed by Heaven and Earth with the virtue of production and reproduction of all beings and all things, which is internalized in the human heart and manifested through love. All goodness springs from the compassionate impulse within all human beings, who have the unbearing heart to witness the suffering of others, and who can fulfill and expand such a heart to include all beings and things. Viewed from the heart of the human-heartedness, his heart stands as oneness with all things, because his heart regards love as its substance. […] The principle of human-heartedness penetrates into each vein of the human-hearted, thus whatever he thinks about and whatever he does all emerge from love. So, humanheartedness, as virtue, to put it simply, is ‘love’ and that’s all. […] Oneness with all things is the main characteristic of the virtue of human-heartedness, while various manifestation of human-heartedness in all things is the primary characteristic of the virtue of righteousness. […] Accordingly, as to seeking the Sagely Way, nothing else is greater than practicing human-heartedness. As to practicing human-heartedness, nothing else is more closer than loving others. As to loving others, nothing else comes first than showing filial piety for one’s parents. Thus, to extend one’s heart to include others is known as “being considerate” and to show love for others nearby is known as ‘human-heartedness.’ This is all that a Confucian scholar should come to know about it.”43 Actually, Ito Jinsai achieved a remarkable synthesis of the “human-heartedness” thought from Confucian philosophy spanning the Pre-Qin Dynasties, Song, and Ming dynasties, thereby affirming its core concept of love, as well as its inherent virtue of perpetual creation and regeneration. He emphasized that men of human-heartedness embrace love as their heart, reflecting a spontaneous manifestation of their nature and disposition. He also affirmed “loyalty and faithfulness” (zhong-xin), believing that it is the foundation of learning for self-improvement as well as the principle that Confucian scholars cannot change. Additionally, Ito Jinsai formed his own understanding of wisdom (zhi), human-heartedness (ren), bravery (yong), as well as human-heartedness (ren), righteousness (yi), propriety (li), and wisdom (zhi), after recognizing the impracticality of implementing the speculative philosophy of Song Confucianism in everyday ethical practices. Both Yamaga Sokō and Ito Jinsai emphasized “sincerity” (cheng). Ito Jinsai believed that loyalty-truthfulness (zhong-xin) and sincerity (cheng) share similar meaning, that is, “fully developing one’s heart in earnestly pursuing an action.” They both opposed something artificial and superficial, advocating for the sublimation of genuine and unwavering sincerity in feelings, and viewing the Way of human-heartedness as deeply intertwined with the worldly life. In late Edo period, the concept of “sincerity” gradually emerged as the root of morality, and in the late Bakumatsu Period (1853 A.D.–1868 A.D.), individuals with lofty aspirations spoke highly of the virtues of “sincerity” and “utmost sincerity” (zhicheng).

43

Ibid. pp. 277–278.

5.3 Central Ideas of Japanese Confucianism

193

During the early Edo period, Hayasirazan (1583 A.D.–1657 A.D.)44 and his teacher, Fujiwara Seika (1561 A.D.–1619 A.D.), held a positive view on “respectfulness” ( jing) and emphasized its combination with “sincerity”. They claimed that “sincerity” and “respectfulness” ( jing) can be conceived as an indissoluble oneness. Hayasirazan even interpreted “respectfulness” ( jing) as something inseparable, implying “non-duality.” He believed that “the heart of sincerity (cheng) lies in oneness, not a duality,” indicating undivided commitment and devotion to a single person or thing. This ideology suited Tokugawa Ieyasu’s ambition to unify Japan and open up the Edo Era. Hayasirazan emphasized identity and status, position and liability, division of upper and lower, division of monarch and minister, father and son, and established an ethic code of hierarchy of the samurai class based on the concept of identity. However, by the end of Edo period, men with lofty ideals took over “sincerity” promoted by the Ancient School of Japanese Confucianism instead of “respect,” and required the external society to be consistent with individual wishes and actively participate in social reform. The shift from “respectfulness” to “sincerity” shows that ethical concepts are consistently evolving with the times. Of course, we cannot help but notice that in the history of Japanese ethical thought, the concept of “respect” ( jing), as well as the advocacy of the awareness of “self-respect,” “respect for others,” “respect for all things,” and “respect for work,” and their combination with moral concepts, such as “loyalty,” “truthfulness,” “righteousness,” “shamefulness,” and “knowing shame” (zhichi), made the Japanese cultural and mental structure adapt to their own society and nation. For example, there appeared the spirit of loyalty to monarchs and respect to superiors among samurai and citizens, which naturally enhanced the national and political cohesion and integration of Japan.45 Historically, these psychological and spiritual factors have amassed, yielding both positive and negative outcomes for Asia and the world. In the history of Japanese Confucianism, emphasis on and new interpretation of the thought of “human-heartedness and love” (ren-ai), and debates on “sincerity” and “respect,” “loyalty” and “filial piety,” and “public” and “self-interest” have specific and complex language background, cultural scene, and ideological connotation, which need to be analyzed specifically. Ruth Benedict (1887 A.D.– 1948 A.D.), a renowned American anthropologist known for her studies in Japanese culture and axiology, claimed that the Japanese ethical system inherently rejects “human-heartedness” as a moral concept. However, this assertion may not hold true, especially among the elite level of Japanese society.46 We cannot seem to put too much stock in Benedict’s similar assertions, as she had neither been to Japan nor read works written by Japanese elites during her time. The rough and brief description above aims to illustrate that certain values can emerge as the prevailing concepts 44

Hayasirazan was an idealist philosopher of early Tokugawa Shogunate in Japan, and a key figure in the School of Zhu Xi Confucianism in Kyoto, Japan—Translator’s note. 45 See Sheng Banghe, East Asia: The Spiritual Course Towards Modern Times, Zhejiang People’s Publishing House, 1995, pp. 66–67, 21. 46 Ruth Benedict, Chrysanthemum and Sword, trans. Sun Zhimin et al., Zhejiang People’s Publishing House, 1987, p. 100.

194

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

within a particular society during a given period, influenced by multiple factors. It is normal to re-interpret certain concepts or investigate the evolving connotations of these concepts.

5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness Judging from the “Four Books,” The Work of Guan Zi, The Work of Xun Zi, and some elementary reading materials prevailing during the folk since Song Dynasty, the core values commonly recognized by both government and people of traditional society are generally based on human-heartedness (ren-ai), and these important categories are: human-heartedness (ren), Yi righteousness (yi), ritual (li), wisdom (zhi), faithfulness (xin), filial piety (xiao), brotherliness (ti), loyalty (zhong), tolerence (shu), sincerity (cheng), respect ( jing), moral integrity (lian) and shame (chi), etc. Among traditional moral categories, the “Five Constants” (wuchang) comprising human-heartedness (ren), righteousness (yi), propriety (li), wisdom (zhi), and truthfulness (xin), along with the “Four Ropes” (siwei) of propriety (li), righteousness (yi), integrity (lian), and shame (chi) represent the summation of Chinese ancient thinkers’ understanding of fundamental moral concepts and moral norms in Chinese culture. Originated in the Spring and Autumn Period and established in the Han dynasty, they were the most universal and important moral codes for stabilizing the country and society. “Wei” 維 means a big rope for tying objects. The concept of “Siwei” 四維 was put forward by Guan Zhong (ca. 723 B.C.–ca. 645 B.C.), a famous statesman during the early Spring and Autumn Period, along with his proteges and scholars affiliated with the Jixia Academy of the State of Qi.47 Guan Zhong stated: “A country stands upon the Four Ropes (siwei). Without one, it will tilt; without two, it will be in jeopardy; without three, it will collapse; without all four, it will perish. A tilting country can be rectified. A county in jeopardy can be rescued. A collapsing county can be revived. However, a county that has perished will disappear forever. Then what are the Four Ropes? The first is propriety (li), the second is righteousness (yi), the third is integral character (lian), and the fourth is shame (chi). Men of propriety do not act against norms of human relations; men of righteousness act in accordance with rightness and public interests; men of integral character do not conceal their faults and misconducts; and men of knowing shame (zhi chi) refuse to associate with immoral individuals or engage in actions that violate moral principles.”48 “Propriety, righteousness, moral integrity, and sense of shame, put together, form the four ethic standards that govern a country.” “If the Four Ropes are not firmly founded, the country would easily perish.” (The Work of Gaun Zi, On Shepherding 47

The Jixia Academy was thought to be an early Chinese “think tank” which was sponsored by the ruler of Qi and produced, among other thinkers, Mencius’ later opponent Xun Zi (310 B.C.–220 B.C.)—translator’s note. 48 In The Analects of Confucius it is said: “To possess the sense of shame is to be near to fortitude.” (The Doctrine of the Mean)—translator’s note.

5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness

195

People) Hence, propriety, righteousness, integrity, and shame constitute the four cardinal Confucian principles for ruling a country and also reflect the spiritual pursuit of a country and the understanding of Chinese ancestors on the core values of the society at that time. Such four cardinal Confucian principles have played a crucial role in shaping the moral standards of traditional China. According to the School of Guan Zi (guan zi xue pai), without such four cardinal ropes, the country will perish. Only when individuals understand propriety, righteousness, integrity, and sense of shame, they will refrain from engaging in actions that transcend their social roles and violate moral norms. Only when individuals possess a sense of shame that discourages them from concealing immoral actions, can a country achieve strength and prosperity. The doctrines of propriety, righteousness, integrity, and sense of shame were later embraced by Confucianists. Up to Ming and Qing dynasties, these values merged with the concepts of “filial piety, brotherliness, loyalty, and faithfulness”, collectively forming the esteemed “Eight Virtues” (known as bade).

Jia Yi

Hereinafter, I will introduce some specific virtuous items of the “Five Constants” (wuchang) and the “Four Ropes” (siwei) and their internal relations. The “Five Constants” refer to five primary moral principles: “human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and truthfulness.” While Confucius emphasized each of these moral virtues, virtues were also advocated by thinkers preceding him. During the early Warring States Period, Zisi, Confucius’ grandson, grouped “humanheartedness, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom,” along with “human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and sainthood” (sheng 聖), and labeled them as the “Confucian Four Virtues” (si xing) or “Confucian Five Virtues” (wuxing). Mencius, a prominent synthesizer of Zisi-Mencius School, explicitly identified the Four Confucian Virtues as “human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom.” During the Western Han Dynasty, Jia Yi (200 B.C.–168 B.C.) and Dong Zhongshu (179 B.C.–104 B.C.) officially introduced the “Five Constant Principles” of humanheartedness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and truthfulness, and regarded them

196

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

as individuals’ “Virtues of Constant Practice” (chang xing zhi de). During the Eastern Han Dynasty, Ban Gu (32 A.D.–92 A.D.) et al. wrote Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall (baihutongyyi), and Wang Chong (27 A.D.–ca. 97 A.D.) wrote Discourses Weighed in the Balance or Critical Essays (lunheng). Both pointed out that human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and truthfulness stand as individuals’ “Five Qualities” (wuxing) or “Five Constants” (wuchang). They restated that these principles represent the Way of Five Constants and the Way of Permanence, which are essential for individuals to practice. In short, “Five Constants” encompass the five virtues of human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and truthfulness, which are a summary of the fundamental moral categories and principles of the Chinese nation, formulated by ancient Chinese thinkers. “Five Constants,” which were originated during the Spring and Autumn Period and solidified during the Han Dynasty, stand as the most prevalent and significant moral norms of the Chinese nation. 1. Ren: the Culmination of All Virtues. 1.0 “Human-heartedness (ren) is the central concept of Confucian ideology as well as one of the central categories of Chinese philosophy. Confucius generally did not directly define what human-heartedness is, just as Lao Zi generally did not directly define what Tao is. This is also the way Chinese philosophy discusses problems. We can understand the multiple meanings of “human-heartedness” through dialogues between Confucius and his contemporaries. 1.1 First of all, “love for others” is considered as “human-heartedness.” Humanheartedness is widely and aptly seen as the most fundamental concept of Confucianism. It has been translated into English in multiple ways, such as humanheartedness, benevolence, humaneness, humanity, human love, etc. Each translation highlights one particular aspect of Ren 仁, yet none fully exhausts its multifaceted meanings. On a phonetical level, the pronunciation of the Chinese word Ren 仁 bears similarity to another Chinese word Ren 人 pronounced the same, but with distinct meanings. “[When his student] Fan Chi asked about human-heartedness, Confucius said: ‘It is Loving people’. Fan Chi asked about wisdom. Confucius said: ‘It is knowing people’. Seeing that Fan Chi was unable to understand, Confucius elaborated: ‘By elevating the straight and upright individuals and placing them above the crooked, one can make the crooked straight.’” (Analects, Chap. 12) Confucius advocated that the fusion of human-heartedness and wisdom could bring out the best of individuals, believing that to love humans constitutes human-heartedness, while to know humans signifies wisdom. The integration of these two aspects, as reflected in the, is known as “knowing people and utilizing people properly.” This entails promoting upright individuals over these with malicious intents. Regarding “love for others,” Confucius inherited the humanist tradition established since Duke Zhou. He vehemently opposed human sacrifice and even expressed his disdain for the use of human-shaped earthen puppets or wooden effigies in burial practices. “Confucius said: ‘Whoever initiated the use of human-shaped puppets for burial surely merits no offspring!’ If it

5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness

197

is not permissible to use human-shaped puppets in burial, how could a human-hearted ruler ever let his people to starve?” (Mencius, Liang Hui Wang, I) In other words, Confucius opposed the use of human-shaped puppets in burial (because it is not human-hearted), let alone burying the living with the dead. According to Chap. 17 of The Analects of Confucius, when returning from the imperial court, Confucius heard that the stable had been burned, he first asked, “Hurt people? Don’t ask horse.” Confucius cared about people, not horses (and the property they represented). The people he genuinely cared about included everyday laborers who tended to horses. Evidently, the core theme of human-heartedness revolves around love, sympathy, and concern for all people, especially those belonging to the lower strata of society. The “love for people” advocated by Confucius and early Confucians emphasized love with distinction. While Confucius advocated “Love for all people,” he emphasized that one should “begin with love for one’s parents,” gradually extending his scope of love to include others and, ultimately, all people. That is to say, love originates from an individual’s love for their parents and brothers, and subsequently expands to encompass all of humanity. This is different from Christian “universal fraternity” and Mo Zi (MoTzu)’s “impartial love” or “all-embracing love.” Actually speaking, love with distinction is a constant occurrence within human relations. Love for one’s parents, brothers, and sisters is a natural and sincere feeling, which is the foundation of universal human love for all humans. Universal love is to extend the love for one’s parents, brothers, and sisters to include all humans, namely, to love people around, and people in society, to consider others in their place, and to feel for others. It is recorded in The Doctrine of the Mean (Zhong Yong) that Confucius replied to Aigong’s inquiry about governance, saying: “Human-heartedness defines the inherent nature of human beings, and its great exercise lies in the deep affection for kinship. Righteousness aligns actions with what is morally right and just, and its great exercise lies in its fullest manifestation of honoring the worthy. As for love being different due to relatives far and near, and different respect being different due to the worthier big and small, these are produced by propriety.” In other words, “human-heartedness” is an innate and essential aspect of human beings, serving as the Way for one to be a human. “Human-heartedness” is a moral feeling that begins with a deep love for one’s parents and extends beyond, encompassing love for one’s parents and family and, ultimately, for others’ parents and family as well. By the concept of human-heartedness, Confucius advocates for a universal love that finds its roots in the love for kinship. “Righteousness” means to be appropriate and suitable in handling affairs or human relations, and respect for the worthy constitutes an important content of social righteousness, which is an expansion of love for elder brothers. The Chinese phrase “qinqin zhisha” 親親之殺 means that “love for people” differs depending upon whether they are close or distant, near or far. The Chinese phrase “zunxian zhideng” 尊賢之等 means that “respect for the worthy” differs depending upon the worthy who are superior or inferior in virtue, strong or weak in ability, high or low in status. “Propriety” is the concretization and formalization of orders and rankings stipulated by “human-heartedness” (that takes

198

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

as its starting point loving relatives) and “righteousness” (that takes as its starting point respecting the worthy). In other words, propriety is the action which has been deemed appropriate by society, righteousness is the action that is indeed correct, while human-heartedness concerns the relationship between the agent and object of the action. As elucidated above, human-heartedness’ primary meaning lies in the act of “loving people.” 1.2 “Self-restraint and a return to ritual (keji fuli).” Human-hearted virtue is the authentic connotation of ritual and music culture. Yan Yuan, one of Confucius’ students, asked about human-heartedness. Confucius said: “To exercise self-restraint and adhere to propriety is to embody humanheartedness. When one practices restraint and follows propriety, they will be praised by others for their virtuous character. Those who seek to cultivate human-heartedness shall find it within themselves, as it originates from within, not from external validation.” Yan Yuan asked Confucius about the way to practice human-heartedness, Confucius replied: “Always adhere to propriety in all your actions: Do not look, listen, speak, or move without respecting the rituals.” (Analects, Chap. 12.1). Yan Yuan said: “Though I am not clever enough, please let me do as you say!” (Analects, Chap. 12) Self-restraint means to discipline oneself through moral cultivation. Return to propriety means to abide by and practice propriety. To practice human-heartedness is to achieve the Way of human-heartedness. The ancient teaching that “To exercise self-restraint and adhere to propriety is human-heartedness” predates Confucius and is documented in ancient books. According to Zuo’s Commentary: The 12th Year of Zhao Gong (zuozhuan. zhaogong), “Confucius said, ‘According to ancient annals, to exercise self-restraint and adhere to propriety is the essence of human-heartedness. This is very nice!’” Propriety functions as rules, norms, standards, systems, and orders of a certain society, which are aimed at disciplining individuals’ behavior, reconciling various conflicts, and fostering harmonious human relations. Or to put it simply, the role of propriety lies in maintaining social harmony. Accordingly, in reply to Yan Hui’s inquiry, Confucius pointed out that individuals in seeing, hearing, speaking, and doing should be in accordance with propriety. Confucius further stated: “harmony should be valued.” A stable and harmonious human order has always been maintained through certain etiquette norms, including a certain pecking order, ceremonial protocols, and rituals. This holds true both historically and presently, in China and beyond. Ritual evolves across time and space. Confucius, who deeply valued and personally practiced ritual, explored the implications behind the rituals of deference (rang) and respect ( jing). On the one hand, Confucius claimed that one should “discipline oneself and observe propriety,” and that one should be widely learned in ancient classics and self-restrained in propriety, saying: “Only when natural ability and acquired learning are properly integrated, can one become truly wise and virtuous person. Only through extensive study of ancient cultural classics and self-discipline through ritual can we stay true to the path of Confucianism.” (Analects, Chap. 12:27)

5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness

199

Confucius gives primacy to self-cultivation through ritual, highlighting the importance of refined upbringing. On the other hand, Confucius shifted focus to cultivating an inner moral self, emphasizing that “human-heartedness is attained through personal effort.” Hence, Confucian Scholarship (ruxue) is known as “Learning for Self-improvement” (wei ji zhi xue) rather than “Learning for Showing off to Others” (wei ren zhi xue). This emphasizes that the achievement of human-heartedness is not motivated or determined by external norms or purposes. Regarding ritual and music cultural system, and the relationship between norms and benevolent virtue (ren-de), Confucius said: “For one who lacks humanheartedness, what significance does ritual possess? And for such a person, what relevance does music have? (Analects, Chap. 3) Human-heartedness is heart of benevolent virtue (ren-de), and flows outward in actions of righteousness. What does a human have to do with ritual? How is the essence of ritual manifested? What does a human lacking an inherent benevolent virtue do with the ritual and music, norms or customs? Confucius means that a human lacking an inherent benevolent virtue may either violate ritual and music or engage with them in a hollow, ceremonial way, unable to achieve a genuine integration of their inner world with rituals and music. Confucius said: “Ritual! Ritual! Are they just beautiful things like jades and silks? Music! Music! Are they just musical instruments like bells and drums?” (Analects, Chap. 11) Jade and silk are just props used in practice of ritual. Bell and drum are just props used in performance of music. One must first have the heart of reverence ( jing) and then present it in form of jade and silk, which is called ritual; one must first have qi of harmony (heqi) within his heart, and then arouse it through bell and drum, which is called music. If one gives up something essential for something non-essential, or if misses out on something internal by focusing soley on something external, they reduce ritual and music to mere objects like jade and silk, bell, and drum. Obviously, Confucius’ teachings emphasize that we should not merely concentrate on our outer appearance while neglecting our inner essence. Instead, we should strive for a harmony between our external actions and our internal values. Lin Fang, one of Confucius’ students, asked Confucius about what is essential in ritual. “Confucius said: ‘A significant inquiry indeed! In rites in general, rather than extravagance, better frugality. In funeral rites, rather than thoroughness, better real grief.’” (Analects, Chap. 3) Confucius praises him for posing “a significant inquiry.” In today’s words, Lin Fang is a student with a keen awareness of problems. Confucius holds that the whole ritual of funeral should be complete, and conform to the proper mourning etiquette. He emphasizes that participants should genuinely feel sadness. When conducting a funeral, Confucius advocates frugality rather than extravagant displays, and values heartfelt sorrow and sincere mourning rather than mere ceremonial perfection. Zi Xia (507 B.C.–420 B.C.), styled Bu Shang, was one of Confucius’ renowned student, specifically recognized by Confucius for his literary prowess. Zi Xia discussed rituals with Confucius and inquired about the deeper meanings behind The Book of Poetry (Shijing). Their dialogue on The Work of Poetry unfolded as follows: Zi Xia questioned Confucius: “What is meant by these lines from “Shuoren” of The Book of Poetry (Shijing):

200

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

Zi Xia asked: “‘Oh, her artful smile with pretty dimples, her lovely eyes in clear outline, and it is on plain silk that colors shine. What do these lines mean?’” Confucius replied: “The painting comes after the white following on the plain background.” “Does the practice of rites, in a like manner, come afterwards?” Zi Xia further asked. Confucius said: “It is Shang (Zi Xia) who understands me. Now I feel I can discuss poetry with you.” (Analects, Chap. 3). In the Chinese poetic line “巧笑倩兮” (qiao xiao qian xi), the word “倩” (qian) means something beautiful, or pretty, or handsome, which is especially used to describe a woman’s pretty smile, while the word “盼” (pan) means a sharp contrast between black and white. “素以為絢兮” (su yi wei xuan xi) means that flowers are painted on a white background. “繪事後素” (hui shi hou su) means that white background comes first, and flowers come second. “Her artful smile with pretty dimples, her lovely eyes in clear outline” (巧笑倩兮, 美目盼兮) are the first two poetic lines of “Shuoren” contained in The Book of Poetry (Shijing), and the third poetic line, “It is on plain silk that colors shine” (素以為絢兮), comes from the lost poems (yi shi).49 “禮後乎?” (li hou hu) means that ritual or music comes after human-heartedness or righteousness. Evidently, Zi Xia’s response does find resonance with Confucius himself. Furthermore, Zi Xia had a tendency to relate some seemingly unrelated words to something more profound or deeper. In this case, he connected “繪事後素” (hui shi hou su) with the relation between ritual and human-heartedness, and this is a truly remarkable correlation. Thus, Confucius thinks that Zi Xia is able to draw inferences from one instance, and able to comprehend the true meaning of Confucianism from The Book of Poetry (shijing), and even to inspire Confucius himself. That is why Confucius said that he could discuss The Book of Poetry (shijing) with Zi Xia. Confucius highly praised Zi Xia for his understanding of what is deeply hid behind rituals (of the true human nature behind the form of rituals) through “繪事後 素” (hui shi hou su). This shows that it is exactly human-heartedness that constitutes the true spirit of ritual and music. Ritual and music, without the essence of humanheartedness, become mere formalities, artificial constructs, and societal coercion that strips away our true selves. This is exactly the criticism levied by Confucius. Confucius said: “Is human-heartedness indeed far off? I crave for humanheartedness, and human-heartedness is at hand.” (Analects, Chap. 7:29) Here, Confucius pointed out that behind the form of ritual and music is the understanding of human life and the in-depth true feelings and moral self-consciousness of human beings. “The Way of Human-heartedness” (Rendao) and its standards are not away from us. As long as humans in real life have self-consciousness and want to practice human-heartedness in everyday life, human-heartedness is right here. Hence, Confucius said: “Human-heartedness is not far off. I desire human-heartedness, and human-heartedness is at hand.” These two sentences represent the earliest and most rational assertion in the discussions of moral philosophy around the world. This shows that morality is the act that truly manifests human’s self-control, and 49

Shijing (The Book of Poetry) handed down today is not a complete edition, and the poems that are not contained in Three Hundred Poems are known as 逸诗 (yishi)—translator’s note.

5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness

201

that morality is command to oneself. Moreover, morality is conscious and voluntary; it is produced “by oneself” rather than “by others,” in other words, it is not bound by the limitations of other laws or influenced by external forces. Hence, human-heartedness is an inherent quality within human beings, implying that every individual is naturally endowed with it from birth, rather than acquiring it later. Confucius is one of the earliest cultural giants in the world who recognized moral subjectivity and moral liberty. Of course, this does not obliterate the positive significance of ritual. Obviously, ritual, which means the course of life as it is intended to go, is also conducive to the establishment of moral subjectivity and self-discipline. The process of conforming to and practicing ritual is a process of humanization, and it is the external manifestation of “human-heartedness” (internalized morality) under special social conditions. Confucius maintained the creative tension between human-heartedness and rituals, which is a good way to cultivate a lofty-minded person’s personality and engage in moral self-cultivation. From the above discussion, it becomes evident that the second meaning of “human-heartedness” pertains to “self-cultivation.” This involves diligent effort in practicing ritual, striving to grasp the essence of those rituals rather than adhering to their superficial forms. Through this process, one can attain self-consciousness, self-willingness, and selfdiscipline in practicing human-heartedness, ultimately emerging as a moral agent with subjectivity.

Yu the great

1.3 “Loyalty” (zhong) and “tolerance” (shu) are close to “human-heartedness.” “Zigong said: ‘If someone could spread bounty broadly among the people and rescue the populace, how would that be? Could that be called human-heartedness?’” “Confucius said: ‘How can this merely be human-heartedness? It must be Sainthood! Even Yao and Shun fell short of this. A person with human-heartedness strives not only to sustain and develop themselves but also to sustain and develop others. Drawing

202

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

parallels from their own experiences to treat others kindly embodies the essence of practicing human-heartedness.’” (Analects, Chap. 6) This sentence means: Sages like Yao and Shun feared that they might struggle to achieve such lofty ideals. Confucius claims that while fulfilling our own desires, we should also enable others to fulfill theirs. Thus, the practice of human-heartedness consists in consideration for others. “Wishing to be established himself, one seeks also to assist others in establishment; wishing to be achieved himself, one seeks also to assist others in achieving.”In other words, a person with human-heartedness is ready to put himself in the place of another, standing strong in society and helping others simultaneously, so that other people too can stand tall in society. In simpler terms, “Do to others what you wish yourself.” This is the positive aspect of the practice, which was called “zhong” or “conscientiousness to others” by Confucius. And the negative aspect, which was called “shu” or “altruism” by Confucius, is: “Do not do to others what you wish yourself.” This practice, as a whole, is called the Way of Zhong and Shu, which is also known as “the Way to practice human-heartedness.” From this chapter of The Analects of Confucius, we know that in Confucius’ heart, “sagelihood” or “sage” is the highest state or personality that a person is expected to reach, while the “humanheartedness” or a human-hearted person is secondary to “sagelihood” or “sage.” This chapter is mainly focused on the “loyalty” aspect of “human-heartedness.” Feng You lan explained, “A human-hearted person is sure to have good ability in considering others. Because of what he desires for himself, he can consider other persons and know what they desire. Because of what he does not desire, he can consider others and know what they do not desire. Thus through knowing other persons’ desires by his own desires, in wanting to become a solid person in society, he makes other persons solid; in wanting success for himself, he makes other persons successful.”50 Then what is “human-heartedness?” It signifies an individual’s ability to not only stand strong on their own but also to inspire and assist others to do the same. If one achieves success, they should enable others to achieve success as well. People can do little by little in their daily life, which constitutes the practice of human-heartedness. In this sense, human-heartedness is love, altruism, tenderness, charity, compassion, humaneness, and so on. Confucius does not mean to force others to stand up or to rise up through external imposition, but to create an enabling environment where they could stand on their own, gain footing in society, and achieving success in the world. This defines the essence of a human-hearted individual. Obviously, humanheartedness characterizes the bearing and behavior exhibited by a paradigmatic human, fostering a thriving and flourishing human society. Another aspect of “human-heartedness” is “tolerance” (shu). “To go out and meet people as if they were honored guests, and to do things as if they were sacrificial rituals. This attitude embodies the essence of human-heartedness.” (Zuo’s Commentary: Xi Gong’s 33th Years) Tolerance (shu) seems to be understood as a practical approach that people can apply in their daily life. This is the saying about shu before Confucius, as during the Spring and Autumn Period, people regarded “reverence” 50

Feng Youlan, The Spirit of Chinese Philosophy (xin yuan dao), Beijing, Beijing University Press, 2014, p. 22.

5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness

203

( jing) as a fundamental aspect of “human-heartedness,” and the reverence towards things ( jingshi) was closely tied to the ultimate loyalty ( jingzhong) owed to the ruler. Confucius further pointed out: “Do not do to other what you do not wish yourself,” which is the Way of “tolerance” (shu) and also one of the principles of “human-heartedness.” Zhong Gong, one of Confucius’ students, asked about humanheartedness. Confucius said: “When you go out the door, behave as though you were going to meet some most distinguished guest. When you employ the common people, do so as though you were conducting a ceremonial sacrifice. What you do not want others to do to you, do not do to others. In the state, let there be no grievances against you; in the family, let there be no grievances against you, either.” Zhong Gong also said: “Though I am not clever, please let me do so as you say!” (Analects, Chap. 12) 大賓 (da bin) refers to most distinguished guests, like dukes and marquises. 大祭 (daji) refers to 郊禘之祭 ( jiao di zhi ji), meaning a grand sacrifice to worship High Heaven (tian) on the outskirts in ancient times. Of course, according to Rituals of Zhou (zhouli), only Sons of Heaven (tianzi) are qualified to worship High Heaven. It is addressed as reverence ( jing) that going out the door, behaving as though you were going to meet a very distinguished guest, and employing people as though you were conducting a ceremonial sacrifice; it is addressed as tolerance (shu) that you do not do to others what you do not want others done to yourself. It is addressed as an effort (kong fu) to seek human-heartedness through self-restraint and practice of ritual, and through attentiveness to reverence ( jing) and practice of tolerance (shu). Zi Gong asked Confucius: “Is there one word that can guide a human’s conduct throughout his life?” Confucius said: “Is not ‘reciprocity’ such a word? Do not do toward others anything you would not want to be done to you.” (Analects, Chap. 15) “The Way of tolerance” that a lofty-minded person pursues throughout his life is that he never wants to impose on others what he does not want to impose on himself. For example, you yourself don’t want to be insulted, therefore you don’t insult others. Respecting others is a prerequisite for others to respect yourself. “Do not do to other what you do not wish yourself” is a Confucius Golden Rule for people to be decent and moral. What is underlined herein is a spirit of tolerance and rationality of communication, that is, to put yourself in others’ shoes. Today, the Confucian doctrine of “Do not do toward others anything you would not want to be done to you” still holds water for humankind. What is the consistent Way of Confucius? Zeng Zi once summed up Confucius’ teachings in two words: “Confucius’ teachings consist of loyalty (zhong) and tolerance (shu).” (Analects, Chap. 4) The glyphical form of the Chinese word “忠” is composed of two characters: “中” at top and “心” at bottom. The word “中” has two meanings: (1) “inside;” (2) “middle” or “center.” The word “心” means “heart” or “mind.” Accordingly, the first literal meaning of zhong is something “from inside of one’s heart.” If what we say and do comes from our hearts, then we would be truthful with ourselves and sincere toward others. For Confucians, self-cultivation in virtue starts with being honest with oneself. Confucius said: “A human is born for uprightness. If a human loses his uprightness, and yet lives, his escape from death is just an effect of mere good fortune.” (Analects, Chap. 12) A human survives due to his uprightness. A human who is not upright can also survive, but that is just a fluke to

204

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

save him from death. When Confucius talks about inner virtue of “straightness,” he intends to mean that a human should not deceive himself inside, nor should he deceive others outside. Zhong, as a virtue, is paramount in combating prejudice, discrimination, and bigotry. Wherefore, he opposed these who have glib tongue and sycophant manner. Furthermore, “zhong” also means to fully develop one’s heart and to act with human-heartedness toward others and extend that human-heartedness toward all human beings when possible. This is what is stated by Confucius as “One should be aware that other people may have similar desires as oneself. While fulfilling one’s desires, allow others to fulfill their desires as well.” This is a spontaneous manifestation of sincerity and uprightness in one’s heart. “Shu” speaks of the way one conducts himself in relation to others. The Chinese word “恕” (shu) is formed by combining two characters “如” at top and “心” at bottom. As we have seen earlier, “心” means “heart” or “mind.” The word “如” means “something similar.” So “恕” (shu) literally means “a heart similar to all human beings.” To have the virtue of shu is to have a heart similar to the heart of the person whom one cares about, that is, “Do not do toward others anything you would not want to be done to you.” Taken together, it is known as the Way or the Principle of “zhong and shu” (zhong shu zhi dao) or the Way of Principle of Xieju (xiejuzhidao, the principle of applying a measuring square to other things). That is to say, this is a principle by which one uses oneself as a standard to regulate one’s conduct. In fact, there is “shu” in “zhong” and there is “zhong” in “shu.” It is hard to separate “full development of one’s heart” from “the extension of one’s heart.” The Way or the Principle of “zhong-shu” (zhong shu zhi dao) is not only the principle of human-heartedness that should be adhered to in the relationship between people, but also the principle of the relationship between countries, nations, cultures, religions, and even the universal harmony between human beings and nature. Obviously, following upon the Golden Rule of “Do not do to others what you do not wish yourself” is to practice the virtue of shu. Once we understand how zhong and shu are menat to enhance each other, we will see why both virtues are essential in the Way of human-heartedness. In the teachings of Confucius, human-heartedness is the most important in cultivating people for a harmonious society. Human-heartedness is the foundation of the two virtues of zhong and shu. The glyphic form of the Chinese word “仁” is composed of two characters: “人” on the left and “二” on the right. The word “人” is translated into “human”, “human being,” or “humankind.” The word “二” is a Chinese numeral for “two” or does not strictly signify just two people, but a group or a crowd. Put “人” and “二” together, it has the implication of “two people” or more than two people. Thus, the structural meaning of “仁” tellingly reveals how this compounded Chinese word is used to represent the virtue that two or more people should have love for each other, and it is further extended to the state of harmony among people, and the oneness of all things under Heaven. On this account, it is not difficult to understand what Confucius is quoted as saying “Do not do to others what you do not wish yourself” which is engraved inside the wall of the United Nations. Again, in

5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness

205

1993, the Global Declaration of Ethics, endorsed by the World Conference of Religious Leaders, recognized this precept as the foremost guideline in human relations, honoring it as the Golden Rule for interpersonal conduct in various situations. In The Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong) it is said: “Loyalty and tolerance (zhongshu) is not far from the Way.” This suggests that attaining loyalty (zhong) and tolerance (shu) brings us closer to the Way. Here, the Way refers to the Way of humanity (ren-dao), namely, human-heartedness. Although loyalty (zhong) and tolerance (shu), as two virtues, are insufficient to equal “human-heartedness” as individual values, they constitute practical means to practice human-heartedness, hence not far from the Way. This preceding discussion highlights the third meaning of “human-heartedness”—loyalty (zhong) and tolerance (shu). 1.4 Confucius’ Way of human-heartedness (ren-dao) is the value ideal of humanism. Confucius said: “To stay with human-heartedness is truly beautiful. If you choose not to stay with human-heartedness, can you claim to have wisdom?” (Analects, Chap. 4.1). 里仁 (li ren) means to live together with human-heartedness or within the realm of human-heartedness. Where should we live? Live within human-heartedness. For example, in our old Hankou (Wuhan City, Hubei Province), there are some communities named 居仁门 ( ju ren men) or 居仁里 ( ju ren li), which means to live with or within human-heartedness or to dwell in a place filled with humanheartedness. 擇 (Zé, single out), a Chinese character, is used by our ancient Chinese people to show selection of occupations (zeye), of friends (zeyou), and of neighbors (zelin). When making self-selection and pursuit of the realm of life, how can that be called choice of wisdom if you do not make a choice on the premise of human-heartedness? Self-selection, pursuit of the realm of life, etc., without choosing human-heartedness, how can it be called choice of wisdom? Confucius said: “A human lacking human-heartedness cannot endure a straightened circumstance for long, nor can he stay in a favorable circumstance for long. The virtuous rests in human-heartedness, and the wise profits from human-heartedness.” (Analects, Chap. 4) To recognize “human-heartedness” as the bedrick for our spiritual grounding, regardless of whether we endure poverty and hardship or bask in the lap of luxury, we uphold human-heartedness as the ultimate pursuit of life. In terms of “profit from human-heartedness” (li ren), recognizing its long-term and huge benefits to human life, we therefore adopt “human-heartedness” as the purpose of our lives. A human without virtue of human-heartedness cannot stand the test of poverty and hard-up days, nor can they stand the test of ease and wealth. Not only adversity is a test, but prosperity is also a test. During a human’s life, he will always encounter countless ups and downs, and also enjoy peace and happiness, which is the opportunity to exercise his heart and personality. This is precisely what Mencius means by saying: “One must never be corrupted by wealth, altered by poverty, nor swayed by coercion Only then, can one be deemed as the charismatic ‘great husband’ (dazhangfu) and ‘One who resists the temptation of obscene riches, stands unyielding in the face of poverty, and refuses to compromise under duress.’”

206

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

Confucius said: “Only the virtuous human possesses the capacity to love or hate with discernment.” “Truly set your minded will on the virtue of human-heartedness, you will be without practice of wickedness.” (Analects, Chap. 4) 好人 (haoren) means to love whoever you should love. 恶人 (wuren) means to hate whoever you should hate. A human of human-heartedness has an intuition, that is, to make judgments at the moment, with a heart that knows right and wrong; a human of human-heartedness makes his likes and dislikes be in line with the golden mean (only by keeping away from either extremes and by choosing the golden mean can one accomplish concentration, thus getting on the way to wisdom, to peaceful heart, to awakening, and to nirvāna). Thus, Confucius said: “Truly set your minded will on virtue of humanheartedness, you will be without practice of wickedness.” (Analects, Chap. 4) If you are steadfastly committed to human-heartedness, maintain a resolute ambition, and consistently put it into practice, malevolent thoughts and actions will be avoided. Hence, the significance of one’s dedication to spiritual pursuit becomes evident. Confucius said: “Riches and honors are what human beings desire. If they cannot be obtained in the proper way of human-heartedness, they should not be held. Poverty and lowness are what human beings dislike. If they cannot be avoided in the proper way, they should not be avoided. If a lofty-minded person abandons humanheartedness, how can he be worthy of being a human of virtue? A lofty-minded person does not, even for the time of a single meal, act contrary to virtue. In moments of haste, he cleaves to it. In seasons of danger, he cleaves to it.” (Analects, Chap. 4) According to Confucius, escape from poverty and humiliation in an unfair way is not acceptable to a virtuous human, and getting rich and obtaining an official position is what everyone wants, and a virtuous human does not want to get it by improper means. Even for a brief meal, a lofty-minded person would never leave human-heartedness, that is, a lofty-minded person always remains with virtue of human-heartedness, whether in haste or drifting from place to place. For a lofty-minded person, life’s essence lies in transcending the basic desires of existence. When Fan Chi asked how to be a human of human-heartedness, Confucius said: “A human of human-heartedness endures challenges before others and rejoices in success after them. This spirit may be called human-heartedness.” (Analects, Chap. 12) Virtuous humans prioritize enduring hardships with courage and enjoy happiness later, echoing Fan Zhongyan (989 A.D.–1052 A.D.)’s sentiment: “Lead in enduring the world’s challenges, and be among the last to indulge in its comforts” (xian tian xia zi you er you, hou tian xia zi le er le). The value ideal of human-heartedness (ren-dao) is especially reflected in the moments when conflicts between moral righteousness and personal desire for profit occur. Confucius himself does not depreciate humans’ need for material benefit and desire for food and sexuality, but only demands that humans should gain them in a righteous way, and act on rules of ritual. Confucius is often quoted as saying: “A loftyminded person sets his mind on righteousness (yi), while a petty human (xiaoren) sets his mind on profit.”51 “A Confucian scholar (shi) sets his mind on the Way, but feels 51

Xiaoren, as a term, has manifold meanings and may be translated into (1) a base person; villain; vile person, and (2) a person of low position. In pre-Qin texts, xiaoren stands in contrast with junzi

5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness

207

ashamed of his simple food and plain attire. This kind of person is not worth talking to him about the Way.” (Analects, Chap. 4:16) “A lofty-minded person who aims to be a complete human of virtue does not seek to gratify his appetite, nor does he seek his dwelling place of comfort; he is earnest in what he is doing, and careful in what he is speaking; a lofty-minded person frequents humans of virtue by whom he may be rectified. Such a person may be said indeed to love to learn.” (Analects, Chap. 1) “Human-heartedness,” as an ethic integrity, has its rootedness. In my childhood, I often heard old people in my family say: “A human being should be loyal in order to live in the world, and firewood should be hollow in order to burn fiery;” “One should treat others as he would like to be treated by others;” and “A full scale and even balance attain to fair dealing,” etc. My own parents lived frugally and looked after a large family, but they skimped on themselves and treated others mercifully and sincerely. Our family was not well-off, but once neighbors were in trouble or someone who fled from famine begged at the door for food, our grandparents and parents would dip into their thin pockets to help them. Principle of morality, principle of ren-ai and zhong-shu, and ideal values of ren, yi, li, zhi, and xin, etc., proposed by Confucius, are all based on the fundamental concept of “ren.” Confucius’ Philosophy of human-heartedness (renxue) laid the foundation for the spiritual grounding of the Chinese people and the flourishing and the longevity of Chinese culture. These values and ideals, manifested through his life and daily practice of ren, have shaped the personality model of Chinese Confucian scholars, also known as shiren [士人 Chinese Confucian scholars] for centuries. This represents the fourth meaning of “ren.” 1.5 Confucius’ virtue of human-heartedness (ren-de) is seen as a sublime realm attainable by human beings. Confucius had his lifelong concerns and joys. He is often quoted as saying: “A lofty-minded person schemes for the Way, not for food;” “A lofty-minded person worries about not attaining truth, not about the possibility of poverty coming upon him;” (Analects, Chap. 15) “My concerns lie in a virtue that remains incompletely cultivated, learning that is not fully absorbed, the inability to put into practice what is heard as right, and the failure to rectify my own flaws.” (Analects, Chap. 7) A loftyminded person derives pleasure from spiritual fulfillment and joy. In The Analects of Confucius, there are, in fact, many passages recording the happiness of Confucius and his disciples. What Confucius is commonly quoted is his praise of Yan Yuan: “Despite living on frugal fare, drinking cold water, residing in a cramped alley, Yan Hui remains undisturbed in his spiritual delight, unfazed by such hardships.” (Analects, Chap. 12) In another passage, Confucius was described as one who “found wholehearted happiness in simple fare, drinking cold water, and cushioning head on his own arm.” (Analects, Chap. 7) At the same time, Confucius advocated the pursuit or human being of virtue. Later generations also use the term to indicate one’s moral standard in a disapproving way. Those of base character are called petty humans as opposed to humans of virtue. A petty human only pursues his personal interests or profits, even by violating morality and righteousness; and such people have no understanding of or regard for Dao—translator’s note.

208

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

of poetic state (yijing) in the midst of human life, strolling enjoyably among six arts, namely, ritual, music, archery, charioteering, calligraphy (reading and writing), and mathematics. Confucius said: “It is by poetry that one’s heartmind is aroused. It is by ritual that one’s character is established. It is by music that one’s personality is finished.” (Analects, Chap. 8) “Confucius said, ‘The wise human delights in water; the good human delights in mountains. The wise is in motion; the good stays in stillness. The wise is happy; the good endures.” (Analects, Chap. 12) 樂 (yue), as a Chinese word, means to “find something enjoyable,” thus this whole passage means: the wise human can reach the ultimate truth and becomes oneness with all things, like water flowing everywhere, without staying in one corner and being enchanted by the mundane world, so he delights in water. The virtuous human rests with righteousness and principle (yili), calm and motionless like mountains, so he delights in mountains. And when examining into the innermost heart or mentality, the virtuous human does not transfer their anger, and has no evil thought in their heart, hence a longevity of life, because the virtuous human responds to things that produce the emotion in his heart, but he himself is not ensured by it. So he is considered to be a happy person.

Spring outing and late return (Song Dynasty), painter unknown

According to Chap. 26 of The Analects of Confucius, during a gathering with several of his disciples, Confucius prompted them to share their aspirations. Zilu, renowned for his being strong-willed and courageous, eagerly stated his readness to govern a small-sized vassal state equipped with a thousand war chariots. Imagine a scenario where such a state was encircled by powerful neighbors, threatened by invasions, and grappling with internal famine. If I were entrusted to govern it, within about three years, I am confident that I could stabilize the state and instill courage and morality among its populace. Confucius smiled slightly after hearing this, and asked

5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness

209

the versatile Ran Qiu about his aspiration. Ran Qiu replied, if he were appointed to govern a small state with an area of sixty or seventy miles square or just fifty or sixty miles square, in about three years, he could make sure that all people had enough of what they needed. When it comes to instructing them in the rules of ritual and music, he should wait for someone else who possesses the necessary expertise. Confucius then asked Gong Xihua, who loved ritual, about his aspiration. Gong Xihua replied that his ability might not be up to it, and he just hoped to learn about the services of ancestral temple and the diplomatic alliances between countries, so he should be dressed in dark square-made robe and black linen cap, and acted as a small assistant in rituals and ceremonies. Confucius asked Zeng Dian, Zeng Cen’s father, about his aspiration. At that time when Dian ignored the chatter around him, lost in the melodies he played on his lute. When the others had finished, Confucius asked him to share his aspiration. He replied: “My aspiration is to embark on a journey in the final month of spring, clad season attire, accompanied by five or six young men, and six or seven lads. Together, we would bathe in the river Yi, enjoy the gentle breeze near the rain altars, and return home singing.” Upon hearing this, Confucius exclaimed: “I stand with Dian!” (Analects, Chap. 26). From this story, we have perceived Confucius’ poetic sphere of mind. Confucius often encouraged his students to be actively engaged in national affairs. However, on this special occasion, he agreed with Dian’s artistic or poetic feelings. This shows that in the pursuit of this-worldliness, Confucians also have an unrestrained and free feeling. Confucians took Confucius as their master and pursued the philosophy of continuous self-improvement, hard work and even attempting what they knew was an impossible feat to accomplish. “Just as it is stated in The Book of Changes (yijing) that Heaven keeps moving forward vigorously, a human of virtue should make continuous efforts to improve himself.” On the other hand, Confucius also enjoys himself in his own sphere and is ready to reconcile himself to his concrete situation. He assumes an unhurried manner and broad-minded air, and rests with Heaven, Earth, and all things. Zeng Dian knows quite well about Confucius’ ambition, which is: aged people can live in peace, friends can trust each other, and young children can be taken good care of, and everyone can achieve his own wish. Therefore, Confucius’ sphere of life is characterized by its transcendent quality. Regarding this passage, Zhu Xi commented: “The Learning of Zeng Dian would seem to have attained to the complete elimination of self-desires, and to the Heavenly Laws in their pervasiveness, which are to be found everywhere without the slightest deficiency. This is why, both in activity and at rest, he was so simple and at ease. Speaking about his intention, he simply based himself on his existing station [in society and the universe] and enjoyed the ordinary state of affairs. He did not have the slightest idea of living according to [the views of] others, but lived according to himself. His mind was so vast that it lay in a single stream with Heaven and Earth, in which all things enjoy themselves. This mysterious sense is behind his words and can be dimly seen [by us]. The other three disciples only paid attention to the lesser branches of affairs, so that they could bear no comparison with the mood of Zeng Dian. That is why Confucius deeply approved of him.” (Zhu Xi, Collected Commentaries on the Analects of Confucius, Juan 6).

210

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

This is the fifth meaning of “human-heartedness.” We might as well understand the above five layers of meaning in a comprehensive way and understand “humanheartedness” from various perspectives. “Human-heartedness,” in a broad sense, includes the “Five Constants” (wuchang) and the “Four Ropes” (siwei), while “human-heartedness,” in a narrow sense, is only one of the “Five Constants.” The “Five Constants,” composed of human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and truthfulness, regards “human-heartedness” as its fundamental core. Confucianism’s human-heartedness and love (ren-ai) is to do as one would be done by others, that is, to extend one’s love for his kinship outward one after another layer to include others. This is also what Mencius said: “Treat the aged in your family as they should be treated, and extend this treatment to the aged of other people’s families. Treat the young in your family as they should be treated, and extend this treatment to the young of other people’s families.” (Mencius, 1a.7) “The superior man, in his relation to things, love them but have no feeling of human-heartedness. In his relation to people, he has human-heartedness, but no deep feeling of family affection. One should have feelings of family affection for the members of one’s family, but human-heartedness for people; human-heartedness for people, but love for things.” (Mencius, VIIa, 45) This thought is further illuminated by Zhang Zai52 (alternatively known as Zhang Hengqu, 1020 A.D.–1077 A.D.) in his essay “Xi Ming” or “Western Inscription,” saying: “Human beings and all other creatures are part of one great body.” Zhang believed that human beings should regard all humans as their blood brothers and all creatures in universe as their own kind. “Human-heartedness” permeates through Heaven, Earth, people, all things and selves, and fosters empathy and mutual nourishment among all. The Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong) quoted Confucius as saying: “Human-heartedness is the essential attribute of humans.” Mencius said: “Human-heartedness is to be human. When discussed collectively, it embodies the Way of human beings.” (Mencius, Full Development of Mind, II) Clearly, according to Confucianism, “human-heartedness” stands as the highest spiritual realm that human beings should pursue, as well as the essential attribute for human qua human. As for the virtuous items of human-heartedness, righteousness, ritual, and wisdom, and their interconnectedness, Mencius said: “The essence of humanheartedness lies in serving one’s parents, while righteousness entails obeying one’s 52

Zhang Zai (張載 1020 A.D.–1077 A.D.), alternatively known as Zhang Hengqu, was a Chinese Neo-Confucian moral philosopher and cosmologist of the Song dynasty, who is credited with creating a metaphysical foundation for Neo-Confucianism. Zhang thought that everything in the universe was comprised of a single fundamental substance, named qi or material force. In its dispersed, rarefied state, qi was invisible and insubstantial, but when it condensed into a solid or liquid, it took on new properties. All material things, living and inanimate, were composed of qi, so that everything had the same essence. The one essential virtue, human-heartedness (ren), manifested itself variously in human relationships, becoming filial piety toward parents, respect toward elder siblings, and kindheartedness toward those less fortunate. Moral cultivation lay in striving to fulfill one’s duty as a member of society and of the universe. His differentiation between original nature and physical nature became a cornerstone concept with the Cheng brothers and Zhu Xi. who honored Zhang as one of the founders of the Study of the [Moral] Way (daoxue). He is the author of The Western Inscription—translator’s note.

5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness

211

elder brothers. The essence of wisdom is understanding these two virutes. The essence of ritual lies in a cultured restraint in relation to them. The essence of music is delighting in practicing these two virtues daily, which leads to happiness. When happiness arises, it spontaneously manifests in gestures and the tapping of feet.” (Mencius, Lí lóu I) Here, we have an illustration that ritual and wisdom differ in terms of their alignment with human-heartedness and righteousness. In other words, human-heartedness springs from our devotion to our parents, while righteousness originates from respecting our elder brothers. The extension of the love for them to include the elder brothers of others is human-heartedness, and the extension of the respect for the elder brothers of others is righteousness. Human-heartedness includes righteousness, but righteousness does not include human-heartedness. Human-heartedness and righteousness are higher than ritual and wisdom, which are based on the principle of degraded love. To understand the truth of human-heartedness and righteousness and stick to it is wisdom. Wisdom refers to one’s understanding of human-heartedness, righteousness, and ritual. Ritual is the practical method by which human-heartedness and righteousness can be appropriately adjusted and properly modified. Ritual is social code of conduct. Music is the joy that is produced in serving one’s parents and respecting one’s elder brothers. Again, Mencius quoted what Confucius said: ‘To live with human-heartedness is truly beautiful. Can you claim to be wise if you do not live with human-heartedness? Human-heartedness is the highest dignity conferred by High Heaven, and the quiet home which human should dwell in. Since there is nothing to prevent us from doing so, it is unwise if we are not human-hearted. Those lacking the virtues of human-heartedness, wisdom, ritual, and music are bound to be slaves to others.” (Mencius, Gongsun Chou, I) So, human-heartedness is the most noble title conferred by Heaven, the broadest house in the world which human should live in, and the most comfortable residence (realm) which human dwells in. Human’s true wisdom is to live in the realm of human-heartedness. We have actually discussed the mutual checks and balances of human-heartedness, righteousness, ritual, wisdom, and truthfulness. For example, in terms of humanheartedness and ritual, only when human-heartedness becomes its central content can ritual not be a mere formality. On the other hand, ritual serves as the limit and degree of human-heartedness’ performance (or the virtuous human deports himself or herself properly or stays within bounds of ritual or “moral restraint ( jie)” of “moderate behavior ( jie)” or “reserve ( jie)”), human-heartedness is subject to ritual, and affection which exceeds its due limit can be called encroachment. Therefore, humanheartedness and love (ren-ai) and family affection are not without restraint. Ritual is the outward expression of Confucian philosophy of human-heartedness, while human-heartedness itself encapsulates both the inward and outward expressions of this philosophy. Mencius said: “One who does not abide by ritual and righteousness in his speech is called self-abandonment; one who cannot dwell in human-heartedness and practice righteousness is called self-renouncement. Human-heartedness is the safe house human should live in, and righteousness is the rectified path human should walk on. To quit such a house and not live in it, to stray off such a path and not follow it, this is indeed lamentable!” (Mencius, Lí lóu I) “Righteousness is the broad way.

212

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

Ritual is the wide-opened gate. Only the lofty-minded person can walk on this broad way and go in and out of this gate.” (Mencius, Wanzhang 11) Yang Xiong (53 B.C.– 18 A.D), a philosopher, linguist, and literatus of the Western Han Dynasty, styled Ziyun, further pointed out: “If anybody asks me about the roles of ren, yi, li, zhi, and xin, I may say: ‘Ren is like a house, where human can live; Yi is like a way, which human can walk along; Li is like a dress, which can represent one’s imposing appearance; Zhi is like a candle, which can light up one’s action; Xin is like a tally ( fujie), which is a symbol of ultimate sincerity. A lofty-minded person dwell in the house of ren, follow the path of yi, rectify the dress of li, light up the candle of zhi, uphold the token of xin.53 A lofty-minded person remains inactive until the opportune moment arises; once they act, they will attain to the ultimate in flourishing virtue.’” (Yang Xiong, Model Sayings, Self-cultivation, fayan xiushen) In other words, ren is the inner spirit, yi is the code of conduct, li is on how these virtues are outwardly expressed, zhi is the candle that lights, and xin is the token that makes people believe. Confucianism advocated that the virtuous rest with ren, dwell within ren by starting with yi, and look upon ren as the best place (lane or house), that is, regard ren as the realm of life, and walk on the pathway of yi. The path that all people walk along is a broad way. Yi is the path, and li the door. Li sets down the order and norms of ren and yi, and there exists tension between ren, yi, li, zhi, and xin, and a lofty-minded person’s personality is cultivated in such a tension. In other words, ren is the standing position of a moral agent, and yi is the character of moral acts. Ren signifies moral perfection, leading to wisdom, courage, honor, and righteousness. Subsequently, the interplay of these virtues will be discussed. 2.0 Righteousness (Yi). “Yi” (Righteousness) stands as a pivotal component of both the “Four Ropes” (siwei) and the “Five Constants”. Mencius said: “To have love for one’s parents, this is ren. To have respect for elders, this is yi.” (Mencius, Full Development of Mind, 1) What Mencius wants to say is that ren is the extension of love for one’s parents, while yi is the extension of respect for one’s elder brothers. Again Mencius said: “One who does not abide by li and yi in his speech is called self-abandonment; one who does not dwell in ren and practice yi is called self-renouncement. Ren is the safe house human should live in, and yi is the rectified path human should walk on. To quit such a house and not live in it, to stray off such a path and not follow it, this is indeed lamentable!” (Mencius, Lí lóu I) In other terms, to speak against li and yi, this is self-mutilation; to believe that he himself cannot let ren dwell in his mind, nor can he achieve ren through practice of yi, this is self-abandonment. Ren is human’s peaceful abode, and yi his rectified path. “To leave the most peaceful house vacant instead of Fujie 符節, as a term, refers to a kind of certificate issued by ancient Chinese imperial court and used in various affairs, such as conveying orders and recruiting soldiers. Fujie is made of different materials such as gold, copper, jade, horn, bamboo, wood, lead, and etc. When officially used, both parties hold half of them and verify the authenticity through putting them together, such as commander’s tally 兵符, also known as tiger-shaped tally 虎符, issued to generals as imperial authorization for troop movement in ancient China, etc.—translator’s note.

53

5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness

213

living in it, to give up the most rectified path instead of walking along it, it is indeed pathetic!” To Mencius, ren is the mind of humans, yi is the path of humans, and li is the gateway of humans. Mencius saw yi as the method to practice ren. While Mencius began his definition of ren and yi with the love for one’s parents, but ren and yi carry distinct connotations. “Respect for the aged” ( jingzhang) and “obedience for the elders” (cong xiong) means that “yi” has the meaning of “respecting or honoring these who deserve it.” In other words, the exercise of ren has a certain scope, grade, boundary, and proper limit. By proposing “to live in ren by practicing yi,” Mencius wanted people to lay their mind in the depth of ren and set their foot on the exercise of yi. Yi is the right way for humans to walk along, and also the way for the virtuous to achieve ren. Mencius said again: “To put one innocent to death violates ren. To take what does not belong to oneself violates yi.” (Mencius, Full Development of Mind, 1) “All humans have that which they may not do. Getting this attitude to achieve that which they may do is righteousness. […] and when humans are able to bring to fulfillment the mind that refuses to break through or to jump over a wall, their yi is inexhaustible. If humans can bring to fulfillment their reluctance to accept unsuitable modes of address, there will be no place where they fail to manifest yi.” (Mencius. Full Development of Mind 11) It is not righteous to take what one should not possess. A human has things that should not be done, and he extends it to what should be done, this is yi. A man can extend the mind that does not dig a hole and jump over a wall (that is, does not steal), and righteousness will not be exhausted. When a human can extend and fulfill his word and deed without being contempted, all that he says and does will not be disparaged or scorned by others, so wherever he goes and whatever he does is in line with yi. Here, “yi” refers to respecting the ownership of others, not infringing on the interests of others, respecting the social status of others, abiding by certain social norms, respecting oneself and keeping to one’s own obligations. “Yi” or “righteousness” is a moral judgment of whether something “ought” to be done or not. “Yi” mainly refers to “fairness,” “rightness,” and “justness.” In this sense, righteousness is a moral obligation, and this obligation is an unconditional one. That is to say, it has real imperative force apart from any utilitarian ends. Confucius is quoted as saying: “A lofty-minded person values yi above everything else.” (Analects, Chap. 17) “A lofty-minded person sets his mind on righteousness, while a xiaoren (a petty person) sets his mind on profit.” (Analects, Chap. 4) “Riches and honor acquired by means that I know to be wrong are to me as a floating cloud.” (Analects, Chap. 7) What Mencius said about “yi” quoted earlier refers to the rectified pathway which humans ought to walk along and so on, which are all development of Confucius’ thought as well as affirmation of “fairness”, “justice,” and “righteousness.” This is what we commonly call “morality and righteousness” (daoyi). Dong Zhongshu said: “The principle of ren lies in loving others rather than loving oneself; the principle of yi lies in rectifying oneself rather than rectifying others. If I cannot rectify myself first, I will not be considered to be in line with the principle of yi, even if I am able to rectify others. Unfortunately, common people do not understand this truth, and they do the opposite because they confuse the relationship between the two, and run counter to the Heavenly Principle. How can this not cause chaos!” (Luxuriant Dew of the Spring

214

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

and Autumn Annals. Principles of Ren and Yi or Chunqiu Fanlu.Renyifa) According to Zhu Xi, “yi” means “doing what one should do.” (Recorded Conversations of Zhu Xi, Vol. 6) Put it all together, “yi” contains the appeals of social fairness, justice, and legitimacy of behaviors.54 Especially in the conflict between rights and obligations, dedication and demand, “yi”, as an ethic standard for being a human, requires us to respect the rights and interests of others, restrain and rectify ourselves, seek what we should seek, put morality and justice first, do what we should do and dwell where we should dwell. In short, we should perform what is right with the mind of justice. When Feng Youlan, the most influential philosopher as well as philosophical historian, talked about the Confucian distinction between profit and righteousness, he described it as an unconditional moral obligation, pointing out: “It is thus only when a man does unconditionally what it is obligatory for him to do that his action becomes a moral one. Only then is the sphere in which he lives the moral sphere.”55 Of course, in a hierarchical society of absolutism, as to what ought to be done, and what ought not to be done, it also implies not to cross the boundaries of superiors and inferiors, and the class distinctions of noble and humble, etc. “Yi” is an important Confucian concept. It involves a moral disposition to do good, and also the intuition and sensibility to do so competently. “Yi” has manifold meanings of “rightness,” “appropriateness,” “justice,” “righteousness,” “selflessness,” “fair and proper ethics,” and “morality and principles.” In The Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong) it is said: “Righteousness” refers to what is right and fitting in any given situations, and it finds its fullest expression in showing respect to those who deserve it.” Evidently, respecting the worthy and placing them in high and proper position are the essential factors of social fairness and highest justice. For society as a whole, this is the most apt and rational course of action. For an individual, regardless of their social status, achieving “respect for the worthy” demands a heart filled with justice, and the abandonment of selfish desires and prejudices. In his annotations to “Appendices” to The Book of Changes (yijing), Xun Shuang (128 A.D.–190 A.D.) said: “Everything has its designated and fitting position this, we call righteousness.” Yang Xiong said: “When all things are conducted justly and appropriately, it is termed righteousness.” (“Zhong Li” of Model Sayings or Fayan. Zhongli) HanYu (768 A.D.–824 A.D.) said: “To have broad love for all human beings and all things is called human-heartedness, while conducting oneself justly in every situation defines righteousness. The fusion of human-heartedness and righteousness 54

In his Leviathan (1651), Thomas Hobbes proposed that individuals had existed prior to the birth of societies and had joined these societies only for their own benefit, agreeing to surrender their natural rights in exchange for protection—a seminal point repeated a few decades later by John Locke in his Two Treatises of Government (1689). God had not, reasoned Locke, given Adam ‘private dominion’ over the earth, he had given it ‘to mankind in common’ for the enjoyment of everyone. Rulers were the instruments of the people and were fit to be obeyed only in so far as they served the general interest. An astonishing modern idea was born: that the justification of governments lies in their ability to promote opportunities for prosperity and happiness among all these they rule over—translator’s note. 55 Feng You lan, The Spirit of Chinese Philosophy (xin yuan dao), Beijing University Press, 2014, p. 022.

5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness

215

leads to the attainment of the principled Way. Achieving a consummate personal state, unaided by external forces, signifies the realization of perfect virtue.” (Han yu, An Inquiry on the Origins of Way or Yuan Dao) Hence, “righteousness” refers to code of human’s conduct, and “Yixing” (righteous conduct, practice of righteousness) refers to the proper and appropriate behavior in daily life. Thus, righteousness aligns with Confucian philosophy’s emphasis on fostering human-heartedness (ren) and moral practice (li). In practical terms, “righteousness” encompasses a multifaceted concept, including proficiency in shaping morally appropriately actions tailored to given situations, the astute discernment of such appropriateness, and the inherent fulfillment derived from this realization. Among the demands of “what ought to be” and “what is duty-bound to be” lie responsibilities such as fulfilling one’s duties, exercising one’s talents, assuming one’s legal and moral obligations to society and family, performing tasks diligently, respecting the aged, honoring the worthy, caring for children and protecting the vulnerable, aiding the needy, eliminating cruelty, promoting peace, engaging in heroic acts for just causes, sacrificing for others, promoting mutual assistance, standing ready to rectify injustices, and more. The heart of shame sprouts the blossom of “righteousness.” Rooted deeply within one’s heartmind, righteousness serves as a correct and decisive discernment between right and wrong, good and evil—it is both a moral sentiment and judgment. Practice of righteousness (yixing), or righteous deeds, embodies the heartfelt fulfillment of people’s sense of duty and obligation. Therefore, to engage in righteous actions means to voluntarily and consciously adhere to the moral principle of “righteousness”—a trully noble moral endeavor. By following righteousness, harmony, and benevolence, one can discern the path of these lofty-minded persons. This spirituality finds its expressions in numerous Chinese four-character idioms, such as “acting courageously to uphold righteousness” (jian yi yong wei), “heriocally sacrificing oneself for justice” (kang kai jiu yi), “unwavering commitment to righteousness” (yi bu rong ci), “unhesitantly pursuing righteousness” (yi wu fan gu), “speaking boldy and justly for what is righteous” (yi zheng ci yan), and “indignantly reacting to injustice” (yi fen tian ying). These expressions all echo the public’s cry for safeguarding social justice and fairness.

Han Yu

216

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

“what ought to be” and “what is duty-bound to be,” inherent in “righteousness,” transcend utilitarian considerationa and constitute a moral imperative, therefore presenting an unconditional obligation. In The Spirit of Chinese Philosophy (xin yuan dao), Feng Youlan (1895–1990), a well-known Chinese philosopher, gave full play to Chen Chun’s interpretation of “righteousness” as “being what ought to be and doing nothing but conforming to the development and change of myriad things,” which comes to the point precisely.56 Feng Youlan said: “Righteousness is a moral obligation, and this kind of obligation is an unconditional one. That is to say, it has real imperative force apart from any utilitarian ends. Because it is unconditional, therefore it is absolute. This then is the kind of obligation which is implied by righteousness; and righteousness is that element in moral action by which action becomes moral action. If a human’s actions are to ‘be moral, it is necessary that he should unconditionally do those things which he feels to be obligatory.’ That is to say, he cannot do those things as the means to achieve his personal ends; for then they would not be unconditioned. His action depends on the will to seek this end; it is this end which makes the action obligatory and without this will the action ceases to be obligatory.”57 To unconditionally seek the common good of society and the good of others is the purpose of righteous act, and righteousness is the moral value of such act. Every act of moral value should be unconditionally to benefit others as its aim. Mencius emphasized that [a true human should] “conduct himself by acting on human-heartedness and righteousness” rather than “act in the name of human-heartedness and righteousness.” (Mencius. Li Lou 11) That is to say, human-heartedness and righteousness emerge naturally from humans’ pure heart.” In Mencius’ view, since human-heartedness and righteousness are not infused into us from without, all our actions are aroused by the heart from within. It’s not because you firstly want to take human-heartedness and righteousness as something sublime and beautiful and then do it reluctantly. Mencius opposes the use of human-heartedness and righteousness as a means or tool. He wanted individuals to live within humanheartedness and practice righteousness, and walk happily along the great path of human-heartedness and righteousness. In addition, “yiqi” (personal loyalty) prevalent in Chinese folk society cannot be compared with what is called “righteousness” here,58 which is a lower level of buddy loyalty, because, in a certain sense, “yiqi” is to devote one’s loyalty to specific individual or small community before all others, or 56

Chen Chun (1159 A.D.–1223 A.D.) was a scholar and founder of the Beixi School of the Southern Song Dynasty, styled Anqing, and a native of Longxi (now Fujian Province). Chen Chun was usually called Master Beixi by his contemporary. As a disciple of Zhu Xi, Chen’s philosophical thought was also based on the “Supreme Ultimate,” “Principle,” and “Material Force.” Most of his works were published under the title of Collected Writings of Master Beixi (beixi quanji) edited by his son Chen Ju—translator’s note. 57 Feng Youlan, The Spirit of Chinese Philosophy (xinyuandao) Beijing University Press, 2014, p. 022—translator’s note. 58 Yiqi 義氣 is a saying derived from righteousness (yi), which may be translated into personal loylaty. It is widely used in Chinese folk society to express friendship and concern among friends. In martial arts novels and underworld, it often emphasizes the loyalty between man and man. To put it another way, “yiqi” is narrower in meaning than “yi” and can be called “small righteousness”— translator’s note.

5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness

217

to satisfy individual at the expense of the interests of social community and others, and therefore it is unjust.

Riverside scene at qingming festival, drawn by Zhang Zeduan (North Dynasty)

Briefly speaking, righteousness entails unconditionally doing what is right. It implies finding the most suitable approach in every situation, ensuring the best possible outcome. Regarding the distinction made by the Confucian philosophers between righteousness and profit, Feng Youlan believed in The Spirit of Chinese Philosophy (1943) that “All actions which have moral value are moral actions. And all such actions are righteous actions. They imply righteousness because all actions with moral value of necessity (logically) take unconditionally as their objective the profit of other men.”59 Therefore what is called “profit,” if it be profit for the individual, is the direct opposite to righteousness. But if what is called “profit” is the public profit of society, other men’s profit, then not only are profit and righteousness not opposed to each other, but profit is even the content of righteousness. Then, how should we think about the relation between righteousness and profit? Must all profitseeking be excluded? If the profit that is sought is the common profit, is the pursuit of this profit justified? Under what condition and to what extent is it justified to seek profit for individual? In fact, ancient Chinese moral philosophers advocated for the unity of righteousness and profit, guided by principled morality (daoyi), rather than rejecting profit altogether. Despite not discussing profit extensively, Confucius did prioritize the wealth of the people, thereby emphasizing “profit” for the collective. Confucius was not opposed to individual profit either, as evidenced by his support for disciple Zi Gong’s business ventures. When facing profit, Confucius hoped that humans should first see if it is in line with principled morality, and then decide whether to choose or not. He raised the principle that “[One should] first think of righteousness upon seeing profit.” (Analects, Chap. 14) or that “[One should] first think of righteousness upon seeing gains.” (Analects, Chap. 19). At moments of choice between righteousness and profit, Confucius advocated for considering righteousness as the standard, emphasizing the pursuit of personal gain with morality, and regarding wealth and rank that do not conform to righteousness as a floating cloud. Mo Zi (ca. 480 B.C.– ca. 420 B.C.) unified righteousness and profit under the premise of “benefiting the 59

Feng Youlan, The Spirit of Chinese Philosophy (xinyuandao) Beijing University Press, 2014, p. 026—translator’s note.

218

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

people,” namely, striving for the profit of the people. Also in The Work of Mencius, there is a notable exchange between Mencius and King Hui of Liang. King Hui of Liang said to Mencius: ‘You have travelled a great distance to come here. Surely you have some way to profit my country.’ Mencius replied, ‘Your Majesty, why insist on profit? Human-heartedness and righteousness are what trully matter, nothing else.’” Thus, Mencius implied that the king’s emphasis on profit was misplaced. (Mencius. King Liang Hui 1) On the surface, it seems like Mencius pits profit against righteousness, but that is not entirely accurate. In reality, Mencius advocates for a benevolent form of governance that prioritizes moral value over pragmatic value, aiming to benefit both the ruler and the governed alike. He proposed to the king “an economic policy” akin to what we discuss in modern times, with the aim of ensuring that people could wear silk and eat meat, and that in their daily lives and even in the burial of their loved ones, they would feel no dissatisfaction. He claimed for ensuring a secure livelihood for the people, providing each family with 100 mu of farmland [one mu = 0.0667 ha]—“If the mulberry trees are planted in every homestead of five mu of land, then those who are fifty can wear silk; if chickens, pigs, and dogs do not miss their breeding season, then those who are seventy can eat meat.” (Ibid.) Mencius urges rulers to prioritized the wealth of common people over all else, and strongly opposes the “profit for the country” rhetoric espoused by princes and dukes. He argues that this rhetoric merely serves as a guise for satisfying their self-desires, disregarding the hardships faced by the common people, such as hunger and cold. Mencius painted a vivid picture of this injustice: “In their kitchens, there is fat meat. In their stables, there are fat horses. Yet, their people have the look of hunger, and the wilderness is littered with bodies that have starved to death famine.” (Ibid.) Mencius’ ideal ruler is sage-king, such as legendary Yao and Shun, on whose reign both divine sanction and popular approval conferred legitimacy. Mencius proposes various economic plans to his monarchical audiences, such as dividing the land into five-acre settlements planted with mulberry trees, though he rejects the notion that one should commit to an action primarily on the grounds that it will benefit one, the state, or anything else. Mencius desires that the people retain their property, emphaszing that it is the obligation of rulers to enrich them, to lighten punishments, to reduce taxes, and to provide assistance and relief to the vulnerable. Pursuing “profit” for the people, in his view, aligns with the principles of morality and righteousness. To have profit for the people is to “exercise human-heartedness and righteousness.” Here, Mencius reveals his similarity with philosophers who followed Mo Zi who claimed that one should commit to an action primarily on the grounds that it will benefit one, the state, or anyone else. Xun Zi regards “righteousness” and “profit” as two aspects of human needs, pointing out: “Righteousness and profit are two aspects of human needs. Even sage-Kings, like Yao and Shun, could not deprive people of pursuit of their profit, but let pursuit of profit match their love of righteousness.” (Xun Zi. Grand Strategy or The Work of Xun Zi. Da Lue) In other words, both righteousness and profit co-exist within people. Even legendary sage-kings, like Yao and Shun, could not elliminate the people’s desire for profit, yet they successfully instilled a great love for righteousness than the lust for material gain. Xun Zi, like Confucius and Mencius, still emphasizes that “valuing righteousness over profit is glory and valuing

5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness

219

profit over righteousness is shame,” (The Work of Xun Zi. Honor and Disgrace or Xun Zi.rongru), and that “(We should) not harm righteousness with profit.” (The Work of Xun Zi, Law and Practice or Xun Zi. zhifa) According to Xun Zi, righteousness is the foundation of profit, and once righteousness occurs, profit is in it. The proposition that “righteousness is the foundation of profit,” or “profit is begotten by righteousness,” or “profit is in righteousness” has been around for a long history. “Virtue and righteousness are the foundation of profit.” (Zuo’s Commentary, Xi Gong 27th Years) “All humans with flesh and blood have the desire to seek profit, but profit cannot be sought by hook or crook, and so a lofty-minded person should first think of righteousness on seeing profit. Righteousness is the foundation of profit. Too much profit will breed evil.” (Zuo’s Commentary, Zhao Gong 10th Years) That is to say, people are born with a strong desire for profit. However, in seeking profit, one should first think of morality and righteousness. Excessive accumulation of selfish profit can also lead to evil and disasters. Therefore, “Righteousness breeds profit. […] Without righteousness profit is not abundant.” (Discourses on the States. A Discourse on the State of Zhou. 2) “Righteousness can beget profit and profit can enrich people;” “No profit accrues without righteousness and thick greed will breed resentment.” (Discourses on the States. A Discourse on the State of Jin. 2) “Thick righteousness reaps more profit; thick righteousness begets friends far and near; the more people get profit, the happier they are.” (Yan’s Spring and Autumn Annals, Inner Treatise) Here, the unifier of righteousness and profit has three meanings. First, seeking profit should be based on morality and righteousness. Second, upholding righteousness and seeking public profit (that of common people) are the same as the long-term profit of society as a whole. Third, righteousness is also consistent with the legitimate profit of rulers, ministers, or lofty-minded persons, because only in this way can they win the support of the people, but also guarantee their legitimate profit. “Righteousness” has the power to “gather the people,” “enrich the people,” and “win the people’s hearts,” ultimately aligning with rulers’ objectives of achieving lasting political stability and long-term interests. 3.0 Li, a Confucian Concept, rendered as “ritual,” “rites,” or “propriety.” Ritual or Li is the first of the “Four Ropes” (siwei), and one of the “Five Constants” (wuchang). Li was originally a sacrificial ritual dedicated to Heaven, Earth, deities, and ancestors in the Xia, Yin, and Zhou dynasties. In addition to retaining religious rituals, Zhou people promoted “ritual” to be more ethical and politicized, and further made them a set of customs, norms, and systems for social life. Confucius attached great importance to propriety, believing that a human could not gain a foothold in society without learning etiquette. You Zi, alternatively known as You Ruo (ca. 470 B.C.), who featured prominently among Confucius’ proteges, emphasized that there must be rules and institutions in social life to guide people’s conduct. Mencius also regarded ritual as a certain moral restraint and self-regulation of exercising humanheartedness and righteousness. Xun Zi believed that ritual stipulated the order of high and low, rich and poor, old and young, and was the compendium of ruling a country. Therefore, “ritual” has the function of harmonizing, adjusting and ordering

220

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

the society, and “ritual” came to mean conventional norms, yielding a series of internalized codes of civility that defined proper human conduct. Ritual (Li) may appear external, formal and normative on the surface, yet it inherently contains internal morality. In Zuo’s Commentary (zuozhuan), there are a lot of materials, explaining that “letting” (rang) is the primary content of “ritual,” and pointing out that without the heart of respecting and letting people, etiquettes and established practices cannot be implemented. Confucius emphasized that humanheartedness is the cornerstone of rituals, rituals are the formalized protocol of human-heartedness, affirming that the essence of ritual lies in the principles of “let” and “respect”. The Mohist School (mojia) also defined the internality of “ritual” as “respect” ( jing), and pointed out: “Ritual is to show respect to others.” (The Work of Mo Zi, Canon 1) Mencius explained “li” (ritual) with “the heart of modesty and yielding” and “the heart that respects others.” Xun Zi said that “li” (ritual) is to rectify oneself, and what is called moral conduct is to implement ritual and righteousness. The core of li (ritual) is to show reverence for the honorable, filial piety for the aged, respect for the elder, affection for the young, and mercy for the humble and poor. Thence, “li” (ritual) is also an important moral norm and principle, and its essence is to revere and respect others, especially, to revere the elder, and to care for the weak and the young. The essence of ritual, norms, and systems is to show comity, deference, affection, and kindness for others. Xun Zi is known for his belief that ritual is crucial for reforming human’s original nature. Human nature, devoid of an innate moral compass, tends to descend into strife and chaos when left unchecked. Xun Zi’s assertion that human nature is inherently flawed underscores the critical role of ritual in maintaining social stability. Ritual, therefore, becomes an indispensable component for a harmonious society. “Li” (rites), “liyi” (ceremonial ritual), and “lijie” (formalized etiquette) are historical categories. “Li”, which was embodied as over-elaborate formalities reflecting traditional hierarchical order, has already become relics of the past with the changing times. In the old era, li gradually became a shriveled form, turning into a rope binding individuals’ thought and action, and seriously hindering all-round and free development of human beings, which is the negative aspect of “li”. Nevertheless, in any era, rites, ceremonial ritual, and etiquettes that bind people are indispensable. Therefore, in addition to external laws and internal morals, between law and morality, there exists something normative, written or unwritten, which regulates human behavior, brings emotions under control, so as to rationalize and maintain the normal order of social life. Civilized conduct, polite manners, modesty, and mutual respect are hallmarks of a civilized society and well-bred individuals, while also representing modern customs and trends. Ritual norms that mirror people’s moral style and upbringing in this new era constitute significant aspects of spiritual civilization’s development. Notably, the heart of reverence (gongjing) and deference (cirang), as the essence of “li,” not only belongs to the category of morality but also constitute a crucial moral quality for members of society.

5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness

221

4. Zhi (Wisdom) Zhi (wisdom) is another Confucian virtue that signifies wisdom or knowledge. Zhi is one of the “Five Constants” (wuchang). Feng Youlan said: “The understanding of human-heartedness and righteousness and ritual conducting lies in zhi (wisdom). A human must have an understanding of ren before he can do ren acts; and the same applies to righteousness and ritual conduct, specially with regard to the last, if a human is not to toe the line blindly. If he has not this understanding, his actions may be in accord with ren and yi, but speaking strictly they are not acts of ren and yi.”60 Obviously, zhi includes both the understanding of objective things and the understanding of morality, and is a general term for wisdom, knowledge, and capability. Zhi is necessary for the practice of moral norms, thus zhi is the way to achieve the moral order. Confucian moral philosophy cannot exist without zhi as zhi fulfills and enriches it. Confucius emphasized the dual manifestation of ren and zhi. Confucius said: “The human-hearted rest in ren; the wise profit through practice of ren.” (Analects, Chap. 4) What Confucius means is that a virtuous human can only feel at ease if he performs human-hearted morality (ren-de), otherwise he will not feel at ease. A wise human realizes that practicing ren can bring him long-term profits and thus, consistently applies it in their life. Confucius also said: “The wise delight in water; the benevolent delight in mountains. The wise stay in motion; the benevolent stay in stillness. The wise are happy; the benevolent live long.” (Analects, Chap. 12) “Zhi” here mainly refers to the understanding of morality, namely, morally right and wrong, judgment of good and evil, and accumulation of moral recognition. According to Confucian ideology, only these with wisdom can apply Confucian moral idea to benefiting others. The source of moral wisdom lies in the knowledge of distinguishing right from wrong. Wisdom is inherent in everyone, referring to their natural ability to discern and put into practice what is morally correct. Regarding the understanding of morality, Chinese ancient thinkers generally have two major kinds of views. One group of thinkers believes that moral knowledge is transcendental, meaning it is inherent. They argue that moral concepts, moral emotions, and moral conducts, such as love and respect for others, heart of sympathy and compassion, heart of shame, heart to distinguish right from wrong, heart of justice, heart of duty, and others, are instincts that people possess without the need for learning or consideration. Ren-ai (human-heartedness and love), liangzhi (intuitive knowledge), and liangneng (intuitive ability) are inherent in human nature. Mencius said that a child loved his parents from birth and naturally respected his elder brothers when he grew up. He also said that supposing someone unexpectedly saw a child on the brink of falling into a well, anyone in such a predicament would instinctively rush to save him without hesitation. This impulse would arise not from a desire to curry favor with the child’s parents, nor from a wish to gain prestige from neighbors and friends, nor even from an 60

Feng Youlan, The Spirit of Chinese Philosophy (xinyuandao) Beijing University Press, 2014, p. 028—translator’s note.

222

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

aversion to the sound of the child’s potential cries. He has a righteous impulse in his heart, he gives orders to himself, and he actualizes his inner conscience immediately and instantaneously. Mencius defines “zhi” of morality as “intuitive heart of right and wrong.” He further suggests that, compared to human-heartedness and righteousness, wisdom and propriety take a secondary position. The essence of wisdom involves an understanding of and commitment to other virtues, especially human-heartedness and righteousness. Another group of thinkers, including Xun Zi, defines “zhi” (wisdom) as “right is right and wrong is wrong,” that is, what should be right is right and what should be wrong is wrong. However, Xun Zi also believes that moral knowledge is acquired through learning. Xun Zi emphasizes the transformative function of education in cultivating wisdom and moral understanding. He pointed out that only after repeated imitation, learning, and practice can one acquire moral knowledge whereby he is able to judge, understand, and distinguish between right and wrong, good and evil, and treat himself and others correctly, abide by social norms, enhance his morality, and transform his inborn self-desires, evil intentions and competing hearts, etc. The Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong) quoted Confucius as saying: “Loving learning is akin to wisdom, vigorously practicing is akin to human-heartedness, and possessing a heart of shame is akin to courage.” Xun Zi’s primary concern lies in moral education, but he emphasizes that moral cognition is not natural. Moral rules and principles are formulated by former sages based on their experiences in governing the world. Therefore, human morality is a result of social enlightenment. In Xun Zi’s view, human’s wisdom is essentially important to his moral judgment and choice. Of course, Xun Zi, like previous thinkers, affirms the sphere of “brightness and greatness” of moral experience and moral intuition, believing that a Sage has fully internalized the principles of ritual and morality, enabling spontaneous actions without prior consideration, yet always staying within the bounds of righteousness and propriety. The Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong), contained in The Book of Rites (liji), seamlessly integrates moral knowledge, moral wisdom, and moral cultivation into two distinct categories or approaches. When combined with clear value goals, it incisively summarizes the moral “wisdom” as: “A lofty-minded person honors his virtuous nature and maintains pursuit of moral knowledge so as to reach the breadth and greatness and penetrates the refined and subtle to the end, and to attain to the sublime and yet pursue the course of the Mean.” (Liji: Zhong Yong)61 That is to say, as a lofty-minded person, he should unify respect for virtue with pursuit of deep learning, broaden his scope of knowledge and exhaust the mystery of all things in 61

Feng Youlan explains that “Chinese philosophy has one main tradition, one main stream of thought. This tradition is that it aims at a particular kind of highest life. But this kind of highest life, high though it is, is not divorced from the daily functioning of human relations. Thus it is both of this world and of the other world, and we maintain that it “both attains to the sublime and yet performs the common tasks. What Chinese philosophy aims at is the highest of realms, one which transcends the daily functioning of human relations, although it also comes within the scope of this daily functioning.” see Feng Youlan, The Spirit of Chinese Philosophy (xinyuandao), Beijing: Beijing University Press, 2014, p. 009. Also see Translation by E. R. Hughes, Boston, Beacon Press, 1947, p. 3.

5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness

223

the universe, possess a brilliant and lofty ideal and not divorce himself with the reality of daily life, and understand the meaning and value of life in daily life. Here, the unifier of “respect for virtuous nature” and “pursuit of deep learning” is also the unifier of cheng (sincerity, realness) and “enlightenment” (ming). As it is said: “Progression from cheng to enlightenment is called nature. The journey from enlightenment to cheng is called spiritual culture. When there is cheng, there is enlightenment. When there is enlightenment, there is cheng.” (Liji: Zhong Yong) That is to say, to reach an understanding of all things through cheng (natural genuineness) is called tianxing (innate nature); to manifest cheng clearly through learning (ming) is called acquisition (education, spiritual culture). “Cheng” and “Ming” are two aspects of one process, which are complementary and interactive. This can also be described as the harmonious unifier of “rectification of mind and sincerity of thought” (zhengxin chengyi) and “the extension of knowledge through the investigation of things” (ge wu zhi zhi) in Great Learning. Similarly, it represents the unification of “advancement in self-cultivation and accomplishment in social cause” ( jin de xiu ye) with “thorough exploration of the Heavenly Principle and full development of human nature” (qiong li jin xing) in Yi Zhuan. In Song Confucianism, both Cheng-Zhu School and Lu-Wang School affirmed a priori moral consciousness. However, the Cheng-Zhu School emphasizes “daowenxue” (constant pursuit of moral knowledge),” focusing on the objective construction and acquisition of moral knowledge, theory, and moral norms. Conversely, the Lu-Wang School or School of Mind prioritizes “reverence for virtuous nature,” moral experience and intuition. The Cheng-Zhu School argues for “[achieving the] understanding of the mind through zhi (wisdom),” while the Lu-Wang School argues for “[achieving the] understanding of the mind through ren (human-heartedness).” But after all, “zhi” includes moral wisdom and cognition combining innate natural endowments with acquired knowledge, education, and practice. “Zhi” involves both immediate insight and ideal intuition for judging moral good and evil, right and wrong, and the practical process of learning broadly, examining closely, pondering carefully, discriminating clearly, and practicing earnestly. Thus, “zhi” represents a form of moral mentality, moral accomplishment, and moral ability. Lao Zi is often quoted as saying: “Knowing others is wisdom (zhi); knowing oneself is enlightenment (ming).” (Lao Tzu, Chap. 33) That is to say, one should have the mind to know himself as well as others. “Ming” (enligtenment) constitutes the most essential requirement for achieving “zhi.” “Zhi,” like a candle, guides people in distinguishing moral right from wrong, discerning good from evil, and approaching both personal flaws and strengths, as well as those of others, with clarity and fairness. Ultimately, the fundamental aspect of “Zhi” lies in the capacity to distinguish between what is morally right and wrong.

224

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

Wang Yangming

5. Xin (truthfulness) “Xin” (fathfulness) is one of the Confucian “Five Constants” (wuchang). “Xin” is one of the most basic virtues of social morality and individual morality as well as the basis for administrating a country. “Xin,” put forward by Confucius and Confucianism, roughly has three meanings. Firstly, “xin” embodies the virtues of “loyalty,” “sincerity,” and “good credit,” forming the essence of individual personality. From a personal perspective, without good faith, an individual cannot establish a foothold in society. Just as Confucius is quoted as saying: “I do not know how a person who lacks faithfulness would get by.” (Analects, Chap. 2) “Xin” represents a lofty-minded person’s personality, and that is why Confucius asks his disciples “to be sincere and truthful,” “to have good faith and study diligently,” and “to keep promises and act respectfully.” Confucius also believed that a person who is arrogant, dishonest, incompetent, and unfaithful is beyond comprehension. He further emphasized that a person of good faith could can easily gain the trust and employment of others. Secondly, “xin” refers to the guiding principles of social interaction, especially serving as the foundation for friendship. In Confucian ethic, if there were to be a single word to uphold as a lifelong behavioural benchmark, it would undoubtedly be “xin” (faithfulness). Zi Xia, one of Confucius’ students, said: “In his dealings with his friends, his words should be sincere.” Zeng Zi, a Confucius’ student, expressed the similar meaning: “Each day I examine myself on three matters. In making plans for others, am I being loyal to them? In my dealings with friends, am I being trustworthy? Am I passing on to others what I have not carefully thought about myself? And all the rest of it!” (Analects, Chap. 1:4) And so on and so forth. Therefore, one of the “Five Virtues” (wulun), proposed by Mencius, is “trustworthiness in friendship.” Thirdly,

5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness

225

“xin” refers to that rulers and officials must “win the trust of the people,” which is a paramount principle of ruling the country and also an indispensable requirement for these in power. This is what Confucius said: “Guiding a state of a thousand chariots, be attentive to state affairs, and trustworthy,” (Analects, Chap. 1) that is to say, to govern a country, a ruler must be serious and trustworthy. When Zigong asked about state governance, Confucius proposed his three requisites: “sufficiency of food, sufficiency of military equipment, and confidence of the people in their ruler.” (Analects, Chap. 12:7) This means that in managing state affairs, it is imperative to ensure adequate food supplies, sufficient military equipment, and maintain the people’s confidence in the government. If a choice must be made to forego one of these, Confucius asserts that military equipment can be sacrificed. Among the two remaining, if another compromise is necessary, food supply would be the next to relinquish. The utmost importance lies in the people’s trust in their rulers, as it forms the foundation of the state; without it, the state can not endure. Government serves as a tool to foster the best qualities of its citizens. Confucius saw the government as accountable for the wellbeing of its citizens while emphasizing that individuals should not neglect their respective duties. In short, “xin” is an important moral principle as well as one of traditional Chinese virtues. Xin’s basic requisites are “cheng” (sincerity) and “zhong” (loyalty), which is concretely embodied as utter trueness without any pretensions, full devotion to work without muddling through, faithfulness in words and actions, and handling affairs reliably without fooling. Xin’s basic content must accord with morality. Confucius said, “A lofty-minded person regards righteousness as the substance, actualizes it through ritual, displays it with humility, accomplishes it with faithfulness. Such is the true mark of a noble spirit.” (Analects, Chap. 15) According to Confucius, a lofty-minded person must pursue his career by abiding by principles of morality and way of appropriateness, practicing it according to ritual, spelling it out in humble language, and completing it with honesty and integrity. This is what Confucius calls a true person. It shows that “xin” must be based on ritual and righteousness and complemented by ritual and righteousness. Confucius said again, “If a promise is in line with righteousness, then what is said can be kept.” (Analects, Chap. 1:13) That is to say, promises can only be fulfilled if they conform to righteousness. Words going against morality and ritual need not be kept. In Tao Te Ching or the Works of Lao Zi (Lao Tzu) and the Works of Guan Zi it is also pointed out that one makes promises easily, but cannot fulfill them, and he will lose trust of others. Lao Zi is often quoted as saying: “A human who has insufficient credibility will be distrusted by people.” (Lao Tzu, Chap. 17:23) In short, there is no need to make a commitment to people going against virtue and righteousness. What have been promised must comply with virtue and righteousness. Promises going against ethic principles should not be blindly delivered. What’s more, to “walk the talk” or to “lead by example,” and never to promise what you can’t deliver. What is discussed above is about the relations between faithfulness and virtuous items, like xin (faithfulness), yi (righteousness), li (ritual), and etc.

226

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

6. Lian (Confucian Value of Integrity). “Lian” or moral integrity is also one of the “siwei” (Four Ropes). As a Chinese character, it originally refers to something edged and pointed, used as a metaphor for a person of high integrity or for the quality of a person’s character. As a moral category, lian (integrity) denotes various virtuous qualities, ranging from fairness and honesty, sense of duty to stand by the just, frame of mind to be impartial, to virtue of thrift and industry, moderation in taking and giving, rejection of unjust profits, and etc., and it also denotes correspondence of internal with external, agreement of word with deed. Integrity is an inner sense of “wholeness,” deriving from qualities such as honesty, sincerity, and consistency of character. Confucius does not oppose the pursuit of wealth, honor, and official positions, but he underscores the importance of personal satisfaction over greed and avarice. He advocates acquiring things without contravening morality and gaining wealth without contradicting ritual. Thus, Confucius proposes that by being true to oneself, one can genuinely fulfill the duty to look after their family with sincerity and compassion. Once an individual achieves this, naturally, they will extend their care and make contributions to society. Thus, integrity is in direct opposite to being greedy or selfish. An individual’s sincerity and integrity can also be considered to be the key strengths of the Confucian ethics when applied to social relationships in society. Confucius proposed that “Frugality that becomes a habit makes people clean; extravagance that becomes a habit makes people greedy.” Mencius said: “You may or may not take it, but it is better not to take it if it is harmful to integrity.” (Mencoius, Li Lou 11) Mencius means that you can take it or you cannot take it, but if you take it, you will damage the integrity, so you would better not take it. Mencius pointed out that if it is not moral, nothing is given to others, nothing is taken from others. In “Liqu” of The Book of Rites it is said that “On seeing wealth, don’t get it in an improper means” or “don’t forget righteousness on seeing gains.” In The Spring and Autumn of Duke Lü: Integrity and Loyalty (lüshi chunqiu.zhonglian) it is said: “He who sees big gains without forgetting righteousness is a person of integrity. Thus, integrity asks that people must not forget their mind of shame because of their wealth and nobility.” In short, when faced with a conflict between material possessions, personal desires, morality, and righteousness, a true person of integrity remains steadfast in their adherence to moral principles. They refuse to compromise their values, even in the face of temptation, thus earning the title of a man of woman of integrity—someone who would “not even accept a penny (as a bribe) that could tarnish their integrity.”

5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness

227

Official admonitions (Qing Dynasty)

Lian (moral integrity) is an official virtue. Therefore, “lianli” (integral officials) and “qing guan” (integral officials) are laudable titles for good officials. “Tian Guan” of Zhou Li regards “Six Lians” (Six Virtues of Integrity) as a yardstick to evaluate government officials, requiring officials of all levels to be of integrity in affairs (lianshan), integrity in capability (lianneng), integrity in earnestness (lianjing), integrity in uprightness (lianzheng), integrity in legality (lianfa), and integrity in clear-mindedness (lianbian). Integrity in affairs refers to an official who remains incorruptible, earning high praise from people for his prominent achievements. Integrity in capability refers to an official who possesses the ability and resolve to effectively implement various laws and regulations. Integrity in earnestness refers to an official such that he fulfills his duty by untiringly working. Integrity in uprightness refers to an official such that he is well-behaved and acts on morality. Integrity in legality refers to an official such that he is steadfast in law enforcement without offending it. Integrity in clear-mindedness refers to an official such that he handles matters with a clear-cut and clear-headed attitude. These six virtues of integrity are prefixed with the word “lian” (integrity), which indicates that “lian” (integrity) is the essence of being an official.62 Ancient Chinese people emphasized that officials must be “qing” (being clean-fingered), “shen” (being cautious even alone), and “qin” (being diligent in one’s duty). When applied to officials themselves, they must be free of corruption, careful with one’s conduct when alone, and industrious in handling state affairs. “An official must be clean-fingered, sincerely cautious, and hard-working. An official who is well cultivated in these three virtues does not worry about not being loved and supported by the people.” (Records of the Three Kingdoms, Vol. 18) Similarly, an official who achieves these three aspects of integrity can effectively govern their domain, ensuring sound administration. Gongzheng-lianming (impartiality, rectitude, integrity, and discernment) have been the qualities Chinese people have expected from officials for millenia. Many officials in history have indeed lived up to these standards. Hong Yingming (ca. 1596 62

See Wang Dianqing and Yang Qingzhong, “Etiquette, Righteousness, Honesty, Sense of Shame, and Civic Morality,” in Confucian Ethics and Civic Morality, China Federation of Industry and Commerce Press, 1996, p. 158.

228

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

A.D.) of Ming Dynasty said in Cai Gen Tan: “Only by being fair can one distinguish between right and wrong; only with moral conduct can one establish authority.” The ancient Chinese admonition for officials goes: “Officials fear not my strictness, but my integrity, and the people submit not to my authority, but to my fairness. If I conduct myself with integrity, officials dare not disobey my orders. If I handle matters fairly, officials dare not slack in their duties, and the people dare not deceive me. Thus, fairness fosters discernment, and integrity fosters authority.”63 “Officials with integrity are role models of people. Officials without integrity are robbers of people.”64 Confucius remarked: “A person’s existence lies in his integrity. A person without integrity can exist merely by luck.” (Analects, Chap. 19). The honesty or corruption of officials is intimately related to the ruler’s image, administrative efficiency, and ultimately, the stability and longgevity of the regime itself. High officials without integrity cannot rectify themselves and lead by example for others, then small officials must follow suit and become seriously corrupt. If small officials lack integrity, they cannot govern the people, inevitably leading to a decline in social customs. This is a historical lesson that traditional thinkers have consistently emphasized through warnings. Hence, “integrity is the foundation of governance.” (Yan’s Spring and Autumn: Inner Treatise or yanzichunqiu.neipian) “If officials lack integrity, the governance system becomes eroded and dysfunctional.” (Hanshu: Records of Emperor Xuan or hanshu.xuandiji) Being integral and clean-handed is the cardinal principle in stabilizing a country, the foundation in managing state affairs, the treasure of being an official, and the virtue of the official-scholars. All in all, leading with integrity poses a great challenge for any leader. Phrases like “walking the talk” and “leading by example” reflect the expectations the people have of officials. Good officials avoid selfish acts and office politics, as these are the acts of petty individuals. 7. Chǐ (Sense of Confucian Shame). “Chi” (shame or shamefulness) is one of “the Four Ropes.” Zhi Chi 知恥 is literally and cognitively translated into “to know shamefulness.” Zhi Chi is another basic principle of Chinese traditional morality. In The Work of Guan Zi it is said: “Only when people are well fed and clad can they take into account liturgy and know honor and disgrace.” Confucius said: “Once you have a sizable population, enrich them! Once they get rich, teach them!” A far-sighted ruler must put the interests of the people first, both enriching them and educating them. Confucius said, “Faithfulness (xin) is nigh unto righteousness (yi)—it ensures that people will live up to their word. Deference (gong) is nigh unto ritual (li)—it ensures 63

This was the motto that officials demanded of themselves during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. It was written by Nian Fu, governor of Shandong in Ming Dynasty. Gu Jingxiang, Prefect of Tai An of Shangdong in Ming Dynasty wrote these words on his own monument to commend him for his official integrity. Later, Nian Fu (1395 A.D.–1464 A.D.) carved the words on a stone titled “Guan Zhen” (Admonition for Being Officials) as a motto for his own integrity—translator’s note. 64 It is said that this saying came from the “Never Use Corrupt Officials” (qibuyongzangli) of Bao Zheng in Song Dynasty—translator’s note.

5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness

229

that people will stay far from shame and disgrace.” (Analects, Chap. 1:13) That is to say, (s)he would not be humiliated if (s)he does his credit, delivers what (s)he has promised, and is constantly courteous in attitude and behavior. Zilu asked Confucius about how one should conduct himself in order to be a scholar (shi)? Confucius replied: “He, who can act with a sense of shame, can be sent to the four directions of the world and not disgrace his ruler’s orders—such a person can be called ‘shi.”’ (Analects, 13.20) According to Confucius, first of all, one must have a sense of shame and self-consciously refrain from doing anything that would bring shame on oneself. If one is ashamed to act wrongly, there will be no stain on one’s personality. Confucius said: “Guide people with government orders, regulate them with penalty, and they will seek to evade the law and be without shame. Guide people with virtue, regulate them with ritual, and they will have a sense of shame and become upright.” (Analects, Chap. 2) Confucius believes that while governing through government decrees and punishment may temporarily curb criminal behavior, it fails to instill a sense of shame within the people. Instead, he emphasized the importance of fostering morality, rectifying behavior through ethical codes, and ultimately awakening their sense of crime, as these are the true keys to effective and lasting governance. Confucius further stated: “When the state aligns with the Way, I gladly accepts an official stipend from it. However, if the state strays from the Way, I feel ashamed to receive any stipend from it.” (Analects, Chap. 14) “When the Way prevails in the state, I emerge; when the Way lacks, I withdraw. In a state where the Way prevails, it is shameful to remain poor and humble. Conversely, in a state devoid of the Way, even wealth and prominence become a source of shame.” (Analects, Chap. 8) This is to say, during times of political turmoil and darkness, it is considered shameful for scholars to be rich and eminent, while during times of political enlightenment and clarity, it is equally shameful for scholars to be deprived of basic necessities, living in poverty and humility. The Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong) associates zhichi (sense of shame or knowing shame) with the courage to correct one’s mistakes, stating that Confucius once put forward the proposition such that “to know shame is nigh unto courage.” (“Confucius said: ‘To love learning is nigh unto wisdom, to practice with vigor is nigh unto human-heartedness, and to know shame is nigh unto to courage.’”) The Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong) regards zhi (wisdom), ren (human-heartedness), and yong (courage) as individuals’ three universally recognized virtues. Mencius emphasized the importance of having a sense of shame (zhichi), stating: “A person must not be without shame. A person who does not know shame is truly shameful indeed.” “Shame is crucial for a person. Feeling of shame is useless for a person skilled in cunning strategies. How can a person who is not ashamed of not being as good as others be considered their equal?” (Mencius. Jin Xin I) Mencius means that a person cannot go without knowing shame. A person who does not know shame is really shameless! Shame plays a crucial role in shaping and refining one’s character. A person who defrauds others by cunning is shameless. Without feeling ashamed of not catching up with others, how can a person catch up with others? Mencius further stated: “If [a ruler] exercises benevolent governance, he will attain glory. If [a ruler] fails to do so, disgrace will follow. But now, those who fear disgrace

230

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

persist in governing without benevolence are akin to individuals who dread dampness but choose to reside in a marshy area. Such a contradiction is akin to inviting the fate they fear. If you genuinely wish to avoid disgrace, it is advisable to honor morality, respect virtuous scholars, elevate wise individuals to positions of authority, and appoint the worthy to official roles.” (Mencius, Gongsunchou1) Mencius tells us clearly that politicians who govern benevolently are honored, but those who do not govern benevolently are disgraced. These individuals profess to despise humiliation, yet they persist in their non-benevolent ways, similar to someone who loathes dampness but continues to reside in the lowlands. If a ruler truly abhors disgrace, they should prioritize virtue, show respect, and engage capable and deserving individuals. Xun Zi believes that honor and disgrace can be divided into two different forms in real life. The fourth chapter of The Work of Xun Zi is titled “Honor and Disgrace” wherein Xun Zi said: “The biggest distinction between honor and disgrace is constantly related to people’s safety and danger: he who prioritizes righteousness over profit is esteemed; whereas, he who seeks profit before righteousness brings fisgrace. The esteemed one will always prosper, while the disgraceful one will ultimately fail. He who succeeds always administers others, and he who fails is always administered by others. Wherein lie the great boundary between honor and disgrace.” Xun Zi suggests that individuals should distinguish this great boundary between “honor” and “disgrace.” “In cherishing honor and detesting disgrace, in loving benefit and hating harm, a lofty-minded person and a narrow-minded person are alike, but the means whereby they obtain honor and disgrace differ.” In the method to avoid disgrace and bring honor to his family, a lofty-minded person and a narrow-minded person are different. But the difference between them is that a lofty-minded person seeks honor and avoids disgrace through self-cultivation and human-heartedness and morality (ren-de). A lofty-minded person or a gentleperson is consecrated to refer to cosmic righteousness as the most authoritative intelligence for his political and legal philosophies, while a narrow-minded person just regards cosmic righteousness as the source of “the law of jungle” devoid of any human value that his political and legal philosophies only tell “is,” as the legal positivist proclaims. Therefore, Xun Zi emphasizes the importance of acquired education and following the teachings of sages, as he is quoted as saying: “Men are born small indeed. […] If it weren’t for the exemplary person obtaining power to manage them, they would not have the means to open out from the inside. Now that man has mouth and stomach, how can they know ritual? How can they know polite refusal and declining? How can they know humility, shame, portions, and accumulations? […] If man lacks a teacher and lacks standards, how can their minds straighten out their mouths and stomachs? (The Work of Xun Zi, Chap. 4) As for Xun Zi, even if food itself is not shameful, there is shame in the way food enters and exits. Xun Zi seems to think that material goods are shameful, because an ordinary person has no restrained means of opening his senses. A sense of shame is required to maintain the proper boundaries of opening and closing. To know shame or to have a feeling of (zhichi) is a human’s self-awareness. A human who has done something bad can turn over a new leaf as long as his conscience and feeling of shame have not been completely wiped out. If a human is accused of being unscrupulous, he has a very serious problem. He who knows shame is still able

5.4 Core Value System Based on Human-Heartedness

231

to be saved, but he who is “unscrupulous” is nigh unto hopelessness. Most individuals have a feeling of shame, which is the psychological basis for distinguishing right from wrong, good from evil, beauty from ugliness. Zhu Xi said: “Chi means human’s heart of shame, which is possessed by all human beings, and a human who has a feeling of shame knows what ought to be done and what ought not to be done.” (Recorded Conversations of Zhu Xi, Vol. 13) A human who has a feeling of shame can be free from doing what he is not expected to do, as well as what he should feel ashamed of doing so. A feeling of shame is more often than not integrated with moral consciousness, moral emotions, and ethical judgment, such as right and wrong, good and evil, beauty and ugliness, and etc., which shapes man’s basic moral endowment that keeps him from wrong act, social condemnation and humiliation, and protects his dignity as a human. At the same time, one’s ability to know integrity and shame (zhi lian chi) is also acquired through self-cultivation, learning, and social engagement. In the Chinese language, two words “廉” (lian) and “耻” (chi) are commonly used together. A human who knows lian-chi is consistent and steadfast in principled morality, detached in self-profit or personal gain, and self-disciplined in personal actions. Ouyang Xiu (l007 A.D.–1072 A.D.) is quoted as saying: “Ritual and righteousness are grand laws to govern individuals. Honor and disgrace are grand virtues to define people.” (Ouyang Xiu, Xin Wu Dai Shi · Za Chuan or New History of Five Generations and Miscellaneous Commentaries) Gu Yanwu (l613 A.D.–1682 A.D.),65 a Confucian thinker of late Ming and early Qing, said: “One who is of no integrity will take whatever he can put his hand on. One who is shameless will do whatever he desires to do. When a person is so, misfortune, failure, chaos, and death may occur to him at any moment. As a high official, if he does whatever he wants, the world will be in chaos, and the country will perish. Moreover, among four virtues of propriety, righteousness, integrity, and shame, shamefulness is paramount. [….] Why is it so? The reason that a person is of no integrity and even violates propriety and righteousness lies in such that he does not has a feeling of shame. Thus, that rulers and official-scholars (shi dai fu) do not know shame is a national shame.” (Gu Yanwu: Rizhilu or Writings on Knowledge Accumulated from Day to Day) We can well perceive that “integral virtue” can prevent individuals from grabbing wealth, profit, fame, and status in violation of morality and righteousness, whereby to warn people not to “take” at will. Virtue of “shame” (chide) can prevent individuals from breaching morality and righteousness, blurring the distinction between human beings and beasts, and doing something disgraceful, whereby to warn people not to “do” 65

Gu Yanwu (l613–1682) is a thinker and scholar of the late Ming and early Qing period. Styled Tinglin, Gu is a native of Kunshan, Jiangsu Province. He is well versed in history, Confucian classics, geography, astronomy, phonology, and military learning. He is famous for his patriotic saying: “Every individual is responsible for the prosperity or decline of their country” (tian xia xing wang, pi fu you ze). Gu Yanwu holds a rationalist critique of the learning and metaphysical speculations of neo-Confucian philosophy (which is regarded as the underpinning of the Chinese Empire for almost 1000 years) and starts a new trend in scholarship during the Qing Dynasty. His works eventually has provided the philosophical basis for the ninteenth-century movement that attempts to amalgamate Western learning and Chinese tradition by searching for empirical roots within Confucianism. His main works are Rizhilu or Writings on Knowledge Accumulated from Day to Day and Merits and Drawbacks of Different Regions of the Empires (tianxiajunguolibingshu)—translator’s note.

232

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

something vicious. To be a person without no sense of integrity and shame is to be one who brings disaster and failure upon himself. If an official, especially a high official, has no conscience within, does not follow the law and discipline system without, does everything he desires, and grabs whatever he can lay his hands on, he will surely lead to the destruction of the country. This is dangerous. Propriety, righteousness, integrity, and shame constitute the four cardinal virtues, with shame standing as the most paramount. A person without integrity and righteousness will act against propriety and righteousness because he has no sense of shame. The degradation of officials and scholars into shameless persons represents the deepest national disgrace. Gu Yanwu’s observation above is truly profound and deserving of deep reflection.

5.5 Modern Significance of Confucian Core Values In East Asian countries, such as China, Japan, South Korea, and Singapore, the pursuit of modernization is not only a mere response to Western influences, but also, more importantly, it is primarily driven by their inherent needs and unique developmental trajectory. In the history of Confucian ideology, for example, we mentioned earlier the development of the thought trend of Practical Learning (shixue), such as China, Korea, and Japan, which is a manifestation of internal adjustment and actually has paved the way for the modernization of East Asia area. According to this trend, while interpreting ancient Classics, scholars should expound their views on social and political issues of their day, solve practical problems, enhance state governance, improve people’s livelihood, and promote social reform, which is echoed by businessmen in East Asian countries. Since Ming and Qing dynasties, commercial development of China is closely related to Confucian values upheld by merchants. In fact, for example, in business activities of Huizhou merchants, Shanxi merchants, Wuxi merchants, etc., Confucian values and Confucian ethics are infiltrated and integrated. Since modern times, the three East Asian countries have faced the challenge posed by the West, while maintaining Confucianism as their internal ideological resources. Those who have opened their eyes to the world and advocated for the study of the West knowledge are precisely the individuals who are deeply concerned about societal progress and hold a profound Confucian sentiment. They are the ones who genuinely care about state affairs and the welfare of the people, earnestly aspiring for a world of Grand Unity (datong). They are thoroughly influenced by Confucianism in their approach to learning, thinking, and behavior, as well as in their dedication to morality and righteousness. Additionally, the modern adaptation of Confucian ideology involves the transformation of fundamental values like human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and faithfulness. For instance, Dr. Sun yat-sen (1866–1925) specifically emphasized values such as “loyalty-filial piety” (zhong-xiao), “human-heartedness-love” (renai), “faithfulness-righteousness” (xin-yi), and “peace-harmony” (he ping-he xie),

5.5 Modern Significance of Confucian Core Values

233

highlighting the importance of cultivating spiritual civilization and the unification of Heart and Nature (xin-xing).66

Dr. Sun Yat-sen

In East Asia, Confucianism has long been regarded as the cultural basis for social norms and political order. The value concept of East Asian Confucianism has both commonality and individuality. Its so-called commonality refers to predominant concepts, such as human-heartedness, righteousness, ritual, wisdom, and faithfulness. In other words, some major connotations of Confucian basic concepts, such as human-heartedness and love (ren-ai), respectfulness and faithfulness ( jing-cheng), loyalty and tolerance (zhong-shu), filial piety and brotherliness (xiao-ti), faithfulness and righteousness (xin-yi), are universally accepted and firmly established, and they are the spiritual pursuit and belief of Confucian masters in East Asia, which have played a role of value orientation in shaping social cultures and norms of different space and time environments. Its so-called individuality refers to different manifestations of Confucian ethics in China, Japan, South Korea, and Vietnam, as well as some variations in the connotation of the same value concept in different times. Especially due to differences in social structure, cultural customs, national mentality and other aspects, ethical values in different countries and regions have their own emphasis, and some values become more important and pre-determined. For example, Mizoguchi Yuzo (1932–), a Japanese scholar, specifically compared the differences in the concept of “public” and “private” between China and Japan, believing that Japanese concept of “public” and “private” is territorial and restrictive, while Chinese concept of “public” and “private” is principled and moral. Japanese concept of “public” gives rise to a sense of “eliminating private and serving public,” and is combined with the idea of “loyalty” to feudal lords, and in turn has played a pillar role in 66

See Guo Qiyong, “Review of Sun Yat-Sen’s Cultural Thought,” Journal of Chinese Social Sciences, Issue 3, 1996.

234

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

Japanese economic take-off. In Japan, “loyalty” is conceptualized as loyalty to the country and the collective one is a part of. In other words, “loyalty” has been transformed into the loyalty to one’s own country and one’s own group. Additionally, “faithfulness” and “righteousness,” generally valued in society, have gone beyond the ethics of clan blood and become the effective ethics of capitalist contract relation and commercial transaction relation. Values such as courage, prowess, toughness, strength, fortitude, and etc., which are not highly regarded by traditional China elites, are esteemed in Japan and can be seamlessly integrated into the capitalist competitive principle, rooted in the survival-of-the-fittest jungle mentality. Mizoguchi Yuzo claims that Japanese Confucian ethics share a profound linkage with the hereditary class society of the Edo period, and that these ethics were effortlessly adaptable to Japan’s industrialization.67 Nevertheless, we can still find similar aspects of traditional views on “public” and “private” in both China and Japan. For example, Yamaga Soko considers giving one’s utmost to the country, the world, and the people as the ultimate expression of loyalty, termed as “loyalty to the community” or “public loyalty.”68 This is very similar to what Mr. Mizoguchi’s observations on the Chinese pursuit of morality and their embrace of a universal “public” concept. However, contrary to Mr. Mizoguchi’s assertion, the concept of “public” in China does involve hierarchical structure. Mizoguchi further argues that in Japan, “loyalty” is prioritized over “filial piety,” and the emphasis on clan-blooded relationships is less significant compared to China and South Korea. This difference has fostered the developmentof contractual relationships and business ethics in Japan, which is indeed a compelling argument. But on the other hand, we can’t help but see that there also exists the school of “filial piety” in Japan, such as Tokugawa, Nakae Toju, and others. In particular, “filial piety” also serves as an aid in the economic take-off of South Korea, Chinese Taiwan and Hong Kong and other areas, and has played a certain role in family industry. In addition, traditional China emphasizes mutual support rather than competition, warns against “bullying,” and advocates a certain degree of equalitarianism, and a complex of equal wealth. Despite the challenges associated with introducing the capitalist competition principle based on the law of jungle, it can still serves as a subsidiary awareness to coordinate the current and future distribution of social interets, ultimately pursuing social justice. In the article cited above, Mr. Mizoguchi correctly paoints out: new social systems are often influenced by previous ethical ideas; at different periods and under different conditions, traditional factors that have proven successful in the past may become factors that lead to decline, and traditional factors that have proven unfavorable in the past may become favorable. The adaptability and inadaptability of traditional ethics, moral items, and social 67 For details, see [Japan] Mizoguchi Yūzō, “Modernization of Japan and Its Traditional Factors: A Comparison with China,” Confucianism in Modern East Asia: A General Review, edited by Minghui Li, Taiwan, Preparatory Office of Institute of Chinese Literature and Philosophy, “Academia Sinica,” 1998; and also see “A Comparison of ‘Public and Private’ Concepts between China and Japan,” 21st Century, Hong Kong, February 1994, 2, No. 21. 68 Masahiko Miyake, The History of Japanese Confucianism, trans. Chen Huabei, Shandong University Press, 1997, pp. 31–32.

5.5 Modern Significance of Confucian Core Values

235

concepts to specific periods and conditions are not absolute, but rather dynamic and relative. Mr. Mizoguchi’s assertions do not exclude the common values of East Asian Confucianism, but rather demonstrate that there are still permanent, absolute and universal values present within its change, relativity, and particularity. Robert N. Bellah (1927–2013), a prominent authority on Japanese history and culture, conducted an in-depth study of religion during the Tokugawa Period, providing valuable insights. He says: “The central value system that existed during the Tokugawa Period still plays a decisive role in modern times, perhaps in a more intensified, rationalized form. The central value system that functions as identity ethics of various classes, if applied to modern times, will prove very propitious in dealing with the new economic responsibilities that each class assumes.”69 Robert N. Bellah argues that Chinese culture is characterized by its integrative value, while Japanese culture is characterized by its emphasis on politics or achieving goals. While the assertion that Chinese value is universalistic and Japanese value is particularistic is debatable, Robert N. Bellah specifically analyzes the central values of Tokugawa Era and highlights their role of these values in Japan’s modernization drive and process, which is of great significance. This analysis has been pertinently evaluated by Masao Maruyama (1914–1996), a Japanese scholar of East Asian Confucianism.70 Actually, we don’t necessarily draw similar conclusions in a simplified way that “China values benevolence, South Korea filial piety, and Japan loyalty” and so on.71 What I want to point out is that in the value systems of China, Japan, and South Korea, although various values are not aligned, they are not without integration. As mentioned earlier, the value of “filial piety” and the relationship between loyalty and filial piety have been discussed many times in the history of Japanese Confucianism, and “filial piety,” as a secondary value, still plays a role. In the modernization movement of Chinese Mainland, ChineseTaiwan, Chinese Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea, and other countries and regions, the accumulation of Confucian ethics in folk society has played a positive role. In small cultural traditions, concepts, such as industry and thrift, emphasis on education, dedication to work, keeping good company with others, mutual coordination and friendship, mutual trust, [daily] renewal and advance, undoubtedly serve as the cultural capital of economic take-off. These small cultural traditions are inseparable from the Confucian elites and big cultural traditions. From the perspective of long-term, healthy, high-quality social goals, Confucian thought of “human-heartedness and love” (renai) can purify the heartminds of human beings in the world, integrate the community interests, adjust the relationship between Human and Heaven, Earth, all things and selves, and combat self-centeredness and extreme egoism. For example, “Shudao” (tolerance or the Confucian principle that treats others the way you treat yourself) 69

Robert Neelly Bellah, Tokugawa Religion: Cultural Origins of Modern Japan, Sanlian Bookstore and Oxford University Press, 1998 edition, p. 228. 70 Masao Maruyama, “Review on Bellah’s Tokugawa Religion,” Ibid., Appendix 3, pp. 259–296. 71 When the author attended the international conference on “Eastern Thought and Social Development” in Seoul in the summer of 1996, East Asia Daily impressively marked these twelve Chinese words (中國重仁、韓國重孝、日本重忠) with a banner headline in the daily news.

236

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

provides an important basis of thought for the reconstruction of environmental ethics and global ethics, which is conducive to sustainable development of the world. The Confucian thoughts of “sincerity and respect” (cheng-jing) and “loyalty and faith” (zhong-xin) can help rectify business order, enhance internal cohesion, improve external image, increase efficiency, and promote people’s spiritual realm. Confucian values, like values of righteousness and profit, as well as theory of personality cultivation, can help overcome money fetishism, hedonism, deception, and dishonesty. At present, these values have great practical significance for the integration of Chinese mainland society and the construction of a harmonious society. Anyway, I think that the central value system or kernal values of East Asian Confucianism are human-heartedness and love (ren-ai), respect and sincerity (chéngjìng), loyalty and tolerance (zhong-shu), filial piety and brotherliness (xiao-ti), and faithfulness and righteousness (xin-yi). Human-heartedness-love is the essence of human nature, which is regarded as the fundamental of defining a human by former sages and luminary Confucians of China, South Korea, and Japan, that is to say, human-heartedness-love is generic characteristic and nature of humankind, which can be in connection with the essence of ethics found in all nationalities and religions worldwide. Confucianism views “human-heartedness-love” as the starting point and puts forward many universal ethical values such that “One should not do to others what he does not want done to himself,” “One who wants standing helps others gain standing,” “One who wants achievement helps others achieve,” “One who is humane is humane to all things,” and “All individuals are my blood brothers and sisters and all things are my companions,” and so on. These values, including human-heartedness and love, can serve as the cornerstone of a new global ethics, providing a prescription for resolving conflicts among religions, nationalities, countries, and cultures, as well as serving as a guide for coordinating relationship between humans and nature. Respect-sincerity ( jing-cheng) is a pious and respectful attitude that a human should take adopt towards Heaven, Earth, Human, all things, and oneself. Respect-sincerity ( jing-cheng) is a sense of responsibility and professional dedication, meaning that one should be sincere and free from deceiving, and reveal his truest feelings naturally. Although zhong (loyalty) is often hailed as one of the cardinal concepts in early Confucian ethics, foolish loyalty and filial piety have been washed away by the times, but the heartmind of loyalty and filial piety still exists in our modern society and can be transformed into acts of being filial for parents, respecting the aged, extending respect for the aged in one’s family to that of other families, and extending love for the young in one’s family to that of other families, and then into a spirit of dedication to human beings, nations, countries, societies, communities, and teams. However the society changes, upholding morality, righteousness, emphasizing credit, and keeping our words and deeds remain our guiding principles for being a person of integrity. Such values as human-heartedness-love (ren-ai), respect-sincerity ( jing-cheng), filial piety-brotherness (xiao-ti), loyalty-tolerance (zhong-shu), trustworthinessrighteousness (xin-yi), etc., will continue to play a positive role, not only as universal moral ideas but also as corporate, commercial, professional, and environmental ethics in the present and future development of China or East Asian society. Traditional ethics, which have undergone through transformation of times, eradication of

5.5 Modern Significance of Confucian Core Values

237

outdated habits and our conscious critique and inheritance, can be integrated with new ethical values of modernization, such as individualized freedom, personality independence, and human rights consciousness. There exist many points of connectivity between core values of Confucianism and modern human rights, equality, dignity, rationality, and morality. Modern rights consciousness and modern legal life are likely to develop flatly and singly if they lack the support of ultimate belief and the support of deep and accumulated social capital and cultural capital. In the Confucian context, thorough connection of the Way of Heaven (tiandao) with human nature and Mandate (xingming) imbues East Asian values with an underlying religious spirit, which is characterized by transcendentalist reason and the unification of holiness and secularity. Ethical education by ritual and music has a great penetration in the traditional civil society and people’s heartminds in East Asia. Relying on human moral responsibility rather than transcendental and external God, as well as laying emphasis on this world, is sufficient to show the strength of “philosophy of human-heartedness.” In The Spirit of Chinese Philosophy (xinyuandao), Feng Youlan pointed out: “Chinese philosophy has one main tradition, one main stream of thought. This tradition is that it aims at a particular kind of highest life. But this kind of highest life, high though it is, is not divorced from the daily functioning of human relations. Thus, it is both of this world and of the other world, and we maintain that it ‘both attains to the sublime and yet performs the common tasks ( jigaomingerdaozhongyong).’”72 That is to say, what Confucian Human-heartedness Scholarship (renxue) aims at is the highest of realms, one which transcends the daily functioning of human relations, although it also comes within the scope of this daily functioning. In other words, its attention is directed to both worlds, its concern is with both worlds. Limited by space, it is impossible to discuss this aspect of Confucian thought in detail here. In the future, the development of society still requires the guidance of values. The traditional core values are of great significance when it comes to regulating the complex relationship between human and nature, communities, the Way of Heaven and human heart. Traditional core values, such as human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, faithfulness, and etc., remain our important spiritual resources in terms of the spiritual pursuit of life, the spiritual homeland, and the reconstruction of community ethics, global ethics, and environmental ethics. Traditional core values are still effective in all aspects of life and work, including cultivation in human nature, rectification of official administration, emphasis on political integrity, and lowering of management cost and so on. Such values as human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, faithfulness, and etc., are still flowing in daily activities and lives of the common people, and are grass-rooted in their culture. As long as we possess cultural consciousness, and excel in guidance, coordination, and integration, these values will continue to stand as the soft strength for China’s sustainable development. People cannot live without cultural ideals. As the old tradition says: “It takes ten years 72

Feng You lan, The Spirit of Chinese Philosophy, Beijing University Press, p. 009. The translation here is quoted from E. R. Hughes’ translation, see its first English edition published in 1947 by Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., Ltd., England, p. 3—translator’s note.

238

5 Kernal Value Orientations of Confucianism

to grow a tree and a hundred years to raise a generation.” To educate and bring up a cultural ethos that spans generations, we must start with ourselves and focus on the continuation and promotion of national culture and life. By doing so, our Chinese nation and its culture can become great and endure for generations to come!

Chapter 6

Confucian Idea of Public and Private

The demarcation of the public and private spheres, or the relationship between social rights and individual freedom, obviously belongs to the category of modern ideology. However, in our country, this issue only gradually became clear in the last 150 years. However, this does not mean that pre-modern Chinese civilization was completely devoid of the issue of the relationship between social rights and individual freedom or the demarcation of the public and private spheres.

6.1 Notion of Public and Private I believe that “good” ideal society, basic values, and good virtues pursued by Pre-Qin Confucianism, particularly by primitive Confucians such as Confucius and Mencius, inherently contain priority factors of “fairness and justness.”1 As a sociological category, “fairness and justness” is undoubtedly characterized by relativity of social history. However, among virtues advocated by Confucius and Mencius, “fairness and justness” also has significance beyond time and space. In original Confucian 1

“Priority factors of “fairness and justness” refers to the fact that among many virtues that society may possess, justice occupies the highest position (see Shi Yuankang, Rawls, Guangxi Normal University Press, 2004, p. 9). In recent years, I have invited Professor Ci Jiwei from the University of Hong Kong to give systematic lectures on “liberalism,” “Confucianism and liberalism,” and “Two Sides of Justice” in Wuhan University. I have had several talks with Mr. Ci about these issues. It is a polemic issue between liberalism and communitarianism whether justice or goodness is first. The priority is, of course, discussed in the source sense. “Justice” means “should” and no choice. In the sense of value source, goodness takes precedence over justice. In the sense of norms, justice takes precedence over goodness. Mr. Ci and I believe that Confucian goodness and justice are integrated; Confucianism cannot be classified as communitarianism; Confucianism is not political authoritarianism; The values of Confucianism and liberalism can be communicated and integrated. Also refer to Confucianism and Liberalism, co-edited by Harvard Yen-ching Institute and Sanlian Bookstore, 2001, and especially refer to its first article: “Confucianism and Liberalism—A Dialogue with Professor Du Weiming.” © Fudan University Press 2024 Q. Guo, The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4799-7_6

239

240

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

ethics, there are various aspects such as family, community, occupation, and other aspects of ethics. Among these, family ethics serves as the foundation and starting point, and is considered as the preliminary step in learning community and occupation ethics. However, the rituals that Confucius and Mencius advocated are rooted in “public” (gong), and the virtue (de) that they emphasize lies in “fairness” (ping or impartiality). Their fundamental concern lies in “public” ethics. For instance, a loftyminded personality is characterized by engagement in public affairs and possesses a moral personality with a sense of publicness. “Gong” (公) and “gong gong” (公共) are two different concepts in the Chinese language. Confucius’ notion of “harmony but not uniformity” (he er bu tong) is undoubtedly typical of publicness, which allows different things to complement and supplement each other to form a harmonious whole full of vitality and creativity. This lecture mainly delves into resources of two “Gongs” (justness and equality) of Confucius-Mencius’ Confucianism, and its entry point is to discuss the relationship between “public” (gong) and “private” (si), but not limited to the literal meaning of “Gong” and “Si.” While discussing Confucian view of public and private, righteousness and profit, etc., people have been accustomed to searching for isolated chapters and sentences from the Confucian text, breaking away the historical and ideological background and the intrinsic unity of the entire text, and only making a simplistic judgment on its literal meaning. Some scholars argue that the Pre-Qin Confucians only advocate “whole justness and whole unselfishness” (da gong wu si; perfectly impartial and completely unselfish), and blindly insist that “[one should] extinguish selfhood with justness” (yi gong mie si). Some scholars view the “principle of concealment between kinships” (qin qin xiang yin) as their iron-proof that Confucius-Mencius Confucianism underpins “corruption through misuse of law,” thus asserting that Confucianism is “typically corrupt.” Some scholars think that Confucianism does not encourage “selfishness” and instead emphasizes the importance of “publicness.” Some scholars argue that Confucianism prioritizes “public morality” rather than “private morality”, while others hold the opposite view. Additionally, some scholars deny the Confucian emphasis on “publicity,” “justice,” and “public morality,” which requires careful discrimination. In my opinion, all such arguments do not hold water. We still need to make a concrete analysis of the ancient texts and their historical and cultural backgrounds in detail and make practical comparisons of them (not based on modern or today’s Western views as the only frame of reference, but based on both the Chinese and foreign ideas of the same era). We should pay a special attention to the Confucian wisdom of the Mean (zhongdao) and its practical rationality, so that we can deeply explore the notion of public and private argued by Confucius-Mencius Confucianism and its ideological connotation which can be successfully transformed in the reconstruction of public philosophy. Benjamin Schwartz (1917–1999), an American contemporary famous scholar of Chinese studies and expert in comparative study of human civilizations, pointed out in The World of Thought in Ancient China (1985) that compared to the humanistic ritual and music systems and concepts that originated from primitive religions, pre-Confucian history and early Confucianism contain the earliest manifestations of

6.1 Notion of Public and Private

241

human rationality. In terms of cosmic order and social political order, the value of order is sacred, but it also carries the connotations of abstraction, rationality, publicity, and justice. Confucian etiquette and righteousness serve as rules and principles to prevent excessive feelings and ensure the order of public life. “Righteousness” (yi) has the meaning of uprightness and appropriateness. Just as Confucius underlines the close relationship between human inner spiritual sphere and public behavior, a lofty-minded person must cultivate both his body and heart with ritual and music and actively participate in public activity based on self-reflection and cultivation of a sound personality. Confucian ethical items, such as human-heartedness, righteousness, ritual, loyalty, respectfulness, and faithfulness, are all social and public and applicable to public life and its order construction. Confucian concepts such as human-heartedness, righteousness, ritual, and tolerance not only suggest the ideal moral qualities of humans, but also emphasize human as a social being, because these qualities can only be demonstrated in human relations. Such social relationships function within a series of concentric and increasingly larger social organizations. The foundational organization is undoubtedly the family, which is followed by the concentric expansion of the state/empire and ultimately Tian Xia, All Under Heaven, as well as the entire known civilized world. Confucius’ evaluation of Guan Zhong (ca. 723 B.C.–ca. 645 B.C.) has shown his inclination toward public justice, public morality, and national rationality to some extent. At the same time, Confucius is vigilant and stresses the importance of preventing the abuse of authority by those in power.2 Japanese scholar Mizoguchi Yuzo (1932–2010) conducted a detailed comparative study on the concept of “public–private” in China and Japan in this field.3 Mr. Mizoguchi Yuzo paid significant attention to issues of the “heavenly selflessness and moral publicness” and “the principium, universality, and naturality of publicness of Tian (Heaven)” in the Pre-Qin texts, which has inspired us greatly. However, Mr. Mizoguchi Yuzo’s discussion on public–private views of the Ming and Qing dynasties is subject to the challenges and questions from scholars in terms of methodology. For example, Jian Liangru, a Chinese scholar, said: “In numerous related studies, scholars have applied Western concepts or historical stage theories to interpret the ideology and society of Ming and Qing dynasties on the one hand, but on the other hand, it consistently reiterates the particularity of the relevant themes in China, but this particularity does not refer to a unique thought or evolving direction different from that of modern individualism and democratic spirit, but to different approaches to the 2

Benjamin I. Schwartz, The World of Thought in Ancient China, translated by Cheng Gang, edited by Liu Dong, Jiangsu People’s Publishing House, 2004, pp. 30, 31, 61, 71, 80, 109. Also: The World of Thought in Ancient China. by Benjamin I. Schwartz, published by Cambridge, Mass, and London: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1985. 3 Mizoguchi Yuzo, “The Evolution of the Concepts of Public and Private in China,” Thought, No. 669, Iwambo Bookstore, Tokyo, March 1980; Public and Private in China, Vols. 1 and 2, Literature, Vol. 59, Nos. 9 and 10, Iwambo Bookstore, Tokyo, October 1988; “Comparative Study of Concepts of ‘Public and Private’ Between China and Japan,” 21st Century, Hong Kong, February 1994, Issue 21. Also see Mizoguchi Yuzo, The Evolution of Pre-modern Chinese Thought, translated by Suo Jieran and Gong Ying, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1997.

242

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

same goal. This reflective research, proceeding from a fait accompli and seeking an echo, revolves around the connotations of public and private domains in the modern West, using Ming and Qing dynasties as a contrast rather than as a foundation. Consequentially, special attention is given to the concepts of public/private domains, albeit independently of the broader soil of Confucian thought to which they belong. In fact, when scholars began to question any essential differences between public–private view of Ming and Qing dynasties and Rationalist Scholarship of Song and Ming dynasties, they found that at the end of the Qing Dynasty, some of Gu Yanwu (1613– 1682)’s and Huang Zongxi (1610–1695)’s claims persisted beyond the mid-Qing Dynasty. This has led to a significant test of the research orientation on the concepts of public and private domains in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties in recent times.”4 Chinese scholar, Professor Liu Zehua of Nanjing University, and his team, have published a large number of excellent works in the study of Chinese political system and history of ideology. They have held seminars and published a conference proceeding on the issue of “public and private concepts and Chinese society.”5 This collection contains twenty papers, which comprehensively combs the evolution of public and private concepts in different periods of our country. It is very rich, of high value, and of great inspiration to us. However, Mr. Liu lacks a detailed review of the relationship between Confucianism and autocratic monarchy, the relationship between Confucianism and legalism as well as the differentiation of internal thoughts of Confucianism. For example, Mr. Liu thinks that Confucius, Mencius, and other early Confucians basically follow the same idea of “establishing public and extinguishing private,” and that like legalists, they uphold the supremacy of the state and monarch and advocate absolute collectivism and nationalism, and “I” is only the carrier of “public,” devoid of personality, individuality, self-desires, etc.,6 which requires a further in-depth discussion. Huang Junjie and Jiang Yihua, Chinese Taiwan scholars, co-edited A New Exploration in Public and Private Field: A Comparative Perspective Between Views of East Asian and the West,7 which is also a collection of conference proceedings, including 17 papers by Japanese, Korean, and Chinese scholars on issues such as East Asian public philosophy, public and private in East Asian traditions of ideology, and public and private in Western political ideology. In view of discussions about public and 4

Jian Liangru, “Huang Zongxi’s Views on Public and Private in ‘A Visit to Records of Ming Officials’—A Comparison with Rousseau’s Theory of Social Contract,” Taipei, Journal of Chinese Literature and philosophy, September, 2005, Issue No. 27, pp. 216–217. 5 Liu Zehua, Zhang Rong Ming, et al., Public–Private Concept and Chinese Society, Renmin University of China Press, 2003. 6 Liu Zehua, “The Concepts of ‘Establishing Public and Eliminating Private’ and Social Integration during the Spring and Autumn and Warring States Periods,” Liu Zehua, Zhang Rong ming, et al., Public–Private Concepts and Chinese Society, Renmin University of China Press, 2003, pp. 14, 18–19 and 21. 7 A New Exploration in Public and Private Field: A Comparative Perspective Between Views of East Asian and the West, edited by Huang Junjie and Jiang Yihua, Taiwan University Publishing Center, 2005.

6.1 Notion of Public and Private

243

private fields, “most of theoretical framework or problematic consciousness is still based on the discourse of Western contemporary philosophers, but non-western interpretative views based on their own historical experience are rare”; therefore, many authors in this collection try to think deeply from the point of view of East Asia itself, showing the ability of “self-understanding” and “self-positioning.”8 JapaneseKorean scholar, Mr. Kim Tae-chang, director of the Institute of Public Philosophy of Japan, urges “breaking away from academic dominance of Europe and America” and making good use of East Asia’s own resources of ideology and culture, such as “Li” (Principle) of Chinese philosophy, “Ikigai” (field; reason for being) of Japanese philosophy, ideas of “Gi” (qi), “exhaustive investigation of Principle” (qiongli), “nourishment of Gi” (yangqi), “integral field” (zhengchang, focus-field relations or vague and shared experiences constituting its manifold meanings), “coexistence of Li and Gi” (liqijianju) of Korean philosophy, so as to open up a public philosophy of “activating private and opening public, and co-mediating public and private.” Japanese scholar, Professor Makoto Kurozumi examines the relationship between “sheng” (Qi or Qing; material force or emotions) and publicity advocated by Ito Jinsai (1627–1705) and Ogyū Sorai (1666–1728), and believes that a loftyminded person should be able to participate in public activities. Kurosumi thinks that the key to making the concept of “public” accessible to the people and the world lies primarily in going beyond obstacles posed by patriarchism to power relations. Both Huang Junjie and Jiang Yihua believe that “In traditional thought of East Asia, there are indeed profound cultural resources related to the concept of “public” and “private,” which can be an important basis whereupon we may construct the “public philosophy” of twenty-first century…. In traditional thought of East Asia, the concepts of ‘public’ and ‘private’ have their diversity and manifold connotations. They not only bear the imprint of East Asian culture, but within the traditions of thought in China, Japan and Korea, each has its own regional trait.” The views of these two scholars have provided us with a methodological enlightenment for our discussion.9 The crux of the problem is how we break away from the Western frame and interpret the true meaning of Eastern or Chinese thought in order to seek a creative transformation of traditional views of public and private, and provide nourishment for the construction of today’s philosophy and ethics. In modern times, it has become mainstream for both Western and Chinese academic circles to use western philosophical terms and theoretical frameworks to interpret Chinese classics or thoughts. It is indeed time to rectify this approach. The Pre-Qin Confucianism, especially represented by Confucius and Mencius, derived from three generations of tradition and responded to their own times, still 8

Huang Junjie and Jiang Yihua, “Introduction,” Ibid., p. 1. Huang Junjie and Jiang Yihua, “An Introduction,” A New Exploration in Public and Private Field: A Comparative Perspective Between Views of East Asian and the West, edited by Huang Junjie and Jiang Yihua, Taiwan University Publishing Center, 2005, p. 1. Jin Taichang, “Building A Cooperative Social Structure of ‘World-Country-Region’ with Public Philosophy of ‘Activating Private and Opening Public;’” Makoto Kurozumi, “Forms of ‘Public’ and Modern Japanese Thought,” all see the book mentioned here, edited by Huang Junjie and Jiang Yihua.

9

244

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

possesses positive aspects worth exploring in the connotation of “public” and “private,” in the concept of “public” and “private” relationship, and in the specific historical legitimacy contained in it. Since “two domains of ‘public’ and ‘private’ are like multi-level concentric circle with high relativity and continuous extension,” we should be cautious in dealing with the material in the discussion, especially in understanding its context, that is, the social context. That is to say, Chinese ideological or philosophical culture is produced in its cultural and semantic environment. Only through the interpretation of its semantic environment can we have an original understanding of it. Previous research results show that, etymologically speaking, “gong” (public) originated from gong (palace) where heads of clans lived in primitive society. “Si” 私 (private domain or selfhood) is composed of 禾 and 厶. According to Mr. Xu Zhongshu (1898–1991), the right half of word takes the shape of plowing tool, indicating an object for personal daily use, which is believed to be one’s private thing. In Shijing and Shujing, “gong” (公) or “si” (私) refers to specific persons and objects. For example, in “Small Odes. Great Field” of Shijing it is said: “Raining on my lord’s fields. And then on my private plots” (yu wo gong tian, sui ji wo si), wherein “gongtian” (public field) and “sitian” (private field) refer to public land and private land respectively. In “Small Odes. Da Dong” of Shijing it is said: “And the sons of the poorest family/Work as officials or servants petty” (私人之子, 百 僚是試 si ren zhi zi, bai liao shi shi), wherein “siren” (私人) means “personal or private” in contrast with public or official, and herein “siren” means “family slaves” or “domestic slaves.” In “Lv Xing” of Shangshu it is said: “The judge who hears litigation should deal with trial impartially and should not be partial and confuse the confessions of both sides of the case” (無或私家於獄之兩辭 wu huo si jia yu yu zhi liang ci) wherein “sijia” (私家) means “one who hears litigation of both sides (that is, the accused and accusers).” In general, during the Spring and Autumn Period, gong (public) and si (private) mostly refer to specific persons and concrete objects. “Gong” and “si” that are used in Zuo’s Commentary (zuozhuan) and Discourses on the States (guoyu) are mostly referred to as “gongjia” (the state) or “simen” (the powerful family) in politics, which still indicates concrete meanings. For example, in the third reigning year of Duke Zhao of the State of Lu, Shu Xiang made a speech on the laxity of the armament of the Imperial family (gong shi) of the State of Jin, wherein he repeatedly mentioned “gong shi” (the state), “gong ming” (imperial mission or heavenly Mandate), and “gong zu” (royal clan in kingdom). In “The 20th Year of Duke Zhao of Lu” it is recorded: “Violent expropriation of the private property of the people was serious” (baozheng qisi) wherein “si” means private property. And in “The 5th Year of Duke Ai of Lu” it is also recorded: “Don’t allow private grievances to harm public affairs” (sichou bu jigong), wherein “gong” refers to state affairs. In the eras of Confucius and Mencius, “gong” primarily denoted “official or public business” or titles of nobility, while “si” primarily denoted “personal” or “private”. Neither term articulated abstract meanings with a value of praise or criticism, nor

6.2 Confucius’ Appeal to Justice

245

did they possess sharp oppositions. During the Warring States Period, the two words “gong” and “si” gradually shifted from concrete meanings to abstract meanings.10

6.2 Confucius’ Appeal to Justice During the Spring and Autumn Period (770 B.C.–476 B.C.), “gong” generally referred to the Sons of Heaven and feudal princes. “Gongjia” (公家), “gongshi” (公 室), and “gongshi” (公事) are generally related to the Sons of Heaven and rulers of vassal states. In the late Spring and Autumn Period, Confucius undoubtedly discussed issues of “gong” and “si” in the face of the changing relationships between princes, dukes, retainers, and stewards, on the basis of inheritance and innovation of rituals of Zhou. Nevertheless, the humanistic tradition since the early Western Zhou Dynasty stands as the cultural soil of Confucius ideology. When Confucius considers the distinction between public and private, he has a more humanistic consciousness. Therefore, when discussing the distinction between public and private, as well as righteousness and profit, Confucius also exhibits a spark of thought that transcends beyond his own time and space, which is worth remembering by contemporary people. Generally speaking, Confucius opposes tyranny, affirms the livelihood of people, emphasizes the enrichment of people, the benefit of people, and the teaching of people, protects people’s rights to survival and education, and insists on officials winning the people’s trust. Confucius is often quoted as saying: “Tyranny is fiercer than a tiger.” Ji Kangzi (?–ca. 468 B.C.) asked Confucius about governance, saying: “If I kill those who don’t follow the Way (Dao/Tao), in order to encourage those who do, how would that be considered?” Confucius replied: “Your task is to govern. What necessity is there for resorting to killing? If you strive for goodness, your people will naturally follow suit and be good as well” (Analects, Chap. 12:19). Confucius consistently opposes the killing of innocent people and harsh government. He harshly criticizes rulers for their blind faith in violence, like “wanton slaughter” and “wanton punishment,” and advocates that rulers must treat their people kindly and tolerantly and have love for parents and promote the virtue of human-heartedness. Confucius’ idea of governing the country and pacifying the people is “to have a sizable population, to enrich the people, and to teach the people,” and “once they get rich, instruct them!” (Analects, Chap. 13:9). Confucius advocates that “when people have multiplied, let them become rich, and then let them become civilized,” affirming people’s livelihood, keeping wealth with people, and regarding protection of people’s 10

Huang Junjie, “Reflections of Modern Confucians in East Asia on the Division of ‘Public’ and ‘Private’ Field,” A New Exploration of Public and Private Field: A Comparative Perspective son Between East Asian and the West, edited by Huang Junjie and Jiang Yihua, Taiwan University Publishing Center, 2005, pp. 119–121. Also see Liu Chang, “‘Discrimination of ‘Eliminating Private Interests with Public Interests’ Based on ‘Official System of Zhou’ from The Book of History in the Pre-Qin Chinese Scripts,” Public–Private Concepts and Chinese Society, edited by Liu Zehua, Zhang Rongming, et al., Renmin University of China Press, 2003, pp. 76–87.

246

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

rights to subsistence and education as the foundation of government. Specifically speaking, what Confucius focuses on is “people, food, mourning, and sacrifice” (Analects, Chap. 20:1). He emphasizes the importance of people’s food and life-death issues, advocating for doing favors to people and employing them in an appropriate manner, just as he said when he praised Zichan (one of his disciples): “In looking out for the common people, he is caring. And in employing the common people, he follows what is right” (Analects, Chap. 5:16). He said, [a ruler] “economizes on expenses, shows affection towards his people, and employs them timely and moderately,” (Analects, Chap. 1:5) hoping that a ruler does not miss the farming season and follows the five virtues of “gravity (gong), generosity (kuan), faithfulness (xin), diligence (min), and kindness (hui)” (Analects, Chap. 17:6). In answering Zichan’s question,“What do you mean by being bountiful but not extravagant?” Confucius said: “Let the people do what is beneficial for them, isn’t that good for the people without any cost? Choosing the appropraite times and things for people to work on, then how could anyone feel resentment?” (Analects, Chap. 20.2). All these are highly in line with the theme of Confucius’ thought of “human-heartedness” and theory of “human-hearted governance.” According to Confucius, a wealthy populace serves as the foundation of a state’s wealth and is also the fundamental guarantee for the state to gain popular support. A state’s wealth is not solely about its riches, but also about the support of its people. Confucius was attentive to issues of distributive justice and social justice, opposing the gap between the rich and poor. He pointed out: “[A ruler] does not need to worry about the scarcity of wealth, but about the uneven distribution of wealth, not worry about the poverty of the people, but the instability within the country. If wealth is distributed equally, there will be no real poverty. If the country is in peace and harmony, there will be no shortage of people. When the country is secular, it will not be in danger” (Analects, Chap. 16:1). This is what Confucius said to Ran Qiu, one of his disciples, in response to the sudden wealth of the new rich, such as the Ji Sun family, during the late Spring and Autumn Period. Confucius believed that the princes or doctors should not worry about their own wealth, but should instead worry about the unequal distribution of wealth, which would lead to the subversion of vassal state and families of the princes and dukes. If wealth is distributed equally and poverty is eradicated, the state will be harmoniously unified. Not only will there be no danger, but people from afar will also come to serve. Confucius’ thought of “enriching the people” and “equalizing the wealth” is fundamentally a political proposition centered on human-heartedness. Below, we will discuss the connotations of publicness and fairness in Confucius’ public–private view and his statecraft. Firstly, Confucius affirms and respects the people’s rights to subsistence and selfprofit, emphasizing the importance of livelihood issues, and thus considers them as “gong” (public). Good governance must ensure the survival and interests of the common people. In the “Small Odes. Tian Bao” from Shijing it is said: “How simple and honest your people are! They are satisfied as long as they have enough to eat and drink each day” (min zhi zhi yi, ri yong yin shi). Confucius proposes “enriching the people” and then “teaching the people.” His idea of governing the country and pacifying

6.2 Confucius’ Appeal to Justice

247

the people is to “have a sizable population, enrich them, and teach them.” That is to say, when people have multiplied, let them become rich, and then let them become civilized. Confucius highly affirms people’s livelihood, emphasizes keeping wealth with people, and regards the protection of people’s right to subsistence as the foundation of governance. In “Liyun” contained in The Book of Rites it is said: “Appetite and sexuality are human’s most natural desires.” Confucius means that an ideal governance is for the people to eat when hungry, to find warmth when cold, and to seek rest when tired. All these are human natural desires. Thus, an ideal governance is to understand and satisfy the needs of the people—this is called the Kingly Way (wangdao) or the human-hearted governance (renzheng). What Confucius holds in esteem is “people, food, mourning, and sacrifice. If a ruler is kindherated in his governance, he will win over the multitude; if he is trustworthy, he will win the trust of the people; if he is diligent in his governance, he will have achievements; and if he is impartial, he will make the people happy” (Analects, Chap. 20:15). Confucius here emphasizes that these in power must be attentive to the affairs of the common people, especially the matters of life and death, such as food, burial, and so on. And they must treat people kindly, act in accordance with the principle of “fairness,” handle things fairly and justly, whereby can please the people. Confucius pays much attention to the common people and their problems of food, life, and death. As old saying goes: “Food is the first necessity of the people” (min yi shi wei tian). According to Confucius, not only are people’s survival and living conditions in society very important, but also burial and sacrifice after death. This is an extremely pragmatic political concept. Confucius hopes that rulers would not interfere with farming season, maintaining the livelihood and production of the people, and ensuring a certain standard of living for them. Thus, we should pay special attention to the implications of the word “gong” (public)11 in what Confucius said: “A ruler who is impartial makes people happy” (gong ze yue; also translated into “acting in a fair manner is pleasing”) (Analects, Chap. 20:15). In the same chapter, we also find several other statements related to the concept of “gong” (public) which read: “Zizhang asked Confucius, saying, ‘How must one proceed in order to govern the country effectively?’” “Confucius said: ‘He must honor the Five Lovely Things, avoid the Four Ugly Things,then he can govern the country effectively.’” “Zizhang said: ‘What are the Five Lovely Things?’” “Confucius said: ‘A lofty-minded person is bountiful but not extravagant, gets labor out of people without arousing resentment, has desires but is not covetous, is proud but not arrogant, and inspires awe but not oppressively so.’” “Zizhang said: ‘What do you mean by being bounteous but not extravagant?’” “Confucius said: ‘In bestowing benefit, he should bestow benefit to the people as they desire, is this not what is meant by bountiful but not extravagant? Select what the people are able to do, and let them do it, then who can feel resentment? Long for human-heartedness, and you will achieve human-heartedness, who can say that you are covetous? A lofty-minded person, irrespective of whether he is Mr. Liu Zehua said that “gong” 公 here already implies a negation of “si” 私. See “The Concepts of ‘Establishing Gong 公 and Eliminating Si 私’ and Social Integration during the Spring and Autumn and Warring States Periods,” Public–Private Concept and Chinese Society, edited by Liu Zehua, Zhang Rong Ming, et al., Beijing: Renmin University of China Press, 2003, p. 18. It should be mentioned that Mr. Liu does not imply denial of self-interests here, or at least he does not say whose self-interest was denied. But I think at least he does not deny the “self-interest” of the people.

11

248

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

dealing with many persons or with quite few, with the little or with the great, would never be overbearing, is this not what is meant by being self-possessed but not arrogant? A loftyminded person straightens his clothing and cap and is careful in the way he looks at others, so that just seeing him from afar, people are in awe—is not this indeed inspiring awe without ferocity?’” “Zizhang said: ‘What are the Four Ugly Things?’” “Confucius said: ‘To execute people without first instructing them, and this is called tyranny. To demand the complete success of tasks without first giving due warning, and this is called violence. To be very late in issuing orders but to expect sudden results is called the brigandage. When something has to be allotted, to be stingy in allotting it is called behaving like petty government clerks.’” “Confucius said: ‘If you do not understand the will of Heaven, you will have no way to become a lofty-minded person. If you do not understand ritual, you will have nowhere to take your stand in society. If you do not understand words, you will have no way to know people.’” (Analects, Chap. 20:2.3)

Confucius proposes the concept of “Five Lovely Things” and “Four Ugly Things” in governance, and he is especially opposed to tyrannical and harsh governance, as well as “punishment without prior teaching.” He considers it as the first principle that “In bestowing benefit, a ruler should bestow benefit to the people as they expect,” and he opposes treating xiaomin (common people) with arrogant attitude. He also emphasizes that a ruler should be solemn, generous, honest, human-hearted, responsible, and trustworthy in his governance. These principles actually touch on a ruler’s attitude toward public power, the legitimacy of the exercise of public power, and the protection of self-interests of common people by public power. Under the order of propriety, Confucius has raised the proposition that “In bestowing benefit, a ruler should bestow benefit to the people as they expect,” which is undoubtedly a proposition with positive factor. This proposition involves bestowing benefit to the people, ensuring the livelihood and well-being of the people, using people’s labor in a right and proper way, cherishing their labor and not wasting resources. Among them, preventing the abuse of public power is an important part of cherishing people’s labor and protecting people’s livelihood. Confucius said: “If knowledge gets it (moral life or moral realm) but human-heartedness cannot maintain it, then even if a human gets it, he is sure to lose it. If knowledge gets it, and human-heartedness can maintain it, but if a human cannot administer it with dignity, he is sure to lose respect from the people. If knowledge gets it, human-heartedness can maintain it, and he can administer it with dignity, but if he cannot act on the principle of ritual, he is sure to fail in life” (Analects, Chap. 15:33). Viewed from what is quoted above, Confucius not only emphasizes that human-hearted morality (ren-de) is higher than knowledge, but also emphasizes that a ruler should have a serious and respectful attitude towards the common people and mobilize the people reasonably and legally. Confucius objects to abusing power, disturbing the people willfully, trampling on public opinion, and disregarding people’s livelihood. He, therefore, raises the issue of discreet use of public power with a “respectful” attitude, with the fundamental purpose of ensuring the well-being and safety of the people. Confucius advocates that rulers should not compete with the common people for benefits, and emphasizes that public power should safeguard people’s interests and give them material benefits. A ruler’s wisdom lies in proceeding from reality and benefiting the people wherever possible. In this way, he can give benefits to the people while his government spends

6.2 Confucius’ Appeal to Justice

249

little or less resources. Because rulers in traditional society often violate the farming season and arbitrarily conscript the common people to serve hard labor, there are a lot of unmarried men and unmated women with resentment (kuangfu yuannv).12 If an agricultural society makes it impossible for the common people to sow and reap in a proper season, what will they do for a living? Therefore, Confucius says that a ruler should select what the people are able to do, and let them do it at the right time and under the right condition, then who would feel resentment?

Stone carving of hunting and harvesting by unknown painter (Eastern Han Dynasty)13

According to Confucius, sound governance is governance that enriches the people. Therefore, he summed up his statecraft into three Chinese characters: “shu” 庶, “fu” 12 In “Liang Hui Wang Xia” of The Work of Meng Zi it is said: “There are not any unmarried men and women, of marriageable age, inside and outside” (neiwu yuannv, waiwu kuangfu), or “all people are able to find spouses and settle down peacefully. “Kuangfu”曠夫 means an unmarried man of marriageable age, and “yuan nv” 怨女 means an unmarried maid of marriageable age. Later on, “kuang fu yuan nv” refers to men or women of advanced age who have not yet been married—translator’s note. 13 Stone Carving of Hunting and Harvesting (戈射收穫畫像磚 gē shè shōu huò huà xiàng zhuān) is an Eastern Han Dynasty brick carving, with 39.6 cm high and 46.6 cm wide. In 1972, it was unearthed in Anren Township, Dayi County, Sichuan Province, and now collected in Sichuan Provincial Museum. This painting is the product of the extravagant burial prevailing in the ruling class of the Han Dynasty. Stone carving is divided into upper and lower layers, with shooting on the top and harvesting on the bottom. Gē shè describes the scene of shooting. Deep in the lotus pond, a group of wild ducks are startled to fly, and two hunters hidden under the trees are about to shoot. Stone Carving of Hunting and Harvesting also depicts the scene of harvesting farmers. In the field, two farmers are holding long sickles to mow the stalks, three persons are bending over to cut the ears, and one is carrying the ears on his shoulder with a basket in his right hand, which is quite vivid. Stone Carving of Hunting and Harvesting, with a strong flavor of life, highly praises the labor—translator’s note.

250

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

富, and “jiao” 教 [each is translated into “to multiply the population,” “to enrich the people,” and “to educate the people”respectively]. Analects is often quoted as telling, “When Confucius went to the State of Wei, Ran You acted as his carriage driver. Confucius said: ‘Ah, a sizable population!’ Ran You said: ‘Once a ruler has a sizable population, what should he do next?’ Confucius said: ‘Make them rich! And once they get rich?’ Confucius said: ‘Educate them!’” (Analects, Chap. 13:9). Confucius emphasizes the issues of people’s livelihood and sufficient food for the common people and proposes that rulers must keep wealth with the peopleand then enlighten them through education. His three-character statecraftship idea of “shu” 庶, “fu” 富, and “jiao” 教 is based on the comprehensive consideration of society, politics, economy, culture, morality, and education. In a time of sparse population and low productivity, human beings were the main productive force. A larger population was a sign of social stability and prosperity. Where there was no war, it was easy to attract people and multiply the population. Where people’s livelihood and social order were improved, there was the prosperity of human reproduction. Accordingly, the primary task of a ruler is to bring people peace and prosperity, let them have education, and upbring them. It should be quite clear that Confucius did not negate the self-interests of the common people, especially their basic right to subsistence, by putting forth the proposition that “a sizable population comes first, then make them rich, and once they get rich, educate them,” together with the expression quoted from Chap. 20 of Analects that “in bestowing benefit, a ruler should bestow benefit to the people as they desire.” Hence, when we discuss Confucianism and Confucius’ views on public and private, how can we ignore this basic point? Regarding tax policy, You Zi, one of Confucius’ disciples, proposed the tithe system (shí yī shuì).14 You Zi criticized Duke Ai of Lu for levying excessive taxes on people and advocated keeping wealth with people, saying: Duke Ai asked You Ruo (You Zi): ‘The crop is bad this year, and I don’t have enough for government needs. What should I do?’” “You Ruo replied: ‘Why not halve the rate of taxation?’” “Duke Ai said: ‘Even when I take two-tenths of the crop in tax, I don’t have enough. How could I get by with half?’” “You Ruo replied: ‘If the people have enough, how can the ruler be left without enough? But if the people don’t have enough, how can the ruler hope to have enough?’ (Analects, Chap. 12:9) Zigong (one of Confucius’ disciples) asked Confucius about government. Confucius said: ‘You need enough food, enough military supplies, and people’s trust.’” “Zigong said: ‘If you had to do without one of these three things, which would you do without first?’ ‘Do without weapons.’ ‘And if you had to do without one of the other two, which would it be?’ Confucius said: ‘Do without food. From times past, everyone has to die. But without people’s trust, you (or the state) get nowhere.’ (Analects, Chap. 12:7) Zi Lu asked Confucius about what a lofty-minded person is like. Confucius said: ‘Cultivate yourself with respect.’ Zi Lu asked: ‘Is that enough?’ Confucius said: ‘Cultivate yourself and make those around you happy.’ Zi Lu asked: ‘Is that enough?’ Confucius said: “Cultivate

14 “Shí yī shuì” 拾壹稅, translated into tithe system, means to tax at the rate of one tenth, which is the land tax system of Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties. In Shangshu it is said: “A ruler who levies taxes according to tithe system is widely praised by his people”—translator’s note.

6.2 Confucius’ Appeal to Justice

251

yourself, and make all people happy. I am afraid, even Yao and Shun would find that difficult to make all people happy? (Analects, Chap. 14)

Sound governance is one that makes people rich and secure. Sound governance is one that is trusted by the people. Rulers and officials must “attain people’s trust,” which is both a principle for ruling a country and a requirement for politicians. Confucius is often quoted as saying: “A country of one thousand war-chariots cannot be well administered unless his rulers are strictly attentive to affairs and trustworthy” (Analects, Chap. 1:5). To govern a country well, a ruler and his officials must be serious and honest. For example, in order to pass a country’s decrees unimpeded, a ruler and his government must first gain trust, which is imperative for issuing a decree. Only in this way can the support and allegiance of the common people be gained. Confucius believes that when it comes to governance and political affairs, a ruler must first ensure people’s livelihood, that is, ensure sufficient food and sufficient weaponry, and gain people’s confidence in government. A country cannot stand up if its people lack trust and confidence in its government. In this sense, “trust” is an important content of Confucian political ideal, which involves the issue of legitimacy of public power. To cultivate in himself the capacity to benefit the whole people is a political ideal for politicians, which, though difficult to be accomplished, should become a visionary sight in their mind. “Zi Gong said: ‘How about broadly looking after people and bringing all living beings to their fulfilment? Can it be called humanheartedness? Confucius said: ‘How can it merely be human-heartedness? It must be Sagelihood! Even Yao and Shun fell short of this’” (Analects, Chap. 6:30). Confucius believes that if a ruler is able to benefit the people widely and make them live happily, he not only has reached the realm of “human-heartedness,” but even ascended to the realm of “Saglihood.”

Music, dance, and kitchen stone carving by unknown painter (Eastern Han Dynasty)

252

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

Secondly, Confucius does not object to personal gain, but to the abuse of power for personal gain. Confucius himself does not object to selfish gain and wealth accumulation by the common people, nor does he object to selfish gain and wealth accumuation by the upper classes of society. When Zigong discusses with him about how to get rich, Confucius said: “If wealth is pursued in accordance with Tao/righteous marlity (daoyi), I may pursue it, and I will pursue it, even though it may be a menial job, like being a wagon driver” (Analects, Chap. 7:11). Confucius once again commented on Zigong: “Zigong does not listen to fate, goes into business, guesses the market, and often guesses correctly, so he becomes rich” (Analects, Chap. 11:19). He also said, “When the state follows the Way, being poor and lowly is a cause for shame. When the state is without the Way, being rich and eminent is a cause for shame” (Analects, Chap. 8:13). Confucius affirms that “Wealth and high positions are what all individuals desire,” and “Poverty and low positions are what all individuals dislike” (Analects, Chap. 4:5). Confucius emphasizes that one should pursue what he desires or removes what he dislikes in accordance with the Way and obtain what he desires and relinquish what he dislikes with ritual. While serving as a steward of the Ji Family, Ran Qiu accumulated wealth by unfair means, so Confucius asked his disciples to criticize him. “The Ji family is even richer than Duke of Zhou, and yet Ran Qiu, who acts as his tax collector, collects money by hook or by crook and enriches them even further. Confucius said: ‘This guy is not worthy of a being my follower! You young men have my permission to make a scathing indictment against him!’” (Analects, 12:17). During the eleventh to twelfth years of Duke Ai of Lu, the Ji Family quickly became wealthy as new political and economic measures were introduced. Ran Qiu was sent to ask Confucius for advice about taxation, and Confucius said to him: “When giving to others, give as much as possible; when doing things, consider both sides as much as possible and adhere to the middle way; when asking from others, get as little as possible” (Zuo’s Commentary). But Ran Qiu did not accept his teacher’s advice and still helped the Ji Family to plunder the people by aggravating the land tax system. Thus, Confucius was very furious and refused to recognize Ran Qiu as his follower and asked other students to condemn him. For high-ranking officials, and for his students who were preparing to become officials, Confucius said: “Extravagance leads easily to irreverence, while frugality leads easily to meanness. However, it is better to be mean than irreverent” (Analects, Chap. 7:36). Confucius advocates frugality without extravagance and opposes excessive enjoyment without limit. In Confucius’ view, one should abstain from extravagance by means of thrift, and even though one may appear shabby due to thrift, he cannot be arrogant and willful due to richment. Confucius said: “Act only with profit in mind, and you will face much resentment” (Analects, Chap. 4:12). “A loftyminded person sets his mind on righteousness, while a petty person sets his mind on profit” (Analects, Chap. 4:16). This is not because Confucius does not recognize personal profit, but because he warns incumbents not to use their positions and power to seek personal profit. He hopes that officials should “think of morality and justness on seeing personal profit” (Analects, Chap. 14:12) and let righteousness guide profit.

6.2 Confucius’ Appeal to Justice

253

At that time, Confucius observed that high-ranking officials and nobles were not only corrupt but also extravagant. Confucius believed that “frugality can promote integrity, while luxury can foment corruption and degeneration” (yi lian feng tan, yi jian feng chi). Confucius used Jing, the prince of the State of Wei, as a model example, to allegorize rulers at that time. While speaking highly of Jing, Confucius said: “[Jing is] good at managing his household wealth. At first, a little, he said, ‘Just about that enough!’ When he has accumulated a little more, he said, ‘Just about enough!’ When he has become truly rich, he said, ‘Just about perfect!’” (Analects, Chap. 13:8). Thirdly, with regard to the system of family with hereditary ranks and wealth (shi qing shi lu zhi),15 Confucius advocated “recommending to office virtuous and capable persons” ( ju xiancai) (Analects, Chap. 13:2) and “providing education for all without distinction” (youjiao wulei), (Analects, 15:39) opening education and politics for all people, which is a major event in opening up fair opportunities and public rights to the people, and also an affirmation of the people’s rights to education and participation in political activity. Undoubtedly, this is the most righteous and public heritage that Confucius has left us. Confucius’ political philosophy of “recommending to office virtuous and capable persons” ( ju xian cai) (Analects, Chap. 13:2) is a summary of China’s political ideals and political practice experience since ancient times. In promoting management talents, Confucius always advocated “promoting the straight and let them oversee the crooked,” namely putting the upright individuals above crooked ones. To Confucius, an upright person who practices moral virtues of human-heartedness and righteousness is considered capable of being an official. Duke Ai asked Confucius, saying: ‘How can I make the common people submissive?’ Confucius replied: ‘Promote the straight and let them oversee the crooked, then the common people will be submissive. Promote the crooked and let them oversee the straight, then the common people will not be submissive.’ (Analects, Chap. 2:19) Fan Chi asked Confucius about human-heartedness (ren). Confucius said: ‘Love others.’ Fan Chi asked about wisdom (zhi). Confucius said: ‘Understand others.’ When Fan Chi failed to grasp the meaning, Confucius said: ‘Promote the straight, and let them oversee the crooked. In that way, you can cause the crooked to be straight.’ After Fan Chi had left Confucius, he met Zi Xia and said, I met Confucius and asked him about wisdom. He said: ‘Promote the straight, and let them oversee the crooked. In that way, you can cause the crooked to be straight. What does that mean?’ Zi Xia said: ‘How rich these words in meaning are! When Shun ruled his Kingdom, he chose Gao Yao from among the multitude and kept those who lacked human-heartedness at a distance. When Tang ruled his Kingdom, he chose Yi Yin from among the multitude and kept those who lacked human-heartedness at a distance.’ (Analects, Chap. 12:22)

Shi Qing Shi Lu System 世卿世祿制 is an official selection system implemented since the PreQin Period, and it is also a hereditary system of ranks (shiqing) and wealth (shilu). This system was integrated with the patriarchal system and the enfeoffment system at that time. The main feature of this system was that the eldest son of the royal family inherited the throne, and the rest were enfeoffed, and the analogy was made step by step, forming a pyramid-like power structure system—translator’s note. 15

254

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

It is the foundation of ancient Chinese political philosophy to elect capable individuals from the grassroots level of society, to employ them to manage public affairs, and to increase folksy character and political vigor. Furthermore, the contributions of Confucius and his disciples do not end here. They also brought the Learning of Officials of Imperial Court (wangguanzhixue) downward to the common folk and create a precedent for China’s education system and civil service system to be established in the folk. This system developed into national service examinations (keju kaoshi) for another 1300 years before being abolished in the 1911 Revolution.

Directory of provincial examination

Confucius is often quoted as saying: ‘Providing education for all without distinction’” (you jiao wu lei) (Analects, Chap. 15:39). In Confucius’ view, there is no distinction between rich and poor, status, region, etc. for people who receive education, and a teacher should be ready to provide instruction to anyone who sincerely wants to learn, regardless of their social background. Confucius said: “I never refuse to teach anyone who asks for instruction, and it is quite enough for them to send me just a bundle of dried meat as a gift at our first meeting” (Analects, Chap. 11:13). This is what Confucius called “providing education for all without distinction” (you jiao wu lei). “Zi Xia said: ‘An official who wants to be excellent in public office should devote himself to continuous study; a student who has been excellent in study should devote himself to public office’” (shi er you ze xue, xue er you ze shi) (Analects, Chap. 9:13). Of course, Confucius is aimed at these who “do not study but turn out to be an official,” “do not study well but turn out to be an official,” and “study well but refuse to be an official.” Confucius’ ideology of “teaching without distinction” is of prime importance. He himself also responds to his educational thought with his own practice by opening education to the common folk, setting up private schools, and moving the Learning of Officials of Imperial Court (wangguanzhixue) down to the folk. All of these actions laid the foundation for breaking social class and status and enabling the country to obtain “virtuous and capable persons.” Fairness begins with the fairness of opportunity. Confucius regards education for all without discrimination as a humanistic ideal that transcends the differences of social status, regions, and ethnicity. He advocates equal treatment for all people and opposes all forms of discrimination. This ensures that social elites have vertical mobility in the

6.2 Confucius’ Appeal to Justice

255

system of political power, reflecting the concepts of “rule of man” and “rule of virtue.” Confucius also advocates putting worthier people into public office based on their ability. Confucius’ thought and practice have laid the foundation for the education system and civil service system of traditional China. His contribution has not only endured for thousands of years but has also benefited the present time. In traditional China, grassroots people, those who are poor and their descendants, as well as the children of farmers, all have opportunity to participate in political activities at all levels, even at highest level. This was all due to the influence of Confucius and Confucianism. This is a thought of that originated more than 2500 years ago, and it is a great idea! Let’s ask: Did thinkers of ancient Greece and ancient India who lived at the same time as Confucius have these views? For Confucius and Confucianism, education is not only a natural state for humans and but also a natural right, and it is the only way for human beings to achieve moral personality.

Scene of final national palace examination (presided over by the Emperor) by unknown painter

Fourthly, the Confucian ethic of responsibility and credit is primarily required for political officials and scholar-officials. Responsibility ethic, personality trust, and integrity in public affair are regarded as moral characters in public affairs within Confucian resources. “Fan Chi asked about human-heartedness. Confucius said: ‘Be solemn even alone (when nobody is watching you). Be attentive in dealing with things. Be loyal in getting along with others. Even if you find yourself among barbarians (the Yi or Di tribes), you should not forget these qualities’” (Analects, Chap. 13:19). A human who is seriously engaged in public service and faithful to his duty has been close to the virtue of human-heartedness. Then, “Zi Lu asked about government. Confucius said: ‘Lead by example, and people will do their best in their affairs (xian zhi lao zhi).’ May I ask further instruction? Confucius said: ‘Never be neglectful (of these things)’” (Analects, Chap. 13:1). In other words, “xian zhi lao zhi” (先之勞之) means that a person in charge or position must be industrious and take the lead” (Analects, Chap. 13:1). “Xian zhi lao zhi” (先之勞之) means “leading by example” and “working meticulously,” serving the public, being devoted to his duty, being fair and whitehanded, being diligent in his administration and loving people, and working without resentment. “Confucius praised Zi Zhang for his following the standard of a lofty-minded

256

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

person in four respects. ‘In conducting himself, he is prudent. In serving his rulers, he is respectful. In looking out for the common people, he is caring. And in employing the common people, he has followed what is right’” (Analects, Chap. 4:16). By praising Zi Zhang, Confucius articulated virtues for being an official, which are solemnity, seriousness, respectfulness, and responsibility. “Zi Zhang asked Confucius about human-heartedness. Confucius said: ‘A person who can exercise these five virtues in his dealings with the world is acting on human-heartedness and love.’ When Zi Zhang asked what ‘these five virtues’ are, Confucius said: ‘gravity (gong), generosity (kuan), truthfulness (xin), diligence (min), and kindness or benefit (hui).” Be of gravity, and you avoid disrespect. Be generous, and you win over the multitude. Be trustworthy, and you are trusted by others. Be diligent, and your work will go well. Be kind, and you will be able to employ others’” (Analects, Chap. 17:6). Herein, Confucius regards these five aspects, such as ‘gravity (gong), generosity (kuan), truthfulness (xin), diligence (min), and kindness (hui),” namely respectfulness and self-possessiveness, magnanimity and broad-mindedness, sincerity and faithfulness, diligence and quickness, and kindness and benefaction, as the connotations and official morality inherent in “human-heartedness (ren).” To some extent, Confucius’ teachings on “human-heartedness (ren)” is mainly aimed at dukes, princes, ministers, bureaucrats, and official-scholars who enjoy inheritable ranks and emolument. In modern terms, this is mainly a requirement for officials, cadres, and intellectuals. Thus, he said, only with respect and self-dignity can one be awe-inspiring and avoid insult; only with generosity and magnanimity will one be acclaimed by everyone; only with honesty will one be appointed; only with diligence, agility, and efficiency can one make a great contribution; only with kindness and benefaction can one find the worthy and able people for use. In a word, qualities of being earnest, tolerant, trustworthy, diligent, and helpful are still virtues of those in power. Confucius also put forward the idea of “benefiting the people” (limin), advocating that rulers should make the people happy according to their interests. Later, Xun Zi inherited this idea from Confucius and further required that officials and lofty-minded persons achieve the unity of virtue, talent, emolument, and position, all based on the principle of pacifying the people and relieving the suffering of the poor. The goal for stabilizing the world (an ding tian xia) is primarily to bring peace and security to the people. What disturbs the people the most is when officials are unceasingly corrupt and greedy, unable to “cultivate oneself to benefit others” (xiūjianren), unable to “mobilize people with propriety,” and unable to “employ people in a righteous way.” In other words, governmental officials casually expropriate people’s labor, abuse public rights, interfere with them arbitrarily, trample on public opinions freely, disregard people’s livelihood, fail to deliver extensive benefits to the people and relieve the suffering of the poor, and treat the people unkindly and indifferently. In short, they do not respect and care for the common people in a dignified attitude. “Confucius said: “A lofty-minded person makes righteousness the substance, practices it through ritual, displays it with humility, brings it to completion with faithfulness. That’s a truly lofty-minded person!” (Analects, Chap. 15:18). In Confucius’ view, it is because a lofty-minded person assumes public undertakings that conduct and personality of a lofty-minded person is required. Furthermore, it is especially

6.2 Confucius’ Appeal to Justice

257

important for a lofty-minded person to win the “trust” of the common people by laying emphasis on “faithfulness.” So, Confucius said in a very vivid way: “A person lacks truthfulness, I don’t know how he gets by! Big carts without yoke-bar, and little carts without collar-bars, I don’t know how you can go anywhere in them!” (Analects, Chap. 2:22). Of course, although “respect,” “fidelity,” and “faith” all carry specific historical connotations, “respect” (earnestness and seriousness), “fidelity” (devotion to one’s duty), and “faithfulness” (sincerity and truthfulness) are not limited to being personal virtues of the lofty-minded persons. They also represent the work ethic and character in public affairs. When combined with modern connotations, they can still be transformed into the work ethic of today’s public politics. Fifthly, rights and responsibilities of sovereign and ministers, as well as their mutual demands, contain the germination of political division of labor and restriction. The rule of rites is not simply a rule of virtue and law. Zi Lu asked Confucius: “If the ruler of Wei asked you to govern a state, Master, what would you do first?” Confucius said: “The one thing needed first is the rectification of names.” Zi Lu said: “Ah! I see! That’s why people say you are out of touch with reality!’ Confucius then said: “How boorish you are, You (Zi Lu)! When a lofty-minded person is confronted with something he does not understand, he should adopt a respectful attitude! If names are not rectified, then speech will not function properly, and if speech does not function properly, then undertakings will not succeed. If undertakings do not succeed, then rites and music will not flourish. If rites and music do not flourish, then punishments and penalties will not be justly administered. And if punishments and penalties are not justly administered, then the common people will not know where to place their hands and feet’” (Analects, Chap. 13:3). Confucius argues for the rectification of names (zhengming). Zi Lu thinks Confucius is too pedantic. In fact, what Confucius said is not exactly pedantic. What he wants to say is that administers should enjoy some kind of authorization as long as they undertake responsibility. Moreover, a certain name of social status marks that he has obtained the authorization of relevant position, and thus he has a certain responsibility. A definite name of social status, once established, regulates one’s responsibility and his bounded duty, and defines the scope, boundary, and responsibility of administrative affairs under his management. Rights and liabilities, status and practical business, should be consistent. Only when we speak appropriately can we do good things properly, revitalize rites and music, make the punishment fair, reasonable, and proper, so that the common people will not be at a loss. Officials, hence, should be consistent both in name and deed and should not speak too casually and arbitrarily. As a principle, “rectification of names” implies that naming is not only important in practical and communicational terms, but also creates meaning and configures relations and structures within society. Duke Jing of Qi asked Confucius about government. “Confucius replied: ‘Let the ruler be a ruler; the subject, a subject; the father, a father; the son, a son.’ The Duke said: ‘It is splendid! For if indeed the ruler is not a ruler, the subject not a subject, the father not a father, the son not a son, then although there is food, how will I be able to eat it?’” (Analects, Chap. 12:11). What Confucius said to Duke Jing of Qi is such that a ruler should act like a ruler, a subject like a subject, a father like a father,

258

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

and a son like a son. This is the correspondence between name and reality, rights and obligations, and levels of management and order, namely “the rectification of name.” It is thus clear that Confucius already possessed the management thought of hierarchy, order, principle, and standard here, which required no overstepping of authority, distinct hierarchy, and hierarchical management. This is the connotation of publicity. As far as the Way of being a subject is concerned, Confucius said: “In serving the ruler, attend respectfully to your duty and look on emolument as a secondary matter” (Analects, Chap. 15:38). “Zi Lu asked about how to serve the ruler. Confucius said: ‘Never deceive him; give him advice in a straightforward way’” (Analects, Chap. 14:23). This may be regarded as a harbinger of what is stated in “In serving a ruler, even if you may offend him, you should be honest without concealment” (Liji: Tan Gong). Confucius believes that when serving a ruler, a subject cannot deceive him, but he may give him a candid advice, even if he would offend him. Moreover, Confucius further put forward the principle such that “One should serve his ruler with the Way. If he cannot do that, he withdraws.” “Ji Ziran asked: ‘Whether Zhong You (Zi Lu) and Ran Qiu were fit to be called great ministers.’16 Confucius said: ‘I thought that you were going to ask about someone else, but now you ask about Zhong You and Ran Qiu. The term ‘great minister’ applies to someone who serves the ruler with the Way. A great minister, as what we call it, treats his sovereign in the most human-hearted and righteous manner, and resigns if he cannot do that. Now, You and Qiu can only be said to be ministers with certain talents.’ Ji Ziran asked again: ‘So, will they obey the king in all respects?’ Confucius said: ‘If it involves killing a father or a ruler, they would never go along’” (Analects, Chap. 11.23). At that time, the Ji family was autocratic in power and illegal in collecting property, but Ran You and Zi Lu who served the Ji family failed to rectify them, of whom Confucius was always critical. This chapter emphasized once again that one should serve his monarch or senior officials in accordance with the principles of humanity, human-heartedness, and righteousness. If it doesn’t work, he would rather stick to his principle and resign. What counts as “a great minister” is one who does not yield to his ruler’s wanton desires, but adhere to his own righteous aspirations. According to Confucius, although Zi Lu and Ran You could not meet the standard of being worthy ofbeing called “great minister,” they still possessed the general qualifications of being ministers and understood the great righteousness between monarch and ministers. This chapter indicates that Confucius had a basic trust in Zi Lu and Ran You, namely they would not follow the Ji family’s will to do such things as killing their father or their monarch. This mainly means that they would not obey the powerful ministers to kill the king of the State of Lu, and thus they still had a political integrity that could not be taken away from them. Actually, both Mencius and Xun Zi later underlined the principle of “obeying the principled morality (daoyi), rather than the monarch.” In other words, a lofty-minded person’s loyalty to his king is not foolishly loyal, but takes the “Way” as his standard of choice. 16

Both Zilu and Ran Qiu were in service to the Ji family. Confucius hints at the Ji family’s possible designs for usurpation—translator’s note.

6.2 Confucius’ Appeal to Justice

259

Sixthly, Confucius advocates for governance concept of impartiality (zhongzheng) and balanced harmony (pinghe). An earlier classic of political philosophy in traditional China is known as “Grand Norms” (hongfan), contained in Shangshu or the Book of History. “Grand Norms” recorded what Ji Zi, a surviving minister of the Yin dynasty, said, when King Wu of Zhou asked him for advice on statecraft. Ji Zi emphasized three virtues of correctness, firmness, and softness, correctness (great impartiality) being given priority to achieve great correctness or great harmony through the mutual aid of firmness and softness. That is to say, great correctness or great harmony (zhong zheng ping he) is achieved in mutual aid of firmness and softness. The first is correctness and straightforwardness; the second, strong rule; and the third, mild rule. And the criteria for achieving great correctness (da zhong) and utmost straightforwardness (zhi zheng) are: “Without deflection, without unevenness, pursue the kingly perfection. Without selfish likings, pursue the royal Way. Without selfish disliking, pursue the kingly Way. Avoid deflection, avoid partiality; Broad and long is the kingly Way. Avoid partiality, avoid deflection; level and easy is the kingly Way. Avoid perversity, avoid one-sidedness; correct and straight is the kingly Way. (Ever) seek for this perfect Way, (Ever) turn to this perfect Way.” In other words, to have sound politics is to establish great correctness (da zhong) and utmost straightforwardness (zhi zheng) as the standard, which is called “kingly perfection.” Specifically speaking, the content of “great correctness (da zhong) and utmost straightforwardness includes the follows: those in power must not band together for selfish ends, must not bully the lonely, the weak, the orphan, and the helpless, must not be afraid of the prominent nobles, and must put the upright and capable in proper positions. They should remain unbiased or impartial-minded, adhering to the principled righteousness established by our former kings. The Kingly Way (wangdao) in governance is broad and straight, neither partial nor partisan. With this standard in mind, all people will diligently strive towards it. The three virtues are grounded in straightforwardness, upholding justness without favor, coupling firmness and softness, thereby achieving great correctness and utmost straightfordwardness through the mutual support of firmness and softness. Regarding “public” (gong), the Confucian proposal is that “When the kingly Way prevails, the whole world becomes the shared domain of all people. Individuals with virtue and capability are chosen to govern the country, while honesty and harmony are the principles by which people treat each other” (“Liyun” in Li Ji). “Heaven envelops all without partiality; Earth sustains all without partiality, and the sun and moon shine on all things selflessly. As long as we act upon these three selfless spirits and work laboriously for all people in the world, we embody the vitrtues of ‘Three Non-Selfishness’” (san wu si). (“Kong Zi Xian Ju” in Li Ji) The sayings that “Heaven envelops all without partiality (tian wu si fu); Earth sustains all without partiality” (di wu si zai) are discussed in “Grand Master” from The Works of Zhuang Zi (Chuang Tzu) and “Eliminating Self-Interests” from The Spring and Autumn of Duke Lü (lüshi chunqiu), and each with distinct extended meanings. The emphasis in Kong Zi Xian Ju remains that those who govern should act justly and selflessly, “striving to work diligently and equally for all people in the world.” Thus, Confucius neither demands selflessness from all people nor on all occasions. On the other hand,

260

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

contrary to Confucian principles of human-heartedness and righteousness, humanhearted governance and caring for the people, Confucianism specifically cautions against rulers’ “favoritism,” “gerrymandering,” and “self-partiality” Instead, those in power should act on the principle that “Heaven envelops all without partiality. Earth sustains all without partiality.” Confucius consistently insisted on the concept of zhongzheng (impartiality or fairness) and pinghe (balanced harmony or moderation). Confucius discussed “government” through “impartiality” and emphasized “fairness and rightness.” “Ji Kangzi asked Confucius about government. Confucius replied, ‘To govern is to keep straight. if you take a lead in doing so, who will dare to act otherwise?” (zhengzhe, zhengye)17 (Analects, Chap. 12:11). Here, the quoted sentence carries dual meanings: firstly, it emphasizes that those in power should conduct public affairs with integrity and impartiality; secondly, it urge them to take the initiative and set an example by acting uprightly and impartially, without showing favoritism. Confucius believes that those who govern should “ensure the peace and security of the people,” “make all people under heaven enjoy fairness and impartiality,” “care for and treat all people as kinships, with the deepest compassion and empathy,” and “be selfless and disregard personal safety or personal interests.” In political and public activities, they must hate what the common people hate, love what the common people love, and cherish what the common people cherish, and focus on the rectification of oneself, rectification of the country and the world, resolve contradictions with loving heartmind and moral governance, and lead the upper and lower to be bound closely and affectionate for each other. Confucius advocates for the reform of indiviudals through education, emphasizing a balanced approach that combines moral and punishment. He promotes the principle of not punishing the innocent while ensuring that those who have sinned are not spared. Additionally, he stresses the importance of clearly distinguishing and appropriately addressing illegal and criminal activities, ultimately attaining to political impartiality and social harmony in governance. To sum up, Confucius’ ideology of governance contains abundant resources in terms of public and private views and ethics of public affairs. When we put Confucius back in political affairs at the end of the Spring and Autumn Period and evaluate him in an apt way, it will not be difficult for us to see the fairness and justice inherent in his ideology of benevolent government. Although the ancient concept of “gong” cannot be directly equated with modern-day“publicity,” Confucius recognized the existence of matters pertaining to the general populace, distinct from the affairs of scholar-bureaucrat class and vassal states. Confucius repeatedly urges the rulers to attend to the people’s self-interest, advocating policies that “enrich the people” and “benefit the people.” Hence, in a certain sense, Confucius not only affirms the rights of the common people to their livelihood and private sphere but also affirms the selfinterests of the scholar-officials and those of higher ranks. However, he is opposed to amassing wealth through abuse of power and advocates opening education and In the phrase “zheng zhe, zheng ye” (政者， 正也), “zheng” 政 is a pun word with two implications of “government” 政 (zheng) and “uprightness” 正 (zheng). So, it may be translated into “To govern is to keep straight”—translator’s note.

17

6.3 Mencius’ Theory of Rectitude and Justice

261

politics to lower class and their progeny, which effectively heralds China’s civil service system and education system. Confucius introduces specific stipulations for politicians’ integrity, loyalty, and faithfulness, there by laying the foundation for public ethics from the perspective of responsibility ethics. In handling the relationship between rulers and subjects, his political philosophy also includes the germination of power differentiation, responsibility allocation, and mutual constraints. All these constitutes valuable resources for exploring public philosophy. Notably, in terms of official morality, Confucius condemns “favoritism,” as it clashes with the principles of human-heartedness, righteousness, and care for the people. However, Confucius does not object to reasonable privacy, such as personal privacy and familial affections. This aspect will be further elaborated upon in the subsequent discussion.

6.3 Mencius’ Theory of Rectitude and Justice In history of China, the Confucian social ideals and system designs are mainly aimed at addressing the flaws of the contemporary society, serving ass a critical voice and guidance. There exists a certain distance and tension between Confucian philosophy and the autocratic system. As is known, rights, equity, justice, and the boundary between public and private power are not abstract concepts. Instead, individual rights, social equity, and justice are historic and specific to the space–time conditions under which they are considered.18 Today’s young people often regard Mencius and even Confucianism as a rejection of self-profit. Indeed, Mencius is often quoted as saying: “Why say self-interest?” But actually, they don’t know that Mencius’ saying “Why should Your Majesty say profit?” is mainly targetted at kings like King Hui of Liang, King Xuan of Qi, and others. [“The King said: ‘Sir, you have come here despite a thousand-li-long distance. You must surely have something from which my kingdom stands to gain?’ Mencius answered: ‘Why should your majesty say profit? There is also love for others and 18

As for the rights consciousness of Confucian philosophy, its boundary between public and private, and difference between Confucianism and absolutism, a good example can be found in “A Discussion of Salt and Iron of the Han Dynasty.” The nationalists represented by Sang Hongyang 桑弘羊 advocated that salt and iron should be sold and monopolized by the central government, merchants and commerce should be strongly controlled, and social order should be maintained by the government from top to bottom, while majority of Confucians represented by Xian Liang Wen Xue 賢 良文學 (one of the subjects for selecting officials in the Han Dynasty, and it began in the reign of Emperor Wu, usually referred to as Xian Liang or Wen Xue) advocated private management of salt and iron, and opposed the control of merchants and commerce by central government, and a hierarchical social order should be spontaneously formed among the folk, and maintained by local government. Du Weiming 杜維明 takes it very seriously. For details, see Confucianism and Liberalism, Sanlian Bookstore, 2001, p. 84. In addition, Sang Hongyang advocated for controling the folk through collective punishment of five or ten households (proposed by Shangyang and Hanfei), while Xian Liang or Wen Xue 賢良文學 raised the banner of “mutual concealing among kins” (proposed by Mencius as well as in Gongyang’s Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals 公 羊春秋, emphasizing the protection of the right of kinship, privacy, and tolerance of the common people. See Chap. 7 of the same book for details.

262

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

righteousness that I have to speak of. If Your Majesty say, ‘how can I provide gains for my country?’ Then high officials will say: ‘How can I provide gains for my family?’ and a lofty-minded person and the commoners will say: ‘How can I provide gains for myself?’ Consequently superiors and inferiors will contend with each other for gains, and the state will be in danger’” (Mencius: King Hui of Liang, A).] Mencius’ view of righteousness (yi) and profit (li) is comparatively complex. When it comes to a choice between righteousness and profit, Mencius argues for prioritizing public righteousness over private profit, while not completely dimissing personal favors and profit. In particular, in discussing public–private relationship, we should be aware that Mencius has made a clear-cut distinction between the private gain of rulers, of ministers and of people, and between the individual gain of rulers, of vassal state, and of the common people, and he is especially opposed to promoting one’s self-profit under the guise of serving the vassal states. On the other hand, Mencius adopts a neutral stance regarding the personal interests, personal favors, public justice, and public fairness of the Lords, ministers, official-scholars, and common people. Specifically, he attempts to maintain a tension between radical egoism (Yang Zhu) and radical altruism (Mozi). Mencius harshly criticizes Yang and Mo for their unwillingness to assume social and civic responsibility. He argues that “Yang’s principle of ‘each one for himself’ disregards the importance of a sovereign, while Mo’s principle of ‘all-embracing love’ disregards the importance of a father. Living without acknowledging a father or a sovereign is akin to living like the birds and beasts” (Mencius: Teng Wen Gong, B). Mencius not only argues for the Middle Way (zhongdao) but also sets himself from Mo Zi by demonstrating both a commitment to principles and a recogniztion of the importance of contextual factors. Mencius views the doctrines of Yang Zhu and Mo Zi as particularly farmful and destructive. He said: “The principle of Yang Zhu of ‘Each one for himself’ is so extreme that he would not pluck out a single hair even if it meant gaining the whole world.” Mo Zi proposed the principle of “universal love,” willing to endure any suffering if it benefited the world. Although Zi Mo upheld the Middle Way, which was commendable, upholding it without considering contingencies is akin to fixating on a single point. Why do I dislike such a narrow focus? Because it undermines the true Way, suppressing many other aspects ” (Mencius: Full Development of Mind, 1). According to Mencius, both radicalegoism [“for myself”] and radical collectivism [“for everyone”] harm to human-heartedness, righteousness, and propriety. Similarly, rigid adherence to the Middle Way without flexibility harms shízhōng (the time-dependent mean). Hence, Mencius not only had a sense of proportion but also the art of regulatory management, demonstrating dialectical wisdom in balancing the public and private interests, as well as justice and personal interests. First of all, Mencius’ statecraftship involves his theory of “keeping permanent wealth by the people” related to subsistence and property rights, as well as his concept of equality in land, taxation, and commercial policies. Inheriting Confucius’ humanitarian spirit, Mencius also stood firmly against tyranny. His social and political philosophy is founded on his theory that “human nature is inherently good.” According to Mencius, “all humans have an inherent heartmind that cannot bear [to see the suffering of others],” enabling them to exercise a form of “governance that cannot bear the suffering of the people.”

6.3 Mencius’ Theory of Rectitude and Justice

263

Mencius applies the virtues of morality, human-heartedness, and righteousness to the governance of society and the country. He advocates for the principle of extension of love for others and states: “A lofty-minded person, in his relationship to things, cares for them but without a feeling of human-heartedness. In his relation to people, he possesses human-heartedness, but not the profound affection of kinship. One should reserve familial affection for their own kin, yet extend human-heartedness to all people, and love towards all things” (Mencius: Full Development of Mind, A). “The human-hearted extends his scope of love for their own kin to all others” (Mencius: Full Development of Mind, B). “Therefore, extending love and humanheartedness has the power to protect the rule within the four seas. Failure to do so may result in even one’s own family, including wife and children, being unprotected” (Mencius. King Hui of Liang, 1). Thus, he can effortlessly “govern the whole world, as if it were effortlessly cupped in his palm” (Mencius: King Hui of Liang, 1). Mencius objects to the use of “convincing people by force,” rejecting violence and coercion as means to subdue others, and condemning indiscriminate killing of the innocents. Instead, he argues for the “Kingly Way” which involves “winning people by virtue” and caring for people. He emphatically states that “Only those who abhor killing can unify the world” (Mencius, King Hui of Liang 1). His assertion implies that if a ruler possesses a heart filled with human-heartedness and righteousness, the nation will eargerly await his leadership. In such a scenario, the people would eargerly flock to him, just as water rushes downhills, unstoppable. When discussing the rights and domains of private individuals, especially common people, Mencius emphasizes the protection of common people’s property rights or real rights. In his conversation with King Xuan of Qi, he emphasized, “Only a shi (a virtuous person) can maintain a constant heart despite not having a stable livelihood. As to the common people, if they lack a constant livelihood, it follows that they will lack a constant heart. And if one simply fails to have a constant heart, dissipation and evil will not be avoided. Thereupon, if they sink into crimal behavior, punishing them would be akin to entraping them. How can a ruler with human-hearted and in authority justify entraping their own people? Therefore, an enlightened and wise ruler must ensure that their subjects possess adequate wealth. This allows them to demonstrate filial piety towards their parents while simultaneously providing sufficient care and sustenance for their wives and children. In good years of harvest, one always has sufficient food to eat. In famine, one avoids starvation. Only with a secure livelihood can they tend toward goodness and readily obey their ruler easily. Nowadays, the means to support a livelihood are inadequate—insufficient for honoring parents or providing for a family. Even in good times, life is hard; in famine, survival is impossible. When one cannot even ensure their own survival, how can they be expected to uphold ritual and righteousness?” (Mencius: King Hui of Liang 1). Mencius said the same thing to Duke Wen of Teng: “A ruler, as the figurative parents of his people, makes their subjects toil all year round without being unable to feed their own parents. When they are forced to borrow from usurers to meet heavy taxes, and the vulnerable—the elderly, the infirm, the young, and the hungry—end up dying in the wilderness. How can such a ruler be considered a true “parents of people?” (Mencius: Duke Wen of Teng, 1). Good governance ensures that each citizen has

264

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

his own property and income, sufficient to comfortably support their loved ones. In good years, they enjoy ample food and clothing. In bad years, they are shielded from starvation. By providing for their basic needs, rules can guide them towards goodness. Naturally, the people will rally behind such a ruler. Conversely, if hardworking citizens cannot afford to support their families, are driven to debts to pay tax through usury, and families starve, leaving their bodies exposed in the wilderness, can those who claim to be the parents of the people truly say they have fulfilled their duties?

Displaced people (partial) by Zhou Chen (Ming Dynasty)

Mencius harshly lashes out at the social injustice during the middle Warring States Period, saying: “In your kitchen there is fat meat, and in your stable there are fat horses. But your people look gaunt, and in the wilds are bodies of people dead of starvation. This is like leading beasts to devour people!” (Mencius: King Hui of Liang 1). Mencius argues for “practice of human-hearted governance to people,” and said [to King Hui of Liang]: “If Your Majesty can implement a benevolent policy for the people, lighten punishments, reduce taxes, and encourage the people to plow deeply and weed timely…. Then, you will be able to rule as a human-hearted king over a territory spanning hundred miles around.” He criticized rulers of States of Qin and Chu for their “depriving their people of farming season at will, unabling them to plow deeply and weed timely so as to feed their parents. Consequently, their parents suffered from cold and hunger, and their families were torn apart, and their brothers, wives and children were displaced. What a profound abyss of misery their people have been thrust into!” (Mencius: King Hui of Liang, 1). In numerous sections of The Work of Mencius, Mencius describes the ideal life of a peasant family, envisoning scenarios such as “eight individual per each household,” “five mu of land per each household,” and “a hundred mu of farmland.” Mencius pictures a life where families own land and homes with private gardens, mulberry field, poultry, and livestock, living without fear of cold and hungry, clothed in silk and dining on meat—all thanks to human-hearted governance. Amidst the backdrop of perpetual warfare, Mencius strongly objects to neglecting the lives of people and compelling them to plow and fight to fulfill rulers’ whims. He, therefore, argues that a human-hearted ruler should practice lenient punishments and light taxes. When such policies are adopted, Mencius believes, the people from all corners of the world will gravitate towards such a ruler, eagerly offering their services.

6.3 Mencius’ Theory of Rectitude and Justice

265

Showing filial piety by wearing mourning clothes at funeral

Mencius claims that the Kingly Way begins with ensuring that “individuals are able to feed their families and provide proper burial for the diseased, without facing hardships or remorse.” He said: “As long as a ruler does not interfere with the farming season, there will be more grain than can be eaten. As long as fine-mesh nets do not enter the ponds and lakes, there will be more fish and turtles than can be eaten. As long as axes and sickles do not enter mountains untimely, there will be more wood than can be used. In this way, food and fish are plentiful, wood is plentiful, and the people are able to feed their families and bury their dead without regret. That individuals are able to feed their families and provide proper burial for the diseased without hardships or remorse stands as the beginning of the Kingly Way” (Mencius: King Hui of Liang, 1). Mencius argues that human-hearted governance should start by dividing farmland boundaries. He said: “Now, the first thing towards a human-hearted governance must be to lay down the farmland boundary. If land boundaries were not accurately defined, it becomes impossible to allocate well-fields evenly, resulting in an uneven distribution of rents and taxes available for emoluments. On this account, tyrannical rulers and corrupt officials are tempted to loosen farmland boundary regulations, seeking to increase their own avenues through such regulations. Once farmland boundary is rectified, division of farmland and regulation of emolument may be solved easily” (Mencius: Duke Wen of Teng, 1). Due to uneven division of farmland boundary, income from land rents as a stipend land emolument will not be fair and reasonable. That explains why oppressive rulers and dishonest officials in history have always sought to manipulate land boundaries for personal gain. Following in the footsteps of Mencius, Confucians, virtuous persons, and honest officials, who all carry the torch of Mencius’ teachings, have waged an ongoing battle against powerful and corrupt officials over the issue of division of land distribution. Many similar materials can be found in chapters such as “King Hui of Liang” (A1), “Gongsun Chou” (A2) contained in The Work of Mencius, as well as “Wangzhi” (B) in The Work of Xun Zi, and “Wangzhi” (C) in The Book of Rites. These chapters all involve the policies implemented by the sagely kings of Three Generations (of Xia, Shang, and Zhou Dynasties), specifically focusing on the land, taxation, and commercial policies advocated by Confucianism:

266

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

A1. “King Hui of Wei said: ‘May I hear from you what the true kingly governance is?’ Mencius replies: ‘In former times, King Wen’s rule in Qishan was as follows: rate of taxation on peasants was one-tenth of income; emoluments for officials were hereditary; there were only inspections at checkpoints and markets, with no taxes levied; lakes and rivers were open for fishing by all; and punishment for crimines did not extend to the criminal’s wife or children. An old person who lost his wife was called widower; an old person who lost her husband was called widow; an old person without children was called solitary; a child without father was called orphan. These four kinds of people represent the vulnerable and needy of society. King Wen always prioritizes their wellfare while enacting his human-hearted rule. Shijing says: ‘The rich can fare well, but pity those who are helpless and lonely!’” (The Work of Mencius: King Hui of Liang, B). A2. “In the market, levy no taxes wherein goods are stored, purchase unsalable goods in accordance with the law to avoid overstocking, and all merchants would be glad to trade in such markets. The custom house inspects but does not collect taxes, and all travellers are glad to travel on such roads. The farmers would gladly cultivate such land, provided they were allowed to farm only public land under the well-field system, with no taxes imposed on their private land. No additional land taxes or labor taxes are levied on residential area, and all people are happy to live here” (The Work of Mencius: “Gongsun Chou” A). B. “Regarding the law of monarch. To regulate the grades of taxes, to regulate the affairs of the people, and to regulate everything so as to nourish millions of people. Farmland is taxed at one-tenth of income. Checkpoints and fairs only inspect but levy no taxes. For mountains, forests and lakes, close or open timely but levy no taxes. Collect taxes separately according to fertility or barrenness of land. Collect tributes according to distance of road. Circulation of goods, especially grain and rice, is unhindered by obstacles, enabling individuals across all regions to freely exchange their resources, fostering a sense of unity akin to ‘one family within four seas.’ Accordingly, those nearby do not conceal their talents, while those afar do not balk at the effort of journeying. Even the most distant nations are erager to come and offer their services. A ruler who achieves this is esteemed a leader of the people, embodying the principles practiced by a human-hearted King” (The Work of Xun Zi: “Wangzhi”). C. In ancient times, when farmers helped cultivate public farmland, they would no longer be taxed for their private land; when they rented public shops in markets, they would no longer pay commodity business taxes. At water and land port, government only checked whether they violated regulations and did not impose taxies on them; when they entered mountains, forests, lakes and rivers for logging, fishing and hunting within prescribed times, they would not be banned. No taxes will be levied when they cultivate land of dukes and ministers. Government expropriates labor of ordinary people, which can not exceed three days a year. Farmland and homestead allocated by public shall not

6.3 Mencius’ Theory of Rectitude and Justice

267

be sold. No additional occupation of land is allowed except for family burial sites allocated by government. (“Wangzhi” in The Book of Rites) By comprehensively examining the ideologies of Mencius, Xun Zi, and The Book of Rites (Liji), the legal framework of a human-hearted king is expressed as follows: equitable taxation, unbiased public administration, and prudent regulation across all matters, collectively aimed at elevating all people. The land tax is levied at a rate of one out of ten. In “King Hui of Liang” (B), it is mentioned that the land tax is either one out of nine or one out of ten. However, according to Mencius’ discusion in “Duke Wen of Teng” (A), the historical land taxes, such as the “tribute” (gong) system in Xia Dynasty, the “assistance” (zhu) system in Shang Dynasty, and the “che” 徹 system in Zhou Dynasty, were actually based on set at one-tenth tax rate (which is interpreted by Xun Zi). At checkpoints and bazaars, only bad persons are checked, and no taxes are collected; provide space to merchants for storing goods without additional taxes; mountains, forests, and fishing grounds are closed or open in seasonal sequence (for ecological consideration) for all people without taxes; tax is levied according to land fertility; circulation of property and transfer of grain and rice are unimpeded; land tax is no longer levied on public land (i.e., land rent for servitude); no tax is levied on cultivation of sacrificial land; expropriation of free labor cannot exceed three days per year; no tax and extra money is levied on farmers’ residences; farm-fields and homestead cannot be sold; asking for extra land outside of home graveyard granted by the state is not allowed; penalty involves only the perpetrator, not their relatives; and those nearby give play to their talents and those afar flock to serve under the human-hearted king. Throughout history, these claims of wealth equalization and equitable rights have partially materialized into systems, or undergone continual refinement and supplementation. These system have permeated various aspects such as personnel ultilization, prisoner management, reward and punishment mechanisms, income distribution, consumption patterns, and so on. Of course, the Pre-Qin Confucians were not absolute equalitarian (Mencius’ critique of Xu Xing, the representative of the School of Agrarians during the Warring States Period, which is a typical example).19 They valued “ritual” (li) and practiced “ritual” (li). “Li” refers to norms and orders that govern social public life, subject to change depending on time and space. The role of “li” is to distribute and redistribute social wealth and power according to ranks, moderation, and order so as to achieve an overall harmony of whole society. Xun Zi emphasized that to avoid disputes arising from the allocation of property and power, ancient rulers formulated rituals to satisfy society, creating a balance between the haves and have-nots, the superiors and the subordinates. However, these disparities must be proportionate, adhering to the middle path, and maintaining equilibrium c. Xun Zi thinks that “li” is to make it possible that there are grades of nobility and inferiority, there are distinctions between older and younger, and wealth and status are commensurate” (The Work of Xu Xing 許行 (ca. 372 B.C.–ca. 289 B.C.) is one of the representatives of the School of Agrarians from the State of Chu during the Warring States Period. He maintained that the noble and the virtuous should also farm along with common people and enjoy the fruit of their labor—translator’s note.

19

268

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

Xun Zi: “Lilun”). “Li is originated in Tian (Heaven),” and the order of “li” comes from the order of the universe. “Tian (Heaven) covers all without partiality; Earth bears up all without partiality.” The value of order is sacred and has the connotations of abstractness, rationality, commonality, and justice. “Li,” as a social principle that regulates the human distinctions, is not only subject to “Tian,” but also regards “ren” (human-heartedness) as its inner spirit. Hence, “ren” is higher than “li.” Xun Zi did not forget “fairness” and “justice” when affirming social differences existing in human reality.20 Secondly, institutional design of pensions, vulnerable assistance, disaster relief, and social security. Confucius’ idea of arguing for justice and supporting the weak and the poor was further elaborated by Mencius. In The Work of Mencius, serval passages discuss the system of keeping wealth and property with people: Mencius said to King Xuan of Qi: “If Your Majesty aspires to implement humanhearted governance, then simply return to something fundamental. In providing a household with a land of five mu (one mu = 0.0667 hectares), let mulberry trees be planted about homesteads and used by women for spinning, so that persons of fifty years may be clothed with silk. In keeping chickens, pigs, dogs, etc., let not their breeding seasons be neglected, so that persons of seventy years may eat meat. In providing one hundred mu of field, let not farming season disturbed, and a household with eight mouths can be well-fed. And then in promoting school education, let principles of filial piety and brotherliness imparted among the people, so that greyhaired people will not be seen carrying heavy loads on roads. Ensuring that persons of seventy years wear silk and eat meat, while the general populace remain well-fed and warn, yet failing to embody the human-heartedness as a ruler, is an impossibility” (The Work of Mencius: King Hui of Liang, 1). Mencius said: “Boyi, after fleeing from King Zhou (ca. 1046 B.C.), took refuge by the shores of Northern Sea. Upon hearing of King Wen’s ascension, he became elated and remarked: ‘Wouldn’t it be ideal to return and follow him? I have heard that Xibo (during Boyi’s time, King Wen was still a count exiled to Xiqi, so known as Xibo) excels in providing care for the elderly (shan yang lao).’21 Jiang Taigong 20 See next section about more detailed discussions of value of publicity and justice from The Work of Xun Zi and The Book of Ritual. 21 “Shan yang lao” 善養老 may be literally translated into “do well in supporting the aged.” The phrase means that King Wen has done a good job in supporting the aged people and has been praised by the people. The word “lao” 老 in the Chinese language does not necessarily refer to the elderly, but sometimes to those who have knowledge, morality, and self-cultivation, such as the state’s elders, senior ministers, and teachers. That is to say, sometimes, when the word “Lao” is prefixed to a man’s surname, it does not necessarily mean that he is old, but rather that he is respected. In Mencius’ view, “good at caring for the aged” represents the prosperity and stability of social economy which is enough for a family to live happily. According to traditional spirit of “great harmony” inherent in Chinese culture, we should “take care of the old of one’s own family and the old of others’ family, and of the young and the young of others’ family,” namely the old, the weak, the women, and the children. Therefore, the meaning of these three words shan yang lao善養老 also includes the so-called modern prosperity and well-being of the peaceful society—translator’s note.

6.3 Mencius’ Theory of Rectitude and Justice

269

(ca. 1015 B.C.), having fled from King Zhou, was living by the shores of Eastern Sea. Upon hearing of King Wen’s ascension, he was elated and remarked, ‘Wouldn’t it be ideal to return and follow him? I have heard that Xibo excels in caring for the elderly.’ If there were someone in the world skilled at caring for the elderly, persons with human-heartedness would surelly come and follow him. Around homestead with five mu of land, mulberries were planted beneath the wall and were used by women for spinning silk, so that the old would have enough to dress in silk. With five brood chickens and two brood sows that are not deprived of their breeding seasons, the elderly can enjoy a sufficient supply of meat. With farmers cultivating their hundred mu of land, families with eight mouths to feed could avoid starvation. The statement ‘Xibo is good at caring for the elderly’ implies that he ensured people had access to farmland and housing, educated them on farming and animal husbandry practices, and coached women and children on caring for the elderly. At fifty, silk clothing was provided for warmth, and at seventy, meat was made available for nourishment. Lack of warmth is considered ‘freezing’, while deprivation of nourishment was labeled as ‘starvation’. Under King Wen’s reign, no one ” (The Work of Mencius: Full Development of Mind, 1).

Picture of supplying food (anonymous) (Wei and Jin Dynasties)

Mencius said: “Let their farming work well done and their taxes be light, so that the people may be enriched. Let them have their food at the right time and their consumption according to ritual, so that their resources cannot be exhausted. Without water and fire, people cannot live, but if you knock at someone’s door at nightfall and ask for water and fire, there is no one who will refuse to give them. Why is that? Because there is plenty of water and fire. A sage rules under Heaven and grain will be as plentiful as water and fire. When grain is as plentiful as water and fire, how could

270

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

there be any among the people who are not benevolent?” (The Work of Mencius: Full Development of Mind, 1). Theory of human-hearted governance is people-centered. Therefore, humanhearted government should first solve people’s livelihood issue. On the basis of nourishing the people, enriching the people and bringing peace and security to the people claimed by former Confucians, Mencius first explicitly proposes the thought of keeping wealth with people, believing that only when people have plenty of food and clothing could they refrain from misbehaviors and accept enlightenment. Humanhearted government regards the land system as its basic guarantee which remains an issue concerning people’s rights to subsistence and livelihood. The provision of essential food rations for the common people, ensuring adequate food and clothing for the nuclear family, and supporting the elderly, constitue the core elements of humanhearted government. Here it has been repeatedly emphasized the basic needs of the common people must be met: hunger and cold must be alleviated, food should be as plentiful as water and fire, those over fifty should access to silk and cotton-padded coats, and those over seventy should be able to afford meat. “An elderly person who has lost his wife is known as a widower; an elderly person who has lost her husband is known as a widow; an elderly person without children is referred to as an old solitary; a child without a father is an orphan. These four kinds of people are the most vulnerable in society. King Wen priortizes them in his human-hearted governance, making their welfare a focal point them of his political agenda.” “[Henceforth,] those who remained at home had well-stocked granaries, and those who ventured out were equipped with provision bags,” and “All adult men and women are able to find spouses and settle down peacefully” (Mencius: King Hui of Liang, 2:5). Regarding the system of supporting the aged and providing relief for the lonely and helpless, it is recorded in “Wangzhi” of The Book of Rites that graded system for supporting the aged and performing endowment ritual for the aged (yang lao li) practiced in remote antiquity were still retained, such that “50-years-olds are nursed in his native place, 60-years-olds in imperial court, and 70-years-olds in schools.”22 For the vulnerable, in “Wangzhi” of The Book of Rites it almost reiterated what Mencius said: “There were the young and fatherless or orphans; the old and childless, or solitaries; the old and wifeless or widowers; the old and husbandless or widows.” These four groups, also known as the Heavenly People (tianmin), are the most helpless and desperate people, and have none to whom they can tell their wants, and they all should be provided with fixed or regular rations by the government 皆有 常餼 ( jie you chang xi) Herein, “Changxi” 常餼 means to provide regular food relief or subsidies to these in need. “Wang Zhi,” in Li Ji, further stated: “There should be “Wu shi yang yu xiang, liu shi yang yu guo, qi shi yang yu xue” 五十養於鄉, 六十養於國, 七十 養於學 varies in interpretations and may also be translated into: “An elder of fifty or more, who is of good character, can serve as a local magistrate in charge of education. An elder of sixty or more, he may serve in imperial court. An elder of seventy or more, he can take up lecturing jobs in schools.” According to regulations of Western Zhou Dynasty, the local or state should bear the responsibility of supporting the aged respectively. In terms of policy, both central and local governments should be responsible for providing for the elderly—translator’s note.

22

6.3 Mencius’ Theory of Rectitude and Justice

271

support system for the deaf, dumb, disabled, handicapped, and dwarfed individuals. All of these people should be sustained through their own professional skills or by providing them with nourishment;” “The elderly among the common people can not only have access to rice, but they should also be able to enjoy delicious meats;” “To support the elderly is to show filial piety, and to provide compensation to parentless children and childless aged persons serves to address the voids in their lives”—in other words, through indoctrination of filial piety and fraternal love, guide people to respect the aged and lend a hand to those in need, thus forming a social ethos of mutual help. It is worth emphasizing that “Wang Zhi” section in Li Ji was exactly written by Mencius’ later followers, drawing upon his teachings.23 Therefore, to delve into Mencius’ political philosophy, one must consider this treatise as an essential reference.

Scene of women’s sewing clothes (partial), by Zhang Xuan of Tang Dynasty24

Xun Zi proposed that “… reward filial piety and brotherly affection, gather under your protection orphans and widows, provide aid to those in need, so that the populace can live peacefully and be satisfied with the governance” (The Work of Xun Zi: Wangzhi, 9:4). At the end of the Warring States Period, an anonymous author penned “Liyun” in The Book of Ritual, assuming the pseudonym of Confucius. In this work, the author voiced his yearning for a world filled with great harmony, where “All people not only respect and love their own parents and children but also extend the same love and respect to the parents and children of others. In this ideal world, the aged are cared for until their final days, adults are gainfully employed in 23

For details, see Ren Mingshan, A Later Investigation of Catalogues in ‘The Book of Ritual (Liji)’, Qilu Book Company, 1982. 24 “A Scene of Women’s Sewing Clothes” 搗練圖 (dao lian tu) is a famous painting by Zhang Xuan of Tang Dynasty, and a paintwork with fine brushwork and heavy colors, which depicts a lady’s work scene of sewing clothes. “A Scene of Women’s Sewing Clothes” is an important genre painting during the height of the Tang Dynasty and is a relatively unique work in the paintings of ladies of Tang Dynasty, which has exerted a great influence on the painting style of later generations. The painting was originally collected in the Summer Palace of China. In 1860, the Summer Palace was looted during the Opium War, and this painting is now stored in the Boston Museum of the USA—translators’ note.

272

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

jobs that fully utilize their talents, and children are nourished, educated, and nurtured to reach their fullest potential. Widows and widowers, parentless orphans and childless old, disabled and diseased, are all well taken care of. Individuals have their proper roles in society and women at home. They hate throwing resources carelessly on the ground, yet they do not necessarily keep them for themselves. They hate not to make use of their abilities, yet they do not necessarily work for their own selfinterest. Thus intrigues and conspiracies do not arise, and thievery and robbery do not occur, therefore, household doors need never be locked. This is the ideal world, namely, a perfect world of equality, fraternity, harmony, welfare, and justice. This ideal world is referred to as ‘Great Unity’ (datong).” Its unknown author argues even in a world where “The Grand Way (dadao) has faded into obscurity, and the world (the Kingdom) has become selfish, with each individual loving their own family and pursuing personal gain,” the principles of human-heartedness (ren), righteousness (yi), ritual (li), and music (yue) remain crucial for coodinating and regulating the society, even in a well-off society. “Governance must be deeply rooted in Tian (Heaven),” which constitutes the source and legitimacy of political philosophy of Confucianism. In “Liyun” it is stated that “li and yi are the great beginnings for what makes a human;” “Li is the essence of yi, and yi … is the moral manifestation of ren, and ren is the foundation of yi (“Liyun” in The Book of Rites). This is the principled way a well-off society is governed. Li is the standard and customization that embody yi. Yi is the basis on which rules and regulations differ, the moderation by which ren is practiced, and also the guarantee of appropriateness, fitness, and legitimacy in distinguishing people and regulating behaviors. Throughout history, Confucian intellectuals have physically embodied and implemented this principle in their actions. For example, during the Southern Song Dynasty (1127–1279), Zhu Xi, while serving as the prefecture governor in Nankang Jun (now Lushan of Jiangxi Province) and later promoted to oversee East Zhejiang, diligently encouraged agricultural production relief efforts during disasters, comforted and compensated the common people, and persistently petitioned the imperial court for tax relief and the cancellation of long-standing debts in poverished counties. In order to relieve famine, Master Zhu wrote hundreds of petitions, reports, letters, and bulletins, and worked out a series of strategies to persuade the Prime Minister of royal court to agree to his relief measures for the people. Master Zhu presented seven letters to Emperor Xiaozong, harshly criticizing his shortcomings in the past twenty years of his rule: failure to carry out a statecraftship, improper choice of officials, imperial court filled with evil and sycophantic persons, and rife with bribery and corruption. As a result, soldiers complained with resentment, people suffered with agony, thieves came out frequently, starving bodies filled the wilds, and all people, therefore, live on the edge of starvation. Master Zhu was deeply torn with anxiety, caring for the people as if they were his own injured loved ones. So, he was determined to overhaul the neglected state affairs, dispatch official grain and open public welfare granaries, give policy preference to wealthy families who provided millet to relieve impoverished victims, crack down on those who drove up food prices and loan sharks, restrain rich and powerful families, and punish corrupt officials severely.

6.3 Mencius’ Theory of Rectitude and Justice

273

Masrter Zhu ventured deep into the backcountry, comforting and relieving those suffering from famine, adopting concrete measures to address the hunger crisis, closely monitoring issues such as theft, locust ontrol, and the construction of water conservancy projects, etc.25 This demonstrates that, to a certain extent, honest and upright officials of antiquity sought to embody the Confucian ideal of “Kingly Way” (wangdao) and “human-hearted governance” by alleviating the suffering of the people imposed by tyrannical rule and ensuring adequate food and clothing for the people. The system also reflected principle of justice inherent in Confucian political philosophy, particularly during the era of enlightened autocracy and benevolent governance. In addition, civil society was harmonized through a combination of regulatory bodies and ethic standards, fostering a crucial interplay between patriarchal clans and the government. Thirdly, Educational fairness, institutional arrangement for the populace’s political participation and Xiang Xu 庠序 [local education organizations] as village community’s public life. Mencius developed Confucius’ idea of “dense population (shu), abundant wealth ( fu), and education ( jiao),” and “teaching them after enriching them,” proposing that education is an important means by which “[a ruler] practices human-hearted governance” and “wins the heartmind of people.” Mencius said: “Good governance is not so popular as good teaching that can easily win the people’s heart. Good governance inspires respect, while good teaching fosters affection. Effective governance enriches people, while inspring teaching capures their hearts” (The Work of Mencius: Full Development of Mind, 1). Good teaching will completely and gladly convince people and refine their heartminds. Good political strategies can be applied to conquering the forces from outside, but cannot achieve the effect of heart-felt support from the people inside. Mencius said: “If superiors disregard rituals, and inferiors lack proper education, it will result in a surge of thieves and potentially lead to the rapid downfall of the country” (“Li Lou Shang” in The Work of Mencius). In essence, if top officials fail to adhere to rituals and righteousness, the lower classes will remain uneducated, leading to an infux of lawbreakers, ultimately spelling the doom of the nation. Clearly, Mencius maintains that educating the people through rituals and righteousness is intimately tied to the fate of a country.

25

For details, see Shu Jingnan, Zhu Xi’s Chronicle, East China Normal University press, 2001.

274

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

Scene of proofreading in North Qi Dynasty (Bei Qi Jiao Shu Tu) (partial), by Yang Zihua26

Education can produce individuals of both moral and ability in state governance. Mencius said: “Respect the virtuous, appoint the capable, and place the excellent and outstanding in their proper posts, and all scholars in the world will be happy to serve in such an imperial court;” “Value virtue and honour virtuous scholars, place the virtuous in high positions, and the capable in office.” (The Work of Mencius: Gong Sun Chou, 1) This represents an evolution of Confucius’ idea of promoting the virtuous and capable, that is, the concept of “lifting up the worthy and utilizing the capable” ( ju xian cai). Mencius regards ethical education as the core of his educational philosophy, which aims to inculcate human-hearted virtue in the educated, keep each family in harmony, and make the whole society fair and stable. “Set up educational institutions or schools, such as Xiang 庠, Xu 序, Xue 學, and Xiao or Jiao 校, to teach people. Xiang 庠 means to nurture people as its object; Xiao 校 means to teach people; and Xu 序 means to teach people archery. In Xia dynasty, schooling was termed as Xiao; in Yin dynasty, termed as Xu; and in Zhou dynasty, termed as Xiang. Xue 學 was commonly used by the three dynasties. Although they differed in appellation, each of them is aimed to teaching people to have understanding of human ethical relations. When superiors understand these ethical relations, the common people will naturally become friendly and intimate.” “This was a subject of anxious solicitude to Sage Shun. He attached particular importance to education and appointed Xie 契 as an official instructor to teach people the basic relations of human life. Father and son should love each other. Ruler and subject should be just to each other. The Husband and wife should distinguish their respective spheres. Elder and younger brothers should have a sense of mutual precedence. And between friends there should be good faith” (The Work of Mencius: “Teng Wen Gong” A). “Let careful attention be paid to education in schools, inculcating in it especially filial and fraternal duties, and grey-haired persons will not be seen upon the roads, carrying burdens on their backs or on their heads” (The Work of Mencius: “King Hui of Liang” 1:3). Such a promotion of practice of filial piety and fraternal affection has generally made the elderly in society respected. Beyond doubt, education can regulate people’s heartminds, harmonize social relations, and stabilize social order. Education can enable people to “understand ethical “A Scene of Proofreading in North Qi Dynasty” 北齊校書圖 (Bei Qi Jiao Shu Tu) is a color painting on silk created by Yang Zihua of Northern Qi Dynasty, which shows that, in 556, the seventh year of Tianbao in Northern Qi Dynasty, Emperor Wenxuan, Gao Yang (526 A.D.–559 A.D.), appointed Fan Xun, Gao Ganhe and other eleven scholars to examine the state-stored Five Classics. Now, this painting is collected in Boston Museum of Fine Arts in USA. There are three groups of figures in the picture. In the middle are four scholar-officials sitting on a couch, either opening a scroll to meditate, or write, or trying to leave the table, or being retained by someone. The expression of figures in the painting is vivid and the details are very subtle. The waitresses standing beside also show their unique interest and temperament. The brushwork is fine and smooth, and the colors are simple and beautiful. “A Scene of Proofreading in North Qi Dynasty” records an event through a scene, so that all spaces in the picture are integrated, and the coming and going of events are put into memory and imagination of the observers, instead of being divided into several pieces due to need of content changes—translator’s note.

26

6.3 Mencius’ Theory of Rectitude and Justice

275

human relations” and foster a social ethos where “kindly feelings will prevail among those below.” “To understand ethical human relations” (ming ren lun) is to have people understand and act on norms of social life. Mencius said: “In dwelling in ren and manifesting it by yi, the work of being a great person is achieved” (The Work of Mencius: “Full Development of Mind”). According to Mencius, a perosn who grasps human-heartedness, righteousness, and morality is like dwelling in human-heartedness and walking on the great path of “righteousness.” Xun Zi said: “Select those who are virtuous and capable, and recommend those who are sincere and respectful;” “the best way for a ruler to have a settled world is to exercise impartial governance and love his people; the best way for a ruler to get honored is to advocate rituals and respect scholars (shi); the best way for a ruler to build up his deed and fame is to respect the virtuous and appoint the capable. There is nothing better than all these three” (The Work of Xun Zi: “Wangzhi”). “When the Grand Way prevails, the world is shared by all people; the virtuous and capable are selected to be officials; all people are committed to pursuing friendly relations and mutual trust,” (“Liyun” in The Book of Rites) which, as an ideal aspiration, is reflected in Chinese ancient educational system and bureaucratic system to varying degrees. In the history of Western pre-modern civilization, due to its rigid hierarchy, there are few such common historical facts as those found in the history of Chinese civilization, where a plowboy from farmhouses rose to political prominence, even engaging in the highest political activities and being ranked among the sangong.27 This is exemplied in the two poetic lines written by Wang Zhu of the Song Dynasty: “Still a son of farmhouse he was at dawn, but stepped into the stately house of Son of Heaven at twilight” (chao wei tian she lang, mu deng tian zi tang). In Chinese history, there was a mechanism to ensure common people’s participation in political affairs. The mechanism of test selection, nine-rank official system ( jiu pin zhong zheng), national civil examination system (ke ju kao shi), and others, which were practiced in traditional China, had their drawbacks, but, on the whole, these systems emboded the principle of equal opportunity and served as the basis of China’s civil service system. Actually speaking, this represents the germination of civil rights awareness, civil rights, and public election in traditional China. It is worth noting that education for farmhouse children were aided by the income from public land owned by the village community and patriarchal clan. According to Yang Kuan’s History of Western Zhou Dynasty (xi zhou shi) and Lǚ Simian’s A Further Note in Yan Shi (yanshixuzha), Xiang 庠, Xu 序, and Xiao 校 also served as public places for members of village community (or meeting places to hold ritual ceremony of filial piety for the aged). From Zheng Zichan (?–522 B.C.)’s “protection San gong jiu qing 三公九卿 refers to Three Counsellors and Nine Ministers within the central government established during the Qin and Han Dynasties, i.e., Sima 司马, Situ 司徒, Sikong 司空, or roughly translated into the premier, the military chief of staff, and the minister of supervision as vice-premier; but during the late Han Dynasty, the titles were changed to Da Situ 大司徒, Da Sima 大司馬, and Da Sikong 大司空. Jiu Qing 九卿 refers to nine or more senior officials of ancient central government, or people with high official positions. It should be noted that the connotation and extension of san gong jiu qing changed across different historical periods in ancient China—translator’s note.

27

276

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

of rural schools,”28 He Xinyin (1517 A.D.–1579 A.D.)’s “Ju He Tang” as a social grass-roots organization,29 to Huang Zongxi (1610 A.D.–1695 A.D.)’s use of school as a place to discuss state affairs, Xiang, Xu, and Xiao were all important resources for political equality and democracy in ancient China. In public life, there must be provisions on the boundary of power between individuals and groups. In addition, Lǚ Simian and Wang Yangming’s village conventions and Zhu Zi’s family rituals both involve the spirit of contract and initial stage of civil society, which is the embodiment of social civilization. Finally, ideas and revolutionary theories that emphasize respect for public opinion, inspection and official self-discipline, and prevention of abuse of public power were also important in ancient China. Mencius said to King Xuan of Qi: “[A ruler should] share happiness together with his people.” While talking with King Xuan of Qi, Mencius skillfully steered the discussion towards issues related to the hierarchical responsibility system and the system of removal from office. “Mencius asked: ‘Suppose that your judicial officer cannot manage his subordinates, how would you deal with him?’ The king replied: ‘Dismiss him from his post.’ Mencius then said: ‘If your kingdom is not well governed, what is to be done?’ King Xuan looked around and changed the subject” (The Work of Mencius: “King Hui of Liang” B:6). When it comes to a true lofty-minded person who does not accept bribes, Mencius said: “To give me money without any indication of intention is no doubt an attempt to buy me off. How can a virtuous person be bought with money?” (The Work of Mencius: “Gong Sunchou” B.3) He insisted that scholars should have their own independent personality and should not lose themselves. Mencius said: “A scholar is impoverished and yet not lose his principled righteousness, and is successful and yet not lose the Way. So, he who is impoverished and yet not away from principled righteousness does not lose his own personality; he who is successful and yet not away from the Way does not lose what people expect of him. Persons of antiquity who achieve their ambition confer favors and benefits on the people, and if not, they continue in self-cultivation and then appear in the world to confer favors and benefits on the people. In a nutshell, when impoverished, one should cultivate their own goodness in solitude; when successful, one should be committed to the well-being of all” (The Work of Mencius: “Full Development of Mind,” A. 13:9). We can also read some similar passages in “Teng Wengong” (B.2) of The Work of Mencius: “[A true person] dwells in the broadest house (ren) of the world, stands on the most rectified Zheng Zichan 鄭子產 (?–522 B. C.) was a famous statesman and thinker during the Spring and Autumn Period—translator’s note. 29 He Xinyin 何心隱 (1517 A.D.–1579 A.D.) was a thinker in the Ming Dynasty who followed Wang Yangming’s “Concept of Mind” and was also a member of the Taizhou School 泰州学派, a philosophical school headed by Wang Gen 王艮 (1483 A.D.–1541 A.D.) of the Ming Dynasty. He Xinyin opposed “self-desires” and advocated “denying desires.” He strongly attacked the feudal autocracy, proposing the view of “no father, no monarch, hence no patricide of father and monarch.” Among these five virtues, he held friendship in the highest eteem. Taken as a whole, his ideas reflect some characteristics of embryonic capitalism. Most of his works are scattered and lost, but now the Collected Works of He Xinyin has been published by Zhonghua Book House—translator’s note. 28

6.3 Mencius’ Theory of Rectitude and Justice

277

place (li) of the world, and walks on the great path that is good for the world. If achieving success, he does good things for the people by acting on the Way; if not achieving success, he still follows the great Way in solitude. He is never corrupted by wealth, changed by poverty and bent by force. He who has possessed all these characters is called a true person” (dazhangfu). No matter whether he advances or retreats in his life, he does not lose his standards as a true person. He, in office, makes his personal virtue, moral integrity, and moral conduct closely associated with the interests of the people and the respect of public power. As an official, his individual personality, his internalized human-hearted morality, righteousness, and norms of propriety shape the basis of impartial governance, which are also the connotations of public politics and public ethics. According to Confucius-Mencius Confucianism, relations between monarch and minister, father and son are that of ethical bond on a reciprocal basis. When discussing public opinion and the inspection system of state officials, Mencius said: “The ruler of a country should only appoint individuals of talent and virtue to official positions. Since this may cause those of lower status to overstep those of higher status, and those who are distant to overstep close relatives, should he not do so with caution? When all people around you say, ‘This is a person of talent and worth,’ you should not immediately believe it. When your higher officials all say, ‘This is a person of talent and virtue,’ neither may you for that believe it. When all the people of the country say, ‘This is a person of talent and virtue,’ then examine into the case, and when you find that the person is such, employ him. When all people around you say, ‘This person won’t do,’ don’t listen to them. When all your higher officials say, ‘This person won’t do,’ don’t listen to them. When all the people of the country say, ‘This person won’t do,’ then examine into the case, and when you find that the person won’t do, send him away. When all people around you say, ‘This person deserves death,’ don’t listen to them. When all your higher officials say, ‘This person deserves death,’ don’t listen to them. When all the people of the country say, ‘This person deserves death,’ then inquire into the case, and when you see that the person deserves death, put him to death” (The Work of Mencius: “King Hui of Liang,” B). Obviously, respect for public opinion and emphasis on the inspection of officials are important aspects of Mencius’ political philosophy, following the teachings of Confucius. Mencius possesses the backbone of a liberal intellectual. He commits himself to embracing the concept of Heavenly Endowed Title (tianjue) and intuitive morality as his self-imposed responsibility, earning him the title of “bu zhao zhi chen” (Saint Scholars Not To Be Summoned).30 Mencius said: “A great monarch must have great “Bu zhao zhi chen” 不招之臣 may be literally translated into “uncalled or unsummoned minister” or “Saint Scholars Not To Be Summoned.” In ancient times, it refers to highly respected ministers who could not be summoned at the ruler’s whim, or important ministers who were respected and regarded by the king as sages, or those who were permitted to teach the king. Mencius said: “So the king committed to great undertakings must possess persons of age and virtue not to be summoned. If he wants their advices, he must behave himself as a visiting pupil to them. If he does not show his respect for saint scholars in all sincerity, it does not merit any service to him. Saint King Tang Shang first behaved himself a sincere pupil to Saint Scholar Yi Yin before winning his service and being

30

278

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

ministers whom he does not need to summon. If he has anything important to ask for advice, he will go to visit them in person. Such a monarch honours virtue and loves the Way. If he does not, he is not worthy of his ministers’ efforts.” (Mencius: Gong Sunchou, B.2) A monarch would himself go to his minister for advice. According to Mencius, a minister might offer advice to his monarch, but he has the option to resign if he does not listen to him, and he said: “He who holds an official position should resign if he cannot perform his duty. He who is obliged to offer advice should resign if his ruler does not listen to him” (The Work of Mencius: “Gong Sunchou,” B.5). An official’s duty of post and suggestion is not only a manifestation of public responsibility, but also an initial step for check and balance of divided powers. Mencius’ thought of “benevolent governance” is the development of Confucius’ thought of “ruling by virtue” and “valuing the people.” Mencius put forward the famous thought that “people are noble and kings are light.” He attaches great importance to people’s support or opposition, believing that it is the determinant of political success. Mencius said: “Jie and Zhou lost their kingdom, because they lost their people; they lost their people because they lost their hearts. To win the kingdom, there is a way, which is to win its people and then to win the kingdom. To win the people, there is a way, which is to win their hearts and then to win the people” (The Work of Mencius: “Li Lou,” A). Mencius further stated: “People are the most valuable in the world, country comes second, and monarch the last. Therefore it is the people that make a monarch his throne. …When a vassal endangers the state, he will be replaced” (The Work of Mencius: “Full Development of Mind,” B). In governing the country and unifying the world (the people in the world), the common people are the most important, the state power is secondary, and the monarch even more secondary. Mencius even said: “Violation of humaneness is identical to a thief, violation of righteousness is identical to a murderer, a monarch who is a thief and murderer is a solitary guy subject to public indignation. In this logic, the execution of King Shang Zhou, a public thief and murderer, has nothing to do with assassination” (The Work of Meng Zi: Liang Hui Wang Xia). “If a monarch cherishes his subordinates as his own hands and feet, his subordinates would cherish their monarch as their own belly and heart; if a monarch despises his subordinates as service dogs and horses, his subordinates equally despise their monarch as cold-blooded strangers; if a monarch disdains his subordinates as dusts and grasses, his subordinates have full rights to refuse their monarch as greedy enemies” (The Works of Meng Zi : Li Lou Xia). In discussing relationship between monarch and subordinates, Mencius not only holds the idea of divided powers, but also directly claims that subordinates can replace their monarch. If Monarch is at fault, subordinates can persuade him. If a monarch does not listen many times, his subordinates can overturn him. A brutal monarch is a benefiting in consolidating his rule. Duke Qi Huan managed himself to be pupil to Saint Scholar Guan Zhong in securing his dukedom as the hegemony during the Spring and Autumn Period. Nowadays, all dukedoms remain the same in their respective territorie and virtues as a result of kings behaving as teachers to their servants instead of respecting them as saint teachers. In the case of Saint King Tang Shang, who did not dare to summon Saint Scholar Yi Yin and Duke Qi Huan to Guan Zhong, I am more proud of being superior to Guan Zhong.” See The Work of Mencius: “Gongsun Chou Xia” (mengzi, gongsunchou xia)—translator’s note.

6.4 Confucian Public Philosophy and Issues of “Public Virtue” and “Justice”

279

solitary public thief, and his people have the right to rise up and kill him in the name of “performing the political mission in Heaven’s stead.” This is what is known as the revolutionary theory in traditional Chinese politics. The thoughts discussed above, such as public opinion, official’s duty to their positions, the obligation to offer advice, the principle that saint scholars should not be summoned (bu zhao zhi chen), and the belief that people are more important than the ruler (mingui junqing), are the precious essence of democracy in Mencius’ thought. Mencius’ people-oriented thought has exerted a tremendous impact on thinkers who criticized absolute emperorship in the past and has become an important political resource in China and even in East Asia. Confucian thought of people-orientedness is concrete and rich in its connotation. The thought of fairness and justice in the primitive Confucian political philosophy, as mentioned above, can be regarded as the spiritual resources for modern transformation, deserving of our treasure and respect.

6.4 Confucian Public Philosophy and Issues of “Public Virtue” and “Justice” As to protection of reasonable private spheres, such as individual privacy and special affection for one’s kin, etc., the most obvious example is Confucius’ proposal for “mutual concealment between relatives” (qin qin hu yin) and his upholding and development of this concept. This, however, has been criticized. As a matter of fact, if we think rationally and humanely about this problem, we will find that Confucius and Mencius possess exceptional wisdom. The profound impact of their wisdom on Chinese history, culture, politics, legal system, and civil society cannot be refused by superficially formal logic, abstract understanding, and artificial arguments. Xun Zi’s theory of ritual (lixue) is also abundant in public philosophical resources. Xun Zi has made extensive discussions about fairness and principled righteousness. He put forward the propositions of “impartiality without selfhood” and “commitment to public service without self-interests” (The Work of Xun Zi: “Fu”). Xun Zi believes what has made Yu a Yu lies in “his practice of human-heartedness (ren), righteousness (yi), law ( fa), and rectitude (zheng),” and achieving these four, even ordinary person in the street can potentially become a Yu. He said: “A person in the street can become a Yu, since every individual is able to understand the substance of human-heartedness (ren), righteousness (yi), law ( fa), and rectitude (zheng), as well as possess the ability to master and practice them” (The Work of Xun Zi: “Evil Nature”). As to the issue of law enforcement and governance by officials, Xun Zi said: “Justice serves as the principle for dealing with political affairs. Balanced harmony in leniency and severity is the criterion for handling government affairs. Things with a legal basis shall be handled in accordance with the law; things with no legal provisions can be handled by analogy, which is a comprehensive measure for dealing with political affairs. Favoritism without conventions to follow is an evil way of dealing with government affairs. It has been observed that a sound rule of law does not lead to unrest; but it is

280

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

unheard of for a lofty-minded person with both virtue and talent to have their state in turmoil. ‘Tradition says: Order is born of lofty-minded persons; chaos is produced by xiaoren.’ That’s the case” (The Work of Xun Zi: “Wangzhi”). “Fairness fosters brightness, while partiality fosters darkness” (gong sheng ming, pian sheng an) (The Work of Xun Zi: “Bugou”). “The superiors are upright and honest, while the inferiors are prudent and sincere; the superiors are impartial and straight, while the inferiors are plain and honest” (The Work of Xun Zi: “Zhenglun”). “A vassal could gain the state because he could issue decrees in accordance with law, adopt proper measures, make righteous decisions, …” (The Work of Xun Zi: “Honor and Disgrace”). “Even when angry, a lofty-minded person will not punish others excessively. Even when happy, he will not reward others excessively, as they pursues justice in law rather than abusing personal feelings. As stated in Shangshu: ‘Don’t let favoritism outweigh you, but follow the rectified path set by the former kings; Do not do evil, but follow the path of the former kings.’ This means that a lofty-minded person can overcome their personal desires with fairness and righteousness” (The Work of Xun Zi: “Xiushen”). Confucianism has always emphasized the distinction between selfish favor and public righteousness, making a distinction between public domain and private domain. Both The Book of Rites (by Dai the elder or Dai the younger) and Guodian Chu Slips contain the saying, “Governance inside door covers righteousness with grace, and governance outside door breaks off grace with righteousness,” which is especially true in practice. In other words, in dealing with family problems, love and affection precede righteousness so as to achieve the state of harmony among family members; in dealing with public affairs, righteousness and justice precede affection and personal friendship to avoid corrupting principled righteousness. Thus, there is a clear boundary between private grace and public rightness. In Zheng Xuan’s commentary of The Book of Ritual it is said: “It is set as a system to serve parents with grace, to serve the monarch with righteousness, and to serve teachers with a balance of grace and righteousness.” Therefore, it is incorrect to say that Confucianism only focuses on family love and not on justice, fairness, and public morality. How can we take it for granted that today’s corruption is rooted in Confucian values? In order to refute this unfounded conclusion, the following lecture will delve into the issue of “mutual concealment between relatives” (qinqinxiangyin) and the boundary between public and private rights. Later Confucianism constantly corrected and deconstructed Legalism or Legalist utilitarianism and political despotism. “Gong” (public or unselfishness) proposed by Shang-Han Reforms (shang-han bianfa) refers to state power and imperial power, which is different in principle from Confucius-Mencius’ justice orientation on public affairs or public services. The School of Legalism tends to be utilitarian and instrumental, and in order to realize the political goals of national wealth, military strength, and hegemonic power, legalists are willing to sacrifice the rich value of human beings

6.4 Confucian Public Philosophy and Issues of “Public Virtue” and “Justice”

281

and even destroy human nature and human feelings.31 Shang-Han Reforms (shanghan bianfa) advocates for the use of punishment and reward to control and drive people, which aims to wipe out personal self-interests and transform self-interests into public interests [“public” herein refers to an overlord’s “national interests”]. Yang Xiong, a renowned Confucian scholar during the Han Dynasty, severely criticized “the doctrine applied by Legalists like Shen Buhai and Han Fei, stating that it treats human beings as cows and sheep, completely spoiling humaneness by laboring people like pure animals!”32 His criticism reveals the Confucian scholars in their consistent reflections on Legalist doctrines of manipulating human beings like other animals, causing moral disgrace to human dignity by negating Confucian principle of humaneness. Liu Baocai and Wang Changkun believe that “Confucianism recognizes the rationality of pursuing self-interest guided by principled morality, and requires rulers to ‘keep wealth by people’, be ‘moderate in expenditure, extend love to people,’ and ‘share happiness with people,’” which demonstrates valuable people-oriented thought. Legalists argue for the abolition of self-interests in favor of public, advocating that individuals should sacrifice everything or serve the merciless despotism in order to safeguard public interests and public rightness during the Qin Dynasty (206 B.C.–220 A.D.). Historically, this public–private view claimed by legalists was of positive significance for safeguarding the state of the emerging landlord class, weakening and limiting the interests of ministers and officials, and for the great cause of unifying China that was under way at that time. But legalist view of public and private is only connected with the thought of rule of law, which holds that public and private are in absolute opposition…. On one side, legalism exaggerates individuals’ selfishness. On the other side, it advocates absolute abandonment of selfishness for the sake of public, ultimately falling into monarchy absolutism. Historical practice has proved that Confucianism is higher than legalism or the School of Names on the issue of public–private view.33 31 Legalism or School of Names ( fajia), a school of Chinese philosophy that attained prominence during the turbulent Warring States Era (475 B.C.–221 B.C.), under the influence of philosophers Shang Yang, Li Si, and Han Feizi, forming the ideological basis of China’s first imperial dynasty, the Qin (221 B.C.–207 B.C.). Legalism holds that human beings are essentially bad because they are inherently selfish. No one, unless forced to, willingly sacrifices for another. According to the precepts of Legalism, if it is in one’s best interest to kill another person, that person will most probably be killed. In order to prevent such deaths, a ruler has to create a body of laws which would direct people’s natural inclination of self-interest towards the good of the state. However, for more than 2000 years, the ideological principle guiding the imperial governance is the combination of visible Confucianism and invisible Legalism, Confucianism, thus being worshipped as the most authoritative this-worldly philosophy in Chinese political and legal histories; such a philosophy has provided the Chinese traditional political and legal norms with the rule of Li, otherwise the Rule of Ritual intended at Ren (human-heartedness), academically termed as Scholarship Integrating Rule with Humanities (renli zhi xue)—translator’s note. 32 Yang Xiong, “Inquiry for Dao, The Doctrinal Analects ( fayan, wendao),” in The Complete Works of One Hundred Scholars (Changsha: Yuelu Press, 1993) Vol. 1, p. 713—translator’s note. 33 Liu Baocai and Wang Changkun, “A Brief Discussion on Public–Private Concept of Confucianism and Legalism,” see Liu Zehua, Zhang Rongming et al., Public–Private Concept and Chinese Society, Renmin University of China Press, 2003, p. 53.

282

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

Regarding Confucius’ care for the humblest of the common people, he demands that officials regard it as its primary responsibility to ensure food and clothing of the people under its jurisdiction and carrying out the strategy of “multiplying the populace, enriching the people, and educating the people.” Henry Rosemont (1934– 2017) thinks that this strategy possesses the quality of leading to the same demands of public autonomy as the democratic ideal. Confucius also values the sociality of lofty-minded persons’ personality. Henry Rosemont affirms Mencius’ legitimacy in killing the tyrants who do not care about people’s livelihood and in putting those who do not care about people’s livelihood at the bottom of the moral hierarchy. Henry Rosemont believes that Mencius, especially Xun Zi [in his “Wangzhi,” which focuses on helping the people through social undertakings such as vocational training, public welfare, and health insurance], requires that government provide sufficient materials and services to support the people in need. Such concern for the sick, the poor, the illiterate, the widowed, and the social welfare provided to them is not found in their contemporary Western thinkers, and is also quite different from Machiavellianism [Machiavelli’s theory of political expediency by all means, which is known as “Machiavellianism” by bourgeois scholars, seems to have been adopted by Western politics as an important element, and even become the inherent temperament of Western democracy]. Henry Rosemont said, “Neither in Plato’s Republic and Book of Lawnor in Aristotle’s Politics can we find anything about how the government has an obligation to provide for the old, the weak, the sick, and the poor. It is very important to highlight this absence.”34 Some people accuse traditional Chinese culture, especially Confucianism, of lacking a perpective on human rights and focising only on obligations, which is not accurate. Rights and freedoms are historical categories that can only be viewed through the lens of historicism. Valuing human’s life, protecting human property, and cherishing human’s reputation are all basic rights of human beings, and Confucianism places great emphasis on these basic rights. Moreover, Confucius-Mencius’ public and private views contain profound ideological resources of publicness and justness. Firstly, Confucius and Mencius situate their thought within the context of Tian (Heaven), the Heavenly Way, and the Heavenly virtue. Their values of humanheartedness and righteousness, as well as their theory of human-hearted governance are deeply concerned with the people’s most basic right to sub-existence and selfinterests. They even consider protection of people’s rights to subsistance, property, education, political participation, and the prevention of abuse of public power as the true essence of “public” and the essentials of good governance. These principles have historically been institutionalized into various systems, such as the land and tax system, agricultural and commercial policies, and systems for providing for the aged, relieving the people in disaster, and helping the weak, which are similar to today’s social security system. Additionally, educational system for promoting 34

Henry Rosemont, Jr., “Whose democracy? Which rights?—A Confucian Critique of Modern Western Liberalism?” translated by Shang Geling, see Confucianism and Liberalism, Sanlian Bookstore, 2001, pp. 241–242.

6.4 Confucian Public Philosophy and Issues of “Public Virtue” and “Justice”

283

children of common people, civil service systems, and other systems have also been established based on these principles. Secondly, also with Tian (Heaven), Heavenly Way, and Heavenly virtue as the background, Confucius and Mencius deeply comprehended the fundamental of human nature and human feelings, as well as the necessity of protecting family ties and homeland. These concepts have gradually been institutionalized into the protection of rights for privacy, mutual concealment, and family affection. Thirdly, Confucius and Mencius emphasize the responsibility ethics of political practitioners, such as dedication, loyalty, integrity, and credit. The handling of the monarch-minister relationship contains the seeds of distinguishing authority, responsibility and mutual restriction, respect for public opinion, and emphasis on inspection of officials, official accountability, and duty for advice, which are not only the awareness of public responsibility, but also the preliminary stage of power separation and balance. Confucius-Mencius’ humanistic values have long been ingrained into Chinese folk society and transformed into traditional political and legal systems. These values serve as important spiritual resources and institutional references for China’s modernization. Unfortunately, there are common misconceptions about Confucius-Mencius’ thought that are still regarded as the standard and thinking set by many theorists. For example, Hegel claimed that Confucius’ thought is nothing but secular ethics and common-sense morality, while Russell argued that Chinese ethics do not focus on public obligations. Liang Qichao claimed that traditional Chinese ethics pay more attention to “personal virtue” (side) than “public virtue” (gongde). All these arguments need to be carefully discriminated. Some critics even regard “personal virtue” as “self-desire” (siyu), which is even more ridiculous. In Confucianism, “si” (selfishness) and “ji” (oneself) are two different concepts. Here I would like to discuss the issue of the alleged lack of “public morality” in Confucian culture. Liang Qichao is the initiator of the theory of public and private morality in this context. “If investigating Analects of Confucius, The Work of Mencius, and others, they all can be regarded as the ringing device of our nation to enlighten our people, wherein our morality originates. As for what is contained in morality, personal/individual morality occupies nine out of ten, while public morality occupies less than one. … As for the Five Constants (wulun) of traditional China, only family ethics is somewhat complete, while social and national ethics are far from complete. Such deficiency is produced by valuing personal morality over public morality, which must be urgently remedied.” So, first and foremost, we would behoove to figure out how Liang Qichao defines public morality and personal morality, and what its theoretical basis is.

284

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

Liang Qichao (1873 A.D.–1929 A.D.)

Let’s first look at Liang Qichao’s definition of public morality and personal morality, as well as its source and background. At the early twentieth century, Liang Qichao, a prominent Chinese intellectual and reformer, offered a nuanced understanding of public morality and private morality in his article “On Public Morality” (lun gong de). He stated, “One who stands aloof virtuously is recognized as one with personal virtue, while one who acts to benefit his community is esteemed as one with public virtue, both being essential aspects of life. One who lacks personal virtue is unable to stand in society, and a nation composed of numerous vile, hypocritical, cruel, and cowardly individuals cannot stand up in the world. Likewise, without public morality, people cannot unite. Even if countless individuals maintain purity, a country cannot be established.”35 “What is beneficial to all people is good and what is not beneficial to all people is evil. This truth is universally applicable in all situations and remains unerring, even after the passage of hundreds of generations.”36 Based on the above views of public morality and private morality, Liang Qichao concluded: “What my national people are most lacking is public side of morality.”37 So Liang tried to “invent a new morality” to make up for public morality which our national people lack most. This so-called new morality is explicitly expressed in his statement: “Since we are born into this group and part of its present, we should observe the overall state of the universe, calmly and rationally assess our nation’s greatest needs, and devise a new morality to discover the path towards consolidating, improving, and perfecting our society.”38 Apparently, at that time, Liang Qichao used utilitarianism of Jeremy Bentham (1748 A.D.–1832 A.D.) as his theoretical framework. However, since Bentham’s utilitarian ethics and Mencius’ virtuous ethics belong to distinct ethical systems, comparing them is challenging. 35

Liang Qichao, “On Public Virtue”, A Combined Collection of Drinking Ice Room (Volume 6), and Special Collection (Volume 4), Zhonghua Book Company, 1989, p. 12. 36 Ibid., p. 15. 37 Ibid., p. 12. 38 Ibid., p. 15.

6.4 Confucian Public Philosophy and Issues of “Public Virtue” and “Justice”

285

In fact, Liang Qichao derived his theory from Fukuzawa Yukichi’s An Overview of Civilization and Learning Encouragement. Liang Qichao’s “On Public Morality” (lun gong de), published in 1902, is one of his series of essays collected in Theory of New Citizen (xin min shuo). In 1903, Liang Qichao went to the USA for a visit and academic investigation. In early 1904, he published his essay “On Private Morality” (lun si de). In this essay, Liang Qichao said: “Public morality is an extension of private morality. To know private morality but not to know public morality just lies in the lack of this extension of private morality. Public morality is deduced from or comes out of personal morality. If disdaining personal morality and excessively holding public morality in esteem, public morality loses its tools of extension. Therefore, achieving personal morality is the first priority of moral education.”39 “If an individual lacks personal virtue, even if they eventually snowballs into a crowd composed of millions of personal individuals, this large crowd cannot become a large group with public virtues.”40 “Thus, in order to mould a national character, we must first mould personal morality of each individual. These who want to mould the national character, first and foremost, must take the cultivation of personal morality as the first principle.”41 This view in Liang’s “On Private Morality” can be regarded as a counter attack and a fundamental negation of the view in his “On Public Morality,” which also shows that Liang had a deep reflection on theories of “public morality” and “personal morality” based on Anglo-American national characteristics after his in-depth field investigation and real experience in USA. It is precisely based on this deep introspection that he began to believe that the so-called public morality standard he advocated when importing the Learning of the West can be regarded as a “new morality theory” but not a “new morality.” Why? “A moral person acts, not speaks.”42 Moreover, Liang Qichao also had a new understanding of Confucian ethics in this profound introspection, and thus he said: “Sublime words of our former sages and virtuous traces of our forefathers are passed on to us and settle in the bottom of our daily life along with our vague and unpredictable body. Only in this particular society are we born and bred. Suddenly being transplanted from this society and nurtured by what is brought up in another society is not an easy task.”43 So far, Liang Qichao has not only completely abandoned his previous view that Confucianism only valued personal morality over public morality, but he has also deeply realized the true value and role of Confucian ethics. It is evident that Liang Qichao already abandoned the theory of public morality and private morality that he imported and introduced from the West in his early years. In recent years, some scholars have discussed the so-called public morality and private morality, but most of them have not yet departed from Liang Qichao’s argument, and, in general, only used the first half of Liang’s argument. Some scholars also 39

Ibid., p. 119. Ibid., p. 119. 41 Ibid., p. 119. 42 Liang Qichao, “On Public Virtue”, A Combined Collection of Drinking Ice Room (Volume 6), and Special Collection (Volume 4), Zhonghua Book Company, 1989, p. 131. 43 Ibid.p. 132. 40

286

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

defined public and private morality as “social public morality” and “religious private morality,” and have classified Confucian moral items such as human-heartedness (ren), righteousness (yi), loyalty (zhong), filial piety (xiao), etc., into respective categories in an attempt to fit them into predefined frameworks. However, upon careful examination of the historical origins and evolution of the connotations of filial piety, fraternity, loyalty, respect, human-heartedness, righteousness, ritual, wisdom, faithfulness, sincerity, and more other morals, it is not difficult to see that every virtue is both private and public. At last, let’s talk about justice (gongping). “The principle of justice is the foundation on which any society is founded, which involves rights, obligations, interests and concepts of right, wrong, morality and immorality, etc. If we understand society and the role of the principle of justice in society in this way, Durkheim’s statement that ‘every society is a moral community’ will become quite clear in meaning. This is because every society is founded on a set of principles of justice, which are applied in defining what is right and wrong. When we limit the scope of right and wrong to the issue of distribution, this set of principles is known as the principle of distributive justice.”44 What is social justice? Huang Kewu said: “Concern for being around self-interest and in combination with individual is social justice.”45 In my opinion, social justice revolves around the fundamental interests of common people from lower classes. While social contract theory is one perspective that can explain the development of social justice Confucian discussion of social justice requires another perspective to be fully understood. I think that what Confucius and Mencius advocated is substantive justice rather than formal justice. According to Aristotle, the fundamental goal of political philosophy is justice. He said: “What is good in political philosophy is ‘justice’, and justice is subject to the common interest. Generally speaking, ‘justice’ is the concept of ‘equality’ or ‘fairness’ in certain things, and this includes distributive justice, according to which different individuals have just claims to shares of some common asset such as property. … To put it simply, justice includes two factors: things and people who should accept things. Everyone agrees that justice involves treating equal persons equally, and treating unequal persons unequally, but they do not agree on the standard by which individuals are deemed to be equally (or unequally) meritorious or deserving. However, this is where the question arises, that is, the question of what they are equal to and what they are not equal to. The knotty issue involved in this question warrants a wise (philosophical) investigation in politics.”46 44

Shi Yuankang, Rawls, Guangxi Normal University Press, 2004, p. 11. Huang Kewu, Introduction, see Public and Private: Reconstruction of Individual and Group of Modern China, ed. by Huang Kewu and Zhang Zhejia, Taiwan, “Academia Sinica”, 2000, p.iv. Also, according to the English book of the same name, the quoted translation was revised and supplemented. 46 Aristotle, Politics, translated by Wu Shoupeng, The Commercial Press, 1965, pp. 148–149. Also, according to the English book of the same name, the quoted translation was revised and supplemented. 45

6.4 Confucian Public Philosophy and Issues of “Public Virtue” and “Justice”

287

However, different classes have completely different or even diametrically opposed understandings of justice, because each side will judge it according to its own interests. That is to say, commoners, from their own interests, insist that people should be completely equal in all respects, but oligarchs insist that rights should be distributed differently according to men’s ability of competition, amount of wealth, merits and demerits of virtue, and size of contribution to the city-state. Aristotle argues that it is precisely this desire for equality that constitutes the source of city-state conflict, and inner-city conflict is often caused by it. Based on a profound cognition of both sides’ one-sidedness and its harm, Aristotle proposes two different views of equality in an attempt to synthesize and unify the two. “The so-called equality has two types: one is equal in quantity, and the other is equal in quality. ‘Equality in quantity’ means that one same thing you get is equal in number and capacity to that others get. ‘Equality in quality’ means that things are proportionally distributed according to one’s true value.”47

Aristotle (384–322 BCE)

A reasonable approach is to affirm the free identity of civilians, take into account the differences in talents, virtues, and contributions between people, apply the principle of “middle way” to specific situations, and strive to unify the two and avoid going to extremes. That is to say, the proper way should be based on the principle of quantity equality in some aspects and ratio equality in others.48 People generally refer to these two different principles of distribution of rights (interests) as “moral desert” and “entitlement.” Some also refer to public interestoriented justice as a broad, universal justice or political justice, while considering these two specific principles for distribution of rights (interests) as a narrow definition of justice. If we use this as a reference to understand the public–private view in Confucian culture, it is not difficult to see that Confucius-Mencius Confucianism proposed that distribution of interests (rights) should be graded according 47 48

Ibid., p. 234. Ibid., p. 235.

288

6 Confucian Idea of Public and Private

to human virtue, talent, and contribution, which has a strong internal similarity with Aristotle’s concepts of “moral desert” and “entitlement.” Furthermore, when Confucius proposed that “there should be no class distinctions in teaching” and advocated respecting all people’s rights to life and happiness, he actually also included the meaning of Aristotle’s first view of justice in a certain sense, namely “One same thing you get is equal in number and capacity to that others get.” John Bordley Rawls (1921–2002)’s two fundamental principles of justice are: “First principle: Each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive total system of equal basic liberties compatible with a similar system of liberty for all.” “Second principle: Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are both: (a) to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged, consistent with the just savings principle, and (b) attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity.”49 First principle is referred to as the greatest equal liberty principle, which are those of civic liberties, namely freedom of speech, thought, and assembly, personal freedom, and property rights. Second principle is referred to as the difference principle, that is, distribution of material gains should not only benefit everyone, but also benefit the most disadvantaged in terms of rules. According to Rawls’ assumption: “Their formulation presupposes that, for the purposes of a theory of justice, the social structure may be viewed as having two more or less distinct parts, the first principle applying to the one, the second principle to the other. Thus we distinguish between the aspects of the social system that define and secure the equal basic liberties and the aspects that specify and establish social and economic inequalities.”50 “The second principle applies, in the first approximation, to the distribution of income and wealth and to the design of organizations that make use of differences in authority and responsibility. While the distribution of wealth and income need not be equal, it must be to everyone’s advantage, and at the same time, positions of authority and responsibility must be accessible to all. One applies the second principle by holding positions open, and then, subject to this constraint, arranges social and economic inequalities so that everyone benefits.”51 “These principles are to be arranged in a serial order, with the first principle prior to the second.”52 Admittedly, due to historical reasons, Confucian culture does fall short on the first principle, but at the same time, we should also see that Confucius-Mencius Confucianism strives to prevent serious inequality of social distribution through education of ritual (li), righteousness (yi), and norms, and safeguard the interests 49

John Bordley Rawls, A Theory of Justice, translated by He Huaihong, et al., China Social Sciences Press, 1988, p. 56. Also see Rawls, John. A Theory of Justice. Harvard University Press, 1999, p. 266. 50 Ibid., p. 57. Also see Rawls, John. A Theory of Justice. Harvard University Press, 1999, p. 53. 51 Ibid., p. 57. Also see Rawls, John. A Theory of Justice. Harvard University Press, 1999, p. 53. 52 Ibid., p. 57. Also see Rawls, John. A Theory of Justice. Harvard University Press, 1999, p. 53.

6.4 Confucian Public Philosophy and Issues of “Public Virtue” and “Justice”

289

of the old, the young, the widowers, and the widows, which are somewhat in line with Rawls’ view of justice that justice should be good for the maximum interest of the least advantaged of society. Moreover, the above-mentioned Confucius’ ideas, like “no distinction in education,” national civil service system, and national civil examination system, as important manifestations and achievements of Confucian culture, have a strong resonance with Rawls’ second principle of justice that power and position are open to all people under the condition of fair and equal opportunity.

Chapter 7

Mutual Concealing Between Relatives

The concept of “mutual concealment between relatives” (qinqin xiangyin) and the system of concealment between relatives may seem to be an old topic, but in fact, it is a very modern and pertinent issue. Revisiting this topic is necessary to reflect on the present reality.1 As we know, Confucianism has always emphasized the unity of “Heavenly Principle” (tianli), “national laws,” and “human feelings,” which is evident in its concept of mutual concealment and its concealment system.

7.1 Three Classic Texts and Main Ideas When speaking of “mutual concealing between relatives,” it is inevitable to mention the following texts. The first is Chap. 18 of Analects of Confucius (lunyu), which reads as follows: The Lord of Ye said to Confucius, ‘There is an honest man in my hometown. His father stole someone else’s sheep, and his son came forward to testify against him.’ Confucius replied, ‘The upright people in my hometown are different. In such a case, a father would conceal for his son, and a son would conceal for his father. This is where straightness lies.’

1

For details, see Guo Qiyong, “Also On ‘The Son Covers up for His Father’ and Mencius’s Discourse on Shun,” Philosophical Research, No.10, 2002; Guo Qiyong and Ding Weixiang, “Talking about Truth and Its Role,” History of Chinese Philosophy (Quarterly), No.1, 2004; Guo Qiyong and Gong Jianping, “Mutual Concealment Between Relatives in the Context of ‘Rule of Virtue’,” Philosophy Research, No.7, 2004; Guo Qiyong edited, Collection of Confucian Ethics Contention—Centering on “Mutual Concealment Between Relatives,” Hubei Education Press, 2004. Some articles and related papers that caused the discussions have been translated into English and published in American journals such as journals of Contemporary Chinese Thought, Dao, etc. For details, see Dao: A Journal Of Comparative Philosophy, Vol. 6, No 1, 2007; Contemporary Chinese Thought, Vol. 39, No.1, Winter 2007–2008, etc. © Fudan University Press 2024 Q. Guo, The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4799-7_7

291

292

7 Mutual Concealing Between Relatives

In this dialogue, the Lord of Ye told Confucius that there was a “straight” man (zhiren) in his hometown who came forward to testify against his father who stole someone else’s sheep. According to some annotators, the Chinese word “rang” 攘 means to lead away someone else’s sheep by the way. Some people interpreted “rang” 攘 as follows: When night falls and the flock of sheep are driven back to the pen, someone else’s sheep may enter the pen along with his own sheep, but he does not return it in a timely manner. The Chinese word “zheng” 證 in “his son testified against him” (er zi zheng zhi) means “gaofa” 告發 (to testify against). Confucius reply to the Lord of Ye was that in his hometown, the “straight” men acted in a different way, i.e., “A father conceals for his son and a son conceals for his father.” This is known as “straightness” (zhi) or “straight person” (zhiren). Then, what is meant by “concealment” 隱? Here we first need to understand that “concealment” refers to not publicizing relatives’ faults. The Lord of Ye and Confucius had very different ideas about what constitutes “straightness.” So, what exactly does “straightness” mean? It is recorded in Analects of Confucius that Confucius spoke a lot about “straight” virtues, especially emphasizing virtues such as uprightness, integrity, straightforwardness, and following the correct path. He believed in holding up to “uprightness” as officials, being “impartial” in dealing with affairs, and lifting up men of integrity over men of evil, as stated in the phrase, “Promote the straight and let them oversee the crooked, and then you can cause the crooked to be straight,” and so on. It is recorded in Zhaogong’s 14th Years of Zuo’s Commentary that Confucius also praised Shu Xiang 叔向 for his exposing his brother Shu Yu 叔魚 many times, saying, “(He) governs the country by law, and does not shield his relatives,” and affirmed that Shu Xiang was “a person with the legacy of straightness in ancient times.” So we have to ask: Why did Confucius say so here? Is what he said “in violation of justice” or even “in violation of law?” Confucius obviously wanted to protect the “private” fields, placing great importance on family ties and family affection. He was dreadfully afraid that government or power institutions would harm family affection and “private” fields. In the case of a value conflict, one should first protect his father, his son, and his family members, and should not disclose the wrongs of their relatives without first investigating the truth and making a judgment. Why do traditional folk customs, even ethical law system of upper class, affirm that “father and son conceal for each other” and deny that father and son testify against each other? From the perspective of deep ethics, we can easily find that Confucius’ proposal of straight virtue also has its foundation. From a human and mental point of view, father and son testify against each other, proving that there have been problems between them for long, and they are a pair of problematic father and son. A loving father leads to a filial son, or else, there must be problem between father and son, that is, there must be something wrong with the practice of human-heartedness. This problem with father and son has even gone far beyond the problem of kindness and filial piety. Confucius clearly did not want it to become common for father and son to inform on each other

7.1 Three Classic Texts and Main Ideas

293

and even kill each other. Therefore, he would rather identify and maintain family affection, that is, a rationalized and orderly society that maintains normal ethical relations. As a socialized person, he is both an ethical person (i.e., I am the son of my parents, father of my son, husband of my wife, etc.) and a politicalized person (with social status and subject to law). How, then, can we reconcile the relationship between “affection” and “law,” “public” and “private,” and “big public” and “small public?” Does Confucius here argue for “bending law for favoritism?” How does “law” in his era treat such things? This is all for us to think about. The second text is Chapter 35 from “Full Development of Mind” (A) of The Work of Mencius, which reads: Tao Ying asked Mencius: ‘Supposing that while Shun became the Son of Heaven (tianzi) and Gao Yao 皋陶 served as minister of justice, Gu Sou 瞽瞍, Shun’s father, had murdered someone, so what would be done in such a situation?’ Mencius said: ‘Gao Yao should have apprehended him, that is all.’ ‘But wouldn’t Shun have prevented this?’ Tao Ying said: ‘How could Shun have prevented it? Gao Yao had been granted authority for this.’ ‘Then what would Shun have done in such a situation?’ Mencius continued: ‘Shun would have discarded his kingdom as easily as an old shoe. Quietly, he would have picked up his father, carried him on his back, and escaped to settle near the seaside. There, he would have found happiness until the end of his days, forgetting about his former kingdom amidst his contentment.’

Tao Ying, one student of Mencius, asked his teacher, “Shun became Son of Heaven, and Gao Yao was appointed as Chief Justice. Supposing that Gu Sou, Shun’s father, had killed a man, what should Gao Yao do with it?” Mencius replied, “Gu Sou must, of course, be arrested.” Tao Ying asked, “Won’t Shun stop it?” Mencius replied, “How could Shun stop it? It is Shun who ordered Gao Yao to enforce the law.” Actually, Shun did not pardon his father using his authority as the Son of Heaven. This is the initial part of the quotation, which refers to the aspect of respecting and abidding by law. In the second part of the quotation, Tao Ying proceeded, “So, what should Shun do next?” Mencius made a clever reply: “In Shun’s stand, he would give up the world as he would throw an old straw shoe, and was most likely to take his father Gu Sou on his back and fled secretly, dwelling somewhere by seaside, enjoying happiness of family reunion all his life, forgetting, in his delight, about his power to rule the world.” Here, “seaside” refers to the coastal region of Shandong at that time, which was remote and poor. While Sun’s departure from his kingdom seem akin to exile, it should not be compared to today’s some corrupt officials in China fleeing to the United States, Canada, or elsewhere to evade justice. Sun’s situation was unique; he chose to suffer and go into self-imposed exile due to his father’s actions, unlike today’s embezzlers who abscond with criminal charges hanging over their heads .

294

7 Mutual Concealing Between Relatives

Twenty-four Filial Piety Charts: Filial Feelings Move Heaven, by Chen Shaomei

The chapter “Tao Ying” highlights the dilemma of loyalty and filial piety. This problem is discussed not only by Chinese but also by foreign scholars. Jean-Paul Sartre (1905–1980), a renowned French existentialist philosopher, once presented a compelling example of a mother whose firstborn son had tragically died in battle. Despite this loss, her second son remained steadfast in his desires to enlist in the military and combat fascism. It is precisely during such moments that a dilemma arises between loyalty and filial piety. Mencius presented a hypothesis regarding Shun that encompasses two two contrasting aspects: firstly, Shun’s support for Gao Yao’s decision to arrest his father, and secondly, Shun’s personal aspiration. Despite having the opportunity to become the Son of Heaven and govern a vast land with its populace, Shun’s true desire was to exile himself and live harmoniously with his father, even after enduring persecutions from his stepmother and half-brother. Some interpret this as evidence that Mencius endorsed the “abuse of power for private gains” and undermined public law. However, I disagree with this interpretation. Let’s proceed with our discussion. The third text is Chap. 3 from “Wan Zhang” (A) in The Work of Mencius, which reads: Wan Zhang asked Mencius, ‘Since Xiang 象 made it his daily business to slay Shun, how did Shun only banish him when he became the Son of Heaven?’ Mencius said: ‘He made a prince of him; or say, he banished him.’ Wan Zhang said: ‘Shun exiled Gong Gong 共 工 to the land of You Zhou; he sent away Huan Dou 驩兜 to Mountain Chong; he slew the prince of San Miao in San Wei; and he imprisoned Gun 鯀 on Mountain Yu. When these

7.1 Three Classic Texts and Main Ideas

295

four were thus punished, the whole Kingdom submitted to him—for he did so to punish men who were destitute of human-heartedness. But Xiang was known to be the most devoid of human-heartedness, yet Shun exiled him to be the prince of the remote land of You Bei. what crimes had the people of You Bei committed? Does a man of human-heartedness truly act thus? For other men, he ordered their execution, but for his own brother, he elevated him to be a prince?’ Mencius replied: ‘A man of human-heartedness does not lay up anger, nor cherish resentment against his brother, but only regards him with affection and love. Regarding him with affection, he wishes him to be honourable, and regarding him with love, he wishes him to be rich. The appointment of Xiang to be the prince of You Bei is to enrich and ennoble him. If while Shun himself was sovereign, his brother had been a common man, could he have been said to regard his brother with affection and love?’ Wan Zhang said: ‘I venture to ask what you mean by saying that some supposed that it was a banishing of Xiang?’ Mencius replied, ‘Xiang could do nothing in his state. The Son of Heaven appointed an officer to administer its government, and to pay regular tribute to him. This treatment of him led to its being said that he was banished. How indeed could he be allowed the means of oppressing the people? Nevertheless, Shun wished to be continually seeing him, and by this arrangement, he came incessantly to court, as is stated in that saying: ‘He did not wait for the rendering of tribute, or affairs of government, to receive the prince of You Bei.’

In this case, Mencius has made a very ingenious design, i.e., Mencius faces two positions and two voices. The first voice is: “Why is it that Shun had his brother exiled?” The second voice is: “Why is it that Shun should reward his guilty brother?” Wan Zhang asked Mencius for advice: “Shun’s half-brother Xiang once plotted to kill Shun, however, when coming to power, Shun immediately banished Xiang. Why is he so unfeeling for his brother like this?” This question shows that until the mid-Warring States Period, people still approved of the enfeoffment system in the early Zhou Dynasty. If the elder brother became the Son of Heaven, he exiled his younger brother instead of enfeoffing him, his rule would be questioned by society for its legitimacy. Mencius, therefore, defended Shun, saying: “How can you say that Shun banished his brother, and yet repay him plainly!” Wan Zhang represented the second position or voice and asked: “Shun sent Gong Gong and Huan Dou into exile, and slew San Miao and Gun, which was an act of punishing evil persons and convincing the world. Xiang is indeed a man devoid of human-heartedness. Why did Shun not punish him but reward him by raising him to be the prince of You Bei? What had the people of You Bei done that they had to accept the rule of such an unkind prince? Is this what a sage is like? Is it fair that he would punish others who are guilty but reward his guilty brother with a fief instead of punishment?” Mencius responded to this second position, saying, “A human-hearted man does not lay up his anger, nor foster up resentment against his brother, but only regarding him with affection and love. Regarding him with affection, he wishes him to be honourable, and regarding him with love, he wishes him to get rich. So, Shun appointed Xiang to be the prince of You Bei, hoping to enrich and ennoble him. Supposing Shun became the sovereign and his brother was just a common man, how could it be said that he regarded his brother with affection and love?”

296

7 Mutual Concealing Between Relatives

Wan Zhang tactfully continued to ask: “What is meant by “banish” ( fang)? Why do someone say that Shun’s act is to “banish” rather than “enfeoff?” Mencius said: “In fact, Xiang cannot do whatever he wants to do in the State of You Bei. Shun sent officials to oversee and assist him in governing the State, as well as to collect tribute and taxes. Some saythis was a disguised form of “banishment.” However, how would Xiang have the opportunity to brutalize the people of You Bei under such supervision? On the contray, this arrangement allowed Xiang to see Shun periodically and strengthen their brotherly bond.” All in all, the chapter of “Tao Ying” is a profound design about ethical dilemmas, and its consummate wisdom is beyond the comprehension of straight-lined critics. In fact, Shun’s coping strategy, hypothesized by Mencius and his disciple, not only maintained judicial justice, but also avoided abuse of public power. Obviously, this way of self-exile preserves both sides of loyalty and filial piety and affection and law. The conception that “Xiang is appointed to be the prince of the remote place of You Bei” ( feng zhi you bei) cannot be separated from the enfeoffment system of Zhou Dynasty. Shun’s enfeoffment of Xiang embodies a kind of political wisdom, i.e., the control of Xiang through enfeoffment. In antiquity, the thought or system of society, politics, and law were basically coordinated with ethics of a nuclear family, the integration of the community, and the construction of a family-based order. There are, of course, inevitable contradictions and tensions among these elements. It is important to note that when analyzing these materials, we can only fully explore their profound values beyond time and space by considering them within the context of social structure, history, culture, and value system of that era.

7.2 “Straightness,” “Concealment,” and “Love with Distinction” How do we understand Confucius “zhi” (straightness) and “yin” (concealment)? We have actually touched on this a little bit. As we know, the relationship between father and son is a natural bond as well as ethical relationship (tian lun guan xi). The protection of blood bonds, such as father and son, brothers, is rooted in the Principle of Heaven (tianli). As we know, Confucius claims for “wuson” (no litigation, non-lawsuit) between blood bonds. Both “Youzuo” from The Work of Xun Zi and Shuoyuan or Garden of Anecdotes by Liu Xiang of the Western Han Dynasty record such a story about Confucius: When serving as a sikou (an official of criminal justice) in the State of Lu, a father and son brought a lawsuit to him. Confucius delayed making a judgment for three months, ultimately leading to a peaceful resolution between the

7.2 “Straightness,” “Concealment,” and “Love with Distinction”

297

father and son. Through advocacy of “straightness” (zhi), Confucius actually emphasized that people should have genuine feelings toward each other and be what they seem, without affectation or seeking to curryfavor with others. In the Chinese language, “zhigong” 直躬 or “maizhi” 買直 literally means “straight body” or “honest body.” Here it means that a person fishes for fame and reputation by testifying against his father.2 Our feelings for our parents and brothers are the closest feelings that we have. Confucius-Mencius and Confucianism speak of filial piety based on natural feelings. Of course, there is no denying that in later traditional society, this filial piety developed into foolish filial piety, which produced lots of concomitant abuses, and this is another matter. Human-heartedness and love (renai) of the primitive Confucianism begin with love for relatives, thus extending to others. The concept of “mutual concealment between relatives” does not mean that human-heartedness and love (renai) in Confucianism should be sealed in or merely confined to blooded ties. Rather, as Mencius said, “He who is affectionate towards his family members should be affectionate towards all people, and he who is affectionate towards all people should be affectionate towards all things under heaven.” It is thus clear that “love for those close to” is the foothold of Confucian thought of human-heartedness and love (renai). Mr. Zhuang Yaolang, a scholar from Chinese Taiwan, has made a profound interpretation of Chapter 18 of Analects of Confucius. The central problem, he argues, lies in whether there is a conflict between law enforcement and human feelings. From the Lord of Ye’s standpoint, he obviously talked about “straightness” from the viewpoints of “fairness of law” and “no exception to law” and from the position of law enforcers as well. However, Confucius talked about “straightness” from the point of natural feelings of human beings, which was “straightness” out of human heart minds and human feelings, and “straightness” of human feelings out of the standpoint of the person concerned. On the surface, two arguments are in opposition, but actually there exists a problem of “sequence of reasoning,” i.e., which of them should be given priority. Supposing that the establishment of “law” ( fa) is to supplement the deficiency of “ritual” (li), i.e., when “ritual,” as a power of culture for regulating society, appears to be insufficient, “law” will maintain social order as a coercive force. Since law’s purpose is here, it must have its feasibility, and whereof the conditions must be traced to the ground of legislation, which is nothing but human feeling. Only when based on human feeling can law avoid being reduced to abstract emptiness and forced uniformity. Thus, the human feeling is the source and basis of law-making. Fairness and non-exceptionability of laws are externalization and standardization of human feelings. It is evident that the priority between human feelings and law is involved here. Legal principles must be founded on human feelings, while legal rules must regulate human feelings. Thus, human feelings and law are not opposed, “maizhi” 买直 literally means “buying straightness” or bribing to win a lawsuit. According to Zuo’s Commentary: in the 14th years of Zhao Gong, “Yongzi knew his sin, and won the lawsuit through bribery.” According to Yang Bojun’s interpretation: “Yongzi won the lawsuit through marrying his daughter to Shu Yu, so it is called ‘buying straightness,’ i.e., bribing to win the lawsuit”—translator’s note.

2

298

7 Mutual Concealing Between Relatives

but rather unified.3 Of course, as we live in a society and have many facets, we may often confront contradictions in dealing with human feelings and legal principles. However, on the whole, it is not law that can decide everything. Human feelings, as a legal background, may have a greater regulating role. Now let’s turn to the issue of “concealing” (yin) and “offending” ( fan). The issue of “concealing” and “offending” is a common-sense problem in history of Chinese culture and thought. In “Tanggong” of The Book of Rites by Dai the younger it is said: “In serving his father, (a son) should conceal (his faults), and avoid openly or strongly remonstrating with him (about them); he should in every possible way wait on and nourish him, without being bound by definite rules; he should serve him laboriously till his death, followed by offering complete mourning for three’ years. In serving his ruler, (a minister) should remonstrate with him frankly (about his faults), but make no concealment (of them); should in every possible way wait on and nourish him, but according to definite rules; should serve him laboriously till his death, and should then wear mourning for him according to rule for three years. In serving his master (teacher), (a learner) should have nothing to do with openly reproving him or with concealing (his faults); should in every possible way wait upon and serve him, without being tied to definite rules; should serve him laboriously till his death, and mourn for him in heart for three years.” Confucius also said: “A child cannot leave the arms of its parents until it is three years old. This is why the observance of three years’ morning is universally practiced throughout the world.” (Analects of Confucius, XVII, 21) In other words, a child was dependent upon their parents for at least the first three years of their life; hence, upon their death, the child should mourn them for an equal length of time in order to express his gratitude. In other words, in waiting upon one’s relatives, one should conceal their faults, remain silent about their shortcomings, and remonstrate with them in an euphemistic way; in waiting upon one’s parents, one should be diligent and considerate. When they pass away, one should stay in mourning for three years. However, waiting upon one’s monarch is quite different. If the monarch has shortcomings, makes mistakes, one should remonstrate with him openly and gently, without concealment. However, in waiting upon a ruler, one should be diligent and sincere, as if serveing his own parents. When the ruler passes away, while one may not necessarily grieve emotionally as he would at the death of his own parents, he still needs to stay in mourning for three years, observing rules on clothes and behaviors during three-year mourning. In waiting upon his teacher, he should neither reprove him openly nor conceal his faults, and when a teacher passes away, he should also morn them in their heart for three years, although he does not have to observe the same three-year mourning period in dress and behavior as they would when his parents die. Obviously, ways and methods in serving, criticizing, and commemorating parents, rulers, and teachers in Confucianism are different. The Confucian principle is one, but its manifestations in

3

See Zhuang Yaolong, “‘Analects of Confucius’ Discourse on ‘Straightness’,” Chinese Taiwan: Teaching and Research, No 17, 1995.

7.2 “Straightness,” “Concealment,” and “Love with Distinction”

299

all concrete things are different. Specifically, under the Confucian principle of humanheartedness and love (renai), which is universally connected with the Heavenly Way (tiandao), there are slightly different ethical principles between parents and children, between monarch and minister, and between master and student. So what, in a nutshell, is “concealment?” And what is “offense?” Does “concealment” mean unprincipled cover-up or harboring? Please look at the explanation of the above-mentioned paragraph from “Tanggong” made by ancient scholars who are proficient in Confucian Classics. Zheng Xuan (127A.D.–200A.D.) said: “‘Concealment’ (yin) means not to make known one’s faults. ‘Non-offense’ (wufan) means not to criticize a ruler or an elder for his wrongs frankly ( fan yan zhi jian). … Serving one’s family is ruled by affection, serving one’s ruler is ruled by righteousness, and serving one’s master is ruled by both affection and righteousness.” That is to say, “concealment” (yin) is not for children to make known parents’ faults, and “offense” ( fan) is for a subordinate to criticize his ruler or elder boldly. Confucianism has always emphasized the distinction between private affection and public justice, distinguishing public sphere from private space. Therefore, The Book of Rites by Dai the Elder or Dai the Younger (da xiao dai li ji) and Chu Slips of Guodian all have the saying that “In regulating family, affection overrides righteousness, while in governing society, righteousness overrides affection,” which is especially true in practice. There is a clear-cut boundary between family affection and public justice, that is, “valuing affection and love within the family, while valuing righteousness and justice outside the family.” Confucius praised Shu Xiang 叔向 for exposing his younger brother Shu Yu 叔魚’s bribery and abuse of public power for many times, because what Shu Yu did involves public spheres. Confucius and Mencius both affirmed that Duke Zhou suppressed Guan Cai and Cai Shu’s insurgency, killed Guan Shu, and exiled Cai Shu, because they were public officials and their actions involved national security issues. As we mentioned above, there is such a saying in Zheng Xuan’s annotation as: “Serving one’s family is ruled by affection, serving one’s ruler is ruled by righteousness.” How can we say that Confucianism only focuses on family affection, but not justice, fairness, and public morality? How can we blame the root of today’s corruption on Confucian values? Confucianism clearly states that in public sphere, “righteousness” should be the principle, and in private sphere, “affection” should be emphasized. “Concealment” means “not to declare faults of relatives openly,” and “concealment” and “non-offence” for relatives are limited to trivial matters and civil disputes, and cannot be extended to the scope of murder and robbery without limit. Kong Yingda said: “A relative guilty of small faults should not be harshly criticized, but a relative guilty of a major crime should not concealed. Therefore, in Classic of Filial Piety (xiaojing) it is said: ‘If a father has a son who boldly admonishes him, he will be less likely to make major mistakes, and his son will not be accused of unrighteousness.’” Thus, proper protection of family affection should be valued. When one family member commits a big crime, he should not harbor him and cover up his evil actions, but should testify against him frankly. Blunt remonstrance occurs whenever it is needed, as failing to do so may allow one’s kin to fall into unrighteousness. As stated in Classic of Filial Piety (xiaojing) that if a father has a straightforward

300

7 Mutual Concealing Between Relatives

son, he will not be led into unrighteousness. These are all manifestations of concrete rationality or experience-orientated rationality. Sun Xidan (1736 A.D.–1784 A.D.) of the Qing Dynasty said: “Jijian” (a euphemistic and gentle admonition or advice to elders or superiors) is regarded as concealment, while zhijian (blunt or face-to-face admonition) is regarded as offense ( fan). The relationship between a father and son is governed by affection, and accusing each other based on good principles can hurt each other’s feelings, so euphemistic admonition rather than blunt admonition is encouraged. The relationship between a ruler and minister is governed trighteousness, and concealment can foster unhealthy practices of flattery and harm principled righteousness. Therefore, a minister must not deceive their ruler by avoiding blunt admonition. The relationship between a master and student is governed by both human-heartedness and righteousness, and the master is always ready to answer inquiries from their students. Therefore, there does not exist so-called concealment nor so-called offense between them.4 These explanations are fundamentally grounded. Parents and children should not blame each other for trifling matters. If they blame each other face to face, expecting things to be perfect, glowering at each other, or bickering with each other, they will ultimately harm the closest natural affection between them. Thus, Confucius advocates not obeying his parents blindly, but admonishing his parents gently, just as Confucius said in Chap. 4 of Analects of Confucius: In serving your father and mother, you may gently admonish them ( jijian). But if you see they have no intention of listening to you, then continue to be respectful and obedent as before, and never feel resentful, even if you are disdressed.

All these expressions are helpful for us to understand what Meng Yizi 孟懿子 asked about “filial piety (xiao)” in Chap. 2 of Analects of Confucius, to which Confucius replied, “No Breaking (wuwei)!” This expression actually means “Never be in violation of ritual (li).” In antiquity, acts or words that deviate from or break li were considered as “wei” (breaking ritual). Acts or words that conform to the principle of “filial piety” are considered as “No Breaking (wuwei).” This does not necessarily mean that children cannot disagree with their father and mother in every detail, but rather that they should not violate ordinary courtesy or social norms. This implies that children do not necessarily meet or yield to parents’ requirements that are not in line with social norms. However, when expressing disagreements or asserting independence , it is important to do so in a respectful and appropriate manner. Sun Xidan said: “Accusing each other between father and son based on good principle can hurt each other’s feelings.” This sentiment is fundamentally derived from “Li Lou (A)” in The Work of Meng Zi, : which states “In ancient times, it was encouraged to teach children through mutual exchange. There should be no admonitions with each other 4

Sun Xidan, A Complete Interpretation of The Book of Rituals (li ji ji jie), Vol. 1, Zhonghua Book Company, 1989, p. 165

7.2 “Straightness,” “Concealment,” and “Love with Distinction”

301

based on good principles between father and children. Admonition with each other based on good principles can possibly lead to alienation between father and children, and nothing is more inauspicious than alienation between father and children.” Mencius argues that father and son should not blame each other, as this is essential fro preserving and nurturing family affection and ensuring a healthy and harmonious family envirmont. However, this principle does not apply to the relationship between ruler and minister, as there is a strong sense of distance between them Ministers should bluntly remonstrate with their rulers in all matters, as this involves upholding justice and righteousnessand avoiding favoritism, perversion of law in public affairs, and the formation of evil tendency of flattery in political life, which Confucianism deeply opposes. Therefore, in The Second Year of Duke Huan of Zuo’s Commentary (zuozhuan.huangongernian), it is said: “When Duke Huan of Lu disobeyed li, Zang Sunda5 dissuaded him with morality, saying: ‘Your Majesty, a king should promote virtue, block unrighteous acts, and lead by example for officials. Even so, he should always be vigilant in avoiding any breach of ritual and righteousness, and shpuld strive to bequeathhis virtues to his posterity. When shiguan (an official historian) of Zhou Dynasty heard about this, he said: ‘Zang Sunda’s descendants are likely to enjoy ranks and fortunes in the State of Lu for generations to come, as he never hesitates to admonish his ruler with virtute whenever the ruler violates ritual and righteousness ( jun wei, buwangjianzhiyide).” Next, let’s talk about Mencius’s approval of Shun who took his father on his back and slipped away and appointed his half-brother to be the prince of You Bei. Is Mencius in favor of corruption, favoritism, and violation of law for the benefit of relatives or friends? Is Confucianism’s advocacy of “mutual concealment between relatives” the root of corruption? Should Confucianism be held responsible for corruption in later generations? We should first of all define what corruption is. To put it briefly, Corruption is an abuse of public rights. Let’s take a look at Tao Ying’s hypothesis posed in “Full Development of Mind (A)” of The Work of Meng Zi. Now that Gao Yao is a “shi” (an official-scholar), his duty is to uphold law’s fairness, which is based on equality and the absence of privilege for all people. Therefore, supposing that Shun’s father Gu Sou commits murder, even though he is the father of the Son of Heaven, Gao Yao cannot let him go unpunished and must bring him to justice. How will Shun confront with this predicamentas both the Son of Heaven and the son of the father, and how can he balance the contradiction between the two roles?

Zang Sunda 藏孫達 was the son of Zang Xibo and the grandson of Duke Xiao of Lu. During the Spring and Autumn Period, he was the minister of the State of Lu and served Duke Yin of Lu, Duke Huan of Lu, and Duke Zhuang of Lu. He once criticized Duke Huan of Lu for taking the “Big Pot” originally belonging to the State of Gao from the State of Song and placing it in the imperial ancestral temple of Lu. He said that this was not in line with ritual—translator’s note.

5

302

7 Mutual Concealing Between Relatives

Advice Mencius gave Shun is to let him leave his public office, staying with his father, and enjoy a family union. Mencius made such a design because he actually advocated not breaking the law by abusing power. He not only considers the dignity of the Son of Heaven but also his feelings as a son towards his father. Neither of them should hurt each other, and both are consistent with Confucius’ claim on the “straightness” of the human heart. “Straightness” refers to the true feeling, intuitive quality, and innermost heart of human nature. It is emphasized in “Full Development of Mind (A)” of The Work of Meng Zi that a lofty-minded person has “three delights” (sanle), saying, “A lofty-minded person has three delights, and being ruler over the world is not among them. His father and mother are both alive, and his brothers are free from illness and resentment—this is his first delight. He does not feel guilty when he raises his head towards Heaven and does not feel ashamed when he lowers his head towards his countrymen—this is his second delight. He can acquire the most eminent talents in the world to educate them—this is his third delight. A lofty-minded person has three delights, and serving the world with virtue is not one of them.” “His father and mother are both alive, and his brothers are free from illness and resentment.” This is the family happiness (tianlun zhile). What Mencius calls “delight” is ultimately rooted in the heart of human beings. Mencius said that Shun could take his father on his back and slipped away, meaning when Shun is left with on other option, he chooses his father and abandons the world, which is rooted in the maintenance of human nature. “Straightness” (zhi) or “straight virtue” (zhide) is something that lies inherently in human heart and is universal in human nature. As Mr. Zhuang Yaolang said in the article quoted early, this universality is different from the universality of law. The universality that lies in human heart is called concretized universality, and its existence serves as a basis for the enactment of law. The universality of law, on the other hand, means the universality of its object of application. In other words, all laws enacted in accordance with human nature can also be applied to all objects without exception, and there is no conflict between the two. So, what we should consider is that what Mencius conceived is to extend the universality of the object to which the law applies to most situations and to prompt people think about where the most original aspect of human nature is located. Mencius’ answer, of course, is parent–child affection. Without such a foundation, no matter how many laws are enacted, the society will not be able to settle down.6

6

See Zhuang Yaolong, “‘Analects of Confucius’ Discourse on ‘Straightness’”, Chinese Taiwan: Teaching and Research, No 17, 1995.

7.2 “Straightness,” “Concealment,” and “Love with Distinction”

303

The Confucian scholars of Song Dynasty also enjoy discussing this story in “Full Development of Mind (A)” of The Work of Meng Zi. For example, Yang Shi (1053 A.D.–1135 A.D.),7 a philosopher, litterateur, and official of the Northern Song Dynasty, said: The relationship between father and son is concerned with personal affection. Law is concerned with public righteousness under the world. We must be careful about which of the two is light or heavy. If personal affection prevails over justice, law will be subject to personal affection. If righteousness prevails over personal affection, personal affection will be subject to law. Which is more important, affection or righteousness? The two of them should not be mutually exclusive, each doing its best. That’s all! Shun is the Son of Heaven, and his father Gu Sou committed a murder, but Gao Yao arrested him and refused to let him go unpunished. As a son, how can Shun not absolve his own father? What should Shun do with such an ethical dilemma? If he released his father who committed a murder, he would be actually in violation of law. If he sentenced his father to death, he would actually hurt the affection for his father. Such an assumption tells us that the world cannot go without law for a single day, and a son of man cannot go without his father for a single day. The people do not suffer due to the lack of a ruler for a sngle day. Thus, Shun would rather let Gao Yao arrest his father to protect the righteousness of the world. However, Shun finally chooses to give up his kingdom and flee with his father, which is an extension of his personal affection for his father. In this sense, Shun, as a ruler, has sought a Win–Win solution.8 Yang Shi argues that neither “personal affection” nor “public righteousness” should be neglected, and the best approach is to have it both ways. Therefore, if Shun absolves him who has committed murder, it would be a disregard for the law; and if Shun put his father in prison, it would harm the affection between a son and his father. Neither option is good, because the world cannot be go without law for a single day, and a son of man cannot go without his father for a sngle day. In this predicament, Shun chooses the way that benefits both sides: he allows Gao Yao to arrest his father to protect righteousness of the world, and meanwhile, he carries his father on his back and flee to show his utmost affection for his father.

7

Yang Shi (1053 A.D.–1135 A.D.) was a scholar of Northern Song Dynasty, styled Zhongli, a native of Jiangle (now Fujian Province). He was also called Master Guishan as he once lived in Guishan in his late years. Studying under ErCheng, i.e., Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi. Yang Shi and You Zuo, Lü Dalin and Xie Liangzuo were known as the four famous disciples of ErCheng. In politics, Yang opposed the Reform of Wang Anshi (1021 A.D.–1086 A.D.). In philosophy, he closely followed ErCheng. He held that the external should be unified with the internal and that Principle is one but its manifestations are many. He maintained that the Principle of Heaven (tianli) can be understood and reached mainly by mind through investigation of things. His work is now titled Collected Works of Master Guishan with 42 volumes, which includes all sorts of Yang’s writings and works, such as letters, notes, memorials, prefaces, and commentaries on Confucian Classics—translator’s note. 8 (Northern Song Dynasty) Yang Shi, Collected Works of Master Guishan, Volume 9.

304

7 Mutual Concealing Between Relatives

Yang Shi (1053 A.D–1135 A.D)

Mencius’s design is interesting in relation to the problem of corruption in today’s society, as he does suggest escaping the constraints of the law. However, society today is quite different being governed by bureaucratic and rational organizations. In Mencius era, i.e., a pre-modern society, there does exist the “world” outside net of law, i.e., a large area of barren and remote land far from rule of law. Now that Shun flees to a far-off land with his father, he neither takes hold of the throne nor does he have any public rights. Shun does not abuse his public power to help his father escape punishment, so he cannot be viewed as corruption through the misuse of law. He only acts as a son of man, taking his father on his back and fleeing outside rule of law and living like a savage. What he does like this is truly called a self-imposed exile. Therefore, what Shun does is not the same as what corrupt officials have done today. Next, let’s talk about the problems of “love for one’s kin” (qinqin) and “love with distinctions” (ai you deng cha). “Love for one’s kin” is not equal to “mutual concealment between relatives” (qinqin xiangyin), not equal to “supremacy of natural affection over everything,” and not equal to “affection only for one’s kin,” because Confucianism has not only the principle of “love for one’s kin (qinqin),” but also the principle of “respect for the superior (zunzun)” and “respect for the virtuous and capable (xianxian).” “Love for one’s kin” requires the father to be merciful, the son to be filial, the elder to be friendly, and the younger to be respectful, i.e., family members care for one another and stick together. Not only is the principle of “respect for the superior” applied to family members, but also applied to the relations between

7.2 “Straightness,” “Concealment,” and “Love with Distinction”

305

superior and inferior, nobles and common people, and monarch and ministers. “To respect the virtuous and able” is for these in power to employ worthy and able persons and assign them political rights and positions corresponding to their virtues and ability. As we know, in addition to “ritual” (li), Confucianism comes up with the principles of “righteousness” and “human-heartedness,” which complement and restrict each other. “Righteousness” (yi), as a principle, is not only subject to rule of li’s framework, but also sometimes breaks through its limitation, involving rights to subsistence and education of xiaomin (petty people), as well as issues of social justice, such as care for the orphaned and widowed, minification of the disparity between rich and poor, and prevention of abuse of public power, all of which involve morality, fairness, justness, etc., and of course refers to morality, fairness, and justness of that era. Confucian thought is a system, and “love for one’s kin” is just a small part of it, not the whole. The spirit of “Human-heartedness” (ren) is an extension of “love for one’s kin” for others, while “righteousness” (yi) is an extension of “respect for the virtuous and the able.” Father and son are unified in natural harmony, while monarch and minister are unified in righteous harmony.

Twenty Four Filial Piety Figures—Work as A Slave to Support His Mother, drawn by Chen Shaomei

You Zi, one of Confucius’ disciples, said: “The lofty-minded person is committed to the fundamental. When the fundamental is firmly established, the Way [in ruling the country and conducting oneself] is also there. To show filial piety for parents and brotherliness piety for brothers—this is the foundation of human-hearted virtue, is it not?” (Analects, Ch.1:5) What do we make of this statement? In “Li Lou (A)”

306

7 Mutual Concealing Between Relatives

of The Work of Meng Zi it is said: “Who is the most important for one to serve? To serve his parents is the most important.” In “Wanzhang (A)” of The Work of Meng Zi it is said: “There is no higher level of filial piety than honoring one’s father and mother.” What does this mean? Some think that this is an iron proof that Confucianism regards blood and kinship as the sole and supreme love. In fact, in his Collected Commentaries on the Four Books, Zhu Xi made it clear by quoting Cheng Yi’s explanation: “Ren” (human-heartedness) refers to “xing” (nature) and “ben” (substance), while “filial and brotherly conduct” (xiaoti) refers to “something functional,” which is “manifestation of ren” rather than its “substance.” Therefore, “ren is the substance of filiality and brotherliness.” You Zi’s claim that “filial and brotherly conducts are the fundamental of all human-hearted actions” suggests that “weiren” (acting on ren) or “xingren” (practicing ren) “begins with filial and brotherly conduct.” Therefore, “filial and brotherly conduct” is the beginning of “practising ren,” and it is not “filial and brotherly conduct” that is the beginning of “ren,” nor “filial and brotherly conduct” that can attain to ren.” In a word, “filial and brotherly conduct” cannot be equated with “ren.” So, for Confucian ethics, the substantial basis is “ren” or “xing” rather than “filial and brotherly conduct.” In “Jiyi” of The Book of Rites, it is said: “To establish love in the world, a ruler must teach his people to love their parents first, thereby fostering harmony. Similarly, to establish respect in the world, a ruler must educate his people to respect their elder brothers first, enabling them to learn obedience.” This “love” is what Confucius said: “The human-hearted loves others” and “acts kindly towards the people in general and befriends those of humane character.” If combining “love beginning with filial and brotherly conduct” with “human-heartedness enabling all people to live a healthy and happy life through their journey of life,” we can easily understand what is meant by “serving one’s parents is the most important thing,” that is to say, ren-ai (humanheartedness and love) begins with love for one’s parents; and practice of ren-ai through loving one’s parents enables one to be a complete person. Children who grow up in a normal and healthy family, surrounded by deep affection, tend to be psychologically healthier when they enter society. Within family, they learn how to interact with their grandparents, parents, brothers, and sisters, which enables them to easily get along with others in siciety. Families in which “a child testifies against his father,” such as Shun’s family, are considered dysfunctional. We often say: “A loyal minister ought to be a dutiful son” (zhong chen xiao zi). However, one may ask: “Is a dutiful son necessarily a loyal minister?” Then, where is the tension between “loyalty” and “filiality?” Is he who “loves his kinship” also able to love others? Is he who regulates his family well first also able to govern the state properly? Of course, this is far from a question of formal logic. In the words of Mr. Gong Jianping, “While it is true that ‘loving one’s kinship’ alone is not necessarily sufficient ‘to love others,’ and ‘regulating one’s family well’ alone is not necessarily sufficient ‘to govern the state properly,’ it cannot be denied that ‘love for one’s kinship’ may enable someone to ‘love others,’ and ‘proper regulation of one’s family’ may enable them to ‘govern their country well’. It cannot be denied that growth and development of personality accompanied by affection for kinship are conducive to that of personality for loving others, and the growth of ability in

7.2 “Straightness,” “Concealment,” and “Love with Distinction”

307

“proper regulation of one’s family” can also lead to growth of governance capacity. In fact, self-cultivation, family regulation, state governance, and bringing peace to all under Heaven, as well as love for all people and all things in the world, are all manifestations and practices of human life. This is not a problem of formal logic, nor can it follow from logic. Can reason and logic replace human-heartedness and virtue? Most people, I’m sure, would say no. To say the least, even logically speaking, when a Confucian can have “love for his kinship” to the extreme, he will also be able to “extend his love for others,” and even to extend “his love for all things” to the extreme simultaneously. Therefore, emphasis on “love for kinship” and “regulation of family” is not a sufficient and necessary prerequisite for “loving all people,” but this is not to deny that it is a necessary condition. A sine qua non is a condition that it is necessary but not sufficient for a particular outcome or conclusion, while a sufficient and necessary condition is one that necessarily leads to a conclusion based on given premises.9 Dr. Sun Yat-sen once said that no matter how good a system is, it ultimately requires people to maintain and enforce it, and that no matter how detailed and thorough laws and systems are, they cannot replace people. I think Sun Yat-sen’s words are very reasonable, and they highlight the importance of “human” in society . This is precisely what Confucianism emphasizes through its advocay of the principle of “love for kinship.” Now, let’s talk about the principle of “love with distinctions.” Does it mean that Confucian “ren-ai” (human-heartedness and love) itself is not in possession of universality? This reminds us of Mencius’ critique of Yi Zhi, a Mohist, who claims that “love is without difference, but it begins with love for kinship” (ai wu cha deng, shi you qin shi). In principle, Yi Zhi advocates “all-embracing love,” while, in concrete practice, he claims that love “begins with love for kinship.” Mencius criticizes his argument as “holding two ends.” Mr. Mou Zongsan (1909 A.D.–1995 A.D.), a contemporary Confucian scholar, said: “Ren is a universal truth, which must be actualized by concrete actions. Man’s action is different from God’s, because God exists beyond time and space, while man must fulfill this universal principle of ren in specific time and space. God loves all without distinctions, but how is it possible that man loves all without distinction?”10 It is commonly thought that Western Christian love is the only universal love, while Chinese Confucian love is believed to lack universality. I do not deny the importance of Western Christian religious love, which has become the cultural soil of Western society governed by law. Just imagine, what kind of society would Western society be without the nourishment of religious ethics! Similarly, this is true for China. If we discard traditional Confucian ethics, which is the soil of Chinese culture, how can we expect a healthy and sustainable development of modern Chinese society! Without “ethnic identity,” “ethical consensus,” and “ultimate concern” as the basis of Chinese society, how can we build a healthy society governed by law? 9

See Gong Jianping, “Can Logic Replace Human-heartedness and Virtue?”, Nanjing, Xuehai, No. 2, 2007, p. 28. 10 Mou Zongsan, Problems and Development of Confucianism during Song and Ming Dynasties, East China Normal University Press, 2004, p. 109.

308

7 Mutual Concealing Between Relatives

It is a matter of common sense that love is different between people. I love my parents and also love yours, but not to the same extent. This difference in love for people is not the same as the universality that “The human-hearted loves all people.” Confucianism argues for “love for all others” (Confucius), “extension of love for kinship to scope of all people and all things” (Mencius), and “regarding all men as my blood brothers and all things in universe as my own kind” (Zhang Zai), which all start with love for kinship, and are extended to love for others and all things through feelings of commiseration. Each of us starts from within life to slowly experience the universality of human-heartedness and love (ren-ai). Is the love that each of us has for his parents, for his relatives, and for his colleagues without any distinctions? For all people, from East and West, of whatever era, is love for one’s parents, for parents of others, for one’s husband or wife, and for the husband or wife of others without any distinctions?

7.3 “Concealment Between Relatives” in History of Western Ideology Not only traditional Chinese society has the idea of “concealing among relatives,” but the West also has similar ideas. Now, let’s examine whether Socrates support the idea of a son testifying against his father. In Plato’s works such as Republic, Phaedo, Symposium, Phaedrus, Timaeus, and Philebus, as well as in Aristotle’s Politics, Socrates strongly blamed Euthyphro for informing against his father, while Plato and Aristotle agreed with Socrates. Evidently, philosophers in ancient Greece and Confucian scholars in ancient China are actually in agreement on the issue of “concealing between relatives.” That is to say, the Western Sages, like Socrate, Plato, and Aristotle, also agree with the idea of a “concealment system between relatives.” Similarly, Hegel discusses family ethics from the perspective of god’s law rather than human law in his works such as Phenomenology of Spirit. He distinguishes family law from state law and emphasizes that family law is sacred law. Thus, in the cultural ethos of Western Christianity, family ethics and blood kinship are also noble and sacred and cannot be transferred or deprived. Recently, Mr. Chen Qiaojian and Mr. Lin Guizhen have written articles discussing the problems raised in Euthyphro.11 Euthyphro is a complex text, and it is not easy to understand Socrates’ original intention, which can not be grasped from its linear logic of language. This is because Socrates is skilled in the subtle use of ridicule, reductio ad absurdum, and dialectics. Euthyphro’s father threw a murderous slave, who was tied up, into a ditch and went out on an errand, forgetting about the slave. When he returned, he found the slave dead, and even though the slave was a murderer, Euthrophro’s father was charged with neglect of duty. Upon learning this, Euthyphro was ready to denounce his father and thought that his father was impious to God. Outside the courtroom, he chanced to meet Socrates. At that time Socrates was also accused of being contemptuous of the old gods. Socrates first “complimented” Euthyphro (my admirable Euthyphro) 11

See “Euthyphro” from The Complete Works of Plato, translated by Wang Xiaochao, People’s Publishing House, 2002.

7.3 “Concealment Between Relatives” in History of Western Ideology

309

by saying that not everyone could do so and that only a man of great wisdom would denounce his father. Socrates pretended not to understand and said, “Euthyphro! You are too clever, you enlighten me, let me become more intelligent. What evidence do you have that the gods consider the death of your servant unjust? How do you justify that it is correct for a son to testify against his father for murder? Please help me clear up these confusions! If you can, I will be full of praise for your wisdom”. In fact, Socrates cleverly set up a trap for Euthyphro and allowed him to enter it slowly and automatically. Sure enough! Euthyphro was duped. In the end, Socrates managed to taunt him and make him dismantle his arguments. Upon careful consideration, Socrates’ intention becomes quite clear. He doesn’t want to impose his own will on Euthyphro, but rather hopes that Euthyphro can come to realize on his own that there is something wrong with his testifying against his father. During the discussion, Socrates asked Euthyphro about what the divine law is in regard to “piousness” and “impiousness,” but he himself pretended not to know anything about the concept of “impiousness:” “Tell me then, what do you say piousness is, and what impiousness?” Euthyphro said, “All that please all gods is piousness. All that do not please gods is impiousness.” Socrates replied, “Great! This is exactly what I want to hear.” In fact, it is a form of ridicule, and it is not what Socrates really means. Socrates pointed out that gods’ preferences were not the sameand used his art of dialogue to lure Euthyphro into defining “honliness” for three times, each definition being different from the others. Slowly, Socrates led Euthyphro to what he wanted him to say. Euthyphro finally left in despair, and Socrates, with his dexterous sarcasm and dialogue, made Euthyphro abandon his original idea. At the end of Socrates’ argument with Euthyphro, Socrates solemnly said, “You can’t sue your old father unless you have a clear knowledge of what is pious and what is impious.”12

Socrates (470 B.C.–399 B.C.) 12

See Chen Qiaojian, “Logic, Rationality and Irony,” Nanjing: Xuehai, No. 2, 2007, pp. 7–9.

310

7 Mutual Concealing Between Relatives

Plato (427 B.C.–347 B.C.)

Montesquieu (1689 A.D.–1755 A.D.)

We should admit that on the question of concealment between relatives, the history of Western thought has much in common with the history of Chinese thought, and similrly, the history of western law share similarities with the history of Chinese law. In fact, not only in ancient Greece but also in modern Western, there has been a discussion on this question. For example, Montesquieu, a French political philosopher, discussed two legal articles in his principal work, The Spirit of Laws (1750). One of the articles states that if a thief’s wife or son does not report the theft, (s)he will be reduced to slavery. Montesquieu commented that this is against humanity, as how can a wife tell on her husband or a son tell on his father? In order to avenge this evil act of theft, the law prescribes another, even more evil act. As I mentioned earlier, legal principles should ultimately be subjected to human nature and human feelings. While law, once enacted, will curb human feelings to a certain extent, its legal basis

7.4 Tolerance-Concealment System and Human Rights

311

should fundamentally come from human feelings fundamentallyIn a broad sense, law should protect human rights and privacy, and uphold the unity of community. Another provision that Montesquieu criticized is the allowance of children of adulterous wives or husbands to sue their mother and father, as well as the torture of slaves within the family. Montesquieu commented that this is truly an evil provision, as it destroys humanity in order to maintain moral conduct and discipline. He sharply pointed out that seemingly just legal provisions were actually trampling on the spirit of lawful principle and human nature. Undoubtedly, family love is among the most important and fundamental things that human beings should protect.13 I have already mentioned earlier about how we deal with the dilemma between “loyalty” and “filiality.” What is the basic footing for choice? I still think it lies in human feelings and human nature. Western philosophers, like Socrates and others, and Eastern philosophers, like Confucius and Mencius, have a lot of connectivity on issues of tolerance and concealment. All human beings share common hearts, and all human hearts share common feeling of consideration. Saints in both the East and the West share common hearts and feelings. To a greater extent, mutual tolerance and concealment for kinship are universal problems of humankind, which foregrounds the universal beats of human heart feelings among all beings. Thus, Chinese Confucianism is of universal significant in the dialectical synthesis of Heavenly Principle (tianli), state law, and human feelings.

7.4 Tolerance-Concealment System and Human Rights As a matter of fact, if we objectively and resonably examine Confucius and Mencius, we find that they do have much wisdom above the average, and the profound meaning contained in their wisdom has had a positive and profound impact on China’s history, culture, political and legal system, and civil society. In traditional Chinese culture and Confucianism, the relationship between father and son is not solely biological, but also encompasses moral affinity and kinship. Thus, it is extremely uoongrounded and unreasonable to denigrate Chinese culture as merely a culture of animal and biological nature or a culture of life reproduction. In A Collection of Contentions on Confucian Ethics,14 I have included three articles by Professor Fan Zhongxin, a contemporary jurist from Zhongnan University of Economics and Law, which revolve around the topic of tolerance and concealment system, as well as a comparison of this system between China and the West. Recently, I also read an article by Mr. Wu Danhong, a postdoctoral fellow at Law School of Beijing University. Mr. Wu Danhong, an expert on the law of privilege, has made a thorough research on the history of the system of concealment. Chen Bisheng, a 13

See Lin Guizhen, “Does Socrates Approve That A Son Testifying against His Father?” Jiangsu Social Sciences, No.4, 2007. 14 A Collection of Contentions on Confucian Ethics—Centered on “Concealment for Relatives”, ed. by Guo Qiyong, Hubei Education Press, 2004.

312

7 Mutual Concealing Between Relatives

doctoral student of the Department of Philosophy of Sun Yat-sen University, whose supervisor is Professor Chen Shaoming, also attaches a special importance to materials of criminal law history and social history in our country in his doctoral dissertation titled Concealment for Relatives: From Classics, Stories to Traditions. All of these studies are of considerable level. In the following, based on the researches of Fan Zhongxin, Wu Danhong, Chen Bisheng, and others, I will discuss the influence, value, and significance of the Confucian concept of “mutual concealment between relatives” on the construction of legal history in China. Confucius’ thought of “mutual concealment between father and son” has become the foundation for the enactment of laws in successive Chinese dynasties. The unearthed relics, knon as the Bamboo Slips of Yunmeng Sleeping Tiger Land, located in Yunmeng County, Hubei Provence, contain a large number of legal documents from the Qin Dynasty. The owner of these documents is named “Xi.” In his tomb, various legal provisions of the Qin Dynasty are placed in different parts of his body according to their important and secondary importance, as he understood them before his death. Although the Qin Dynasty is referred to as a period of tyranny, and its ideology and culture are also quite complicated, we can still see that some political materials still continue the thought of Confucius and Mencius. The same is true on the issue of concealment for relatives. The law of the Qin Dynasty stipulated that not only that relatives of criminals should avoid involvement, but also that relatives should not be allowed to denounce or testify each other. According to the law of Qin Dynasty, “If children tell on parents, wives tell on husbands, the official may not listen to them, and these who testify against each other will be convicted.” That is to say, traditional Chinese laws do not allow people to testify against their relatives, and these who tell on their relatives will be punished. By the way, China is also a big legal country with lots of documental files, cases, and legal provisions. In the second half of 2006, archaeological experts excavated another batch of bamboo slips from the Han Dynasty in Yunmeng County, Hubei province. These bamboo slips are basically legal documents, echoing and supplementing the materials found in the Bamboo Slips of Qin Dynasty in Sleeping Tiger Ground and Bamboo Slips of Han Dynasty in Zhangjiashan, Jiangling county, Hubei. Our country has a deep tradition of legal culture, which deserves our attention. I hope that scholars in the fields of philosophy and law can collaborate to study these documents, as historical concepts, institutions, and folk customs are actually interrelated. Later Confucian scholars continuously corrected and deconstructed Legalism. The concept of “Gong” (public) involved in Shang-Han Reform of Law (shang-han bianfa) is referred to as state power and imperial power, which differs from the principled orientation of justice in public affairs advocated by Confucius and Mencius. Legalists tend to be utilitarian and instrumental, prioritizing the the overlord political goal of enriching the country and strengthening the army, even if it requires sacrificing human valaues or even harming human nature and human feelings. Shang-Han Reform of Law employed two primary mechinisms of punishment and reward to control and drive people, with the aim of eliminating their self-interests and transforming them into public interests (i.e., the “state interests” of the overlord). Legalists

7.4 Tolerance-Concealment System and Human Rights

313

advocated tip-offs and promoted militarized law of Lianzuo,15 openly and blatantly destroying family and neighborhood relations through state power, completely disregarding individual spheres, and especially the most precious kinship on earth. Throughout history, both common people and intellectuals have rebelled against the law of lianzuo, which represented the tyranny of imperial power, by holding up the banner of “mutual concealment between relatives” advocated by Confucius and Confucianism.

Bamboo Slips of Qin Tomb in Sleeping Tiger Ground of Yunmeng County, Hubei Provence (i.e., The Way for Being Officials)

Chen Bisheng accurately observed that Dong Zhongshu authored Chunqiu Jueyu (Legal Judgements By Quoting the Classics from Spring and Autumn Annals)16 and explored adjudicating cases of mutual concealment between father and son, drawing from the School of Gongyang’s Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals (gongyang chunqiu), and even extending these principles to mutual concealment between foster father and foster son. In Discourses on Salt and Iron (yantielun)17 it 15 LIANZUO連坐, also known as shiwu lian zuo什伍連坐, refers to the decree enacted in ShangYang Reform of Law of Qin Dynasty during the Warring States Period of China. Shiwu lianzuo means that the people are compulsively organized together according to unit of ten or five households, namely, a unit of five households for wu (five), a unit of ten households for shi (ten), and they are ordered to monitor each other, to inform against “political rivals,” to be collectively punished if hiding from report. Shiwu lianzuo was a measure posed by Shang Yang to prevent and crack down on the revolt of the people—translator’s note. 16 ChUnqiU Jueyu 春秋決獄 may be translated into “Deciding Cases According to Chunqiu. Its essence involved using Confucian Classics in legal decision-making. While Chunqiu and its commentaries were frequently cited, other texts such as Shi詩, Shu書,Yi易, and Li禮 were also refenced. This practice is also known as Yinjing Jueyu 引經決獄 (citing Confucian Classics to decide legal cases), with Chunqiu being the most commonly used and indeed the standard. Dong Zhongshu (ca.179 B.C.–ca.93B.C.)’s Chunqiu Jueyu 春秋決獄 is a famous collection of examples of “Yinjing Jueyu” as he practiced it. Both Chunqiu Jueyu and “Yinjing Jueyu” are commonly said to have had a major impact on legal thought in Han China—translator’s note. 17 “Yan TIe lun” 鹽鐵論, translated into “A Discourse on Salt and Iron” or “On Salt and Iron,” is a work authored by Huan Kuan of the Western Han Dynasty. Consisting of 60 chapters in 10 volumes, “A Discourse on Salt and Iron” is apparently a mere stenographic account of the debates between supporters of government monopoly of those commodities and their opponents, actually reflecting the social conditions of this period—translator’s note.

314

7 Mutual Concealing Between Relatives

is recorded that folk people and Confucian scholars, represented by the School of Xian Liang & Wen Xue,18 strongly resisted the imperial despotism and confronted powerful figures like Sang Hongyang,19 who advocated Shen-Shang’s law of Lianzuo.20 This resistance was based on the Confucian-Mencius’ Doctrine or Tao (kong meng zhi dao), which encompassed Confucian Humaneness (kongren), Mencian Righteousness (mengyi), and the Gongyang’s Commentary on Spring and Autumn Annals. The period of Emperor Zhao and Emperor Xuan (ca.87 B.C.–48 B.C.) during the Han Dynasty is an important era for the institutionalization of Confucianism. During the reign of Emperor Xuan (74 B.C.–48 B.C.), the Han government abandoned the penalty principle of “zhong shou ni or shou ni lian zuo” 重首匿 或首匿連坐, which imposed heavy sentence on those who harbored criminals or were related to the accused or convicted individuals. Instead, the government recognized the practice of mutual concealment among relatives. In 79 A,D., Emperor Zhang (75 A.D.–88 A.D) of Eastern Han presided over a meeting at the White Tiger Hall in the capital. During this meeting, it was decided to extend the scope of mutual concealment to include brothers, friends, and couples The contents discussed at the meeting were later compiled by Ban Gu and released under the title of “The White Tiger Tongyi” 白虎通義, or “The Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall.”21 “The White Tiger Tongyi” has become a model of institutionalization of Confucianism. Since then, tolerance and concealment system has been further improved and become an important basis for protecting private field and preventing

School of Xian Liang & Wen Xue賢良文學, also known as Xianliang Fangzheng 賢良方正, is one of the subjects for selecting officials in Han Dynasty which began with Emperor Wu of Han Dynasty. It can be abbreviated as “Xianliang”賢良or “Wenxue.” “Xianliang” refers to a person with both moral integrity and ability, and “Wenxue” refers to the study of Confucian Classics at that time—translator’s note. 19 Sang Hongyang桑弘羊 ( 155 B.C.–80 B.C.), a native of Luoyang, Henan Province, was a politician and expert in financial management during the Western Han Dynasty. He was one of Minister-regents of Emperor Wu of Han Dynasty—translator’s note. 20 The term “Reform of Shen-Shang” 申商變法 collectively refers to the two legalists Shen Buhai 申不害 and Shang Yang商鞅, who were contemporaries and advocated reforms and enforcement of laws despite serving as prime ministers in different states (Han and Qin, respectively). Hence, they were often thus mentioned together from the Qin and the Han dynasties. —translator’s note. 21 The White Tiger Tongyi [白虎通義Baihu Tongyi, or 白虎通論Baihu Tonglun], or translated into Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall, or Comprehensive Discussions on Virtues in the White Tiger Hall, is a kind of literary protocol documenting discussions held in 79 AD in the White Tiger Hall on the relationships between politics, cosmology and philosophy. Compiled under the supervision of the historian Ban Gu 班固, the discussants involved high state officials and Confucian scholars, in the Five Confucian Classics. Questions about theology, superstition, and the relationship between Heaven and Human were not new at that time. The main outcome of the discussions was the adoption of the new-text classics as orthodox versions, as suggested by Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 a century earlier, and the inclusion of apocryphal texts as interpretive sources. The correlative theories of the Five Agents and the cosmic forces Yin and Yang thus became more stable as a basis for natural science, social science, the governmental system, and the understanding of human relationships—translator’s note. 18

7.4 Tolerance-Concealment System and Human Rights

315

abuse of public power in traditional society of China. In native legal culture, Confucius’ thought of “mutual concealment between father and son” is successively institutionalized into “mutual concealment for family members” and “mutual concealment between relatives” during the Han, Tang, and Qing dynasties.This growing awareness of personal right and privacy rights restricted despotic imperial power to some extent.22 The “system of concealing between siblings” recorded in The Law of Han (hanlü) of Han Dynasty originated from He Xiu (129 A.D.–182 A.D.)’s exegetical interpretation of Gongyang’s Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals (gongyangzhuan). In “Recordings of Emperor Xuan” in The Book of Han (hanshu.xuandibenji), it is said: In the fourth reigning year of Emperor Xuan during the Western Han Dynasty (66 B.C.), Emperor Xuan issued an imperial edict, declaring, ‘the blooded bond between father and son, and the union between husband and wife, are naturally endowed. Even when disaster strikes, their natural feelings for each other still remain. Sincere love knots in their hearts and sublimates into utmost human-heartedness and love. How can it be violated? Thus, from this day forward, no one will be criminalized such that children conceal for parents, wives conceal for husbands, and grandchildren conceal for grandparents.

In other words, children who hide parents who break the law, wives who hide husbands who break the law, and grandchildren who hide grandparents who break the law will not be convicted. This imperial edict by Emperor Xuan affirmed the system of tolerance and concealment not only in moral but also in legal principle. During the Han Dynasty, the concept of “concealment between father and son” was further extended to the relationship between husband and wife, grandparents and grandchildren, and this practice was followed by the criminal laws of successive dynasties, as pointed out by Wu Danhong : “In the fourth reigning year of Emperor Xuan during the Western Han Dynasty (66 B.C.), Emperor Xuan’s edict affirmed the moral legitimacy of tolerance-concealment system. Henceforward, the scope of concealment between relatives was expanded, and further normalized and crystallized. Even another system of involving others in a criminal, which aimed to maintain social security in traditional autocratic society at that time, was strongly resisted by people for it forced siblings to testify against each other, and was contrary to the principle of concealment between relatives. During the late Eastern Han Dynasty, it was legally stipulated that “When an army man runs away, his wife and his children should bear his sins instead.” This provision was opposed by Gao Rou, Lu Yu and others, and later Cao Cao ordered it abolished. During the Eastern Jin Dynasty (317A.D.–420 A.D.), there was an edict that allowed to “interrogate a son with torture to charge his father with a capital crime, or whip parents to testify against their son.” Wei Zhan submitted a suggestion to the Imperial Court against this law, arguing that “If the principle of concealment between relatives is abolished, the principle of righteousness between monarch and minister is also abolished; if the principle of righteousness between monarch and minister is abolished, the wicked who defy the superiors and start a rebellion will emerge.” Emperor Yuan (276 A.D.– 323 A.D.) adopted his suggestion, stipulating that relatives should not testify against each other. The Northern Dynasty (439 A.D.–581A.D.) continued to expand the scope of concealment between relatives, and promulgated the law of “concealment between relatives.” … In 22

Chen Bisheng, Concealment between Relatives: From Classics, Stories to Traditions (Ph.D. Thesis), Sun Yat-sen University, 2007, supervised by Professor Chen Shaoming.

316

7 Mutual Concealing Between Relatives

the Tang Law Shuyi or in Commentary and Explanation on Law Cases of Tang Dynasty, it is stipulated that mutual concealment between family members is not criminalized. Compared to the Han Dynasty, the scope of mutual concealment was further expanded, and a complete normative system was formed.23

Dr. Wu Danhong pointed out that during the Yuan Dynasty, even the state felony of treason could be tolerated within the context of mutual concealment between kinships. During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the scope of concealment between kinships was further expanded. The maintenance of family harmony and humanistic care embodied in “mutual concealment between kinships” and concealment system represents a bright spot in the harsh traditional legal system. Over thousands of years, the ruling class attempted several times to practice “proving each other guilty,” but these attempts were strongly opposed by both the people and the insightful individuals within the ruling class. Both “concealment between kinships” and exemption rights are based on the protection of family relations and emphasize the value of family affection and ethics. In this aspect, China and the West have taken different paths but ultimately arrived at the same destination.”24

During the late Qing Dynasty, particularly from 1902 onwards, Shen Jiaben, Wu Tingfang, and others revised the law, integrating the strong points of both Chinese and Western legal systems. Following the founding of the Republic of China in 1912, Wang Youling, Zhang Zongxiang, and Dong Kangcao drew up Draft Amendment to Criminal Law in 1915, which still adhered to the principles of The New Criminal Law of Great Qing Dynasty (daqingxinxinglü). Additionally, the right to mutual concealment between kinships and exemption right from testifying, as outlined in the Complete Book of Six Codes (liu fa quan shu) issued by the Republic of China, were injected into the new zeitgeist. This not only emphasized the importance of fostering family affection but also recognized it as a right deserving legal protection. By the 24th year of the Republic of China (in 1935), a new Criminal Procedure Law was promulgated. In the 34th year of the Republic of China (in 1945), this Criminal Procedure Law was revised, among which Article 167 clearly embodied the humanistic spirit of concealment between relatives: Spouse, blood kinships within five generations, or in-law kinships within three generations, who commit crimes for profiteering, or who should be arrested or detained in accordance with the law, and are found to have committed crimes specified in Article 164 or Article 165, may be subject to commutation or exemption of punishment.

Article 180 of The Criminal Procedure Law stipulates that a person has the right to be exempted from testifying against their immediate relatives who bear criminal responsibility, which is as follows: A witness may refuse to testify under any of the following circumstances: 1. (S)he is or has ever been the spouse of the defendant or private prosecutor, or (s)he is related by blood 23

Wu Danhong, “The Fate of the Privilege System in China: An Investigation Based on Historical Texts,” Forum of Evidence Theory, Vol. 10, Beijing, China Procuratorial Publishing House, 2005, p. 370. 24 Ibid.

7.4 Tolerance-Concealment System and Human Rights

317

or marriage to the defendant or private prosecutor, or (s)he is the parent or family member of the defendant or private prosecutor. 2. (S)he has been engaged to the defendant or private prosecutor.

The Criminal Procedure Law currently executed in Taiwan of China provides more explicit provisions on the duty of relatives to serve prison sentences and the right to refuse to testify. Japan, Germany, and most states in the USA have similar provisions in their criminal laws. For example, Article 105 of the Japanese Criminal Law states: A relative of a prisoner or escapee who commits crimes stipulated in the preceding two articles for the benefit of the prisoner or escapee may be exempted from punishment. Japanese and German criminal law served as important references for Chinese criminal law during the late Qing Dynasty and early Republic of China.25 Currently, in foreign criminal laws, the scope of special exemption has been further expanded to include not only special exemption for family members but also special exemptions for work relations and other affairs. This situation highlights a common aspect of human nature, referred to as concrete universality. Some people think that the system of mutual concealment between relatives in the West is based on rights, while the system of concealment between relatives in ancient China was only an obligation and did not involve rights. They believe that if everyone should have love for his own parents or kinship as claimed by Confucius and Mencius, then, when there are conflicts of clan beliefs or interests between people, individuals will undoubtedly have the obligation to safeguard the collective interests of their clans. In fact, this statement is problematic. As we know, rights and obligations are a pair of related and connected concepts, and cannot be completely taken apart. When an individual protects the collective interests of the clan in the form of fulfilling their obligations, he will be naturally maintained by the interests of his clan, which is the right he enjoys. For example, “reverence for clan” ( jingzong), so to speak, is an obligation for each clansperson; however, a patriarch receives and unites each clansperson [according to the order of superior and inferior, close and distant], which is the “right” of all clanspersons. And, more importantly, “love for clanspersons” is a right relative to any forces outside the clan. Love for clanspersons and concealment for one another are proof that individual rights are protected, in part or in varying degrees, which resists torture, telling on each other, and other cruel despotic systems. This maintains the original family love and slows down inhuman atrocities. The practice of legal history in ancient China, which developed from the concept of affection for one’s kin and tribal members, protects certain rights of people and maintains the thriving of social morality and harmony of social order. As is known, in traditional

25

The criminal law system in late Qing Dynasty and early Republic of China was established through the combination of the traditional Chinese legal culture, including the principle of “concealment between father and son,”with modern Western concepts of equality and rights, as well as references to Japanese and German legal provisions.

318

7 Mutual Concealing Between Relatives

societies, there are various factors that can regulate society, not just the sole imperial power that maintains social stability and development. We cannot even think of Confucianism and monarchy as a whole integration. Actually, in many cases, Confucianism counteracts the oppression of the power structure and the monarchical power or the abuse of rights by national and local governments with the common people’s rights to survival, property, protection of the weak, education, political participation, and kinship or clan rights. Based on the experts’ accounts of Chinese legal history, we have already seen that the system of witness refusal of evidence in our country was quite developed in ancient times. The legal reform in late Qing Dynasty, especially in the Republic of China, reflects the acceptance of Western exemption privileges by concealment-forrelatives system of ancient China and its connection to modern law. Tolerance and concealment are unity of right and obligation. Those who keep saying that there is no consciousness of entitlement in traditional Chinese thought need to review it. We need to understand that rights and justice are all concrete and historical. We should think more holistically about human existence. In the real world, an individual is often faced with multiple identities, roles, and responsibilities. An individual is not just a legal being. The stability of the world, country, and family cannot be achieved only by depending upon law. The maintenance of emotional rationality and human nature should be regarded as the basis for maintaining social harmony. when introducing Western concepts such as equality, fairness, and justice, we should not completely abandon the humanistic quintessence of “human-heartedness and love” inherent in Chinese traditional culture. The system of “mutual concealment between relatives” is the precious moral and legal resource left by traditional Confucianism. By combining these resources with practical legal problems, our legal construction will reach a new height andpromote healthier development of human communities. As mentioned earlier, the system of tolerance and concealment in Chinese legal culture has an intrinsic relationship with the maintenance of modern human rights. The concept of “mutual concealment between relatives” and the system of tolerance and concealment reflect the spirit of Chinese ethical law system, which is in line with human nature and humanity, making it the most universal. “Mutual concealment between father and son” is not in violation of human rights, but indeed contains elements of respect for and protection of human rights. To let loved ones walk away from the witness box is precisely of profound modernity. Regrettably, since the early 1950s, on the pretext of criticizing “feudal cultural traditions” and “feudal laws,” the mainland China has abolished the provisions on concealment between relatives in the laws of the late Qing Dynasty and the early Republic of China, which has resulted in some very bad consequences in some aspects. Since the May 4th Movement and the Great Cultural Revolution (1966–1976 A.D.), the decline of family affection has persisted for too long in our country. At this very moment, discussing the Confucian concept of “mutual concealment between relatives” and the system of tolerance and concealment is undoubtedly of practical significance for revising and supplementing the relevant contents of the current criminal procedure law, which still follows the “revolutionary war.”

7.4 Tolerance-Concealment System and Human Rights

319

I would like to emphasize that my concern about the concept of “mutual concealment between relatives” and the system of tolerance and concealment is grounded in social reality. I am a person who experienced the Great Cultural Revolution, and now I am in my sixties. In 1966, during the height of the “Great Cultural Revolution,” I was a senior high school student and witnessed with my own eyesthe heartbreaking scenes of fathers and sons injurying each other, husband and wife betraying, brothers falling out, and students ravaging their teachers. The cruel scenes still linger in my mind from time to time. This is what Mencius called the tragedy of “people eating each other!” During that time, kinship was replaced by class struggles, and fathers and sons, husband and wife, turned against each other, causing everyone to feel in danger. That is when the whole social politics, social ethic, and family ethic were in great trouble and crisis. Respect for privacy is a necessary condition of civilized human life. Social life or civilized social life would be impossible if all people are let to dig out their deepest desires, as happened in the Great Cultural Revolution. The most intimate relationships in the private spheres, such as family affection between father and son, brothers, couples, and then friendly feelings between friends, teachers, and students, all have been destroyed—throwing stones at each other, tipping off and betraying each other, and even words and deeds in private becoming evidence of being convicted, which would be the tragedy that could have appeared only in the Great Cultural Revolution. So far, the Criminal Law and Criminal Procedure Law enacted by a few countries or regions, such as mainland China, North Korea, Cuba, Vietnam, and so on, do not allow the avoidance of family affection. The concealment system has been preserved worldwide, whether in the three major Western law systems—the Civil Law System, the Anglo-American law system, and the former Soviet Union Socialist Law System—or in the East Asian Law System, including South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan area of China. Some of my teachers and friends in the legal field, such as the renowned jurist and criminal law expert, Mr. Ma Kechang of Wuhan University, and the famous jurist and Professor Yu Ronggen from Southwest University of Political Science and Law, are constantly advocating for the revision of certain provisions in our country’s law. I suggest that for the sustainable development of our country and the construction of a harmonious society, as well as for the construction of a more civilized socialist culture and the protection of citizens’ human rights, rights for family ties and privacy, our legislature should promptly discuss and amend Article 305 and Article 310 of the Criminal Law, Articles 45, 47, 48, 98, and 110 of the Criminal Procedure Law, Articles 65 and 70 of the Civil Procedure Law, Article 34 of the Administrative Procedure Law, and Articles 157, 160, and 174 of the Criminal Procedure Rules of the People’s Procuratorate of China. Though it may increase our judicial cost to allow relatives to have rights for witness refusal, it is still necessary to proceed from the point of view of long-term peace and stability and the purpose of reasonable construction of social culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Maintaining family affection is just the basis of maintaining a harmonious society. Of course, legal authorities can employ public power to collect evidence, but even if it costs more, they can not extort confessions from relatives. If a family member does not testify

320

7 Mutual Concealing Between Relatives

against their relative, they could be sentenced for the crime of harboring, which, for my part, is the most inhumane thing. Now let’s talk about a specific case—“She Xianglin Case.”26 Why did She Xianglin’s wrongful imprisonment go unsolved for so many years? She Xianglin’s family members—mother and brothers—were arrested, interrogated, and tortured by the local police station. His mother was jailed and died of depression. How could such a thing have happened? I think it is related to the fact that we have abolished the concealment system in our legal provisions. In short, what I value most is the communicability and common factors in the ideological resources of Chinese and Western Philosophy, Law and Ethics, the aspects of commensurability between the ideology of Pre-Qin Dynasties and ancient Greece, the brilliance of human nature and value of humankind revealed by Confucius-Mencius Confucianism, and the way in deeply recognizing and exploring the modernity and universal factors and values in pre-modern civilization and non-Western ideological resources. My realistic consideration is: I truly hope that we can connect today’s system of law with the thoughts and traditions of tolerance and concealment in human history, including the three major Western legal systems, as well as the tradition of tolerance-concealment system in the legal history of China from the Qin Dynasty to the Republic of China, as evidenced by legal documents. I believe we should make a further critical reflection on the unreasonable elements of today’s legal provisions, so as to make the construction of modern legal society more healthy and humanized, more fair and just. In recent years, I have actively organized discussions on the issue of “mutual concealment between relatives,” simply from my concern for human rights and humanity of real people.

26 She Xianglin佘祥林, also known as Yang Yuou, is a native of Yan Menkou Town, Jingshan County, Hubei Province. On January 2, 1994, She’s wife Zhang Zaiyu went missing due to mental illness. Zhang’s family suspected that Zhang Zaiyu was killed by her husband. On April 28 of the same year, She Xianglin was arrested on suspicion of murder and subsequently sentenced to death in the first instance by the former Jingzhou Intermediate People’s Court, with his political rights deprived for life. Later, due to the change of administrative divisions, the case of She Xianglin was transferred to the Jingshan County Public Security Bureau and subsequently tried by the Jingshan County People’s Court and the Jingmen City Intermediate People’s Court. On September 22, 1998, She Xianglin was sentenced to fifteen years in prison. Then, on March 28, 2005, She’s wife Zhang Zaiyu, suddenly returned to Jingshan from Shandong. On April 13, Jingshan County People’s Court acquitted She Xianglin after conducting a new trial. On September 2, 2005, She Xianglin received 700,000 yuan in state compensation—translator’s note.

Chapter 8

Theory of Human Nature

Confucius’ theory of human nature consists of two aspects. On one hand, he praises the first poem titled “Zhengmin” 蒸民 from Shijing·Daya 詩經·大雅 as a poem of “Comprehending Dao (zhidao),”1 claiming that Tian (Heaven) has begotten all people and is the source of human nature. He believes that Changdao (the Constant Way) that humans are endowed with is to tend toward good morality, meaning that Tian endows humans with good nature. Additionally, Confucius has discusses the issue of “[Human] Nature and Heavenly Way” (xing and tiandao) which is evidenced by materials from Nature Comes Out of Decrees of Heaven (xingzimingchu) of Guodian Chu Bamboo Slips, Confucius’ Theory on Poetry (kongzi shilun) in Chu Bamboo Slips of Shanghia Museau, and Commentary on the Yi (yizhuan) and Er-San-Zi-Wen copied on silk unearthed in Mawangdui. According to Chap. 5 (gong ye chang) of Analects of Confucius, upon hearing Confucius’ discourse of human nature and Heavenly Way, Zi Gong exclaimed with self-depreciation, saying, “These I have never been able to hear !” Actually, Zi Gong’s exclamation is more of a courtesy, meaning that he does not quite understand what is behind Confucius’ thought on “Nature and the Heavenly Way.”2 On the other hand, Confucius said, “In nature, human beings are close to one another, while in practice, human beings are far apart.” (Analects, Chap. 17) By comparing “nature” (xing) with “habits” (xi), Confucius affirms that the differences in human qualities often lie in “habits” rather than “nature,” believing that the acquired cultural and educational environment and customs have produced great differences between people, 1

In Chinese language, the phrase “to know something (zhidao)” is commonly translated as “to see or to understand” in English, but it bears a profound sense in the unity of Chinese traditional epistemology and cosmology, as it is an abbreviated term derived from both “to comprehend the heavenly Dao” and “to apprehend the human Dao.” In other words, in the traditional Chinese mindset “to know something” (zhidao) contains the message from instant phenomenon to universal reality or the message, or from the unity of the heavenly and human Dao—translator’s note. 2 For details, see Li Xueqin, “The Origin of Chinese Academics—Also on Confucius as ‘A Master’”, Chinese Culture Column, Guangming Daily, June 30, 2008. © Fudan University Press 2024 Q. Guo, The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4799-7_8

321

322

8 Theory of Human Nature

which constitutes the basis of the theory of human nature in the thought of “teaching people without distinctions” and “raising the virtuous and capable.” Education is often impacted by a purposeful, planned, and directed environment, and its strength is stronger than that of spontaneous environmental impact, which affirms the necessity and possibility of acquired education in both moral education and knowledge education. As a master educator, Confucius saw certain innate differences in human disposition and intelligence, thus acknowledging that there was difference between “being superior in wisdom” and “being inferior in wisdom.” He said: “Those born with understanding are the highest rank. Those who study and acquire understanding are next. Those who face difficulties and yet study hard rank below them. Those who face difficulties but never study are the lowest type of people.” (Analects: Chap. 16:9) Confucius means that people’s comprehension and qualifications vary between high and low, and one who is willing to study and one who is not differ in quality. “Those born with understanding” refers to people with high aptitude for understanding. In certain aspects of experiential knowledge and skills, some people have unique understanding and extraordinarily agile mind. In terms of virtuous knowledge, people, in general, have innate capability, and some people are born with fewer self-desires and less ignorance, making it easier to understand the essence of being a human. “Those who study and acquire understanding” means that either in terms of experiential knowledge or in terms of moral knowledge, people mainly depend on acquired learning and repeated training so as to make themselves constantly become enlightened. Confucius explained it by citing his personal experience, saying, “I am not one who is born with understanding; I am one who is keen on antiquity, and learn it with quickness and eagerness.” (Analects: Chap. 7:20) In terms of intellect and virtue, he holds admiration for the personality of ancient sages. He diligently and swiftly studies and understands cultural classics and historical experiences . Confucius also said: Those who are fond of human-heartedness and virtue (rende) but not keen on studying are easily fooled; Those who are smart but not keen on studying are easily licentious in conduct; Those who are naturally honest but not fond of studying are easily exploited and victimized by others; Those who are over-straightforward but not fond of studying easily speak sharply and stingingly; Those who are courageous but not fond of studying easily make trouble; Those who are rigid and tough but not fond of studying are easily arrogant and self-assured. Confucius pointed out that if a person doesn’t receive the acquired education and study hard, he cannot form good qualities such as human-heartedness (ren), wisdom (zhi), truthfulness (xin), straightforwardness (zhi), bravery (yong), firmness (gang), and etc., or if not study, even a person with such qualities will gradually become one-sided, breeding adverse consequences such as stupidity, lewdness, villainousness, deceitfulness, violence and so on.

8.1 Mencius’ Idea of Original Goodness of Human Nature

323

The Confucian theory of human nature is typified by Mencius’ theory of “good nature” and Xun Zi’s theory of “evil nature.” However, their theories of human nature are not absolutely in opposition or conflict because they have different definitions of human nature, different aims, different theoretical presuppositions, and different problem domains. The two theories of “good nature” and “evil nature” do not confront each other on the same level, making it difficult to easily put together or oppose them to each other. Many a time, I have heard of some debate contests among college students where Party A and Party B argue about “good human nature” and “evil human nature,” which, in my opinion, is roughly similar to the battle between Guan Gong 關公 and Qin Qiong 秦瓊.3

8.1 Mencius’ Idea of Original Goodness of Human Nature During the Warring States Period, the question of human nature became a focus of contention. “Gao Zi (A)” of The Work of Meng Zi records the question raised by Gong Duzi, one of Meng Zi’s disciples. This question involves several typical views of human nature at that time: (1) Gao Zi claimed that “Human nature is neither good nor evil;” (2) some others claimed that “Human nature can be good or evil;” (3) an anonymous person claimed that “Human nature for some people are good and evil for some others.” According to Wang Chong (27 A.D.–97 A.D.)’s “Human Nature” of Lun Heng (lunheng. Benxing), those who argue for the second proposition are close to that of Shi Shuo 世硕, a philosopher, during the Zhou Dynasty.4 In Shi Shuo’s view, human nature can be either good or evil, and good and evil co-exist “Guangong zhan qinqiong” 關公戰秦瓊, as an allusion, comes from the contemporary Hou Baolin’s crosstalk. Lord Guan 關公, referring to Guan Yu 關羽, was a senior general of the State of Shu during the Three Kingdoms Period, while Qin Qiong 秦瓊 was a senior general in the late Sui Dynasty and early Tang Dynasty. Hundreds of years apart! Hou Baolin composed this crosstalk to satirize those who pretend to know what they do not know and make incorrect decisions based on objective facts. The crosstalk tells of a rich man who invites a troupe to perform in his house. In this wealthy family, some members prefer to see Lord Guan while others prefer to see Qin Qiong, so the opera troupe is requested to play “Lord Guan fights Qin Qiong.” Just imagine! How could two men who are hundreds of years apart ever meet? This crosstalk is highly ironic, using the illusion of “Lord Guan fights Qin Qiong” to satire those who pretend to know what they do not know, act unrealistically, and command blindly—translator’s note. 4 Human Nature Is a Mixed State of Good and Evil or Theory that Human Nature is a Mixture of Good and Evil (xing shan e hun 性善恶混). This view of human nature, held by ancient Chinese people, is represented by Dong Zhongshu, Yang Xiong, Wang Chong of Han Dynasty, and Han Yu of Tang Dynasty, etc. According to this theory, human nature can neither be all good nor all evil, but good and evil co-exist within human beings. Being good or evil is the result of cultivation after birth. Therefore, according to this theory, the key to being a person of virtue lies in learning and education. Shi Shuo of Zhou (one disciple of Confucius) believes that human nature contains both good and evil. Encouraged and constantly fostered, the good will grow. Encouraged and constantly fostered, the evil will grow. (Wang Chong: A Comparative Study of Different Schools of Learning) Yang Xiong believes that a person who is cultivated by good qualities will become a good person. One who is cultivated by evil will become a villain. (Yang Xiong: “Exemplary Sayings”) Dong Zhongshu believes that human nature may be categorized into three levels: upper, middle, and 3

324

8 Theory of Human Nature

within us, namely, human nature is a mixture of good and evil. Whether people tend towards good or evil depends on “what they are raised by,” that is, depending on instruction after birth. According to Wang Chong, Mi Zijian 宓子賤, Qidiao Kai 漆雕開, Gong Sun Ni Zi 公孫尼子, and others all claim that human nature is a mixture of good and evil. Gao Zi argues that “what is innately endowed is called nature (sheng zhi wei xing).” In ancient times, the Chinese words “sheng” 生 and “xing” 性 could be mutually explained in meaning, that is, “sheng” 生 and “xing” 性 can be mutually paraphrased. What Gao Zi has stated by “What is innately endowed is called nature” represents the popular or common-sense view at that time. Gao Zi stated in an organic metaphor that human nature is like water, which can be made to flow east or west. Whether human nature is good or evil is determined by external environment and conditions. Just as flowing water cannot determine where it flows, human nature cannot be simply characterized as good or evil. Confucius’ praise for the poem titled “Zhengmin” from Shijing and Zi Si’s discourse on inner virtue and qi-oriented morality (deqilun)5 in the Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong) and the Five Elements (wuxing) are forerunners of Mencius’ thought. Mencius developed Confucius and Zi Si’s moral theory of human nature, and put forward a new view on human nature that is dramatically different from the prevailing view at that time. As for the water metaphor, Mencius rejects it by remarking that human nature flows towards the good, just as water’s nature flows downward. While it is possible for people to be bad, just as it is possible to make water flow upward, neither of these is a natural process or end. He pointed out graphically that water can flow toward east or west, but it always flows downwards. Mencius believes that goodness of human nature is like the downward course of water in that people are naturally inclined to be good. Although one can be made to become bad, their nature remains unchanged. Human nature is innately good, just as water flows downwards. A human who is not good is not determined by his nature. That is to say, a human’s good nature is the manifestation of their innate nature, and a human’s evil nature is against his innate nature. This is akin to saying that trees and grasses on Ox Mountain were once flourishing, but due to man-made destruction, it has become a barren mountain. However, this does not mean that Ox Mountain cannot grow trees innately. Similarly, the fact that a human is not good in their actual experiences does not prove that they are not good in nature. lower levels. People of the upper level have a good nature. People of the lower level have an evil nature. The nature of those in the middle level is either devoid of the distinction between good and evil, or is a mixture of good and evil. Han Yu said, “Human nature can be divided into three levels, namely upper, middle, and lower levels. The nature of people in the upper level is innately good. The nature of people in the middle level can be guided towards good or evil. The nature of people in the lower level is innately evil.” (Han Yu: “An Inquiry into Intrinsic Nature”)—translator’s note. 5 “Qi-Oriented Morality” (de qi lun): (1) A term, used by Zi Xia, refers to the great moral principle that people should follow in opposition to small virtues. He said in Chapter 19 of the Analects, “One should never transgress the boundaries of great virtues, but there is no need to be overly strict in matters of small virtues” (dadebuyujian, xiaodechurukeye 大德不逾閒， 小德出入可 也); (2) A term from The Book of Changes (yijing), which says in “Appended Judgements (A)” (xi ci shang), “The great virtue of Heaven and Earth lies in its giving and maintaining of life” (tiandizhi dadeyuesheng 天地之大德曰生)—translator’s note.

8.1 Mencius’ Idea of Original Goodness of Human Nature

325

Mencius argues that, by nature, a dog is different from a cow, and in nature, a cow is different from a human. Humans have a natural instinct for food and sex, which is human attribute. However, the essential difference between human beings and beasts is that human beings have inner moral knowledge (zhi), affection (qing), and meaning (yi), which are inherent moral attributes of humanity. Mencius said: “The heartmind of pity and commiseration is possessed by all human beings; the heartmind of shame and dislike is possessed by all human beings; the heartmind of respectfulness and reverence is possessed by all human beings; and the heartmind that knows right and wrong is possessed by all human beings. The heartmind of pity and commiseration is human-heartedness (ren); the heartmind of shame and dislike is righteousness (yi); the heartmind of respectfulness and reverence is propriety (li); and the heartmind that knows right and wrong is wisdom (zhi). human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom are not infused into us from outside. We are innately furnished with them. It is just that we do not consciously think about them, that is all! Therefore, it is said, ‘Seek them and you will get them; let go and you will lose them.’” (“Gao Zi (A)” of The Work of Meng Zi). Commiseration, sympathy, inner uneasiness, and buren ren zhi xin (a heartmind which cannot bear to see the suffering of an innocent cattle being killed, etc.) are the initiators and buds of goodness. Human inner sympathy, sense of justice, sense of shame, sense of reverence and judgment of moral right and wrong are all sprouts of moral rationality represented by ren, yi, li, and zhi, which are inherent in human beings and not imposed from the outside. By fully extending these budding things outward, one can consequently become a human of virtue or even a sage. Mencius believes that ren is the heartmind of human beings and yi is the path that human beings walk on. All people have the heartmind of human-heartedness (ren) and righteousness (yi), and why they have lost their heartmind of conscience is that they are not good at maintaining such a heartmind. If not carefully being maintaining, it will be lost. Those who have lost their chickens and dogs raised at household know how to get them back, but those who have lost their conscience do not know how to get them back. Mencius said: “One surely knows to look for chicken or dog and bring them back when they are lost. However, one may not know to look for his heartmind when it is lost. The way of learning is no other than searching for one’s lost heartmind.” (“Gao Zi (A)” of The Work of Meng Zi) Thus, Mencius claimed for “seeking one’s lost heartmind,” i.e., demanding to get back the lost heartmind of conscience. In his opinion, the difference between human and non-human is small, but a human of virtue knows enough to keep it while a xiaoren (a petty person) does not know enough to keep it. Mencius pointed out, “That whereby human differs from birds and beasts is but slight. The mass of the people cast it away, whereas the virtuous humans preserve it.” Shun clearly understood the multitude of things under heaven, and closely observed the human ethic relationships among people. Shun achieved human-heartedness through directly walking on the path of righteousness (you ren yi xing), and he did not act for sake of pursuing benevolence.” (“Lilou (B)” of

326

8 Theory of Human Nature

The Work of Meng Zi) Shun conducted himself by acting on human-heartedness and righteousness inherent in his heartmind rather than practiced them reluctantly under external forces. To “achieve human-heartedness by directly walking on the path of righteousness” is to listen to an inner moral command, and to respond to one’s moral freedom. And to “act for sake of human-heartedness and righteousness” (xing ren yi) is passively to act on social norms from the outside. It can be seen from this statement that Mencius already touched upon the question of Ben (the Fundamental) and Mo (the Incidental), that is, as a person, the feelings and cultivation of human-heartedness and righteousness are innately planted in his heartmind, which also constitute his instinct and his nature. Mencius is known for his argument that human nature is innately good because of the existence of four moral origins (siduan), that is, inborn moral preferences or inclinations, which corresponds to the four cardinal virtues (human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom). “All humans have a heartmind6 which cannot bear [to see the suffering of] others. … If now someone suddenly see a child about to fall into a well, they will without exception experience a feeling of alarm and distress. …This is not a way to gain the favor of the child’s parents, nor is it a way to seek the praise of their neighbors and friends, nor is it done because they dislike the reputation of being unvirtuous. From this case, we may perceive that one who lacks the feeling of commiseration is not a human; that one who lacks a feeling of shame and dislike is not a human, that one who lacks a feeling of modesty and yielding is not a human, that one who lacks a sense of right and wrong is not a human. The feeling of commiseration is the beginning of human-heartedness. The feeling of shame and dislike is the beginning of righteousness. The feeling of modesty and yielding is the beginning of propriety. The sense of right and wrong is the beginning of wisdom. All human beings have these four beginnings, just as they have four limbs. … Since all human beings have these four beginnings in themselves, let them know how to give them full development and completion. The result will be like fire that begins to burn, or like a spring which has begun to find vent. Let them have their complete development, and they will suffice to protect all within the four seas. If they are denied that development, they

In Chinese language, 心 (xin) may be translated into “heart of the body” or “human heart” or “mind of human” or “center of human being.” Obviously, 心 (xin) is both mental and physical, both compassionate and rational, both visible and invisible, a unifier of heart and mind, fitting with cosmology, psychology and medical practices. That’s why the translator sometimes translates it as “heartmind.” According to Confucianism, human nature is inherently good and develops from the heart, growing and developing the virtues through compassion. In the chapter of “Counsel of Great Yu” from Shangshu it is said, “The heart of human is unstable, and the heart of the Way is small; one must be discriminating and undivided to sincerely hold fast to the mean.” Some Confucian scholars of the Song Dynasty believed that contamination of the mind by selfish desires could be dangerous—translator’s note.

6

8.1 Mencius’ Idea of Original Goodness of Human Nature

327

will not suffice even to serve one’s parents.” (“Gongsun Chou (A)” of The Work of Mencius).7

“Sima Guang smashed water vat to save child”—1 set with 3 special stamps, respectively, named as: falling into water, smashing water vat and being saved

Mencius’ discussion of human nature starts with human feelings, that is, a mind which cannot bear [to see the suffering of] others, which is a man’s moral intuition, moral responsibility, immediate impulse of justice, without any other utilitarian purpose. For instance, when you rush to save a child from falling into a well. You are moved to compassion, not by any ulterior motive such as seeking the good grace of the parents, the praise of your fellow villagers or friends, or even dislike of the child’s cry. Instead, you are driven by an unconditional and absolute moral imperative within your heart that prompts yout to act without any hesitation. This demonstrates that anyone devoid of the heart of compassion is not a human. As a moral subject, a human issues commands to themselves and claims ownership over their own soul. As such, this subject is not only the agent of will but also the arbitor of value and the practioner of practice. Human-heartedness (ren), righteousness (yi), propriety (li), wisdom (zhi), truthfulness (xin), etc., cannot only be categorized as the moral norms for people of society, but also as the rules innately formulated in man’s inner heart. Such is called the immanency of man’s moral life. The heartmind which encompasses compassion, shame, deference, discrimination, and other such qualities, is composed of both rationality and feeling. The “innate heartmind of four beginnings” not only contains the feelings of moral value within itself, but also constitutes the ability of moral judgment and serves as the driving force behind moral practice. It represents the self-realization of the moral subject in reality. Mencius regards the four virtues as amanating from these predispositions, akin to a plant sprouting from a seed. Anyone devoid of the heartmind of four sprouts is not considered truly human. When individuals enlarge this “Heartmind of Four Sprouts,” it is like a newly ignited fire or a freshly flowing spring. By fully developing this “Heartmind of Four Sprouts, harmony can be achieved within the four seas. Conversely, those devoid of this “Heartmind of Four Sprouts” are unable to even protect his own parents. Here is an alternative translation provided for “惻隱之心， 仁之端也; 羞惡之心, 義之端也; 辭 讓之心, 禮之端也; 是非之心, 智之端也。人之有是四端也, 猶其有四體也……茍能充之, 足以 保四海; 茍不充之, 不足以事父母” is: “A heartmind that sympathizes is the sprout of co-humanity (ren); a heartmind that is aware of shame is the sprout of righteousness (yi); a heartmind that defers to others is the sprout of ritual propriety (li); a heartmind that approves and condemns is the sprout of wisdom (zhi)…. If anyone having the four sprouts within himself knows how to develop them to the completion, it is like fire catching alight, or a spring as it first bursts through. If able to develop them, he is able to protect the entire world; if unable, he is unable to serve even his parents—translator’s note.

7

328

8 Theory of Human Nature

Twenty-four filial piety figures—providng a cool pillow in hot summer and warm bedding for father, drawn by Chen Shaomei (1909–1954)

Mencius views conscience (liangxin) as the original heartmind (benxin). Conscience stands as the foundation of good human nature. Conscience or original mind is endowed by Heaven—“It is what Heaven has given to me.” (“Gao Zi (A)” of The Work of Meng Zi) Mencius said, “What is known without instruction is innate ability. What is known without thinking is innate knowledge. There are no young children who do not innately know to love their parents, and there are none, as they grow older, do not innately know to respect their older brothers. To have affection for one’s kinsfolk is human-heartedness. To have respect for elders is righteousness. All that remain is to extend these virtues to the entire world.” (“Full Development of Mind (A)” of The Work of Meng Zi) Even young children innately know to love their parents, and as they grow up, they naturally know to respect their older brothers. Affection for parents and respect for elders encompass human-heartedness and righteousness. These are things they are able to do without having learned them and know without having to think about them. Human-heartedness and righteousness are naturally endowed and intrinsically possessed. Mencius engaged in debate with a figure named Gao Zi, and successfuly argued using analogies such as “human nature is like willow tree” and “human nature is like swirling water.” He ultimately prevailed in his argument regarding “what is innately endowed is called nature” (sheng zhi wei xing), “human-heartedness within and righteousness without” (ren nei yi wai) as per Gao Zi, and “human-heartedness and righteousness are both from within” (renyineizai) as per by Mencius, by emplying further

8.1 Mencius’ Idea of Original Goodness of Human Nature

329

backchat and reductio ad absurdum.8 According to Gao Zi’s thinking logic, there is no fundamental difference between the nature of dogs and cows and that of humans. However, in the history of Chinese philosophy, Mencius was the first to clearly present a new concept of human nature, which is that humans have a particularity distinct from animals or other things, namely morality. Mencius does not deny that human beings have natural desires, but he argues that if these natural desires are considered as the defining nature of humans. It becomes impossible to distinguish the difference between human beings and animals or other things. Only the moral nature is the most fundamental characteristic of human beings and serves as the yardstick for humanity. Mencius said: “One’s natural attribute enables one to do good; this is what I mean by human nature being good. When one does what is not good, it is not the fault of one’s native capacity.” (“Gao Zi (A)” of The Work of Meng Zi) In his original Chinese expression “乃若其情, 則可以為善矣” (nai ruo qi qing, ze ke yi wei shan yi), Mencius uses “qing” (情) to refer to human’s “innate attribute” or “endowment” or “attribute born with, and in his original Chinese expression “若夫為不善, 非才之 不罪也” (ruo fu wei bu shan, fei cai zhi zui ye], Mencius uses “cai” (才) to express the same meaning as qing (情). Through this expression, Mencius wants to convey that if people behave according to their natural aptitudes and intuitive attributes, they can do good by themselves, which he refers to as good human nature. Furthermore, 8

Gao Zi said: “Human nature is like willow tree; righteousness is like cups and bowls. To make human-heartedness and righteousness out of human nature is like making cups and bowls out of willow tree.” Mencius said: “Are you able to make cups and bowls while following the nature of the willow tree? You must do violence to the willow tree before you can make cups and bowls. If you must do violence to the willow tree in order to make cups and bowls, must you also do violence to human beings in order to bring forth human-heartedness and righteousness? It must be your words that lead the whole world to harm human-heartedness and righteousness.” Gao Zi said: “Human nature is like swirling water. Open a passage for it in the east, and it will flow east; open a passage for it in the west, and it will flow west. Human nature does not distinguish between good and not-good any more than water distinguishes between east and west.” Mencius said: “It is true that water does not distinguish between east and west, but does it fail to distinguish between up and down? The goodness of human nature is like the downward course of water. There is no human being lacking in the tendency to do good, just as there is no water lacking in the tendency to flow downward. Now, by striking water and splashing it, you may cause it to go over your head, and by damming and channeling it, you can force it to flow uphill. But is this the nature of water? It is force that makes this happen. While people can be made to do what is not good, what happens to their nature is like this.” Gao Zi said: “Life is what is called nature.” Mencius said: “When you say that ‘life is what is called nature’, is this like saying that ‘white is what is called white’?” “Yes.” “Is the whiteness of a white feather like the whiteness of snow, and the whiteness of snow like the whiteness of white jade?” “Yes.” “Then is the nature of a dog like the nature of an ox, and the nature of an ox like the nature of a human being?” Gao Zi said: “The appetites for food and sex are human nature. Human-heartedness is internal rather than external; righteousness is within rather than without. Mencius said: “Why do you say that humanity is within while righteousness is without?” Gaozi said, “One who is older than I, I treat as an elder. This is not because there is in me some sense of respect due to elders. It is like something being white and my recognizing it as white; I am responding to the whiteness, which is within. Therefore, I call righteousness without.” Mencius said: “There is no difference between the whiteness of a white horse and that of a white man. But is there no difference between the age of an old horse and the age of an old man? What is it that we speak of as righteousness—the man’s being old or my regarding him with the respect due to one who is old?” (“Gao Zi (A)” of The Work of Meng Zi)—translator’s note.

330

8 Theory of Human Nature

even if someone does something that is not good in practical situations, it cannot be attributed to their innate nature. According to Mencius, good nature and intuitive knowledge are innate to human beings and precede experience. These are generic features and nature of humanity that distinguishes them from animals and other things, and are universal among human beings. Mencius said: “During harvest years, most young people tend to be lazy, while in famine years, they often become violent. This is not due to differing natural endowments, but rather the environments that overwhelm their moods. […]Things of the same kind are similar to each other. Why should we doubt this only when it comes to human beings? Sages and ourselves are of the same in kind. […]Therefore, I say that mouths find savor in the same flavors, ears find satisfaction in the same sounds, and eyes find delight in the same beauty. When it comes to our heartminds, could they alone have nothing in common? And what is it that our heartminds have in common? It is order and rightness. The sage is simply the first to apprehend what our heartminds have in common. Thus, principle (li) and righteousness (yi) please our heartminds in the same way that meat pleases our mouths.” (“Gao Zi (A)” of The Work of Meng Zi). Although people are different from another other, they all have likes and dislikes in common, such as taste for food, sound for ears, and color for eyes. They all enjoy delicious food, harmonious sounds, and eye-catching color. Similarly, this is true for people’s heartminds, and they all love virtues such as human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety and wisdom. My heart finds happiness with principle (li) and righteousness (yi) just as my mouth finds pleasure with cattle, sheep, pig, and dog meat. The reason why a sage is made a sage is that he is aware of the moral requirements made of human beings earlier than ordinary people, and that he understands this is an universality to human beings, that is, “Principle (li) and righteousness (yi) are what our heartminds have in common.” Therefore, “Principle and righteousness please our heartminds in the same way that meat pleases our mouths.” Mencius pointed out that moral norms, such as human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom, come from human’s original heartmind (benxin), but they often fail to recognize their original heartminds by themselves, and they often need to ask themselves and reflect on their original heartminds. Mencius said: “All things are complete within us. There is no greater delight than to realize this through selfcultivation. And there is no better way to human-heartedness (ren) than the practice of the principle of shu.” (“Full Development of Mind (A)” of The Work of Meng Zi) In other words, through full development of one’s nature, a human can not only know Heaven, but also become oneness with Heaven. When a human fully develops their unbearing heartmind, they possess the virtue of human-heartedness, and the best way to achieve human-heartedness is through the practice of zhong and shu. The term “Us” or “I”, mentioned here, does not refer to external things and fame, but rather to the fact that the basis of morality lies within oneself, and there is nothing lacking. On the level of moral spirit, what “I” want exists within myself, namely moral freedom, which defines the capacity of a human to do what they want, but to do what is morally correct. Moral freedom is not the right to do what you want; it is the strength to do what is right. Moral freedom is the highest freedom and is not influenced by anything

8.1 Mencius’ Idea of Original Goodness of Human Nature

331

external, because moral action is always the result of self-command. Through selfexamination, self-reflection, and self-awareness, one realizes that their actions are worthy of both Heaven and humanity, which brings the greatest joy. There is no more direct path toward rende (human-hearted virtue) than the “extension of one’s scope of activity to include others,” which is the way of shu. In addition to seeking one’s original heartmind, one should also extend their original heartmind to others, that is, to actualize this moral heartmind in social life. Mencius said: “That which a lofty-minded person has as his nature is neither increased through great action nor diminished by his living in poverty, because it is given to him naturally. A lofty-minded person has as their nature human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom. These qualities, planted in his heartmind, manifest in the brightness of their countenance and the suppleness of their back, spreading to their four limbs and displaying a wordless illustration.” (“Full Development of Mind (A)” of The Work of Meng Zi) This nature possessed by a lofty-minded person is neither increased through his great ideal pursued in the world, nor diminished by his poverty and seclusion, because their original nature has been pre-determined. The original nature of a lofty-minded person, consisting of his heartmind of human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom, is reflected in their pure and gentle look, as well as in all parts of their body, including the movements of their hands, feet, and limbs. Mencius’ important statement that “human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety and wisdom are planted in one’s heart” (renyilizhigenyuxin) means that the original heartmind “cannot be proved through external induction, but can only be experienced through internal correspondence. Man is morally good precisely because he has the transcendental root in his natural endowment, and only here can he be said to be good in nature. In reality, human desires and the mixture of good and evil are not enough to refute the rationale of the good human nature. From this, we can see that Confucian ethics does have something in common with Immanuel Kant’s practical reason (praktische Vernunft) ….”9 , It is evident that Mencius’ thought is characterized by innate human-heartedness and righteousness, the manifestation of nature through the original heartmind, good nature manifested through a good heartmind, and the unity of body and mind. Mencius not only elaborated on Confucius’ ideas that “attainment to humanheartedness depends on oneself” (wei ren you ji) and that “I wish to be virtuous and virtue is at hand” (wo yu ren, si ren zhi yi), but also developed Confucius’ concept of Heavenly Way (tiandao). By integrating these two aspects, Mencius emphasizes the category of “cheng” (sincerity), influenced by Zi Si, which is a core concept in the Confucian School of Philosophy. "Cheng" literally means truthfulness without 9

Liu Shuxian, “Reconsideration of Mencius’ Theory of Mind and Nature,” Contemporary Chinese Philosophy: Problems, American Bafang Culture Enterprise Company, 1996, p. 147. In Critique of Practical Reason, Immanuel Kant believes that practical reason, by virtue of innate moral law, takes the form of command and decisive will (good will) to distinguish good from evil and to reach the ultimate good. The principle of practical reason is freedom, which is distinct from necessity in nature. Moral practice should be self-disciplined, and moral behavior should focus on motive rather than effect—translator’s note.

332

8 Theory of Human Nature

deceit. Conceptually, “cheng” refers to a disposition of feeling where one is able to see the Tian-endowed nature, unaffected by internal and external influences. “Cheng” also refers to a human’s internal state, as well as a his devoutness and awe towards “Heaven”—the ultimate source of original heartmind and intuitive knowledge, which forms the foundation of human existence. Mencius said: “Being sincere a is the Way of Heaven; being true to human nature is the path to self-refinement.” (“Li Lou (A)” of The Work of Meng Zi) To have a self-reflection and pursuit of the Way of Heaven with sincere and honest attitude is the Way to be a human. Mencius said again: “One who has completely developed their heartmind, knows their nature. One who knows their nature, knows Heaven. One who preserves their heart and nourishes their nature, can serve Heaven. Regardless of the length of his life, he remains steadfast in his attitude, focusing self-cultivation and awaiting Heaven’s guidance. This is the path to establishing his destined life.” (“Full Development of Mind (A)” of The Work of Meng Zi) Hence, The Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong) states: “Nothing can be achieved without cheng.” Sages are inherently sincere, and thus their words and deeds are naturally consistent with the “Way of Heaven” and the “principles of Heaven.” Human’s original nature is inborn, and embodied in human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom. By fully expanding his good heartmind, human is able to understand this nature, thereby experiencing the Way of Heaven and understanding the Mandate of Heaven. Only by preserving one’s original heartmind and cultivating one’s original nature will he be able to serve Heaven. Regardless of lifespan, we must diligently cultivate our body and mind and await the Mandate of Heaven. This is the path to achieving peaceful and spiritual settlement. Mencius unified heartmind, nature, and Heaven, believng that “Heaven” is the ultimate foundation of human goodness. In a nutshell, Mencius contends that human nature is innately good, rather than merely “tending toward goodness” as some suggest. Mencius’ idea of virtue ethics holds great significance in the moral philosophy of all huamnity.

8.2 Xun Zi’s Idea of Original Evil of Human Nature Xun Zi developed Confucius’ thought that “In nature, human beings are close to one another, while in practice, human beings are far apart,” claiming that human beings are originally bad but can be reformed, even perfected, through self-cultivation, which is dramatically different from Mencius’ idea that “human nature is innately good.” Xun Zi raised the proposition of “distinction between ‘inborn’ nature and ‘acquired’ nature,” saying, “Human nature is evil; any goodness in human beings is acquired by learning.” “What cannot be acquired by learning and what cannot be mastered by application yet is found in human is termed ‘inborn nature’. What must be learned before a human can do it and what he must apply himself to before he can master it yet is found in human is called ‘acquired nature’. This is precisely the distinction between ‘inborn’ nature and ‘acquired nature.’” (“Human Nature is Evil” of

8.2 Xun Zi’s Idea of Original Evil of Human Nature

333

The Work of Xun Zi) What one is born with is called “nature” (xing), while what one acquires through learning or practice is called “something acquired or artificial or accumulated” (wei). The Chinese word “wei” (伪) means something “artificial” or “human-made.” “Nature is something inborn, which is as primitive as timber (xing zhe, ben shi cai pu ye); Accumulated efforts are like flourishing patterns of wood. Without inborn nature, there is no place to exert that accumulated effort; without accumulated efforts, inborn nature cannot be manifested beautifully by itself; only by the combination of inborn nature and accumulated efforts can one accomplish the state of a sage, thus completing the achievement of unifying the whole world.” (“On Rites” of The Work of Xun Zi) “[Human] nature is something inborn, which is as primitive as timber” is a metaphorical expression of human nature, and “flourishing patterns of wood” (wen li long sheng) is a metaphorical expression of human social system and cultural creation, including norms of propriety and morality. The former needs the processing of the latter so as to be perfect, and the latter can’t be processed without the former as its foundation. Xun Zi argues that morality is acquired through instruction and social practice, and it is a code of conduct formed after the accumulation of human thoughts and the repeated application of human faculties. Xun Zi believed that Mencius failed to make a clear distinction between “inborn nature” and “acquired effort.” He argued that Mencius was mistaken in saying, ‘People need to learn goodness, as this overlooked the difference between inborn nature and acquired nature. Nature is inborn and cannot be acquired by learning and accumulated efforts. Propriety and righteousness are formulated by sages, which can be acquired by learning and achieved through hard learning. Anything that cannot be acquired through learning or efforts, but by inborn ability instead, is nature. Anything that can be gained through learning or achieved through accumulated efforts is acquired ability. This is the difference between inborn nature and acquired ability. As far as human nature is concerned, eyes are able to see and ears to hear. You cannot see clearly without your eyes, and you cannot hear clearly without your ears. Therefore, the ability to see clearly cannot be separated from the eye, nor the ability to hear from the ear.” (“Human Nature is Evil” of The Work of Xun Zi) Xun Zi ultimately concluded that propriety and righteousness are formulated by sages, but that individuals can only transform these concepts into moral qualities through learning and practicing them. Xun Zi made a very vivid description of “inborn nature” through the perceptual phenomena of life and body, saying: “Now, it is the inborn nature of human that when hungry he desires something to eat, that when cold he wants warm clothing, and that when weary he desires rest—such are essential qualities inherent in his nature;” “With regard to such phenomena as the eye’s love of colors, the ear’s fondness of sounds, the mouth’s love of tastes, the heartmind’s love of profit, and the fondness of the bones, flesh, and skin-lines for pleasant sensations and relaxation—all these are products of human’s essential and inborn nature.” (“Human Nature is Evil” of The Work of Xun Zi) He believed that individuals’ lust, emotions, physiology and natural faculties are “inborn nature.” It is human nature to desire meat, to wear gorgeous clothes, to want horses and chariots, to accumulate wealth, and never be satisfied. “Liking, disliking, happiness, rage, sadness, joy, etc., are manifestations of nature, referred to as qing

334

8 Theory of Human Nature

(human emotions). These human emotions arise from the heartmind, which makes choices and judgments about them, a process known as ‘consideration’ (lǜ). That one considers in heartmind, practices repeatedly through his faculties, and form a routine, is called an acquired effort (wei).” (“Name of Rectification” of The Work of Xun Zi) “Tian Guan (Heavenly organs or natural faculties),” such as ears, mouth, eyes, nose and body, are provoked by things outside to arouse “emotions (qing),” but “tianguan should be subject to heartmind, i.e., the command and recognition of the “Tian Jun (Heavenly King/Heartmind) so as to accomplish rational processing of emotions. Selection and judgment made by heartmind is called “consideration” (lǜ), and action after consideration is called “something acquired or artificial (wei).” Consideration and selection made by “Heavenly organs” is rational processing. Rational processing and transcendental intuition must rule and guide passions and emotions. Otherwise, people yield themselves to passion, greedily pursue personal profit, drown themselves in sexual pleasures, battle with each other, bully each other, having no loyalty and truthfulness, no deference, and no sense of propriety and righteousness, no honor and shame, the whole society, as a result, will be thrown into a state of fornication, vendetta, and confusion.

Han Xizai entertains guests in evening drawn by Gu Hongzhong (five dynasties)

Hence, Xun Zi has put forward the proposition of “transforming the intrinsic (evil) nature to develop acquired nature of goodness” (hua xing qi wei), saying: “Thus, what the sage does is to transforming human’s intrinsic (evil) nature to develop his acquired nature of goodness. Acquired goodness gives rise to propriety and righteousness, which in turn give birth to laws. This being so, propriety, righteousness, laws, and standards are all bred by the Sage. What makes the Sage similar to other people, yet not different from others, is his innate nature; what distinguishes the Sage and surpass others is his acquired effort.” (“Human Nature is Evil” of The Work of Xun Zi) Xun Zi believes that individuls’ desire for external things is an intrinsic part of human nature, and unrestrained pursuit of such desire leads to rivalry between humans and throws society into chaos. Therefore, it is imperative to rein in human desire and make people accept and observe rites and laws. Guiding human emotions, transforming evil elements within human nature to develop good nature, i.e., through acquired learning and training, improving human nature and creating talents in governing the world, are the main ideas of Xun Zi. Hence, Xun Zi advocates that “Only by combining human inborn nature with acquired propriety and righteousness can the world be well governed” (xing wei he er tian xia zhi). (“On Rites” in The Work of Xun Zi) He said:

8.2 Xun Zi’s Idea of Original Evil of Human Nature

335

“Nowadays, human originally does not possess propriety and righteousness within his inborn nature, and, therefore, he must seek them through learning. Human does not possess propriety and righteousness as part of his intrinsic nature, and, therefore, he has to seek them through careful consideration.” (“Human Nature is Evil” in The Work of Xun Zi) Acquired education or restriction of state punishment and social norms enables humans to understand how to control their sensibility with reason, maintain social moral order, and achieve the goal of proper governance and moral goodness in the world. “As a general rule, the inborn nature all individuals share is one and the same whether he be a Yao 堯 and Shun 舜 or a Jie 桀 and Zhi 蹠. Lofty-minded persons and narrow-minded persons share one and the same nature. Now, how could one take ritual, morality, accumulated abilities to be part of human’s inborn nature, and the wooden vessel part of the artisan’s inborn nature? Were this so, we esteem him a Yao or a Yu.” Hence, the saying “A human in the street can be a Yu.” (“Human Nature is Evil” in The Work of Xun Zi) Therefore, an ordinary human should improve his mentality, develop his acquired nature by transforming his original nature, turn evil into goodness, and become a sage like Yu. But this is only a possibility, and in reality, not everyone can become a lofty-minded person or a saint. Human nature can undergo many changes along with acquired environments: He “can be a virtuous Yao and Yu, a vicious Jie and Zhi, a crafts person, a farmer and merchant, all of which are the results of behaviors and habits acquired in the environment (zhu cuo xi su).” (“Honor and Disgrace” of The Work of Xun Zi) The quoted words “zhu cuo xi su” 註 錯習俗 is a Chinese phrase referring to the accumulation of human’s behaviors and habits and their impacts on the actual living environment. Lofty-minded persons and narrow-minded persons are the same in inborn nature. They all love vanity and profit, and abhor shame and harm, but they seek them in different ways. A lofty-minded person cultivates himself according to the normal way, i.e., human-heartedness and righteousness, while a narrow-minded person acts on evil and weird ways. “Inborn nature is something we cannot create, but it can be transformed through learning and practice; what is accumulated is not inborn to me, but it can be acquired through learning and practice. Thus, what is constantly acquired from learning and practice can transform human’s inborn nature.” (“Roles of Confucians” of The Work of Xun Zi) Through acquired education and accumulated efforts, humans can make themselves into sages, just as Xun Zi said: “Custom and fashion can change one’s ambition, and long peaceful residence can change one’s disposition.” “Even the ordinary persons in the street can become sages as long as they would as always spare no effort in the accumulation of good deeds.” (“Roles of Confucians” of The Work of Xun Zi) Xun Zi recognized that human beings ars inherently social, and cannot be separated from his surroundings, as they are inevitably influenced by their surroundings. Xun Zi’s main intention in his theory of evil human nature is to transform and guide humans towards goodness, emphasizing that all goodness and value are the result of accumulated human effort. Xun Zi affirms that people have the intellectual capacity to develop an inclination for goodness and can achieve self-improvement through acquired learning and practice. “All ordinary people in the street have the essential qualities of being able to know human-heartedness, righteousness, rectitude and laws, and they also have the essential aptitudes to be able to achieve human-heartedness, righteousness,

336

8 Theory of Human Nature

rectitude, and laws; therefore, they can become Yu, which is quite clear” (“Human Nature is Evil” of The Work of Xun Zi). Mencius defines human nature in terms of morality, emphasizing intuitive knowledge and intuitive ability, and believing that discernment (zhi), feelings (qing) and ambition (yi) are inherent, moral reason and moral emotion are unified, and ambition, zhiyan 知言,10 and yangqi 養氣11 are consistent. Obviously, Mencius emphasizes intuitive knowledge and practical reason in defining human nature. Reversely, Xun Zi believes that human is a natural being and moral norms are external. One who wants to become a moral being must go through acquired instruction and practical training, that is, transform one’s nature into acquired qualities. This highlights the importance of propriety and righteousness acquired in personal growth. Mr. Zhong Tai (1888–1979) said: “Considering that at the time some intellectuals let loose themselves, indulging in emotions, disregarding propriety and righteousness, Xun Zi advocated transforming human’s intrinsic nature to develop the acquired nature of goodness through effort of learning and self-cultivation so as to rein in human desire and lead people to accept and observe rites and laws.” “Why Xun Zi calls human nature evil, because human refuses to develop it for good, and it is not because they can’t do good. Xun Zi belittles human’s intrinsic nature precisely because he wants to restore human’s intrinsic nature of goodness. Therefore, as for Mencius, he claims that human beings are innately good, thus a lofty-minded person would not dare to use ‘evil in nature’ as an excuse to shirk an effort of self-cultivation. As far Xun Zi, he claims that human beings are innately evil, so a lofty-minded person would not dare to be self-righteous, but maintain cultivating himself in daily life. In this sense, things ‘under Heaven’ appear opposite but actually complement each other, mutually exclude and achieve each other, and the same is true of Mencius’ and Xun Zi’s arguments on human nature.”12 The above discussion compares Mencius’ and Xun Zi’s theories of human nature in terms of function and effect, and both of them reach the same goal through different routes.

Zhiyan 知言 refers to human’s ability to discern others’ statements or an ability to analyze others ‘speech. This ability is rooted in human’s inner moral cultivation. Zhiyan may also be translated into “distinguishing others’ words” or “distinguishing right from wrong in others’ words.” It is a term used by Confucius and Mencius. In Chapter 20 of the Analects, Confucius says: “Without the ability to distinguish others’ words, it is impossible to know humans.” In “Gongsun Chou (A)” of The Work of Meng Zi, it is recorded: “What do you mean by analyzing others’ speech?” “If the speech is not impartial, I can see where lies the speaker’s lopsided view—translator’s note. 11 Yangqi 養氣 may be literally translated into “nourishing qi,” which is an emphasis on human’s effort in self-cultivation. In “Gongsun Chou (A)” of The Work of Meng Zi it is recorded: “May I ask, what are you, Master, strong in?” “I am strong in analyzing others’ speech and in cultivating my vast vital energy”—translator’s note. 12 Zhong Tai, Correction and Supplement to Xun Zi, Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1936, pp. 70–71. 10

8.2 Xun Zi’s Idea of Original Evil of Human Nature

337

Mr. Zhang Dainian (1909–2004) said, “When it comes to Mencius’ proposition that human nature is good, he means that the characteristics for human being qua human being are the four origins (siduan), namely human-heartedness (ren), righteousness (yi), propriety (li), and wisdom (zhi). When it comes to Xun Zi’s proposition that human nature is evil, he means that there are no propriety and righteousness in human’s innate conduct. Human’s moral performances must be completed by acquired efforts. Mencius’ so-called nature is not actually the same as Xun Zi’s socalled nature. Mencius argues that human’s innate nature must be extended towards other things from within, while Xun Zi argues that human’s innate nature must be transformed by acquired efforts. Although Mencius claims that human nature is innately good and Xun Zi claims that human nature is innately evil, they are not quite the opposite. After all, two theories can be compatible, though there are, in fact, big differences between them.13 Indeed, Mencius and Xun Zi differ in their origin and definition of human nature. Mencius’s view aligns more with Western ethics of virtue, while Xun Zi’s aligns more with Western ethics of norms, both perspectives, though approximate, hold high value. Moral relativism is prevalent in our modern society, prompting Western scholars like MacIntyre to advocate for a return to the Aristotelian-centered tradition of virtue, drawing nourishment from it. MacIntyre believes that Aristotle’s moral tradition serves as the foundation and core of the entire history of Western moral theory.14 This has provided enlightenment for us to carry forward our own traditional ethical thought. We should give greater attention to the theories of human nature and morality espoused by Confucius, Mencius, and Xun Zi, and creatively transform them to meet the needs of the present time. Additionally, despite Xun Zi’s condemnation of Mencius’ arguments, when we rise above the fray, we may observe that the two great thinkers share numerous assumptions, including one that connects them both to Confucius: the belief that human beings can be transformed through participation in traditional aesthetic, moral, and social disciplines. (Gao Zi’s metaphors of carved wood water, incidentally, are of Xun Zi’s favorites.) Due to an accident of history, Mencius never had the chance to meet Xun Zi and refute his arguments. However, if he had, he might have responded that Xun Zi cannot truly place such great faith in the morally transformative power of culture.

13

Zhang Dainian, An Outline of Chinese Philosophy, China Social Sciences Press, 1982, p. 192. See A. MacIntyre, After Virtue: A Study of Moral Theory, translated by Song Jijie, Yilin Press, 2003. Also refer to Western Ethics Classics in the twentieth Century (IV), edited by Wan Junren and Tang Wenming, Renmin University of China Press, 2005. It should be noted that the Four Great Volumes of Western Ethics Classics in the twentieth Century, edited by Professor Wan Junren, enlightens me a lot. After careful reading, I am more confident in Confucian political and moral theories, and I think that there is a great space for dialogue and communication between Confucianism and Western political and moral theories from ancient Greece to modern times.

14

338

8 Theory of Human Nature

8.3 Theories of Human Nature of Confucians in Han and Tang Dynasties 1. Dong Zhongshu initiated the concept of “Three Levels of Human Nature,” which is based on the idea of good nature and evil emotions. Dong Zhongshu (179 B.C.–104 B.C.), somewhat like Gao Zi, interprets “xing” (intrinsic nature) with “sheng” (life creativity), and thinks that “xing” is “what is naturally endowed with “sheng:” “Now some lack clarity about xing, and their sayings about it are inconsistent. Why not examine the term of xing itself? Does the term ‘xing’ ont reflect the essence of ‘sheng’? Things as they are by nature are termed xing. As xing denotes the inherent state of things, can xing be found in goodness? If not, can we legitimately assert that xing matches the concept of goodness? Given their incompatibility, why are still lebeled as goodness? The essence of xing cannot separated from its name, akin to hair from skin. Hair detached from skin cannot be considered xing, and this distinction must be made clear.” (“Profound Examination of Names and Appellations” of Luxuriant Dew from Spring and Autumn or Chunqiu Fan Lu· Shen Cha Ming Hao)15 Dong Zhongshu acknowledged that “Heaven has vested people with moral nature” or “human beings are endowed with good nature,” but he disagreed with Mencius’ theory that human nature is innately good, even questioning this idea. For his part, “xing” represents the “quality” and “natural attribute” of life. This physical attribute contains both goodness and evil, thus it cannot be simply defined as “goodness.” Dong Zhongshu claims that human nature comes from Heaven. Heaven has two vital material forces: yinqi 陰氣 and yangqi 陽氣.16 If such material forces are bestowed on human, human will possess two kinds of nature, i.e., nature of greed “Profound Examination of Names and Appellations” 深察名號 (shen cha ming hao) is the title of one of the treatises of Dong Zhongshu’s Luxuriant Dew from Spring and Autumn 春秋繁露 (chun qiu fan lu). Inheriting and developing the doctrine of Confucius’ rectification of names, it lays great emphasis on the importance of profound examination and study of names and appellations, and rectifies the content of various names and appellations, such as emperor, prince, official, common people and human nature—translator’s note. 16 Qi 氣 or “vital physical/material force” is an important concept in traditional Chinese philosophy, which refers to the ethereal substance of which all things in the universe are composed. Qi is also the basis for the birth and existence of life and spirit. In addition, some thinkers have given a moral attribute to Qi. Qi consists of two basic contrary forces or qualities that co-exist, thus the active, hot, upward, bright, forward, and strong are yangqi 陽氣, while the passive, cold, downward, inward, dark, backward, and weak are yinqi 陰氣. The interaction between yin and yang or yinqi 陰氣 and yangqi 陽氣 determines the formation and existence of all things. Qi permeates all physical beings and their surroundings. Qi, as a philosophical concept of ancient Chinese culture, is different from what is commonly understood by the word Qi 氣, namely, air. Although things in liquid or solid form are different from things in air form, from the perspective of the ancient Chinese philosophy, their formation and existence are the results of the concentration of Qi. The theory of yin and yang later becomes the basis for ancient Chinese to explain and understand the universe , social order, and human relations—translator’s note. 15

8.3 Theories of Human Nature of Confucians in Han and Tang Dynasties

339

and nature of human-heartedness. In terms of emotions that are innate to human life, qing (emotions) is xing (nature) as well. He likens yin and yang to human nature and human emotions, believing that materials bestowed upon humans by Heaven and Earth are constituted by xing (nature) and qing (emotions). Xing (nature) and qing (emotions) emerge at birth, and they are united to form a human being. Human possesses xing and qing, just as Heaven possesses two material forces: yin and yang. In this analogy, Dong Zhongshu already implies the distinction between nature and emotion, specifically between good nature and evil emotion.17 From this analogy, we can see that Dong Zhongshu suggests that xing is different from qing, and that xing is good while qing is evil. Dong Zhongshu added, “Heaven predetermines human’s nature and destiny, allowing him to act on human-heartedness and righteousness and feel shame for doing what is not right, unlike birds and beasts that merely pursue survival and profit.” “Human accepts his intrinsic nature from Heaven, which includes the nature of liking the good and disliking the ugly. This nature can be cultivated but cannot be changed, and it can be discovered in advance but cannot be abandoned. It is like the body, which can be fat or thin, but it cannot be changed at will. Therefore, even if a human with ultimate virtue, like a sage, is able to pardon evil deeds for their king and parents, he is unable to remove evil deeds for them.” (“Jade Cup” of Luxuriant Gems of Spring and Autumn) Here again, we can find some elements of Mencius’ theory of good nature. This somewhat contradicts the juxtaposition of nature (xing), which refers to the “natural endowment” bestowed by Heaven, and emotions (qing). In addition, he believes that Heaven has two material forces of yin and yang, and human has two natures of greed and human-heartedness, which is the same as the Heavenly Way (the Way of yin and yang), but the Heavenly Way encourages yang and suppresses yin, and the effect of yang is greater than that of yin, so, in fact, Dong Zhongshu still advocates intrinsic good nature. Dong Zhongshu advocates that human nature “can be cultivated but cannot be transformed.” He divides human nature into three levels: one is termed as the “nature of upper level (sheng ren zhi xing);” the second is termed as the “nature of lower level (dou shao zhi xing);” and the rest is termed as the “nature of middle level (zhong min zhi xing).” “Nature of upper level” is what Confucius calls “wisdom of upper level (shang zhi zhi xing);” the “nature of lower level” is what Confucius calls the “wisdom of lower level (xia yu zhi xing). Human of the upper level has a good nature. Human of the lower level has an evil nature. Dong believes that human nature is inborn to humans, particularly, to humans of the upper and lower levels, and remains unchangeable. The “nature of the middle level,” which covers the largest number of humans, is either devoid of the distinction between good and evil, or a mixture of good and evil, or either up or down, or either good or evil, and also constitutes the core of Dong Zhongshu’s theory of human nature. Here, Dong Zhongshu criticizes Mencius’ and Xun Zi’s theory of human nature, holding that Mencius discusses human nature from the perspective of a few sages, so he believes in the goodness of human nature. Xun Zi, on the other hand, defines human nature 17

Xu Fuguan, The History of Thought in Han Dynasty, Volume II, Taiwan Student Publishing House, 1976, p. 400.

340

8 Theory of Human Nature

from the lowest level, i.e., the “nature of lower level,” so he believes that human nature is inherently evil. Dong Zhongshu believes that although such two theories of human nature have their values, they are both one-sided because humans with “nature of upper level” or humans with “nature of lower level” which Mencius and Xun Zi take into account are actually very small and not universal. Therefore, Dong Zhongshu proposes that to explore human nature, we should choose the “nature of the middle level” as our research object, which refers to the vast majority of people who are in the middle in terms of their status and account for the largest number. Dong Zhongshu said: “the nature of the upper level, which is perfect, cannot be comsidered as nature; the nature of the lower level, which is that of good-for-nothings, is not worthy of being called nature either. The only nature that can be truly named as nature is the nature of the middle level (ordinary humans), which possesses good qualities that have not yet been awakened. These individuals await instruction and learning, through which they can become good.” (“True Nature” of Luxuriant Gems of Spring and Autumn) “The nature of humans in the upper level is innately good. The nature of humans in the middle level is either devoid of the distinction between good and evil, or is a mixture of good and evil, but it can be guided toward goodness. The nature of humans in the lower level is inherently evil.” (“Profound Examination of Names and Appellations” of Luxuriant Gems of Spring and Autumn) According to Dong Zhongshu, the nature of humans in the middle level is like bird eggs and silkworm cocoons. The bird egg itself is not a nestling bird yet, and it still needs another 20 days to hatch. Silkworm cocoon itself is not silk yet, it also needs the process of being soaked in burning water. Therefore, “the nature of humans in the middle level” is plainly unadorned, and it is devoid of the distinction between good and evil. In order to better explain this truth, Dong Zhongshu proposes the famous metaphor of “seedling and rice (hemi).” He likens human nature to seedlings and goodness to rice. Seedlings can grow into rice, but seedlings are not rice yet. Likewise, human nature can be good, but human nature is not good yet. Before seedlings grow into rice, they need the nourishment of sunlight, rain and dew from the outside world and the cultivation of humans. Similarly, human nature also needs external guidance and learning before it tends toward goodness. Therefore, Dong Zhongshu’s discussion of human nature finally falls on instruction and training. In form, this seems to be very close to Xun Zi’s emphasis on “transforming one’s inborn nature and developing his acquired nature.” However, Xun Zi’s instruction of human nature focuses on the system of propriety and law, while Dong Zhongshu’s instruction of human nature is centered on the “Kingly Governance.” Thus, Dong Zhongshu specially points out that this kind of instruction is “Kingly Teaching (wang jiao),” which refers to the moral teachings of real rulers, rather than the moral teachings of ancient sages. He said, “Heaven has endowed humans with potential good nature, and potential goodness is inborn to humans, but not yet actualized. So, Heaven establishes the Son of Heaven to teach humans to be good, which is Heaven’s will. First of all, humans have received unactualized good nature from Heaven, and then have transformed them into goodness through receiving teachings from the Son of Heaven. The Son of Heaven inherits Heaven’s will and takes the achievement of good nature of humans as his own duty.” (“Profound Examination of Names and Appellations” of Luxuriant

8.3 Theories of Human Nature of Confucians in Han and Tang Dynasties

341

Gems of Spring and Autumn) For ordinary people, i.e., the so-called “people of the middle level,” they already have had the potential for “goodness” in their innate nature. However, this potential for “goodness” will not spontaneously evolve into good nature. At this time, the “Son of Heaven” will get message from Heaven, calling for the rise of Kingly Teachings and promoting humans’ innate nature to evolve into actual goodness in a powerful way. Overall, Dong Zhongshu’s theory of human nature may not be as profound as that of Mencius and Xun Zi, but he notes that the “nature of humans in the middle level,” which is more universally representative, should be taken as the main object of research. This is a valuable point in Dong Zhongshu’s theory of human nature. However, there are many problems in this theory. For example, such as a contradiction between the claim that human nature is “nurturable but unalterable” and the idea of Kingly Teachings. Additionally, this theory emphasizes the obligation of the Son of Heaven to cultivate human nature in order to realize his ideal of establishing school education, and thus attributes the authority of human nature cultivation to the Son of Heaven, which may potentially whitewash the morality and power of the Son of Heaven. 2. Han Yu’s Theory of “Three Levels of Human Nature and Emotions” and Li Ao’s Theory of “Returning to the Nature” in the Tang Dynasty Since the Pre-Qin Period, due to the diversity and promiscuity within Confucianism, as well as the penetration and impact from Buddhism and Daoism, Han Yu (768 A.D.– 824 A.D.) came to realize the necessity of re-evaluating and purifying the Confucian theory of human nature. Han Yu developed his own theory of human nature after comprehensively examining the relevant discussions of Confucius, Mencius, Xun Zi, Dong Zhongshu, Yang Xiong, and others.18 Han Yu suggested that “xing” (human nature) is an innate nature that can be categorized into three levels: superior, medium and inferior, primarily including five virtues: human-heartedness (ren), propriety (li), righteousness (yi), faithfulness (xin) and wisdom (zhi). The “nature” of the superior level, akin to what Confucius refers to “wisdom of upper level,” is inherently good, as it is domineered by humanheartedness from within and actualized through propriety, righteousness, faithfulness, and wisdom from without. Conversely, the “nature” of the inferior level is inherently evil, akin to what Confucius refers to “stupidity of the inferior level,” as it opposes human-heartedness from within and defies propriety, righteousness, faithfulness, and wisdom from without. The “nature” of the medium level falls between the Yang Xiong 楊雄 (53 B.C.–18 A.D.), a philosopher, linguist, and literates of the Western Han Dynasty. Styled Ziyun, Yang is a native of Chengdu, Shujun Prefecture (in the present Sichuan Province). As for human nature, he says: “In human’s nature, good and evil are intermixed. If one cultivates the good elements, he will become a good human; otherwise, he will become an evil one.” (”Self-cultivation” of Model Sayings) According to Yang, human’s nature is a mixture of good and evil. If the good is cultivated and developed, human will become good; if the evil is stimulated, human will become bad. Hence, human must consistently study and practice diligently to fulfill the Way. So his theory is known as the “theory of a mixture of good and evil of human nature,” which can also be translated into “theory that human nature is a mixture of good and evil”—translator’s note.

18

342

8 Theory of Human Nature

“wisdom of the superior level” and the “stupidity of the inferior level,” and it can be swayed towards either good or evil depending on the individual’s acquired environment. This is because, while it has the potentials for human-heartedness and virtue, it may still occasionally deviate from these qualities. Additionally, its four virtues of propriety, righteousness, faithfulness and wisdom, are mixed and not entirely pure. Han Yu further discusses the relationship between “nature” (xing) and “emotions” (qing). According to Han Yu, “emotions (qing) are the feelings produced by human nature after contact with external things, which can also be categorized into superior, medium and low level, and are specifically expressed as seven basic emotions: pleasure, anger, sorrow, fear, love, hatred, and desire. The “qing” (emotions) of the superior level corresponds to the “xing” (human nature) of the superior level, and at this time, although seven emotions are moved, they all operate in line with the Mean (zhongdao); the “qing” (emotions) of the medium level corresponds to the “human nature “of the medium level, and although, at this time, seven emotions stimulated either go too far or fall short, they still try to move in line with the Mean; the “qing” (emotions) of the inferior level corresponds to the “human nature” of the inferior level, and at this time, seven emotions stimulated may be too extreme and too insufficient, even unscrupulous and unrestrained. In Han Yu’s “theory of three levels of emotions (qingsanpin),” we can easily see the shadow of the “zhongjie” (due proportion) thought of the Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyyong). In his theory of human nature centered on “three levels of nature and emotions,” Han Yu sought to transcend the limitations of earlier human nature theories espoused by thinkers such as Meng Zi, Xun Zi, Yang Xiong and others, who all “prioritized the medium while neglecting the superior and the low.” Han Yu aimed to incorporate the inner resources of Confucianism from Confucius and the Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong) to unify the Confucian thought on human nature. This thinking of Han Yu directly inspired his later student Li Ao (772 A.D.–841 A.D.). Li Ao continues Han Yu’s discussion on human nature and emotions, but with a different perspective. Instead of drawing on Confucius’ division of human nature into levels of upper, middle and inferior, Li Ao primarily seeks the basis of human nature theory from Mencius’ thought. As a result, Li Ao opposes Han Yu’s view that “Human nature is divided into good and evil,” and claims that there is only one kind of human nature, which is pure goodness without any evil. He said: Is the nature of Jie or Zhou the same as that of sages? The nature of Jie or Zhou is like that of Yao and Shun. Why human fails to see his innate nature is that his carnal desire and his likes and dislikes [of human emotions] have misled his discernment, not because of the fault of his nature. ... Emotions are mixtures of good or evil, but nature is inherently good. Mencius said: ‘All humans are innately good, just as water all flows downward. If you slap the water hard, you can make it splash up your chin. If you beat it even harder, you can make it flow up the mountain. Is it the nature of water that makes it climb upwards? Rather, it is an external force that guides it to do so. Similarly, the good or evil nature of all humans is not determined by their inherent nature, but by external factors.’19 Li Ao, “An Essay on Returning to Nature” 複性書 ( fu xing shu), also translated into “On the Recovery of Nature,” is a treatise consisting of three parts. The essay makes a general discussion of human nature and emotions, and describes the process of self-cultivation whereby one may become a sage, and the necessity for self-exertion —translator’s note.

19

8.3 Theories of Human Nature of Confucians in Han and Tang Dynasties

343

The innate nature of human beings is inherently good. Regardless of whether they are as cruel as Jie Zhou or as holy wise as Yao and Shun, their nature remains the same. The reason why their behavior is so different is not because of the difference in “nature” (xing), but because of the great difference in “emotions” (qing). “Qing” is the movement of “nature,” and nature and emotions depend on each other. Without nature, there is no foundation for arousing of emotions. Without emotions, nature cannot be manifested. “Emotions” which are different from the pure goodness of “nature” are mixtures of good and evil. Human conduct is the result of the interaction between “nature” and “emotions.” Seven emotions, such as pleasure, anger, sorrow, fear, love, hatred, and desire, are all manifestations of human emotions being aroused. When seven emotions conform to the Mean, humans’ “emotions” are bright and pure, and humans’ “nature” is also manifestly good because it is not hidden. When seven emotions are amid chaos and disorder, humans’ “emotions” are dim and gloomy, and humans’ “nature” is obscured and unable to manifest its goodness, but only shows its evil state of “emotions.” So, although humans show all kinds of unkindness in reality, these are not sins brought about by “nature.” Just as a stream is turbid, it is not caused by the current itself. The root of stream turbidity lies in the overflowing of sediment, which pollutes the water flow. Likewise, humans’ evil is rooted in his indulgence of lust, which, hence, obscures his good nature, and makes his nature invisible. In Li Ao’s view, [human] nature is authentically good. Ideally, every human being should develop into a sage according to their nature. However, in reality, few people truly become sages. The reason for this is that, in addition to nature, humans also have emotions. Emotions are aroused in its contact with external stimuli and can be either good or evil, leading to excessess or deficiecies. When humans are lost in their confused emotions, they tend to lose his heartmind and forget their inherent nature. Hence, if a person wants to realize their full potential and become a sage, they must recover their true nature and keep their emotions within limits. This is what Mencius refers to as “seeking one’s lost heartmind (qiu fang xin).” Hence, Li Ao’s logic conclusion of human nature theory is: if humans want to achieve their goodness, they first ought to recover their nature; if humans want to recover their nature, they first ought to restrict their emotions. It should be noted that what Li Ao calls “recovering one’s nature” only means to return to the original state of human nature, not to seek an acquired nature or to develop another nature. Therefore, Li Ao’s “theory of returning to nature” is not only quite different from Han Yu’s, but also quite different from Mencius’ theory of “extending one’s goodness to include others (tui kuo qi shan duan),” which is obviously inspired by Buddhist thought to some extent. The key point of “returning to nature” falls on “restricting one’s emotions ( jieqing).” Li Ao does not put forward the extreme argument for “wiping out one’s emotions (mieqing).” In his opinion, since emotions are mixtures of good and evil, humans ought to exercise restraint on emotions, especially evil emotions, if they want to eliminate the bad influence of bad feelings on their inherent nature. The purpose of “restricting one’s emotions” is to prevent evil emotions from being aroused and restore the completeness of good nature. A sage is a role model of restoring their nature and restricting their emotions. A sage who “restricts his emotions” is not

344

8 Theory of Human Nature

ruthless, but rather “reaches all depths and grasps the seeds of all things without any deliberate expectation for things, shows profound insight and wisdom without uttering words, and naturally stands out in the crowd without domineering brilliance. He formulates the everlasting grand law, which can be compared with the height of Heaven and Earth. Once steps and measures are taken to adjust and change things, he can also take into account the change of yin and yang in the universe. A sage has feelings for all things in the universe, but he never comes under the influence of any emotions to do anything.” (Li Ao, “Letter on Restorative Nature” (1)) In other words, the key to “restricting one’s emotions” is to have emotions but without being ensnareed by them, which undoubtedly has vestiges of Daoist Metaphysics. The difference between “wiping out one’s emotions” and “restricting one’s emotions” is that the former involves completely denying and severing lust itself, while the latter merely aims to curb ill-considered actions stemming from emotional desires. While “being in a state of thoughtless stillness” can remove the soil of aroused emotions in form, Li Ao points out that only achieving “ultimate sincerity” from the innermost heartmind is the way to completely eliminate the root of dishonest emotions. Dong Zhongshu, Han Yu and Li Ao’s theories of human nature reflect Confucian view of human nature in the Han Dynasty and Tang Dynasty from one persprctive.

8.4 Ideas of Heart-Nature in Rationalist Theory in Song Dynasty Firstly, Zhang Zai’s and Two Chengs’ Theory of Mind-Nature. Zhang Zai (1020–1077), a realist philosopher of the Song dynasty and a leader in providing Neo-Confucianism with a metaphysical and epistemological foundation. He constructs Confucian theory of human nature based on his “theory of transformation of material force (qi hua lun).”20 He declares that “Qi 氣” is the original Transformations of Material Force 氣化論 (qi hua lun), also translated into “Evolutions of Material Force,” is a term first used in The Book of Rituals by Dai the Elder 大禮戴記 (da li dai ji), which refers to the transformation or evolution of yin and yang forces to produce all things in the universe. Some later scholars accepted this concept, such as Zhang Zai, two Cheng brothers, Wang Fuzhi and Dai Zhen. But the Cheng brothers maintain that only at the very beginning have all things, that is to say, the first members of each species, been produced through transformations of material force, and then the stage of evolutions of forms begin. Dai Zhen of the Qing Dynasty thinks that transformation of material force is the Way. Dai maintains that material force is the source of all things, and that the transformation of material force causes ceaseless production and reproduction, and that the Way, in fact, is nothing but the movement course of the evolution of the force into yin and yang forces and further into all things in the universe. On human nature, Zhang also has his original thinking. He divides human nature into the physical nature and the nature of Heaven and Earth. The physical nature is derived from man’s physical form, and having been corrupted by the environment of material force it contains evil elements. The latter, on the contrary, is one in the transcendent, uncorrupted state and thus is pure. The self-cultivation of virtues consists in a return to man’s nature of Heaven and Earth, and then can bring oneself into one with the universe. Zhang’s 20

8.4 Ideas of Heart-Nature in Rationalist Theory in Song Dynasty

345

substance of the world, and that human beings and all things in Heaven and Earth originate from “Qi.” He further states that human beings’ original nature is the same as that of all things in Heaven and Earth. He said: An object has two bodies, namely, yin and yang, which are produced by Taiji (the Great Ultimate). Both yin and yang together constitute the law of the movement of the Heavenly Way, which is also the principle for the formation of four xiang (four images). Firmness or the strong (gang) and softness or the weak (rou) are two attributes of earth, and they keep running by following the Way of Earth. Human-heartedness and righteousness are two attributes of the Way of Humanity, which is the premise upon which human nature is established. Heaven, Earth and Humanity, known as Three Talents or Powers (sancai), all have the lines representing the three powers, which are doubled to amount to six, and all contain the Way of Qian and the Way of Kun in the universe.21

In his view on human nature, Zhang Zai follows the Confucian tradition of “harmony between nature and human.” He ascribes the perfect good nature of humans to the “Nature of Heaven and Earth” (tian di zhi xing),” which is shared by all human beings and all things. However, Zhang Zai does not deny that the human nature in reality is differentiated between good and evil, believing that “all humans are different in hardness and softness, quickness and slowness, wisdom and stupidity, all of which are produced by different impacts of yinqi and yangqi on human body.” (Zhang Zai, Zheng Meng· Cheng Ming) Therefore, on the premise of affirming the “Nature of Heaven and Earth” (tiandizhixing), Zhang Zai also lays emphasis on the “Nature of Physical Endowment” (qi zhi zhi xing), and attributes human’s difference in specific dispositions to his difference in endowment of material force (qibing).22 According to Zhang Zai, the “Nature of Heaven and Earth” forms one’s intrinsic nature, which is inherently good for all humans. One can rely on self-cultivation of virtues to return to his nature of Heaven and Earth, and then bring himself into oneness with Heaven and Earth.” (Zhang Zai, Zheng Meng·Cheng Ming) Human’s “Nature of Physical Endowment” can be alterable. Human learning for self-improvement is to “seek for chief works include A Correct Discipline for Beginners, Expositions of the Book of Changes, and Assembled Principles of Classical Learning, which are contained in Collected Works of Master Zhang—translator’s note. 21 Zhang Zai, Corrected Discipline for Beginners-Sincerity and Brightness 正蒙·誠明 (zhengmeng·chengming), also translated into Correcting Youthful Ignorance. It is a philosophical work by Zhang Zai. The work, consisting in 9 volumes and 17 chapters, chiefly deals with ideas such as material force (qi), substance (ben) and function (mo), the universal interaction of the two cosmic forces of yin and yang, the Way of Heaven, the process of universal transformation, living beings, sincerity (cheng) and enlightenment (ming), heartmind, the principles of the Mean, transformation of one’s physical nature, virtue, music, ceremonies, etc. As a seminal work with profound impact on Chinese cultural history, it has garnered numerous insightful commentaries from later scholars, with Zhu Xi’s commentary, Gao Panlong’s explications, and Wang Fuzhi’s annotations standing out as the most important and renowned among them—translator’s note. 22 Qibing 氣禀, as a philosophical term, may be translated into “material force or moral characters endowed by Qi,” or “endowment of material force.” As an philosophical term, it first appeared during the Warring States Period. Han Fei once said in the 20th chapter of The Book of Master Han Fei: “The course of life and death depends upon the endowment of material force.” Wang Chong of the Han Dynasty had the same idea. Neo-Confucianists of Song Dynasty held that this endowment forms human’s physical nature. Those who are endowed with the pure material force are sages while those who are endowed with the turbid force are evil humans—translator’s note.

346

8 Theory of Human Nature

changing one’s physical endowment” in order to return to the “Nature of Heaven and Earth.” Zhang Zai says, “Physical materials which get their shape acquires the nature of physical endowment. If one can depend on self-cultivation of virtues to return to his nature of Heaven and Earth, then he can bring himself into oneness with Heaven and Earth. So, a lofty-minded person should not get slack in his self-cultivation, then he can return to the ‘Nature of Heaven and Earth’ from the ‘Nature of Physical Endowment.’” (Zhang Zai, Zheng Meng·Cheng Ming) Once human returns to the “Nature of Heaven and Earth” from the “Nature of Physical Endowment,” he can correctly understand the universe and human life correctly, and he will not suffer from life and death, nor from poverty and sorrow, so as to achieve a perfect state of life. In a nutshell, in Zhang Zai’s view, human beings are qi, like all other aspects of the world, and have an original nature that is oneness with all the things of the world. Their physical nature, however, derives from the physical form into which their qi has dispersed. Moral self-cultivation consists in a human’s attempting to do his duty as a member of society and as a member of the cosmos. One does not try to prolong one’s life, so the sagely person understands that “life entails no gain nor death any loss.” The Two Chengs (Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi) thought that Principle of Heaven (tian-li), nature-mandate (xing-ming), mind-matter (xin-wu) are characterized by the identity between them, i.e., though capable of being logically distinguished, they are in actuality but different expressions of a single reality that is of both mind and matter. In 18th chapter of Er Cheng Yi-Shu or Literary Remains of the Two Chengs it is said: “Mandate is in Tian, principle is in righteousness, human nature is in human, and mind is master in body, and they are actually oneness.” Mandate, principle, nature, and mind are located in different places and named in different ways, but they are actually oneness. Nature is the Way! Nature is principle! Mind/Heart-Nature naturally contains the Way and the principle, and all things in the universe are held together by one principle. “One human’s heartmind is that of Heaven and Earth and one object’s principle is that of all things.” (Er Cheng Yi-Shu or Literary Remains of the Two Chengs, volume 2(A)) By affirming what Heaven has bestowed upon humans is called human nature, the Two Chengs believe that human is born with intuitive knowledge and intuitive ability, which constitute the priori perception of the original mind as well as the intuitive gift of thinking. Cheng Hao, the elder brother, said: “Intuitive knowledge and intuitive ability do not come from human acquired effort, but rather than from Heaven.” (Complete Works of the Two Chengs, volume 2(A)) Cheng Yi, the younger brother, said: “Intuitive knowledge is inherent in me, but it cannot be obtained without effort. There must be a way to acquire knowledge, thus it is said that to acquire knowledge is to investigate all things.” (Complete Works of the Two Chengs, volume 25) Intuitive knowledge and intuitive ability come down from the Mandate of Heaven, rather than from human intentions. The Mandate of Heaven has no relatives, but its human-heartedness and virtue encompasses everything, so all things in the world possess intuitive knowledge and intuitive ability. Though intuitive knowledge and intuitive ability are “self-sufficient,” they are easily blinded by material desires in the process of their contact with external things. So, it is necessary to eliminate human desires and preserve the principle of Heaven so that humans can suddenly see

8.4 Ideas of Heart-Nature in Rationalist Theory in Song Dynasty

347

their original mind and heavenly principle in all things. Thus, there arise two different ways to attain to ultimate knowledge, that is, knowledge of virtue and knowledge of acquisition. Cheng Hao put more emphasis on knowledge of virtue, thinking that achievement of ultimate knowledge is actually an insight into “all things in the universe that are living as they are,” all of which are the extension of one’s mind of human-heartedness, the wide circulation of Heavenly principle, and the same body formed by human mind and things in the world, which are fundamentally all the same. In addition to accepting Cheng Hao’s viewpoint, Cheng Yi emphasized the importance of “studying affairs close at hand and striving to become communed with Tianming.” He believed that through the process of investigatiing things and knowing things and principles through “thinking,” one can ultimately return to the path of “exhaustively pursuing the principle and fully developing one’s mind, which leads to the unity of intellectual understanding and sudden enlightenment of original mind, ultimately knowing the Mandate of Heaven. Precisely because the Two Chengs realized that mind has the gifted endowments of intuitive knowledge and intuitive ability, they think that one cannot remove mental activities in the effort to cultivate stillness and remain stationary in it. They criticized the self-cultivation theory of “achieving empty and quiet state” proposed by Buddhism and Taoism that involves “neglecting one’s five internal organs and ignoring the body to the extent that the appearance becomes like a withered tree, and the heart becomes as calm as ashes.” The Two Chengs says: “How can a human, who is a living thing, become like a withered tree and as calm as dead ashes? As long as a person is alive, they must think and act. Only when they are dead will they turn into ashes.” (Er Cheng Yi-Shu or Literary Remains of the Two Chengs, volume 2(A)). Secondly, Zhu Xi’s Doctrine of Mind-Nature. The concept of “nature (xing)” has multiple levels of meaning. Zhu Xi, one of the Confucian pioneers of Cheng and Zhu Scholars of hip (chengzhu lixue), thinks that nature (xing) has two essential points. First of all, it refers to the “nature endowed by Tianming” or the “intrinsic nature of humanity and all things,” which is the “virtue (de)” endowed to humanity and all things by the Mandate of Heaven. Because the Principle of Heaven and Earth is interconnected, xing is also called li-xing (PrincipleNature). Secondly, it refers to the “Nature Endowed By Qi,” which stands in contrast with the “Nature Endowed by Tianming” or the “Nature Endowed by Heaven and Earth.” The “Nature Endowed By Qi” is not an additional nature but is relative to the “Nature Endowed by Tianming.” In terms of endowment of physical nature, it refers to the nature formed in humans through the integration of Principle (li) and Material Force (qi). The “Nature Endowed by Tianming” is discussed from the point of the original nature, and explained in terms of Principle, while the “Nature Endowed By Qi” contains both Principle (li) and Material Force (qi) and is explained from a physical or experimental point of view. Confucius says, “In nature, humans are close to one another, in practice, far apart,” but he does not explain why “in nature, humans are close to one another.” Mencius has explained the goodness of human nature in terms of the goodness of heartmind and argues that nature is inherentl good, but he does not indicate clearly the distinction between the original nature endowed by Heaven and the nature endowed by qi. Xun

348

8 Theory of Human Nature

Zi claims that [human] nature is evil, but he discusses nature in terms of human’s lust, and equals [human] nature with the evil of physical nature. After Confucius, the observation and reflection in The Doctrine of the Mean (zhong yong) provided extensive information on the Way of Heaven (tiandao) and Nature-Destiny (xing-ming). The Doctrine of the Mean begins with the statement: “What Tianming has bestowed upon humans is what it terms [human] nature” (tian ming zhi wei xing), which echoes the chanting lines from The Book of Poetry (shijing): Ah! Imagine how Tianming flows, So solemn, eternal in its course; And Ah! How brilliant, how bright, King Wen’s moral character shines! With blessings, he has whelmed us, We need only to gather them in; High favors King Wen has vouchsafed to us; May his descendants hold them, ever true.23 And thus follows the great discourse of The Book of Changes (yijing): “What is continued is called goodness 繼之者善 ( ji zhi zhe shan), or those who continue it term it goodness. What is accomplished is called nature 成之者性也 (cheng zhi zhe xing ye), or those who successfully actualize it term it nature,” which awakens a pure and natural nature at the moment. Zhu Xi’s discussion of nature also follows the relevant philosophies presented in The Book of Changes. In “Appendices” of the Book of Changes it is said: “One yin and one yang, in harmong they dancd, each producing the other, in endless embrace. They are are the root of all thins’ rise and fall. In the vast universe, their rhythm never stalls. This is Tao, the way of all that is, the eternal flow, the source of all that exists. Continuing their movement, that creates all things, is called goodness, the essence of all beings. And actualizing all things in the universe is the nature of Heaven, the ultimate truth. Thus yin and yang, in perfect balance, reveals the mystery of life, and its profound worth.” In Zhu Xi’s view, yin and yang, as two essential cosmic forces, constitute the essence within all forms. The Way is synonymous with Principle, and, therefore, the naturalness stated in “What Heaven has bestowed upon humans is called nature” refers to Tian (Heaven) of Principle and Nature 義理性之天 (yi li xing zhi tian), which is known as “the movement of one yin and one yang is what transcends forms.” That “continuing the movement of one yin and one yang is known as goodness” means the everlasting and constant nature of human-heartedness that sustains the Way of yin and yang, allowing it to operate continually and generate all things in the universe, which is poetically stated in Shijing: “Ah! Imagine how Tianming flows, so solemn, eternal in its course; And The Chinese original text of this poem reads: “維天之命, 於穆不已。於乎不顯, 文王之德之 純。假以溢我, 我其收之。駿惠我文王, 曾孫篤之。” The poem is sometimes titled “Wei Tian Zhi Ming,” which is the second poem of “Shijing·Zhou Song”. It has no rhyme and is not long. Its content can be roughly divided into two halves. The first part says that King Wen obeys the Mandate of Heaven and his character is pure and beautiful; the second part says that King Wen’s moral accomplishment was passed down to his descendants, who should follow his legacy and carry forward it—translator’s note.

23

8.4 Ideas of Heart-Nature in Rationalist Theory in Song Dynasty

349

Ah! How brilliant, how bright, King Wen’s moral character shines !” The Heavenly Principle prevails and remains constant without interruption, representing supreme goodness without any evil. The statement that “those who fully actualize all things in the universe are referred to as the nature of Heaven” means that the Heavenly Principle operates unceasingly and bestows an intrinsic nature upon all humans and all things. In terms of the distinction and relationship between “continuation of its goodness” 繼善 and “actualization of its nature” 成性, Zhu Xi spoke very clearly: “Continuing the movement [of yin and yang, that creates all things] is called goodness, and actualizing all things [in the universe] is called the nature [of Heaven].” This principle permeates in Heaven and Earth and is completely good, and never not-good. What is intrinsic to all things is termed “nature.” This principle is termed as “Mandate” in Heaven and as “nature” in human beings.24 “Continuing the movement [of yin and yang, that creates all things] is called goodness” stands as the origination of the prevalent principle of Heaven, as well as that of goodness endowed upon all humans and all things by Heaven. “Actualizing all things [in the universe] is called the nature of Heaven” stands as a place where the Heavenly Principle is actualized and settled, so all humans and all things, either dim or bright, can obtain their final shape. If the Principle of Heaven and Earth remains unactualized in form, how can all humans and all things obtain their nature?25 “Continuing the movement [of yin and yang] is called goodness,” which is commonly endowed to all humans and all things. “Actualizing all things [in the universe] is called nature of Heaven,” which means goodness endowed by Heaven is achieved through humanity, or humanity makes goodness endowed by Heaven complete and manifest. This is just one truth, not to be divided into "this is" and "that is not," just as we cannot say that fish is in water, but rather water is both inside and outside the fish.26 Yichuan (Chengyi 1033–1107) said: “What is endowed to all things by Heaven is termed mandate, while what all humans and all things receive from Heaven is termed nature.” Mandate and nature are termed differently, but the principle they share is one. Principle is one but its manifestations are many. What is endowed upon all things by Heaven is termed mandate, and what all humans and all things are endowed by Heaven is termed nature. As a matter of fact, it is only different in the starting point of talking about mandate or nature. In other words, once a person or a thing gains a specific physical form, the same principle finds its expression in a different way.27

The distinction between “what is continued is termed goodness” and “what is actualized is termed nature” is that the former is spoken of from the perspective of Heaven the latter is spoken of from the perspective of all humans and all things, that is, “though the starting point is different, the principle remains the same.” Actually, the one and same principle runs through two things (tian and ren-wu), which are planted in one original source. Because the principle is present in different things, its functions and forms vary. “What is continued is termed goodness” is approached from a universal applicability rather than from an individual actualization of goodness 24

Zhu Xi, Classified Conversations of Master Zhu Xi, Volume 5. Ibid., Volume 74. 26 Ibid., Volume 98. 27 Ibid., Volume 95. 25

350

8 Theory of Human Nature

in humans or things. On the other hand, “What is actualized is termed nature,” as standing in contrast with “What is continued is termed goodness,” means that the principle is inborn and actualized in specific persons and things, and possessed by themselves, hence, such a principle is wholly unified with [moral] characters of qi in human life, which is termed nature. That’s why we may say, “Nature is Principle” and “Nature is Nothing But Principle.” Although Zhu Xi’s ideas on nature and principle are a direct continuation of the “Appendices” to the Yi Jing or the Book of Changes through the Explanatory Notes of Yi Zhuan, but also a dissection and deepening of the concept that “What Heaven has bestowed upon people is known as nature” found in Zhong Yong or the Doctrine of the Mean. The statement “Nature Is Principle” explains only one aspect of the phrase that “in nature, people are close to one another.” The reason why “in nature, people are close to one another” is that there are other factors that contribute to this closeness, making it entirely uniform. Drawing from his own personal experience, Zhu Xi says: “All humans are good in nature. However, some individuals possess an innate goodness, while others are with inherent evil. This disparity arises from differences in their physical endowments.” (Classified Conversations of Master Zhu, Vol. 4) Zhu Xi claims that human nature is all good in terms of his original nature, and this is a transcendental existence, but humans are born with good or evil because they are endowed with different physical endowments. Therefore, he critiques Mencius’ theory by arguing that good nature does ont necessarily precede evil nature, as he believes that Mencius’ defect lies in his “sole focus on ‘nature’ while neglecting ‘qi’, resulting in an incomplete argument,” (Recorded Conversations of Zhu Xi, Vol. 4) Consequently, he is unable to explain the origin of evil and the fact that some individuals are born with inherent evil. Zhu Xi further points out that Dong Zhongshu’s concept of “greed nature,” Yang Xiong’s idea of “a mixture of good and evil,” and Han Yu’s notion of “three levels of nature” all distort the principle of nature and destiny advocated by the sages to certain extent. Additionally, they fail to take into a serious account of the role of physical endowment. Zhu Xi recognizes the difference and connection between the “Mandate of Heaven and physical endowment” in terms of the theory of total integration of principle and qi (material force, energy-matter), and made an analysis of the “nature” based on the “Nature of Tianming” and the “Nature of physical endowment.” Now that principle and qi are completely integrated into one body, Tianming (fate designed by Heaven) or Tianli (highest principle decreed by Heaven) is manifested in physical endowments, and they are also “completely integrated into one body. Only when there is Tianming or Tianli can there be a manifestation of physical endowments, and the two cannot exist independently of each other. If one is lacking, things cannot be produced. Since there is Tianming or Tianli, there must be its corresponding physical endowment, which serves as the manifestaion of Tianming or Tianli. If there is no such physical endowment, then where can Tianming or Tianli be settled?” (Recorded Conversations of Zhu Xi, Vol. 4) The principle of Tianming or Tianli is characterized by a “clean, broad and open world without any traces and shapes,” devoid of any traces of not-goodness. The physical endowment is embodied in a variety of shapes, such as cleanness, turbidity, integrity, partiality, purity, and

8.4 Ideas of Heart-Nature in Rationalist Theory in Song Dynasty

351

heterogeneousness. It is important to note that the physical endowment itself is not inherently good or evil. The physical endowment itself has no inherent distinction between good and evil. However, when it integrates with the “nature of Tianming,” it acquires the function of either transparency or shielding. This function introduces a difference between good and evil within the context of the “Nature of Tianming.” Zhu Xi frequently uses the analogy of a pearl in water and a lamp in paper cage to illustrate that the glow a peral and a lamp is dependent on the clarity or turbidity of water and the thickness of thinness of paper. The same is true of human nature. When discussing the function of the “nature of physical endowment,” Zhu Xi addresses the “nature of physical endowment” together with the “Nature of Tianming.” Anyway, first of all, Zhu Xi argues: “When discussing the nature of Heaven and Earth, it specifically refers to the Heavenly Principle. Similarly, when discussing the nature of physical endowment,28 it refers to the mixture of principle and material force, rather than treating material force as nature and fate (designed by Heaven).” (Collected Writings of Zhu Wengong, Vol. 56). Principle and material force are not originally mixed. Principle (Li) is principle (li), material force (qi) is material force (qi), and they might as well be regarded as two things. But from the perspective of integration between principle (li) and material force (qi), they can be regarded as co-existing in one concrete thing. Secondly, Zhu Xi believes that since nature is related to the “nature of physical endowment,” then the original nature of Heaven and Earth is in the “nature of physical endowment,” which should not be regarded as anther nature. This is the connection between the “nature of Heaven and Earth and the “nature of physical endowment.” Thirdly, Zhu Xi believes that the “Nature of Tianming” is inherently good, and “the nature of physical endowment” is a mixture of good and evil. Since all humans and all things are born with “the nature of physical endowment,” they must inherently possess good and evil qualites. However, the “nature of Heaven and Earth,” which is completely good, is considered a transcendent being. Based on this understanding, Zhu Xi further believes that inherent qualities such as human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom are aroused and manifested externally due to the functions of emotions such as compassion, shame, deference, and judgment of right and wrong. Zhu Xi emphasizes the principle that “Heartmind masters nature and feelings,” highlighting the transformation from thr innate nature that is not yet aroused to the roles of emotions that are aroused. Zhu Xi believes that both human body and its sensory organs are dominated by heartmind. He said: “Heartmind is house of spirit and lord of whole body.” (Recorded Qi 氣 is alternatively translated into vital force, or material force, or energy matter. As a philosophical term in Chinese culture, it has a material existence independent of subjective consciousness, and is the basic element of all physical beings. It is also the basis for birth and existence of life and spirit. In addition, some thinkers have given a moral attribute to qi. Qi is in constant motion and change, and has no specific shape. Its concentration gives birth to a thing, and its evaporation signals the end of that thing. Qi permeates all physical beings and their surroundings. Qi, as a philosophical concept, is different from what is commonly understood by the word qi, namely, air. Although things in liquid or solid forms are different from things in air form, from the perspective of the ancient Chinese philosophy, their formation and existence are the results of the concentration of qi—translator’s note. 28

352

8 Theory of Human Nature

Conversations of Zhu Xi, Vol. 98) Heartmind is called “lord,” because, for a human, heartmind is the owner who is able to have dominion over his body, and is entitled with a high degree of autonomy and freedom. Zhu Xi said: “Heartmind is what human uses to manipulate his body. Heartmind is shown as one but not two. The heartmind, whether empty and alert or aware in stillness and in outer-centered activity, is simply one. It is the subject rather than the object, which acts on external things rather than being controlled by them.” (“A Treatise on the Examination of the Mind” from Collected Writings of Zhu Xi, Vol. 67). “Heartmind” is lord of human body. And the reason why heartmind can rule human body is because “heartmind” possess the “nature of being empty, numinous, and aware, which are simply integrated.”29 (Collected Writings of Zhu Xi, Vol. 73) Zhu Xi says: “Heartmind, which is the consciousness of humans, rules human body and responds to things outside.” (An Interpretation on the Councils of the Great Yu (dayumojie), See Collected Writings of Zhu Xi, Vol. 65) Obviously, the so-called consciousness is actually an activity originating in the deity of the heartmind. Now that Zhu Xi said that “heartmind is house of deity,” then the true mind is “divine spirit,” which is a heavenly truth that is constantly bright and unceasingly unobstructed within humans. Heartmind is called a house in terms of physiological perspective, and heartmind is called a house of spirit in terms of the noumenon of thinking. Zhu Xi said: “Heartmind is the divine spirit of humans.” (“Full Development of Mind (A)” from Collected Commentaries on Book of Meng Zi) Divine spirit, also known as soul spirit, disembodied wisdom, or simply spirit, varies in expression according to personal preferences. Zhu Xi often uses mirror image as a metaphor to express his understanding of the original heartmind, saying, “Human heartmind is still and alert, as empty as a mirror, as even as a balance of a scale. As the lord of the whole body, heartmind is the original state of true substance, and nothing can be added to it from outside.” (Questions on the Great Learning, Vol. 2) Zhu Xi further stated, “The human heartmind is like a mirror, without a prior image in it. Only when things come does it reflect their beauty and ugliness. If there is a prior image in the mirror, how can it illuminate all things! Now that human heartmind is still and alert, it can respond to the coming and going of all things. Heartmind responds to all things, superior or inferior, light or heavy, as they come in, with nothing being beclouded. With the coming and going of all things, heartmind entertains no preconceived attitude. This is the normal nature of human heartmind and the principle of things.” (Recorded Conversations of Zhu Xi, Vol. 16) Through his experience of the state of emotions not yet aroused, Zhu Xi realizes that the original mind which rules human body is “empty-minded and tranquil” (zhanran xuming, neither existent nor non-existent], free from all distracting 29

In A Preface to Commentary on the Doctrine of the Mean (Vol. 1), Zhu Xi says: “心之虛靈知覺, 一而已矣, 而以為有人心、道心之異者, 則以其或生於形氣之私, 或原於性命之正, 而所以為 知覺者不同。” [“In being empty, numinous, and aware, the mind is simply one, and the distinction between the mind of human and the mind of the Way is because some awareness is born from the self-centeredness of one’s physical constitution and some awareness is borne of the correctness of one’s normative constitution, so that by which they are awareness is not the same.”]—translator’s note.

8.4 Ideas of Heart-Nature in Rationalist Theory in Song Dynasty

353

thoughts, free from selfish desires, and empty and alert. It is precisely because this original mind is “empty-minded and tranquil” that Zhu Xi argues for maintaining this original heartmind “in a state of thorough, lucid serenity” so that “this heartmind is not beclouded by secular interferences.” Such a bright original heartmind devoid of selfish desires can illuminate all humans and all things, opening up an insightful new way of perceiving and understanding human life. So Zhu Xi said: “The heartmind is wholly empty and alert, and all principles are present within it, running through the movement of yin and yang.” (Classified Conversations of Master Zhu Xi, Vol. 5) From this perspective, Zhu Xi also claims that “the heartmind is the origin of all principles,” “the heartmind contains all principles,” “the heartmind and principle are simply one,” and so on. The prerequisite that “the heartmind and principle become oneness” is that human should be “free from human desires” so as to “make the heartmind as pure and clear as a mirror.” “Human desires” are “dust and grime” that obscure the heartmind, standing in contrast with “Tianli” or “Heavenly principle.” In terms of moral ethics, “Tianli” actually refers to the nature of human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety and wisdom. Generally speaking, this heartmind and this nature can be referred to as the heartmind of humans (renxin) and the nature of human-heartedness (renxing), as well as the heartmind of the Way (daoxin) and the nature of the Way (daoxing). In contrast to the heartmind of the [heavenly] Way, human desires can be called the heartmind of human. In the Counsels of Great Yu of Shangshu it is said: “The heartmind of human is perilous; the heartmind of the Way is subtle; you must rarefy and unify them; steadfastly hold to this Mean!”.30 According to Zhu Xi, the heartmind of human and the heartmind of the Way are “simply one thing, but differ in what one is aware of.” (Recorded Conversations of Zhu Xi, Vol. 78) The heartmind that is aware of the principle is the heartmind of the Way, and the heartmind that is aware of human desires is the heartmind of human. The heartmind, which originates in what is rectified by ‘nature and mandate,’ is the heartmind of the Way, and the heartmind, which is lost in human desires and man’s ‘physical body,’ is the heartmind of human. The heartmind of human is “not all good” just because it is unstable and easy to be beclouded by human desires, so as to be on the verge of “peril.” That is to say, the heartmind of the Way, which is sealed and beclouded by human desires, cannot uncover its profound and subtle truth, and therefore, the original heartmind is “subtle” and easily flows into human desires. Zhu Xi repeatedly instructs his disciples to “value Tianli ((the highest principle decreed by Heaven) and eliminate renyu (human desires),” to allow Tianli to prevail deeply in one’s heart, and to let the original heartmind shine brightly, so as to elevate one’s life from the darkness of excessive human desires to the bright and resplendent world

Da Yu Mo 大禹謨, translated into the Counsels of the Great Yu, is one of the treatises in Shangshu. It is famous for its sixteen-Chinese characters concerning “heartmind-to-heartmind instruction”: “人 心惟危, 道心惟微, 惟精惟一, 允執厥中”. Its alternative English version may be: “The heartmind of human is restless and prone to danger. The heartmind of the Way is subtle and difficult to attain. Only by sincerely holding fast to the Mean can you attain to its ultimate”—translator’s note.

30

354

8 Theory of Human Nature

of rationality. Therefore, Zhu Xi also emphasizes the cultivating effort to “focus exclusively on Tianli and staunchly hold fast to the Mean ( jing yi zhi zhong).”31 Although Zhu Xi believes that “heartmind and principle are just one,” he does not equate heartmind (xin) with principle (li). As far the unifier of heartmind and nature, he asserts that “there is only one inherent principle.” However, when analyszed separately, heartmind and nature remain distinct, with heartmind being “a mixture of good and evil, while nature is purely good.” (Recorded Conversations of Zhu Xi, Vol. 5). Nature is equivalent to principle, and emotions are functions of emotions already aroused. Zhu Xi explains, “The awareness of heartmind (zhijue) refers to the principle which one is aware of and the corresponding feeling which one manifests in one’s practice.” (Reply To Pan Qianzhian from Collected Writings of Zhu Xi, Vol. 55). Nature (xing) is the substance (ti), while feelings are the functions of the substance. The heartmind, which unifies nature and feelings, lords the function of the substance. These three points constitute the general difference in relation to “only one inherent principle” between heartmind and nature. The idea that “heartmind unifies nature and feelings” (xin tong xing qing) is a significant achievement comprehended by Zhu Xi in 1169. The Chinese character “Tong” 統, which means "unification" has the connotations of “holding two or more things together” and “including.” This term was first used by Zhang Zai. However, after discussing with Zhang Shi (1133–1180), a prominent Confucian scholar of the Southern Song Dynasty, Zhu Xi seemed to align with the idea that “heartmind lords over nature and feelings” (xin zhu xing qing).” This is because the Chinese word “lord” 主 or “master” emphasizes the whole function of the original heartmind, showcasing its characteristics as a perceptual agency and free domination. On the other hand, the Chinese word “Tong” 統 only shows that the heartmind contains or governs both the nature and feelings, whether they are already aroused or not yet aroused, which appear to coexist in a static state. If examining the “heartmind lords over nature and emotions” from the perspective of human-hearted nature, Zhu Xi believes that it serves as “the virtue of heartmind and the principle of love (xin zhi de, ai zh ili).” What is endowed by Heaven and actualized in humanity is called “virtue,” so virtue is also nature. Human-heartedness is the virtuous substance of the heartmind and also the moral principle (yili), from which the feeling of love is emanated. Jing yi zhi zhong 精壹執中 is a term which is derived from the sixteen Chinese characters or the sixteen-character heartmind-to-heartmind instruction: ” 人心惟危, 道心惟微, 惟精惟一, 允執 厥中.” This sentence from the “Councils of the Great Yu” contained in Shangshu or the Book of History means that “the heartmind is beset by danger, while the moral mind is subtle and elusive. Concentration of heartmind is required for sticking to the path of justice and uprightness.” It is said to be handed down from Yao to Shun, then to Yu in the heartmind to heartmind way. It is also one of the Confucian ethical ideas and the core and cardinal principle of the Doctrine of the Mean. Zhu Xi said: “The Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong) does not bend one way or the other; it is the common principle of neither exceeding nor falling short of the line. (Zhu Xi: Commentary on The Doctrine of the Mean) According to this principle, rulers of the country should never be biased in making decisions on conflicting opinions, interests, and forces in an unprincipled way, but rather they must sincerely hold fast to the Middle Course (zhongdao) with appropriate policies and measures, and sincerely adhere to a neutral and just position. In other words, they must uphold principles and stay fair and unselfish. This universal value will help them govern the country well—translator’s note.

31

8.4 Ideas of Heart-Nature in Rationalist Theory in Song Dynasty

355

Therefore, in its emanation and function, human-heartedness (ren) constitutes the Way of the Mean for emotions that have not yet been aroused, and it also provides balanced harmony for emotions that have already been aroused, which is harmony or the moral principle. The concepts of “revealing a shining virtue” (ming ming de)” and “attaining to the highest good” (zhiyuzhishan), proposed in Great Learning (daxue), are actually to develop the inherent heartmind and to return to the nature of human-heartedness, so as to guide the aroused feelings through the principle of human-heartedness and to return to the original substance of shining virtue, namely the human-heartedness of being one body with Heaven and Earth and all things. As Yang-ming says: “The mind in humans is a heavenly pool to which nothing is not vouchsafed. Fundamentally, there is only one Heaven, and it is only through the obstruction of selfish desires that this original unity with Heaven is lost. Thus, if every thought is used in extending intuitive knowledge, then the barriers and obstructions will be entirely cleared away. Then, the substance of Heaven will be recovered, and there will be again the heavenly pool” (Complete Works, Chap. 3). Through our discussions of Zhang Zai’s, the Two Chengs,’ and Zhu Xi’s arguments on heartmind and nature, we can have a general understanding of the relevant views of Rationalist Scholarship in Song Dynasty. Here, I would like to borrow Mr. Feng Youlan’s quotation from Dong Zhongshu. “Speaking from the psychological perspective, in human there is the heartmind with its special nature and there is the affectional element, and these are on all fours with Heaven with its Yin and Yang. There is the statement in Dong Zhongshu’ ‘Profound Examination of Names and Appellations’ in Luxuriant Gems of Spring and Autumn (chuan qiu fan lu.shen cha ming hao): ‘The individual person has his nature and his affectional side, just as Heaven has the Yin and the Yang. To speak of a human’s constitution and leave out the affectional side would be like speaking of Heaven’s Yang and leaving out its Yin. Human’s nature is revealed without in human-heartedness, his affectional side is revealed without in greed.’”32

32

Feng Youlan, The Spirit of Chinese Philosophy, Beijing, Beijing University Press, 2014, pp. 122– 123—translator’s note.

Chapter 9

Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean

In essence, any contemporary country is rooted in its unique blend of national and cultural traditions. China, as a modern nation, stands as a testiment to this principle, being a unified multi-ethnic country where the tapestry of the Chinese nation and its millenn-old cultural heritage form the very foundation upon which the country stands. This deep integration of ethnicity and culture underpins China’s identity and progress.

9.1 National Character Culture is an umbrella term for the life of human groups. The main body of culture is the nation. National spirit is the soul and core of ethnic life. Without this soul, there would be no existence of race and clan. The spirit of a nation is intricately woven into its historical narrative and cultural fabric. Throughout the vast expance of five millennia, the Chinese nation’s culture has flourished in its diversity and adaptibility, yet remains grounded in an enduring spirit that permeates every aspect of national life. This spirit has been cultivated and transmitted by the national culture for a long time and passed down from generation to generation, serving as a beacon of faith in the daily life of ordinary people. This national spirit is embodied in aspects of cosmology, value orientation, mentality and emotion, ways of thinking and behavior, national consciousness, national character and style, national centripetal force and cohesion, which constitute the common belief and soul of our national community, and become the driving force and source of continuous self-improvement of the Chinese nation. In a word, the Chinese national spirit is a relatively stable cosmology, values and aesthetic taste, which absorbs and integrates the cultural essentials of all ethnic groups within China. It is through this continuous historical tradition and its living spiritual force that the Chinese nation has maintained, coordinated and promoted the survival and development of the Chinese nation since ancient times.

© Fudan University Press 2024 Q. Guo, The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4799-7_9

357

358

9 Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean

The overwhelming majority of our people takes immense pride in their Chinese identity. Every member of all ethnic groups in China has the problem of identity, which is the sense of belonging of national culture. Broadly speaking, Chinese individuals worldwide resonate deeply with a commom identity and share a natural affinity communication, fostering a sense of untity and cohesion that spans continents . Chinese ancestors went through a complicated process of understanding nature, society, human and life. In their daily life, in the activities of observing the phenomena in heaven and observing the geographic patterns on earth, proceeding directly from themselves and indirectly from all things, they strove to understand all kinds of phenomena such as heaven, earth, humans, things, the selves and so on, especially the phenomena around them and the connections and relations among them. Firstly, what is “harmony” and why is “harmony but not uniformity” emphasized? According to Discourses on Governance of the States (guoyu·zhengyu), Shi Bo or Historian Bo, 1 during the late Western Dynasty, said to Duke Huan (?–643 B.C.), “Harmony begets new things, while uniformity does not lead to continuation. Using one thing to complement another is harmonization, which leads to lasting abundance and attracts all things. If a thing is added to another of the same kind, it will be discarded when used up. Therefore, former emperors combined earth with metal, wood, water, and fire to create all things.” Shi Bo pointed out that combination of earth with metal, wood, water, and fire has produced a rich and diverse world. The five elements were considered by ancient Chinese thinkers to be the essential elements that constitute the universe, which explains the source of the objective world and the unity of multi-forms of things in it. What Shi Bo emphasizes is the importance of diversity, that is to say, a mixture of different things and integration of different diversities are the basic conditions for the growth and reproduction of humans and all things. Uniformity or sameness cannot produce something new. He counseled the esteemed royal family of Zhou to embrace diversity in opinions and maintain the cherished principle of harmony, eschewing the temptation to forsake it in favor of uniformity or conformity. Drawing upon his profound philosophy that “Harmony nurtures new things,” five colors form a beautiful pattern, five tones compose a melodious tune, five flavors make a delicious meal, and “five elements” yield hundreds of things.

Shi Bo, also known as Historian Bo 歷伯, is a grand historian from the late Western Zhou Dynasty. Some scholars believe he was Bo Yangfu 伯陽父. It is said that he put forward the concept of harmony and uniformity, with its complete Chinese expression being: “和實生物， 同則不繼” (he shi shengwu, tong ze buji); In English, this can be translated as: “Uniformity (tong) does not lead to continuation; it is harmony (he) that begets new things." By harmony, he means harmonizing things of different sorts, while, by uniformity, he refers to things of the same sort—translator’s note.

1

9.1 National Character

359

Yan Ying (?–500 B.C.)

Yan Ying (?–500 B.C.), a statesman of the State of Qi in the late Spring and Autumn Period, employs an analogy with cooking soup to highlight his advocacy for pursuing harmony rather than uniformity in governance. He suggests that just as a cook balances different flavors to create a harmonious taste, so too must a ruler balance various elements in governance to achieve harmony in society. He stated, “While making soup, the cook mixes different flavors to make each of them just in a right proportion; if the taste is not enough, he increases the seasoning, and if too strong, he reduces it.” Yang Ying explained that going too far or falling too short in adding any kind of flavors will lead to disharmony of the taste, and thus it is of necessity to hold to the due mean between going too far and falling short. This idea of finding the balance to achieve harmony is a central theme in Yang Ying’s political philosophy. Yan Ying said: The monarch thinks something that can be done also contains something that cannot be done, and his subjects point out to him something that cannot be done so as to achieve something that can be done perfectly. The monarch thinks something that cannot be done also contains something that can be done, and his subjects point out to him something that can be done so as to reject something that is negative. Therefore, if the monarch pursues harmony in his state governance without violation of propriety, his people have no hearts to evoke fighting or quarrels. … The former kings blended five tastes evenly and harmonized five tones to calm people’s hearts and properly completed his state governance. … The monarch who listen to different voices in order to maintain his heartmind in a state of peace will find that a peaceful heartmind bring him virtuous harmony. … If we cook water with water, who would like to drink? If we play the same note on a harp repeatedly, who would want to listen? Thus, uniformity does not lead to continuation or enjoyment.2 2 See “The 20th Year of Zhao Gong” from Zuo’s Commentary (zuochuan·zhaogong ershi nian). Zuo’s Commentary is a shortened form of Zuo’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals (chunqiu zuoshizhuan). Zuo’s Commentary is one of the earliest and most important commentaries on The Spring and Autumn Annals (chunqiu), and it is also one of Confucian Classics. It is usually regarded as a work written by Zuo Qiuming (ca. 502 B.C.–ca. 422 B.C.). However, there are different ideas about its authorship, the time it was compiled, and even its content. Some scholars believe that Liu Xin of the Han Dynasty had made some cuttings and additions to the original text, while others maintained that it was compiled by some scholar in the Warring States Period. This book, as one of the Ancient-Script Classics, exerted great influence on the study of Confucian Classics for over 2000 years. As for its content, it is chronologically arranged in correspondence to the entries in The Annals, but it extends to the year of 464 B.C., which is 17 more years than The Annals. Besides its comments on the entries of The Annals, it includes a lot more facts and information about ancient Chinese history, politics, and society—translator’s note.

360

9 Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean

Earlier, Humans began to recognize the advantages of alien and distant blooded ties in population reproduction. The Western Zhou Dynasty instituted the system of “no marriage with the same surname.” Drawing from the ideas that “Five elements yield hundreds of things,” “Harmony fosters new things” and “Debates occur regarding harmony and uniformity,” people of the Spring and Autumn Period already realized the universal law that “harmony (he)” signifies “creation or production (sheng),” serving as the fundamental principle for production and reproduction of cosmic life. They believed that vitality and vigor arise from difference, diversity, and pluralism that. Throught their the experiences with nature, social politics, and humanity itself, people had already realized the unity of differences and dynamic balance. A sound society cannot be devoid of different voices and various patterns. It is impossible for the world to be unitary and homogenized. A world of uniformity is just like treating the same with the same, and cooking water with water, then all things cannot flourish. So, different opinions and different forces need to co-exist in the world, and check each other, interact with each other, complement each other, and beget new things. In 510 B.C., Shi Mo, a senior official and historian of the State of Jin, gained a further insight into the collocation, opposition, and reciprocity of the two dominant forces in diversity in his argument that “All things are produced in twos” (wu sheng you liang).3 Confucius said: “A lofty-minded person pursues harmony but does not seek uniformity; a narrow-minded person seeks uniformity but does not pursue harmony. (Analects, Chap. 13). According to Confucius, a lofty-minded person advocates for the unity of diversity. “Harmony” does not refer to “sameness” or “difference,” but instead embraces and transcends both concepts. In the Doctrine of the Mean it is said: “Therefore, cosmological entity is the grand norm (daben) in the world under the heaven; and cosmological harmony is the perfect evolution (dadao). In the unity between cosmological entity and harmony, heaven and earth are distinguished with their respective faculties, which hatch out and nurse up every physical being. Faculties, which hatch out and nurse up every physical being.” In the “Rhythm” (shenglǜ) of Wen Xin Diao long, Liu Xie (465 A.D.–520 A.D.) said: “Coordination of various tones is called harmony, and echoing of similar sounds is called rhyme.” Secondly, what is China’s “Wen,” “Renwen” and “Tianxia?” As a Chinese character, “wen” 文 originally indicates textures or patterns on trees or plants, as ancients said: “Things which are diverse produce line characteristics” (wu xiang za wei zhi wen). “Wen” is an expression of variety of things. The Chinese phrase “tianwen” 天文, which comes from the Book of Changes or Yi Jing,

3

“Wu sheng you liang” “物生有兩, which may be translated into “Things are produced in twos,” is proposed by Historian Mo 史墨. He uses this phrase to refer to the fact that there are two opposite and interdependent sides in things. In the 32nd year of Lord Zhao of Lu, Master Zhao Jian asked Mo,“When Ji Ping expelled his ruler, the people submitted to him, and the other States assented to his act. His ruler died outside of Lu, his native land, yet no one incriminated him.” Mo said: “Things are produced in twos, in threes, in fives, or in pairs.” “The altars of gods of grain and earth are not necessarily worshiped every day, and rulers and ministers do not always retain the positions. This is the case from ancient times.” From this, we can see Mo had naive dialectics—translator’s note.

9.1 National Character

361

refers to the universal law that governs the movements of celestial body, the rotation of four seasons, the succession of day and night, and the change of weather, while the Chinese phrase “renwen” 人文, which also comes from the Yi Jing and stands in contrast to tianwen, encompasses the cultural and ethical progress created by rituals, music, education, codes, and systems, as well as social order which is hierarchical but harmonious. According to my understanding, the import of "wen" is the cosmos-evolution materializing humanity and all beings heavenly endowed, while the import of "hua" is the awareness or transformation of all beings heavenly blessed. The Chinese word "wenhua" or the English word "Culture" is exactly the combination of these two imports of nature (heaven) and humanity, meaning humanity revealed in cosmos-evolution. In the divinatory symbol of Bi in Yi Jing, the explanation of the relations between heaven and humanity goes this way: “Heaven (firmness) moves actively while earth (softness) coordinates passively, thus cosmosharmony achieved, Heaven (firmness) moves actively while earth (softness) coordinates passively, thus cosmos-harmony achieved, and modeling themselves after this heavenly pattern, humanity could achieve their appropriateness in social relations. The import of heaven is the cosmos-evolution materializing all beings heavenly endowed, while the import of humanity is the awareness of all beings heavenly blessed.”4 The divinatory symhe bol of Bi shows smoothness and prosperity, because it takes the soft and weak character to ornament the strong one, the strong and the weak are arranged well. In the divinatory symbol of Gen, its upper part or outer gua shows the strong, and in the divinatory symbol of Li, its lower part or inner gua shows the weak. Therefore, the two natural forces of Yin and Yang, softness and firmness, intersect and complement each other, thus forming the order of the universe. The Chinese phrase “wenming yizhi” means that the Way of civilization in the world is for rulers to act on the principle revealed by cosmological law, choosing a non-violent means in the governance of the world, and achieving the highest good of human civilization instead of evil of bullying. In ancient traditional China, renwen refers to education in accordance with Rituals (li) and Music (yue), or musical rituals established by Duke Zhou. It also involves associating proprieties and music as social norms with natural order in evolution, which affects social customs and humanizes the secular world. Ethnic groups of different bloodlines and castes co-exist, and all kinds of people live in harmony with each other, which is an awareness that nations or races can co-exist and cultures of diversity can exchange and integrate. Mr. Qian Mu said: “In fact, the Chinese nation has always been in a process of continuous absorption, integration, expansion, and renewal.” However, its main stream, ever present and very obvious, is not swallowed up or swept away by the new streams Its Chinese counterpart reads: “剛柔交錯， 天文也。文明以止， 人文也。觀乎天文， 以察時 變; 觀乎人文, 以化成天下.” (Yi Jing. Tuan Ci) It may be alternatively translated into: “The hard and the soft are crisscrossed together. The sun, moon, and stars are in constant motion, serving as an ornament in the sky. They are used to guide people in conform to societal norms, which is an ornament to human society. By observing these celestial ornaments such as in the sky, the crisscrosses between the hard and soft and the motion of the sun and moon, we can understand the changes of four seasons. Similarly, by observing the evolution of human civilization, we can use it to civilize all under heaven”—translator’s note.

4

362

9 Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean

it continues to accommodate. We can say that the Chinese nation is endowed with strong persistence and great assimilation power, largely due to its national virtue and cultural spirit.”5 In ancient tradition, the Chinese Concept of Tian Xia means that it is relatively easy for the Chinese to transcend narrow-minded boundaries of nation and country in the process of integration. Tian Xia embodies an attitude of cultural integration and dialogue.6 Literally, tianxia means “All Under Heaven,” namely all land under heaven falls within the domain of the Son of Heaven (tianzi). Later, “Tian Xia” has evolved to refer to the whole nation or the whole world. In traditional China, there were conflicts, exclusions, and wars between ethnic groups, cultures, and concepts between agricultural and nomadic peoples in Central China and its surrounding areas. However, the overall trend of Chinese history is toward constant integration and fusion, mutual learning and complement, and continuous expansion. The fusion of Chinese history, nations, and cultures has gone through a long process, during which the exchange and fusion of ethnic groups, cultures, and languages have been formed. Cultural ideals such as “grand harmony,” exhibited in concepts like “all human beings originated from one onto,” “one family in the world” or “world from one family,” “China from one person,” and “united as one person in China” have been established.” Chinese culture also centers on “renwen,” digesting and absorbing different religions and cultures to constantly form a new culture that is relatively reasonable and moderate, harmonious and rational, and does not go to extremes or fanaticism. As a result, we have never experienced the tragedy of the Crusades. In comparison with Western nations, the Chinese nation values harmony rather than differentiation and emphasizes peace rather than struggle. The Chinese people focus on concepts such as “harmony,” “grand balance,” “confluence,” “unification,” and “convergence.” Ancient Chinese people of all ethnic groups had extensive exchanges with people of all ethnic groups in other countries through the Land Silk Road and the Maritime Porcelain Road. They never adopted violent aggression, forceful occupation, or colonization, but instead adopted peaceful and friendly methods. Our culture is closely related to our national character.

5

Qian Mu, An Introduction to the History of Chinese Culture, Shanghai Sanlian Bookstore, 1988, p. 19. 6 Tian Xia 天下 (All Under Heaven), as a term, primarily refers to the vast land under the name of the Sons of Heaven (Tianzi) and the right to rule over such land. However, the term has later evolved to refer to the whole nation or the entire world. Shan Chun, Professor from China University of Political Science and Law, interprets China’s concept of Tian Xia from the perspective of cosmopolitanism. He said: “Chinese cosmopolitanism (the concept of Tian Xia) not only reflects the space and ethical experiences of Chinese people originated in their ‘Families ( jia)’ at the stage of the patriarchal society but also symbolizes the Chinese people in their acknowledging the ‘geographic world’ and accepting the universal value during their more than 2000 years’ development. In the age of globalization we could aim at the mutual communication and benefit between ‘humaneness and rite (ren li)’ exhibited in Chinese cosmopolitanism and universal human rights exhibited in world pacifism. (Shan Chun, Major Aspects of Chinese Religion and Philosophy: Dao of Inner Saint and Outer King, Springer Heidelberg New York Dordrecht London, 2012, p. 204.)—translator’s note.

9.1 National Character

363

Thirdly, the Chinese people do not speak of “harmony” (he) in general, but of “cosmological harmony” (zhonghe) with the principle of the Golden Mean as its main axis.7 Five thousand years of ethnic integration and cultural integration have formed the centripetal force, cohesion, and common faith of the Chinese nation. Among them, the concepts of “balanced harmony” (zhonghe), “supreme harmony” (taihe),8 and “harmony of heartmind” (baohe) have become the historical tradition of the Chinese nation. These concepts play a lubricant role in maintaining and coordinating different ethnic groups and different religious cultures, as well as working as the driving force for survival and development from the individual to the family, the country, and the world. “Harmony” and “balanced harmony,” under the influence of the aforementioned spirit, refer to the exchanges and dialogues among people of all kinds, forces, and cultures, with the aims of drawing on each other’s strengths, living together peacefully, respecting each other, and mutually integrating. Why should we advocate this humanistic spirit today? Because we are cureently in an era of greater cultural exchanges, it is essential that we foster our cultural selfconsciousness and engage in in-depth dialogues among different civilizations. Mr. Fei Xiaotong said: “Find your own beauty, and that of others; share the beauty and live in beauty; and all the world is united by beauty.”9 Nowadays, we sincerely hope that East and West can understand and respect each other, and work togather to create a harmonious, multi-polar friendly, and beautiful world. What we term it a harmonious society today is a modern, democratic, legal, fair, and just civil society. Advocacy of a harmonious society is aimed at the disharmony and discordance in reality. In the process of modernization, there will inevitably Zhonghe 中和, which can be translated into “balanced harmony” or “neutralization,” is a Confucian concept which is regarded as the correct ethical course all people should pursue. In the Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong) it is said: “Before feelings of pleasure, anger, sorrow, or joy are aroused, the heartmind may be said to be in the state of equilibrium or the Mean. When they have been aroused, and they act in their due degree, there ensues what may be called the state of harmony. This equilibrium is the fundamental standard for all people, and this harmony is the universal course they should pursue. When the states of equilibrium and harmony have perfectly come true, heaven and earth will be in proper order and all things will flourish.” This indicates that people should keep their feelings ordered and regulate them so that they will be neither too extreme nor too restrained—translator’s note. 8 Taihe 太和, which can be translated into “cosmological harmony” or “great harmony,” is a term first used in the first chapter “Qian Hexagram” of Yi Jing. It refers to the most harmonious state in which everything is created and all states in the world enjoy peace. According to Confucian thought, like a natural being, every human being is expected to be integrated with all other beings in the scope of universal nature, and to be harmonized into a sustainable unity. In the “Cosmological Harmony” from Corrected Discipline for Beginners (zhengmeng.taihe), the “Cosmological Harmony” is also known as the Way. It encompasses the interacting qualities of floating and sinking, rising and falling, motion and stillness, which generate the yin and yang forces within it. These forces agitate, overcome, and are overcome by each other, and contract or expand in relation to one another.” Zhang Zai also used the term "Great Void "(taixu) to refer to the "Cosmological Harmony "(taijhe)—translator’s note. 9 The original Chinese reads: “各美其美, 美人之美, 美美與共, 天下大同。 ” Such 16-character motto comes from a keynote speech on “Human Studies in China—A Personal Experience” at the 80th birthday party of famous sociologist Mr. Fei Xiaotong in December 1990—translator’s note. 7

364

9 Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean

be imbalances in development and differences between regions, industries, urban and rural areas, and rich and poor. Imbalances and differences are quite normal. However, there must be a sense of constantly overcoming, or adjusting imbalances, or differences that are too great. Traditional Chinese society is not immune to struggle and tension. In fact, it is precisely because of this that intellectuals and people in traditional society longed for harmony, leaving behind a wealth of ideological resources related to “harmony.” These resources can serves as an important aid in the construction of a socialist harmonious culture with Chinese characteristics. Nonetheless, the wisdom of harmony in classical China is not a wisdom that denies opposites, obliterates differences and contradictions. Karl Heinrich Marx (1818–1883) profoundly pointed out, differences and contradictions are ubiquitous, and without them, there would be no social progress and human development. At the same time, building a harmonious socialist society is a continuous process of resolving social contradictions. Therefore, the attitude of denying contradiction and fearing contradictions is not advisable. However, it is equally wrong and dangerous to let contradictions escalate or even expand. Confucius’ philosophy for governing a country is to ensure the livelihood and life of the common people with a good social environment, and then make them rich, and then educate them after they get rich. Confucius affirmed the people’s livelihood, emphasizing the possession of wealth by the people, and regarding the maintenance of people’s right to subsistence and education as the foundation of governance. Confucius noted the importance of distributive justice and social justice, and opposed excessive disparity between the rich and the poor. He pointed out, “I have heard that a state or a family does not worry that it has little, but that that little is unevenly apportioned; it does not worry that it is poor, but that it is unstable. Because with equitable distribution there is no real poverty; with harmony, there is no real scarcity; with stability, there is no real peril.” (Analects, Chap. 16) Mencius advocated for the guarantee of the “constant property” of the common people, emphasizing that a sound governance should enable them to have their business and income, and meet their basic needs of life. Confucianism also emphasizes the system design and implementation of old-age care, relief for the weak, disaster relief, and social security, highlighting the concern of society as a whole for vulnerable groups such as widows, widows, orphans, and solitaries. Confucianism takes “Grand Harmony” under the heaven (tianxia datong) as the ultimate goal of development of human society, which is known as “Society of Grand Harmony” (datong shehui).10 In Confucian vocabulary, the terms Grand in Grand Harmony and Great in Great Way (dadao) signify the Datong 大同, a term from the Confucian Classic Liji, specifically from the chapter "Liyun," indicates a political ideal within Confucian philosophy. It may be translated as “Grand/Great Harmony,” “a common world under the heaven,” “Universal Togetherness,” or “Universal Harmony.” According to the treatise, at the time of its compilation , the Grand Way had fallen into obscurity, leading to the world being divided into families. Driven by selfish motives, people of all levels acted solely for themselves or their own families, striving to secure material benefits for their own advantage. This resulted in wars and disorder dominating the world. The author argued that when propriety, righteousness, and justice were prevailing and followed by all, meaning when the Grand Way was commonly practiced, the entire world would resemble a unified community. In such a society, individuals with talent, virtue, and ability would be selected, sincerity would be emphasized, and

10

9.1 National Character

365

value orientation of rights to life, fairness, justice, and equity exhibited in cosmic evolution. Such a society of Grand Harmony envisioned by Confucianism is given a vivid description in Confucian Classic “The Evolutions of Rites” contained in The Book of Rites (Liji.Liyun): “Following the Grand Way to achieve grand harmony, seeking justice for a world under the heaven (tianxia weigong); abdicating one’s own throne to recommend a saint, and pursuing friendly relations with neighboring countries based on mutual trust. Therefore, in such a world, all people respect and love their parents and children, as well as parents and children of others. The aged are cared for until death. Adults are employed in jobs that make full use of their abilities, and children are nourished, educated, and fostered. Widows and widowers, orphans, and the elderly without children, as well as the disabled and the diseased, are all well taken care of. Every man and woman has an appropriate role to play in society and in the family. …This is the Grand Harmony.” Furthermore, in Zhang Zai we also have the statements that “All human beings are my brothers and sisters, and they by turn are equal to all universal beings.” These are the humanistic revelations based on the concept of grand harmony, and they are comprehensively associating us to other popular concepts in Chinese tradition as “concerned intimacy without physical lineage” (xiu qi xiang guan), Metaphysical Sameness Shared by Universal Beings” (tian xia da tong), and “Common Wealth Motivated for Universal Beings” (tian xia wei gong). These and other similar concepts of Confucian observation are typical of cosmic ethics. Happiness acquired from such cosmic ethics can be termed moral happiness of Confucian style. Accordingly, we can approach the Moral Happiness of Confucius and Yan Hui favored by perceiving the cosmic Largeness over physical Smallness to fully appreciate the boundless spirituality of Confucian life philosophy. According to Confucius, preventing the abuse of public power is an important aspect of cherishing people’s power and protecting people’s wellbeing. He emphasizes showing the people with an attitude of “jing” (earnestness). When asked by Ji Kang about state governance, Confucius says: “Governance is all about rectitude. If you lead along the right path, who would dare not to follow you?” (Analects, Chap. 17) Furthermore, Confucius also states,“To be strict and earnest with oneself but lenient when it comes to overseeing the common people,” (Analects, Chap. 6) and “To spread bounty widely among the people and rescue the populace.” (Analects, Chap. 16) He opposes treating people with arrogance, abusing power, willfully harassing people, trampling on public opinion, and disregarding people’s wellbeing. Confucius raises the question of prudent use of public power with an “earnest” attitude, with the fundamental purpose of bringing peace to people, aiding the masses, and ensuring the safety of people. Today, we value and explore the resources of harmonious philosophy found in Chinese traditional wisdom. However, we do not advocate a comprehensive return to the past or copying the entire package of ancient culture. Nor is it an attempt to counter harmony would be cultivated, ensuring that everyone had his proper place and worked for the benefit of the whole society, ultimately resulting in a peaceful and well-ordered world of Great Harmony—translator’s note.

366

9 Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean

or resist modern culture with China’s inherent traditions. Instead, we advocate for a creative transformation of the harmonious thought resources of traditional wisdom, with an attitude of critical inheritance and a pluralistic and open mind.

9.2 Four Dimensions Firstly, Confucianism revolves around the pursuit of the universal harmony between humanity and Heaven, specificaly the unity of Self and Tian (Heaven, or the traditional high deity of Zhou, and the relationship of humankind to Heaven). First of all, this involves the relationship between human and the Heavenly Mandate (tianming) and Heavenly Way (tiandao), as well as human’s ultimate faith and belief. “Tian” (Heaven), in antiquity of China, can be analyzed as Heaven of Nature (the Visible Sky), Heaven of Will, Heaven of Highest Deity, Heaven of Principle (Heaven of Moral Value), and Heaven of Fate. Ancient Chinese formed a holistic view of Heaven, which was mainly the result of the long-term infiltration of people’s views from the Western Zhou Dynasty to the Warring States Period. In The Book of Poetry (shijing), it is stated, “In the evolution motivated by heaven, people are born with moral laws and things are made with natural laws, the moral laws for human intuitional reflection while natural laws for human rational reflection.” (tian shen zheng min, youwu youze, min zhi bingyi, haoshi yide).11 These lines were highly eulogized by Confucius as "the understanding of Tian Dao (zhidao)" and by Mencius in establishing his theory on Goodness of Human Nature (xing shan lun). It is Tian that gives birth to and forsters the common people. Where there is a thing, there is a law or moral law for it. The Constant/Universal Way (changdao) that people hold to is to tend toward good morality. This moral tendency toward goodness is the law endowed by Heaven or the inherent characteristics of human beings qua human beings. Traditional Chinese thought holds that Heaven and humanity are interconnected, and the inner morality of human is innate. Therefore, humans should live with meaning, value and style.

Flowers, birds, plants and insects by Chen Hongshou of Ming Dynasty

11

Da Ya. Zheng Min,The Book of Poetry (shijing, daya zhengmin). See Shan Chun, Major Aspects of Chinese Religion and Philosophy: Dao of Inner Saint and Outer King, Springer Heidelberg New York Dordrecht London, 2012, p. 52—translator’s note.

9.2 Four Dimensions

367

Ancient Chinese addressed the relationship between humans and the natural sky, the earth, and the natural landscape, vegetation, birds, and beasts, which is what we call the harmony between humanity and the ecological world today. As for the relationship between humans and the natural sky, ancient Chinese thinkers believed that heaven, earth, humans, and things are not one of separate systems facing off against each other, but rather that heaven, earth, humans, and all things were interconnected as a whole. They are all in a vibrant aura, or a flow of life. Traditional Chinese wisdom holds that all humans and all things in nature, as well as vegetation, birds, beasts, tiles, mountains, and rivers, are inseparable as a whole. An ancient treatise titled Monthly Ordinances or Proceedings of Government in Different Months (yueling)12 highly valued the protection of animals, plants, mountains, rivers, and ponds, involving the relationship between seasons and humans’ health, fishing, hunting, logging, farming, and so on. The Monthly Ordinances, as a small almanac, describes everything, including time and space, through the doctrines of yin and yang and the five elements. In brief, China’s humanistic spirit opposes humanity’s opposition to nature and emphasizes the harmonious coexistence with the ecological world. Huanity cannot leave their environment, and environment is the premise of human existence. Environment includes natural environment and human-made environment, which is the integration of the two. Chinese people always value the mutual benefits in peaceful co-existence between humans and their living environment. In the “Unified Identity for Diversified Cosmological Beings (qi wu lun)” contained in The Works of Zhuang Zi (Chuang Tzu) it is said: “Heaven and earth exist in harmony with me and all things in the universe and me are oneness.” What is expressed in this sentence is the wisdom that “Heaven, earth, humans, all things, and me” exist in holistic harmony: no matter as human species, as a person in group, as an individual, humans can achieve an ideal state of holistic harmony with the infinite universe, the tangible finite world, and all things in the world (or achieve great compassion for all beings in the universe). Mencius says: “One should have feelings of family affection for the members of one’s family, but human-heartedness for people; humanheartedness for people, but love for things” (qinqin er renmin, renmin er aiwu) (“Full Development of Mind (1)” from The Works of Meng Zi) Zhang Zai says in his much quoted catchphrase: “All human beings of the same blood and flesh and all natural beings of the equal capacity and entity are universal oneness.” (Correct Discipline for Beginners: Qian Hexagram or Zhengmeng.Qiancheng) We love our relatives, and then extend our love to include others, or extend such love until it includes the most distant members of society—love those around us, love human beings, love plants, birds, animals, tile stones, and love all natural and human-made things. Of course, 12 Yueling 月令, translated as Monthly Ordinances or Proceedings of Government in the Different Months, is a book that describes the monthly phenology throughout the year. It was compiled by an unknown scholar and transmitted as a chapter of the Confucian Classic Liji. This chapter is similar to the older calendrical treatise Xia Xiao Zheng 夏小正 which is part of the sub-classic Da Dai Liji 大戴禮記. The Yueling describes the astronomical phenomena, climate, activities of animals such as birds and insects, and the activities of farmers for each of the twelve months. As part of the Classic Liji, the Yueling naturally attracted the interest of many Confucian scholars and was often commented on along with the other chapters of Liji—translator’s note.

368

9 Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean

this is an extension based on the principle of graded love. Cheng Hao claims all things in heaven and earth are oneness with oneself, having no distinction. Confucianism claims through the extension of renxin (heartmind of ren), human spirit can be lifted up to an extraordinary state of “oneness of human and nature” which goes beyond the common differentiation between human and selves, and between things and selves, and this also expresses a sense of peaceful co-existence. According to ancient Chinese thinkers, human and all things, like plants, birds, animals, tile stone, mountains, rivers, domesticated animals, cultivated plants, utensils for food, clothing, shelter, and transportation, are an inseparable unity. The universie is the unity of difference and diversity. In this cosmic unity, all things are in their own proper place, each has its own unique nature, and each has its own proper role. With this spirit of ren as the cosmic heart, any person, thus religiously committed, should love his family members, social members, and even all beings in the world, since they are all equal members born by heaven, surviving on the earth as brothers and sisters. Chinese philosophers observe the universe and human life in a way of “holistic view” (tongguan) and “thorough understanding” (huitong), believing that heaven, earth, human, all physical things, selves, the human body, and the heartmind are all situated in different systems or “fields,” and that all systems and elements are interdependent and closely linked inside and outside. The human body is seen as an organically connected small cosmos, as is the universal cosmos itself. Human body cosmos and big cosmos also form an organically connected whole wherein cosmos, country, state, society, and family are united. Ancient Chinese philosophy indicates this wholeness by using the concepts of “wholistic body”, “integral whole,” “Tao,” “Oneness,” “Taiji,” “Great Whole,” or “Great Harmony.” To reach the sphere of Heaven and Earth, or to be aware of the existence of the Great Whole, or to identify oneself with the Great Whole is what is referred to as “identification with Heaven.” The Book of Changes (Yi Jing) and The Commentary on The Yi (Yi Zhuan) regard the universe as a cosmological whole, which is grand and broad, wide and harmonious, inclusive, and penetrative. In the “Appendices” it is said: “The Yi, as a book, is vast and great, in which everything is completely contained. The Way of Heaven is in it, the Way of Earth is in it, and the Way of Human is in it. It combines these three primal powers and doubles each of the three; that is why there are six lines. The six lines are nothing other than the Way of the three primal powers (sancai zhi dao).13 (Zhouyi. San cai zhi dao 三才之道, translated as the “Three Elements,” or “Three Primal Powers,” or “Three Talents,” is a Confucian concept that represents Heaven, Earth, and Human. When explaining the trigrams, the Commentary on The Yi (Yi Zhuan) proposes the idea of “Three Powers.” In a trigram consisting of six undivided and divided lines, the first and second lines at the bottom represent Earth, the third and fourth lines in the center represent humans who live between Earth and Heaven, and the fifth and sixth lines at the upper part represent Heaven. Collectively, the six lines united in one diagram signify the whole of Heaven, Earth, and Human. The Three Powers share the same underlying rules, but they manifest differently in their respective domains . According to Dong Zhongshu, humans stand alongside Heaven and Earth, together forming a total of three entities. In “Profound Examination of Names and Appellations” from Luxuriant Gems of Spring and Autumn (chunqiu fanlu. Shenchaminghao), Dong Zhongshu said: “Heaven, Earth, and Human are the basis of all things. Heaven produces them, Earth nourishes them, and Human completes them.” Dong believes that human’s task is to make a perfect completion of what Heaven and Earth have left

13

9.2 Four Dimensions

369

Xici) Here, The Book of Changes (zhouyi) is broad and all-encompassing, involving the laws of celestial phenomena, the organization of human affairs, and the laws of geography. It includes the three primal powers—Heaven, Earth and Human, which overlap and are represented the six lines in each hexagram. These six lines embody the laws of the three powers or forces. The "Way of three primal powers” sums up the complex relations, connections, and restriction between various things into three major aspects or systems: the Way of Heaven, the Way of Earth, and the Way of Humanity, which are mutually restricted at multiple levels. Lao Zi (Lao Tzu) says: “[Therefore,] Tao is great, Heaven is great, Earth is great, Humanity is also great. These are known as the Great Four Cosmos-Elements, and Humanity is one of them. Human models himself after Earth; Earth models itself after Heaven; Heaven models itself after Tao; Tao models itself after nature.”14 (The Works of Lao Zi: Chap. 25) Tao, Heaven, Earth and Humanity are four great cosmos elements. Humanity follows the law of Earth, Earth follows the law of Heaven, Heaven follows the law of Tao, and Tao follows the law of nature (of what is natural). According to Lao Zi (Lao Tzu), Humanity should adapt to local conditions, use land based on the changes of weather and time, and follow the law of the change that exists in the universe. “Tao” is the most universal law and evolution of Heaven, Earth and Nature, which governs the three great systems of Heaven, Earth and Humanity.

Harvest time by unknown painter of Song Dynasty15

uncompleted. This is the prime contribution which human has to make in relation to the universe— translator’s note. 14 Tao and Teh By Lao Zi, translated by Lin Yutang, Hefei: Anhui Science and Technology Press, 2012. 15 “Gu feng an le tu” 穀豐安樂圖, translated into “Harvest Time,” is simple in composition, rigorous and elegant in painting. In this picture, a plentiful ear of rice symbolizes the harvest. The main part of the image is occupied by four sparrows with lively and joyful expressions , each displaying different moods: one is flying high and looking down, another is pecking at the grain, a third is holding the grain in its mouth, and the fourth is attentively picking up the grain on the ground, wearing a very cute expression—translator’s note.

370

9 Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean

Ancient Chinese placed great importance on the relationship between ecological balance and human survival, as well as the co-existence of Heaven, Earth, Human, things and selves. Primitive people already understood the relationship between agricultural production and seasons, and began to explore which land was suitable for planting what plants. This led to the germination of the later concepts of “appropriate time” (yishi) and “appropriate place” (yidi) As stated in Yi Jing: “Stop what you do when timing is not right, act when timing is favorable. Move and stop as dictated by timing” (shi zhi ze zhi, shi xing zexing, dong jing bu shi qi shi). (Zhouyi. Tuan B) Both The Book of Ritual and Ceremony (yili) and The Zuo’s Commentary (zuozhuan) retain humans’ worship and sacrifice of Xia and Shang Dynasties, especially from the Western Zhou Dynasty to the Spring and Autumn Period, for gods of mountains, rivers, land, trees, grains, and other gods, even in daily lives of a family, the worship should include the ones performed for door, kitchen, stove, and “spirits and ghosts for hundreds of beings” (bai wu zhi mei); moreover, pregnant animals (pigs, cattle, sheep, etc.) were not used in all sacrificial activities or royal meals. Regarding the protection of forests, fish, and turtles, according to The Book of Yizhou·Dajujie, there had been a ban since the early Xia Dynasty. During spring, when plants and trees are blossoming and bearing fruit, humans were not allowed to enter the mountains and forests to cut them, in order not to prevent the thriving trees from dying. During summer, when fish and turtles are laying eggs in the water, fishing nets and other fishing tools are not allowed to be put into the water in order to prevent hindering the reproduction of various water animals. Obviously, ancient Chinese already understood the importance of restraint when demanding resources from nature, and carried out fishing and beast hunting activities according to specific seasons. In The Analects of Confucius, Confucius and his disciples also demonstrated respect for the gods of mountains, rivers, earth, and valleys, as well as the protection of birds, fish, and insects.As the saying goes: “Confucius fished but did not use a net. He shot at birds with a stringed arrow, but not if they were roosting.” (Analects, Chap. 7) In The Works of Meng Zi and The Works of Xun Zi, similar sayings go this: when felling mountain forests, fishing, and hunting, “fine nets are not thrown into pond for fishing,” “mountain trees are felled at proper seasons,” and “logging and planting should be carried out at proper seasons,” etc. The fine net does not enter the pool. While the purpose of these practices is to provide for human food and use, reproduction of the population, and maintenance of human health, the concern of ecological balance is very clear. Some people think that the ideas mentioned above are merely ideals of ancient Chinese, but in fact, traditional society had also caused serious damage to nature. While it is undeniably that the growth of population led to the destruction of original forests and even the entire natural environment and so on, two points must be noted: Firstly, the ancient emphasis on ecological and environmental protection was aimed at man-made destruction, and it is worth acknowledging that these ideas and decrees did play a positive role. Secondly, the destruction of natural environment in agricultural society is not the same as that in industrial society. With the advent of industrial society, the extinction and degradation of species have undergone qualitative changes. Industrial pollution and modern technology have plundered nature in all directions,

9.2 Four Dimensions

371

leading to the exhaustion of natural resources and the degradation of the earth, which may no longer be a suitable place for human habitation. I have already mentioned that ancient Chinese believed in polytheism. They not only held a reverent awe for gods of nature, such as mountains, rivers, land, and trees, but also possessed a sincere attitude of respect and care for man-made objects, such as grain, clothing, food, shelter, and transportation, or had deep feelings for them. Ancient Chinese believed that humans possessd human nature, which contained divinity, and that things had physical properties, i which also contained divinity. In an agricultural society, humans had deep feelings for farmland and agricultural devices. However in modern society, land traders often have no emotional connection to the land; it is merely a means to profit. But in today’s China, the issue of land, particularly arable land, poses a significant crisis. We should avoid actions that would bring shame not only to our ancestors but also to future generations. Secondly, Harmony Between Humans. First of all, harmony between humans includes harmony in social relations, harmony between the community and the individuals, as well as harmony in all real relationships between humans, including social customs, systems, ethical norms, historical and cultural traditions in which humans live and cannot escape. If a person does not want to be a one-sided person, he must correctly handle his relationship with the group and must properly handle the healthy and all-round development of human nature. Western philosophers like Karl Jaspers and Jürgen Habermas valued communicative rationality and the public sphere, and cherished the dialectic between communication and loneliness, which is certainly discussed within the context of modern culture. In traditional Chinese philosophy, there are discourses of “completing oneself” (chengji)16 and “completing others” (chengren),17 “establishing oneself” (liji) and “establishing others” (liren), as well as “developing oneself” (daji) and “developing others” (daren). As for the relationship between “selves” and “others,” Confucius holds that “Wishing to establish himself, one should also seek to establish others,” and “Do not do to others what you do not wish yourself.” Achieving oneself is achieved within the co-existent relationship of achieving others. To achieve yourself, you must respect others at the same time, and you cannot achieve yourself without respecting others. Through arguing for “learning for self-improvement” (wei ji zhi xue), “completing oneself” (chengji), and “turning inward and examine oneself” (fan qiu zhu ji), Confucianism affirms that “All human beings have in themselves what is honorable,” (Mencius: Gao Zi, Chap. 1) affirming the inner value of the subject and the leading role of the self. In moral practice and political pursuit, Chengji 成己, translated into “self-completion,” or “self-achievement,” or “self-actualization,” is an ethical concept put forward in The Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong), which lays great emphasis on “sincerity” (cheng). It reads: “Sincerity results in self-completion. … But the possessor of sincerity does not merely mean to accomplish self-completion. With this quality, he will also complete others.” Absolute sincerity has the power to move people and transform the world into a better place—translator’s note. 17 Chengren 成人, translated into “complete human” or “ rounded human,” is a term used by Xun Zi in the 1st chapter of The Works of Xun Zi. According to Xun’s theory of ethical cultivation, a human who has constant virtue would be persistent, unshakable, and be useful to the state and society; such a human can be called a complete human—translator’s note. 16

372

9 Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean

Confucians embody a strong sense of responsibility, as stated in Chap. 2 of “Gong Sunchou” of The Works of Meng Zi: “Heaven has not yet desired to pacify the world. If it does, who else could accomplish it but me?” Self-improvement and selfrealization cannot be separated from the improvement and realization of the family, the state, and tianxia (all under the world). Therefore, Confucius holds that “One should cultivate himself to benefit others” and “cultivate himself to benefit humanity in the world.” (Analects, Chap. 14). The Great Learning (daxue), one of the most influential Confucian classics, put forward three cardinal principles: “Manifest one’s shinning virtue, love all people, and rest in the highest good.” “From emperors down to ordinary people, everyone should consider self-cultivation as the fundamental,” and by regarding “self-regulating” as the central axis, they should associate “rectification of one’s mind,” “sincerity in one’s thought,” “investigation of all things,” and “attainment of intuitive knowledge” with “family establishing,” “country ruling” and “world harmonizing.” This is known as Three Principles and Eight Items (san gang ling ba tiao mu)” in The Great Learning. It represents the gradual process of accomplishing the Confucian scholarship outlined in The Great Learning, ultimately fostering the cohesion of Confucian moral politics through the unity of principles and items. While there are certainly some problems here that could potentially lead to the self being drowned in the collective, on the other hand, this thinking tradition also illustrates that Chinese people do not have difficulties in communicating rationally. Many people believe that the mainstream of Chinese thought suppresses individuality and hinder individual survival and spiritual independence. Indeed, there is ample evidence to support this view, especially in the institutional structure of the authoritarian society, where the oppression of personality, the atrophy of temperament, and the alienation of personality are prevalent trends. This is indeed the negative aspect criticized and whipped by modern people with lofty ideals. However, on the other hand, we should also recognize that the Five Cardinal Relationships (wulun) between monarch and subject, father and son, husband and wife, brothers, and friends are equal, symmetrical, and mutually demanding in terms of rights and obligations, rather than being solely based on unilateral obligations. In Chinese thought, there are a lot of expressions about human’s individual’s existence and yearning for spiritual freedom, which has deep cultural implications and can be creatively transformed. There are many valuable resources about human’s self-cultivation that are worth exploring. For example, Confucian views such as “Learning for Self-Improvement” (wei ji zhi xue)18 and “I know the right and wrong “Wei ji zhi xue” 為己之學, translated into “Learning for Self-Improvement” or “Learning for Self-Cultivation,” stands in contrast with “wei ren zhi xue” 為人之學, translated into “Learning for Impressing Others.” As one of Confucian concepts, “Learning for Self-Improvement” refers to learning for the purpose of self-cultivation. Confucian scholars view learning as a means of improving our moral life. By studying the Confucian Classics and rules of propriety and by learning from the ancient sages, we may constantly improve our morality in order to develop an ideal character. Therefore, learning is a process for self-cultivation and is practiced for our own good. On the contrary, the pursuit of learning solely for the purpose of showcasing our knowledge or virtuous conduct in return for benefit is referred to as “learning for impressing others.” Confucius said: “People in ancient times learned to cultivate their own moral character, whereas people today

18

9.2 Four Dimensions

373

in speech (zhiyan), and am proficient in cultivating my Great Morale” or “cultivating my cosmos-high-mindedness” (shan yang wu hao ran zhi qi). Additionally, Daoist Doctrine (daojia)’s spiritual domain of “seeking a cosmic liberty of life” (xiao yao wu dai zhi you), as well as Taoist Metaphysics (xuanxue) and Chinese Chan Buddhism’s discourses on “self-confidence, self-affirmation, self-attainment, and self-easiness” are also worth exploring

Dreaming butterfly by Liu Guandao of Yuan Dynasty19

Confucianism highlights individual personality and claims that it is a reflection of cosmic life. Confucians have a strong sense of responsibility, mission, and initiative, and their personality spirit is well encapsulated in the saying: “Three armies may be stripped of their commander, but a common person cannot be deprived of his willed determination.” (Analects, Chap. 9) This is indeed a spirit of pursuing free will and free personality. In The Works of Lao Zi (LaoTzu) it is said: “Tao produces all things and virtue nurtures all things.” (Lao Tzu, Chap. 51) Tao is the original root that all human beings are endowed with, and De (virtue) is what I have acquired personally in practice. Zhuang Zi’s philosophy highlights human’s individuality, which is especially stated in his philosophical sayings: “Tao comes out of its own source and its own root, which is there before Heaven and Earth existed;” “He [who has the spirit of Tao] will move in and out of the Six Realms (liuhe),20 wander over the Nine Continents, going alone, coming alone. He may be called a Sole Possessor, and a man who is a Sole Possessor may be said to have reached the peak learn to impress others.” (Analects, Chap. 14.24) What Confucius is talking about here is the purpose of learning among ancient and modern scholars. Ancient scholars studied diligently with the sincere intention of improving themselves sincerely and seeking transcendence in their personal moral realm. Conversely, later scholars merely used their knowledge as a means to invite fame and fortune, and decorate their facade for others to see—translator’s note. 19 Liu Guandao 劉貫道 (1258 A.D.–1336 A.D.) was a Chinese painter of the Yuan Dynasty. He was good at painting of Taoists, figures, things, mountains, rivers, flowers, bamboo, birds, and animals. His figure painting followed the style of Jin and Tang Dynasties. His brushwork is fine, color is thick and beautiful, and image is real and vivid. His landscape painting followed the style of Guo Xi, while his flower-and-bird painting followed the various styles of painters of various dynasties. His brushwork is concise, solid and powerful, accurate and vivid. The painting of “Dreaming Butterfly” is based on the story of “Zhuang Zhou’s Dreaming of Butterfly,” and sets the scene in the shade of a hot summer tree. In the painting, a boy is sleeping against a tree root, while Zhuang Zhou is lying on his back on a stone couch, snoring intoxicatingly. A pair of butterflies in the painting are dancing with joy, indicating the theme of the painting—translator’s note. 20 “Liuhe” 六合, used by Zhuang Zi, refers to the upper (Heaven) and lower (Earth), and the four directions of East, South, West, and North, generally indicating Heaven and Earth, or the Universe—translator’s note.

374

9 Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean

of eminence;” “He comes and goes alone with the pure spirit of Heaven and earth,” and “thus wandered through the boundless, then he would not have had to depend on anything.” All these sayings highly affirm human’s individuality in spirit. In his essays “Mentality of Cosmic Liberty” or “A Perfect Free Mentality Realized in the Universal Travel” (xiao yao you) and “Unified Identity for Diversified Cosmological Beings” (qi wu lun), Zhuang Zi specifically proposed the concept of “individuality” in the history of Chinese philosophy in “a free travel in the universe by floating with clouds and riding on flying dragon, surviving on wind and dew rather than eating cereals.”21 When Zhuang Zi discourses on the Sound of Heaven (tianlai) and the Equality of All Things, he is indeed talking about the “Tao.” This Tao represents the harmony of the whole, which originates from the equity and independence of individual personality and unity in diversity. The spirit reflected in “Tao” shows tolerance and respect for diverse relative values. What is valued in Zhuang Zi’s “wandering through the boundless without depending on anything” (xiao yao wu dai zhi you) is “virtue,” and this “virtue” is an individual’s self-satisfaction and selfattainment, which also depends on how individuals break with phenomenal fractures of life, which was otherwise indicated as “It’s only Dao that can produce entity, which contains male yang and female yin, and then their intercourse gives endless birth to everything.”22 All in all, what this virtue conveys is a protest against the loss of individual’s independent status and free nature, as well as a yearning and pursuit of spiritual freedom without dependence. This “virtue” epitomizes what Zhuang Zi attempts to convey in his sophisticated epistemology and mystic cosmology. However, every special person affirms himself and gets satisfied through others, social groups, social organizations, and other intermediaries. Therefore, individuals must realize themselves through social groups, the family, the country, and the world under heaven (tianxia). The development and realization of social groups must ultimately be implemented in each individual’s consciousness and behavior. While specific social, historical, and cultural traditions have restrictions on the existence of individuals, individuals reside within these restrictions and strive to transcend them , thereby achieving their own value. Establishment of individuality and self-perfection of individuals must consider a series of contradictions between individuals and groups, rational life and perceptual existence, oneself and others, morality and utility, necessity and freedom, and so on. Establishment of the principle of “individuality” in Chinese philosophy depends on the modernization cause and all-round development of modern people, as well as rational exploration and utilization of traditional resources. Human always accomplishes and achieves themselves in their relationships with the living environment, with Heaven, Earth, others, things, and self, as well as in social life and social organizations. Universal harmony does not impede individual freedom, and vice versa. “Self-emptiness to accommodate all humans” (xu ji rong ren) and “self-emptiness to accommodate all things” (xu ji rong wu) are indeed great wisdom of ancient Chinese. Third, Harmony of Body and Heart. 21 22

Mentality of Cosmic Liberty (xiao yao you)," from The Works of Zhuang Zi—translator’s note. Natural Peace (zaiyou)," from The Works of Zhuang Zi—translator’s note.

9.2 Four Dimensions

375

Harmonious unity of body and mind refers to the relationship between an individual and their spiritual world as well as their inner self. Chinese traditional philosophers think that the meaning world of individual existence is closely linked to the cultivation of individual body and mind, which can contribute to a healthy state in life and mind. Taoism and Chinese Buddhism advocate unity and transcendence of body and mind, form and spirit, thus establishing the theory of the self-cultivation, the spheres of living, or the the mentality unique to Taoism and Chinese Buddhism. In today’s society, it seems that everyone is wearing a mask and unable to honestly express their true self. This is the splitting or alienation between social identity and the real self. Factors such as the commercialization kitschy “popular culture,” the dissolution of spirituality, the passivation of perception, the unceasing gratification of lust and greed, and the vulgarilization of life quality or goal pose a significant challenge to our understanding of the meaning of human nature.

Literary garden (partial) by Zhou Wenju of five generations23

Traditional Chinese philosophers emphasized individual’s living taste and quality, and cultural edification and cultivation. Confucius said: “Set your heart on the Way, base yourself on virtue, rely on human-heartedness, and accomplish yourself in the six arts (Analects, Chap. 7). Again, Confucius said: “Get yourself started with The Book of Poetry (shijing); acquire a firm social standing through ritual (li); complete yourself with music (yue).” (Analects, Chap. 8) It is an important task for traditional intellectuals to swim, cultivate and edify in the teachings of ritual and music, and also enhance the folk taste through education of Book of Poetry, Book of History, and Ritual and Music. Our traditional theory of Heart-Nature (xin-xing) is a rich mine, in which many resources can be explored. Even Zhu Xi’s Theory of HeartNature, in fact, is not so repulsive, and on the contrary, its profound meaning is very cordial. Zhu Xi emphasizes the manipulation and adjustment of “Tianli” (Heavenly principle) over “Renyu” (human desire), but mainly refers to internal regulation rather than external imposition. Zhu Xi divides “emotions” into two parts, namely one is “seven emotions” (joy, anger, sorrow, fear, love, hatred, and lust), and the other is “four origins” (heartmind of commiseration, heartmind of shame, heartmind of modesty and humility, and heartmind of right and wrong). Regarding the “seven Wenyuan Picture or Literary Garden 文苑圖 is a color painting on silk, created by Zhou Wenju 周文炬 during the period of Five Dynasties. It is now collected in the Palace Museum in Beijing. Literary Garden depicts the scene of four literati chanting under a pine tree and a boy bending over a stone to grind ink. On the left are two persons, one holding a book to look back, and another literati for thinking. On the right, one person is brooding under the solitary pine, while the other is leaning over a stone, holding his chin in one hand and stroking the scroll in the other. Literary Garden is meant to be the place where the literati gather together—translator’s note.

23

376

9 Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean

emotions,” he emphasizes proper release rather than suffocation and obliteration. Regarding the “four origins,” he especially argues that they are dynamic forces of moral practice. Zhu Xi values the relationship between heartmind, nature, emotion, and talent. He points out that both emotion and talent come from nature, and both belong to heartmind. Both emotion and talent are manifestations of nature, that is, in the process of moral and social practice, both emotion and talent have initiative, enabling human nature to be fully developed. According to him, emotion is motive power, while talent is manifestation of motive power. In other words, emotion leads to excitement and expression, while talent means skillful quality, ability, competence, and strength. “Talent” enables us to accomplish various social undertakings, that is, to actualize one’s potentials in an all-round way. In the context of globalization and electronic network civilization, how can one live a better, more rational, more idealistic life? To achieve this, human beings, both as a species and as individuals, must re-nurture the spiritual resources and wisdom of human civilizations. To live better is not to think only of ourselves without regard for others and posterity. In this aspect, Chinese wisdom is worth taking seriously. Ancient Chinese philosophy embodies not only wisdom of livelihood but also wisdom of life. “The great virtue of Heaven and Earth is called life (sheng)” and “production and reproduction of all things is called change (yi).” “Sheng” (constant life) means both survival and creation. These are all beneficial for the realization of a well-rounded and healthy human being, both a community and as an individual. Fourthly, Harmonization of Time and Space for Generations of Human Existence. Earlier, I talked about “Tian Dao” (the Heavenly Way), “Heaven and Earth,” “community and selfhood,” “I and others,” “body and mind,” and other issues, which involve the intersection of time and space of human existence. What I want to emphasize here is the special wisdom of ancient Chinese philosophers. When thinking about human survival, they paid special attention to the long-term development of various human races and their undertakings, as well as the boundless and ongoing issue of the relationship between human and his environment. In the “Appendices” of The Book of Changes or Zhou Yi it is said: “When things reach their extreme, change occurs, followed by smooth evolution, ensuring longevity .” According to “Appendices” of The Book of Changes, Tian Dao (the Heavenly Way) is realized naturally, and is easy to be recognized; Di Dao (the Way of Earth) is accomplished naturally, and is easy to follow. Human lives between Tian (Heaven) and Di (Earth). When a person follows the Way of Heaven and Earth, they are easily followed and loved by others, and can achieve great success. The more people follow them, the longer their cause continues, the greater success they achieve, the vaster scope they have to benefit their people. This is what is called being great and enduring. Chinese culture and civilization have continued for a long time and have become great. When discussing the problem of existence, Chinese philosophers must consider the extension and continuation of the vast heaven and broad earth where generations of people inhabit. When discussing broadness and vastness, profoundness and brightness, the Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong) refers to space, where virtuous humans and Heaven and Earth project and match each other. When discussing the endless,

9.3 Doctrine of the Mean

377

uninterrupted, and continuous production and reproduction of life, the Doctrine of the Mean refers to time. Only what is tested by history and long-term social practice is everlasting, which can go far and deep, broad and vast, lofty and bright. So without time, there is no space, and vice versa. The two are intertwined and entangled. That is why constant continuity enables all things to produce and reproduce. Only in time can heaven, earth, human, things, and selves gradually come into being. Only when keeping contact and getting along with the natural world can continuation of people from generation to generation be endless and unceasing. We must adopt a long-term vision and resist the urge for quick success, ensuring that our actions and decisions consider the well-being and survival of coming generations. As the old saying goes: Those who do not plan for the future will encounter trouble at their doorstep. So, we must not only solve the immediate problems, but also have foresight. Westerners often conceive of the timeless world as residing in another world, whereasour Chinese believe that the timeless world exixts within this real world, manifested through the continuation of generations, and the ongoing inheritance of history and culture. Therefore, The Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong) holds that the Way of Heaven and Earth is broad and thick, lofty and bright, profound and everlasting. I am reminded of a pair of Spring Festival couplets that people used to hang. Its upper couplet reads: “Through all ages, deities and humans alike, share the same years in timeless unity;” and its lower couplet reads: “All things and selves, as boundless as the sky, enduring as the earth, dance in harmony in the same springtime.” This pair of Spring Festival couplets is an vivid expression of the harmonious picture of Chinese people living in the intertwined time and space, which embodies the faith and mind-vision of traditional Chinese and is very grass-rooted. We must be committed to addressing the challenges posed by contemporary economic globalization with the great wisdom of Chinese great tradition. We must also confront the depth and breadth of human existence today and in the future . What kind of natural and social environment, as well as spiritual and material heritage, will we leave for our children and grandchildren? This is the question that we must answer.

9.3 Doctrine of the Mean Mr. Qian Mu, a famous scholar, said that Confucius is the first greatest sage in Chinese history. Before Confucius, Chinese history and culture had accumulated for over 2500 years, and he epitomized this cultural tradition. After Confucius, Chinese history and culture continued to evolve for another 2500 years, and he elevated this cultural tradition to a new height. Confucius believed that “the Mean” represented the highest moral character. Then, what is the basis of the Doctrine of the Mean in Chinese culture? Is it eclecticism and slickness? How did the Doctrine of the Mean develop after Confucius? In the past, when talking about the Doctrine of the Mean, it was often perceived a a conservative and philistine thing, receiving a negative evaluation. However, in the history of world culture, the thought of the middle way, and the doctrine of the mean

378

9 Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean

share common aspirations. As is known to us all, Aristotle of ancient Greece had the the idea of the Middle Way. Similarly, Buddhism and Mahayana Buddhism in India also had the concept of the Middle Way, termed as Madhyamapratipad in Sanskrit, which denotes the mean between two extremes and specially refers to the mean between realism and nihilism. Today, we will discuss the Confucian Doctrine of the Mean. The idea of the Mean originated in remote antiquity. In The Book of Zhou or Zhou Shu, one of treatises from The Book of History or Shang Shu, King Wu of Zhou asked Jizi, a survival senior official of the Yin Dynasty, for advice on national affairs. Jizi proposed the "Nine Cardinal Laws for Governing the Country Well," also known as “Grand Norms in Nine Categories” (hong fan jiu chou). This system encompasses the concept of the Middle Way, termed "Huang Ji Zhong Dao." This thought prioritizes rectitude and straightness, advocating a political philosophy that emphasizes balance and harmony between the strong and the weak, without deviation or inflection, as is stated: “Without deflection, without unevenness, pursue the kingly righteousness. Without selfish interests, pursue the Kingly Way. Avoid deflection and partiality; Broad and long is the Kingly Way. Avoid partiality, avoid deflection; Level and easy is the Kingly Way. Avoid perversity, avoid one-sidedness; Correct and straight is the Kingly Way. (Ever) seek for this perfect goodness, (Ever) turn to this perfect goodness.” The term “ji” 極, in this context, symbolizes a large beam that supports the central roof of a grand house, representing the highest and most upright element in its structure . This metaphorical use of "ji" extends to signify the standard of being upright and straight, embodying the Way of the Ultimate Uprightness and Straightness. Our Master Confucius vigorously advocated the thought of the Mean, and the phrase “Doctrine of the Mean” first appears in The Analects of Confucius, where “Confucius said: ‘The virtue embodied in the Doctrine of the Mean is of the highest order. But it has long been rare among people.’” (Analects, 6:29).This highlights the importance of the Doctrine of the Mean as a virtue that embodies balance and moderation, which Confucius believed to be of the utmost importance but unfortunately sacarce in society. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, as educated youths in the countryside, we are most eager to be invited to assist in building a house, especially when it came to participating in the ceremony of installing the highest middle beam on the roof of the house.24 Nowadays, such customs still exist in the Chinese countryside, and the scene is very lively. During that time, as long as one family was going to hold the ceremony of installing the middle beam, we would all go to eat big chunks of “Sheng liang yi shi” 升樑儀式 (ceremony of raising the central beam) basically refers to the process of installing the “central beam” on the roof of a house, which is a vital step in the building process. Frequently, the installation of the “Central Beam” is carried out during the “full moon” or “high tide”, symbolizing family reunion or the inflow of wealth like the tide. It is anticipated that the “Central Beam” will support and forever protect the solid structure of the building. In addition to its practical structural importance, the “Central Beam” also holds intangible religious significance. Therefore, during the ceremony of installation of “Central Beam,” people expect to use it as a bridge connecting the house with Heaven, Earth, Gods, and Humanity. The Almanac says, “The installation of the "Central Beam" is akin to a capping ceremony for a young human reaching adulthood”—translator’s note.

24

9.3 Doctrine of the Mean

379

fat meat and drink freely, which was a rare occurence in the era of material scarcity. Why is it so important to install the highest middle beam on the roof of the house? Why is it necessary to hold such a very grand ceremony for it? It is because the beam represents the most upright, most moderate, largest, and most important object of the house, which is highly valued and considered sacred by common people. As previously described, this beam serves as a standard and a sign, symbolizing the importance of balance, moderation, and stability in the construction of the house and in society.

The north–south central axis of Beijing City

If you were to see the ancient city of Beijing from a helicopter, you would notice that the Temple of Heaven, the Forbidden City, and the Ming Tombs are all major buildings along a central north–south axis. Not only are all the buildings in the Forbidden City but also other buildings in old Beijing symmetrically spread out on this central axis. In ancient China, urban architecture followed the principles of the mean, balance, and symmetry, which were also the aesthetics of architecture and urban planning. As a matter of fact, the same were true of many Chinese well-known cities, which embodied a stable structure with beauty of symmetry and balance. Among them, Xi’an, as an ancient city, is the most representative. Archaeological materials may also provide evidence of this. Take a look at the area of the Liaohe River in Liao Yang where the ancient Hongshan Cultural Site (hong shan wen hua yi zhi) is located. This culure site dates back four or five thousand years ago and belongs to the Neolithic Age. You also find a central axis runing north–south, where we have discovered the remains of the sacrificial altars used for offering sacrifices to Heaven, equivalent to the Temple of Heaven in later Beijing. Although the office buildings are very simple, they are equivalent to the Imperial Palace and the Forbidden City. Additionally, there are places designated for burying ancestors, known as “stone graves” ( ji shi zhong), which is equivalent to the imperial mausoleum of the Ming Dynasty. The sacrificial altars, palace houses and stone graves on the Hongshan Cultural Site are also arranged symmetrically and evenly on the same axis. The famous archaeologist and historian, Mr. Su Bingqi, said that the Hongshan Cultural Relics that appeared in North China, Inner Mongolia, and Liaoning today may be the places where the tribe of the Yellow Emperor (huangdi) once lived. We are offsprings of the Yellow Emperor (huangdi), and some of the views of about Cosmos from the Paleolithic and Neolithic Age slowly spread to today. In Yuhang, archaeologists unearthed the ancient city of Liangzhu with the same layout, which dates back to

380

9 Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean

five thousand years ago. Even today the ordinary Chinese would be proud of being identified as “the Offspring of Yellow Emperor” (huangdi), manifesting possibly the antiquity of their life affiliation. It is evident that our nation believes that the finest things in this world must possess symmetry and neutrality. This represents our perspective on of beauty, the world, and the universe, which we refer to as Cosmology. Our nation believes that a central axis accompanied by a balanced and symmetrical structure is potentially the most stable and beautiful arrangement. This concept is known as the Mean. Confucius advocated the Mean or the Principle of the Mean (zhong yong) and he stated, “The virtue embodied in the Mean is of the highest order. But it has long been rare among people.” (Analects, Chap. 6) The Mean serves as the “supreme” virtue and the highest standard of morality, which contains the meanings of impartial rectitude (zhongzheng), justice rectitude (gongzheng), fair rectitude (pingzheng), and balanced harmony (zhonghe) in the domain of morality. This is a very high level of moral cultivation, which is difficult for ordinary humans to achieve. However, is it impossible to achieve? As we will discuss below, it is a very high standard, but it is not an unattainable standard or state. This is one of the meanings of the Mean. The second meaning of the Mean refers to methodology, and indeed, we all possess such wisdom and method. In the Chinese langauge, “zhong” 中 in “zhongyong” 中庸 means “impartial rectitude” (zhongzheng), and a lofty-minded person should learn to “apply this zhong” (yongzhong) in his daily life, avoiding perversity and onesidedness. Everything has its limits, and it is undesirable to exceed or fall short of them. The Mean or Zhongyong is also described as the “unswerving pivot” or “unwobbling pivot.” What does “yong” 庸 in “zhongyong” 中庸 mean? In terms of philology, “yong” in “zhongyong” has three meanings. Firstly, “yong” 庸 represents “chang” 常, namely, ordinary or mediocre, something ordinary or common, which is used to refer to our ordinary life and regular activities, or something we need to do in an usual attitude rather than deliberately. Secondly, “yong” represents something unchanging, which is viewed as a principle or law that is not easily altered. “Yong” means the standard that one should follow in dealing with personal relations and in one’s everyday conduct. Thirdly, in Chinese terminology, “yong” can be phonetically identical to application (yong),” indicating its meaning of “use” (yong) and being embedded in the word 庸 or 用. So, “Zhongyong” can be reversed to “yongzhong” 用中, thus bearing transformative sense of empirical world contrastive to Cosmological Doctrine (ti, contrastive to dao). Therefore, “yong” has three meanings: in terms of its lexical meaning, “yong” has the meaning of something “common” and “ordinary;” “yong” has the meaning of “something unchanging” and “the constant way;” and “yong” indicates the application of “zhong,” namely to follow the the Principle of Mean in daily practice. This Chinese phrase “zhongyong” also reflects the relationship between the Universal Doctrine and its Application, which represents the unity between its metaphysical entity and physical beings, and this unity can also be expressed with one Chinese word "Cheng" or cosmic integrity. This intellectual backcloth is significant in apprehending the insights of The Doctrine of the Mean. Simply speaking, zhong means bent neither one way or another, and yong represents unchanging. The

9.3 Doctrine of the Mean

381

goal of the Mean is to maintain balance and harmony by directing the mind to a state of constant equilibrium. One who follows the Mean is on a path of duty and must never deviate from it. The Doctrine of the Mean represents moderation, rectitude, objectivity, sincerity, honesty, and propriety, with its guiding principle being to never act in excess. Zi Gong,25 one disciple of Confucius, once asked his Master Confucius, “Of Shi (Zi Zhang)26 and Shang (Zi Xia), which is worthier? Cinfucius replied, “Shi goes too far, while Shang does not go far enough.” (Analects, Chap. 11) In other words, Zi Gong asked his Confucius about who is better in temperament, Zi Zhang or Zi Xia? Confucius thought that Zi Zhang sometimes goes too far, while Zi Xia sometimes not far enough. Going too far is as bad as not going far enough, so neither Zi Zhang nor Zi Xia can attain to the standard of the Mean. Zi Zhang, who is a little arrogant and aggressive in his temperament, goes too far, while Zi Xia, who is a little slow and insufficient in his temperament, falls too short. Hence, Zi Gong asked Confucius, “Which one is more virtuous, Zi Zhang or Zi Xia?” Confucius replied, “Zi Zhang tends to go too far, while Zi Xia often falls too short.” Zi Gong proceeded, “In that case, is Shi the better person?” Confucius said, “Going too far is just as bad as falling short.” (Analects, Chap. 11) According to Confucius, neither of them is good, and neither of them has been up to the standard of the impartial rectitude. Confucius evaluated one of his students as “going too far” and the other as “falling short,” considering them to be the same in failing the standard of impartial rectitude set by the Mean. Confucius also talked about the relationship between human’s endowed character and his decoration, content and form, saying: “When one’s simplicity is in excess of his outward refinement, he will look uncultivated; when one’s outward refinement is in excess of his simplicity, he will seem to be superficial. Only when one’s simplicity and refinement are beautifully blended can he become a human of virtue.” (Analects, Chap. 6)27 According to Confucius, the refinement (wen) should be commensurate with the simplicity (zhi), and the form should match the content. When Confucius commented on the description of love between young men and women in the poem “Guan Ju” in “Guo Feng. Zhou Nan” from The Book of Poetry (Shijing), he said: “[Guan Ju] expresses joy without indulgence and grief without excessive distress.” (Analects, Chap. 3). Later Confucians regarded impartiality, peace of mind, and harmony between emotions and rationality as basic requirements for poems and other literary works, making them criteria for evaluating literary works, as their connotations are manifestly in accord with the principle of the Mean. When we are 25

Shi (520 B.C.–456 B.C.), also known as Duanmu Ci, with Zi Zhang or Zi Gong as his styled name, was born in the State of Wei at the end of the Spring and Autumn Period. He was one of the “Ten Sages” and was known as a “Confucian merchant” due to his “astute profiting from trade.” He was highly proficient at estimating the price of buying and selling, often guessing correctly, and hoarding. It is said that Confucius relied on his patronage during his last years of life—translator’s note. 26 Shang or Bu Shang (507 B.C.–400 B.C.), styled (Bu) Zi Xia was born in the State of Wei at the end of the Spring and Autumn Period. He was one of the “Ten Sages” and was skilled in ancient classic literatures—translator’s note. 27 Its original Chinese is: “質勝文則野, 文勝質則史; 文質彬彬, 然後君子”—translator’s note.

382

9 Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean

happy, don’t be too indulgent, and when we are sad, don’t be too overcome in pain. Keep a balance between emotion and reason, namely be in accord with the Way of the Mean (zhongdao). Confucius’ comments are very concise in language: “Joy without indulgence and grief without excessive distress” is the best description of the Mean in emotional expression. Hence, the impression Confucius left on his disciples was: “[Confucius] was both mild and sharp-spoken, dignified but not oppressively so, respectful but relaxed.” (Analects, Chap. 7:38) Confucius is dignified but very kind, stately but gentle, respectful but composed, and solemn and easily poised. Confucius also advised humans of virtue to be “self-possessed but not arrogant” (tai er bu jiao), and “to have desires but are not greedy” (yu er bu tan). (Analects, Chap. 13) The standard of conduct proposed by Confucius for a lofty-minded person is that “a loftyminded person is bountiful but not extravagant, exacts labor but rouses no resentment, has desires but not be covetous, self-possessed but not arrogant, dignified but not oppressively so.” (Analects, Chap. 20) In a word, a lofty-minded person should be self-possessed but not arrogant, and has desires but not be greedy. This is the Principle of the Mean advocated by Confucius, which involves human disposition, virtue in dealing with affairs, literary expression, and so on. Confucius thinks both going too far and falling short are not desirable. For example, the way of being a human should not be too ambitious nor give up on oneself. He should pursue the ideal in his heart and face the reality of life as well. The Mean that Confucius claims is the “degree or proper limit” in philosophy. How should we grasp this “degree” with discretion? Does the Mean want us to give up principles in our conduct, or to be a human sitting on the fence, or to be a yes-man, or to cater to everyone? Some argue that by holding the Mean, Confucius means to be lenient with all people regardless of principle, namely to be a person who tries never to offend anybody (xiang yuan). However, which, I believe this interpretation is completely ignorant and false.28 As a matter of fact, Confucius is very principled. For example, when an unscrupulous ruler asked him to become an official to govern state affairs, he would refuse and stand by his principle . Mencius also claimed for “saint scholars not to be summoned” (bu zhao zhi chen), meaning that an upright minister is entitled to refusing to be called upon by an immoral ruler and refusing to serve him. Therefore, the Mean is far from being a hypocritical wish or a “slick” doctrine, as Confucius himself said, “A hypocrite is a thief of virtue.” (Analects, Chap. 17). “Zhong” 中 represents “the Middle Way” (zhong dao), which means to avoid going too far or falling short in one’s words and conducts, so as to follow the virtue Xiang yuan 鄉願, translated as “hypocrite,” refers to someone who uses deceptive methods to gain a good reputation. Hypocrites appear to behave in accordance with moral principles to win popular praise, while in reality, they compromise their principles and personal integrity, curry favor, and collude with dishonorable individuals. Hypocrites appear to be virtuous superior persons, but in reality, they are not. Their conduct often causes confusion in moral judgment, posing a tremendous threat to social morality. Confucius said: “A hypocrite is a thief of virtue or a moral degenerate” 鄉 愿, 德之賊也. Confucius detests such people, clearly pointing out that they deceive the public to build a false reputation for themselves. They may seem to have virtue, but in reality, they harm it. This shows that the Principle of the Mean advocated by Confucius is not, as some later understood, merely about “sitting on the fence” or “trying to smooth things over”—translator’s note.

28

9.3 Doctrine of the Mean

383

of “the Middle Way.” “Zhong” is slightly different from “harmony” (he). “Harmony” lays emphasis on accommodating different talents, opinions, and voices, and maintaining an ecological relationship and balance among them. “Zhong” means “rules” or “principles” that people should observe in handling affairs. The Mean (zhongyong) means an ordinary principle, namely the “Way” that people see in ordinary activities. “Revering the Mean” (shangzhong) or “holding fast to the Mean” (zhizhong) can play an important role as a management strategy. Through this strategy, the two extremes of “going too far” and “falling short” can be dynamically unified, and all kinds of forces and interests can be coordinated, adjusted, and complemented for each other, and all things, large and small, firm and soft, strong and weak, thin and thick, high and low, slow and swift, dynamic and static, etc., can be maintained in a flexible and rhythmical state, thus forming a superb aesthetics of management. It sounds a bit like a pianist playing a piece of music, or a great conductor directing a symphony.

Quan [權], a metrics tool of the Qin Dynasty, has an imperial edict engraved on it by the first emperor of Qin

In other words, “zhong” is not always a fixed and rigid doctrine. It does not always refer to the midpoint equidistant from opposite ends, nor is it always at a certain point. Instead, it alters with specific situations and conditions. Chinese dialectics does not recognize a rigid and insurmountable boundary between opposing and contradictory parties. If there is a limit, it is relative and dynamic. In The Doctrine of the Mean contained in The Book of Rites (liji. zhong yong), Confucius is quoted as saying: “A lofty-minded person follows the Mean and a xiaoren or a petty person goes against it. A lofty-minded person seeks to be in keeping with the Mean at all times, whereas a xiaoren goes against it and acts unscrupulously.” Herein, we need to elaborate on the respective meanings of “shi” and “zhong.” “Shi” refers to “shijian” (time), and “zhong” refers to “zhongjian” (in the middle). “Shi” and “Zhong” is compounded to form “shizhong.” It mean to follow the Mean all the time. In other words, when taking a specific action, one should always bear in mind the need to follow the principle of the Mean. Confucian scholars regard the Mean as the supreme principle guiding individuals’ behavior. They stress that when handling things one should not act excessively or insufficiently. However, the criteria for determining what is appropriate or not does not remain unchanged. They insist that one should “constantly renew with the time,” choosing correspondingly suitable methods of handling affairs in the circumstances determined by the times,

384

9 Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean

and keeping pace with the change of the times while adapting in agreement with them. Confucius even argues that the ways, norms, principles, and standards of li (ritual) and yue (music) can be adjusted and should be in line with the requirements of the times. Confucius said: “Take your stand in ritual,” or “acquire a firm social standing through ritual,” but he does not want people to follow ritual mechanically and rigidly. Instead, he put forward the concept of “quan” 權. Literally, “quan” represents a weight scale or a measuring tool. All humans may use the steelyard, slide the weight, and keep balance, which is just what the Mean tends to mean. The four-character phrase “tong quan da bian” or “master both constancy and change” 通權達變 embodies the doctrine of the Confucian Mean. According to this doctrine, one should act as the occasion requires or actually conform to requirements of the Middle Way in a flexible manner. This is what we are talking about today—dynamic balance and unity of diversity.29 You Zi, one of Confucius’ disciples,30 once put forward the theory that “in practicing rules of propriety, it is harmony that is prized” (li zhi yong, he wei gui). (Analects, Chap. 1). In You Zi’s view, certain rules and systems are used to regulate humans’ behavior, mediate various conflicts, coordinate interpersonal relationships, and handle personnel just right, which is undoubtedly the positive value of ritual and music system. Hence, li makes society orderly, and yue makes society harmonious. In ancient China, the humanistic spirit of ritual and music education emphasized the importance of humans, nations, and cultures getting along with each other. It is the spirit that “all humans of the world are edified through culture” and “all humans under Heaven are united as one family, equal, friendly, and helpful to each other.” The idea that “in practicing the rules of propriety, it is harmony that is prized” is the foundation of co-existence of all nations and ethnic groups in harmony, cultural exchange and integration, which ultimately form a unified Chinese nation and Chinese culture. Confucius had a saying, known as “exploring it from two ends until I’ve exhausted it.” (Analects, Chap. 9) This means that when someone asks him a question, Confucius will not necessarily answer right away. Instead, his method is to slowly enlighten him from both sides of the question posed, and then approach the question slowly. As “Tong quan da bian” or “zhi chang da bian” 通權達變或知常達變, is translated as “master both constancy and change.” As a phrase, it means one should not only have a good command of the basic rules that govern things, but also know how to deal with exceptional situations or problems in a flexible manner. It suggests that one should not just adhere to principles, but also act according to circumstances. Chang (constancy) and Bian (change) are two opposing concepts in ancient Chinese philosophy. The inherent nature of things that decides what they are, along with their basic rules or general principles that remain relatively stable, are called Chang (constancy). However, when it comes to specific situations or ways to deal with them, they may differ and change in different circumstances, hence they are called Bian (change). Relative to change, constancy is what endures within change. Constancy is the fundamental while change is a deviation. Hence, one needs not only to have a good command of the basic rules and general principles of things, but also know how to apply these rules and principles in a flexible manner according to specific circumstances. The mastery of both constancy and change reflects ancient Chinese people’s perception of both generality and particularity as well as principles and flexibility—translator’s note. 30 You Zi, whose name was Ruo and styled Zi Ruo. In Analects of Confucius, he was honored with the title "Zi" (Master), showing his high status among Confucius’ disciples—translator’s note. 29

9.3 Doctrine of the Mean

385

Confucius says: “I have no special knowledge. But if an uneducated fellow comes to me with a question, I will explore it from two ends until I’ve exhausted it.” (Analects, Chap. 9) “Exploring it from both ends until I’ve exhausted it” means approaching the question bit by bit, asking from both ends of the question posed. While handling things, we always encounter two sides or two forces of things, such as positive and negative, fast and slow, many and few, high and low, yin and yang, etc. How can we ask each other, think about each other, and enlighten each other to achieve a desired balance? Confucius also advocates “holding two ends and using the middle ” (zhi qi liang duan, yong qi zhong yu min), (The Records of Ritual, Chap. 31) and hopes to find the golden opportunity of dynamic unity and balance between two extremes and to achieve this through concrete analysis, flexible treatment, and dialectical synthesis. This is what he means by saying “holding two ends and using the middle.” “Holding” (zhi) means seizing or grasping; “two” (liang) represents the two sides of the opposite and contradictory unity, or two kinds of dynamic energy, or potential energy. As a methodology, it advocates grasping the opposing aspects or forces in things and affairs, and applying the principle of “the Mean” in one’s words and actions. This means avoiding going too far or falling short, and striving to find a balance between the two extremes. By doing so, one can attain impeccable morality or make sound decisions. Mencius emphasizes “holding fast to the middle” (zhi zhong), claiming that “holding fast to the middle” is adhering to the principle of “balanced harmony,” also known as “cosmological harmony” (zhong he) or the Mean. Mencius claimed that “holding fast to the middle” must be combined with “quanbian” (changes of situations), saying, “… holding to the Mean without allowing for special circumstances resembles holding to one single point. The reason why I dislike holding to one point, because it beclouds many other aspects.” (Mencius, Vol.13) Herein, “zhong” represents principle or constancy, while “quan” represents flexibility or the temporary. Mencius developed Confucius’ thought by emphasizing that holding to the Mean without allowing for flexibility and knowing how to adapt to specific circumstances is to hold to just one extreme. People often hate holding to one side because it only sees one aspect and cloud many other aspects, thus impairing the overall harmony between Heaven and Earth and the grand Way of human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, and music in human affairs. The Doctrine of the Mean, advocated by Confucius, opposes both going too far and falling too short. However, it does not mean “blurring the line between right and wrong” or embracing eclecticism without respect to principles. After Confucius, his grandson Zi Si inherited the essence of the Principle of the Mean and wrote the book The Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong), in which he made a comprehensive elaboration on the principle of the Mean,31 which is one of the major Four Books Zi Si 子思 (483 B.C.–402 B.C.), grandson of Confucius, is a famous Confucian thinker of the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period. With Zi Si being his style name, his given name was Kong Ji. Zi Si, who studied under Confucius’s pupil Zeng Zi was also Mencius’ teacher, inherited and further developed his grandfather’s Principle of the Mean, emphasizing the virtue of sincerity. He said: “Sincerity is the end and beginning of all things; without sincerity, there would be nothing.” The Book of Zi Si, which has long been lost, was attributed to him. According

31

386

9 Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean

(sishu) in later ages. In October 1993, a batch of bamboo slips was unearthed in Guodian, Jingmen, Hubei Province, among which there is an essay titled “Lord Lu Mu Asked Zi Si” (lu mu gong wen zi si). Lord Lu Mu asked: “What should a minister do to be called a loyal minister?” Zi Si replied: “A loyal minister can be described as one who often points out the faults of his monarch.” Thus, although Zi Si advocates for the Mean, he is not unprincipled in his adherence to the Mean. What is meant by loyaltysincerity (zhong cheng)? In Zi Si’s view, he who has integrity and principle and is able to criticize his ruler is referred to as having loyaly-sincerity. So, Zi Si is considered a person of dignity and character. Zi Si’s The Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong) still retains his personality style, indicating that the concept of “the Mean” is definitely not synonymous with craftness or slickness, which potentially causes Chinese people to be afraid to face the nature of thingsand other important aspects of life . The Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong) was probably formed during the late Warring States Period, and its primary idea comes from Master Zi Si (Kong Ji). Li Ao (772 A.D.–841 A.D.), a Confucian scholar and official of the Tang Dynasty, once vigorously promoted The Doctrine of the Mean, so did the Cheng Brothers in the Song Dynasty. They believed that The Doctrine of the Mean was the method of heart–to-heart transmission within Confucius’ school. Later on, Zhu Xi made commentaries on The Doctrine of the Mean, and continued to revise it. After the nomadic Mongolians conquered China and established the Yuan Dynasty, Emperor Renzong (1285 A.D.–1320 A.D.) authorized Zhu Xi’s Annotations of the Four Books and Chapters and Sentences (si shu zhang ju zhu) as the main content of the imperial examination. Since then, it has become popular all over the country and even has influenced the whole of East Asia. As we all know, the Zhong Yong says at the very beginning: “What Heaven confers is called the Nature (xing). Following this nature is called the Way (Tao). The cultivation of this Way is called spiritual Culture or Cultivation.” This touches upon the relationship between nature (xing), Way (tao), and cultivation ( jiao). Nature (xing) represents human nature (renxing). The Doctrine of the Mean (Zhong Yong) states human nature is conferred by Tian (Heaven), but sometimes human nature is obscured that we are unable to recognize the most fundamental characteristics and internal essence of human beings. Thus, Confucianism, Confucius, and Zi Si aim to elucidate the fundamental character of human beings. What is the difference between human and beast? Later on, Mencius, a younger scholar, from the School of Zisi, stated : “That whereby human differs from the lower animals is but small. The masses discard it, while virtuous individuals preserve it.” (The Works of Mencius, Chap. 19) What is it that virtuou individuals preserve? The reason why virtuous individuals are virtuous is due to the Way they follows in being human, which is what makes a slight difference between humans and beasts. Ordinary persons discard

to some scholars, The Doctrine of the Mean, one of the classic Four Books, was his creation and was incorporated as a chapter of The Record of Rites during the Han Dynasty (206 B.C.–220 A.D.). Zi Si is also credited with developing the theory of wuxing, the five modes of moral action through which exemplary persons comport themselves—translator’s note.

9.3 Doctrine of the Mean

387

this difference, but virtuous individuals retain it. Confucianism, particularly Confucius and Mencius, developed the concept of innate good human nature, drawing inspirations from the spirit of the poem titled “Zhengmin” in The Book of Poetry or Shijing. They held that the essential characteristic of human being is good and morality, stating that “Heaven gives birth to people, provides them with goodness and materials, and subjects them to rules. People obey universal rules and value virtues.” This suggests that human beings, as well as all natural beings, are the results of Tian (heaven)’s mandates, emanating from its moral kindness. Some may ask, what about those who are not good? In real society, there are many individuals who g commit crimes. How do we explain this phenomenon? In fact, “goodness” is a stipulation made by The Doctrine of the Mean (Zhong Yong) from human endowment and human nature. What humans actually are in their actual experience does not contradict what humans ought to be in their nature. Human nature is inherently good, but in social life, humans may lose their natural conscience and become bad or evil. In the face of ugly phenomena among human beings, such as the abundance of murder in cities and the wilds, that Mencius, as a Master Confucian thinker, focused on enlightening the inner virtue, intuitive knowledge, and intuitive abilities of human beings. He especially emphasized promoting goodness and expanding it as the most beautiful aspect of human nature. We should expand and develop the best of human nature, which is innate goodness of human nature bestowed upon us by Tian (Heaven). This goodness is the foundation of all creation, and as human beings, we should fully develop and augment this quality . Ten thousand things of creation (wanwu) are based on Tian (Heaven), and human being also regards Tian Dao (the heavenly Way) as his own nature. To follow this nature is to follow the Way, and to follow this nature is to act on it in life practice, namely to live and to act naturally. The Way is a process or a process of the actualization of the Way of humanity, through which, the human society can walk on the right path. For example, in the face of our parents, we naturally show them filial piety, and act by following our innate nature. Our cultivation of this Way is called spiritual or moral education, and our self-cultivation of the Way of Humanity is to receive education. Education in ancient times was mainly humanistic education, and was to make everyone know the Way of Humanity. How do we understand the Way? How do we cognize the Way? This requires education. Only by shaping their heartmind through education or teachings can ordinary persons bring their original goodness into full play and realize it in actual life. Therefore, The Doctrine of the Mean (zhong yong) begins s with three sentences that discuss the relationship between Nature (xing), the Way (tao), and Cultivation ( jiao). These sentences highlight the role of cultivation in actualizing humanity’s path in accordance with the Way, which read in the following: “What Heaven confers is called the Nature. Following this nature is called the Way. The cultivation of this Way is called spiritual culture.” Such three short and concise catchphrases reveal to us that the core of the Mean is self-education. To carry out self-education throughout one’s entire life, it is necessary to have a spirit of inner self-discipline and self-supervision. So what is the purpose and significance of self-education, self-discipline, and self-supervision?

388

9 Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean

Next, we proceed to discuss the expression of human emotions in The Doctrine of the Mean (Zhong Yong). It is acknowledged that everyone has seven emotions: pleasure, anger, sorrow, joy, love, hatred, and desire. Additionally, everyone has a moral heartmind, particularly the heartmind of commiseration. The heartmind of commiseration refers to the heartmind or feeling of empathy or mercy, which is considered one of the most precious human emotions. Similarly, everyone has the heartmind of shame, which is the heartmind of likes and dislikes or the heartmind of loving goodness and detesting evil. This heartmind is also considered one of the most precious human feelings. When emotions such as pleasure, anger, sorrow and joy, are not yet aroused, meaning when they are not yet expressed as responses to external things, they remain in a state of tranquility known as the “middle” or “balance” (zhong). Emotions expressed in words and deeds are in line with ethical rules and social norms under certain times and conditions, or “emotions aroused are in line with confines of rites.” (Preface to Mao’s Version of The Book of Poetry) This is called “harmony” (he). The Chinese word “Zhong” 中 in “zhongjie” 中節 is pronounced as “zhong.” “Zhong is the original foundation under Heaven, while ‘harmony” (he) is the Cosmological Way to achieve the state of ‘zhong’ under Heaven. If a ruler can achieve balanced harmony, all things between Heaven and Earth will be in their place and will prosper and thrive.” (The Doctrine of the Mean in The Records of Rituals) In other words, before emotions are aroused, one’s heartmind stays static and peaceful, without disadvantages of going too far and falling too short. Such a state of heartmind is known as “balance” or “being in midst.” Emotions expressed follow the Middle Way, and flow out in an impartial and natural way. This is called “harmony.” “Zhong” is the original foundation of all things under Heaven, while “harmony” ensures that each thing in Heaven and Earth is in its proper place, allowing each to prosper and thrive. This is known as “the Cosmological Way” (da dao). A virtuous human inspects his efforts in self-cultivation in order to achieve the perfect state of “balanced harmony.” When this is achieved , Heaven and Earth stay in their proper place and continue to move on unceasingly. Everything follows its own nature, growing and changing perpetually and endlessly.

Hall of central harmony

We all know that there are Hall of Great Harmony (Tai He Dian), Hall of Balanced Harmony (Zhong He Dian), and Hall of Complete Harmony (Bao He Dian) in the Forbidden City. The phrase “zhong he” originates from The Doctrine of the Mean and signifies the pursuit of the ideal state of impartiality, uprightness, and moderation.

9.3 Doctrine of the Mean

389

Confucianism focuses on the five cardinal ethical relations (wulun), which are also considered five universal principles . These relations include the relations between father and son, monarch and minister, husband and wife, brothers, and friends, among others. Humans learn the Way of Humanity through these five cardinal ethical relations. Nowadays, there may not be a traditional ruler-subject relationship, but there is still the concept of a superior-subordinate relationship. The Doctrine of the Mean (Zhong Yong), in words of Confucius, points out that the five cardinal ethical relations (wu lun) are the five universal paths (wu da dao), namely the paths that everyone should follow along, and regards wisdom (zhihui), human-heartedness (ren-ai), and bravery (yong) as the “three universal virtues” (san da de), namely the three methods employed to achieve the five universal paths. In The Doctrine of the Mean (Zhong Yong) it is said: “The five duties of universal obligation include those between sovereign and minister, father and son, husband and wife, elder brother and younger, and friends. Those are considered duties that are universally binding. The virtues with which these duties are practiced are wisdom, human-heartedness, and bravery, which are also universally binding. The means by which these duties are carried out into practice is through sincerity” (suo yi xing zhi zhe yi ye). Here, the Chinese character “yi” 壹 (single-mindedness) refers to “cheng” (integrity or sincerity), meaning self-trueness and utmost sincerity. Confucius is quoted by The Doctrine of the Mean (Zhong Yong) as saying: “Knowledge is easy to be obtained by dedicated studies, humaneness by its earnest application, and courage by self-sensed shame. These three human qualities enable us to cultivate personality gracefully, to govern the people humanely, and to govern the world under the heaven harmoniously” (The Doctrine of the Mean, Chap. 19). In the frame of Confucian Integration between Heaven and Human, such conceptions as knowledge of Heaven-Mandated-Nature, Dao De, Cosmological Harmony and self-commitment are themselves abundant in humanistic value orientation and political philosophy, being more than epistemologically consequential correlations between cosmological dynamics and its human representational phenomena. Here, the most fundamental aspect is self-cultivation or the embodiment of humaneness in gentleman. Through self-cultivation, one can effectively manage others and govern the country and the world. In Confucian thought, bravery, as one of three universal virtues, is along with wisdom and human-heartedness. By associating shame with bravery, Confucius aims to encourage people to confront their shortcomings directly and strive for self-improvement and self-perfection. The concept of “bravery” embodies the spirit of individuals, companies, organizations, ethnic groups, and the whole nation in achieving self-respect, self-motivation, and selfimprovement. This is also consistent with the proposal of The Great Learning. It is worth mentioning that Honda in Japan has regarded “wisdom, human-heartedness, and bravery” as its spirit and philosophy. In The Doctrine of the Mean (Zhong Yong) it is said: “Sincerity (Cheng) means the fulfillment of our self, while moral law means following the law of our being. Sincerity is the beginning and end of material existence, as without it, there is no such material existence. This is why the morally upright individual values sincerity highly. It not only represent the fulfillment of our own being but also enables the existence of external things. The fulfillment of

390

9 Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean

our being is synonymous with moral sense, while the fulfillment of the nature of external things represents wisdom. Moral feeling and wisdom are the faculties of our being, combining the inner or subjective and outer or objective use of the power of the mind. Thus, with sincerity, everything we do is right.”32 The realm of The Doctrine of the Mean (Zhong Yong) is to enable us to achieve self-actualization, also known as self-achievement, and to extend this achievement to others and all things under Heaven, which is known as the achievement of others and all things. The union of the subjective and objective is called the “unifier of inner and outer Ways” (he nei wai zhi dao), which originates from the Confucian Doctrine of "Being Internal or Inner Saint and External or Outer King" (Nei Sheng Wai Wang Zhi Dao). We aspire to develop not only ourselves but also others; to achieve not only ourselves but also others; we should fulfill ourselves in the course of fulfilling others; we love not only ourselves but also others. We learn to love ourselves in the course of loving others, but also learn to love others in the course of loving ourselves. To achieve the well-being of others and all things in the world, we must detach ourselves from individual pursuits and material desires, placing everything in its proper place and conforming to its natural order. By doing so, we can enhance our realm and contribute to the greater good. The Doctrine of the Mean (Zhong Yong) is concerned with the unity of the ordinary and the great. Namely people should not only have lofty goals, but also work hard and steadfastly. To achieve their lofty ideals, they should not break away from the mundane life world, and pursue the unity of truth, goodness, and beauty in ordinary daily life. We don’t have to leave family life to become monks or nuns. We must be filial to our parents, raise children, and assume family responsibilities and obligations; we don’t have to leave our ordinary posts or daily trifles; and we should fulfill our social responsibilities and obligations in a certain position. We always live at home and in society, but even in the mundane life, we can still pursue a brilliant and high realm. Mr. Feng Youlan, a philosopher with high international prestige, resided in Yannan Yuan of Peking University. His courtyard was adorned with three pine trees, and his home was aptly named “Three-Pines House” (san song tang). Mr. Feng inscribed a pair of couplets for his house, stating: “Explain the enduring value of Chinese tradition and serve the new mission; attain to the sublime while performing the ordinary activities of this world (chan jiu bang yi fu xin min, ji gao ming er dao zhong yong).” The first half phrase expresses our endeavor to elucidate ancient classics and cultivate ancient fine traditions, aiding modern life and enabling the Chinese nation to fulfill its new historical mission. The second half phrase quotes The Doctrine of the Mean, stating that the sublime and brilliant realm does not transcend this world, but is realized within ordinary life. Chinese philosophy aims for the highest realm, transcending daily human relations while also encompassing them within its scope.

Its original Chinese is: “誠者, 自成也; 而道, 自道也。誠者, 物之終始, 不誠無物。是故君子 誠之為貴。誠者, 非自成己而已也, 所以成物也。成己, 仁也; 成物, 知也。性之德也, 合外內之道 也, 故時措之宜也.” See The Doctrine of the Mean (Zhong Yong), Chap. 25—translator’s note.

32

9.3 Doctrine of the Mean

391

This reminds me of a well-known model cadre in China, Kong Fansen, the 74th grandson of Confucius. He is a person with the spirit of achieving himself, achieving others and things. While working in Ali Prefecture, he lived together with Tibetan compatriots.33 He regarded Tibet as his second birthplace. Over ten years, he visited 48 of the 56 nursing homes in Lhasa. He also traveld to 98 of the 106 townships in the Ali region. He wrote in his diary, “Ali’s poverty is our shame, and it is our bounden duty to lead the masses to prosperity.” Through his dedication to caring for and achieving others, he ultimately achieved his own success. In Kong Fansen’s life, he fully embodied the three universal virtues of humanheartedness, wisdom, and courage, demonstrating the unity of the ordinary and the sublime. In The Doctrine of the Mean (Zhong Yong) it is said: “A lofty-minded person honors his virtuous nature and follows the path of inquiry and study, reaches the breadth and greatness and penetrates the refined and subtle to the end, and attains to the sublime and yet perform the common activities.” (The Doctrine of the Mean in The Records of Rituals, Chap. 31) It suggests that we should not only preserve our innate good nature but also value our acquired learning and self-cultivation. We should not only strive for lofty goals and realms while also remaining grounded in practical work. As children of parents and parents of children, we must fulfill our family responsibilities, and as members of society, we ought to fulfill our social responsibilities and pursue the unity of truth, goodness, and beauty in our ordinary life. We should seek lofty ideals in our ordinary life, and people, like Kong Fansen, attain to the sublime and yet perform the common activities. Kong Fansen possessed the moral character of ultimate human-heartedness, ultimate goodness, and ultimate sincerity. Only with such a moral character can one achieve the state of the Mean. So what is the (cultural) meaning of the Mean in modern times? And what concrete help can it provide us with? Confucian thought emphasizes “harmony,” and the concept of a harmonious society we pursue today is derived from Confucianism. Confucianism not only emphasizes social harmony but also advocates for a harmonious balance between human and nature, human and human, and human and his own inner heart. This includes achieving an inner harmonious balance between his body and his mind, and his body and his spirit. Confucius underscores “harmony of diversity.” Harmony is neither uniformity nor non-uniformity. Harmony is a unifier of diversity. Harmony is like making soup, and all kinds of flavors of oil, salt, sauce, and vinegar are mixed together. In human society, including institutions, schools, companies, enterprises, media, units, and groups, all kinds of ideas or opinions have the right to be voiced, listened to, and valued. Additionally, talents with a variety of personalities should be recruited and given opportunities for reuse. In Chinese philosophy, the concepts of “harmony” and “tolerance” towards Heaven, Earth, all humans, all things, and selves not only provide wisdom 33

Ali Area is a prefecture-level administrative region located in the Tibet Autonomous Region of the People’s Republic of China. It is situated in China’s northwest border areas of China, specifically in the western part of the Tibet Autonomous Region and the northern part of the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau—translator’s note.

392

9 Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean

for maintaining ecological balance in the human natural environment and humanity environment but also serve as an important ideological resource for modern social management and enterprise management. Modern management emphasizes harmonious relationship between human and nature, human and society, human and human, human and things, human and his inner self, as well as a holistic concept of universal unity and universal harmony. Mencius said: “One should have feelings of family affection for the members of one’s family, but human-heartedness for people; human-heartedness for people, but love for things.” Zhang Zai said: “ Humans should regard all humans as their blood brothers and all creatures in the universe as their own kind.” (Qian Hexagram of Correct Discipline for Beginners) Wang Yangming, the eminent Confucian scholar in the Ming Dynasty (A.D. 1368–1644), espoused the idea that “The human of ren takes Heaven, Earth, and myriad things as oneness with himself.” In Confucian concept, the idea of a cosmos-based family, where one’s love for their family extends to include others and all things, will play an increasingly important role in the future world. This concept holds great significance for interpersonal relationship between enterprises within and between enterprises, and can even contribute to the increase of enterprise benefits. Ancient Chinese philosophers believed that though love should start within the family but extend beyond it, encompassing even plants and animals, to become a broad love. The ultimate goal is to achieve harmony within oneself, with others, and with all things in the universe. “Zhong” (neutralization) is the most cardinal foundation under Heaven, while “he” (harmony) is the universal path under Heaven. If the principle of “balanced harmony” (zhong he) is brought into full play, Heaven and Earth will be brightly clean and all things will flourish unceasingly. “Harmony” or “balanced harmony,” mentioned here, represents the highest state that can be achieved in human’s life practice, signifying the pursuit of unity of reality and ideal through practical living. Chinese philosophers emphasize cosmological harmony and interconnectedness of things and selves. They regard nature as a harmonious system and strive for social harmony and stability, co-existence and mutual respect among nations and cultures, harmonization and order in interpersonal relationship. Additionally, they pursue harmonization among Heaven, Earth, Human, all things, and individuals. Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism all express their pursuit of concordance between nature and humanity, as well as integration between humans and all things. Chinese philosophy emphasizes reversals and oppositions (pian fan),34 but views these reversals or opposites as transitional links in the dialectical movement, or as a 34

Chinese philosophy emphasizes a reversal to an original and opposite state, a concept known as pian fan 偏反. By “reversal” 偏, it refers to the way changes occur in a relationship of opposites. In this sense, “reversal” has two different meanings: one is that a thing’s attribute or state will under certain circumstances always transform itself to its opposite; the other is that a thing reverts to its original or fundamental state or attribute. The concept of reversal to an opposite is an expression of the ancient Chinese understanding of the rules governing the way things change. “Confucius said: ‘When the year-end cold comes, we know that the pine and cypress are the last to lose their leaves.’ Confucius also said: ‘The wise are never perplexed; the benevolent, never anxious; the brave, never afraid.’ As The Book of Poetry is quoted as saying: ‘The blossoms of the cherry flutter and turn, but it is not that I don’t think of you. It is just that your house is far away.” In Confucius’ view,

9.3 Doctrine of the Mean

393

unified concept achievable only through reconciliation of the opposite two. Comparatively, Chinese philosophy favors “balanced harmony,” “Golden Mean,” and “consistency at two ends.” “Balanced harmony” and “Golden Mean” do not negate contradiction, reversal, or opposites, but rather seek to avoid extremes by acknowledging these elements and achieving a dynamic balance, maintaining flexibility, pursuing an holistic harmony, and unifying principle and flexibility. The focus of Chinese philosophy is on the dialectics of harmony. In The Doctrine of the Mean (Zhong Yong) it is said: “All things are nourished together without their injuring one another. All courses are pursued without collision. Small virtues flow everywhere like river currents, while great virtues proceed silently and steadily. It is what makes Heaven and Earth so great!” (The Doctrine of the Mean, Chap. 30) What does this statement mean? It means that all things prosper and develop together without interfering with each other. The small Ways pursued by each individual go hand in hand, and, of course, they are finally unified by the highest Way. This is called “small virtues flow everywhere like river currents, while great virtues proceed silently and steadily.” Small things [small virtues] are like rivers that finally flow towards the sea. In “Appendices” of the Book of Changes or Zhou Yi it is said: “In the world, there is one purpose, but numerous ideas about it; a single goal, yet diverse paths to achieve it.” Likewise, in The Historical Records or Shiji it is said: “Different schools of thought, … all pursue social order, but their explainations vary greatly , some clear, other not.” (Historical Records, Chap. 130) This embodies a tolerant, peaceful, eclectic, and magnificent character, a fundamental trait of our multi-ethnic unified country, multi-ethnic unified culture, Chinese civilization, and ethnic groups. We are not narrow-minded nationalists. Speaking objectively and rationally, during the Axial Age of Civilization ( 8th century B.C. to 2nd century B.C.), the cultural giants emerged from ancient India, China, Egypt, Greece, Rome, and later, Persia. However, today’s Greece and Egypt are not natural continuations of ancient Greece and Egypt in terms of race and culture. While there were conflicts and struggles in Chinese history, it was generally in a state of integration and peace. Our race, nation, and culture, guided by the long-term principle of the Mean and balanced harmony, have gradually grown by absorbing the strengths of neighboring ethnic groups in the process of multi-ethnic national integration, persisting to this day. The Chinese nation has endured for over five thousand years, some even argue seven thousand years or more. Our value world, language, and culture have also been passed down through generations. As a nation with a lofty pursuit, we have continually absorbed and integrated our neighboring and foreign cultures. This is the charm of the Way of the Mean and the Way of balanced harmony. Where does the beauty of the balanced harmony lie? Or where does the beauty of the Mean lie? It lies in the national life of Chinese people, in the daily regular experiences that we are intimately conncected to , and we must cherish this experience. We need to conduct a comparative study of civilizations. Only by comparing them with cultures of ancient India, “He doesn’t really think of her. If he does, he would not worry about the distance. ” (Analects, Chap. 31)—translator’s note.

394

9 Harmony and the Doctrine of the Mean

ancient Egypt, ancient Greece, ancient Rome, and ancient Persia can we truly understand them. The wisdom of Chinese Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism is considered to be among the world’s top wisdom. Everyone knows about the Matsushita Electric Company of Japan. The Matsushita Electric Company and its Matsushita Electric Management Institute trained their management and employees spiritually by asking them to learn “The Four Books” (si shu), sleep on a hard bed, put their hands together before breakfast, and recite the Xiaojing or Book of Filial Piety. This was done to cultivate and forster their moral character. What this company pursues is the Principle of the Mean. On one hand, it emphasize efficiency and has a series of management rules to promote the development of young people. On the other hand, it respects the elderly very well. The old and the young complement each other, each playing their own role. Between efficiency and fairness, and between young and old, the company has developed a moderate management featuring balanced harmony. Due to the flexible application of the Mean, the company has thrived rapidly, producing not only high-quality electrical appliances but also high-quality individuals. As described previously, “yong” 庸 has the meaning of “chang” 常 (unchanging). As ancients said: “Application of the Mean” is the “Constant Way” or “Constant Principle” that one should follow in their daily regular activity, while “balanced harmony” is the Constant Virtue that one should follow in dealing with others and in their daily conduct. “The Principle of the Mean” has a universal implication in methodology. Nature is composed of yin and yang, which complement each other, and are in dynamic balance, not biased toward one extreme. The method of the Mean absorbs the way of reconciling the opposites of Heaven and Earth, interacting and complementing each other. It is used to reconcile the relationship between humans, Heaven, Earth, and all things, to achieve a state of balanced harmony. This allows Heaven, Earth, all things, and all humans to develop normally. The Principle of the Mean is also the Way of human world, which can regulate ethical relations as well as groups or social relations. As a dialectics, the Principle of the Mean emphasizes the balance harmony of contradictions and opposites, so that two ends or two extremes can coexist at the same time, keep their own features, and promote the interaction, mutual assistance, reaction and transformation between the two ends. The conflicts of the world do not always escalate to the point where one side annihilates the other. In most cases, the unity of diversity presents a situation of neutralized harmony. Within the unity, there exist contradictions, deviations, opposites, and conflicts. At the same time, all factors of the unity infiltrate one another, co-exist, and co-prosper. As a dialectics, the Principle of the Mean attaches importance to the interdependence and interconnection of opposites, and therefore, grasps the unity of opposites deeply. It also covers the mediating relationship between bipolar or multipolar oppositions and their functions. In his mode of thinking, Confucius respects objective facts and opposes subjective bigotry. “Confucius observed four prohibitions: no willfulness, no obstinacy, no narrow-mindedness, no egotism.” (Analects, Chap. 9) This means that Confucius opposes four biases: self-imposed speculation, absolute certainty, rigid prejudice, and self-righteousness. In management and corporate culture, when dealing with the

9.3 Doctrine of the Mean

395

relationship between humans and things, humans and nature, humans and society, humans and themselves, as well as in dealing with complex affairs between countries, nations, religions, and cultures, inside and outside the family, and inside and outside companies, we should learn from Confucius and oppose and prevent biases. Therefore, I earnestly suggest everyone learn a little about The Doctrine of the Mean, read a little of it, and learn a little about Confucius’ Concept of the Mean. This will surely increase our wisdom and ability. If we study and practice the methodology of the Mean consciously and pursue the state of the Mean, we will have great wisdom and a great state of being. This will allow us to deal with all kinds of contradictions in real life calmly and frankly. However, this depends on our repeated practice and personal experience in our daily life.

Chapter 10

Religious Implications of Confucianism

As for whether Confucianism should be viewed as a religion and whether it possesses a religious character, recent overseas scholarly discussions have led to a general revision of the definition of “religion.” From the perspective of spiritual belief, many scholars now affirm that Confucianism does exhibit “religious character.” To refine the understanding of this, let’s consider the concepts of “religiousness” and “transcendence” in relation to Confucianism. Some overseas scholars, including these who recognize the religious character of Confucianism, do not acknowledge its transcendence. However if we view Confucianism from the perspective of philosophical ontology or axiology rather than epistemology, we can see that it indeed possesses its inner transcendence. The concept of “inner transcendence” is not an “emperor’s new heart,” and Confucianism continues to have its vitality at the level of spiritual belief.

10.1 Instiutionalized Religion and Spiritualized Religion Is whether or not Confucianism a religion? This has been a concern of academic circles for nearly one hundred years. Modern thinkers such as Kang Youwei, Yan Fu, Chen Huanzhang, Xia Zengyou, Liang Qichao, Zhang Taiyan, Cai Yuanpei, and Chen Duxiu, among others, engaged in debates regarding this issue. To this day, people still hold differing views on this issue without reaching a consensus. Some contemporary Neo-Confucian scholars, such as Tang Junyi, Mou Zongsan, Qian Mu, Du Weiming, and Liu Shuxian, believe that Confucian Learning is a “religion of humanity” or This lecture was co-authored by me and Professor Gong Jianping, which was originally published under the title of “Confucianism, Confucian Religion, Religiousness and Transcendence” in Chinese Learning, No. 1 (Total Series No.9), in 2002, Commercial Press, in 2002. With consent of Professor Gong, I revised and supplemented the original text and included it into this book, and here I would like to express my thanks to Professor Gong. © Fudan University Press 2024 Q. Guo, The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4799-7_10

397

398

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism

“religion of morality.” On the other hand, Li Zehou believes that while Confucian Learning is not a religion, it has played a “quasi-religion” role in history.1 Journals, such as Literature, History and Philosophy (wen shi zhe) and History of Chinese Philosophy, etc., have provided columns and special articles discussing issues of Confucian Learning, Confucianism and Confucian religion.2 Li Shen held the view that Confucianism is a religion.3 The two levels of questions about whether Confucian Learning is a religion or not and whether Confucian Learning has a religious character involve the definition of “religion.” Influenced by modern theologians and religiologists, recent overseas scholars have generally broken through the traditional definition of religion centered on the concept of God (especially monotheism), criticizing or revising the approach of using Christianity (including Catholicism)’s belief in a unitary, transcendental, and external God, Christian religious experience, and even a whole set of religious facilities, organizations, systems, doctrines, and activities as the universal standards for defining “religion.”4 1

Li Zehou, “Re-talk on Practical Reason,” Original Tao, Series No.1, China Social Sciences Press, 1994. 2 The journal, Literature, History and Philosophy, sponsored by Shandong University, held a column on “Whether or not Confucian Learning Is Religion?” in the 3rd issue of 1998, and published articles by Zhang Dainian, Ji Xianlin, Cai Shangsi, Guo Qiyong, Zhang Liwen, Li Shen, and others. In addition to Note.2, some relevant articles, published in The History of Chinese Philosophy (Quarterly) in the first issue of 1999, also include Miao Runtian and Chen Yan’s “Confucianism: Dispute between Religion and Non-Religion—A Review of Academic History” and Li Shen’s “Supplement to Historical Materials of Confucian Studies.” In addition, on the issue of Confucian religion, He Guanghu’s “Roots and Flowers of Chinese Culture,” published in the second series of Original Tao (Unity Publishing House, 1995), deserves considerable attention. 3 Li Shen, The History of Confucian Religion in China, Shanghai People’s Publishing House, vol. 1, 1999, Vol. 2, 2000. The preface, written by Mr. Ren Jiyu, Li Shen’s teacher, and Li Shen’s SelfPreface, were published in the fourth issue of History of Chinese Philosophy (quarterly) in 1997. Li Shen’s long paper “Confucian Religion, Confucian Learning and Confucians” was published in “Journal of Graduate School of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences,” No. 1, 1997. 4 In his work, Confucianism and Taoism, published in 1915, Max Weber continued his practice of imposing the designation of religion on Chinese Confucianism. However, he had to admit that China had long since moved on from the era of witchcraft. “The Confucian Chinese intellectuals,” he says, “basically have no regard for gods.” “The Confucian Classics, compiled by Confucian scholars for educational purposes, succeeded not only in expelling these folk gods but also in exterminating everything that would have challenged its ethical conventionalism. Weber found that in Confucianism there is no transcendental Absolute, nor is there opposition between the sacred world and the real world, the other world and this world. Confucian Classics advocate the ethics and morality of the secular people who have entered the world, and Confucianism affirms the existing world order, including the universe and human society. People in the secular world should be cautious, abnegating themselves and observing proprieties, adapting to the world and its order and customs, and consciously restraining the irrational emotions caused by carnival and blissful activities, as these can destroy the harmony and balance of order. Confucianism believes that human nature is innately good, and there is no concept of original sin in its ethics, nor is there any concept

10.1 Instiutionalized Religion and Spiritualized Religion

399

For instance, Du Weiming, Professor of Harvard University, has inherited W.C. Smith’s distinction between institutional religion and religious orientation as selfidentification of spiritual beliefs, trying to explore Confucian scholars’ spiritual selfidentity and their special spiritual experience from the latter level. In other words, Du Weiming avoids the level of static structure and objective system, clarifying the religious nature of Confucianism from the perspective of spiritual belief, such as Confucianism’s “Learning for Self-Improvement” (wei ji zhi xue) and “Learning for Cultivation of Body-Heart-Nature-Mandate”(shen-xin xing-ming zhi xue),5 and reinterpreting transcendence and elucidating the interaction between secularism and sacred faith. Du Weiming said: “We can define the Confucian orientation of religious persons as an ultimate self-transformation, which is not only a group act, but also a sincere and conversational response to the transcendent. This definition is also the Confucian definition of learning to be a fully human being…. Three interrelated levels are involved here: individual, community, and transcendent.” “In a more civilized situation, emphasizing the religious character of the Confucian humanistic spirit is nothing more than to clarify that although Confucian philosophy of life pays attention to entry into the earthly world, it has the dimension of yearning for Tian Dao (the Heavenly Way). Strictly speaking, Confucianism embodies its value orientation of ultimate concern in daily human relations, which shows the belief that “He who fully fulfills his mind knows his nature. Knowing his nature, he knows his inborn moral nature,” and ultimately he is able to “help Heaven and Earth in nourishing and sustaining life.”6 This is what Mencius said: “By fully developing one’s mind, one knows one’s nature. Knowing one’s nature, one knows Heaven. Through preserving one’s mind and nourishing one’s nature, he is able to serve Heaven.”(“Full Development of Mind (1)” of The Works of Meng Zi). Qin Jiayi, a late professor at the University of Toronto, believed that an understanding of transcendence had existed since the beginning of Confucian tradition. In the relationship between the Way of Heaven (tiandao) and the Way of humanity (rendao), the Way of Heaven still tops the list, and men should strive to actualize the Way of Heaven through the Way of humanity. With the end of ritual and the decline of redemption. It should be said that the above description of Weber generally reflects the reality of Confucianism. Overall, the knowledge system of Chinese civilization focuses more on real people rather than gods beyond the real world, on people’s real life, real social interaction, and real social governance rather than unconditional obedience and belief in gods that only exist in the world of people’s ideas and consciousness. See Max Weber, The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism, translated and edited by Gerth Hans H. Gerth (1951), New York: The Macmillan Company, 1964—translator’s note. 5 “Confucius said: ‘Scholars in antiquity learned to cultivate their own moral character, while scholars today learn to impress others”(gu zhi xuezhe wei ji, jin zhi xue zhe wei ren). (Analects, Chap. 24)—translator’s note. 6 Du Weiming, “On the Religious Character of Confucianism: A Modern Interpretation of the Doctrine of the Mean,” see Guo Qiyong et al., ed., Collected Works of Du Weiming, vol. 3, Wuhan Press, 2002, pp.460 and 374. Its Chinese version was translated by Duan Dezhi based on the revised edition, published by New York State University Press in 1989. Also see Zhou Qin’s “Transcendence of Confucianism and Its Religious Dimension: Interview with Professor Du Weiming,” in Volume IV of Collected Works of Du Weiming.

400

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism

of public ancestor worship activities, Confucian Learning plays a small role in religious etiquettes, but in its deep implication it still has strong religious character, which is especially manifested in the spiritual cultivation of achieving Confucian Saint Incarnate and pursuing self-transcendence among the Confucian scholars of the Song and Ming Dynasties.7 Liu Shuxian, from “Academia Sinica” in Taiwan area of China, drew on the insights of modern theologians such as Paul Tillich, and defined religion as the Ultimate Concern of human beings, and then observed the religious implications of Confucian tradition. According to religious phenomenology, yearning for an “other world” is not a necessary condition for religion, but yearning for “transcendence” is an indispensable factor of any religions, and, therefore, emphasis on the earthly spirit does not necessarily contradict the transcendental aspirations of religion. In this regard, Liu Shuxian believes that Confucianism is deeply committed to religious feelings and has its own unique approach to transcendent yearning, such as the concept of “unity of heaven and human.” 8 Roger T. Ames, Professor of the University of Hawaii, believed that Confucianism is an atheistic religion with rites as the core and is affirmative of the accumulation of human experience. He pointed out: “Rites are both cognitive and aesthetic, both moral and religious, both physical and spiritual.” Confucianism is a product of the community that does not focus on salvation or eschatology, but rather involves a transformation, a transformation of human qualities in everyday affairs. “The society constructed by rites is not only a secular society but also a field of religious experience.”9 Above, overseas scholars affirm that Confucian Learning or Confucianism is religious basically from the perspective of spiritual belief and self-cultivation. Now, let’s go back to Li Shen’s work. Li Shen’s approach is to directly explain that Confucianism is not only religious but also a religion from both the level of spiritual belief and the level of organized and institutional religion. Therefore, he did not attempt to revise the definition of “religion.” Rather, Li Shen affirmed Confucian Learning or Confucianism is Confucian Religion (rujiao) based on attributes of general religions. From this foundation, when discussing the characteristics of Confucian Religion (rujiao) as well as the characteristics of Islam, Li Shen also criticized the use of Christianity as the general principle or the only way to judge religion. From 1979 to 1982, Mr. Ren Jiyu (1916–2009) published a series of papers, including “On the Formation of Confucian Religion,” “Confucianism and Confucian Religion,” “Re-evaluation of Confucian Religion,” and “Zhu Xi and Religion.”10 Mr. Ren’s original intention in writing these papers was to criticize the ideology of 7

See Qin Jiayi and Hans Kung, Chinese Religion and Christianity, translated by Wu Hua, Sanlian Bookstore, 1990. 8 Liu Shuxian, “On the Religious Implications of Confucian Tradition from the Perspective of How Contemporary Western Religious Thought Faces the Problems of Modernization,” Contemporary Chinese Philosophy: Problems, American Bafang Culture Enterprise Company, 1996. 9 Roger. T. Ames, “Etiquette and the Atheistic Religious Thought of Classical Confucianism,” Chinese Academic, vol. 2, Commercial Press, 2000. 10 These four papers, written by Ren Jiyu, are all included in Selected Works of Ren Jiyu’s Academic Works, Beijing Normal University Press, 1991.

10.1 Instiutionalized Religion and Spiritualized Religion

401

“feudalism,” criticize religion for its obscurantism, and echo the ideological enlightenment and liberation trend of thought. He explained that Confucianism or Confucian Learning is a religion (superstition or theocracy) with a different purpose from Kang Youwei’s, but his way of argumentation is very similar to Kang Youwei’s. For example, both Ren and Kang started from the general or universal features of religion, such as hierarchy, doctrine, canon, ritual, scriptures, belief, large number of believers. Of course, they also demonstrated the differences between Confucian Religion (rujia) and the three major religions in the world. Li Shen’s work can be said to follow his teacher, Ren Jiyu, but with more creativity, especially in his argument for Confucian Religion as an institutional religion. Both Ren and Li believe that Confucianism not only has secular ethical value in stabilizing society, but also has the religious attributes in stabilizing people’s minds and settling down in spiritual pursuit. They consider it to be “Confucian Religion”(rujiao) with religious facilities, organizations, doctrines, and sacrificial activities.

Temple of the sun

Temple of land and grain

Temple of earth

Temple of Ancestral spirit

402

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism

Li Shen believes that from remote antiquity, during the Shang, Zhou to Ming, and Qing dynasties, there was a succession of gods worship system, which was regarded as the authentic religious belief by the central government of the Chinese nation. The deities corresponding to religious facilities such as Temple of Heaven, Temple of Sun, Temple of Moon, Temple of Land and Grain, and so on, are mainly the deity system headed by High Heaven (Hao Tian), the ancestral deity system, and the deity system headed by Confucius. The highest deity is Heaven (Tian) or High Heaven (Shangdi, also known as the Chinese God or an Emperor High in the Sky), which is similar in nature but different in names. Other deities are subjects of High Heaven and enjoy corresponding sacrifices according to their own ranks and functions. Sons of Heaven (tian zi) offered sacrifices to Heaven, ancestry, and famous mountains and rivers under heaven, vassals under Sons of Heaven offered sacrifices to deities of land and grain and well-known mountains and great rivers within the territory. High officials offered sacrifices to five deities: deity of household, deity of kitchen, deity of earth, deity of door, and deity of activity. After the Qin and Han Dynasties, local officials’ worship and prayer for rain were all part of state religious activities. In countries orientated towards Confucian Religion, there were special departments in charge of religious sacrifices, such as the Ministry of Rites (libu). State organizations were also religious organizations. Religion took the state organization as its material carrier. Emperors of China were not only heads of state but also the highest priest and the voice of God. Unification of politics and religion, and integration of religious organizations and state organizations are the difference between Confucian Religion and Christianity, but similar to Islam. Separation of religion and state, with an ecclesiastical system outside the state system and absence of sacrificial functions for state officials, is a characteristic of the Christian world, but it is not a rule of all religions. Li Shen believes that Confucian Learning is the soul of Confucian Religion. Traditional religious belief takes Confucian Learning (ruxue) as its ideological foundation. Emperor Wu Di (han wu di) of the Han Dynasty exclusively respected Confucian Learning (rushu), marking out the official birth of Confucian Religion. The Kingly Way or the Humaneness-Oriented Politics (wangdaorenzheng), and Three Principles (sangang) are considered to be divinely ordained, and the Five Constants, also known as the five ethical social relationships (wuchang), are considered to be the morality of religion. After Dong Zhongshu, the faith system of Chinese traditional religion began to be arranged step by step in strict accordance with the instructions of the Confucian Classics. In a certain sense, Confucian Learning (ruxue) is the study of interpretation of Classics. Confucian Classics with divine and sacred implications are the core of Confucian ideology or religious doctrine. Although Confucian scholars of all ages interpreted Confucian Classics differently, they did not deny the belief in God and the Mandate of Heaven contained within them. Li Shen pointed out that it is problematic to classify religion and non-religion by means of “this world” or “the other world” in this over-simplified way. So far, no religion has declared itself incapable of governing the country but only capable of “concerning itself with a world to come.” Confucian Religion is a religion of “this world” and human’s present life. Confucianism believes that it is God’s will to realize social and political ideal of “self-regulating, family establishing, country-ruling, and world harmonizing.” Confucius embodied the idea

10.1 Instiutionalized Religion and Spiritualized Religion

403

of serving God with virtue and ability in traditional religions, which laid the basic characteristics of Confucian Learning emphasizing human practical affairs. Zhu Xi and Confucian scholars during the Song Dynasty summed up the thought that “Tian Dao” (the Way of Heaven) was the source or the basis of human’s moral conduct and orderly human relations,” and that human affairs are the manifestations of Heaven. They emphasized that “the nature of human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom” is endowed upon humans by Heaven, that monarch and [moral] master are ordained by Heaven, and that governance and teachings are “determined” by Heaven. The Mandate of Heaven (tianming) is considered an irresistible power that determines dynastic changes, the rise and fall of nations, and even the fate of ordinary people.

Confucius Temple in Taipei, China

According to Li Shen, since the May Fourth Movement, Confucian Religion has been said to be a religion of humanization ( jiaohua) and a non-religious religion. In fact, the two are not contradictory. All human-made religions serve to educate the masses, and no religion is beyond moral education. Li Shen emphasized that Confucians aimed at adhering to God’s will and practiced its politics and religion as their goals. Becoming an official was almost the only way Confucians practiced and fulfilled their political and religious duties. Confucian scholars studied diligently to become sages, cultivated themselves devoutly, reflected on themselves constantly, were cautious in words and deeds, and always felt that God was watching over them. The devotion of Confucians to God was no less than that of any religious believers. In addition, Confucian Religion also gradually improved the system of offering sacrifices to former sages and teachers, and erected shrines and temples to offer sacrifices. From the capital to all the states, prefectures and counties, there were Confucian temples (of former sages and former teachers), and every spring and autumn, a monthly ritual is held by government officials on the day of Shuo Wang.11 After the death of a Confucian, it is considered the highest honor to accompany Confucius and receive sacrifices in the Confucius Temple. This practice is similar to what Christians do when they bury their saints in church. After the Song Dynasty, in addition to the Confucian Temple, Confucians also privately built “Ancestral Halls,” Shuo Wang Ri 朔望日 refers to the day with the roundest moon, which is the fifteenth (or sixteenth) of each month of the lunar calendar, and is also known as “wangri” 望日 by the ancestors of China—translator’s note.

11

404

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism

the number of which was once no less than the Buddhist Arhat Halls. Confucians always embraced a reverent awe for God in their lifetime, and after death, their representatives were sacrificed as gods. It is not difficult to imagine that Confucianism is a religion, and Confucians are followers of Confucian Religion. It is worth noting that A General History of Religions in China, co-authored by Mou Zhongjian and Zhang Jian, and published almost at the same time as Li Shen’s works, regards Confucianism, Confucian Learning, and patriarchal state religion as an inseparable entity. Mou Zhongjian believes that, in China’s primitive religion, worships of Heaven God (Tian Shen), Emperor High in the Sky (Hao Tian Shang Di), First Emperial Ancestry (Huang Zu), and gods of land and five grains, are all closely combined with imperial (emperor’s) power. Sacrificial system of traditional China’s suburban clan temple12 is an integral part of the state ritual system, with a common belief in revering Heaven and ancestors shared across the entire society of China. It is characterized by the unification of worship and politics in its politcal nature, and the unification of worship and clan in its national nature. As the patriarchal society developed, it reinforced its primitive religion, which became both a national belief and event, directly related to politics. This relationship is called the Integration of State and Religion, also known as “theocracy.” As stated in The Zuo’s Commentary (zuozhuan), “The major events of the state lie in its worship and warfare” (guo zhi da shi, zai si yu rong).13 After the Qin and Han dynasties, traditional patriarchal religions remained directly incorporated into national political system and political life. Subsequently, independent Buddhism and Taoism with Chinese cultural implications emerged. Although the relationship between these religions and the state politics was no longer characterized by the “Integration of State and Religion” as in early times, it had not yet achieved “Separation of State and Religion.” This was because the state regime not only recognized the legitimacy of these religions but also often promoted them, using its power of the regime to support them and frequently interfering in their Sacrificial system of traditional China’s suburban clan temple 郊社宗廟制度 ( jiao she zong zhi du) emerged in Zhou Dynasty, and later became a national ceremony for emperors to sacrifice to Heaven and Earth in all dynasties. To put it simply, it is the ritual of ancient Chinese people to sacrifice to Heaven and Earth. To put it respectively, “Jiao” 郊 refers to the southern suburb of the capital on the winter solstice, and “she” 社 refers to the northern suburb on the summer solstice. The two ceremonies are held in the suburbs, collectively referred to as “Jiao She” 郊社. In ancient times, the south was considered the yang position, and offering sacrifices to Heaven in the southern suburbs is seen as a “Round Heaven.” As a result, the altars in the southern suburbs were built in a round form, known as “Round Hills.” Conversely, the north was considered the yin position, and sacrifices to the earth in the northern suburbs were seen as “Square.” Therefore, the altar in the northern suburbs was built in a squre form, called “Square Hill.” For instance, the Temple of Heaven and the Temple of Earth in Beijing were where the Qing Dynasty held its sacrificial ceremonies in northern and southern suburbs. According to the Confucian Classics, offering sacrifices to Heaven and Earth in the suburbs was the prerogative of the emperor, who personally presided over these two sacrificial rituals—translator’s note. 13 “Guo zhi da shi, zai si yu rong” 國之大事, 在祀與戎 is a phrase from Zuo Zhuan, meaning that a state has only two greatest matters: sacrifice (related to rituals, ceremony, and ritual system, as well as inheritance of excellent traditions) and the army (concerning life and death). “Si” 祀 refers to sacrifice or education of ritual, while “Rong”戎 refers to the army, military preparation, or resisting external invasion and protecting people’s lives—translator’s note. 12

10.1 Instiutionalized Religion and Spiritualized Religion

405

internal affairs. Patriarchal traditional religion is characterized by the “Unification of State and Religion” and the “Unification of Clan and Religion.” Its basic tenet is that monarchical power is granted by Heaven and ancestral laws cannot be violated. Sacrificial activities are directly incorporated into the national etiquette system and are arranged by political institutions and family organizations. The worship of Heaven and ancestors in patriarchal traditional religions, along with their sacrificial activities, are directly used to strengthen Confucian morality. These elements are closely combined with Confucianism and complement each other. Worship for Heaven is to intensify loyalty, respect, courtesy, and righteousness, while worship for ancestry is to manifest filial piety, fraternal friendship, human-heartedness, and love. In short, traditional patriarchal religion revolves around worship of High God and ancestry as the core, with worship of nature such as the deity of land and five grains, the sun and the moon, mountains and rivers serving as auxiliary elements. It is supplemented by the worship of other ghosts and deities, forming an important part of the social etiquettes and customs of Chinese patriarchal society. It serves as the spiritual power to maintain social order and the family system, as well as the spiritual source to provide solace to the Chinese people. This earthly worship and the heaven blessed eternity of life from their past ancestors constitute a life community which has transformed the blood ties of a household into a holy media between heaven and human, ensuring not only the continuation of human physical life but also the sacred protections from heaven, hence bonding the heavenly doctrine and human destiny together in the form of a heavenly mandate. Traditional Chinese Confucian scholars would avail themselves to attest the holiness of secular life and a sense of gratitude for such a most gorgeous gift from heaven to human life.

Ancestry Worship

By comparing the recent works of overseas scholars with those of mainland China, it is evident that their methodology and emphasis differ. It is important to recognize that Confucianism, which is characterized by humanistic rationality and secular

406

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism

concern, has both the attributes of spiritual religion and the attributes of institutionalized and organized religion. However, it has more attributes of spiritual religion that are connected to the core values of the Chinese nation, and from the perspective of modern transformation, this aspect of resources is more positive and important.

10.2 Religiousness and Transcendence of Confucian Learning As for the problems of the religiosity and transcendence of Confucian Learning, we can hardly explain them clearly in a few words. However, if we want to understand the view that Confucian Learning is a religion, we cannot but make a brief statement about it. First of all, it should be admitted that “religiosity” and “transcendence” are not two completely equivalent concepts. “Religiosity,” as we understand it, should refer to the attribute or quality of religion. If this understanding holds true, then stating that Confucian Learning has religiosity is simply equivalent to saying that it possesses certain religious attributes. Religion possesses numerous attributes, including its doctrine, sacrificial system, object of belief, and ultimate concern that can inspire human emotions and aspirations. From this perspective, most people would agree that Confucian Learning possesses religiosity. From the aspects mentioned above, The History of Chinese Confucian Religion provides a comprehensive exposition of Confucianism. Li Shen, however, not only proves that Confucian Learning (ruxue) is in possession of religiosity, but also attempts to explain that Confucian Religion (rujiao) is indeed a religion. The assertion that “Confucian Religion is a religion” may not be agreed upon by some, which leads us to another important concept of “transcendence.” Religion is concerned with beings beyond the visible world. Liu Shuxian believes that since Tillich, the main implication of religion’s definition is its belief and aspiration for “transcendence.” Obviously, elements characteristic of “transcendence” are an important part of the definition of “religion.” Although Confucianism is completely this-worldly, it does not lack belief and aspiration for “transcendence,” as the idea of “Unity of Heaven and Human” has always been an extremely important part of Confucian Ideology. Confucian tradition, as asserted by contemporary Neo-Confucianism, has profound religious implications. However, this aspect is not sufficeint on its own. It is well known that every religion has its “immanence” aspect, which is no less important than its aspect of transcendent aspiration. What makes a religion a religion is not just some thoughts or feelings in human’s heart, but that these thoughts or feelings must be internalized in the lives of individuals and communities. Therefore, rituals, prayers, spiritual cultivation, daily activities, and so on are closely related to religion, and thus it is necessary to form religious organizations. However, Confucianism is the weakest in this respect, so it cannot be called an “organizational religion,” or involve human-god worship. It is an indisputable fact that Confucian

10.2 Religiousness and Transcendence of Confucian Learning

407

Belief is related to life activity14 and it is constantly estimated as integration of the mysterious cosmos and mundane human beings. As far as we know, American scholars David L. Hall, Roger T. Ames, along with Chinese Hong Kong scholar Feng Yaoming, firmly deny the “transcendence” of Confucian Learning. Hall and Ames have published the book Thinking from the Han: Self, Truth, and Transcendence in Chinese and Western Culture,15 while Feng Yaoming has published a series of articles, inclduing “The Theory of ‘Internal Transcendence’ of Contemporary Neo-Confucianism,” “The Emperor’s New Heart—Rediscussion of Internal Transcendence.” 16 They believe that “immanence” cannot be “transcendence” at the same time, and vice versa. This view is primarily aimed at the modern Neo-Confucianism, starting from Xiong Shili (including Yu Yingshi who did not admit himself as Neo-Confucianism), who explained the traditional Confucianism with “inner transcendence.” These two views seem diametrically opposed, but by and large, these who deny Confucian Learning’s “inner transcendence” do not agree that it is strictly a religion. From this standpoint, Li seems to be inclined to affirm the transcendence of Confucian Learning, since he considers Confucian Learning to be a religion. In addition, although Hall and Ames disapprove of the “transcendence” of Confucian Learning, they still believe that Confucian Learning has a “religious character.” In the following, we will focus on the differences among scholars on the issue of “inner transcendence” or “transcending inner.” Feng Yaoming does not agree with the “inner transcendence” of Confucian Learning. In “On ‘Internal Transcendence’ of Contemporary Neo-Confucianism,” he holds that the word “transcendence” in its typical use of Platonic philosophy “contains the implications of ‘beyond’ and ‘separate,’” and “transcendence” is equivalent to “beyond” in meaning.17 In this case, how can Confucianism be interpreted in terms of 14

See Liu Shuxian, “On Religious Implications of Confucian Tradition from the Perspective of How Contemporary Western Religious Thoughts Face Modernization,” Contemporary Chinese Philosophy: Problems, American Bafang Cultural Enterprise Company, 1996; Liu Shuxian, “On the Consistent Way of ‘Harmony Between Human and Nature’ Implicated in Confucius’ Thought—An Interpretation of Contemporary Neo-Confucianism,” Journal of Studies of Literature, History, and Philosophy of China, No.10, Preparatory Office of Institute of Literature, History, and Philosophy, “Academia Sinica,” Taiwan, China, 1997. 15 David L. Hall and Roger T. Ames, Thinking from the Han: Self, Truth, and Transcendence in Chinese and Western Culture, published by New York State University Press in 1998, translated by Shi Zhonglian, Jiangsu People’s Publishing House, 1999. 16 Feng Yaoming, “On ‘Internal Transcendence’ of Contemporary Neo-Confucianism,” See New Confucian Review (first issue), China Radio and Television Press, 1994; Feng Yaoming, “Emperor’s New Heart—‘Re-discussion of the Theory of Internal Transcendence,” which is categorized into upper and lower parts, published in Journey of Philosophy and Culture, Fu Jen University, Chinese Taiwan, No.9 and No.10, 1995. 17 In “The Immanence and Transcendence of the Platonic Form,” John Rist attempts to show that Forms, while transcendent, are immanent in some way, giving reality to particulars that, despite being ontologically defective, are nevertheless real and truly what they are. According to Plato, the world of things is not non-being; it is a mixture of being and non-being about which we can only have opinion. However, it serves as an important stepping stone to the world of true being, in which it shares. John M. Rist, “The Immanence and Transcendence of the Platonic Form,” Philologus, 108 (1964), 231—translator’s note.

408

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism

“inner transcendence” or “transcending inner?” This is almost tantamount to saying that “transcending inner” is to say that “round is square.” In Western ideological tradition, the concept of strict transcendence is a profound and important concept, which exists in the context of logic, science, philosophy and theology. Such concept is incompatible with Confucian thought and has nothing to do with “the interpretation of Chinese Classics.” According to Hall and Ames, even in today’s Western academic circle, such a transcendental concept appealing to theology, science and social theory is not fashionable anymore and has fallen into decline. If we understand Neo-Confucianism in this way, modern Neo-Confucianists interpret traditional Confucian thought with “inner transcendence,” which means that they either combine the two fundamental opposites of “immanence” and “transcendence” to form a completely confused idea. Or they explain something else with a completely different set of terms, that is, to explain Confucianism with a Western conceptual system.

Painting of Chunxi Aquarium by Chen Kejiu of Song Dynasty

From our perspective, it is questionable whether this is truly the case. On one hand, these views primarily serve as criticism of certain ideas within Confucian Thought. On the other hand, they also fail to break free from the fundamental framework of Western Scholarship. For example, they claim that “inner transcendence” equates the objective creative entity or transcendent principle with the subjective conscious mind or free subject, believing that the “Heart” which fully unifies “Cosmic Soul” and “Individual Soul” is the “Emperor’s New Heart.” In reality, this is more of a criticism against the most fundamental concept of Confucianism rather than a claim that “inner transcendence” lacks foundation or basis. Isn’t the heart that integrates the “Cosmological Soul” and the “Individual Soul” into one the “heart” of “the humanhearted”? We know that many statements in Confucianism contain the implication of “transcendence,” such as “The human of benevolence takes Heaven and Earth as being one with himself,” (The human of benevolence) “regards China as one person and the world under heaven one family”(zhongguo yiren, tianxia yijia), and “Nothing exists beyond one’s heart” (xin wai wu wu). To assert that “inner transcendence” is groundless, does it not imply that these concepts of Confucianism are also without foundation? While it is true that we cannot claim these ideas in Confucianism to be without any flaws and thus immune to criticism, the more crucial question is: What exactly do these ideas signify? And why have Chinese intellectual elites and even ordinary people held these ideas for thousands of years? Are they merely fleeting

10.2 Religiousness and Transcendence of Confucian Learning

409

whims of a wandering ghost in a country lane? Or is there a deeper, more longstanding historic source behind these ideas that should be considered as resources for the Chinese people or the global population to navigate the trend of world peace and development? Tang Yijie, a renowned contemporary Chinese philosopher, master of Chinese culture, historian of philosophy and educator of philosophy, posits that “Tian Dao” (Heavenly Way) represents a transcendent dimension, while “Nature-Mandate” (xinming), rooted in Confucian Tradition, embodies an immanent aspect. Both concepts, he argues, are metaphysical questions that delve into the fundamental nature of reality and existence. According to traditional Chinese philosophy, a metaphysical question is “beyond words and shapes” (chao yan jue xiang). Of course, what is “beyond words and shapes” is something unspeakable or “metaphysically” free from the “physical world.” Even if it is said, others cannot understand it, but can only experience it. Therefore, Confucius advocated for “Learning for Self-improvement” (wei ji zhi xue) and opposed “Learning for Others” (wei ren zhi xue). “Tian Dao” (or Heaven Way or briefly Dao in Chinese) is not only transcendent but also inherent in human nature.” So, in The Doctrine of the Mean or Zhong Yong it is said: “What Heaven confers is called the nature. Following this nature is called the Way (Dao). The cultivation of this Way is called spiritual culture.” Similarly, “human nature” is not only internal but also able to attain to the transcendental nature of “Heaven,” so it is said: “Cheng (sincerity) is the Way of Heaven. The following of Cheng is the Way of Human.” (“Lilou (A)” of The Works of Meng Zi) After Confucius came Mencius. He gave full play to the idea of “immanence” in Confucius’ philosophy, and demonstrated that the heart of human can be connected with the transcendence of “Heaven.” He says: “He who has completely developed his mind, knows his nature. He who knows his nature, knows Heaven. He who preserves his mind and nourishes his nature, can serve Heaven.” (“Full Development of Mind (A)” of The Works of Meng Zi). According to Mencius, he who allows full play to his innate “four origins” can manifest his good nature in human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom, thus he can achieve the awareness of the transcendental “Heaven” and actualize the unifier of inner heart and the Heavenly Way of transcendence. Rationalist Scholarship during the Song and Ming Dynasties provided a deeper explanation of the question of “Nature and Heaven Way (Tian Dao) posed by Confucius, which contributed to the systematization and theorization of the “inner transcendence” within Confucian philosophy. Despite starting from different viewpoints, both the Cheng-Zhu School’s18 “Nature Is Principle” (xing ji li) and the Lu-Wang School’s19 “Heart Is Principle” (xin ji li) aim to address the same problem. The Cheng-Zhu School proceeds from the transcendence of “Tianli” (Heavenly Principle or highest principle decreed by Heaven) to the immanence of human nature, thereby verifying that “Nature Is Principle.”

18

Cheng-Zhu refers to the Two Brothers, namely Cheng Yi and Cheng Hao, and Zhu Xi—translator’s note. 19 Lu-Wang refers to Lu Xiangshan during the Southern Song Dynasty and Wang Yangming in the Ming Dynasty—translator’s note.

410

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism

Conversely, the Lu-Wang School moves from the immanence of human nature to the transcendence of “Tianli,” ultimately verifying that “Heart Is Principle.” Tang Yijie posed the question: Should we introduce or establish a set of philosophical theory based on “external transcendence” while developing a philosophy characterized by “internal transcendence?” To social humans, in addition to being required to enhance themselves by their inner spirit to reach the realm of “transcendence,” it should also be acknowledged that there is an external transcendence power that enable people to reach the realm of “transcendence.” This is not only because the Western philosophy and religion characterized by “external transcendence” have made positive contributions to human civilization, but also because such philosophy and religion are of great significance for the establishment of a more reasonable political and legal system. If Chinese philosophy, characterized by “inner transcendence,” can fully absorb and integrate philosophy and religion characterized by “outer transcendence,” along with its corresponding political and legal systems, enabling Chinese philosophy to elevate itself to a higher level, it may become more suitable for the development of modern social life. Furthermore, if Eastern and Western philosophies can integrate Chinese philosophy, characterized by “internal transcendence,” and Western philosophy, characterized by “external transcendence,” at a higher level, they can not only meet in various forms but also facilitate the development of human philosophy to a higher level.20 Liu Shuxian believed that religious faith longs for the realm of “Comprehensive Harmony”(taihe)., while some argue that the occurrence of tigers killing sheep in the natural world contradicts the claim that there is “Comprehensive Harmony” in nature. This refutation is a typical fallacy of category misplacement, which implies a one-way thinking that religious faith can be judged true or false by the standard of empirical inference. What religious person would not be aware of the empirical fact that tigers kill sheep in the natural world? But this does not hinder relgious people’s aspiration and faith for “Comprehensive Harmony.” This suggests that the idea of “Comprehensive Harmony” is not based on empirical assumptions, and its validity is not determined by whether it conforms to empirical observations. Indeed, the world is full of contradictory phenomena, which serves as a profound motivation behind the pursuit of religious faith by human beings. As a result, Christianity looks towards the Kingdom of Heaven in the other world; Buddhism recognizes conflicts among all living beings and on the path to liberation, and Confucianism, which emerged during “the Age of Chaos and Disorder” ( ju luan shi) of the Spring and Autumn Period and Warring States Period, especially expresses its aspiration for “the Age of 20

From mid-1980s to early 1990s, Tang Yijie wrote four essays: “On Immanence and Transcendence in Confucian Philosophy,” “On Immanence and Transcendence in Daoist Metaphysics in Wei and Jin Dynasties(weijinxuanxue),” “On Immanence and Transcendence in Chan Buddhism,” and “On Immanence and Transcendence in Lao Zi and Zhuang Zi Philosophy.” See Tang Yijie, Confucianism, Taoism, Buddhism, and Inner Transcendence, Jiangxi People’s Publishing House, 1991. Additionally, excerpts of three articles and one comprehensive article “Philosophical Thinking on Chinese Philosophy” are contained in Selected Works of Contemporary Scholars Library—Volume of Tang Yijie, Anhui Education Press, 1999. The arguments of Mr. Tang summarized above are based on these two works.

10.2 Religiousness and Transcendence of Confucian Learning

411

Approaching Peace” (sheng ping shi) and even “the Age of Grand Peace”(tai ping shi).21 It is precisely because Confucianists are unwilling to be deeply entrenched in the mundane that they strive to pursue the message and ideal of “transcendence.”22

Painting of Drinkers’ Pavilion by Chou Ying of Ming Dynasty

Liu Shuxian pointed out that Confucian styled inner transcendence has its serious limitation, which makes its transcendent message not easily revealed. But this does not mean that Christianity’s outward transcendence is without any serious problems. The Christian God can maintain its pure transcendence on the surface, but it is not so. Because if God wants to be associated with humanity and this world, it cannot but enter the internal sphere and be limited by the conditions of this world. While God often provides guidance through revelation, the prophets chosen to convey His message are inherently part of this world and must use human language to convey transcendental messages. Thus, the pure transcendence of God cannot be maintained. Is it not too great a price to pay if affirming transcendent faith necessitates the denial of inner principles and the divine radiance that one can embody in their own life?

21

San shi shuo (Theory of Three Ages), which refers to the Age of Disorder, the Age of Approaching Peace, and the Age of Great Peace or Great Unity, first appeared in Gongyang’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals (gongyangchunqiu). Dong Zhongshu of the Western Han Period adopted the viewpoint and divided the Spring and Autumn Period into three ages: the age that Confucius personally witnessed, the age that he heard of from his elder contemporaries, and the age that he heard of through handed down records. During the late Qing Dynasty, Kang Youwei, in order to reform the society and change the institutions, utilized and developed this theory. He maintained that the Way of Confucius, which contains the evolutions of the Three Ages, the Three Sequences, and the five elements, is the universal law of history. He analogized the Three Ages to the monarchy, constitutional monarchy, and republic in the West, respectively—translator’s note. 22 See Liu Shuxian, “Global (World) Ethic, Religious Dialogue and Moral Education,” Collected Discussions of Modern Neo-Confucianism, Research Institute of Literature, History, and Philosophy, “Academia Sinica,” Taiwan, China, May 2004.

412

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism

From this perspective, the theory of external transcendence cannot but fall into a dilemma: If we wish to maintain the absoluteness of transcendence, we must deny the autonomy of intrinsic standards; If transcendence is inherent in human nature and the world, then external transcendence has been transformed into internal transcendence. Many things rely on human judgment rather than on unknown transcendence, and the theory of external transcendence loses the advantage it claims to have over the theory of internal transcendence. In fact, the theory of external transcendence and the theory of internal transcendence are not separate theories, as evidenced by the development of Western theology.23 On this issue, Li Shen’s work, The History of Confucian Religion in China, has dedicated nearly 1.5 million words to explaining and analyzing it. If we remove the economic and political organizations and systems of traditional Chinese society, it is certainly not sufficient to analyze these ideas solely from a theoretical perspective. Over more than two thousand years, “the monarchical state and its organization are like the flesh of Confucian Religion, and Confucian Religion is the soul of the monarchical state.”24 To discern any potential misunderstanding that may arise from this statement, it is necessary to clarify the meaning of these ideas. Thus, we need to explain the unique understanding of “transcendence” by modern Neo-Confucianism. The term “transcendence,” as we often see it used, has two main implications: first, transcendence means what subjects (human beings) cannot experience or what is beyond words and shapes. According to Immanuel Kant, this includes “supersensible” objects such as God and the soul. Second, it refers to the subjective spiritual strength or willpower that enables people to go beyond their living environment, and transcendence. In this sense, transcendence is very generalized, equivalent to exceeding, being beyond, being aloof, and so on. However, in the first meaning, “transcendence” is seen mainly from an epistemological point of view, but another meaning it reveals is divinity. In Immanuel Kant’s philosophy, epistemology and ethics belong to two different fields. Epistemology is not concerned with divinity, but with objective principles, so there must be “things-in-themselves.” It is only in ethics that the existence of God is necessary. This can be learned from any textbooks about the History of Western Philosophy.

23

See Liu Shuxian, “On Religious Implications of Confucian Tradition from the Perspective of How Contemporary Western Religious Thoughts Face Modernization,” Contemporary Chinese Philosophy: Problems; Huston Smith, translated by Liu Anyun, revised by Liu Shuxian, An Introduction to Religion of Man, Taipei, China, Lixu Cultural Enterprise Co. LTD., 1998. 24 Li Shen, The History of Confucian Religion in China, Vol. 2, Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 1057.

10.2 Religiousness and Transcendence of Confucian Learning

413

A boat roaming in autumn river by Sheng Mao of Yuan Dynasty25

However, modern and contemporary Neo-Confucianism and traditional Confucianism share a consistent basic character, which is that they prioritize axiology and ontology rather than epistemology. Hence, the word “transcendence” is not spoken of in epistemology, but in their ontology-realm theory. Thus, what is called “transcendence” refers to divinity and religiosity. The realm pursued by Confucianism is (for a person of virtue or a gentleperson) to “reach the breadth and greatness and penetrates the essential and subtle to the end, and attain to the sublime and yet perform the common activities,” (The Doctrine of the Mean from The Records of Rituals, Chap. 31), and “In its utmost reach, even the wisest and holiest, even sages, cannot live up to it. Great as the Universe is, human is yet not always satisfied with it. For there is nothing so great but the heart of the moral human can conceive of something still greater which nothing in the world can hold.” (The Doctrine of the Mean from The Records of Rituals, Chap. 12). In this sense, the ultimate state is also difficult to experience, even for sages, and even more so for ordinary people. To understand why the noumenon-realm is divine, we must mention the most basic way of thinking and the most fundamental Confucian Idea of the “Unity of Heaven and Human” (tian ren he yi). According to this idea, the highest Heavenly Way or Tian Dao” is mutually connected with human’s “intuitive knowledge” (liangzhi, or “Moral Spontaneity” or “intrinsically moral knowledge”) and “original heart”(benxin). If The Tian Dao (Heavenly Way) and Tian (Heaven) possess sacredness, then it can be argued that that human’s “intuitive knowledge” and “original heart” also acquire this sacredness. However, the problem of whether Heaven itself is sacred In the middle will be discussed later. Here, we can see why the “Cosmic Heart” and the “Individual Heart” can be completely unified into oneness in the view of Confucianism. That is to 25

A Boat Roaming in Autumn River (qiu ge qing xiao tu) is a color painting on silk created by Sheng Mao, a painter of Yuan Dynasty. It is now stored in Shanghai Museum. This painting depicts the shores of a river with close-up view. In the middle, there are branches and leaves, and weeds grow under the trees. Nearby, a tree trunk bends, with coiled and powerful roots, and its branches stretching toward the river. In the lower right corner of the painting, there are a few square rocks and reed clumps. Near the shore, there is a canoe with a recluse sitting at the prow, roaring up to the sky, while a boy rows at the stern. In the middle of the painting, there is a broad autumn river with a smooth, waveless surface and endless mountains on the far side—translator’s note.

414

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism

say, Human heart avails itself of the cosmic heart as its holy principle and objective to evaluate and transcend secular politics and secular society. Ultimately, the so-called “Heaven” is understood as a metaphysical and moral Heaven rather than “a thingin-itself” that exists outside of human beings. The concept of “Heaven” is primarily an ontology-axiological one, with very weak epistemological implication. However, if understanding the saying “He who has completely developed his heart, knows his nature. He who knows his nature, knows Heaven” from an epistemological point of view, and treating Heaven as an external objective existence, we can hardly understand the saying “nothing exists beyond the heart,” which may seem like madness. Therefore, although transcendence and religiousness are not identical concepts, they are interlinked according to modern and contemporary neo-Confucianism. This is because the transcendental “Heaven” has no epistemological implication and is solely regarded as the source of value. If transcendence is understood as being divine and religious, and Heaven and humanity are considered inseparable, then it becomes understandable to explain the traditional Confucian thought through the concept of “inner transcendence.” Yu Yingshi also holds a positive attitude toward the theory of “inner transcendence.”26 He believes that being different from the “external transcendence” value system of Western culture, the Chinese cultural value system is characterized by “internal transcendence.” “Inner transcendence” is characterized by the view that the source and basis of transcendence are internal rather than external, which is what Confucius referred to as “attainment to human-heartedness through oneself” or “dependence on oneself rather than others.” However, the value source of transcendence is inside but not outside, but the heartmind, as the source of value, is widely interlinked with all individuals and all things between Heaven and Earth. It is precisely due to this interconnection (or “unity,” “empathy,” etc.) that individuals must make efforts in self-cultivation, such as “self-introspection,” “self-reflection,” “self-examination,” and “attainment to sincerity and seriousness on self-examination.” This is known as the “inward turning” in efforts of self-moral cultivation or being self-rewarded by turning inward for moral contentment. It is due to this interconnection that “outward extension” (the extension of one’s own scope of love to include others or kinship expanded from family to country and to ecological world) based on “inward turning” becomes possible. The unification of “inward turning” and “outward extension” is commonly referred to as the Dao of “Inner Sageness and Outer Kingliness,” also known as the Confucian Doctrine of Being Inner Saint and Outer King (Nei Sheng Wai Wang Zhi Dao) This doctrine embodies the concept of “inner transcendence.”27 This is a self-centered extension that forms a 26

Yu Yingshi, born in 1930 in Tianjin, died in 2021, was contemporary historian, sinologist, member of the Central Research Institute of Chinese Taiwan, member of American Philosophical Society, and honorary professor at Princeton University. His books include Views of Life and Death in Later Han China. Doctoral Dissertation (1962), Trade and Expansion in Han China, A Study in the Structure of Sino-Barbarian Economic Relations (1967), Early Chinese History in the People’s Republic of China (1981), The Power of Culture, Studies in Chinese Cultural History (1994), and others—translator’s note. 27 Yu Yingshi, Xinhua, and Ren Jing, The Road to Inner Transcendence, China Radio and Television Press, 1992, pp. 12–13, 111.

10.2 Religiousness and Transcendence of Confucian Learning

415

circulating ring that goes and comes. If we further ask why Heaven and humanity are communicated and identified as oneness, the answer is the fundamental belief and way of thinking of Confucianism and even traditional Chinese people. Recalling the theme proposed by an American sociologist: Confucius: The Secular as Sacred,28 one would be amused how the Chinese in their spiritual and social domains harmoniously and peacefully have been integrating those super intensively confounding ideas or arrangements. The secret behind the secret Chinese tradition might be that the Chinese nation as a whole is particularly good at ideological reconciliation in which philosophy and religion have been transformed into dancing partners in its gracefully durable history. Therefore, modern and contemporary Neo-Confucianists assert that “immanence” and “transcendence” are not mutually exclusive concepts. Rather, “transcendence” (sacredness) can co-exist “internally”, meaning the pursuit of transcendental values and ideals can be achieved in the present world, full of fireworks, through selfcultivation and moral enhancement. On the contrary, regarding things beyond all lands in Six Directions (liuhe),29 the sages acknowledge their existence but refrain from discussing them. This transcendence differs from that in Western Learning, as it does not requires or lend itself to “verification” through epistemological and positivist methods,. Instead, it necessitates Confucian’self-practice, self-understanding, self-experience, self-verification, and self-confidence. Regarding the relationship between immanence and transcendence, Liu Shuxian compared it to the relationship between the finite and the infinite: “The finite (immanence) and the infinite (transcendence) have an opposite and unified dialectical relationship, and our duty is to express the infinite and unfathomable Heavenly Way through the special conditions of modern times. In this way, when we give a brand-new explanation to the statement that ‘there is but one principle, which exists in diverse forms,’ we can find a way to connect tradition and modernity.”30 Thus, the unity of “transcendence” and “immanence” is not a theoretical deficiency of Confucianism, but rather an important ideological resource that bridges modern civilization. In the preface to The History of Confucian Religion of China, Li Shen explicitly states that the relationship between Heaven and Human, which has long been 28

Herbert Fingarette, Confucius: The Secular as Sacred (New York: Harper & Row, 1977). During the Qin Dynasty, the concept of Chinese cosmopolitan space evolved into “Six Directions” or Six Realms” (liuhe)’, which refers to the directions of above the earth, under the sky, east, west, south, and north. The concreteness of the Chinese cosmopolitan space was seen in “All lands in Six Directions come within emperor’s territory, the the west being in the great desert, the east being in the East China Sea, the south being in Bei Hu, and the north being in Da Xia. All the people under the heaven have been tamed as subjects of Emperor Qin” (seen in “Records of Emperor Qin” in The Historical Records)—translator’s note. 30 Liu Shuxian, “Modern Interpretation of ‘One Principle in Diverse Forms,’” The Entanglement between Ideal and Reality, Taiwan Student Publishing House, 1993, p. 173. 29

416

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism

extensively discussed in academia, was originally perceived as a sacred connection between God and Human in the minds of the ancient Chinese. Originally, Chinese religion was no different from other primitive religions in the world. It was only during the Shang (about c.1675-c.1029 B.C) and Zhou Dynasties (about c.2033c.1562 B.C.) that some major events in social life prompted Zhou people to realize that “Heaven is not tyrannical; it is only that the Yin people brought punishment upon themselves due to their own sins.” (“Jiu Gao” in The Book of Histroy or Shujing or Shangshu) This means that human’s fate is actually caused by their own actions. Does this mean atheism? Li Shen believes that “when later people realized that ancient Chinese talked about human’s destiny being caused by themselves, they were often mistakened as atheists. In fact, in their consciousness, their own actions were only a prerequisite for their own destiny, as well as only a necessary condition to please High Heaven or ghosts and gods. It is for High Heaven to decide the results of their actions.”31 Obviously, even if someone claims that their own destiny is in their own hands, they are not necessarily an atheist. This thread of thought has persisted throughout the development of Confucian Religion from the beginning to end. Therefore, we cannot dismiss the statement “Confucianism is a religion” solely based on its advocacy of human activities in this world.

10.3 “Heaven” and “Theory of Heaven and Human” David L. Hall and Roger T. Ames over-emphasize the particularity of Chinese philosophy and even argue that the main categories of Chinese and Western philosophy are not comparable. One important reason for their denial of the transcendence of Confucian Learning is their belief that “Heaven”(tian), as the core concept of Confucian Learning, does not possess transcendent character. Since “Tian” does not have a transcendent character, Confucianism lacks reference to some kind of transcendence, and humans must rely on the nobility of their relationships as a resource of perfection. They believe that “Tian” is the spirit produced and accumulated by the continuous development of culture. David L. Hall and Roger T. Ames have proved that “Tian” has the following attributes: (1) “Tian” is both the material world as it is and the reason why it is so; (2) “Tian” is nature or the natural world; (3) “Tian” has a human form, which is closely related to the occurrence and evolution of myth or history, and is the basis of Chinese ancestor worship; (4) “Tian” is not only culturally unique, but also regional; (5) Finally, “Tian” does not speak, but communicates with humans through oracular apparitions, catastrophes, among others .32

31

Li Shen, The History of Chinese Confucian Religion, Vol.1, Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 1999, p. 46. 32 See David L. Hall and Roger T. Ames, Thinking from the Han: Self , Truth, and Transcendence in Chinese and Western Culture, published by New York State University Press in 1998, translated by Shi Zhonglian, Jiangsu People’s Publishing House, 1999. 250–251.

10.3 “Heaven” and “Theory of Heaven and Human”

417

Painting of Complete Wholeness by Zhu Derun of Yuan Dynasty

Here, “Tian”’s rootedness and sacredness have not yet received due attention. In the minds of the Chinese people, “Tian” not only refer to the natural world but also signifies a rooted existence that has an important impact on human lives. From time immemorial, there have been sayings such as “Tian blesses great virtue” and “Tian is matched with virtue.” The regimes of Chinese dynasties all believed that they were decreed by Mandate of Heaven (Tianming), and historical records indicate that the occurrence of divine miracles before the birth of monarchs. In agricultural harvests and wars, humans are often aided by Tian. According to Confucianism, “Tian” also possesses a willpower, representing a mysterious force that cannot be controlled by human beings. In the face of difficulty and the impending death of Yan Hui, his outstanding disciple, Confucius uttered a sigh to “Tian,” saying, “Ah, Tian is destroying me! Tian is destroying me!” (Analects, Ch: 11:9) In the “Suburban Special Sacrifice” section of The Book of Rites (liji.jiaotesheng), it is said: “Everything in the world comes from Tian, and all humans come from their ancestors. The suburban sacrifice is a grand ceremony to repay the grace of High Heaven and ancestors, and to reflect on one’s roots. Therefore, when worshiping ancestors, it is necessary to also sacrifice to Heaven.” In “Evolutions of Rites” section of The Book of Rites (liji.liyun), it is also believed that [human affaires must take Tian as their foundation]: “Ritual must take Tian as its foundation” and “Politic governance must take Tian as its foundation.” Therefore, sages make rules by taking the law of Heaven and Earth as the foundation.” Human’s fate depends on his deeds and self-cultivation, but whether it can be realized and how much it can be realized is not completely determined by himself. Confucian scholars affirm that everything obtains its being from Heaven, and humans receive their life from their ancestor, who in turn received their own life from Heaven. The forefather of Chinese historiography, scholar Sima Qian, once concluded that “Heaven is the beginning of Human, while father and mother are the source of human life. When humans are emotionally at the end of their power and wisdom, they will invariably trace back to their beginning and source for psychological comfort. Therefore, we instinctively shout out to Heaven when we are suddenly stuck, and cry out for our parents when we are physically hurt to the extreme.”33 33 Sima Qian, “Biographies of Qu Yuan and Jia Yi, Historical Records (shiji, quyuan jiasheng liezhuan),” in The Twenty-Four Histories (Version of Simplified Chinese Characters) (Beijing: Zhong Hua Shu Ju Press, 2000), Vol.84, p.1933—translator’s note.

418

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism

In The Book of Poetry or Shijing, The Book of Histroy or Shangshu, and The Zuo’s Commentary or Zuozhuan are preserved a lot of information concerning “Tian,” characterized by religious divinity or powerful personalified God. In The Book of Poetry are also preserved a lot of materials in which we can see human’s doubt about “Tian” as a powerful personality God. The views concerning “Tian” retained in The Analects of Confucius are complicated, encompassing various implications such as a religious divinity or dominance, metaphysics, principled morality, the natural world, and accidental fate.34 Let’s now delve into a more detailed discussion of “Tian” in The Analects of Confucius. First, “Tian” as Tianming (the Heavenly Mandate) “Sima Niu said sadly, ‘All humans have elder and younger brothers, but I alone have none.’ Zi Xia said, ‘The way I’ve heard it, life and death are a matter of fate; wealth and eminence rest with Heaven. If a gentleperson is respectful and free of error, if he is considerate of others and treats them according to ritual, then all people within the four seas (the world) are brothers. So, why should you worry about having no brothers?’” (The Analects, Chap. 12) Sima Niu, one of Confucius’ disciples, said sadly, everyone else has elder or younger brothers, but I am the only one who has none. Zi Xia replied: I’ve heard people say that human’s life and death, wealth and honor, all depend on his fate, and are designed by Heaven. If a gentleperson is diligent and modest, courteous and eager to overcome his weakness, he will have brothers within the four seas. How does he need to worry about not having brothers? Judging from the whole dialogue between Sima Niu and Zi Xia, Zi Xia does not believe in fate. However, from the words he quoted that “life and death are a matter of fate; wealth and eminence rest with Heaven,” both “Heaven” and “Fate” have the meaning of Heavenly Mandate, which means that Heaven is irresistible and imposes limit on humans. This is what Mencius means by saying “What cannot be accomplished by any individual but is achieved is the Mandate of Heaven. What comes without being sought by any huam is from fate.” (“Wan Zhang”(1) in The Works of Meng Zi). Second, “Tian” as Natural Phenomena Confucius said: “I wish I could just say nothing.” Zi Gong said: “But Master, if you do not say anything, what will we, your followers, have to pass on to others?” Confucius said: “The Heaven does not say a word, but four seasons move orderly, and natural beings exist harmoniously.” (Analects, Chap. 17) Confucius advocates 34

In twentieth century, Dr. Feng Youlan, one of the chief contemporary Confucian philosophers, delineated the concept of heaven in the following interrogation five perspectives: First, heaven carries connotation of a material sky, opposite to the Earth; Second, heaven carries connotation of nature and its laws, to be the natural world; Third, heaven carries connotation of universal dominator, a sense of religious God; Fourth, heaven carries connotation of moral principles, that is, the moral starry heaven or moral authority; Fifth, heaven carries connotation of human fate, mundane affairs destined at heaven’s invisible hands. Fifth, heaven carries connotation of human fate, mundane affairs destined at Heaven’s invisible hands. Feng Youlan, The Complete Works of Three Pines Hall (san song tang quan ji) (Hengzhou: Henan People’s Press, 2000), Vol. 9, p. 591—translator’s note.

10.3 “Heaven” and “Theory of Heaven and Human”

419

educating people through wordless teachings,35 meaning to influence and guide others by one’s moral conduct. However, Zi Gong, one of Confucian devoted disciples, said, if Master does not say anything, how can your student understand and carry forward your teachings? Confucius replied, Heaven does not say anything or give orders, yet the four seasons still run on, and all things still grow on. As explained by Zhu Xi, the most prestigious Confucian scholar in the Song Dynasty, that “As physical heaven and earth cannot speak, they have to invite saints to speak in their stead. If heaven and earth could speak themselves, they might have spoken better than those Saints.”36 What does Heaven need to say? Here, “Tian” refers to “Tian” as the natural world. Third, “Tian” as Principled Morality (yili) Confucius is quoted as saying: “If you incur blame with Heaven, there is no place to seek forgiveness!” (Analects, Chap. 3) Wang Sungu, a powerful minister of Duke Ling of Wei, hinted at Confucius that it would be better to suck up to him than to suck up to Duke Ling of Wei. Thus, Confucius had this saying so as to respond to Wang Sungu’s suggestion that “Better pay compliments to the kitchen stove than to the southwest corner.”37 Confucius means that if one offends High Heaven, he does not need to pray any more, and it is fruitless for him to curry favor with anyone. Herein, Confucius acknowledges Heaven’s authority, and at the same time, this sentence also implies that if one’s behavior is not in accordance with Heaven, it is no use praying. Therefore, “Heaven” here can be regarded as Heaven of Morality and Principle. Heaven is not an object to be flattered, but the source of value orientation. “Confucius said, ‘I am endowed with grand virtue, Huan Tui could do nothing to hurt me.’”(Analects, Chap. 7) Huan Tui was the Sima in State Song, the title of the chief military commander, Confucius openly challenged his secular power by his sacred moral right, modeling himself in “despising powers by moral rights.” The Chinese word “qi” 其 in the quoted sentence (tian sheng de yu yu, huan tui qi ru yu he?) functions as a mood word indicating speculation. The phrase “其 如予何?” means: “In that case, what can Huan Tui do to me?” According to The Analects of Confucius, when Confucius and his followers arrived at the land of State Song, Huan Tui wanted to kill Confucius. Confucius took it calmly, expressing his confident commitment: “Since Heaven has bestowed virtue on me, what can Huan Tui do to me?” Here, “Tian” (Heaven) no longer represents the Emperor High in 35

Lao Zi and Confucius advocated the idea of “influencing others without preaching (bu yan zhi jiao).” Lao Zi’s claim to teach without preaching is consistent with his philosophy of non-action (wuwei). In ancient times, rulers would issue orders and instructions to shape their subjects’ speech, thoughts, and behavior to conform to social norms. Lao Zi was opposed to this kind of direct action, believing that instead of imposing their own will on the people, the rulers should use non-action and non-preaching methods to preserve and protect the natural state of their subjects. Confucius clearly agreed with Lao Zi’s proposition, and later, the term came to mean influencing and guiding others through one’s moral conduct—translator’s note. 36 Zhu Xi, Recorded Conversations of Zhu Xi (zhuzi yulei), ed. Li Jingde, (Beijing: Zhong Hua Shu Ju Press, 1994), Vol. 65, p. 1612—translator’s note. 37 In ancient China, the southwest corner of the house is where sacrifices to ancestors were held— translator’s note.

420

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism

Heaven (tiandi), but the “Tian Dao” as the Heavenly Way of Morality and Principle. Confucius is confident that he possesses virtue, and his virtue comes from Tian (Heaven). Fourth, “Tian” as Integration of “Tian” of Nature and “Tian” of Principled Morality, which is neither pure nature nor pure morality. Tian possesses the creative spirit and is the source of creation, yet it operates in a tacit way rather than through forcible intervention. Such a character that “Tian” possesses is also endowed to human beings, especially sages. “Confucius himself once exclaimed: ‘What a great leader Yao is! His undertakings are exceedingly magnificent just because he models himself after the rules of Heaven. Awe-inspiring! Awe-inspiring! Heaven alone is great, yet Yao alone models himself after the rules of Heaven. Vast! All encompassing! Humans cannot praise him with existing words! So lofty and great his achievements are, and so brilliant the cultural accomplishment he has made is!’” (Analects, Chap. 8) Confucius’ exclamation emotionally divulged a sense of religious ultimacy and political justification, as he is quoted as saying: ‘Of those who ruled their people through inaction (or “Abiding by Nature”), surely Shun was one. What did he do? Dedicating himself to propriety, he sat facing directly south, that was all.’” (Analects, Chap. 15) This is to say, Yao and Shun both took Tian as the law and governed the world by policy of wuwei or non-action. By highly praising Yao and Shun, Confucius fully embraced the concept of impersonalized “Tian.” In response to Duke Ai of State Lu’s question “Why a virtuous man or a gentleperson values Tian Dao (Heavenly Way) so much,” Confucius said: “Value it for it never stops, just like the rise and fall of the Moon which never stop, and this is Tian Dao (Heavenly Way). Value it for its thorough opening without hindrance and its continuing unceasingly, and this is Tian Dao (Heavenly Way.) Value it for its non-action by which all things are able to grow and develop in their own nature, and this is Tian Dao (Heavenly Way).”(“Ai Gong Wen” in The Book of Rites, Chap. 27) Herein we can see no intervention of Heaven’s will on nature and human affairs. Tian of Nature or Tian Dao (Heavenly Way) does not say and do anything, running on in its own course, producing and reproducing and maintaining all things in the world. At the same time, “Tian” is the model that sages follow, and is the origin and basis of principled morality. Fifth, “Tian” that preserves religious sacredness or dominance Confucius, being a mortal, also experienced moments of losing his temper, complaining, and sighing. For example, when Confucius was seriously ill, Zi Lu privately directed Confucius’ disciples to prepare and organize a funeral committee. However, according to the etiquette rule of that time, only vassals were entitled to a grand funeral after their death, yet some high officials were in violation of this rule. Upon recovering from his illness, Confucius expressed his dissatisfaction with Zi Lu’s falsification and violation of the rules of etiquette, stating: “Who would I be deceiving? Would I be deceiving Heaven?” (Analects, Chap. 9) Once Confucius went to see Nan Zi, the wife of Duke Ling of Dukedom Wei. As Nan Zi had a bad reputation and Zi Lu was unhappy about it, Confucius swore: “If I have done anything wrong, may Heaven cast me aside! May Heaven cast me aside!” (Analects, Chap. 6)

10.3 “Heaven” and “Theory of Heaven and Human”

421

Of course, Confucius visited Mrs. Nan Zi as a matter courtesy. In response to Zilu’s reaction, Confucius swore and said: “If I do anything indecent, let Heaven blame me! Let Heaven blame me!” Again, Confucius said: “I bear no grudge against Heaven; I do not blame others. I study human affairs close at hand and attain to understanding of higher and more universal truths (xiaxue shangda). Perhaps it is Heaven that understands me!” (Analects, Chap. 14) Confucius advocated understanding the truth of Heaven in ordinary things. He did not blame Heaven, nor did he seek various objective reasons for himself. He just did his job well down-to-earth, and gradually realized the truth of “Tian Dao” in ordinary daily life. Huang Kan38 said: “Xiaxue” 下學 means to study human matters close at hand; “Shangda” 上達 means to attain to understanding of the Heaven’s will. Since I study human matters, I should know that human matters involve good fortune and bad fortune, so I don’t blame anyone. Since I seek the understanding of the Heaven’s will, I should know that the Heaven’s will has both constancy and change, so I don’t complain about Heaven.” Confucius understood that when things reach their extreme, change occurs, and after change, they evolve smoothly. Confucius believed that he had undertook the mission of inheriting and continuing the refined culture for Heaven. Although ridiculed by a certain recluse as “One who knows that he cannot succeed, yet keeps on trying to do it,” Confucius replied: “Perhaps it is Heaven that understands me.” (Analects, Chap. 14: 41). In the above several quoted materials, Confucius exclaimed and sighed to Heaven, which, of course, had the implications of Tian as an Emperor High in the Sky and as a spirit with will, but he did not necessarily think that Tian or the will of Tian was really dominating humans, and he just used Tian to console himself or vent his feelings. Confucius was always conscious of his holy mission from Heaven Mandate, which inspired him to disseminate his political and social ideals, even in disadvantageous situations. An extreme example of this was when he was besieged by the people of State Kuang. 39 During this time, he said: “Since King Wen (the King of the Zhou Dynasty) passed away, the holy mission of Heaven has been shifted on me. If High Heaven wills to mandate the finish of Zhou’s rituals, then it would 38

Huang Kan (1886–1935) was born in Qichun County, Hubei Province. He was a modern Chinese democratic revolutionary, a pioneer of the Revolution of 1911, a famous linguist and philologist, and a master of Chinese culture. His main works include Notes on Wen Xin Diao Long (1927), Huang Kan’s Miscellaneous Works on Learning (1929), etc. The author of this book did not specify the source of the quote—translator’s note. 39 “Master Confucius was detained in the land of State Kuang” (zi wei yu kuang) refers to the fact that Confucius and his disciples were detained for five days when they traveled around the states and passed through the land of State Kuang. The phrase “zi wei yu kuang” and its related words were uttered by Confucius under this background. Before Confucius arrived in the land of State Kuang, Yanghuo, a military leader of the Ji family of the State Lu, had attacked the land of State Kuang and abused its people, causing the people of State Kuang to deeply hate Yanghuo. Due to Confucius’ appearance being very similar to Yang Huo, the people of State Kuang mistakenly thought he was Yang Huo, and detained him in Kuang for five days. This is why Confucius said, “Master Confucius was detained in Kuang.” It should be noted that the Chinese character “wei” 畏 in “子畏於匡” does not mean “fear,” but “being detained”—translator’s note.

422

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism

not be possible for me to be versed in this rituals; if High Heaven wills to mandate the preservation of Zhou’s rituals, then the people of State Kuang could do nothing harmful to me.” (Analects, Chap. 9:5) At that time, Confucius passed through the land of State Kuang on his way from State Wei to State Chen. Confucius was mistaken for Yang Huo, who was hated by the people of State Kuang due to his previous invasion of their land, and was therefore detained for five days. Such is the background of Confucius’ saying above. Confucius thought he was ordered by Heaven to follow and continue the Way of King Wen, King Wu, and Duke Zhou. Confucius not only had the confidence of “virtue,” but also the confidence of “culture,” which allowed him to boldy declare, “King Wen of Zhou passed away, and the holy mission of Heaven has been shifted on me.” If Heaven were to destroy this culture (Zhou’s rituals), then I would not master this culture (Zhou’s rituals). If Heaven were not to destroy this culture (Zhou’s rituals), what can the people of State Kuang do to me?” This is a typical expression of Confucian culture-bearing spirit of “ordaining conscience for Heaven and Earth, securing life and fortune for the people, continuing lost teachings for past sages, establishing peace for all future generations.” In persuading the kings in different states, Confucius often faced unexpected danger and his attempted murder, yet he defied these threats with the conviction that “I am endowed with grand virtue, Huan Tui could do nothing to hurt me.” (Analects, Chap.9:5) He was in steady faith that he was carrying out the holy mission of Heaven in this secular world under the heaven, and undoubtedly, he is worthy of being the guardian of the destiny of Chinese culture (Zhou’s rituals)! “Tian” or Heaven herein represents “Mandate of Heaven” (Tianming) dictated by Tian. Over thousands of years, Chinese culture has been enduring and has never lost its refined quality, and there is a reason for this, and this reason resides in its upholding the destiny-principle of Metaphysical Heaven. It is probably due to this background that Confucius said: “A Great Person (da ren) never tries to go on living if it is harmful to human-heartedness. There are times when he sacrifices his life to preserve human-heartedness.” (Analects, Chap. 15) This is a spirit of bearing morality and benefiting the world. For more than two and a half thousand years, the Chinese nation has shared this spirit of dedication. Zeng Zi, one of Confucius’ distinguished followers, said: “Shi (a Confucian Scholar) may not be without breadth of heartmind and strong-willedness. His burden is great and his course is long. Achievement of perfect virtue is the burden which he considers it is his to sustain; is it not heavy? Only with death does his course stop; is it not long?” (Analects, Chap. 8) The two Chinese words “hong yi” in “shi bu ke yi bu hong yi” means to be broad-minded and strong-willed in personality. In Zhu Xi’s words, without breadth of mind, one cannot be charged with the burden; without vigorous endurance, one cannot go far. The human of ren should take it as his responsibility to realize moral mission and then to fulfill the Way of Humanity. One cannot be called a human without his aspiration for transcendence, namely his aspiration for the ultimate care and belief that supports human life. Confucius inherited the concept of Mandate of Heaven (tianming) in the great traditions of Three Dynasties, just as he is often quoted as saying: “to worship heaven’s mandate (tianming), to worship great person (daren), and to worship saint’s teachings.” (Analects, Chap. 16) On one hand, Confucius preserved the mystique of Tian and his belief in and reverent awe

10.3 “Heaven” and “Theory of Heaven and Human”

423

for Tian and Tianming; on the other hand, he revised the idea of the Zhou people that Tiandi (the Emperor High in the Sky) and Tianming were only related to the noble class of the Sons of Heaven (tianzi), vassals, and high officials, and let every virtuous human directly face Tiandi or the Emperor High in the Sky, “stand in reverent awe of Tianming,” and then “know Tianming” on the road of life, thus affirming the individuals’ religious commitments. For the Chinese scholars influenced by Confucianism, their religious commitments are invariably expressed in their world views and family affections. They think that all human beings are born and brought up in the family, and the world is nothing but an enlarged family, so the social ethics applicable in the world could be dearly felt and encouraged from the family blood ties epitomized morally as “humaneness (ren)”, phonetically identical to both human and human relations. With this humaneness as the cosmic heart, any person thus religiously committed, should love his family members, social members, and even all beings in the world, since they are all equal members born by heaven, surviving on the earth as brothers and sisters.40 Why does Confucius repeatedly claim his faith in Heaven and reverent awe for Tianming? Obviously, for Confucius, “Tian” is intimately related to human nature and human characteristics, particularly religious nature and moral character. Confucius himself comprehends the relationship between heavenly mandate and human freedom through his long-life journey and personal experience. He is quoted as saying: “At fifteen I set my heartmind on learning; at thirty I could stand; at forty I was free from doubts; at fifty I knew Tianming (the Decree of Heaven); at sixty I was already obedient to this Decree; at seventy I could follow my heart’s desires without overstepping the boundaries (of what is right).” (Analects, Chap. 2.4.) Confucius’ transformation and innovation of ancient religion lies in his combining transcendence and immanence. If “Ming” (fate) is only something external, then “Tianming” (Mandate of Heaven) is often related to something internal. A human who can master his life, master the external forces of the world, and fully develop his inner nature, especially after accumulating a certain amount of life experience (such as by fifty years old), can gradually realize the human nature and human duty endowed by Heaven. He can directly face his fate or limitations, and show reverent awe for Tiandao, Tianming, and the moral personality model. At the same time, he actively pursues the meaning of life and the meaning of death, bravely bearing his share of the responsibility. This includes saving people from fire and water, providing liberal aid to those in need, cultivating himself to benefit others, and being ready to die to achieve virtue. Thus, Heaven’s dominance is transformed into human’s dominance. When faced with the threat of death, Confucius calmly said: “I am endowed by heaven with moral bravery, General Huan Tui of State Song could never succeed in murdering me.” “if High Heaven wills to mandate the preservation of Zhou’s rituals, then people of State Kuang could do nothing harmful to me.” This should be the meaning properly implicated in the theory of Tianming. This demonstrates that in Confucius the theory of Tianming, it is not passive and fatalistic. Instead, a 40 See Shan Chun, Major Aspects of Chinese Religion and Philosophy: Dao of Inner Saint and Outer King, Springer Heidelberg New York Dordrecht London, 2012, p.xi—translator’s note.

424

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism

human of virtue should take the Heaven-given mission as his own and be prepared to devote his whole life to bringing peace to the world, securing the cultural and divine land of China, and continuing the humanistic tradition of Chinese culture. This should be the defining character of Confucius, great thinkers, master Confucians, and humans of lofty ideals who follow him. It is also the ultimate consciousness of human commitment.

Classic of filial Piety: Chapter of Son of Heaven

Confucius combined human’s reverent awe for transcendent Heaven with human’s inner moral law, and transformed Tian’s religiosity into human’s internal moral law. Tian has endowed humans with good nature and moves downward into humans’ inner hearts. Tian is not only the object of humans’ belief, not only the source of value orientation, but also the realm that humans could reach. Human, by virtue of their own nature, can achieve this realm in their effort of moral practice. This is what Confucius means by saying “I study human matters close at hand, and attain to understanding of higher and more universal truths”(xia xue shang da). This is essentially Confucius’ idea of “[human] nature (xing) and Tian Dao (Heavenly Way).”41 This is exactly what is stated in Chap. 5 of Analects, “Zigong said: ‘Confucius’ teachings on ritual, music, poetry, and etc., can be learned by hearing, but Confucius’ teachings on human nature and Heavenly Way cannot be understood by hearing.’” Zi Gong meant to say: As Confucius’ follower, he can understand his Master’s teachings literally, but it is not so easy for him to understand his Master’s implications about “human nature and Heavenly Way,” just as he said: “Confucius’ teachings on human nature and Heavenly Way cannot be understood by hearing”(bu ke de er wen), which means 41 Xing 性, a Confucian concept in Chinese traditional philosophy, primarily refers to human nature and encompasses two essential points. Firstly, it refers to the inherent nature of all things, which is not as a result of nurture or education. Secondl, it refers to the common nature shared by certain things, rather than the nature of individual things. Similarly, human nature carries two meanings. Firstly, it refers to inherent attributes possessed by all humans, including physical features, desires, and consciousness. Secondly, it represents the essential and distinct attribute that distinguishes humans from animals, namely, human moral nature. Throughout history, scholars have held varied views on whether human nature is good or evil. Some believe it is inherently good, while others think it is inherently evil. Some argue that it is neither good nor evil, while others contend that human nature can be both good and evil within the same person. Lastly, some believe that human nature is good in some individuals but evil in others—translator’s note.

10.3 “Heaven” and “Theory of Heaven and Human”

425

that we hear it but we cannot understand it deeply, namely it is what we commonly say, “listen but cannot understand it.” Confucius was consistently proposing ‘Humaneness’(rendao) as the main essentials for human dignity, transcending all sorts of political powers and secular profits. In line with his philosophic reflections on human dignity, Confucius emphasizes the importance of realizing Tianming in human regular activities, especially in moral activities, and such statements are frequented: “I bear no grudge against Heaven; I do not blame others.” (Analects, Chap. 14) Confucius believes that when a human is not understood by others, he cannot find the cause from others, but advocates finding the cause from his own side, emphasizing “blame oneself” and “self-cultivation.” It is precisely because life has this transcendent rationale that Confucians have a positive sense of responsibility and a free and easy attitude beyond life and death: “[Confucius said,] ‘A person can enlarge the Way, but the Way cannot enlarge a person.’”(Analects, Chap. 15) “[Confucius said,] ‘To comprehend the Tao in the morning is to be contented with death in the evening.’” (IV, 9.) “[Confucius said,] ‘When you don’t yet understand life, how can you understand death.’” (Analects, Chap. 11) “[Confucius said,] ‘the military commander can be captured but the free will of a person will not be contorted.’” (Analects, Chap. 9) “[Confucius said,] ‘A lofty-minded person prefers to sacrifice his life for maintaining humaneness instead of maintaining life at the cost of humaneness.’” (Analects, Chap. 18) His convictions expressed in these statements are that Tian Dao or moral doctrines worshipped by human beings should be cherished absolutely before the attractions or threats of political powers, military coerces, substantial benefits and even human physical lives. Thus, we know that Confucianism emphasizes and maintains human dignity of morality. Confucius’ thought is not just some secular ethic or common sense morality as Hegel said in Lectures on the History of Philosophy.42 As mentioned above, Confucius’ thought on human nature, mandate, and Heavenly Way have profound contents of philosophical metaphysics and religious ultimate concern. Usually, Tiandao or Tianming for Confucius and Confucian scholars is not consecrated as the holiest personal deity or god, but rather a sacred concept of transcendence, which sustains them in ridding of all mundane fragilities such as weak flesh, age decline, poverty, 42

Hegel’s judgment on Confucius, however, is harsh. In his course on the History of Philosophy given in 1825–1826, Hegel says that some of Confucius’ remarks are “not without spirit, but there is nothing outstanding about them…. His works reveal a good understanding of the affairs of humans. However, he deals mainly with popular morality.” Consequently, Hegel argues, “one looks in vain for speculative philosophy in Confucius’ works, for he was merely a practical statesman. In another lecture, Hegel explicitly states that Confucius was a moralist but not a moral philosopher. He then compares the sayings of Confucius to the proverbs of Solomon, saying “they are quite good, but not scientific.” Commenting on the English translation by Joshua Marshman of the Analects of Confucius which appeared in 1811, Hegel says that “it would have been better if Confucius were not translated.” He goes on to say that although “We do find in his work correct moral ideas, his reflections never rise above the conventional views.” He states that Confucius should not be compared to Socrates and that he was not a lawgiver like Solomom. See Johannes Hoffmeister(ed.), G. W. F. Hegel: Einleitung in die Geschichte der Philosophie (Hamburg: Felix Meiner, 1956). Johannes Hoffmeister, ed., G. W. F. Hegel. Vorlesungen ueber die Geschichte der Philosophie, Einleitung (Leipzig: Felix Meiner, 1940)—translator’s note.

426

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism

distress, sickness, and death as well as in resisting all mundane temptations. By adhering to Tianming Confucian scholars may reach their total self-realization in the moral realm. In Confucius, “Tian” has different implications: Tian as transcendence (the ultimate concern in religious God), Tian as moral law (order and law in moral sense), Tian as cosmos and its laws (process and law in cosmological evolution), Tian as human fate destined at Heaven’s hands, Tian as a material sky (opposite to the Earth), and so on. While affirming Tian’s transcendence and morality, he regards Tian as the creative transformation of nature as well. How does Li Shen discuss Tian in his work The History of Confucian Religion of China? He stated that, in history, “The River Chart” (hetu) and “The Luo Writing” (luoshu),43 as two diagrams that were considered auspicious signs by ancients, are the expression of the will of Tian. Whoever accepts “The River Chart” and “The Luo Writing” is believed to have received Tianming or Mandate of Heaven. After going through all kinds of vicissitude and pursuit, it was not until his old age that Confucius said with a long sigh: “The phoenix does not come, the River does not produce the Chart: it is all over with me, is it not!” (Analects, Chap. 9) Even though Confucius worked hard in self-cultivation and enhanced his virtue, he himself still didn’t see the phoenix bird and the river chart symbolizing the imperial power, which, of course, cannot be regarded as evidence or basis. However, since “Tian” represents an uncontrollable force that always influences and determines humans’ social life, after the flourishing of Confucianism in the Han Dynasty, “Tian” had various relations with humans from time to time, dominating the social and political life of the Han Dynasty. An anonymous moral–political writing that was known as “Apocryphal Texts” (chenwei) appeared in large numbers during the Han Dynasty, which, Li Shen believed, was an organic part of Confucianism during the Han Dynasty.44 From the He tu luo shu 河图洛书, literally translated into River Chart and Luo Writing, represents two diagrams taken as auspicious signs by ancients. The River Chart, purported to have originated from the Yellow River on the back of a “dragon horse” during the reign of the legendary Fu Xi, is a diagram. Some accounts from the Han Dynasty onward suggest it contains the delineation of the eight trigrams of The Book of Changes, while other assert it merely contains the data that allowed Fu Xi to construct them. The Luo Writing, similarly mystic, is purported to have originated from the Luo River on the back of a tortoise druing the time of the legendary Yu, who composed Grand Norms in The Book of History based on this writing. Some modern scholars speculate that both the River Chart and the Luo Writing might be geographical materials from ancient times—translator’s note. 44 Chenwei 讖緯, translated as “Apocryphal Texts,” is a combination of prognostication texts 讖 書(C henshu) and apocrypha superstitious writings 緯書(weishu). The prognostication texts are those that cunningly make hidden statements, with which one can determine good or bad fortune in advance. The apocrypha are simply texts written for the purpose of depicting Confucius as possessing a sacred origin, his semi-divinity granted by Heaven. Both types of texts are based on The River Chart and The Luo Writing, as well as the doctrine of interaction between Heaven and Human proposed by Dong Zhongshu. The rulers of the Han Dynasty used these writings to prove that they had received the Mandate of Heaven (tianming) to establish a new dynasty. Most of these writings were collected and systematized in Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall (bai hu tong yi). In general, “apocryphal writings” or “apocryphal texts” refers to writings popular during the Han Dynasty that aimed to interpret the Confucian Classics in theological and 43

10.3 “Heaven” and “Theory of Heaven and Human”

427

whole ideological and political life of the Han Dynasty, Chenwei was a supplement to the Confucian Classics, and indicated what Confucian Classics did not point out and played the role that Confucian Classics often could not play. Mencius once claimed, “Sage-king must emerge in the course of each 500 years,” (The Works of Meng Zi, Chap. 4)45 and also in The Doctrine of the Mean or Zhong Yong it is said: “He who is greatly virtuous will be granted by Tian,” and “He who is greatly virtuous will win his position to rule [the world].” However, this is merely a prophecy, and the scriptures do not specify who has virtue or who should be the chosen emperor. Long before the rise of Han Dynasty, Chen Sheng issued the question: “Are vassals and generals born with their standing?”46 For example, Liu Bang, an ordinary man, ascended to the throne, and reigned over the world. How can this be explained? In this context, Confucian scholars must not only give a reasonable explanation for this reality but also abide by the basic principles of Confucian Scriptures. This led to the vigorous movement of creating gods. Accordingly, the story emerged that Liu Ao47 encountered a deity on the road, became pregnant, and subsequently gave birth to Liu Bang. Afterward, when Wang Mang (45 B.C.-23 B.C.) usurped the Han Dynasty and Emperor Guangwu revived it, both events were accompanied by the appearance of various talismans and miracles. Even the Peasant Revolt led by Zhang Jue (ca second century A.D.), who initiated the Grand Peace Dao Movement(taiping dao), justified itself by claiming to“carrying out heavenly mandate”(titianxingdao). In reality, the texts of prophecies and omens that proliferated during the Two-Han Dynasties (Western Han and Eastern Han Dynasties) were mostly created by Confucian scholars. The will of “Heaven” not only had a signifciant impact on determining who would become emperor, but it also serves as

superstitious terms, while also portraying the major disciples of Confucius as his subjects in an “ideal kingdom,” defined by a hierarchical set of ideal relationships with Confucius as the “King without a Crown” —translator’s note. 45 “Sage-king must emerge in the course of each 500 years (wu bai nian bi you wang zhe xing)” is a statement that reflects Mencius’ philosophy of history. In the 4th chapter of The Works of Meng Zi, Mencius stated, “A sage-king must emerge in the course of each 500 years, and during that time there must be people of great fame.” According to him, from Yu and Shun down to Tang were over 500 years, from Tang to King Wen were over 500 years, and from King Wen to Master Kong were over 500 years. Therefore, he believed that history would follow this pattern and cycle round and round—translator’s note. 46 Chen Sheng (? -208 B.C) was one of the leaders of the peasant uprisings at the end of the Qin Dynasty. In 209 B.C, Chen Sheng, along with Wu Guang, led garrison soldiers to launch an uprising in Daze Township (today’s Suzhou City, Anhui Province), becoming the forerunner of the uprising against the Qin Dynasty. He occupied Chen County and proclaimed himself king, establishing the regime named Zhang Chu—translator’s note. 47 Liu Ao, a native of Daliang (northwest of Kaifeng, Henan Province), was the wife of Liu Taigong and the birth mother of Liu Bang, Emperor Gao Zu of the Han Dynasty. According to Historical Records (shiji), “Liu Ao once rested and fell asleep by the bank of Daze River, and in her dream, she met God. At that moment, there was thunder and lightning, and the sky was very dark. Liu Bang’s father, Liu Taigong, went to look for her, and saw a dragon lying prone on Liu Ao’s body. Shortly after, she became pregnant and gave birth to Liu Bang—translator’s note.

428

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism

a warning to rulers against excessive indulgence in lewdness, as various disasters were believed to occur frequently as result. The will of Heaven constantly manifested itself, not only in the Han Dynasty but also during the periods of Emperor Zhenzong and Emperor Huizong of Northern Song Dynasty, which were filled with internal troubles and alien invasions. During that time, the “Tianshu” or “Heavenly Book,” which represented the will of Heaven, appeared repeatedly, causing the monarch and ministers of a country to fall into a state of fanatical devotion. These phenomena appear so obvious to people today that, in order to rationalize the change of a regime or to control a regime that is spiraling out of control, it becomes necessary to resort to mysterious forces beyond human capacities. However, it is perhaps more important for people today not to merely point out their folly and absurdity of past belief, but to recognize the dilemma faced by the people of that time, who were unaware of the limitations of their scriptures, which they deeply believed in, often failed to provide satisfactory explanations for many of the mysteries of history and life, both in theory and practice. The idea that “He who is greatly virtuous will win his position to rule [the world]” may be politically appealing, but who exactly is considered greatly virtuous? What is the method to determine whether a person is morally superior or not? And how does a person with great virtue replace a ruler who lacks virtue? How many rulers are truly aware of their own lack of virtue and are willing to relinquish their throne as emperor? These questions are impossible to find answers to in the scriptures or the Confucian Classics. In political practice, Saint King Shang Tang and King Zhou Wu,48 who were revered by Confucian scholars, conducted revolutions justified by both heaven’s mandates and human morality. They overthrew King Xia Jie and King Shang Zhou, who were seen as tyrannical rulers, in order to fulfill Heaven’s mandates and soothe away the suffering of the people by punishing the perpetrators. However, their actions also set a precedent for the usurpation of power by individuals such as Wang Mang, Cao Pi, Sima Zhao, Zhao Kuangyin, and so on. Wang Mang (45B.C.-23 A.D.), who was 48

Shang Tang was originally the monarch of Shang State, a vassal state of the Xia Dynasty. In late years of Xia Dynasty, King Shang Tang launched 11 wars, destroyed the neighboring states, and became a powerful state among the vassal states, leaving the Xia Dynasty in unprecedented isolation. Finally, he rose up and defeated King Jie in the field of Mingtiao, thus destroying the Xia Dynasty. Later, after a meeting of three thousand vassals, Tang was elected as the Son of Heaven and made the capital Bo (southwest of today’s Gushu Town in Shangqiu, Henan Province), naming his kingdom as “Shang.” In Chinese history, because Shang Tang destroyed the Xia Kingdom by force, thus breaking the theory that the king was hereditary, from then on, all dynasties in China changed this pattern. That is to say, they used the violent means of war to overthrow the dying and decaying former dynasty and establish a new ruling order. Therefore, it is called the “Shang Tang Revolution” in history. “Wu” refers to King Wu, who led the vassal state of Wes Zhou, which was part of the Shang Dynasty, to overthrow King Zhou of the Shang Dynasty and establish a new dynasty, known as the West Zhou. These two dynastic changes are collectively called “Tang Wu Revolution”. In ancient China, the change of dynasties was described as the Revolution of Mandate of Heaven, so it was called “revolution”—translator’s note.

10.3 “Heaven” and “Theory of Heaven and Human”

429

born a Confucian scholar, was diligent and studious since childhood. Wang Mang was filial to his mother and respectful to his widowed elder sister-in-law, and he was absolutely not one of the average idle individuals and who did nothing. At least, he was not a petty person or a villain from his external behavior. We even believe he claimed to be self-cultivated in morality. In the increasingly declining state of the Han Dynasty, all he needed was a sign of the “Will of Heaven.” Of course, the “Will of Heaven” was believed to manifest itself. However, this raises a question about how to view his relationship with the manifestation of this “Will of Heaven.” Can we easily doubt the pious belief of the individuals who created the apocryphal texts or the prophecies?

The river Chart in Legend

The Luo Writing in Legend

In this regard, The work The History of Confucian Religion of China provides a convincing analysis: for those who attempt to speak on behalf of Heaven, “they do not doubt Tianming or the Mandate of Heaven. However, how people interpret specific auspicious talismans and which of them they should believe in among contradictory talismans and prophecies all depend on their own interests and purposes. It is a common phenomenon in religious belief to believe in the oracle that is in one’s favor and to deny the oracle that is not in one’s favor. … This situation is a product of the conflicting interests of believers, rather than a sign of piousness or authenticity.”49 Religious belief by essence is a phantom created by human beings for their own needs and to realize their own pursuits and interests.50 As Marx argued that religion, at its 49

Li Shen, The History of Confucian Religion of China, vol.1, Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 1999, p.440. 50 As a matter of historical fact, all peasant uprisings and changes of dynasties were staged and carried out in the name of the will of heaven. Tianming means destiny or fate designed by Heaven. Geming, i.e. revolution implies the transferring of orders or instructions from Heaven, taking the

430

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism

core, was a projection. It was a false projection and illusion, which found its genesis in economic inequality and material suffering.51 So, believers often accept their own fabricated events for granted. Wang Mang continued to cling to his auspicious oracle even until his death. Emperor Hui Zong of Song Dynasty was still dressed in cassock and wore a feather scarf on his head even when he was a prisoner of an alien race, leaving behind an image of a religious believer of the “Book of Heaven” (tianshu). What is the relationship between “Apocryphal Texts” (chenwei) and Confucian Religion? In fact, “Apocryphal Texts”(chenwei) is nothing but an extreme development of Confucian Doctrine of Heaven and Human, serving as an extension of Confucianism as a political ideology. Additionally, Chenwei can be ssen as a divination combined with mystical Confucian belief in the late Eastern Han Dynasty, and it is an important phenomenon in the history of the ideological thought during the Han Dynasty. Dong Zhongshu highly advocated for the concept of “the Coincidence of Heaven and Human (tian ren gan ying).” Similarly, Sima Qian (c.154–about c.90 B.C.), considered the forefather of Chinese historiography, also espoused the idea of “Interactions between Heaven and Human.”52 In fact, the “Heaven” they spoke of is the same as the “Heaven” discoursed in Pre-Qin Confucianism, which carries implications of both nature and sacredness.53 These two implications co-exist and intersect with each other, and the divine Heaven sometimes manifest itself through the Heaven of Nature as the situation demands. It is precisely through nature (and specifically through certain explanations of natural phenomena, which may include some falsified events) that Heaven and Human can truly interact with each other. Confucianism mandate from one ruler to give it to another. The ancient Chinese believed that intervention from Heaven in terms of the heavenly mandate might take various forms. If Heaven was angry, there could be floods, droughts and other natural disasters which would immediately affect the livelihood of an agricultural society. A supernatural being was believed to be behind all these doings and undoings—translator’s note. 51 Karl Marx had a monolithically negative view of religion. Here is his further statement: “Religious distress is at the same time the expression of real [economic] distress and the protest against real distress. Religion is the sight of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, just as it is the spirit of a spiritless situation. It is the opium of the people. The abolition of religion as the illusory happiness of the people is required for their real happiness. The demand about its condition is a demand to give up a condition which needs illusions.” See Karl Marx, “Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right,” in Neibuhr, “Marx and Engels on Religion,” p. 42, in Daniel L. Pals, Seven Theories on Religion: “Religion as Alienation”; Karl Marx [Chapter Four] (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996)—translator’s note. 52 Sima Qian’s observation about heaven is particularly pertinent to religiosity of human nature, as he once concluded, “Heaven is the beginning of human, while father and mother are the source of human life. When human is emotionaly overwhelmed and at the end of his power and wit, he will invariably trace back to his beginning and source for psychological comfort. Thus, we intuitionally shout out for Heaven when we are suddenly stuck, and we cry out for our parent when we are physically hurt to the extreme.” Sima Qian, “Biographies of Qu Yuan and Jia Yi, ” Historical Records (shiji, quyuan jiasheng liezhuan), in The Twenty-Four -Four Histories (Version of Simplified Chinese Characters) (Beijing: Zhong Hua Shu Ju Press, 2000), Vol. 84, p. 1933—translator’s note. 53 Li Du believes that “Heaven” in the concept of the Heavenly Way of the Pre-Qin Period has the implications of both nature and divinity. See Li Du, On the Thought of the Heavenly Way in Ancient China, Taiwan Landeng Culture Co., Ltd., 1992.

10.3 “Heaven” and “Theory of Heaven and Human”

431

emphasizes the “Interaction of Heaven and Human” because it believes in the “Integration between Heaven and Human.” While Confucianism advocates for “Doing all that is humanly possible and leaving all else to Heaven,” it also strongly asserts that that “He who has completely developed his heartmind, knows his nature. He who knows his nature, knows Heaven.” (“Full Development of Mind (A)” of The Works of Meng Zi) Additionally, it claims that “in order to know human, one has to know Heaven first.” (The Doctrine of the Mean or Zhong Yong, Chap. 20). Does the passage from Human to Heaven, and from Heaven to Human constitutes a complete closure in logic? Apparently not. Because, from Human to Heaven, it is an endless process of practice, and its ideal state can only be an endless process of “setting one’s heart on it.” Such being the case, returning from Heaven to Human has to show a very complicated situation. Confucius adhered to the principle of selfcultivation and moral enhancement, but he warned himself that “When you know a thing, to acknowledge that you know it; and when you do not know a thing, to achnowledge that you do not know it; this is true knowing.” (Analects, Chap. 2) Throughout his life, although Confucius insisted on adhering to the Heavenly Way (tiandao) and the Way of Human (rendao), and exerted great effort, he still didn’t yet witness the appearance of the phoenix bird or the River Chart. Therefore, he gave a deep sigh and said: “It is all over with me, is it not?!” (Analects, Chap. 9) Confucius was indeed a sage, which is evident from his real life. After Confucius, there were Confucian scholars who followed his example and did not trust miracles. Even in the Han Dynasty, Zheng Xin, Huan Tan, Zhang Heng, and others clearly opposed Chenwei and denounced it as lying rumor. Huan Tan almost lost his head because of his opposition to the apocryphal writings. They did not believe that the divine Heaven would express its will through natural phenomena. However, this does not mean that they fundamentally opposed the Confucian Doctrine of Heaven and Human. For example, while Zhang Heng opposed the apocryphal writings, he also approved of the Coincidence of Heaven and Human (tian ren gan ying)” and was heartedly engaged in Guahou (referring to application of hexagrams of I Ching to analogize seasons and climates), Jiugong (referring to the Ninth Palace related to ancient Chinese astronomy), Fengjiao (referring to wind angle used by ancient Chinese to predict good and bad fortune based on the direction of the wind), and so on. Although his preferences were later denounced by other Confucians as trivial techniques, these trivial techniques still show that “As a Confucian scholar, the Doctrine of Heaven and Human is also the soul and core of his thought.”54 Of course, the Doctrine of Coincidence of Heaven and Human (tian ren gan ying xue shuo) does have obvious flaws, which led to a gradual decrease in its worship by later Confucian scholars. After the Han Dynasty, especially after the master Confucian scholar Han Yu of the Tang Dynasty, Confucianism gradually shifted its focus back to human activities and developed its other aspects, such as emphasizing selfcultivation in morality, virtue enhancement, and the practice of human-heartedness and righteousness as the basic conditions for obtaining Heaven’s blessing and using 54

Li Shen, The History of Confucian Religion of China, Vol.1, Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 1999, p.561.

432

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism

this as the foundation for governing the country. This idea later became the basic ideology of Confucian Religion. Based on this, a comprehensive whole set of theories emerged, including the Heavenly Way and Human affairs, Fundamental and Incidental (ben-mo),55 and Substance and Function (ti-yong),56 Principle and Material force (li-qi), and Heart and Nature (xin-xing). This ideological line, rooted in Confucius and Mencius, is precisely the Confucian Heart Transmission Method (ru jia xin fa) outlined in Analects of Confucius, Work of Meng Zi, Great Learning and Doctrine of the Mean, collectively known as the Four Books. Consequentially, Confucianists in the Song Dynasty adopted the Four Books (sishu) as textbooks for Confucian followers and viewed Chenwei as superstitionsus, reflecting the mature form of Confucian Religion. However, this does not imply that the sayings in Chenwei are unrelated to Confucian Religion or that Neo-Confucianism of Song and Ming Dynasties does not venerate the Emperor High in the Sky (shangdi). According to Zhu Xi, “Heaven, vast and broad, is the embodiment of Principled Morality (yi li zhi tian). This Heaven is the Emperor High in the Sky (shangdi) and is what we call the Heaven of Religion. Zhu Xi just does not conceive of Heaven as God similar to human in shape.57 In the Confucian Learning of the Song Dynasty, superstitions such as chenwei seemed to have disappeared, but both Tian and Shangdi as divinity still existed and only the concrete method used in the time of the worship for Shangdi was no longer to obey the divine warning from Shangdi,58 but to adhere to self-cultivation in heart-nature of moral subjects. The latter, however, developed the ideological line of self-cultivation and moral enhancement since Confucius and Mencius. Thus, the differences between Confucianism of Song Dynasty and Confucianism of Han Dynasty are not only reflected in their approaches to respecting and annotating Confucian Classics and Philosophical Principle (yi li zhi xue), but also in the ways they perceive the communication between Heaven and Human. Confucian Scholars of Han Dynasty are mostly inclined to listen to Heaven’s decrees, while 55

Ben Mo [本末], translated as “Fundamental and Incidental,” are the two opposite concepts in ancient Chinese philosophy, frequently used as early as during the Pre-Qin period, referring to the important and unimportant aspects of a thing. During the Wei Jin period, they were used frequently by Neo-Taoists. They maintained that non-being is the origin, the Fundamental, and only the Fundamental can unify the Incidental. They believd that only when the Fundamental is enlightened can the Incidental be understood—translator’s note. 56 Ti Yong [體用] is translated as “Substance” [體] and “Function.”[用] A couple of philosophical categories, fully developed and used after the Han Dynasty, are generally believed to be “Ti” and “Yong.” It is believed that “Ti” is the most fundamental, internal, and essential, while “Yong” is the external manifestation and appearance of “Ti” — translator’s note. 57 Li Shen, The History of Confucian Religion of China, Vol. 2, Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2000, p. 386. 58 According to Dong Zhongshu’ “theory that Heaven announces its reprimand,” [譴告說] proposed during the Western Han Dynasty, calamities and prodigies are considered as reprimands of Heaven against human wickedness. In the 30th chapter of Luxuriant Gems of the Spring and Autumn Annals [春秋繁露], Dong stated that things in the human world that undergo abnormal changes are called “prodigies,” while lesser ones are called “calamities..” He believed the source of all such calamities and prodigies lies in faults that exist within the state, and that Heaven sends forth fearful calamities to announce its reprimand”—translator’s note.

10.4 Religion as Enlightenment and Religion as Faith

433

those of the Song Dynasty focused more on the Philosophy of Heart-Nature. This observation pertains to the mainstream of Confucian Learning. In fact, there have always been two ideological contours within Confucianism. This also indicates that both Han Confucianism’s Thorey of the Coincidence of Heaven and Human and Song Confucianism’s Ontological Theory of Heart-Nature are merely two branches under the broader umbrella of Confucian Doctrine of Heaven and Human. They are both logical evolutions of the Confucian Doctrine of Heaven and Human, and their advantages and disadvantages should be evaluated within the theoretical system of Confucian Learning. In short, Han Confucianism more fully reflects Confucian Learning with a religious falvor, while Song Confucianism more clearly reflects Confucian Learning as a Confucian Religion or a religion tinged with Confucianism.

10.4 Religion as Enlightenment and Religion as Faith Religion originally has its function of enlightenment, but it is also a super-rational belief. Due to the particularity of Confucian Learning, its enlightenment effect is more obviously shown, while its individual inner belief is often hidden in its social functions. We can feel it strongly from Zhang Hengqu’s four sentences: “To testify a cosmic heart between Heaven and Earth, to vindicate the heaven’s mandate for all human beings, to accomplish the scholarship of ancient Saints, and to bring about universal harmony for future generations.” From the perspective of religious psychology, the emergence of religion is rooted in human’s perception of the finitude of life itself, leading to a mental state of “conversion” and “submissiveness.” The longing for an omniscient and omnipotent infinitude is precisely this psychological reflection. Therefore, religion, by itsessence, is the pursuit of emotional fulfillment in individual life, and Confucian self-cultivation and moral enhancement embody such a pursuit. However, due to the “intrinsic nature” of Confucian Religion, namely secularism, Confucian scholars cannot stay at this stage. Zhang Hengqu’s ambition is also that of most Confucian scholars, namely the pursuit of “Outer King” (wai wang). This characteristic is not unique to any individual Confucian, but is determined by the fundamental belief of Confucianism. Pre-Qin Confucianism was initially recognized as a political theory, including that the faith of Confucianism was not merely confined within the individual mind, but also ought to be realized in social life, especially in political life. Therefore, without the present world and social-political life, Confucian Religion may cease to be the same Confucian Religion that existed in history.

434

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism

Statue of Confucius—King of Wenxuan, the Supreme Sage of Great Attainment

Since the flourishing of Confucianism in the Han Dynasty, the theoretical and logical connection between Confucian Learning and politics had evolved into a mutual influence in practice. The influence of Confucian Learning on Chinese politics is also extensive and profound. From the aspect of sacrificial ceremony, in addition to worshipping Heaven and ancestry, emperors of all dynasties also worshipped Confucius, who was honored as “King of Wenxuan.” Confucian Learning advocated that “He who is excellent in study should dedicate himself to public affairs as an official” (xue er you ze shi), and that a Confucian scholar should uphold the Confucian Doctrine of Being Internal or Inner Saint and External or Outer King (Nei Sheng Wai Wang Zhi Dao).” This became the basic ideology and fundamental pursuit of ordinary scholars. The Chinese civil service examination system (keju kaoshi) was established in the Sui and Tang Dynasties (581–907 A.D.) and was further inherited and developed after the Song Dynasty. The Confucian Classics, consisting of “Four Books” and “Five Classics,” were the dominant texts for Chinese civil service examinations (keju kaoshi) until their abolition in the 1911 Revolution. For Confucian scholars, “learning”(xue) is considered a necessary precondition for serving as an official in state governance, and being an official in state governance was seen as the ultimate outcome of learning. “Learning,” as emphasized by Confucianism, was focused on moral perfection. Moreover, the clan system, which has existed since ancient times, is also an important social soil for the existence of Confucian Religion. Although the clan system underwent great changes in form, it became an extension of state power and an integral part of political rule in essence. In Chinese traditional society, we can see the profound influence of Confucian Religion everywhere. In Confucianism, the state power of absolute monarchy is recognized as an established reality. Confucianism typcially approaches the regime by acknowledging its existence while also working to change and adapt it to its own moral and social ideals. If Confucians find that their ideals are far from reality, they may adopt a critical stance

10.4 Religion as Enlightenment and Religion as Faith

435

or even take on the form of heresy, but this is not an inevitable outcome for Confucian Religion. Admittedly, there are Confucians who cater to the kitsch of society at that time. As a result, the relationship between Confucian Religion and politics presents a very complicated situation, highlighting its secular quality. This characteristic often leads to complex and tortuous expressions of belief in Confucian Relgion, which has been criticized by later generations for its lack of “transcendence” or “insufficient transcendence.” However, it is precisely the complex relationship between Confucian Religion and realpolitik that confers upon Confucian religion its potent educational function. It is stated in the “Comprehensive Discussions on ‘Three Religions,’ also known as ‘The Three Teachings in the White Tiger Hall (bai hu tong. Sanjiao),’”: “What does religion ( jiao) mean? Religion ( jiao) means imitation and emulation. That is, those who are below follow (words and deeds of) those who are above. Those below who are simple and plain cannot achieve self-completion without receiving teachings.” It is further said: “Why did the king establish the Three Religions ( jiao) or the Three Teachings? To correct people’s mistakes, to save a world that is in decline, and to put people back on the rectified track.” The term “jiao” highlights the educational and enlightening functions that complement political power. In this respect, Confucian Religion manifests itself as a systematic system of enlightenment. Due to its close association with actual politics, Confucian Religion itself lacks an independent organizational system, with “the national organization of the monarchy functioning as its religious organization.”59 On the other hand, religious belief is deeply rooted in an individual’s inner heart. As the state organization functions as a religious organization, it undoubtedly further consolidates and strengthens this belief, making the Confucian Religion’s principle and doctrine become deeply ingrained inner beliefs. It is also noteworthy to consider the relationship between traditional Confucian Religion and clans in patriarchal society. In patriarchal clan society, the relationship between the patriarchal power system and the monarchical power system is both antagonistic and unified, and not monolithic. Since the state organization of absolute monarchy became the material carrier of Confucian Religion, any change in the form of the state organization would inevitably shake the foundation of Confucian Religion. In 1911, under the dual suppression of domestic and foreign crises, the Revolution of 1911 broke out,60 leading to the demise of the Qing Dynasty and the end of a feudal system that had lasted for over 2000 years in China. On January 11,912, the Republic of China was established in Nanjing City. 59

Li Shen, The History of Confucian Religion of China, Vol. 2, Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2000, p.1057. 60 The 1911 Revolution (xin hai ge ming) or the Xinhai Revolution, was a nationwide revolution that took place in the Year of 1911 (the third year of Xuantong’s reign in the Qing Dynasty). The 1911 Revolution began as the Wuchang Uprising in 1910. It resulted in the abdication of the child Emperor Puyi on February 12, 1912, the ending of the imperial system and the establishment of the Republic of China headed by Sun Yat-sen. The 1911 Revolution ushered in the modern national democratic revolution in a complete sense, overthrowing the autocratic monarchy that had ruled China for thousands of years, greatly promoting the ideological liberation of the Chinese nation and the social reform in China with tremendous shock and influence—translator’s note.

436

10 Religious Implications of Confucianism

This new state regime, with Sun Yat-sen as its provisional president, did not consider itself to be a Heaven-ordained regime, so it ceased to worship the Heaven at the beginning of its establishment and abolished the worship of the Heaven from then on. With the abolition of the system of offering sacrifices to Heaven, Earth, and land of state, the Confucian Classics, which provided theoretical basis for offering sacrifices to Heaven, Earth, and land of state, were no longer authoritative. The Interim Measures for General Education (pu tong jiao yu zan xing ban fa), promulgated by the Ministry of Education of the Republic of China in January, 1912, officially announced the abolition of teaching Confucian Classics in primary schools. Earlier, in 1905, during the Qing Dynasty, the traditional Chinese civil service examinations (keju kaoshi) was officially abolished. The abolition of the teaching of Confucian Classics and the abolition of the traditional Chinese civil service examinations not only resulted in the cessation of the Confucian Classics as classics but also led to disappearance of corresponding institutional facilities. This completely severed the affinity between Confucian Religion and Chinese politics. As a result, Confucianism ceased to be an official ideology, and Confucian scholars lost their basic conditions for survival. The collapse of Confucian Religion not only meant the collapse of a set of educational system but also the collapse of a kind of religious faith, which would inevitably led to the spiritual despair and mental struggle of believers. In the early years of the Republic of China, the darkness of society was a reflection of this chaos that followed the collapse of this belief, as many conservative Confucian scholars and even enlightened people embraced some Western ideas and experienced the pain of hope and disillusionment. A more rational reflection of this period is the emergence of modern and contemporary Neo-Confucianism. However, modern society and its people still require faith, ultimate care, ethical consensus, and ethnic identity, as well as reverent awe and binding belief systems. The question of how to combine the faith of traditional society to rebuild the true faith of the people remains a major contemporary issue. Currently, the destructiveness of non-belief, rampant fetishism of money and power, widespread spread of Christianity or Catholicism in rural areas, and the rise of folk religion are all worthy of serious consideration. We must make a clear distinction between Confucian Religion, which has historically been closely connected with politics, and Confucian Learning, which is a system of national cultural value orientation. While it is a major feature of Li Shen’s works The History of Confucian Religion of China to view Confucian Religion and traditional society as an interactive relationship, it gives us an impression that both Confucian Learning and Confucian Religion are products of traditional society and collapsed along with the collapse of traditional society. Thus, even though Li Shen has lightly acknowledged the positive value of Confucian Learning in the process of modernization, it is hardly convincing. In fact, while Confucian Religion, which was once officially supported as a system of education and enlightenment, may have collapsed or is already collapsing, as an object of individual

10.4 Religion as Enlightenment and Religion as Faith

437

inner faith, as a faith and an ideal of human life, as a guideline for establishing oneself and standing in the world, and as an inner spirit of living and dying with it, Confucian Religion can exist forever for all individuals, even in modern or future society. Because of this, the modern value and universal significance of Confucian Learning are worthy of attention. The politicization of Confucian Religion is not only disgusted by the new generation of scholars but is also treated coldly by modern and contemporary Neo-Confucianism. What modern and contemporary Neo-Confucians truly embrace in their hearts is the Confucian Philosophy of Heart-Nature and its function for individuals to settle down peacefully and advance spiritually.

Chapter 11

Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

Confucian Learning (ruxue) is the knowledge of human life, with its essence being various truths about being human. These truths should be put into practice in daily life, with the aim of “Learning for Self-Improvement” (wei ji zhi xue) rather than “Learning for Impressing Others” (wei ren zhi xue). In other words, Confucian selfcultivation primarily relies on self-awareness, self-standing, self-improvement, selfachievement, and self-realization of one’s value, rather than showing off to others through learning. Ultimately, Confucius’ teachings are believed to aid individuals in their journey to reach inner peace. A Confucian scholar teaches through deeds and words, rather than simply issuing orders and telling him what to do. They guide and influence individuals in an inductive and perceptive way, rather than imposing their views. By examining himself conscientiously, the Confucian scholar invites his listeners to work on improving their characters as well. However, he does so authentically, without preaching or infringing upon their freedom. A Confucian scholar prompts and enlightens students who learn with him or these around him to appreciate and become aware of their life’s purpose, meaning, and value. Confucian education is aimed at achieving one’s self-personality, which encompasses two dimensions: enhancing one’s realm of life and making an effort in self-cultivation. What is known as the theory of the realm of personality is exactly the metaphysics of Confucian philosophy or the realm metaphysics. The realm metaphysics of Confucianism reveals the ultimate nature of human beings, yet it is not isolated from the life world and can be penetrated into daily life world. Conversely, Confucian Philosophy is not merely common-sense morality; its thoughts on [human] nature and Heavenly Way contain profound philosophical and metaphysical connotations. However, its daily ethical rules can be elevated to the level of metaphysical realm. In Confucian Philosophy, what is beyond shapes and what is with shapes, realm and effort, ultimate sublimity and daily regular activity, holiness and worldliness are all mutually interconnected and interpenetrated. There is no doubt that these philosophical values in Confucianism still hold realistic significance and value today.

© Fudan University Press 2024 Q. Guo, The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4799-7_11

439

440

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

11.1 Gentleperson, Saint, Benevolent, and Complete Man In the discourse system of Confucian Learning (ruxue), when discussing personality, it does not focus on the natural person, but rather on the moral person. Confucianism does not reject utilitarianism, but instead criticizes those who solely pursue personal utility as the ultimate goal of life, referring to them as petty persons (xiaoren).The distinction between a lofty-minded person and a narrow-mindedperson is that between personality and non-personality. Of course, a moral person is first and foremost a natural person. A moral person is not without utility (in a certain time and space occasions), but instead emphasizes the utility of the group and the whole). This is because the personality realm is discussed in terms of value ideal orientation. The personality advocated by Confucius is that of a lofty-minded person, with the highest level of realm being “Sainthood,” or “Saints.” The second level of realm is that of a moral person, and the third level of realm is that of a lofty-minded person. Confucius inherited the principles of moral-righteousness or ethical-cosmic commitment (daoyi or taoyi), human-heartedness and love (ren-ai), loyalty and forbearance (zhong-shu), as well as the value ideals such as human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom and truthfulness advocated by ancient Sages. Those principles and ideals constitute the foundation for Chinese people to settle down peacefully and advance spiritually, as well as for Chinese culture to be great and enduring. These orientations of value ideals are exemplified through Confucius’ own life and practice of human-heartedness (ren).

Serials of Bin Feng Tu (partial) by Ma Hezhi in Southern Song Dynasty1

Let’s first discuss the topic of the lofty-minded persons. The Analects of Confucius (lunyu) contains many records of Confucius and his famous disciples discussing the distinction between the lofty-minded persons and the narrow-minded persons. “Bin Feng Tu” 豳風圖 is a color painting on silk created by Ma Hezhi during the Southern Song Dynasty. It is now stored in the Palace Museum in Beijing. The painter created it based on the poem titled “Binfeng” 豳風 in “Guofeng” from The Book of Poetry or Shijing. According to records, Ma Hezhi was commissioned by Emperor Gao Zong of Song Dynasty to create this painting. The artwork is presented in the form of a scroll, with alternating arrangement of texts and painting. Out of the oiriginal numerous versions, only 8 of them remain today.—translator’s note. 1

11.1 Gentleperson, Saint, Benevolent, and Complete Man

441

In Chap. 6 of The Analects of Confucius, Confucius once advised Zi Xia to be a lofty-minded person rather than a narrow-minded person. Confucius pointed out that the lofty-minded persons’ realm of personality, the path of self-cultivation, and the code of conduct for lofty-minded persons are: “Set your determination on the Way, pattern yourself on virtue, rely on human-heartedness, and relax with the six arts.” (Analects, Chap. 7) “A lofty-minded person takes righteousness as essential, actualizes it through rituals, manifests it with humility, develops it by truthfulness.” (Analects, Chap. 15) There is a distinction between lofty-minded persons and common people. Regarding the relationship between lofty-minded persons as managers and people being managed, Confucius said: “The lofty-minded person is bountiful but not extravagant, exacts labor but rouses no resentment, has desires but is not covetous, is self-possessed but not arrogant, dignified but not oppressively so.” … “In bestowing benefit, go by what benefits the people—is this not what is meant by bountiful but not extravagant? Select those appropriate for the task and exact labor from them—how can they feel resentment? Desire human-heartedness, and you will achieve human-heartedness—how can you be called covetous? A loftyminded person does not discriminate between many and few, little and big, and would never be overbearing—is this not what is meant by self-possessed but not arrogant? A lofty-minded person straightens his clothing and cap and is careful about how he looks at others, so that even from a distance, people are impressed—is this not what is meant by dignified but not disdainful so?” (Analects, Chap. 20) Confucius acknowledge the basic needs and desires for material interests, food, and lust that a lofty-minded person may have, but emphasizes the impotance of obtaining them in a proper and appropriate manner while acting with propriety. “A lofty-minded person focuses on what is morally right, while a petty person only has his eyes on and pursues what benefits him.” “Wealth and nobility are what people desire, but if one cannot get them by means that are in line with the Way, one will not accept them. Poverty and lowliness are what people hate, but if one cannot avoid them by means that are in line with the Way, one will reject them. If a lofty-minded person rejects human-heartedness, how can he match the name of a lofty-minded person? A lofty-minded person should never depart from human-heartedness for the time of a meal—even in confusion and distress he should hold fast to it; when stumbling and faltering, he should hold fast to it.” (Analects, Chap. 4) Confucius believes that making a fortune and becoming a high official is what all humans desire; however, a lofty-minded person will not accept such things through improper means. Instead, a lofty-minded person never abandons human-heartedness and virtue, even in the midst of finishing a meal when he is in a hurry and wandering around.2 In Confucius’ mind, the value of human existence lies in his ability to go beyond the desires of natural life. Confucius said: “A lofty-minded person, when eating, doesn’t try to stuff himself, and when choosing a dwelling, is not overly concerned about comfort. He is attentive to affairs, careful with his words, and seek to correct himself by looking to those who have the Way. He is the kind of person who can be called a lover of 2

See Yang Bojun, Intepretaions and Annotations of “The Analects of Confucius,” Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1980, p. 36.

442

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

learning.” (Analects, Chap. 1) In this sense, a lofty-minded person “schemes for the Way, and does not scheme for food;” and he “worries about the Way, and does not worry about poverty.” (Analects, Chap. 15). The statements quoted from Confucius above are a basic description of a lofty-minded person’s personality and a requirement for his inner self-consciousness. These statements also apply to the personality of the gentle persons are requirements for their inner self-consciousness. Secondly, let’s talk about Saints. In history, these who are honored as Sainthood or Saints are all canonized by late generations. Confucius said: “A Saint, I have never managed to see. If I could see a truly lofty-minded person that would be fine.” (Analects, Chap. 7). A lofty-minded person of integrity is a real person, while a sage is an ideal person. Confucius did not dare to say that he was a sage, nor did he dare to say that he had reached the realm of a sage. “Mencius said, ‘Oh! What words are these?’ Zi Gong asked Confucius, saying, ‘Is Master a Saint?’ Confucius replied, ‘A Saint I cannot be. I am just learning without satiety, and teaching without being tired, and this is much I can do.’ Zi Gong said, ‘You are learning without satiety. This shows your wisdom. You are teaching without being tired, and this shows your human-heartedness. Since you are human-hearted and wise, Master, you are a Saint.’ Now, since Confucius would not allow himself to be regarded as a Saint, what words were those?’” (“Gong Sun Chou (A)” of The Works of Meng Zi; The Analects of Confucius, Chap. 7). In The Five Cosmic Elements (wuxing) found in Guodian Chu Bamboo Slips (guo dian chu jian), it is ponted out that saintly “virtue” is the integration of Sainthood, human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom, which belongs to the sphere of the Way of Heaven (tian zhi dao). It is also stated that the integration of human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom belongs to the category of the Way of Human (ren zhi dao). Furthermore, it is said that “He who hears the Way of Lofty-minded persons is wise. He who hears and understands it is saintly. Only a Saint can understand the Way of Heaven.”3 In the phrase “聞君子道” (wen jun zi zhi dao), it should be noted that “junzi” (loft-minded persons) refers to Saints. While there may be a space and time barrier between real persons and ideal Saints, the two are connected through the senses of hearing, telepathy of Material Force (Qi), and mutual communication of inner minds. The traditional Chinese word “聖” (sheng or saint), with its upper part in the shape of the ear and its lower part in the shape of the word “王” (wang or king), not only highlights the hearing virtue of the sage, indicating his willingness to give all his ears to all people and all things, but also reveals the means for people to communicate with the Saints. This is achieved by being receptive to yue (music) or yuejiao (musical education), allowing one to enter into the soul of the Saints. Confucianism argues that yue can lead to the realm of the completion of a person’s personality. Confucius stated, human’s self-cultivation “is aroused in poetry, established in propriety, and completed in music.”(The Analects.

3

Museum of Jingmen City: The Bamboo Slips of Chu Tomb in Guodian, Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House, 1998, p. 150.

11.1 Gentleperson, Saint, Benevolent, and Complete Man

443

Chap. 8) Confucius’ emphasis on music or music education is far beyond our imagination, as hearing is an innate ability of humans, and even fetuses possesses a sense of hearing in their mother’s womb. Thirdly, let’s discuss the person with human-heartedness (ren ren). The core category of Confucius’ ideology is “human-heartedness” (ren). The Chinese word “ren” 仁 has various levels of connotations. “Ren” at its higher level can regulate “ren” at its lower level, which is embodied in and juxtaposed with “righteousness,” “propriety,” “wisdom,” and “truthfulness.” Regarding “ren” at its higher level, Confucius is quoted by The Doctrine of the Mean or Zhong Yong as saying: “He who has all benevolent virtues is what makes a human.” According to Confucianism, “ren” and the “human with ren” represent the highest spiritual realm of human beings, the ultimate standard for what constitutes a person, and the highest moral principle for human to follow. Confucius never indiscreetly praises a person (including himself) as having “human-heartedness” or “benevolence.” He said: “The name of Saint or Ren —how could I dare lay claim to such?” (Analects, Chap. 7) In certain specific contexts, Confucius considers “sainthood” and “human-heartedness” to be the same realm. On one occassion, he answered Zi Zhang’s question and pointed out that Zi Wen could only be “a loyal man,” Chen Wenzi could only be “an integral man,” and that neither had yet reached the realm of “human-heartedness.” (Analects, Chap. 5).4 Among his students, such as Zi Lu, Ran You, and Gong Xihua, Confucius recognized them for their talents, but did not praise them as “humans of human-heartedness.” (ibid, Chap. 5) While praising Yan Hui, his most favored disciple, he went so far as to say: “Yan Hui! He could go three months in his mind without ever departing from benevolent virtue.” (ibid, Chap. 6) Regarding humans engaged in state governance, Confucius only affirmed Guan Zhong as “being human-hearted,” (ibid, Chap. 14) but he severely criticized Guan Zhong for his violation of propriety. However, he also thought that Guan Zhong deserved praise for helping Duke Huan of Qi State to “call vassals together in assembly nine times, not by force, but by virtue instead,” thereby avoiding the people falling into an abyss of misery. In this sense, Guan Zhong is just close to the realm of “human-heartedness,” but Confucius did not recognize Guan Zhong as a truly human-hearted man. Some have criticized Confucius for advocating human-heartedness” while also saying that certain individuals did not achieve it, questioning the universality and reality of “human-heartedness.” I believe that this misunderstanding arises from a lack of understanding that “human-heartedness” 4

“Zi Zhang asked Confucius, saying, ‘Chen Ziwen, the prime minister of State Chu, served three times as prime minister but showed no sign of delight, and three times was dismissed from the post but showed no sign of resentment. As former prime minister, he invariably reported to the new prime minister on state affairs. What do you think of this?’ Confucius said, ‘He acted with loyalty. Is he benevolent? I don’t know how he can be called benevolence.’ ‘Cui Zi assassinated Duke Zhuang of State Qi. Chen Wenzi, who owned ten four-horse carriages (The number of horses Chen Wenzi owned indicates how eminent he was), abandoned them and left the state. When he arrived in another state, he said, ‘The people here are no better than our high official Cui Zi!’ and he left that state. Arriving in another state, he said, ‘More like our high official Cui Zi!’ and he left that state, too. What would you say of him? Confucius said, ‘A man of integrity. Was he humane? I don’t know how he can be called humane.’”—Analects, Chap. 5:19.—translator’s note.

444

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

has different levels in Confucius’ ideology. The “human-heartedness” in the statements quoted above is equivalent to “Sainthood” in value and quality. As for the universal or cosmological “human-heartedness” and the reality of practicing “humanheartedness” in humen’s daily life, Confucius also gave many vivid examples such as: “Fan Chi asks about human-heartedness (ren). Confucius said, ‘Love people;’” “(We have to) rely on ourselves to act on human-heartedness (ren) or humane benevolence (ren), but can we rely on others?” (Analects, Chap. 12) “Is human-heartedness indeed far off? If I crave for human-heartedness, it is at hand!”(ibid, Chap. 7), etc. These words of Confucius are all obvious examples, and I will not go into them in detail. So what is the distinction and connection between “human-heartedness” and “Sainthood?” The person of human-heartedness adopts “Sainthood” as his highest realm. “Zi Gong asked: ‘If a ruler delivers extensive benefits to his people and care for the social vulnerable, how would you evaluate him? Do you consider him to be human-hearted?’ Confucius answered: ‘He is not only a human-hearted person. I would also call him a Saint. Even virtuous kings such as Yao and Shun could not match him. The human-hearted wants standing, and so he helps others gain standing. He wants achievement, and so he helps others achieve. He shows consideration for others by putting himself in their place, and understands others by walking in their shoes—this can be called the approach to achieving human-heartedness.’” (Analects, Chap. 6) Confucius teaches that the human-hearted deliver benefits to the people broadly, help them live the life they want, let them live with dignity and stand up on their own. It is exactly what Confucianism advocates as tolerance toward others, which is an important principle or method of caring for all men and cherishing all things. Once this is achieved, the individual he has reached Sainthood, a level of virtue that even Yao and Shun may not have been able to attain. Some people don’t understand the implication of “helping others to gain standing and helping others to gain achievement,” and think of it as delivering benefits to the people externally. It should be known that Confucius emphasized that “(We have to) rely on ourselves to practice human-heartedness” and “Learning is a process for self-improvement,” and thus, he claimed that “Wishing to be established himself, one should also seek to establish others; wishing to be developed himself, one should also seek to develop others.”5 Confucius does not advocate imposing on others to 5

“ji yu li er li ren, ji yu da er da ren” is one of the most representative Confucian thoughts, which may be translated as “Wishing to be established himself, one should also seek to establish others; wishing to be developed himself, one should also seek to develop others.” According to Confucius, if one is “ready to help others,” one is also worthy of being an “benevolent” person. Confucius not only affirms one’s self-success, but also emphasizes the pursuit of self-success in the process of helping others succeed. In other words, Confucius advocates putting oneself within the large group to pursue self-success. This is consistent with Confucius’ doctrine of “loyalty and forgiveness,” namely one should show consideration for others by putting oneself in their place, and understand others by walking in their shoes. We should never do unto others what we would not want others to do unto ourselves, and whatever we would wish for ourselves, we should also help others to achieve. Again, to put it more clearly, only when we should first stand steadily ourselves can we give others a hand when they fall down. Not only must we live well for ourselves, but we must also be able to help those in need. To achieve oneself is the premise, to make people stand up and

11.1 Gentleperson, Saint, Benevolent, and Complete Man

445

stand up or develop, but rather creating an atmosphere or environment for others to stand up and make achievement by their own efforts. We cannot simply act as a substitute by which others gain standing and achievement. We would stand up through ourselves and reach out to the world through ourselves. We should also respect others and let them stand up and reach out to the world through themselves. This is to achieve both oneself and others, or to achieve oneself in the process of achieving others. In this regard, Yao and Shun have not done it yet.6 In Revering Morality and Righteousness (zun de yi) contained in Guodian Chu Bamboo Slips, Confucius said: “If men are good and law-abiding, let them act autonomously; if men are not good and law-abiding, let them know their faults; and men can be guided in a right way, but not coerced by force.”7 This has verified what Confucius said: “The common people can be guided to follow a right course, but if not, they can be made to know why they should do so,” (Analects, Chap. 8) which also emphasizes guiding the people rather than forcing the people. Some critics used to think that this was evidence that Confucius advocated policies of obscurantism and servility, among others. Others made different understandings through various sentence segmentation methods, such as “民可, 使由之; 不可, 使知之” or “民可使, 由之;不可使, 知之”. Pang Pu (1928–2015), a famous contemporary Chinese historian, cultural historian, and philosophical historian, believed that “不可使智之”(bu ke shi zhi zhi) means that rulers cannot impose their will on ordinary people, emphasizing no matter how good a government decree or advocacy is, it can only be slowly implemented after they understand it.8 Thus, this is consistent with the Confucian Doctrine of Being Internal or Inner Saint and External or Outer King (Nei Sheng Wai Wang Zhi Dao). Obviously, in terms of the personality realm, human-heartedness and Sainthood are unified, Sainthood or Sagelihood is the ultimate state of human-heartedness, humanheartedness is the inner spirit of Sainthood, and Sainthood permeates human’s daily life through human-heartedness. “A complete person” (chengren), as it suggests, refers to a perfect person or a highly accomplished person. “Zi Lu asked what a complete person is Confucius said, ‘If someone has Zang Wuzhong’s wisdom, is free from covetousness as Meng Gongchuo, has Bian Zhuangzi’s bravery, Ran Qiu’s versatile skills, and is versed in propriety and music, he can be possibly considered to be a complete person.’ Confucius then proceeded, ‘Now, what is the true essence being a complete person? When faced with the temptation of self-interest, he thinks of righteousness. When in danger, he is ready to risk his life if necessary. Even when enduring hardships for a long time, he never forgets his past promises. Such a person is truly a complete achieve success is the purpose. Thus, the underlying logic embedded of this statement is that to become a benevolent person, we should continuously improve ourselves and develop the ability to help others.—translator’s note. 6 See Wang Bongxiong, et al. The Interpretations of “the Analects of Confucius”, Taipei: Goose Lake Press, 1994, p. 30. 7 Museum of Jingmen City: Bamboo Slips of Chu Tomb in Guodian, Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House, 1998, p. 174. 8 Pang Pu, “An Explanation of ‘Common People May Be Made to Follow A Path of Action and Know Why as Well,’” Journal of Knowledge of Culture and History, No.9, 1999.

446

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

person!’”(Analects, Chap. 14) That is to say, a person who possesses wisdom like Zang Wuzhong, integrity like Meng Gongchuo, bravery like Bian Zhuangzi, versatility like Ran Qiu, and also achieves literary talent with propriety and music is considered to be a complete person. In Zhu Xi’s annotation it is said: “Confucius and his disciple Zi Lu discussed how to become a complete person.” Confucius claimed: “To be considered a complete person, one must have qualities possessed by these four masters: his wisdom to delve into truth, probity for self-cultivation, bravery to act resolutely, and versatility to meet all needs. Additionally, their speech and action align with propriety, harmonize into society through music, foster inner virtue, and exhibit outer literary talent. Thus, they are well equipped with virtue and ability, devoid of self-promotion, and his innate human nature aligns with the Heavenly Principle (tianli), without any shortcomings and drawbacks. Such a person may be deemed a complete one.” (Zhu Xi, Notes on “The Analects of Confucius” in Collected Commentaries on the Four Books, Vol. 7). “A complete person” (chengren) is one with all-round development of integrity, wisdom, and skills. Is not this a Saint of supreme perfection? According to Zhu Xi’s understanding, the word “yi” 亦 in the Chinese phrase “亦可以為成人矣” (yi ke yi wei cheng ren yi or “Anyone who has such four qualities is possibly considered to be a complete person) is informative, meaning “maybe” or “something that depends.” Confucius here does not refer to the highest realm a person can achieve, but rather teaches Zi Lu according to his aptitude, speaks to him appropriately, and reminds him of the personality goal that he can attain. In Confucius’ view, “a complete person” reqiues wisdom, bravery, self-discipline, and the skills necessary to deal with all types of matters in social situations, ensuring that his words and deeds meet the requirements of moral principles and justice. The above-cited words also support this viewpoint. Confucius does not equate “a complete person” with the highest realm. Instead, he reminds Zi Lu that “a complete person” is one of integrity that can be achieved through effort in reality. Thus, Confucius proposed three principles or standards for being “a complete person:” “ when faced with gains, one thinks of righteousness; when confronted with danger, one should be ready to lay down his life; and he when living in an enduring poverty, one should cleave to his life-long promises.” Such a person is known as “a complete person!” (Analects, Chap. 14) Based on Cheng Zi (Er Cheng brothers)’s and Zhu Xi’s explanations, an ideal “complete person” would further possess mastery of the virtues held by all four masters, nearly resembling a perfect Saint. However, in reality, “a complete person” refers to an individual who may not pure and complete, such as “a person who has loyalty and truthfulness but lacks propriety and music.” (Zhu Xi, Notes on The Analects of Confucius in Collected Commentaries on the Four Books, Vol. 7). I consider the latter as a “narrow-minded person” (xianren). According to The Analects of Confucius, it is evident that a “xianren” is a person of virtue and capability, serving as a model of personality that people can “see” in the actual world. That is what Confucius means when he saye, “When I meet a virtuous and able person, I strive to be his equal. When I meet an immoral person, I reflect upon my own weak points.” (Analects, Chap. 4: 17). Confucius praised Yan Hui and Liu Xiahui as “xian,” indicating that they are “complete person” in accordance with the principle

11.1 Gentleperson, Saint, Benevolent, and Complete Man

447

of “Sainthood.” As mentioned earlier, Saints are models of personality that people cannot “see” in actual life but can only recognize through hearsay, poetry, and music, using their “ears.” “Xianren,” on the contrary, are models of personality that can be “seen” in actual life. In the Five Cosmic Elements (wuxing) contained in Guodian Chu Bamboo Slips, it is said: “One who sees a person with virtue and capability has enlightenment; One who sees and understands what he sees has wisdom; One who understands what he sees and regards him as a role model achieves benevolence.” A person can directly experience the virtue of a xianren through his “eyes” and set him as a role model. However, in the case of a Saint, people can hear of him but not see him, whereas in the case of a xianren, people can admire him but not fully comprehend him. This all depends upon people’s cognition and awareness in their hearts. To sum up, Confucius’ theory of personality realm is originally a means to an end (a convenient method) in teaching students in accordance with their aptitude, which is intended to enlighten the awareness of different conversation objects and is very rich in its connotations. If simplified, it can be roughly equated to expressions such as the following: Ideal ultimate sphere: Shengren聖人, i.e., superior to xianren’s personality賢 人, or persons of human-heartedness and completion, which is known as layer of Heavenly Way. Ideal sphere in reality: Xianren賢人, i.e., superior to a lofty-minded person’s personality, or persons of human-heartedness and completion, which is known as layer of humanely Way. Moral sphere in reality: Junzi君子, i.e., moral or lofty-minded persons who are superior to natural persons, which is also known as layer of humanely Way. But Saints are not out of reach, and we can experience and imitate their virtuous qualities through xianren. There is no unbridgeable gap between Saints and ordinary people. In Confucian tradition, there are statements such as “All people can be Yao and Shun” and “all people on streets can be Yu,” which means that even ordinary individuals have the potential to become Saints and xianren. As long as a person has awareness and consciousness, and as long as a person has a heart of humanheartedness, they can instantly attain to the realm of a lofty-minded person ( junzi), xianren, and shengren (saints). Thus, Mencius inspired the hearts of “Four Origins” (siduan) possessed by all people, which are the heart of commiseration, the heart of shame, the heart of deference, and the heart of right and wrong. These are also collectively known as “a heart which cannot bear to see the suffering of others.” These four moral sources intrinsic to human nature can be developed and exploited by human heart into human moral rights in society. These “Four Origins” (siduan) are intrinsic to all people, which are fundamental features to define a human. A person should fully cultivate and develop such four virtues, and consequently become a person of virtue or even a Saint. Mencius advocated that people, especially a ruler, should follow the principle of the extension of one’s own scope of love to include others” (tui en jing shen).9 According to this principle, people, by nature, have love 9

Tui En Jing Shen, or translated as “the Principle of Extending Love,” is a Confucian Doctrine of extending human-heartedness and love to all people and all things under heaven advocated by

448

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

for their fellows, but that this love needs to be widely inclusive in order to constitute a true rule with human-heartedness. Love and human-heartedness begin with family members and relatives, but they should be extended to include all others. This is the way to achieve rule with benevolence. As is stated in the sayings, such as “extending one’s respect for the aged of his own family to that of other families, and extending one’s love for children of his own family to these of other families,” “extending what one care for to what one does not care for,” etc. He who extends his love in such a way is sufficient to support his parents, his wife, and children at home and to benefit others in society as well, which is what Mencius called “He has done nothing to be ashamed of before Heaven or people.”(“Full Development of Mind (1)” in The Works of Meng Zi). In the Confucian tradition, the family is considered the basic unit of existence and continuation of life, while the country and society are seen as an extension or enlargement of the family. All of these are understood as being the result of Heaven’s evolution. If a person, according to Mencius, is a social person with virtue, he should spontaneously be endowed with “Four Origins” (siduan), as without these four origins he is not qualified to be a human. That is also what Mencius declares: “To expand your respect toward your own parents to other’s parents, to offer tender loving care to your kids as well as other’s, should such principle be universally applied, one can rule the world under the heaven as easy as turning his palm. The Book of Poetry states, ‘To set up a good example for your wife at home, then to positively influence your brothers, then you can rule your country as harmoniously as your home.’ This statement reveals the possible merits initiated by one’s heart. Therefore, if you have a heart that expands and shares grace with both your family members and the people under heaven, you can unite the four seas at your disposal. If not, you cannot even secure your wife and children at home. The ancient saints were distinguished by their expansion of this human-hearted.”(Liang Hui Wang Shang, The Works of Meng Zi) Thus, the value nursed within the family should be consequently expanded to the country, society, and the universe. From the perspective of the country, the sacred principle is that leaders should love and care for their subordinate civilians as parents do for their children, while ordinary civilians should respect their leaders as children respect their parents.10 Furthermore, in the world, every being should follow the principle of treating others as parent and children, brothers and sisters, and countries as they would treat members of their own family, loving each other, respecting each other, and being friends to each other. Mencius (ca.372-289 B.C). Mencius advocated that those in power should govern with love and human-heartedness. He believed that humans, by nature, have love for their fellow beings, but this love must be widely inclusive to constitute a true rule with human-heartedness. According to Mencius, love and human-heartedness begin with close family and relatives but should ultimately spread to include all people under one’s rule. This is the path to achieving rule with humanheartedness. As Mencius states, “Extending love and human-heartedness can maintain the rule of the whole country; without them, even one’s wife and children cannot be protected. The reason ancient sages surpassed ordinary people was because they were able to expand the influence of their moral principles and conduct far and wide.” (The Works of Meng Zi)—translator’s note. 10 See Shan Chun, Major Aspects of Chinese Religion and Philosophy: Dao of Inner Saint and Outer King, Springer Heidelberg New York Dordrecht London, 2012, p.26—translator’s note.

11.2 Zi Si-Mencius’ Theory of Ideal Personality

449

This is simply known as the Chinese or Confucian Spirit of Extension of Loving Care (tui en jing shen), which includes all people and all things.

11.2 Zi Si-Mencius’ Theory of Ideal Personality In recent decades, the discovery of slip and silk materials unearthed, notably from the Han Tomb in Mawangdui (ma wang tui han mu) and the Chu Tomb in Guodian (guo dian chu mu), suports the existence of the “School of Si-Meng”. This School proposed theories such as “Four Elements” (sixing), “Five Cosmic Elements” (wuxing), and “Virtue and Sainthood” (de sheng), which highly exalted “Sainthood” and a Saintly personality, aligning with Confucius’ proposition. The original version of The Doctrine of the Mean is attributed to Zi Si, undisputed before the Song Dynasty and now recognized by many scholars. Given that The Doctrine of the Mean before The Works of Meng Zi emphasizes “sincerity” (“cheng”) as its central category and highest realm, what is the relationship between “sincerity” and “sainthood?”.

Wen Yuan Tu (partial) painted by Zhou Wenju of Five Dynasties11

In my opinion, as one of the fundamental Confucian concepts, the concept “Cheng” (sincerity or) means “sheng” (sainthood or sagelihood),12 and both belong to Tian Dao (the Way of Heaven). Being in touch with this cosmic dynamics (cheng) and following its drive is the ultimate concern for Confucian scholars. In the Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong) it is stated: “Cheng is the Dao of Heaven. Staying in harmony with this cosmic dynamics (cheng) from the beginning to the end is the Way 11

“Wen Yuan Tu,” or translated as “Literary Garden,” is a color painting on silk created by Zhou Wenju of the Five Dynasties and now stored in the Palace Museum in Beijing. “Wen Yuan Tu” depicts four literati chanting under a pine tree, and a boy leaning over a stone to grind ink. On the left, there are two men. One is looking back with an opened scroll of poems in his hands, while the other appears to be in a state of deep thought. On the right, there are also two men: One is contemplating with both hands on a lone pine trunk, and the other is lying on a stone, with one hand resting on his chin and the other hand stroking a scroll, wearing a contemplative expression.—translator’s note. 12 The translations of Cheng [誠] vary, to name a few: honesty, sincerity, authenticity, reality, etc. See Tu Weiming’s discussions (Tu, 71–73). Ames and Hall, on the other hand, translated it as “creativity” in the context of the Whiteheadian cosmology (Ames/Hall, pp. 32–33). Also cf. Yanming An’s discussion in his “The Idea of Cheng (Sincerity/Reality)” in The History of Chinese Philosophy, New York: Global Scholarly Publication, 2005. For more discussions about its translation, see Wen Haiming, “From Substance Language to Vocabularies of Process and Change: Translations of Key Philosophical Terms in the Zhong Yong.” Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy 3, no. 2 (June 2004): 217–233.—translator’s note.

450

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

of Human. The cosmic dynamics (cheng) is what humans attains without any effort and is what is actualized within humans without much intellectual endeavor. Ruling gracefully in line with this cosmic harmony is to exhibit sainthood. To attain cosmic dynamics is to dedicate oneself through perseverance.” (The Records of Rites)13 Cheng, as a cogent concept, might be “cosmic dynamics” (cheng), and serves as a channel between heaven and humans. “Cheng” represents the Dao of Heaven. Cheng is the Heaven-endowed nature of Saints. Saints are in ultimate cheng by nature (sheng ren cheng cheng), and their words and deeds are naturally in line with the “Tiandao” (“Dao of Heaven,” or “Tianli,” or Heaven Principle). Saints, without effort, comply with the Mean (zhongdao), and without intellectual endeavor, understand what they want to know, and effortlessly reach the Mean. As is said in The Doctrine of the Mean: “It is only the cosmic dynamics (cheng) in its full application that the world under the heaven could be ruled harmoniously, for it exclusively testifies the cosmic entity and evolutionary principles.” The sentence here quoted suggests that a person incarnated with the cosmic dynamics is able to establish the grand natural law, attain the cosmic virtue and understand evolutionary process. However, virtuous persons (xianren) and lofty-minded persons (junzi) are called “those who attain the cosmic dynamic state (state of being cheng) through learning” or as manifestations of the Heavenly Way (tiandao). They need to pursue it in their daily life, finding out what is good and holding fast to it. Therefore, in order to learn to be one’s true self (cheng), virtuous persons or lofty-minded persons need to make great efforts in desiring cheng so as to acquire a unity of knowledge and action, the cosmic entity and evolutionary principles, which is well stated in the Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong): “Learn broadly, examine closely, reflect carefully, discriminate clearly, and practice earnestly.” (The Doctrine of the Mean, Chap. 20) In The Doctrine of the Mean it is further stated: “To attain understanding from cheng (sincerity) is called nature, and to attain cheng (sincerity) from understanding is called acquisition or education. One who is in cheng has thereby understanding, and one who has understanding finds thereby his being in cheng.”(The Doctrine of the Mean, Chap. 21)14 Only one who is naturally truthful to oneself (or in his utmost cheng) is able to see the The original Chinese text reads: 《 “ 中庸》: ‘誠者,天之道也;誠之者,人之道也。誠者,不勉而中, 不思而得,從容中道,聖人也。誠之者,擇善而固執之者也。’” And here is provided another English version of the Chinese text: “Sincerity (cheng) is the Dao of Heaven, and cultivating sincerity within oneself is the Dao of Humanity. If one can achieve perfect sincerity effortlessly, without concern for its attainment, and walk in harmony with the Mean, the they are considered a Saint.”—translator’s note. 14 The cited original Chinese context reads: “自誠明,謂之性;自明誠,謂之教。 誠則明矣,明則誠 矣。唯天下至誠,為能盡其性。能盡其性,則能盡人之性。能盡人之性,則能盡物之性。能盡物之 性,則可以贊天地之化育。可以贊天地之化育,則可以與天地參矣。其次致曲。曲能有誠。誠則 形。形則著。著則明。明則動。動則變。變則化。唯天下至誠為能化。至誠之道,可以前知。國家將 興,必有禎祥;國家將亡,必有妖孽。見乎蓍龜,動乎四體。禍福將至,善,必先知之;不善,必先知之 。故至誠如神。” 《中庸》 ( 第21,22,23,24章) Below is an English translation by Professor A. Charles Muller: Chapter 21: “The enlightenment that comes from sincerity is our own nature. The sincerity that comes from enlightenment is called ‘education.’ If you are sincere you will be enlightened. If you are enlightened, you will be sincere.” 13

11.2 Zi Si-Mencius’ Theory of Ideal Personality

451

heaven-endowed nature, follow it, and then be heavenly endowed with the nature of a saint. Only one who is virtuously enlightened can achieve his utmost cheng, which is provided with cheng through acquired learning. Therefore, the former is called “heaven-endowed nature” and the latter is called “acquisition” or “education.” To arrive at understanding from being in utmost cheng is the truth of Heaven, while to be in utmost cheng from understanding is the humanly Way in practice. The Doctrine of the Mean demands that we remain in cheng all the time, because “the utmost cheng never stops,” meaning that the fulfillment of cheng (zhi cheng) is to be in cheng at all times. The Doctrine of the Mean follows by declaring: “Only one in the world who is in his utmost cheng is able to fulfill his own nature. Being able to fulfill his own nature, he is able to fulfill the natures of human beings. Being able to fulfill the nature of all humans, he is able to fulfill the natures of all things. Being able to fulfill the natures of all things, he is able to participate in the transformation and nurturing of heaven and earth. Being able to assist in Heaven and Earth’s transformation and growth, he is thus able to integrate himself with Heaven and Earth.”15 (The Doctrine of the Mean, Chap. 22) A saint who is in his utmost cheng can utterly fulfill his heaven-endowed nature, and utterly fulfill the nature of all humans, the nature of all things, and then assist Heaven and Earth in producing all things, whose place is juxtaposed with Heaven and Earth, forming a unity of three powers (tian, di, ren). On the other hand, a xianren needs to pursue the good attentively, starting with cheng, by doing things at hand, from one thing or a certain aspect, and slowly achieving Chapter 22: “Only the perfectly sincere person can actualize his own essence. Actualizing his own essence, he can fully actualize the essence of others. Fully actualizing the essence of others, he can fully actualize the essence of all things. Being able to fully actualize the essence of all things, he can assist Heaven and Earth in their transformation and sustenance. Able to assist in Heaven and Earth’s transformation and sustenance, he forms a trinity with Heaven and Earth.” Chapter 23: “Those of the next level straighten out their own twistedness. Being straightened they can possess sincerity. Having sincerity, they can give form to their character. Their character having form, their sincerity becomes manifest. Being manifest it is luminous, being luminous it can function. Functioning, it changes; changing, it transforms. Only the most fully actualized sincerity is able to transform people and things.” Chapter 24: “Once you are in the Path of fully actualized sincerity, you have foreknowledge of things. When a nation or clan is about to rise up, there are always omens of their fortune. When a nation or clan is about to fall, there are always omens of their misfortune. It can be seen in the milfoil stalks, tortoise shells and in the movements of the body. When good or evil fortune is imminent, the perfectly sincere person will know without obstruction. With fully actualized sincerity, you are like a god.” Please refer to the URL of this page: http://www.acmuller.net/con-dao/docofmean.html. —translator’s note. 15 The cited original Chinese text reads: “唯天下至誠為能盡其性。 能盡其性,則能盡人之性。能 盡人之性,則能盡物之性。能盡物之性,則可以贊天地之化育。可以贊天地之化育,則可以與天 地參矣。” (Zhong Yong, Chap. 22) Shan Chun’s translated version is like this: “It is the perfect cosmic dynamics that can embrace universal nature; it is the universal nature that can embrace human nature; it is the human nature that can penetrate into the nature of substance; if he can penetrate into the nature of substance to its utmost, human just gets himself involved in the cosmological evolution; if he commits himself to cosmological evolution, human is thus integrating himself with Heaven and Earth in their evolutionary process.” See Shan Chun, Major Aspects of Chinese Religion and Philosophy: Dao of Inner Saint and Outer King, Springer Heidelberg New York Dordrecht London, 2012, p.309—translator’s note.

452

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

being in cheng. A xianren, through his effort in self-cultivation, is able to attain the utmost cheng in his heart, and his physique, his looks, and his conduct are all in line with the standard of cheng. He is able to affect and change all humans and transform the good into customs. From a practical point of view, a xianren can achieve the utmost cheng or arrive at his greatest sincerity from understanding, specifically through a step-by-step accumulation of acquired learning and self-cultivation. This process involves moving from part to whole, from the fulfillment of the Dao of Human to the fulfillment of the Dao of Heaven, ultimately leading to the improvement of the whole environment in which he is involved. As declared in The Doctrine of the Mean: “A gentleperson is highly appreciated for his accomplishing the cosmic dynamics (cheng),” and “The way to manifest the cosmological subtlety is to be incarnated with it through human involvement”. It can seen that only when a gentleperson’s or a virtuous person’s efforts in pursuit of cheng achieve a certain level is he able to reach the saint’s utmost state of cheng realm. In The Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong) it is said: “Cheng, or the natural dynamics, is destined by heaven’s mandates, and following this natural dynamics is the right way for each person to live. Being in cheng, or sincerity, is ceaseless for all things in the world. Without cheng, or sincerity, there would be nothing. Therefore, a gentleperson should fulfill cheng to its ultimate. However, remaining in cheng is not an isolated process, and one who is in cheng propels the fulfillment of all things. Fulfilling the completion of the self attains the virtue of human-heartedness. Fulfilling the completion of all things in the world attains his wisdom. In conclusion, human-heartedness and wisdom are manifestations of cheng, which unifies nature and humanity, as well as the Way that unifies the external and internal. Therefore, with cheng, everything done is right.” (The Doctrine of the Mean, Chap. 25) Here, “cheng” is the immanence of the cosmic morality and the potential of personality cultivation. “Dao” refers to an ever-improving process of self-cultivation and practice, through which human attains his utmost cheng. “Cheng” is also the foundation of all things, which runs through the whole evolution of all things. A gentleperson regards “cheng” or “being in cheng” as a treasure. One who is in his utmost cheng should not only achieve his self-completion but also achieve the completion of others and all things. Achieving his own personality is the requirement of the inner “humanheartedness.” Achieving others’ personality and allowing other things to act on the heaven-endowed nature is the inner requirement of “wisdom.” The internal “sainthood,” “cheng,” “human-heartedness,” and “wisdom” all have the requirement for outward extension. Therefore, the achievement of self-completion is in line with the achievement of completion of all humans and all things. Only when you achieve others can you finally achieve yourself. Or, only in the process of fulfilling others can you ultimately achieve yourself. This is the Confucian Doctrine of cheng (sincerity) and shu (forgiveness). In other words, the concept of “cheng” in The Doctrine of the Mean contains the principles of ren-ai (human-heartedness and love) and zhong-shu (loyalty and tolerance). Furthermore, “cheng” in The Doctrine of the Mean refers to the ultimate state of unity of Heaven and Humanity, as well as the inside and the outside. It consists of two outward expressions: on one side, cheng moves upward towards the mysterious realm of the inner spirit connected to the Dao of Heaven, as

11.2 Zi Si-Mencius’ Theory of Ideal Personality

453

expressed in “One who stays in utmost cheng is like a deity” (zhi cheng ru shen). On the other side, cheng also implies a human who is in utmost cheng should move downward to show concern for all people and all things, as demonstrated by the concepts of “completing all things” and “actualizing the heaven-endowed nature,” “establishing oneself” in the process of “establishing others,” “achieving oneself” in the process of “achieving others,” “actualizing the nature of oneself” in the process of “actualizing the nature of others and all things,” “achieving bright virtue” and “renovating all people,” “achieving inner sagelihood through cultivation of oneself,” and “outer kingliness through benetting society and others.” These concepts all constitute two sides of one thing and are in line with Confucius’ theory of personality realm. Mencius’ theory of personality realm also centers on “Sainthood” as the supreme of “cheng.” According to Yang Bojun’s work Intepretation and Commentaries of Mencius (meng zi yi zhu), the word “聖” (sheng) appeared 47 times and the word “誠” (cheng) appears 22 times in The Works of Meng Zi. Mencius further developed Confucius’ ideology and promoted Confucius’ Doctrine of “Human-heartedness” (renxue) by combining “human-heartedness” with “righteousness,” and proposing the theory of internal human-heartedness and righteousness (ren yi nei zai shuo). He particularly emphasized the interconnection and unification between Tian Dao (heavenly way) and Ren Dao (humaneness). With regard to the categories of “Sainthood” and “divinity” Mencius said, “Wherever a Confucian gentleperson goes, he has the power to transform all people morally. Wherever he stays, the spirit he promotes is preserved. And he flows up and down with Heaven and Earth. Does he add but a small benefit?” (“Full development of Mind (A)” of The Works of Meng Zi, Chap. 13) Mencius praises a gentleperson to the height of a Saint, thinking that wherever a Saint-King passes, people are influenced by his spirituality, and wherever he stays, his spiritual impact is profound and mysterious, working in harmony with Heaven and Earth, and thus adding a significant benefit to the world. Mencius evaluated four types of persons across three levels: first, those who serve and please the king (such persons are despised by Mencius); second, those who stabilize the country and are content with it; third, those who are called “Tianmin” or “the people of Heaven;” and fourth, those who are called “Daren” or “Great Person.”16 Mncius said: “‘Tianmin’ (or “the people of Heaven”) is a person who conforms to Heavenly Principle and actualizes it in the world, while ‘Daren’ is a person who rectifies himself and also rectifies all things in the world accordingly.”(“Jin Xin Shang” of The Works of Meng Zi) Here “Tianmin” and “Daren” refer to “Saints.” When their 16

The master Confucian scholar Wang Yangming, during the Ming Dynasty, explained this correlation between The Great Learning and being a great person: “The Great Learning is the scholarship for becoming great person designed by ancient Confucian scholars. If I were to tell you the meaning of reflecting on cosmic dynamics, I would confess that a great person is one who regards everything between heaven and earth as a unity, where all people under the heaven belong to the same family and the whole China is the embodiment of a person. If someone eventually makes any difference between natural beings, between countries, or between diversified Chinese, then they are is a person of small-caliber.” See Shan Chun, Major Aspects of Chinese Religion and Philosophy: Dao of Inner Saint and Outer King, Springer Heidelberg New York Dordrecht London, 2012, p. 288.—translator’s note.

454

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

“Way” prevails broadly in the world, they follow it firmly and strive to practice it. When they have had themselves rectified, all people and all things are also rectified accordingly.” Mencius said again: “What is worth pursuing is called goodness, that one has goodness in himself is called truthfulness, that he is wholly filled with goodness is called beauty, that he is full of goodness and sheds light on all people and all things is called greatness, that he is great and cultures all people and all things of the world is called Sainthood, and that he is sagely and unfathomable is called divinity.” (“Jin Xin Xia” of The Works of Meng Zi) Mencius is affirmative of six personalities: goodness, truthfulness, beauty, greatness, sainthood, and divinity. “Sainthood” has a brilliant manifestation and can transform millions of humans spiritually. “Divinity” refers to the wondrous and mystic state that a Saint is able to reach. Mencius affirms different characteristics possessed by Saints, saying, “Bo Yi’s attainment to the state of a Saint is manifested in his integrity; Yi Yin’s attainment to the state of a Saint is manifested in his responsibility; Liu Xia-hui’s attainment to the state of a Saint is manifested in his harmony of mind; Confucius’ attainment to the state of a Saint is manifested in his advancement with the times.” (The Works of Meng Zi, Chap. 10) Confucius is a great master in possession of all qualities mentioned above. Confucians are known as “a perosn dancing together with timed,” who not only keeps pace with the times and keeps forging ahead, but also has firm political principles: “Serving in office when it is proper to serve, stopping when it is proper to stop; continuing when it is proper to continue, and withdrawing when it is proper to withdraw—this is the way of Confucius. They were all saints of antiquity. I have not been able to do what they did, but the one I aspire to learn from is Confucius.” (The Works of Meng Zi, Chap. 3). In line with Zi Si’s thought that “One who stays in utmost cheng is like a deity,” Mencius also highlighted “sincerity’s mystery and ultimacy. He said: “Cheng (sincerity) represents the Dao of Heaven; the manifestation of cheng in one’s mind (sicheng) is the Way of Human.” (The Works of Meng Zi: Chap. 7) As pointed out by Mr. Meng Peiyuan, “cheng” is the spiritual state that is unified with the Dao of Heaven. “Sicheng” is not the thinking that takes the Dao of Heaven as an object, but rather returns to the thinker himself, enabling the moral rationality endowed by “Tian” (Dao of Heaven) to be consciously presented or realized.17 Moreover, Mencius also insisted on the Principle of reconciling or unifying the opposite twos (liang xing),18 that is, the co-existence and integration between Dao (Way) and Qi 17

See Meng Peiyuan, Spiritual Transcendence and Realm, People’s Publishing House, 1998, p. 153. It should be noted that I think Mr. Meng’s understanding here is accurate. However, his works separates the Confucian realms of benevolence, sincerity, music, and nature-human harmony, which seems inappropriate. According to my personal understanding, these realms ultimately converge into one realm, that is, the realm of “Sainthood” or “Sagelihood.”. 18 “Liang xing” literally means to follow two courses or two lines. It is a term used in the 2nd chapter of The Works of Zhuang Zi, which reads, “The saints harmonize the systems of right and wrong and rest in the evolution of heaven. This is called following two courses at once.” Zhuang Zi used the term “two lines” to refer to maintaining the natural balance of things without clinging to the debate of right and wrong, and allowing things to follow their own spontaneity.—translator’s note.

11.2 Zi Si-Mencius’ Theory of Ideal Personality

455

(Vehiche), Heaven and Humanity, the inside and the outside, things and humans, sincerity and enlightenment, etc. Mencius emphasized “Jian Xing” (meaning that one’s innate quality can be cultivated and manifested or witnessed in one’s appearance]), saying: “Human’s physical form and shape belong to the nature endowed by Heaven. Only a saint is able to follow his physical form,” (The Works of Meng Zi, Chap. 13) which refers to the harmonous unity of human’s physical appearance and inner soul. In “Lord Mu of Lu Asked Zi Si” contained in the Chu Bamboo Slips at Guodian (guo dian chu jian), it is recorded that Lord Mu of Lu asked, “How can one be called a loyal minister?” Zi Si replied, “One who often points out his king’s faults is called a loyal minister.” Apparently, Mencius inherited Zi Si’s critical spirit and initiated a tradition of protest by liberal intellectuals in China, pointing out that “When speaking to a high-ranking person, despise him and disregard his prominence and power;” (“Jin Xin Xia” of The Works of Meng Zi, Chap. 14), and “I’ve only heard of killing a brutal person named Zhou, but I have never heard of killing a king.”(“Liang Hui Wang Xia” of The Works of Meng Zi,, Chap. 1) Mencius claimed such personality spirits such as “resisting position with virtue,” “persons with heaven titles (tianjue) and persons with human titles (renjue),”19 “nourishing my vast, flowing qi” (hao ran zhi qi), “spiritually and willingly standing up for what is right,” “being a great husband”(dazhangfu), “who else but I can do it,” and “giving up one’s life to uphold righteousness.” He also presented arguments on society, economy, politics, and education, such as “The foundation of a state is the people, next come the ruler,” “A ruler must provide necessary means for his people to maintain their daily lives,” “A visionary ruler must give top priority to the interests of all people” and “deliver them good education,” all of which have strong reality and practicality and relevance to society. (Mencius, Chap. 3). Some critics often argue that Mencius turned the Confucian spirit inward and criticize his Theory of Heart-Nature, social ideals and personality cultivation theory for being detached from social reality. However, these criticisms, in my opinion, are highly problematic. To be sure, the personality realm theory of Confucius-Mencius Confucianism is by no means an empty one. On the one hand, it is indeed characterized by its sacredness and transcendence, but on the other hand, it is not divorced from the life world of social and political affairs, the Way of instructions, and daily ethics. Therefore, it has strong participation and practicality. 19

What is even more dignified in the universe, as Mencius believes, is the “Heavenly Title,” which endows ordinary people as “Heavenly People” (tianmin), while the most powerful kings or monarchs are comparatively designated as “Sons of Heaven.” “Heavenly People,” cosmologically evaluated, are superior to “Sons of Heaven.” He explained, “People are the most valuable in the world, country comes second, and monarch the last. Therefore, it is the people that grants the monarch his throne, it is the monarch that grants dukes their ranks, and it is the duke that grants his ministers their positions.” Without the people or “Heavenly People,” the monarch or the “Son of Heaven” is nobody but “a solitary public thief (dufu minzei).” Generally speaking, Chinese emperors or powerful individuals were not pleased with Confucian scholars who were committed to being “Saint Teachers to Emperors” (xianzhe wei diwangshi) and “Saint Scholars Not To Be Summoned” (bu zhao zhi chen). See Shan Chun, Major Aspects of Chinese Religion and Philosophy: Dao of Inner Saint and Outer King, Springer Heidelberg New York Dordrecht London, 2012, p.145.—translator’s note.

456

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

11.3 Confucius-Mencius’ Idea of Personality Realm and Development of Song-Ming Confucianism The personality realm theory of Confucius-Mencius Confucianism encompasses two main points: its ultimate supremacy, which is the “saintly” realm linked with Heavenly Way, and its utility in state governance, which is its “worldly” reality linked with Humanly Way. The former represents the highest ideal, while the latter is the actualization of the ideal. The two are closely communicated and inseparable. Some critics only focus on the Confucianism’s secular ethical side but fail to recognize its transcendent nature. On the other hand, some critics only see its sublime ideal side but fail to recognize its universality and practicality. The key issue is to understand the close connection and broad penetration between the Heavenly Way and the Humanly Way, as well as the holy and mundane of Confucianism. This understanding constitutes the personality ideal and behavior patterns of traditional intellectuals.

Ink-Bamboo by Zheng Xie of Qing Dynasty20

Compared to Confucius, the School of Si-Meng or the Heart Sect (xinxue) puts more emphasis on the immanence of morality. This does not weaken the extensive social practicality of Confucius’ Doctrine, but rather strengthens his Doctrine of Inner Saint and Outer King. Such kind of “turning inward” or “introspection” particularly connects the Way of Heaven and the divinity with human virtue, and connects saints with ordinary people. As a result, a gentleperson’s political act, social activities, teaching ethics, and moral courage are fundamentally supported by the transcendental rationalities such as the Mandates of Heaven and the Way of Heaven. This introverted pursuit integrates the Heaven’s will into human’s inner heart 20

Zheng Xie (1693–1765), styled Banqiao, a native of Xinghua, Jiangsu, was a calligrapher, painter, and writer of the Qing Dynasty. His “Ink Bamboo Picture”(mozhutu)is 127.5 cm high and 65 cm wide, and is characterized by refined and unrestrained in brushwork, calm in atmosphere, and an elegant appearance. Academics believe that Zheng Xie’s paintings reflect the introverted pursuit of traditional Chinese intellectuals to sight the spirit in the smallest details, that is, the belief that the spirit of personality lies in each person’s understanding and self-cultivation.—translator’s note.

11.3 Confucius-Mencius’ Idea of Personality Realm and Development …

457

and nature, which undoubtedly enhances the Confucians’ consciousness of responsibility commitment. This strong consciousness of responsibility commitment also comes from Confucius. He is quoted as saying: “If the Way proceeds, it is a matter of fate. And if the Way fails, it too is fate. How can Gongbo Liao change what is fated?” (Analects, Chap. 14: 38) When Confucius was besieged in the State Kuang, he said: “King Wen passed away, the holy mission of Heaven has been shifted on me. If Heaven were to destroy this culture (Zhou’s rituals), then I will not master this culture (Zhou’s rituals). If Heaven were not to destroy this culture (Zhou’s rituals), what can the people of State Kuang do to me?” (Analects, IX, 5.) Confucius demonstrated his commitment to cultural heritage and the Heavenly Way, thus encouraging his disciples to build up their self-confidence and courage. Likewise, Mencius internalized this awareness of self-commitment into a form of courage or valor,21 which is well stated in his sayings: “Who else but I can do it?” and “When failing to succeed in one’s aspiration, one should follow the Way alone.” And he asked people to nourish this courage with flowing qi (material force), which is “supremely great and supremely strong,” so that it pervades all between Heaven and Earth. Mencius put forward the theory of mutual complementation of righteousness and the Way, ambition and flowing qi, which makes his theory of “turning inward” set off by “qi”. Until the Rationalist Scholarship of Song and Ming Dynasties, Zhang Hengqu (1020–1077), one of the most influential Confucian scholars, put forward his much cited “FourSentence Motto” (sijujiao): “To testify a cosmic heart between Heaven and Earth, to vindicate the heaven’s mandate for all human beings, to accomplish the scholarship of ancient Saints and to bring about universal harmony for future generations.”22 Some westernized individuals perceive this as meaningless arrogance and conceit of traditional intellectuals because they fail to understand that under the long-term infiltration of Confucian Learning, in the mind of Confucian traditional scholars, the Confucian divinity and its objectified Heavenly Way have been integrated with individual personality, even their mind, body, spirit, ambition, form, appearance, nature, and emotion. In a certain sense, traditional Chinese ideology holds all humans and all things have a certain kind of divinity, which is distinct from the Western tradition. 21

Mencius once described “养浩然之氣” (yang hao ran zhi qi or cosmic substance) in his dialogue with Gong Sunchou. “Gong Sunchou asked, ‘May I ask what noble spirit it is?’ Mencius replied, ‘It is something hard to describe. As a vital force (qi), it is supremely great and supremely strong. Cultivate it with rectitude and keep it unharmed, and it will pervade between Heaven and Earth. Being a vital force, noble spirit becomes powerful with the accompaniment of righteousness and the Way. Without righteousness and the Way, noble spirit will be weak and frail.” [“敢問何謂浩 然之氣?” 曰: “難言也。其為氣也,至大至剛,以直養而無害,則塞於天地之間。其為氣也,配義與 道。無是,餒也。”] (“Gong Sunchou (1)” in The Works of Meng Zi)—translator’s note. 22 “The Four-Sentence Motto of Hengqu” (heng qu si jiao), which has been the catchphrase of the Integration between Chinese intellectuals and Chinese Humanistic Cosmology, has been universally accepted since the Song Dynasty. See “A Study of Hengqu” from Studies of Song and Yuan Dynasties (song yuan xue an. Heng qu xue an). According to Quotations of Master Zhang (zhangzi yulu), an alternative translation of the motto is “To establish the will for Heaven and Earth, to establish the Way for all people, to continue lost teachings of past sages, and to open up peace for all generations” (為天地立志,為生民立道,為去聖繼絕學,為萬世開太平). See Collection of Zhang Zai’s Works (zhangzai ji), Beijing City, Zhonghua Book Company, 1978, p. 320.—translator’s note.

458

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

This belief shapes the spiritual source of traditional scholars who regarded the pursuit of the Way of Heaven as their mission, laid down their life for justice, and pleaded for the well-being of the people, which also demonstrated that Confucius-Mencius’ theory of personality realm had its religious connotation. Therefore, the theory of the realm of personality espoused by Confucius and Mencius not only provides individual behaviors of gentlepersons with metaphysical justifications of the Mandate of Heaven and the Way of Heaven, but also imbues them with an internal power and impetus. Due to the disparity between the realistic society and the ideal society, as well as the tension between the realistic person and the ideal personality, the Confucian scholars focused their attention on the state affairs and the people’s interests, with the aim of rectifying society and improving the quality of social life. The attainment of Confucians’ ideal personality is never realized outside of the statecraft and the ordinary people’s livelihood. In fact, on many occasions, traditional scholars have actualized their personality ideals in great practices that benefit both society and the people, with Zhu Xi and Wang Yangming being notable examples. The Philosophy of Zhu Zi (zhuzixue) and the Philosophy of Yangming (yangmingxue) have played a prominent role in the modernization movement in modern East Asia, demonstrating that Confucius-Mencius Confucianism, particularly the teachings of Confucius and Mencius and their theory of personality realm still possess strong vitality. The ideal realm theory of Song and Ming Rationalist Scholarship (lixue or Chen Zhu Rationalist Scholarship) is very rich in connotations.23 To a certain extent, the personality realm theory of Song and Ming Neo-Confucianism shaped the cultural temperament of modern Chinese people, reflecting the philosophical wisdom of insightful people in the late period of ancient Chinese society, profoundly influencing the development of Chinese society and the trajectory of civilization, and raising personality and spiritual issues that we modern Chinese still face today. Zhang Zai once articulated his ideal life and realm of human life in a work titled “Xi Ming” or “Western Inscription”: Heaven (Qian) and Earth (Kun) are described as father and mother (of all humans and all things). All humans and all things are brought into existence by Heaven and Earth. What fills Heaven and Earth is my body; and what governs Heaven and Earth is the universal nature. Thus all human beings are of the same blood and flesh, and all natural beings are of the equal capacity and entity (min wu tong bao, wu wu yu ye). The Sons of Heaven (tianzi) 23

“Cheng Zhu Rationalist Scholarship” (chengzhu lixue), was the updated Confucian “Humaneness Scholarship” (renxue) by inheriting its rationalist tradition and being overhauled in the process of “Neo-Daoist Conceptualization” (bianming xili) as well as Buddhist epistemological prajna. “Intuitional Scholarship,” more frequently added with suffix Wang Yangming in the Ming Dynasty as “Lu Wang Intuitional Scholarship” (luwang xinxue) or simply as “Heart-Nature Scholarship,” invigorated “heart-nature” doctrine initiated by Mencius in the Pre-Qin Period or Period Before the Qin Dynasty (221–206 B.C.) and cherished the independence and subjectivity in “Buddha Nature in Enlightenment” (foxing benjue) and “Diamond Quality in Determination” (gangmeng jingjin), and this Confucian branch has been widely admired as the mainstay advocating personal integrity, mental emancipation, and social revolution. See Shan Chun, Major Aspects of Chinese Religion and Philosophy: Dao of Inner Saint and Outer King, Springer Heidelberg New York Dordrecht London, 2012, p.13.—translator’s note.

11.3 Confucius-Mencius’ Idea of Personality Realm and Development …

459

is the eldest son of my parents or Qian and Kun, while the minister is the steward of the eldest son. To respect the high-aged people is to honor the elderly among my compatriots, and to care for the lonely and the weak is to protect the young and the weak among my compatriots. ... Wealth, nobility, happiness, and emoluments are endowed on me by Qian and Kun, who are my Father and Mother, to enrich and ennoble my life. Poverty, humbleness, anxiety, and sadness are tests used by Qian and Kun to help me achieve my career. In life, I follow and serve [the Universal Parents], and when death comes, I rest. (Zhang Zai: “Western Inscription” or “Ximing”)24

Zhang Zai’s essay titled “Xi Ming” or “Western Inscription” is regarded as “reasoning to preserve righteousness, probing into what former sages have not yet expounded.” (Complete Works of the Two Chengs, Vol. 5 or erchengji. yichuanwenji, juan 5). This essay embodies the humanistic purpose of Confucian Learning in a concentrated manner, including Confucian Doctrines of heaven and human, nature, and mandate, as well as principles of loyalty, filial piety, human-heartedness, and righteousness. Judging from the content of “Xi Ming” or “Western Inscription,” Zhang Zai has indeed comprehensively expressed the Confucian ideal of human life quite completely, integrating the Learning of the Yi (yixue) and the Learning of the Yong (yongxue) within Confucian Learning. He considers the “Nature of Heaven and Earth” as the supreme good human nature and “regards thoroughly investigating mysteries and changes of all things as the premise of promoting this supreme good human nature.” Meanwhile, he utilized the ideas of “All human beings of the same blood and flesh, and all natural beings of the equal capacity and entity” and “Integration between Heaven and Human” to demonstrate his ideals and feelings of “respecting high-aged people,” “caring for the lonely and the weak,” and “extending love of one’s kinship to that of others and extending achievement of self to that of others.” Zhang Zai advocated that humans should actualize Confucian ethical thought in their lives, and disregarding ups and downs of life, and in the limited life, through moral self-discipline and practice in person, go beyond oneself and seek the meaning and value of life. From the perspective of development of Confucian Learning, Zhang Zai’s “Xi Ming” elevated Confucian realm metaphysics to a very high stage. In terms of personal spiritual realm or the philosophy of human life, what the Two Chengs (Cheng Yi and Cheng Hao) pursued through an “investigation of things and exhaustive study of their principles is a harmonious state and a sagely vision,” namely “to rejoice in Heaven and know ming (know Mandates of Heaven).” Clearly, Cheng Yi focused on rational pursuit and contentment, while Cheng Hao focused on the experience of the benevolent state of “oneness with all things.” Cheng Hao said: “The learner needs first to comprehend human-heartedness. The person of human-heartedness is undifferentially one with all things.”(Literary Remains of the Two Chengs, V.24). The advent of Mandate of Heaven, such as life and death, survival and downfall, longevity and short life, wealth and poverty, are inevitable aspects of human life. Therefore, it is imperative for individuals to understand their own hearts and 24

Zhang Zai, Zheng Meng or Corrected Discipline for Beginners (zheng meng, qian cheng), Chap. 17.

460

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

comprehend the Li or Heavenly Principle (tianli), rejoicing in Heaven and acknowledging their mandates. Only by adopting this attitude can we achieve the liberation and sublimation of our souls. Consequently, when confronted with impending crises, we must “settle down our life with pursuit of righteousness,” even sacrificing our life for righteousness, and actively embrace our impending fate. “A lofty-minded person settles down his life with pursuit of righteousness, while a narrow-minded person settles down his life with pursuit of personal gains.” (Er-Cheng Wai-shu or External Collection of Sayings of the Two Chengs, V. 23). A gentleperson settles down his life depending on morality and righteousness and following the coming of the heavenly mandate bravely, while a petty person settles down his life depending on personal gains and escapes from what should be done morally and justly on the pretext of having no alternative. A petty person destroys the Way and abolishes righteousness, and does things that harms Tiandao and Tianli. In view of this, the Two Brother Chengs followed Mencius’ idea and explained that ming (destiny decreed by Heaven) has a distinction between “zhengming” (natural destiny) and “feiming” (unnatural destiny). Humans who follow the way of Heaven and die naturally is considered to have “right or natural destiny,” while humans who “die unnatural” or “suffer from unnatural death” is considered to have an “non-destiny.” As Mencius said, “Everything is endowed with a destiny, but one should comply with and accept only what is right destiny for oneself. Therefore, one who knows his destiny does not stand under a dangerous wall. To die in the course of achieving the Way is a right destiny, while dying in manacles and fetters is not a right destiny.” (The Works of Meng Zi, Chap. 7) “Right destiny” and “non-destiny” are both destiny. Because non-destiny harms righteousness, a gentleperson does not call it destiny, but non-destiny. In such a distinction, we can see what a gentleperson likes and stands for. It is just in the process of “settling down his life or destiny with pursuit of righteousness” that a gentleperson achieves harmony and happiness of his soul. Cheng Hao said, “‘Complain not against God, nor rail against humans,’ and it should be so.” (Supplementary Books of the Two Chengs, Volume 2) Cheng Yi (1033–1107 A.D.), the younger of the Cheng Brothers, said, “Even though stricken in poverty and hardship, I settle down my destiny happily in pursuit of righteousness and feel joyful in my own way.” (Explanations of the Classics by Yichuan, Volume 4). Gentlepersons dissolve their worries and grievances of tianren or Heavenly people by following the universal principle and righteousness. Even in poverty and suffering, he still rejoices in Heaven, without anxiety, without anxiety at all. However, according to Cheng Yi, this is a kind of realm of sublimation (huajing) that one attains, in which human is oneness with all things in the universe. Such is a rational happiness just as Cheng Hao said: “I myself is the measure, the measure is I,” and “principle and I myself are oneness.” (Er Cheng Yi-shu or the Literary Remains of the Two Chengs, juan 15) Cheng Yi said: “Living in the world, seeing nothing suspicious, how happy I feel!” (Er Cheng Yi-shu or the Literary Remains of the Two Chengs, juan 18) For Cheng Yi, what a great joy it is for him to investigate things to exhaust their principles so as to have “nothing suspicious!” He said again: “Since ‘I rejoice in Heaven and have knowledge of its mandate, what should I be worried about? Since I exhaust the Heavenly Principle and fully develop my own

11.3 Confucius-Mencius’ Idea of Personality Realm and Development …

461

nature, what should I be suspicious of?’ What a great saying!” (Literary Remains of the Two Chengs, juan 19) Only rational happiness is the highest happiness. To boil it down, rational happiness, in fact, is still a kind of spiritual or moral happiness, which is the Moral Happiness of Kong-Yan (kong yan zhi le), and is also the sudden enlightenment of human’s original heart. This viewpoint is somewhat in accord with his elder brother Cheng Hao, as Cheng Yi achieves the happiness of benevolent heart through rational cognition. This is because he deeply knows that it is the heartnature of human-heartedness and righteousness that “distinguishes a gentleperson from beasts.” (Literary Remains of the Two Chengs, V.25) Yan Hui does not delight in the Way alone, but “remains happy in his own way” or “remains what it is that does constitute his happiness.” Cheng Yi even thinks that “Yan Zi delights in nothing else but human-heartedness alone (i.e., Moral Happiness).” (Supplementary Books of the Two Chengs, Volume1) All in all, the foundation of Confucianism ultimately boils down to the Substance (ti) and Function (yong) of human-heartedness.25 In his discussion of human-heartedness, Cheng Hao asserted that people who could understand this integral virtue of human-heartedness are capable of forming one body with all things and actively participate in the operations of the universe. He argues that Heaven, Earth, all things, and the selves constitute a single body, without any differences at the bottom. In the article titled “An Insight into Benevolence” (shiren), he said, “The learner needs first to comprehend human-heartedness. The human of human-heartedness is undifferentially oneness with all things.”(Er Cheng Yi-shu or the Literary Remains of the Two Chengs, V.24) He also said, “The benevolent takes Heaven and Earth as being one with himself. To him there is nothing that is not himself.” (Literary Remains of the Two Chengs, juan 2A) According to him, metaphysically there is an inner connection between all things. Heaven, Earth, and all things constitute a wholly big “I,” and such an “I” is not only grand and broad, but also has the inclusive ethos of equality and uniform. He said, “Let’s put this ‘I’ among all things and see it as oneness with all things. All things are complete within me and it is a source of great joy.”(Literary Remains of the Two Chengs, juan 2A) Being placed in vast and boundless universe with magnificent splendor, equality, and harmony, all things, no matter how large and small, or as large as mountains or seas, or as small as dust, are all unified by one cosmological principle, which, through this far-sighted and equal spiritual experience, arouse the great joy. In such an open mind to all things, “A gentleperson is open and poised, broad-minded, and fit-bodied.” (Er Cheng Yi-shu or the Literary Remains of the Two Chengs, juan 11) How can there be a shred of worry and care to bind one’s heart and body? The heartmind that achieves “oneness with all things” is the heartmind of human-heartedness, possessing immense power to transcend the mundane world, to Ti 體 and Yong用are translated as substance and function, or foundation and application, which is a couple of Chinese philosophical categories fully developed and used after the Han Dynasty. Ti and Yong can be understood in three different ways: (1) a physical thing and its functions or roles; (2) the ontological existence of a thing and its expression and application; and (3) the fundamental code of conduct, and its observance. In any Ti–Yong relationship, Ti provides the basis on which Yong depends.—translator’s note. 25

462

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

cherish all things in Heaven and Earth, and to embody a lofty spirit of utmost greatness, strength, and uprightness. This spirit pervades throughout Heaven and Earth, and all external fame and reputation pale in comparison to it. What could be more liberating than setting the original heartmind and true self as the ultimate values of life, and rejoicing in a spirit that remains unmoved by any external desires? According to Cheng Hao and other Neo-Confucianists, there is a fundamental tendency toward life inherent in all things, and this tendency constitutes the Ren of Heaven and Earth. Cheng Hao once expressed his comprehension of this Happiness in a poem, highlighting the unique ethical values bestowed upon human life by rationality: In these late years there is nothing that occupies my mind, I feel easy and self-content; Each morning through my window shines the sun, As I awake. All things follow their course in true content, As I calmly observe; The beauty of four seasons through the year, I enjoy with others Beyond Heaven and Earth and all that has shape, The Tao is there; The winds and clouds about me shift and change, My thought is dancing there. By riches and high estate, I am not to be polluted; Neither poverty nor low rank can affect my happiness. A man like this is a true hero.26 (A Thought on Autumn Days, The Anthology of The Two Chengs, Volume 3). A true person or a saint hero is able to comprehend the truth of benevolence, fully develop his nature, achieve his oneness with all things, unify heavenly principle and self into oneness, and forget each other in the Heavenly Principle. That is to say, these who are morally true heroes cannot be conquered by riches and high estate, poverty and humbleness, and they can stand alone, and let their hearts filled and flown with spiritual or moral happiness. Such is what is known as the visionary ethos of a saintly man and the Happiness of Kong-Yan, which is also what Confucius means by saying, “I agree with Zeng dian.”27 “Happiness of Kong-Yan” embodies an inner joy derived from transcending material desires and from profoundly comprehending and pursuing the Heavenly Way and ethical principles. Confucius-Yan Hui’s joy is 26

This poem’s English version by Mr. Feng Youlan is adopted here, with some changes made. See Feng Youlan, A Short History of Chinese Philosophy, ed. By Derk Bodde, The MacMillan Publishing Company, New York, U.S, 1960, p. 292.—translator’s note. 27 The original text comes from Chap. 11 of The Analects, which reads: “點曰: ‘莫春者,春服既成, 冠者五六人,童子六七人,浴乎沂,風乎舞雩,詠而歸。’ 夫子喟然歎曰: ‘吾與點也!’” (“Dian said, ‘At the height of spring, all put on spring clothes, I’d like to go with five or six young men who have been capped, and six or seven youngsters to go for a swim in the Yi river, enjoying the breeze on the Wu Yu Tai (Rain-Pray Platform), and make our way back home, singing.’ Confucius said joyfully, ‘Ah, lovely. I am with you, Dian.’”)—translator’s note.

11.3 Confucius-Mencius’ Idea of Personality Realm and Development …

463

a mental outlook admired and advocated by traditional Chinese scholars, especially by Song and Ming Neo-Confucianists. Zhu Xi’s comment on “Happiness of KongYan” reads: “The learning of Zeng Dian would seem to have attained to the complete elimination of selfish desires, and to the Heavenly Laws in their pervasiveness, which are to be found everywhere without the slightest deficiency. This is why, both in activity and at rest, he was so simple and at ease. Speaking about his intention, he simply based himself on his existing station [in society and the universe] and enjoyed the ordinary state of affairs. He did not have the slightest idea of living according to [the views of] others, but lived according to himself. His mind was so vast that it lay in a single stream with Heaven and Earth, in which all things enjoy themselves…. That is why Confucius deeply approved of him [Zeng Dian].” (Zhu Xi, Collected Comments on the Analects, Vol.6) (Feng You-lan, pp. 290–291). Tianli, or the Heavenly Principle, is generally recognized as the Substance of “Song-Ming Rationalist Scholarship” (song-ming lixue). However, because Tianli, or the Heavenly Principle, has the property of being “unable to enlarge a person,”28 (Analects, 15:29) so the Two Chengs (Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi) took “Nature Is Li (or Principle)” as the logical starting point of their theory when they carefully comprehended Tianli. After the Two Chengs, Lu Jiuyuan (1139—1193), a distinguished philosopher of Song Dynasty (A.D. 960–1279), proposed the important proposition that “Heart Is Li (or Principle).” This proposition is based on nature or the undifferential state of nature and heart, rooted in each individual heart, and subjectively dynamic in apprehending the reasons for things to exist. Lu insists that “What is common for all human beings is their hearts, what is common for all human hearts is their intelligence to reason, what is common for human intelligence is its potential to fully explore the reasons of all beings, what is common for full rational exploration is its maximized faculty of heart.”29 During the Ming Dynasty(A.D. 1368-1644), Wang Yangming (A.D. 1472–1529), as the successor of Lu Jiuyuan, believed in the dichotomy of Ti (Substance) and Yong (Function) of the heart. He thought that humans could be identified with the Heavenly Principle through the original heart, and that by mastering the heart over seeing, hearing, speaking, and doing, the heavenly principle could be emanated from the original heart. Obviously, taking the heart as the substance is undoubtedly more convenient for the implementation and manifestation of the Heavenly Principle in men’s practical life. Hence, the heart becomes the first noumenal stipulation in Wang Yangming’s philosophy, which is more often labeled as Heart School of Confucian Scholarship (xin xue, also translated as Mind

This phrase comes from the expression “人能弘道, 非道弘人” (ren neng hong dao, fei dao hong ren), which is contained in Chap. 15 of the Analects. It can be literally translated as “A person can enlarge the Way, but the Way cannot enlarge a person.” Confucius means that people must first cultivate themselves and improve themselves before they are able to promote the Way. Conversely, using the Way to promote themselves, using it to decorate themselves, and impress others, it is not what a gentleperson does. Therefore, the relationship between the two cannot be reversed.—translator’s note. 29 Lu Jiuyuan, “Letters to Li Zai,” in The Complete Works of Lu Jiuyuan (lujiuyuan ji) (Beijing: Zhong Hua Shu Ju Press,1980), Vol. 11, p. 149.—translator’s note. 28

464

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

School or Intuitional School or Heart-Mind School). His philosophy has a strong emphasis on moral practice. Later, after enduring numerous trials in his life, Wang Yangming discovered that everyone possesses a moral consciousness capable of “knowing right and wrong at any time.” This sudden spiritual awareness, though manifesting as perception, transcends pure perception itself, so Wang Yangming thus terms it “Intuitive Knowledge”30 or “intrinsically moral spontaneity (liangzhi),” denoting an innate capacity that humans possess without learning and can comprenhend without intellectual effort. In essence, humans are endowed with intuitive conscience and the capability to recognize and act upon it. Intuitive knowledge constitutes not only the substance and nature of heart but also the Heavenly Principle. Its significance lies particularly in its “sudden spiritual enlightenment,” which “ instinctively knows right from wrong at any moment” and “remains unclouded.” Thus, intuitive knowledge becomes his second rule on the substance of the heart, reflecting the depth and flexibility of moral practice in his concept of the heart. After dwelling in Yue City, southeast of Hangchow of Zhejiang, Wang Yangming (also called Wang Shoujen) achieved the pinnacle of spiritual transcendance, “freely following his heart freely without constradicting the Heavenly Way.” During discussions on the ethical universality with his well-known disciples Qian Dehong and Wang Ji at the Tianquan Bridge in Kuaiji, Zhejiang, he encapsulated his lifelong teachings in the “Doctrine in Four Axioms”(sijujiao) and defined the “Substance of Heart” as “neither good nor evil.” Certainly, “neither good nor evil” does not refer to the natural human nature without the stipulation of good and evil, but rather transcends the treatment of specific good and evil. Therefore, “neither good nor evil is the Substance of the Heart” is completely a realm term, which is the expression of the realm as the substance. Regarding the substance itself, it is described as “the utmost good and no evil,” representing the original essence of the heart. When put into daily practice, this essence can manifest itself as neither good nor evil, transcending the duality of good and evil. Therefore, defining the supreme goodness as the highest noumenon of moral practice is Wang Yangming’s summary of his lifelong theory, and it also serves as a reconfirmation of the moral goodness in Confucianism.

30

In the School of Heart-Mind, “Liangzhi,” or “Intuitive Knowledge” is a term Wang Yangming employed in denoting human universal moral sense or moral spontaneity that every human justifies their social behavior by heeding to the heavenly mandates. In his lectures to American students, Feng Youlan cited a story of how Wang Yangming’s followers were enlightening a thief with the concept of “morality makes human valuable” or moral spontaneity. According to the story, “a follower of Wang Shou-jen once caught a thief in his house at night, whereupon he gave him a lecture about intuitive knowledge (liangzhi). The thief laughed and asked: ‘Tell me, please, where is my intuitive knowledge?’ At that time, the weather was hot, so the thief’s captor invited him first to take off his jacket, then his shirt, and then continued: ‘It is still hot. Why not take off your trousers too?’ At this, the thief hesitated and replied:‘That does not seem to be quite right.’ Thereupon, his captor shouted at him: ‘There is your intuitive knowledge!’” See Feng Youlan, Selected Philosophical Writings of Feng Youlan (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1991), p. 535. For its translation, please see Shan Chun, Major Aspects of Chinese Religion and Philosophy: Dao of Inner Saint and Outer King, Springer Heidelberg New York Dordrecht London, 2012, p.148.—translator’s note.

11.3 Confucius-Mencius’ Idea of Personality Realm and Development …

465

Wang Yangming’s subjective effort in moral self-cultivation can be summarized as a single type: the dedication to the practice or completion of intuitive knowledge. In his early years, Wang Yangming began exploring the Concept of Heart (xinxue) based on his earnest practice of Zhu Xi’s Philosophy. Despite numerous failures during this period, he remained consistent in his position of selfcultivation through practice. He did not revise his concrete practice with Zhu Xi’s theory, but instead corrected Zhu Xi’s theory through his own practice. Practice, therefore, is the fundamental effort that runs through Wang Yangming’s lifelong exploration and is also the lifeblood of his philosophy. However, self-cultivation through practice can have varying emphasis and methods. When Wang Yangming “fully comprehended the purport of investigating things to extend ultimate knowledge,” he entered into Zhu Xi’s theory through “understanding all things in the state of silent vacancy (reflective meditation).” Prior to his arrival at Chuzhou (East Anhui Province), Wang Yangming primarily employed sitting in meditation as his basic teaching method or intuitional enlightenment, stating, [His method is] “through sitting in meditation, only when all selfish desires such as love for fame, sex, wealth, and so forth in one’s daily life are completely wiped out and cleaned up, so that not the least bit is retained, and the mind becomes broad in its total substance and completely identified with the Principle of Nature.” (Record of Instructions and Practice, Part III) Later, he discovered defects in this method—“After a period of time [of sitting in meditation or calming the mind in its meditative solitude], one can feel the mind and body, which is very effective, but over time, some people have the problem of being fond of quietness and tired of movement, and in time they will drift into the state of ‘dry wood and dead ashes’. Or they may try hard to pursue such a mysterious feeling and show off to others. If he depends on that peace and tranquility, not only will there be the fault of gradually becoming fond of quietness and tired of activity, but there may also be any defects latent in that state of mind.” (Record of Instructions and Practice, Part III) After taking a new official post at Nanjing, he claimed that “one must be trained and polished in actual affairs” in order to eliminate selfish desires instead of “sitting in meditation and calm thinking.” In his later years, he regarded the statement that “there must be something concrete done” as a manifestation of the main effort of practice, believing that one must be trained and polished in the actual affairs of life, and only then can one stand firm and remain calm, whether in activity or in tranquility. After proposing the idea of extending intuitive knowledge, Wang Yangming believed that taking intuitive knowledge as the original substance of the heart would enable individuals to “understand all things in the state of silent vacancy” and also to “polish and cultivate themselves in the actual affairs of life,” since “the original substance of intuitive knowledge exists in a state of neither motion nor stillness,” but exists simultaneously in both static and dynamice state. However, in his “Doctrine in Four Axioms,” which summarised his life-long theory, he utilzied the terms “Upper Root” (shanggen, Root of Great Wisdom or of Superior Faculties) and “Middle-Lower Root” (zhongxiagen, Root of Middle Wisdom or Limited Faculties) to distinguished between “heartmind in the state of silent vacancy” and “heartmind being trained and polished in the actual affairs of life.” According to Wang Yangming,

466

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

only those with “Upper Root” can preserve their heartmind in peace and tranquility. However, for numerous people with “Middle and Lower Root,” they must begin by “polishing and cultivating themselves in the practical affairs of life.”He said,“We must wait untill it has been still for a long time, and then the impure dregs will all be completely transformed, and the original substance of the heartmind will become clear and transparent once more.” (Record of Instructions and Practice, Part III) Thus, it seems that Wang Yangming’s two methods in self-cultivation practice are based on the co-existence and mutual recognition of people with “Upper Root” and those with “Middle and Lower Root.” However, “this is indeed an effort that transcends both higher and lower levels. Because it is not easy to find people of high wisdom in the world, even Yan Hui and Mingtao [Cheng Hao] dare not assume that they themselves could fully attain such a level. How can we easily expect someone else to attain it?” (Record of Instructions and Practice, Part III). As for an ordinary person, “if they are not instructed to make an effort to preserve the intuitive knowledge by removing selfish desires and promoting goodness in daily affairs, but are only told to think about the original substance of the heartmind that is absolutely quiet and inactive, then the heartmindwill not be directed at anything in practice and will only develop an emptiness and silence. This is not a minor defect, and we must make it clear in advance.”(Record of Instructions and Practice, Part 11). Obviously, regarding the two methods of “sitting in meditation and calming the heartmind to attain some insight” and “polishing and cultivating oneself in the practical affairs of life,” Wang Yangming agreed with the co-existence and mutual recognition of people with “Up Root” and those with “Middle and Lower Root.” However, for every ordinary person, they must begin by “polishing and cultivating themselves in the practical affairs of life.” That is to say, “one must always be doing something.” In other words, “polishing and cultivating oneself in the practical details of life” must include “sitting in meditation to attain some insight.” This also means that “People with Upper Wisdom” should make an effort in the cultivation of Middle and Lower Wisdom, i.e., unity of internal and external cultivation. When the vigorous and active effort in “ polishing and cultivating oneself in the practical details of life” goes along with the inactive effort in “practicing sitting in meditation to attain some insight,” Wang Yangming’s theory of effort in self-cultivation has become thoroughly integarted into people’s daily life without them even realizing it. The realm state is the “[manifestaion of] insight” or “quickness of apprehension” that results from one’s effort in self-cultivation. It is also the manifestation of the original substance of the heart in one’s effort of self-cultivation. Therefore, as one’s effort in self-cultivation deepens, the realm state often forms a correspondence with the original substance of the heart, and this correspondence serves as their mutual corroboration. When Wang Yangming took the heartmind as the original substance, his sphere of living or sphere of mentality (jingjie) was manifested as all things being unified in human-heartedness. Regarding this sphere, Wang Yangming made a comparatively clear statement in his discussion of “pulling up the root and stopping up the source” or “eradicating the root and blocking the source.” As Wang Yangming said, “People in the world regarded one another as belonging to one family. When reaching such a

11.3 Confucius-Mencius’ Idea of Personality Realm and Development …

467

point, people and all things in the world are at ease and in peace, like a close family. …There was no distinction between the self and the other, or between the self and all things. It is like the body of a person. The eyes see, the ears hear, the hands hold, and the feet walk, all fulfilling the function of the body. The eyes are not ashamed of their inability to hear, and when the ears hear something, the eyes will direct their attention to it. The feet are not ashamed of their inability to grasp, and when a hand feels for something, the feet will move forward.”(Reply to Gu Dongqiao, Recorded Sayings for Exercising, or Record of Instructions and Practice, Part 11)31 This kind of relationship, between human and self, things and selves, has been the life ideal of Confucianism since ancient times. In Wang Yangming’s philosophy, it is also manifested as “the oneness of heart and body” that all humans must possess. When the master Confucian scholar Wang Yangming took Intuitive Knowledge (liangzhi) as the original substance of the heartmind, his sphere of living was manifested as “impersonalness and impartiality”(kuorandagong, translated as “His heartmind is like the emptiness of a mirror and the evenness of a balance” or “When business comes to him, he follows the naturalness of his heart’s intuitive response to the demand.”). Here, the term “impersonalness and impartiality” refers to achieving a state of equilibrium before seven emotions are aroused and allowing emotions to follow the nature of things. This is because, as stated, “when seven emotions are aroused, they are all called selfish desires, which becloud one’s intuitions.” (Record of Instructions and Practice, Part III) On the other hand, “seven emotions that are not aroused yet” are free from obscurations of material desires, which means to “eliminate what is incorrect in the heart so as to preserve the correctness of its original substance, which has no difference between good and evil.” (Record of Instructions and Practice, Part I) This may seem simple and natural, but in fact, it is precisely on the premise of the depth and sophistication of one’s effort, that is, with a heart inclined neither to forget nor to help things grow, neither go too far nor fall too short. As an effort in self-cultivation, it is a mindless effort. As a sphere of living, it is known as a realm in which one’s mind is in all things, responding to things spontaneously as they come. This is the realm of the saint, who is open and impartial with no private predilections and responds spontaneously to things as they come, without a deliberate heart. This entails regarding one’s intuitions as entirely natural. In Yue City (1481–1487 A.D.), in his “Doctrine in Four Axioms”(sijujiao), Wang Yangming further stipulated that the original substance of the mind is neither good nor evil, which is rightly the realm manifestation of the extension of the substance of the mind in the effort of cultivation. The “Doctrine in Four Axioms” reads: In the original substance of the heart, there is no distinction between good and evil. But when seven emotions arise, distinction is born. Innate knowledge, a human faculty, perceives this divide between good and evil. 31

The original text cited here is translated by Wang Mu with slight modifications. See Instructions for Practical Living and Other Neo-Confucian Writings by Wang Yang-ming, translated, with notes, by Wing-tsit Chan, Columbia University Press, New York and London, 1963. pp. 120– 121.—translator’s note.

468

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

To do good and remove evil, all things are investigated with care.32 (Record of Instructions and Practice, Part III)

The phrase “no distinction between good and evil” does not imply that “the original substance of the heart” itself lacks inherent rules for determining good and evil. Instead, it suggests that the heart’s pursuit of investigating things and extending intuitive knowledge, aimed at doing good and eliminating evil, has reached a level where it transcends the conventional distinction between good and evil, resulting in a pure and clear heart that is ultimately manifested as “neither good and nor evil.” In other words, according to Wang Yangming, the original substance of the heart is the nature endowed upon us by Heaven, and is inherently pure and clear. However, due to our hearts being dominated by habits, we perceive a distinction between good and evil in our thoughts. The effort of investigating things, extending intuitive knowledge, expressing sincerity in the will, rectifying the mind, and cultivating personal life is aimed precisely at recovering that original nature and substance. Obviously, the substance, as the logical starting point of “Doctrine in Four Axioms,” can only be ultimate good and devoid of evil. Only by starting from the original substance of the mind that is ultimate good and devoid of evil can one’s effort to eliminate evil for the sake of good reach the realm of being neither good and nor evil, transcending the conventional distinction between good and evil. Thus, the “Doctrine in Four Axioms” is actually a circle process that starts from the substance of the mind, which is ultimate good, and proceeds through the effort of thorough investigation of things to extend goodness and eliminate evil, thus reaching the state of no good and no evil. The expression of the substance through the realm is a manifestation of the consistency between the substance and the realm. From Wang Yangming’s “Doctrine in Four Axioms,” which emphasizes “The investigation of things is to do good or attain moral knowledge and remove evil,” we have found that he was committed to distinguishing good from evil through the attainment of moral knowledge (zhishan zhi e shi liangzhi) and applying this knowledge by adhering to good and avoiding evil (weishan qu e shi gewu). In his estimation, the immeasurable value of being human does not solely lie in rational competence or the attainment of knowledge alone. Instead, he believed that human dignity is exhibited in “moral conscience and moral quality,” insisting on the transformation from mere knowledge attainment to the attainment of moral knowledge. Thus, the “Doctrine in Four Axioms” has become the ultimate conclusion of Wang Yangming’s concept of the heart. Through the above introduction, we can have a brief knowledge of the realm theory of Rationalist Scholarship in Song and Ming Dynasties.

32

See Instructions for Practical Living and Other Neo-Confucian Writings by Wang Yang-ming, translated, with notes, by Wing-tsit Chan, Columbia University Press, New York and London, 1963. p. 243. The full text of the “Doctrine in Four Axioms” in Chinese is: “無善無惡,是心之體;有善 有惡,是意之動;知善知惡,是良知;為善去惡,是格物。”—translator’s note.

11.4 Confucianism’s View of Life and Death and Its Contemporary Value

469

11.4 Confucianism’s View of Life and Death and Its Contemporary Value With the rapid development of scientific and technological civilization and the emergence of an aging society, the problem of human spiritual settlement and ultimate care will become increasingly prominent. In the twenty-first century, people’s exploration of the meaning of life and death will become increasingly important. The wisdom of life and death found in Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism is a precious spiritual resource for contemporary people to reflect upon, and it is worth exploring and promoting seriously. This section aims to discuss the Confucian wisdom of life and death, ultimate care, and its contemporary value. Firstly, Hold Life in High Esteem When Zi Lu, one of his disciples, asked how one should serve gods and spirits, Confucius replied, “When you don’t yet know how to serve humans, how can you serve gods and spirits?” (Analects, Chap. 11) Between life and death, Confucius valued and cherished life and the living. Confucius said, “Never enter into an endangered state and settle down in a disorganized state. If the world follows the Way of Heaven, then actively participate in it; if the world goes against the Way of Heaven, then withdraw from it.” (Analects, Chap. 8). During the Warring States Period, those who prepared for to assassination were often willing to make light of their own lives, to this, Mencius responded, saying, “Whether to die or not to die is up to you, but to die would be harmful to your bravery.”(The Works of Meng Zi, Chap. 8) Mencius also said, “One who knows the Mandate of Heaven does not stand under a wall in danger.” In Xiaojing, or the Book of Filial Piety, it is said: “Human body, which is given by parents, cannot be damaged or disabled in the slightest. This is the beginning of filial piety.” That’s all to say, we should cherish life, reverence life, be skilled at protecting ourselves, and not easily give up our life or damage our body. Confucianism exalts life awareness, elevating life to an ontological height. It starts from the self-affirmation of “oneness of all things in human-heartedness” (yitizhiren), which is in accordance with the unceasing creation of Heaven and Earth. From this perspective, it directly steps into the realm of noumenon at the moment of life, which is oneness with all things in the evolution of the world. Confucian life consciousness and attitude are deeply rooted in the cosmos and the relationship between Heaven and Earth. Humans are members of the cosmic family, and this cosmic family is the foundation of humanity. For the Chinese, the cosmos is not the product of a holy architect or creator, but rather a cosmos family headed by heaven whose holy message has been genetically and physiologically transmitted. The cosmological spirit is the creation spirit of life. In “The Appendix III” of The Book of Changes it is stated: “The supreme virtue of Heaven and Earth is to produce.33 Again: “To produce and to reproduce is the function of the Yi (yijing).” Heaven 33

Tian (Heaven) is a sacred and fundamental concept in ancient Chinese philosophy. It has three different meanings. The first refers to the physical sky or the entirety of nature (not including human society), the operations of which manifest certain laws and order. The second refers to a spiritual being, which possesses an anthropomorphic will and governs everything in the universe. The third

470

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

(represented by Qian Yuan, which consists of three yang lines:≡, symbolizing vigor and vitality) has the supreme virtue of “producing life,” while Earth (represented by Kun Yuan, which consists of three yin lines: ≡≡, symbolizing Earth) has the vast virtue of nourishing all things under Heaven. Heaven and Earth endow human beings with the spirit of life creation, and the capability of constantly becoming, growing up, and creatively transformation represented by “Yuan, Heng, Li, Zhen” or “Supremacy, Success, Potentiality, and Perseverance,”34 and make them transformed into the nature of human beings. According to Confucianism, human creation can match and compete with the creation of Heaven and Earth. Humans follow the law of Heaven and Earth, matching Heaven and Earth with virtue, enlarging the nature of Heaven, and giving full play to their endowments and potentials. Thus, they possess a vigorous and promising, unremitting self-improvement spirit. This embodies the Confucian tradition of “valuing life” and “emphasizing action.” The Doctrine of the Mean, or Zhong Yong, says: “Only one who has the utmost cheng or sincerity who can develop his nature to the utmost. Able to do this, he is able to do the same to the nature of other people. Able to do this, he is able to do the same to the nature of things. Able to do this, he can assist in the transforming and nourishing operations of Heaven and Earth. Being able to do this, he can form a trinity with Heaven and Earth.” (The Book of Rites, Chap. 28) That is to say, “Heaven” or “the Heavenly Way” conceived by human rationality are the origin of all things in the universe and human life, as well as the source of all values. Once a human can fully protect his own life rationality or moral rationality, he can fulfill his human nature, comprehend values of all things that exist in the universe with an open mind and equal spirit, respect the existence of others and other things, and let them “follow their own nature.” Thereby, he can respond to the creative spirit of Heaven and Earth, enhance his spiritual sphere, coordinate and stand with Heaven and Earth, and ultimately actively step into the mundane world, striving forward courageously, and realizing his value of life in concrete affairs through “rectifying his virtue and making full use of resources to enrich the people” and “Three Accomplished Merits” (sanli, meaning the ordered priority of being moral, being active, and being knowledgeable). The Confucian concept of “Humaneness Scholarship”(renxue) or the Confucian Doctrine of Universal Human-heartedness” defines “human” by “humanheartedness” or “benevolence” or “humaneness” or “heavenly conscience” or “‘humane benevolence.” “Human-heartedness” (ren) is the foundation of being a denotes the universal law, which is observed by all things and beings, and is also the basis of human nature, morality, and social and political orders.—translator’s note. 34 “Yuan-Heng-LI-Zhen”元-亨-利-貞may be respectively translated as “supremacy, success, potentiality, and perseverance,” or “origin, prosperity, advantage, and uprightness.” This term is used in The Book of Changes (yijing) to comment or interpret the qian hexagram (qiangua). Throughout history, scholars have had various interpretations of it. Some think that they represent spring, summer, autumn, and winter, while others think that they represent human-heartedness, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom. Cheng Yi said, “Yuan symbolizes the beginning of all things, heng their growth, li their successful development, and zhen their maturity.” (“元者萬物之始,亨者萬物之長, 利者萬物之遂,貞者萬物之成。”) (Cheng Yi: Cheng Yi’s Commentary on The Book of Changes, Vol. 1, [程頤:《程氏易傳》卷一] —translator’s note.

11.4 Confucianism’s View of Life and Death and Its Contemporary Value

471

human, as Confucius said, “Whoever is human-hearted loves people.” (The Doctirne of the Mean in Li Ji, Chap. 28) In fact, “human-heartedness” refers to an interconnection and telepathy of all creatures, which represents an universal connection and mutual nourishment between Heaven (the supreme spirit or ultimate belief), Earth (natural ecology), Humans (society and others), all things, and personal selfhood (inner self-awareness and emotions). Whoever lacks this human-hearted is called “not-ren” (mamuburen), similar to how a doctor might describe the paralysis of a human’s arms or legs as a lack of function or feeling. To an extent, Humanheartedness characterizes the bearing and behavior that a paradigmatic human being exhibits in order to promote a good human relations. “Human-heartedness” (ren) is also the potential and seed of life, the spirit of life creation, like a peach kernel or almonds that can grow into towering trees. However, “human-heartedness” (ren) is an autonomous morality, as every human being has the capacity to possess it. This is why Confucius said, “I must rely on myself to practice human-heartedness (ren), but can I rely on others to practice Human-heartedness?” (Analects, Chap. 12); “Whenever I want human-heartedness, it is as close as the palm of my hand.”(Analects, Chap. 7). “Human-heartedness” is also viewed as love that begins with showing filial piety to one’s parents and elder brothers, and then extends to the members of other family, and eventually to everyone else and all things under Heaven. The spirit of Chinese culture and national faith is that of universal human-heartedness (ren). In the Integration between Heaven and Human, all physical beings, mainly human beings, are born with heavenly benevolence, therefore Confucianism particularly attentive to human life and its social morals became the chief civilian faith and official ideology in Chinese society, which fabricated the corresponding moral principles of filial piety, loyalty, and righteousness to family, country, and the world under heaven. All members in society were thus entitled with religiously moral capacity: civilians as heavenly citizen (tianmin), emperors as heavenly sons (tianzi), all persons as having heavenly conscience (tianliang). Confucian philosophy is a life philosophy or a philosophy of life. The essence of the Yi (yijing) can be summed up in two Chinese words: “sheng sheng” (which mean “continuous creation and perpetual change” or “production and reproduction”). Socalled “respecting life” (zun sheng) and “valuing life” (zhong sheng) means understanding the natural state and essential attributes of the universe and human life, which continuously grow, perpetually change, and daily renew. Confucianism advocates adopting a positive attitude toward human life, especially a spirit of moral practice, to accord with the endless life-giving virtue of Heaven and Earth, Qian and Kun, Father and Mother, or to accord with the process of the endless cycle of birth and rebirth, creation and change of Heaven, Earth, and all things in the universe. As far as individual life or individual realization is concerned, one must unify adherence and creation, action and non-action, nature (within) and desire (without), life and death. The Way of Changes (yidao) and the substance of human-heartedness (renti) have both a creative side and a motionless side. Only through a profound understanding of the vigorous and creative spirit of all life in the universe can we maintain our own nature and tranquility in our daily life, in the process of change, and in the practice of “creating a career and attaining the achievement of world

472

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

affairs,” so as not to be indulged in material desires and overwhelmed by external objects. Such is what the Yi (yijing) says, “The interaction between one yin and one yang produces changes.” Confucianism advocates relying on human-heartedness to establish the greatness in human life, which involves perceiving the greatness of one’s life, comprehending one’s own nature, sustaining one’s big self by being oneness with Heaven, Earth, and all things, and developing his personality upward. Confucianism advocates not leaving the actual world but also going beyond its various limitations, lifting the human spirit to a state that transcends the separation of humans from themselves and things from humans. Thus, one can achieve what Confucius says: “Hear the Way in morning, and it won’t matter if I die at night.”(Analects, Chap. 4). Between life and death, Confucianism does not rely on death consciousness nor does it approach the formless or the metaphysical world by starting from self-denial of life consciousness and constructing tortuous twists and turns of death consciousness, unlike Buddhism and some Western philosophies. On the contrary, it faces death by facing life squarely and penetrates death consciousness with strong life consciousness. Confucius says, “So intent upon learning that he forgets his food, so delightful in doing so that he forgets his sorrows, and he does not even perceive that old age is coming on.” (Analects, Chap. 18) Mencius says, “Life survives in disasters and death occurs in comfort;”(The Works of Meng Zi, Chap. 12)and “Standing by the river,” Confucius says, “time passes by like this, flowing away day and night!” (Analects, Chap. 17) All these sayings define death by life in actuality, inspect the finiteness of self-life with a positive and enthusiastic life practice, and thus give limited life with unlimited value and significance. Secondly, Death but Immortality The pursuit of immortality of life is an important connotation of the Confucian concept of life and death, embodied by “Three Immortals” or “Three Accomplished Merits,” which is literally translated as “to establish morality, to establish great deeds, and to establish words or noble ideas.” These “Three Immortals” have become the life-long pursuit of ancient Chinese scholars and individuals of noble aspirations. The first and foremost is to set a high moral example for people of later generations to follow; the second is to perform meritorious deeds [or bring peace to the country and the people and root out evils]; and the third is to propound noble ideas or spread advanced cultural spirit through founding a distinct school of thought. Confucianism insists on an independent personality, and would rather die than live in dishonor, never compromising with evil forces. Confucius said, “A determined scholar and a gentleperson will not seek to live at the expense of harming their virtue. They will even sacrifice their lives to fulfill their integrity.” (Analects, Chap. 15) “A gentleperson does not depart from human-heartedness, even at the time for a single meal; even in the midst of confusion and distress, he holds fast to it; even when stumbling and faltering, he holds fast to it.” (Analects, Chap. 4) Zeng Zi said, “A gentleperson must be both broad-minded and resolute. His burden is heavy, and his road is long. Achieving human-heartedness is the burden which he considers it is his to sustain— is it not heavy? The road ends only with death—is it not long?” (Analects, Chap. 7) When moral values conflict with other values, Confucians can make correct choices

11.4 Confucianism’s View of Life and Death and Its Contemporary Value

473

because they have conscious moral needs, lofty ideals of personality, zealous feelings for betterment of society, and firm beliefs in life. Mencius said, “A determined scholar, however impoverished, never loses hold of rightness, and, however successful, never departs from the Way.” (Mencius, Chap. 13) “I desire life, and I also desire righteousness. If I cannot have both, I would rather give up my life for righteousness. It is true that I desire life, but there is something I desire more than life, and therefore I will not do something dishonorable in order to get it. It is also true that I detest death, but there is something I detest more than death, and therefore there is something dangerous I will not avoid.”(Mencius, Chap. 11) Xun Zi said, “One’s desire for life is very strong; one’s detest for death is also very strong. However, someone, who wants to survive but chooses to die, is not unwilling to survive, but because they believe that dying with honor is preferable to enduring an ignoble existence for a short time.” (“Name of Rectification” of The Works of Xun Zi) This type of spiritual quality has been championed by individuals of justice throughout generations and regarded as the bedrock to settle down one’s life in the world. For several thousands of years, this moral integrity has guided Chinese people through thick and thin toward prosperity and longevity. Mencius characterizes these people with this personality as “[One] sacrifices his life to achieve human-heartedness,” “[One] would rather give up his life for righteousness,” and “neither riches nor ranks can pollute him; neither poverty nor humbleness can make him swerve from principle; and neither threats nor forces can subdue him.” (Mencius, Chap. 6) Still, Zeng Zi stated, “When facing a choice between life and death, a gentleperson would not abandon major principles.” Xun Zi stated, “Serving Dao rather than Monarch.” Wen Tianxiang (1236–1283 A.D.) said, “Only in hard times can one’s moral integrity be shown;”(Wen Tianxiang: Zheng Qi Ge or The Song of Justice)35 “Life and death, I would give no thought to them at all!” Wen Tianxiang said again, “Confucius said, ‘[One should give up his life for] achieving human-heartedness,’ and Mencius said, ‘[One should give up his life for] seeking righteousness. Only when [one] fulfills his utmost righteousness can he achieve ultimate human-heartedness.’ Shouldn’t this be the purpose of our understanding of sages?”(Wen Tianxiang: Yi Dai Zan or An Hymn Written on Clothes

35

“Zheng Qi Ge,” or “The Song of Justice,” is a five-character ancient poem written in prison by Wen Tianxiang (1236–1283 A.D.), who was the prime minister of South Song Dynasty and a national hero of the Anti-Yuan Dynasty in the history of China. The poem falls into three parts: the first part is a warm tribute to the noble spirit possessed by traditional Chinese scholars and men of virtue. The second part counts the heroic and righteous actions of twelve loyal ministers and virtuous men. The third part expresses his persistent loyalty to the Song Dynasty. The whole poem, full of quotations and allusions, reflects the poet’s lofty national integrity and strong nationalism.—translator’s note.

474

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

Belt)36 The above-mentioned moral axioms expressing the spirit of personality are widely recognized and spread by and among the Chinese people. To die, but to die a worthy death. Mencius said, “To die in the pursuit of fulfilling the Way is a proper destiny, while dying in manacles and fetters is not a proper destiny.” (The Works of Meng Zi, Chap. 13) Those who die for morality and justice receive the proper destiny, while those who die for crimes receive the unnatural destiny. Between morality and personal interests, the value orientation of Confucianism has always been very clear. According to Confucianism, life is precious, but there are certain values such as morality, character, national spirit, and national interests that are considered more precious than life. For these values, one should not shy away dangers, even if it means sacrificing their own life. Thus, the value of life is transformed into the value of death, and the commitment of life is transformed into the commitment of death. Do not preserve one’s life for an ignoble existence for a while for fear of death! Do not preserve one’s life for an ignoble existence for a while because of dangers and temptations! Human life is extended through death, which makes life change from finite to infinite, thus maximizing individual freedom and personality independence. Just because the question of the meaning and value of death is fundamentally the question of the meaning and value of life, Zuo’s Commentary (zuozhuan) mentions “to die an eternal glory” and “to seek nothing else but to die with dignity” several times; The Analects mentions “to die without any regret” and “to do one’s utmost untill one’s heart ceases to beat;” Xiao Jing or The Book of Filial Piety mentions “righteousness that runs through death and life,” and there is also the popular saying: “A determined scholar can be killed, but not humiliated.” All these axiomatic expressions reflect the Confucian outlook of death. According to Confucianism, death belongs to the category of life philosophy, philosophy of value, and the meaning of life. Confucians never evades death, but instead seek “death with immortality” through their own values and beliefs. Thirdly, “In life, I follow and serve [the universal parents], and when death comes, I rest in peace.” Zhang Zai once proposed the well-known proposition of “cun shun mo ning,” which actually embodies the wisdom of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism 36

“Yi Dao Zan,” or “An Hymn Written on Clothes Belt,” is a hymn written by Wen Tianxiang. It is said to have been found and written on his clothes belt after his death. This poem is not only a declaration of the moral code the poet upholds, but also a summary of his whole life. It reads: I am in the position of a general, but I connot protect my country and my people in distress, bring people peace and rectify the world. Instead, I have brought humiliation to my country due to military defeat, and become a prisoner. Hence, I should have died long ago. Ever since I was captured, I have wanted to end my life and disappear from the world every second of every day. Today, I am lucky to have this opportunity to bow my head toward my homeland over a hundred times and die. I have always kept in mind what the sages said: “Confucius said, ‘[one should give up his life for] achieving human-heartedness,’ and Mencius said, ‘[one should give up his life for] seeking righteousness.” Only when [one] fulfills his utmost righteousness can he achieve ultimate human-heartedness. Shouldn’t this be the purpose of our reading of sages?” (Its Chinese text reads: “吾位居將相,不能救社稷,正天下,敗國辱,為囚虜,其當死久矣。傾被執以來,欲引決而無 間,今天與之機,謹南向百拜以死。其贊曰 “孔曰成仁, 孟曰取義。唯其義盡,所以仁至。讀聖賢 書,所學何事?”)—translator’s note.

11.4 Confucianism’s View of Life and Death and Its Contemporary Value

475

regarding life and death. “Cun shun mo ning” can be translated as “In life, I follow and serve [the universal parents], and when death comes, I rest in peace.” Zhang Zai said, “Wealth, honor, good fortune, and favors are bestowed on me to enrich my life, while poverty, low status, grief, and distress drive me to seek fulfillment. In life, I follow and serve [the universal parents], and when death comes, I rest in peace.” (Zhang Zai: Zhengmeng or Correct Discipline for Beginners: Qian Hexagram, or Zhengmeng. Qiancheng) According to Zhang Zai, wealth and blessings, as well as poverty and misery, are means given to us by Heaven, which are precious to you and enable you to achieve something in life. While we are alive, we should sincerely love all others, which is equivalent to serving Qian (Heaven) and Kun (Earth), or Father and Mother, as we and all things are their children. When we die, we achieve peace, as during our life we have lived with integrity and without shame before heaven or our fellow people. According to Zhang Zai, all things undergo spontaneous transformations independent of human’s will and that we should face the changes of life and death calmly. However, this does not mean passivity or resignation, but that we should look upon life with detachment and follow life’s natural path. This is an extension of what is stated by Zhuangzi: “I received my life because of the change in nature; I will lose it because of the natural order of things. Be content with this order and dwell in it; thus neither sorrow nor joy can touch me.” (Zhuangzi, Great Master) Zhang Zai further stated: “The Yi said: “Going back to the beginnings of all things and pursuing them to the ultimate, we come to know the cause of life and death,’ and it tells us to trace the origin of all things so as to know where our life begins and seek the ultimate of all things so as to know where our life stops. That’s why Confucius answered Ji Lu’s asking about death bluntly—‘While you do not know life, how can you know about death?’” (Zhang Zai: Correct Discipline for Beginners:Qian Hexagram, or Zhengmeng. Qiancheng) Herein, Zhang Zai expounds two statements of Confucian view of life and death. The first involves the quest of “Appendices” contained in the Book of Changes (Zhouyi) for the ultimate basis of life and death, which argues that only by understanding the Way of Heaven and Earth can we investigate the origin, destination, and truth of life, and death is just the ultimate return to life; the second is related to Chap. 11 of Analects of Confucius that records Confucius’ reply to Zi Lu’s enquiring into spirits and death: “When you don’t yet know how to serve people, how can you serve gods and spirits?” and “When you do not yet know life, how can you know about death?” Such two statements are complementary to each other. “In life, I follow and serve [the universal parents], and when death comes, I rest in peace,” which means that people should approach life with detachment and follow its natural path or evolution. Zhang Zai also says: “Life entails no gain nor death any loss.”(Zhang Zai, Zhengmeng or Correct Discipline for Beginners: “Chengming”) In life, one fulfills his duty as a member of society and the universe, and when death comes, he “rests in peace.” Under the premise of “respecting life” and “valuing life,” Confucians pursue “immortality after death” or “to die an eternal glory” in situations of value conflict and tension, resisting the suffocation and distortion of life with a mental state of “constantly maintaining a driving and resolute spirit.”(mengzhi gu

476

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

changzai)37 But in ordinary life, Confucianism usually advocates a quiet and peaceful attitude towards life, as expressed in the saying, “To live, I follow the law of nature. To die, I face it calmly.” Here, of course, Zhang Zai has absorbed the thought of Moksha ( jietuo) and broad-mindedness (daguan) upheld by Buddhism and Taoism, which suggests that one should not shy away from the worldly or cling to fame and wealth. Buddhism advocates “putting down one’s life and death,” with the hope of escaping samsara and achieving nirvana, an end to suffering. If life and death can be put down, what else cannot be put down? In the story of Zhuang Zi’s wife’s death, when Hui Zi went to convey his condolences, he found Zhuang Zi sitting with his legs sprawled out, pounding on a tub and singing. Zhuang Zi even spoke in name of an old skull in his dream,saying, “Among the dead, there are no rulers above, no subjects below, and no chores of the four seasons. With nothing to do, our springs and autumns are as endless as Heaven and Earth. A king facing south on his throne could have no more happiness than this!” (The Works of Zhuang Zi: Supreme Happiness).38 Zhuang Zi also said that one should “put the world outside himself” and “put all things outside himself,” and after that, he is able to “put life outside himself. After putting life outside himself, he is able to achieve the brightness of dawn, and when he has achieved the brightness of dawn, he can see his own aloneness. After managing to see his own aloneness, he can do away with past and present, and after doing away with past and present, he is able to enter where there is no life and no death.” (The Work of Zhuang Zi: Grand Master)39 Here, “to put the world outside himself” means to standing aloof from the world; “To put all things outside himself” means to detach oneself from gain and loss, praise and blame, honor and disgrace, and right and wrong; “To put life outside himself” means not to care about life and death; The Chinese phrase “chao che”朝徹40 means seeing life and death in one 37 “mengzhi gu changzai”猛誌固常在, as a Chinese phrase, comes from Tao Yuanming’s poem titled “Reading The Classic of Mountains and Seas” (du shan hai jing). It describes that the resolute spirit of Xingtian, who continues to fight with his axe and shield despite his failure. The poem reads: Jingwei, who was drowned in the violent sea, carries twigs to fill it by degree. Xingtian, who was beheaded by the god, protests by waving his hug shield and rod. When they were alive, they were free from care. Now that they are dead, they never show despair. Although their firm resolve has never pined, Where and when will be the chance they find?—translated by Wang Rongpei, A Comparative Study of Tao Yuanming’s Poetry Translation, edited by Wang Rongpei, Beijing: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 2000.—translator’s note. 38 Zhuang Zi, The Complete Works of Zhuang Zi, translated by Burton Watson, Columbia University Press, New York, 2013, p. 142. 39 Zhuang Zi, The Complete Works of Zhuang Zi, translated by Burton Watson, Columbia University Press, New York, 2013, p. 46. 40 “Chao che ”[朝徹], a term used by Zhuang Zi in “Grand Master”(da zong shi) contained in The Works of Zhuang Zi, refers to a realm of Taoist practice in self-cultivation. “Chao”朝 means the morning. “Che”徹 means being enlightened. Collectively, “chaoche” literally means that the morning sun shines all over the earth and penetrates the darkness. Zhuang Zi described Chao che as follows: “After he has put the world outside himself, he is able to put things outside himself. After he has put things outside himself, he is able to put life outside himself. After he has put life outside himself, he is able to achieve the brightness of dawn, and after he has achieved the brightness of dawn, he is able to see his own aloneness. After he has managed to see his own aloneness, he is able to do away with past and present, and after he has done away with past and present, he is able

11.4 Confucianism’s View of Life and Death and Its Contemporary Value

477

single look, forgetting differences between all things and oneself, and then, suddenly regaining your spiritual enlightenment, just as the brightness of dawn; The Chinese phrase “jiandu”見獨, litearally translated as “seeing his own aloneness,” means to comprehend the Absoluteness. After achieving this comprehension, one is able to enter where there is no life and no death, where there is no past and no present, and where there is nothing that can be destroyed and achieved. That which kills life does not die; that which gives life to life does not live. Life and death, existence and annihilation, are all one single body. Such a state is known as “yingning”攖寧,41 and also known as the ontological realm of the oneness of all things. When one of his followers asked about “not allowing any double-mindedness regardless of longevity or brevity of life,” Wang Yangming said, “Regarding the effort of learning, if one is able to remove all desires for fame, profit, and other interests, but still has the least bit of concern over life and death, it means that his mind in its totality is not harmonious or at ease. Ideas of life and death come with life itself and cannot easily be removed. If one sees through life and death, then his mind in its totality will be able to operate everywhere without obstacle. Only then can learning become the full development of one’s nature and the fulfillment of one’s destiny.” (Record of Instructions and Practice, Part III or Chuan Xi Lu, juan 3).42 It is challenging for individuals to eliminate all desires for fame, profit, and other interests, and even more so to effortlessly“see through” and “penetrate into” the thought of life and death that arises from the root of life itself. For Wang Yangming, the state of “seeing through all things” and “penetrating into all things” is not a lamentable aria of “being deposited in the floating life” or “life as short as morning dew,” but rather a learning effort aimed at fully developing one’s nature and ultimately fulfilling one’s life. Only by fully developing one’s nature and ultimately fulfilling one’s life, i.e., facing both life and death, shedding the shackles of all desires from the height of recognizing the meaning of life and death, can we think about and plan our life more actively. In a word, the Confucian view of life and death connects individual life with human life and cosmic life, ultimately achieving oneness with cosmological doctrine incarnated on all physical beings.

to enter where there is no life and no death, that is, he who no longer has the concept of time is able to naturally enter a state of mind that is completely empty and void.” Furthermore, Zhuangzi described a similar state in the article titled “The Human World,” “Yan Hui said, ‘Could I ask what the pure state of the mind means?’ Confucius answered, ‘You should get totally focused. You need not listen with your ears but listen with your mind; you need not even listen with your mind but listen with qi. Listening stops at the ears, and the mind reaches only what fits it. Qi is empty and accommodates all external things. Tao gathers and presents itself in an unoccupied and peaceful mind; being unoccupied means the pure state of the mind.’” (The Works of Zhuang Zi) — translator’s note. 41 “yīng níng” [攖寧] refers to a self-cultivation state pursued by Taoists, which means that the mind is quiet and not disturbed by outside affairs.—translator’s note. 42 The cited text here is translated by Wang Mu with slight modifications. See Instructions for Practical Living and Other Neo-Confucian Writings by Wang Yang-ming, translated, with notes, by Wing-tsit Chan, Columbia University Press, New York and London, 1963. p. 223.—translator’s note.

478

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

Confucian-typed model of life, which advoctes “To live, I follow the course of nature; to die, I face it calmly” emphasizes the awareness of life consciousness with feelings typical of cosmologically enlarged familism and moral idealism, and thus defines death as an enlarged aspect of life. Simultaneously, this view of life encourages individuals to confront death directly, reflect on life through the lens of death, and connect the individuality and finitude of life with the community and infinity of the cosmic family of life. By following this model of life, the human life designed by Confucianism is not only spirited, vigorous, energetic, and promising, but also free from attachment and stickiness of the world. It enables individuals to enter the sphere of broad-mindedness and become oneness with all things, embodying the concept of “stepping into the world with the spirit of standing aloof from worldly desires.” Just as Feng Youlan said: “Chinese philosophy is both of this world and of the other world. Speaking about the Neo-Confucianism of the Song Dynasty, one philosopher described it this way: ‘It is not divorced from daily ordinary activities, yet it goes straight to what antedated Heaven.’ This is what Chinese philosophy has striven for.’”43 Confucian attitude toward life and death is characterized not only by heroic deeds, sublime passions, and regarding death as returning home, but also by pursuing quietness and harmoniousness, shying away from all desires from the world. Confucian attitude toward life and death is not only different from the mental panic when fearing death, but also from indulging in sensual pleasure by seizing each day. Confucian attitude toward life and death is not only different from the escape mentality of being passively preserving life, but also from the calculating mentality, who bustle around for fame and reputation. Therefore, Confucianism overcomes the limitations of dualistic confrontation in the relationship between life and death, finitude and infinitude, thus unifying the two in a cosmological harmony. In the process of dialectical unity of life and death, freedom from material desires is crucial. In the face of death, there must be this spirit of relief for humans. Fourth, Attend to Death Rites with Care and reverence, showing respectful Awe to Those Who have Long Departed. In Zuo’s Commentary (zuozhuan), there is a saying that “[One must] begin with seriousness and end with reverence.” Similarly, the Shangshu or Book of History contains the sayings that “[One should be] be serious and discreet both at the end and at the beginning” and “Be as serious at the end as you are at the beginning.” In a certain sense, “beginning” and “ending” means “life and death.” Confucianism emphasized that individuals should approach life with caution and treat death with respect, as previously discussed. Unlike other spiritual resources in the history of human thought, Confucianism especially emphasizes “attending to death rites with care and reverence, showing respectful awe to those who long departed.” “Zeng Zi, one of Confucius most favored disciples, said, ‘Attend to death rites with care and reverence, showing respectful awe to those who long departed, and people will be rich in virtue.’”(Analects, Chap. 1) Zeng Zi advised being cautious in the death of parents. When a person dies, over time, 43

Feng Youlan, A Short History of Chinese Philosophy, ed. By Derk Bodde, The MacMillan Publishing Company, New York, U.S, 1960, p. 8.— translator’s note.

11.4 Confucianism’s View of Life and Death and Its Contemporary Value

479

those around them may forget the care and love shown by the deceased over time. Therefore, individuals should follow due procedures at a funeral, express condolences for the deceased, and commemorate the deceased for their altruism, virtue, and achievements, even long after death. Zeng Zi believed that this would enhance care and love between people, and this idea has profound cultural implications. Firstly, Confucianism emphasizes the Doctrine of Filial Piety, affirming the concept of “death but immortality” in the transformation and metabolism of life and death. It extends undertakings, culture, and life through the continuation of blood relatives, clans, and races.44 Thus, Confucianism contains the idea of the transformation from death consciousness to life consciousness, moral consciousness, and cultural consciousness, as well as the transformation from limited individual life to infinite community life, indicating the path of transformation. Secondly, Confucianism emphasizes the importance of treating the hospice care of our ancestors with care and preserving the human dignity of the departed. Respecting death is equivalent to respecting life. Posterity should assist their ancestors in accepting death naturally and peacefully, and help them gain dignity in dying. They should also pay homage to the virtuous deeds of the departed, in order to comprehend the ultimate meaning of life and death. Confucius said, “When they are alive, serve them in accordance with ritual. When they die, bury them in accordance with ritual, and sacrifice to them in accordance with ritual.”(Analects, Chap. 5) What Confucius said reflects a religion-oriented quality, a feeling of belonging, and an emphasis on taking care of the departed in a humane way. Fifth, Oneness of Heavenly Way (Tiandao) and Nature-Mandate (xingming). The ultimate concern of Confucianism is rooted in the concept of Mandate Heaven and the religion character of personal meditative experience. The Way of Heavenly Mandate (tianming zhi dao) constitutes its value source of the meaning of life and death. Confucians’ thorough comprehension of life and death, as well as their spiritual transcendence of death, is based on the Way of Heaven (tiandao), the Mandate of Heaven (tianming), and their stipulations about what makes a human a human, namely morality, heart, and nature. The interconnection between the Way of Heaven and the Way of Humaneness, as well as the Way of Heaven and the Heart-Nature, can be traced to the metaphysical transcendent requirements within the Confucian worldly affirmation and worldly care, known as the Ultimate Concern. Ancient Chinese Confucians regarded it as their faith and goal to “have commitment for the world as their duty” and “to save people from fire and water.” They arduously dedicated their lives to saving the world, especially through serving Heaven and Earth by achieving utmost sincerity and complete comprehension of nature, fulfilling one’s mind and knowing one’s nature, preserving one’s mind and nourishing one’s nature, and settling down one’s life in spiritual pursuit of “No matter how long or short 44

As we all know, Confucianism also places great importance on education, the relationship between teachers and students, and more importantly, the inheritance of cultural undertakings and cultural life. Confucius said, “To execute one’s people without education is called cruelty, to demand success of one’s subjects or civilians without admonitions is called despotism, to exact deadlines without encouraging and promoting is called grabbing, and to donate reluctantly in small amount is called grudging”. (Analects, Chap. 20)—translator’s note.

480

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

one’s life is, one never changes his attitude, and just cultivates himself and waits on Heaven.” All these show Confucians’ religious character. Confucians’ sense of mission, sense of responsibility, suffering consciousness, and personal faith they practiced in daily life, such as “giving up one’s life for right cause,” “being dead but immortal,” “doing one’s best till one’s heart ceases to beat,” and “willing to die at night if one could hear the truth in morning,” all can be sourced from “the Way of Heaven” or “the Mandate of Heaven,” which are explicitly characterized by religious transcendence. Confucians, as individuals, have their own belief and ultimate commitment, and are capable of discovering and exploring the ultimate meaning of their life and death. Thus, they can settle down their life in spiritual pursuit and make limited life attain the realm of infinite meaning. The true reason for Confucians to fully solve the problem of life and death lies not only in the Way of Heaven, but also in the heart and nature originated from the Mandate of Heaven, which constitutes the pivot of Confucian “Doctrine of Heavenly Mandate” and “Doctrine of HeartNature.” Hence, the Confucians’ life attitude and their ultimate concern of life and death possess metaphysically transcendent significance. The afore-mentioned statements, such as “When coming to the end, we must be as discreet as at the beginning,” “Attending to death rites with care and reverence, showing respectful awe to those who long departed,” and “The identical attitude one should take all the way, right from beginning to the end,” all should be traced back to the Confucian character of transcendence and religiousness. Some argue that Confucian Learning lacks in religiousness and only concerns about the worldly affairs, while others claim that it lacks individuality and only focuses on group or community ethics. However, all these arguments are specious. The consciousness of life, zeal for salvaging people under heaven, care for life and death, and transcendent justification found in Confucian Learning serve as irrefutable proof of its religious nature. Confucian moral experience and practice, particularly its commitment to facing life and death, are rooted in its irreplaceable and unalienable individuality. In other words, the Confucian “Doctrine of Heavenly Mandate” and “Doctrine of Heart-Nature” recognize the rootedness and individuality of life and death, ensuring that each individual is not only connected to the cosmo-transcendent-oneness but also transcends the mundane routines of daily coexistence. Confucians have experienced and verified the transcendental ground of human life, highlighting the authenticity and individuality of human existence, while also covering the transcendent nature of death and individual freedom in death. Sixth, The Contemporary Value of Confucian Outlook of Life and Death The question of life and death and its meaning is an eternal topic that has been endlessly discussed in various religions and philosophies worldwide. With the rapid development of modern science and technology and the emergence of an aging society, the relationships between Heaven, Earth, Human beings, all things, and individuals have become more estranged and alienated. This estrangement has forced modern people to feel more lonely and helpless than ancientors. The spiritual well-being of modern people has become a concern, as a sense of meaninglessness permeates the new generation, leaving them confronted with a life devoid of

11.4 Confucianism’s View of Life and Death and Its Contemporary Value

481

faith and roots. In the prevailing glodbal cultural milieu characterized by indifferent humanity, moral crisis, the infuence of the “cultural industry,” and proliferation of ruffian cultures, people are increasingly prone a lack of soul nourishment and spiritual pursuit in their lives. Furthermore, the prolongation of life expectancy exacerbates the impending negative mental entanglements associated with death. For a significant number of retired, healthy, frail, or terminally ill individuals, both the material and spiritual aspects of life have become problematic. The absence of adequate material and spiritual care during the end of life, coupled with the dehumanizing manner in which dying individuals are often treated, contributes to an inability to face death calmly and with human dignity. Modern science and technology civilization cannot replace the need for modern individuals to contemplate the meaning and value of life and death. Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism, Christianity, and other ideological resources offer rich wisdom that can help break the secular obsession with life and death. By tapping into the essence of ancient civilizations and harnessing the high spiritual strength of religion and morality, individuals can discover the ultimate meaning of life and death. This enables to have a certain ultimate commitment in faith and belief, which is also a crucial path for modern individuals to enhance the quality of their lives and elevate the realm of their personality.45 Confucianism, particularly its metaphysical ontology and outlook of life and death, serves as one of the significant spiritual sources guiding us into the twenty-first century. It has the potential to broaden our spiritual horizons, prevent the homogenization and flattening of value orientations, avoid the unilateral exaggeration of values presupposed by modernization, and critique its negative aspects and the malignant expansion of instrumental rationality. The Way of settling down in spiritual pursuit upheld by Confucianism can enrich our lives, uplift our personalities, activate our mental moods, alleviate our worries, ease our internal tensions, help us avoid our obsession with life and death, revive our pursuit of humanitarian ideals, and enable us to live a true human life. The Confucian spirit is bound to play an increasingly significant role in healing and rescuing the negative sides of society and life in the twenty-first century, especially in stabilizing and cultivating human nature and the human soul. Essentially, Confucianism teaches individuals how to behave and understand the meaning of life. Confucianism serves as the backbone of our national spirit. The creative transformation of Confucianism in modern society aids in promoting people’s pursuit of ideal personality, overcoming the loss of humanitarian spirit, the weakening of national quality, and the dissolution of self-cultivation. A person or a race must possesses their own ultimate faith and belief, which transcends the practical significance of secular ethical orientation of human relations. By unifying transcendence and immanence, Confucianism affirms that through efforts in moral cultivation based on one’s heart-nature conscience and nature-modeling pursuit, one can know Heaven, serve Heaven and attain to Heaven. This attainment represents the supreme realm of personality, also known as the oneness with Heaven, 45

See Fu Weixun, Dignity of Death and Dignity of Life, Taipei, Zhengzhong Publishing House, 1994.

482

11 Confucian Path to Ideal Realm

Earth, and all things. The concepts of “Heaven,” “Mandate of Heaven,” “Way of Heaven,” and one’s subjective recognition of this Cosmological Ultimate Truth are the real foundation that allows Confucianism to surpass the earthly world spiritually. In a word, Confucianism remains a source of modern life and an important spiritual nourishment for China and the world in the twenty-first century.

Chapter 12

Confucian Wisdom in Management

Today, most of the management knowledge learned from economics, business, or management schools, MBA or EMBA classes, is at the operational level, and there is a lot of information that can be learned independently. However, the management knowledge we can learn from Chinese National Learning (guoxue), mainly represented by the hundred schools of philosophers, Confucian Classics, Buddhism, and Taoism, is at the level of wisdom. Once we comprehend this wisdom, we can benefit from throughtout all our life. Of course, we should read the classics under guidance and actually experience and practice them, as this is how we can open up our wisdom and become enlightened. In this context, I intend to describe the Confucian management wisdom and its modern significance, focusing on the work ethics of Confucian merchants and workers. Specifically, I will focus on three aspects: first, the Confucian merchants in China and Japan; secondly, the Confucian Way of management; and finally, the basic doctrines of Confucian management philosophy.

12.1 Work Ethic of Confucian Merchants The urgent task for us is to construct modernized work ethics, civil servant ethic, business ethics, and enterprise ethics is an urgent task for us, as each sector has its unique business nature and service objects, necessitating specific professional ethics. Despite the unqiue professional ethics of each sector, there are still shared work ethics across all walks of life. The construction of these work ethics or business ethics can fully incorporate the traditional ethical spirit of our Chinese nation, such as ren-ai (human-heartedness and love), zhong-shu (loyalty and tolerance), li-yi (propriety and righteousness), and lian-chi (integrity and sense of shame), cheng-xin (sincerity and truthfulness), zixing (self-inspection), shendu (subjective conscience or being careful with one’s conduct when alone), frugality without extravagance and waste, working diligently, and keeping good company with others. In work ethics and

© Fudan University Press 2024 Q. Guo, The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4799-7_12

483

484

12 Confucian Wisdom in Management

community ethics, we should strive to realize the modern transformation of traditional virtues, as well as public versus private view, righteousness versus interests view, and community versus selfhood view, which is one of the important tasks for us to build a harmonious society, build a new type of civil society and achieve sustainable development. First, The Views of Western Economists In modern society, healthy development of market economy requires a coordination of political structure, legal order, educational level, ethical system, and moral concept that are compatible with it. During the early construction of a capitalist free market economy, while affirming the rationality of the profit-seeking impulse and advocating “rational egoism,” it also necessarily affirmed the principles of “adherence to contract” and “exchange of equivalent value,” as well as moral requirements such as “compassion” and others. For instance, Adam Smith, a classical economist, published his book The Theory of Moral sentiments in 1759, in which he demonstrates that our moral ideas and actions are a natural consequence of being social creatures. In the 1930s, John Maynard Keynes criticized the idea and behavior of seeking huge profits through unscrupulous means, with “self-interests” being the only principle, believing that such ideas and behaviors cannot adapt to the development of the market economy. John Dewey, in his pragmatic moral theory, also severely criticized the values which are in the name of upholding liberty and equality for all, such as “vulgar individualism,” egoism, money worship, and hedonism. John Dewey argues that it is also problematic to expand the pursuit of self-interests by the few to the pursuit of self-interests by the many. The important thing is to transform society and promote the formation of new type of personality. Dewey emphasized the social nature of moral behavior, arguing that people should not be subject to private “money interests,” but should be subject to the interests of social transformation. James Buchanan, an American economist, winner of Nobel Prize in Economics in 1986, attached great importance to the role of political system reform, legal order, and ethics in market economy. According to Buchanan, the market is the embodiment of a “moral order,” which requires mutual respect and guarantees the realization of rights and the enforcement of contracts of the law. He said, “The unchecked man is a beast,” asserting that acts of personal financial gain must be confined within mutually beneficial boundaries. From the brief statements above, it is evident that western thinkers and economists do not deny the role of social morality and individual morality in the market economy. They also do not they unconditionally advocate unscrupulous means, intriguing egoism, money supremacy, correct pleasure-seeking, or any behavior that is subject to any restrictions. At least it can be said that the capitalist market economy is inseparable from the public moral order, individual moral self-discipline and education, as well as certain commercial ethics. These elements constitute the unspoken background accumulated by civilization and serve as the lubricant for the healthy development of the market economy. Second, Confucian Merchants of China During the Ming and Qing dynasties, due to the development of social productive forces led to gradual expansion of the scope of commodity circulation, and

12.1 Work Ethic of Confucian Merchants

485

merchant capital became increasingly active. At that time, there appeared merchant groups such as Huizhou merchants, Shanxi merchants, Shaanxi merchants, Fujian merchants, Guangdong merchants, and Longyou merchants (in western Zhejiang) across the country, with Hui merchants being the most renowned among them. Hui merchants benefited greatly by adhering to traditional Chinese culture, especially Confucian ideology and morality, in business activity. For instance, honesty, fairness, and truthfulness are traditional Confucian thoughts that many Hui merchants have incorporated into their moral and ethical concepts as well as their business principles. There is such a story: Wu Shiying was a prominent salt merchant. One of his shop clerks, who was in charge of finance in his firm, borrowed 16,000 minqian1 from someone else in Wu’s name but later defaulted on the debt. Someone later told Mr. Wu, “It was your shop clerk who borrowed the money in your name, which had nothing to do with you and should be paid off by your clerk!” Wu replied, “Why did you all lend him such a large sum of money without my knowledge? It was because you trusted me. It was a mistake for my clerk to borrow money in my name, and if I use it as an excuse not to pay it off, I would exacerbate the mistake and betray your trust in me and my business.”2 He later paid off the debt by himself. (Tai Han Ji, Vol.37) This story illustrates that businessmen should prioritize business virtue and uohold their reputation. Regardless of their position as prominent businessmen or assistants to ordinary merchants, they all placed great emphasis on preserving their moral integrity in business dealings. Gu Yanwu (1613–1682), a well-known scholar from the early Qing Dynasty, highly praised the shop clerks of Hui business, saying, “They are honest and trustworthy in their business activities, and they would not be tempted by even one or two baht, which earns them the trust of major businessmen.” (Gu Yanwu: Zhao Yu Zhi3 ) Similarly, in commercial trade, adhering to the Confucian spirit of fairness, trustworthiness, honesty, and sincerity has brought them numerous benefits in their business endeavors. Due to the edifying influence of traditional Chinese culture, Hui merchants generally despised those who were rich but mercenary. They adhered to the doctrines of “considering righteousness upon seeing benefit” and “seeking profit through righteousness.” Wang Daokun, a prominent figure among Hui merchants and born into a magnate family in Xin’an, once recounted the actions of a Hui merchant: “In the year of qui mao (40th year of the Chinese sexagenary cycle), low grain prices harmed farmers, and many businessmen took advantage of this by lowering their

1 Min Qian 緡錢 refers to copper coins tied in strings, which was used as the unit to calculate tax in the Han Dynasty. Later, it generally referred to tax money—translator’s note. 2 Tai Han Ji 太函集 is a collection of poems compiled by Wang Daokun (汪道昆, 1525 ~ 1593), a literati of the Ming Dynasty who was a native of Xixian County, Anhui Province—translator’s note. 3 Zhao Yu Zhi, or Zhao Yu Annals 肇域志, is a general annals of national geography written by Gu Yanwu (1613–1682) during the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. It was compiled in the 12th year of Emperor Chongzhen (A.D. 1611–1644) and completed in the first year of Emperor Kangxi (A.D.1654–1722)—translator’s note.

486

12 Confucian Wisdom in Management

offers and refusing to purchase. Only Chang Gong4 bought grain from farmers at a fair price. In the following year, there occurred a famine, and the price of grain skyrocked. Chang Gong sold his own stored grain in the market at the same price as in previous years. All people from far and near praised him for his virtue, and even today, his just act continues to be admired and celebrated.” (Tai Han Ji, Vol. 61) In fact, this business practice also enabled Hui merchants to gain a wider reputation, improve their social status, and promote business operations. Specifically, the business ethics of ancient Chinese businessmen were manifested as follows: first, by emphasizing the principles of honesty and truthfulness, such as not storing goods away for the highest price, fairness in buying and selling, equal honesty with aged and child customers, and not allowing for passing off fakes as real or inferior goods as superior; secondly, by advocating diligent and thrifty management of business, opening up sources of income and reducing expenditure, being proficient in trading skills, and discovering talented individuals and assigning them to suitable positions; and thirdly, by proposing to bring wealth through harmony, treating each other with courtesy and righteousness, living in harmony with relatives and neighbors, and delivering a wide range of benefits to those in need.

Master Zhu’s Maxims for Governing the Family

Shanxi Piao Hao Ye or Jin Merchants Ticket Number Industry was once renowned across the country.5 Its business philosophy was deeply rooted in Confucianism. Mr. Qiao Shouyong (1818–1907), the owner of the Qiao Family Courtyard In ancient China, the eldest child in the family was respectfully addressed as “Chang Gong” 長 公—translator’s note. 5 “Shanxi Piao Hao”山西票號, also known as “Shanxi Qian Zhuang” 山西錢莊, is an old-fashioned financial institution or firm for money exchange and transfer that operated from the late Qing Dynasty until before liberation. Its headquaters are located in Beijing, with branches spread all over the country. The money bills issued by this institution can be remitted anywhere. Due to the majority of its operators being from Shanxi, it is commonly referred to as “Shanxi Piao Hao,” or “Shanxi Qian Zhuang.”—translator’s note. 4

12.1 Work Ethic of Confucian Merchants

487

in Shanxi (shanxi qiaojia dayuan), was a prime example of incorporating Confucian thoughts into his business operations. He educated his offsprings with moral books such as Master Zhu’s Maxims for Governing the Family (zhuzi zhijia geyan),6 Emperor Wenchang’s Preaching for Goodness (wenchang dijun yinzhi wen),7 and Sheng Fen Proverbs (sheng fen zhen).8

Wall-Scribed Text of Shěng Fēn Jian

6

Master Zhu’s Maxims for Governing the Family (zhuzi zhijia geyan), written by Zhu Bailu in the Ming Dynasty, was published by Guangling Publishing House (Yangzhou, Jiangsu) in 2009. Based on the Confucian core thought of “self-regulating” and “family establishing,” this book extensively adopts the Confucian experiences and methods for personal development, and summarizes up the experience of establishing one’s family and educating future generations—translator’s note. 7 Wenchang Dijun Yinzhi Wen or Emperor Wenchang’s Preaching for Goodness 文昌帝君陰騭文, abbreviated as Yin Zhi Wen 陰騭文, is an important Taoist Classic. Its author is unknown. It is also difficult to draw a conclusion on the age of the book. According to The Annotation of “Yin Zhi Wen” 陰騭文注 revised by Zhu Gui in the Qing Dynasty: “Given that Yin Zhi Wen mentioned something related to Song Jiao, the prime minister of the Song Dynasty, it may have been written in the Song Dynasty.” Some scholars in the Qing Dynasty also held this view. “Yin Zhi,” as a phrase, originated from the “Nine Categories of Grand Norms: “Heaven, (working) unseen, secures the tranquility of the lower people,” which means that Heaven above protects the people in secret. This is a relatively simple theory of the Mandate of Heaven in ancient times. Emperor Wenchang is a god included in the Taoist system of immortals. His main function is to persuade people in the world to practice goodness (yin zhi, 陰騭). “Yin Zhi” refers to cultivating virtue or striving after virtue and practicing good deeds for the next world. Therefore, the entire book of Yin Zhi Wen teaches people to stop evil and engage in charitable deeds, both in their behavior and in the depth of their heart—translator’s note. 8 “Sheng Fen Zhen, or “Sheng Fen Proverbs ”省分箴, is a writing style about “self-introspection” and “self-conduct.” Its text is excerpted from Song Wen Jian 宋文鑑, compiled by lü Zuqian (1137– 1181), a philosopher and writer of the Southern Song Dynasty. Through listing the animals, plants, metal, and other substances of the natural world, as well as the development of human society, Sheng Fen Zhen clarifies that all things in the world are natural and exhorts people to comply with various laws of nature, be contented, and not greedy, so as to reap a good ending of life. Although the entire text inevitably reveals a sentiment of fatalism, it is consistent with The Doctrine of the Mean—translator’s note.

488

12 Confucian Wisdom in Management

Some “time-honoured” shops, such as “Tong Ren Tang” in Beijing, have long been adept at incorporating the excellent heritage of Chinese traditional culture into their practices. “Tong Ren Tang” was founded in the eighth year of Emperor Kangxi (1669). It has been thriving for over three hundred years. One of the most important reasons for its success is its persistence in inheriting and carrying forward the traditional virtues of the Chinese nation. Its founder, Yue Xianyang (1630–1688), once said: “Only medicine is the best of all that can benefit the world and nourish the life of people.” He took benefiting the world and nourishing the life of people as the purpose of running his enterprise. He treated customers, both young and old, with equal respect and sincerity, and conduct business with courtesy. Up to now, the veteran employees of “Tong Ren Tang” still remember two sentences: “Don’t forget righteousness on seeing profit, and anything you do or even think in your mind is known by Heaven.” That is to say, although no one can see the process of pharmaceutical synthesis, we should approach every detail of pharmaceutical work with conscience. “Tong Ren Tang” requires its staff to be responsive to customers’ request at any time and also set a rule that the word “no” is not allowed. If a customer wants a medicine that the store does not have, they are asked to write it down, and the store helps to purchase it for them. In the past, “Tong Ren Tang” often set up porridge sites for famine victims, opened free schools, delivered liberal aid for the needy, organized fire brigade spontaneously, and engaged in other public welfare undertakings. “Tong Ren Tang” have achieved long-term economic and social benefits by accumulating virtues through doing good deeds and benefiting the world and nourishing the life of people. From 1920 to the 1940s, China’s older generation of entrepreneurs in the business community, including industrial giants such as Mr. Rong Zongjing, Mr. Rong Desheng, and Mr. Song Feiqing in Shanghai and Tianjin, advocated and practiced the essence of traditional culture, particularly the principles of being a virtuous person and management represented by “Confucian workers” and “Confucian businessmen.” They incorporated Confucian creeds into their management and operations, such as “wishing to be established himself, one should also seek to establish others; wishing to be developed himself, one should also seek to develop others,” “treating people with sincerity,” “winning people by virtue,” “Do not do to others what you do not wish yourself,” and so on. This self-management-centered approach mobilizes people’s enthusiasm, coordinates various interpersonal relationships, and forms the company’s entrepreneurial spirit and culture, thereby achieving systemwide management and enabling them to indeed achieve great success in career and wealth. Rong Zongjing and Rong Desheng, located in Wuxi, Jiangsu Province, took “human-heartedness, self-discipline, and practical cooperation” as their industrial philosophy. Mr. Rong Desheng’s approach to self-establishment and familygovernance is in line with what Confucius said: “To establish oneself, he should also establish others; to develop oneself, one should also develop others.” Mr. Rong Desheng said: “What ancient saints abide by in words and deeds is nothing more than the shining virtue promoted in Great Learning (daxue), as well as the utmost sincerity, the rectification of heart, the self-cultivation, the governance of the country, and the

12.1 Work Ethic of Confucian Merchants

489

pacification of the world promoted in The Doctrine of the Mean. These notions are also true for businessmen. They must first of all rectify their heart, achieving utmost sincerity, and seek truth from facts. Only by embracing these beliefs and working hard will they be able to succeed.” He argued that in order to increase productivity, it was necessary to add new equipment and improve operation technology, but also to strengthen personnel management from the perspective of “manpower” and regarded people as the first element of productivity. He further stated: “From my own experience in business operation, I have found that even if the people I have employed are not experts, I still treat them with sincerity, convince them with virtue, respect them without casually asking for perfection, and take good care of their family. This approach leads to their devoted work and commitment to the job. I believe that this business philosophy is effective and worthy of emulation by surrounding factories.” Mr. Rong Desheng insisted on the management philosophy of “convincing people with virtue,” which proved to be effective. “In that very year, the factories of Maoxin Company made profits, the factories of Fuxin Company also made profits, while the factories of Shenxin Company lost more than half of their profits due to lack of righteousness” (Rong Desheng: The True Story of Rong Desheng or cai nong zi ding hang nian ji shi).9 Such a management philosophy of treating people with sincerity and convincing men with virtue can more effectively arouse their enthusiasm, coordinate the relationship between the manager and the managed, and within the managed, forming a more centralized producer group. Obviously, this approach is superior to the practice of improving labor productivity through operation methods. Similar to Mr. Rong Desheng, Mr. Song Feiqing of Tianjin East Asia Company applied the Chinese traditional culture, in particular, the Confucian Way of treating others, to adjusting personal relationship inside and outside the company. He had the motto “Do not do to others what you do not want others to do to you” written the garble of the company building as the guiding principle of the East Asian company. He took this motto as the foundation of his business management, essentially achieving the management of whole system through self-management. In other words, as East Asia Company phrases it, “Be your own manager.” East Asia Company adpoted the words of Confucius as its factory motto, which not only aligned with the traditional habits and mentality of the Chinese but also played a significant role in management, transforming external “heteronomous discipline” into internal “self-discipline.” Mr. Yang Zhao, Chairman of Rising Sun Group in Hong Kang, integrated Confucian teachings and Buddhist essence of Chinese traditional culture into corporate culture. He said: “Oriental wisdom is like a powerful magnet that attracts people and enlightens them suddenly. The value of human life lies in serving community, all sentient beings and society, and this life value orientation will eventually integrate 9

The True Story of Rong Desheng (cai nong zi ding hang nian ji shi), written by Rong Deshen, is not a literal translation of the Chinese original title. This book truly records Rong Desheng’s life experience, ideological changes, and career successes and failures from his birth to his 60 s. Later, he asked Qian Sunqing to write a preface, in which Qian praised the book as “the history of Chinese industry.” The book was printed by Rong Yiren, his fourth child, in 5000 copies and distributed to his relatives and friends. In 2001, Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House officially published the book under the same title—translator’s note.

490

12 Confucian Wisdom in Management

oneself into society and nature. As long as one regards himself as a member of society, as a part of the universe, and acts in accordance with society and nature, he can almost reach the state of selflessness in the service of society and people.” Starting from nothing as an ironing worker in his youth, he rose through diligence, dedication, and integrity. He was appreciated and promoted by his boss and eventually started his own business. Over the past 20 years, he has established the massive Rising Sun Group, which now comprises more than 100 companies and tens of thousands of employees, with operations distributed worldwide. “Jeanswest” is his industry. The Three brothers of The Yang Family have donated generously to their hometown of Huizhou county and other parts of the country, as well as to Hong Kong’s public welfare undertakings and cultural development both demestically and internationally. They have made significant contributions to the economic development of the Chinese mainland. Mr. Yang Zhao lives a simple and modest life, practicing abstinence from meat, chanting the name of Buddha, and staying from a dissipated and extravagant life. He is proficient in Confucianism, Buddhism, and other philosophical and religious texts. He takes spiritual harvest as a sign of success in life, claiming that the value of human life lies in the extension of the “Impartial I” and “altruism” to include a larger crowd, all living beings, and society. He was awarded the “Hong Kong Young Industrialist Award” and commented by the assessment team as: “An honest, smart, and hardworking entrepreneur.” In the process of starting and maintaining his business, he consistently explored the depth of his own heart and sought the truth of human life. He had a deep disdian for some nouveau riche from the Chinese mainland, who, after making a lot of money, indulged in excessive eating, drinking, gambling, and othe sensual pleasures, falling into corruption and depravity, and even engaging in harmful activities. Third, Confucian Businessmen in Japan Shibusawa Eiichi (A.D. 1840–1931), known as the “father of Japanese industry,” used The Analects of Confucius (lunyu) as a textbook to educate his managers. The New Compiled Analects of Confucius by Murayama Fu from Japan is a monograph that exmines the Analects from the perspective of enterprise management. Sakichi Toyoda, the founder of Toyota Corporation in Japan, adopted “Heaven, Earth and Human” as his motto for business management. Later, his son, Ichiro Toyoda, revised it to “Heaven, Earth, Human, Wisdom and Human-heartedness.” His grandson, Koichiro Toyoda, enlarged it into “Heaven, Earth, Human, and Wisdom, Humanheartedness, and Bravery.” As we know, “Heaven, Earth, and Human” originates from “Gong Sunchou (B)” in The Works of Meng Zi, which states, “Favorable weather conditions are not as valuable as favorable geographic conditions, and favorable geographic conditions are not as valuable as the harmony of the people.” Additionally, Chinese ancient businessmen laid emphasis on “Doing what is right at the opportune time and in line with local conditions,” taking into account the change in the market and acting according to concrete circumstances. “Wisdom, humanheartedness, and bravery” are known as Confucian “Three Universal Virtues,” which originates from the Analects. Confucius said: “The wise are free from doubts; the virtuous from anxiety, the brave from fear.” (Analects, VII, 36) In The Doctrine of the

12.1 Work Ethic of Confucian Merchants

491

Mean, it is said: “To love learning is to be near to wisdom, to practice with vigor is to be near to human-heartedness, and to know shame is to be near to bravery.” “Wisdom, human-heartedness, and bravery, these three are the universal virtues under Heaven.” Honda Company of Japan is the world’s leading motorcycle company. Its operators pursue the marriage of technology and people, rather than just the production of motorcycles. The company emphasized human factors and put forward its business strategy, spiritual belief, and cultural value orientation, which are, “Be creative, not imitate others; Be cosmopolitan, not confined to narrow areas; Have acceptability and enhance mutual understanding.” Konosuke Matsushita, known as “God of Management” in Japan, achieved great success in business operations. His career success was related to the traditional Confucianist and Taoist thoughts embodied in his ideals, words, and deeds. When asked about the secret to his business operations, he replied, “I don’t have any secrets. The only way I run my business is always to follow the laws of nature.” Konosuke Matsushita’s management wisdom, I think, lies in the principle of flexibility found in The Book of Change (zhouyi) and the Way of Nature in The Works of Lao Zi or Lao Tzu). So, what is the “Panasonic Spirit?” Its spirit, I think, can be described as “harmony, self-inspection, self-discipline, loyalty, and dedication.” Panasonic Corporation upholds traditional values such as respecting the elderly and the virtuous, which, actually, are not in conflict with the company’s pursuit of self-improvement through competition, efficiency, and incentives for young people. Konosuke Matsushita’s motto is: “Panasonic produces people as well as electrical appliances.” He has established a huge training center that can train 50,000 employees in rotation each year. The Matsushita Electric Business College provides rigorous education for employees by combining Confucian philosophy with modern management practices. The college regards it as its program to adhere to the industrial duty, with the aim of improving and enhancing social life, and contributing to the development of world culture. The college upholds the credo of “Intimate cooperation, utmost sincerity, solidarity as one, and community service.” The College regards “manifesting one’s shining virtue, loving the people, and resting in the highest good” from the Confucian Classic The Great Learning as the goal of training employees, and has made a creative interpretation of these principles: “Mingde” means “doing ones’ utmost and earnestly complying with business ethics in practice;” “Qinmin” means “being sincere and honest, and maintaining good interpersonal relationships with others;” “Zhishan” means “striving for the goal of moral perfection.” Panasonic Company established the idea that “the Way of business operation lies in virtue” by studying the four Confucian Classics, such as The Great Learning, The Analects of Confucius, The Works of Meng Zi and The Book of Filial Piety, so as to establish a humane management model. They believe that to cultivate the idea that “the Way of business operation lies in virtue,” it is necessary to start with The Book of Filial Piety. Every morning, all students gathered, each facing their hometown, paying homage to their parents from afar, and reciting The Book of Filial Piety in their heart: “The Master said, ‘Showing filial piety for parents is the foundation of virtue. My body, my hair, and my skin, which are given by my parents, shouldn’t be damaged. Knowing this is the beginning of filial piety. Standing up in the world, practicing

492

12 Confucian Wisdom in Management

the Way, building up good reputation for posterity, thereby bringing esteem to my father and mother, and it is in these things that my filial conduct finds its consummation.’” Then, each member sits upright with theirhands clasped together and recites the “Gāthā (Verse) of Five Concepts” for self-reflection. Verse One asks, “How much labor is consumed for this meal?” Verse Two asks: “Do I have the virtue of enjoying this meal myself?” Verse Three states, “I must purify my heart and restrict my desires.” Verse Four states: “I enjoy this meal just as a medicine for the perfection of my body and heart;” and Verse Five states: “I enjoy this meal in order to walk on the right way of the world.” The Panasonic Company used this method to shape human nature and cultivate the utmost goodness and human-heartedness in its employees. It believed that if someone is not filial to their parents, it means that they lack human-hearted or benevolent virtue, and their humanity is alienated. How can someone love others if they are not filial to their parents? By learning filial piety and the Confucian thought of extending the love for one’s parents to the love for others, the Panasonic Company tried to cultivate the human-hearted mind of its employees, promote effective management of the enterprises, and thus constructe its own enterprise philosophy. According to reports, in 1993, the Japan Modern Business College, which was jointly founded by a Japanese state-owned university and the Mitsui Group, required its students to recite excerpts from The Great Learning, The Doctrine of the Mean, and The Analects of Confucius every morning. Additionally, the college conduct debates on the contents of Confucian ethics, including self-cultivation, the establishment of family, governance of the country, pacification of the world, loyalty, filial piety, propriety, and righteousness. The Kao Corporation, which is the most famous company in Japan’s daily necessities and cosmetics industry, believes that customer satisfaction and trust are its most precious assets. The primary goal of Kao is not profit or competitive positioning, but to increase customer satisfaction through practical, innovative, and marketable products. Regardless of whether in the East or the West, successful enterprises consider the way of being a person, rectifying the purpose of human life, and human morality as important contents of their corporate culture, as well as important principles and requirements for operating and managing their business. Market economy is not an end in itself; rather, healthy and sound people are the ultimate goal. Market economy cannot exist without people. Therefore, in the process of adding value to commercial profits, human comprehensive reproduction remains a key focus. Likewise, the cultivation of healthy and virtuous employees, the formation of business ethics, entrepreneurial spirit, and ethos are conducive to the prosperity of both the market economy and enterprises. The reproduction of high-quality objects is synchronized with the reproduction of high-quality people. The moral cultivation, principle of being a human, corporate idea, and enterprise philosophy pursued by traditional and contemporary Confucian businessmen in East Asia are all secret weapons for their successful careers and effective management.

12.2 Confucius Philosophy of Management

493

We should strive to expand the good and noble aspects of human nature while restraining the ugly, despicable, and vulgar aspects. However, to succeed in doing so, it is far from sufficient to rely solely on moral consciousness, principles, norms, and ethical life order. We must also rely on the coordination of various objective foundations, conditions, and factors, such as economic relations, political mechanisms, legal structures, educational levels, social culture, and family ethics. Moreover, the construction of morality and ethics in the new era can facilitate the self-improvement of personal morality, promote the healthy establishment of social morality, clarify the responsibilities and obligations of citizens based on social justice, safeguard the rights, interests, dignity, and value of citizens, and simultaneously promote the realization of social ideals. The cultivation and personality education of people of all strata in modern society is an urgent problem that should naturally be be placed on the agenda of social and cultural construction, as it serves as an important indicator of civilized society. In this regard, the moral ethos and moral education provided by society, family, government, school, company, township, and community are crucial. However, the current situation is very concerning.

12.2 Confucius Philosophy of Management Firstly, Confucius advocates the rule of virtue, which involves guiding people with virtue, regulating people with proprieties, and cultivating within them a virtue of shame, and making them upright. In terms of management philosophy, Confucius said: “Conduct government in accordance with virtue, and it will be like the North Star standing in its place, with all other stars paying court to it.” (Analects, Chap. 2:1). This means that if a politician can govern society with moral personality, he will enjoy the support of the public, just as the North Star enjoys the support of the arch guard of the stars. Likewise, managers should rely on cultivation of virtue and personality, rather than power and status, to convince people and be supported by colleagues and subordinates. In fact, if the principal leaders of each department and each enterprise act in the right way, take the lead in strictly observing norms and setting an example, and have perseverance, ideals, minds, and tolerance, the department will have cohesion. Of course, this does not mean violating regulations and institutions. Institutional structure and regulation are very important, but they are ultimately enforced by people. That is why Confucius said: “A gentleperson’s virtue is the wind and a petty person’s virtue is the grass. When wind blows on grass, grass bends with it.” (Analects, Chap. 12). The personality model of rulers and managers is like the wind, and the conduct of the common people is like the grass. Wherever the wind blows, the grass falls. Cultivation of social ethos and environment is crucial, as it constitutes socio-cultural capital or cultural competence. According to Confucius, a ruler or manager should set an example for their people, influencing them unobtrusively. If they exhibits moral conduct, their people will follow suit and abide by proprieties and moral standards willingly. Hence, in modern society, it is essential to combine the rule of law with the rule of virtue.

494

12 Confucian Wisdom in Management

Confucius is quoted as saying, “Guide them with legal prohibitions and regulate them with penalties, and people will seek to evade the law and be without shame. Guide them with virtue regulate them with ritual, and they will have a sense of shame and become upright.” (Analects, Chap. 2:3) That is to say, if a ruler or manager guides people with decrees and punishes them with penalties, the people may be free from crimes, but they will lack a sense of shame. But if a ruler or manager guides people with morality and enlightens people with culture of ritual and music, people will not only develop a sense of shame, but also be sincerely and gladly convinced. Then, can we solely rely on decree and punishment in administration? Of course we can, but it will only treat the symptoms, not the root causes, and can not arouse people’s sense of shame. Fundamentally, it is advisable to arouse inner morality of employees, regulate them with written or unwritten enterprise norms, systems, and conduct, and enable them to develop a sense of shame, serve the enterprise sincerely, work diligently, and maintain good company with others. The inner self-discipline and moral spirit of employees, the moral ethos of the enterprise, and the cultivation of enterprise culture are crucial in successful enterprise management. This strategy of focusing on self-management, mobilizing people’s enthusiasm, coordinating various interpersonal relationships, forming teams, and building a cultural spirit is conducive to attracting and retaining talented individuals. Secondly, Confucius advocates the governance principle of impartiality and harmony, as well as its institutionalization and implementation. When King Wu of Zhou asked Jizi, a surviving minister of the previous Yin Dynasty (about c.1600–c.1046 B.C.), for advice on state governance, Jizi said: “State governance must establish a standard of utmost impartiality (dazhong) and utmost uprightness (zhizheng), and this standard is called ‘Huangji’ (huangji, royal perfection)” (“Grand Norms” from Shangshu).10 Specifically speaking, its content includes: one who is in power should not form a clique for selfish ends, bully the lonely and helpless, or be afraid of powerful nobles. Instead, they should appoint people of integrity, avoid favoritism and self-partiality, and follow the Way of former kings. The Royal Way set by former kings is broad, flat, and upright, and with such a standard, everyone will work diligently in this direction. The “Three Virtues” (sande) centers on correctness-straightforwardness (zhengzhi), emphasizing utmost uprightness without partiality and seeking the virtue of utmost impartiality and balanced harmony by coupling hardness (yang) and softness (yin). Ji Zi said, “Avoid deflection, avoid partiality; Broad and long is the Royal Way. Avoid partiality, avoid deflection; Level and easy is the Royal Way. Avoid perversity, avoid one-sidedness; Correct and straight is the Royal Way.” (“Grand Norms in Nine Categories” from Shangshu).

“Hongfan” 洪範, translated as “Grand Norms” or “Great Plan,” is a chapter of the Confucian Classic Shangshu or The Book of History. It describes the world view of the Zhou Period (eleventh centuryt221 B.C.) in metaphysical terms. It is said that the writing is the record of Ji Zi’s narration to King Wu of Zhou on the great principles of the universe after the Zhou Dynasty replaced the Shang Dynasty, but the real authorship is still in debate. It proposes nine key principles for governing a country, that is, “Grand Norms in Nine Categories” (see “Hongfan-Jiu Chou”). The ideas elaborated in this chapter exerted a great influence on later scholars—translator’s note.

10

12.2 Confucius Philosophy of Management

495

Confucius always advocated the governance idea of utmost impartiality and balanced harmony, achieved by coupling hardness and softness. Confucius spoke of “government” in terms of “uprightness,” emphasizing fairness and uprightness in governance. “Ji Kangzi asked Confucius about government. Confucius replied, ‘To govern is to put things to right. If you lead in the right direction, who will dare do what is not right?’” (Analects, Chap. 12) This quote contains two connotations: the first refers to uprightness and straightness in politics, while the second means that those in power take the lead in being upright and straight, and are not swayed by personal considerations. Confucius argues that a ruler governing a state must “pacify people,” “act fairly and justly,” “seek benevolent virtue with all people,” and “seek no personal interests through power.” In management work, Confucius upholds fairness and justness, opposes all evils, advocates filial piety for parents, and respects those who are superior. Confucius stresses that one should first rectify oneself, then the country, and finally the world. He advocates resolving conflicts with love and humane governance, and developing love and harmony between superior and inferior. He also advocates reforming people through education, combinating morality and punishment, not killing the innocent, not letting off any sinners, and handling illegal and criminal phenomena appropriately, in order to realize fair governance and harmony among the people. Confucius also highly stresses the relationship between institutionalization and those who formulate and execute it. In The Doctrine of the Mean, it is recorded that when Duke Ai of State Lu asked him about government, Confucius replied: “The principles of good government of Emperors Wen and Wu of Zhou Dynasty are abundantly preserved in the classic books.” Confucius wants to emphasize that nothing can be accomplished without rules, as old saying goes: “One cannot draw either a square or a round shape without using a compass or a ruler.” An orderly society must have institutions and make them public. On the other hand, once one system is formulated, it depends on individuals or a team to implement it collaboratively: As “Confucius said, ‘Let there be the good people and the good government will flourish; but without the good people, the good government will cease. The way to rule people is to be diligent in state affairs, and the way to cultivate the land is to diligently plant more trees on it. Similarly, indeed, good government is like a fast-growing plant. To get assistance from virtuous officials, a ruler should cultivate his own morality, follow the Way of Heaven, and prioritize the Way of Heaven by starting with human-heartedness first.” (The Works of Meng Zi, Chap. 20) As long as the core layers of management can cooperate with one another, their policies will be implemented effectively and fruitfully, just like trees growing quickly on firtile land. The good governance of King Wen and King Wu of the Zhou Dynasty grew as quickly as pumice reeds due to their political system that benefited the people with virtue, as well as the recognition and cooperation of high and middle levels of management who diligently carried out and implemented the political system. Thirdly, Confucius emphasizes the consistency between name and reality, right and duty, as well as the hierarchy and orderliness of management

496

12 Confucian Wisdom in Management

Rule by ritual is not merely a rule by virtue or by law. Strictly speaking, it does not refer to rule by man or even by law. Instead, Confucius underlines the rectification of names (zhengming), meaning that things in actual fact should be in accord with the implications attached to them by their names. In today’s terms, a manager who has an obligation must be granted a corresponding authority. A specific title or name serves as an indication that the individual has obtained the relevant position of authorization and thus bears a certain responsibility. This title or name defines one’s responsibilities and outlines the scope, boundary, and obligations of matters or objects under their management. Right and responsibility, name and business should be consistent. Only by achieving this consistency can we communicate appropriately, execute things effectively, revitalize the civilization of ritual and music, and ensure that penalties are fair and reasonable, thus preventing the people from being at a loss. Officials should align their names with reality, match their words with actions, and avoid speaking too casually. Rulers and officials must prioritize “winning the people’s trust” as a fundamental principle of state governance and an essential requirement for politicians. Confucius emphasized this, saying, “A country of one thousand warchariots cannot be well administered unless its rulers are strictly attentive to affairs and trustworthy.” (Analects, Chap. 1). That is, to govern a country effectively, a ruler must exhibit seriousness and honesty, keep their promises to the people, and ensure their decrees are followed. When Duke Jing of State Qi asked Confucius how to rule a state, Confucius said that each person must fulfill their respective role: monarch as monarch, minister as minister, father as father, and son as son. Thus, this is the essence of “the rectification of names,” ensuring everything is in its proper order. Each person has a social standing and social name, and must behave according to their responsibilities and duties. Maintaining a clear social order and ethical values can lead to the prosperity of the nation. Confucius emphasized the importance of hierarchy, order, principle, and standard in management, requiring managers to respect their authority and adhere to distinctive levels and responsibilities in practice. Confucius also said: “[When Duke Jing asked how a ruler should treat his ministers and how a minister should serve his ruler], Confucius replied: ‘A ruler should treat his ministers in accordance with ritual. A minister should serve his ruler with loyalty.’” (Analects. Chap. 3). Today, while the relationship between monarch and minister may no longer exists, there is still a superior and subordinate relationship in management. However, this relationship is not one-dimensional requirement, but rather a mutual respect and equality, as expressed by the saying, “When a monarch is sincere, their subordinates are devoted, and when a monarch is human-hearted, their subordinates are loyal.” Fourth, Confucius advocates “recommending the able men,” reusing individuals with virtue and talent, and matching them with their morality, status, emolument, and duties. Confucius claimed that “education can and must be provided for all” and “raising people with virtue and capability and putting them in proper positions.” He argued for the promotion of talents from ordinary people and put them on appropriate position, with a special emphasis on selecting upright and virtuous individuals to be placed above crooked or wicked ones. He said: “Promote the straight persons and let them

12.2 Confucius Philosophy of Management

497

oversee the crooked persons. In this way, you can enable crooked persons to be straight.” (Analects, Chap. 12). Zi Xia explained his master’s words to Fan Chi and said, “How rich in meaning these words are! When Shun ruled the kingdom, he chose Gao Yao from among the multitude, and those who lacked human-heartedness were kept at a distance. When Tang ruled the kingdom, he chose Yi Yin from the crowd, and those who lacked human-heartedness were kept at a distance.” (Analects, Chap. 12) Confucius advocated pardoning talented persons for their small mistakes. Confucius criticized those who “see the worthy but cannot recommend them, and recommends them but cannot put them in the right place as soon as possible.” (The Great Learning) He opposed those who are petty-minded and jealous of talents, emphasizing the importance of matching of virtue, status, emolument, duty, and application. In the chapter “Great Filial Piety” of The Doctrine of the Mean, Confucius stated, “Shun should indeed be considered the most filial person. He is a virtuous saint and a king in position. He owns the whole world in wealth, receives sacrifices in the ancestral temple, and his offsprings continue his deeds. Ah, he is a person with great virtue! A person with great virtue will surely attain the status, wealth, fame, and longevity he deserves. Therefore, Heaven nurtures all things and treats them favorably according to their aptitudes. Those who can become talents are cultivated, and those who cannot are removed.” Xun Zi further stated, “Virtues must be matched with position, position must be matched with fortune, and fortune must be matched with duty.” (“On Prosperity of the State” of The Works of Xun Zi:) Similarly, managers should not only ensure that talents and employees at all levels are matched with their virtue, talent, position, salary, and duty, allowing them to fulfill their nature and display their abilities without a sense of injustice, but also be skilled in selecting the worthy and able individuals and cultivating promising young talents. This principle is important for Confucianism in governing the country and harmonizing the world, and it is also a crucial practical issue in modern society and enterprise management. Fifth, Confucius advocates the practices of five virtues in governance to enhance the realm of managers. Zi Lu asked about government, and Confucius replied: ‘Take the lead in hard work, and then urge the people to work hard.’ ‘When asked if there was anything else,’ Confucius said, ‘Never slack off.’” (Analects, Chap. 13) Confucius demands that officials at all levels serve the public, be loyal to their duties, be fair and honest, be diligent and love the people, and work without complaining. Zi Zhang asked Confucius about Human-heartedness, and Confucius replied: ‘If you can actually practice five things wherever you go in the world, that can be called human-heartedness.’ Zi Zhang inquired further, Confucius replied, “Politeness (gong), forbearance (kuan), truthfulness (xin), diligence (min,) and liberality (hui). If you are polite, you won’t be treated with disrespect. If you are tolerant, you will win many people’s heart. If you are trustworthy, people will entrust you with tasks. If you are diligent, you will achieve a lot. If you are generous, people will work for you.” (Analects, Chap. 17) In this passage, Confucius regards the “Five Virtues” of politeness, forbearance, truthfulness, diligence, and liberality as the connotation of “human-heartedness” and official virtues. Speaking respectively, gong means self-respect and self-esteem in word and deed; kuan means broad-mindedness and magnanimity; xin means sincerity and truthfulness; min means diligence and agility; and hui means kindness and benefaction. According to Confucius, “human-heartedness” is mainly aimed at vassals, ministers, dukes, and scholars with official ranks and emolument, in today’s words, mainly aimed at the management level. Therefore,

498

12 Confucian Wisdom in Management

he believed that a person of virtue who was not discreet in word and deed would not be awe-inspiring. Only when he is self-possessed can he be dignified and not be humiliated. Only when he is generous, tolerant, magnanimous, open-minded, and inclusive will he be acclaimed by everyone. He who is sincere without deception will be entrusted with important tasks. He who works diligently and effectively will make greater contributions. He who is ready to give favors to others is followed by the worthy and the able. Confucius also proposed the idea of benefitting the people, stating that [A ruler should] “go by what benefits the people,” (Analects, Chap. 20) This means that a ruler should strive to “do what is good for the people,” in accordance with their interests and happiness. Proceeding from the fundamental principle of bringing peace and welfare to the people, Confucius emphasized respect and care for the common people in a dignified manner. He said, “[Thus] virtue is fundamental, while wealth is incidental. If a ruler neglects the fundamental and seeks only the incidental, his people will be left to robbery or struggle for profit. Therefore, when a ruler gains his wealth, he loses his people; and when he loses his wealth, he wins his people.” “There is an important principle in making money that we must keep in mind: The virtuous man develops his personality through his wealth, while the unvirtuous man accumulates his wealth at the cost of his personality.” (Great Learning) By stating “virtue is fundamental, while wealth is incidental,” Confucius emphasizes that virtue serves as the purpose (i.e., serving society), while wealth is merely a tool (i.e., wealth to be gathered). A virtuous man cannot prioritize wealth over virtue or turn these two concepts upside down. A virtuous man who has accumulated sufficient wealth and invested part of it in expanded reproduction should distribute the rest of it to the people around him, keeping the possession of wealth with the people and refraining from being too greedy personally. Hence, he becomes a truly rich man. One, who is virtuous, skilled in operating business or big-handed deals, regards wealth just as a means for achieving his personality and life career—this is what is meant by “developing one’s personality through wealth.” On the other hand, a non-virtuous and short-sighted person accumulates wealth at the cost of their personality and may even gamble their life for a small amount of money. This is what is meant by “accumulating wealth at the cost of one’s personality.

In summary, Confucius management philosophy advocates moral governance and “winning people with virtue,” emphasizing self-management-centered strategies to arouse people’s enthusiasm and virtue of shame. He laid stress on utmost impartiality and utmost uprightness in managerial affairs, urging people to resolve considerations through love and moral governance, and to get along with each other in a friendly and harmonious manner, regardless of their superior or inferior status. Ultimately, his management philosophy advocates an ideal environment of fair governance and interpersonal harmony through education and self-cultivation. On the other hand, Confucius management philosophy emphasizes “the rectification of names,” advocating the matching of name and reality, as well as right and responsibility. He proposes “selecting the worthy and the able,” promoting and reusing people with virtue and ability, especially the promising young individuals. In a word, Confucius advocates Five Virtues in governance to continuously improve the personality realm of managers at all levels. According to Confucius, only when high-middle level managers have improved their self-cultivation can the people working under them feel joyous in disposition, harmonious in creating wealth, and well-disciplined in words and deeds, allowing all aspects of work to proceed as smoothly and effectively. He believed every name in social relationships implies certain responsibilities and duties, such as ruler, minister, and son, and the individual

12.3 Confucian Way of Management

499

bearing these names must fulfill their responsibilities and duties accordingly. This is the implication of Confucius Doctrine of Rectification of Names.

12.3 Confucian Way of Management The wisdom unleashed by ancient Chinese philosophy is playing an increasingly important role in the course of East Asian modernization. Indeed, there are many aspects of Chinese management philosophy, including those of Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism, that we should cherish, re-develop, and re-create. Among them, Confucian management wisdom or meta-method is manifested in several ways: the integral systematic idea of “oneness of all things under heaven” (wan wu y iti) and “Way of Three Elements” (san cai zhi dao); the Way of everlasting change and creation that “acts in keeping with conditions” and “growing continuously and changing perpetually, [but the law that govern this change of things is not itself changeable],” the dynamic balance strategy of “achieving cosmological harmony in diversity” and “holding to both ends and using the middle;” and the value ideas of “human-heartedness and love (ren-ai),” loyalty and tolerance (zhong-shu), working diligently and keeping good company with people, etc. Confucian Philosophy emphasizes wholeness, systematicness, creativity, flexibility, harmony, moderation, sincerity, and respect, as well as readiness to mix with others. The Way of Three Elements and the Principle of Flexibility and Creation in The Book of Changes, along with the Confucian Way of the Mean and Cosmological or Balanced Harmony, all contain profound management wisdom. In a word, Chinese wisdom emphasizes unifier of constant (principle) and temporary (flexibility), and attainment of creative change or transformation by mastering both. This approach aims to realize system-wide management and dynamic integration. First, the Integral Systematic Concept of “Oneness of All Things” and “Way of Three Elements” Wang Bi (A.D. 226–249), a Confucian scholar, philosopher, and founder of The Daoist Metaphysics in the Wei and Jin Dynasties (weijin xuanxue), is quoted as saying: “The principle of the world is shared by hundred schools of thought and pervades in all things.” He also says: “Things in the universe are extremely numerous, but their origin is one, which is the Way or Non-being. In short, Non-being is the origin from which all things are produced and to which all things will return.” (Wang Bi: A Commentary on the Book of Changes or zhouyizhu)11 The Confucian concepts of “Oneness with All Things” (wanwuyiti) and “Co-construction of Three Elements (Heaven, Earth, and Human) (san cai gong jian),” which permeate Chinese traditional philosophy, have provided a profound meta-method strategy for Chinese business management. While comprehension and development through modern concrete operation and management activity is still necessary, Chinese management wisdom 11

See Dictionaries of Hundred Schools of Masters, edited by Feng Kezheng and Fu Qingsheng, Shenyang City: Liaoning People’s Publishing House, 1996, p. 732—translator’s note.

500

12 Confucian Wisdom in Management

and business strategies are world-class treasures and full of vitality. They represent great wisdom, not just a small skill, and are worth cherishing, exploring, and developing. From the perspective of meta-method, Chinese management wisdom is characterized by a holistic view, organic system view, and dynamic balance view. Chinese philosophy regards the world as an open, mutually integrated, and organically connected whole. Chinese management science does not view objects of management as isolated, static, unchanging, or mechanically arranged. Nor does it employ a mechanical approach of treating the head when the head aches and the foot when the foot aches. According to classical Chinese philosophy, Heaven, Earth, Human, all things, and individuals are not independent systems confronting each other, but are inextricably linked to one another. They are in the same vibrant stream of life. Chinese philosophers observe the universe and human life through a “holistic view” and “integrative comprehension,” emphasizing that Heaven, Earth, Human, all things, body, and heart are different systems or “fields” with internal and external interdependence and close connection between each system and element. They recognize that human body, as a microscopic universe, is an organically connected whole, and the world, as a big universe, is also an organically connected whole. In ancient Chinese philosophy, this whole is expressed through terms such as “Constant Unification” (tongti), “One Wholeness” (yiti), “Tao” or “Dao,” “Oneness” (yi or cosmo-transcendence-oneness), “Supreme Ultimate” (taiji), “Great Whole” (daquan), and “Great Harmony” (taihe or Cosmic Harmony). The Book of Changes, considered the most authentic Confucian classic, is vast and all-embracing, covering the laws of astronomical phenomena, the orderliness of personnel organization, and the rule of geographical variation. It regards Heaven, Earth, and Human as the Three Elements (sancai) that envelope all things under Heaven. Each of the Three Elements overlapps, resulting in six lines (liu yao) in each hexagram, which represent the law of the Three Elements or the universe. “The Way of Three Elements of Heaven, Earth and Human” summarizes the complex connections and restrictions between various things into three aspects or systems: the Way of Heaven, the Way of Earth, and the Way of Human, which mutually restrict each other at multiple levels. According to the thought of “the Way of Heaven,” “the Way of Earth,” and “the Way of Human,” as well as the concept of the “Three Elements” of “Heaven,” “Earth,” and “Human,” the creative life spirit permeates throughout Heaven, Earth, and human society. The Way of Heaven (tiandao, or the Way of Qian or the Qian Hexagram: ≡) represents the most robust and creative force (vitality) in the universe, while the Way of Earth (kundao, or the Way of Kun or the Kun Hexagram:≡≡) represents the most supple and receptive force in the universe, to which all things owe their growth. Yi Zhuan (the Book of Changes by Explanatory Notes of Yi Zhuan) and The Doctrine of the Mean hold that humans exist between Heaven and Earth, possessing the creativeness of Heaven and the receptivity of Earth. They participate in, assist, fulfill, and coordinate the changes and growth of Heaven and Earth, thus constituting the Three Elements alongside Heaven and Earth. Humans serve as the hub between Heaven and Earth. The Heaven-and-Earth Way, broad and profound, produces all things and

12.3 Confucian Way of Management

501

is unfathomable. Humans learn, imitate, and amplify the creative spirit of Heaven and Earth, maximizing their own nature and the nature of all things, so that others and other entities can settle in their respective places and fulfill their own nature. Second, “the Way of everlasting change and creation” that operates in accordance with conditions and “grows continuously, perpetuating change and transformation.” “Sheng” (meaning animated living, production, or creation) represents the principle of creativity. In “The Appendix III” of The Book of Changes (zhouyi. xicizhuan), it is stated: “The supreme virtue of Heaven and Earth is to produce;” “to produce and reproduce is the function of the Yi.” Chinese philosophy highly upholds the “virtue of endless life- bearing and the blessing of Heaven and Earth,” which entails aligning human creative spirit with the vast and expansive “life-given virtue” of Heaven and Earth, represented by Qian and Kun, Father and Mother, and fully developing human nature to enlarge Heavenly nature. The Chinese tradition of Gratitude to Life highly regards and promotes the creative spirit of life, emphasizes full development of human potential, active participation and sponsorship in the transformation and nourishment of Heaven and Earth, and rational adaptation followed by mastery over them. Hence, the Confucian tradition firmly holds that this Gratitude to Life is universally applicable to all secular beings under heaven and must be adhered to as a universal moral law. In management, the wisdom revealed by Zhou Yi involves combining human’s subjective spirit of vigorous progress, and endless change with the objective process of “yuan, heng, li, and zhen,” which follows the natural way of Heaven and Earth. Instead of unilaterally emphasizing pioneering and innovation, and pursuing endless changes, Zhou Yi also emphasizes conforming to nature to a certain extent. Therefore, the dialectical integration of opening and closing, holding to the constant while acting in accordance with circumstances, principle and flexibility, creativity and inheritance (achieving business goals while maintaining achievements) represents an advanced wisdom and art of enterprise management. “Change” (bian, changeable or variable) is also a kind of “birth” or “production,” or “transformation” (sheng). However, “sheng” primarily implies “creation” and “transformation,” while “bian” primarily implies “attainment to the constant or permanent through change” (biantong) and “treatment administered according to conditions” (zhiyi). Zhou Yi, also known as the “Classic of Changes” (bianjing), sums up the positive and negative experiences and lessons of nature and personnel affairs, providing the best method of coping with the relationship between bad and good, misfortune and fortune, the extreme and change, the survival and perishability, life and death, gain and loss. It requires people to seek opportunities for constant changes due to the interaction between Yin and Yang, Tai (taigua) and Pi (pigua) (when things reach their extreme, they will reverse and turn for the better), Bo (bogua) and Fu ( fugua) (when decline comes, recovery is not far away), Sun (sungua) and Yi (yigua) (Complacency leads to failure, while modesty to success), Ge (gegua) and ding (dinggua) (Do away with the old and establish the new), Jiji (jijigua), and Weiji (weijigua) (things under Heaven always change, smooth at the beginning and disorderly later). Therefore, it emphasizes the importance of adjusting measures according to time, place, things, and situation. The so-called “treatment administered

502

12 Confucian Wisdom in Management

according to conditions (zhiyi)” refers to the coordination of subjective value and objective reality, with the key point being the effort of the managers to comprehend all things from both internal and external perspectives. Chinese philosophy provides an advanced form of wisdom that seeks the constant or the invariable by mastering the changeability of all things, which is distinct from Western scientific management method. This Chinese wisdom is rooted in humanistic sagacity and regards management as the ultimate actualization of human value. Some scholars refer to it as “Taozhi” (a meta-wisdom) or “Taoshu” (a meta-skill or cosmological skill) to distinguish it from Western intellectual scientific management. Chinese philosophical thought on contingency strategies, such as hardness and softness, giving and taking, advancing and retreating, attacking and defending, regularity and nonregularity, clearness and hiddenness, provide flexible and dialectical power tactics for marketing, price war, and other aress. In Chinese philosophy, the idea of change and development is prevalent. Confucius once described the constant flow of the world as a river running round the clock. He says: “Standing by the river, time passes by like this, flowing away day and night.” (Analects, Chap. 17) All things are transient and perishable, and the universe is a process of infinite reciprocation. As a matter of fact, the Chinese word “Yi” 易in Zhou Yi itself has the implication of change. According to Zhou Yi, yi or change may refer to the constant state of all things, the source, or the fundamental principle of all things. In ancient Chinese philosophy, the most detailed study of changes in the evolution of the universe is found in the “Appendices” of the Book of Changes (Yi Jing or the Book of Changes by Explanatory Notes of Yi Zhuan). According to the “Appendices,” all things are in the midst of becoming and growing, and the whole universe is one vast process of constant change and endless growth. According to the “Appendices,” change is a fundamental fact that forms images in the sky and takes shape on the earth. From these images, we can observe the eternity of change. The root of movement and change in all things is the mutual opposition and unity of yin and yang, which is explained in “Appendix 1” of The Book of Changes (zhouyi. xici shang): “One Yang and one Yin [each producing the other and interacting continuously]: this is called the Tao. That which ensues from this is called goodness, and that which is completed thereby is called the nature [of humans and things].” This is the Tao of the production of things, and such production is the major achievement of the universe. In “Appendix 1” of The Book of Changes, it is said (zhouyi. xici shang): “The supreme virtue of Heaven is to produce.” The “Tao” here refers to the dynamic oneness of yin and yang, that is, the process or trajectory of the movement of all things. The Chinese word “Ji” 繼 has the connotation of unceasing growth or production, which means that human beings follow the Heavenly Way and then attain natural goodness. Human nature is to follow the Way of Heaven to achieve their career. The “Appendixes” regards the opposition and empathy of Yin and Yang as the root and rule of movement and transformation of all things in the universe. In “Appendixes” of The Book of Changes, stating that the Way of Yin and Yang creates all things. The “Appendix 1” of The Book of Changes (zhouyi. xici shang) praises the endless cycle of birth, rebirth, and change of all things between Heaven and Earth, which create and sustain all things,

12.3 Confucian Way of Management

503

helping them to subsist, grow, strengthen, and age. This continuous transformation and growth is referred to as “change” or “yi,” and making new progresss every day is considered a noble moral characher. According to Chinese traditional philosophers, all things in the universe are in a constant process of change, with no static formula to follow. The essence of change is innovation and the universe is an endless process, of creation and development. Yi Zhuan says that the core truth of Zhou Yi or The Book of Changes is that all things in the universe are constantly changing and shifting, rather than static. Therefore, we should not simply stick to fixed norm, outline, formula, or dogma, but instead adapt to the ever changes of all things. Yi Zhuan explains that the opening of Qian Yang and closing of Kun Yin, or the interaction between Yin and Yang, or Yin Qi and Yang Qi, is referred to as change or yi. There is no end to the ongoing cycle of their forward and backward movements, which is called continuation or straightforwardness. Yin and Yang are interdependent and cannot function without each other. The interaction between Yin and Yang leads to change, and the principle of change is carried out through continuation. “Appendix 1” says: “When things reach their extreme, change occurs. After the change they evolve smoothly and thus continue for a long time” (qiongzebian, bianzetong, tongzejiu). According to Zhou Yi, things are constantly changing and will develop in the opposite direction, when they reach their extreme. Both Confucianism and Taoism assert that all things are produced and reproduced through the endless changes and transformations of the Yin and Yang forces. It is important for people to understand the Way of Change, seek the turning point when things reach their extreme, and facilitate change in order to promote smooth and long-lasting development. People should not only have a good understanding of the basic rules that govern things, but also able to handle exceptional situations or problems in a flexible manner according to objective circumstances. That is to say, while following the ceaseless circulation and operation of Heaven and Earth, the Way of Human Affairs should proceed from reality, conform to the tide of the times, and advance with the times. Chinese philosophy frequently employs the concepts of “motion and stillness” and “change and constancy” to describe the movement and laws of concrete things. In general, motion and stillness represent the relationship between absolute motion and relative stillness, while change and constancy represent the relationship between motion and law. In ancient Chinese philosophy, motion and stillness primarily indicates two states of existence of things: the dynamic state and the static state, which are a fundamental pair concepts in traditional Chinese philosophy. Xun Zi believes that motion and stillness coexist simultaneously. According to Yi Zhuan, “motion and stillness have their constant laws,” namely motion and stillness of things have their inherent stipulations. In motion, there is stillness, and in stillness, there is motion. When pushed to their extreme, stillness reverses into motion, and motion reverses into stillness. Motion and stillness alternate and are the root of each other, containing each other and being inseparable. In “The Picture of Cosmic Genesis (taiji tushuo)” or “Explanation of the Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate,” Zhou Dunyi said: “The Ultimateless (wuji)! And yet the Supreme Ultimate (taiji)! Through motion, the Supreme Ultimate produces the Yang, and when motion reaches its limit, it is followed by

504

12 Confucian Wisdom in Management

Stillness, which produces the Yin. When Stillness has reached its limit, there is a return to Motion. Thus, motion and stillness alternate and become the source of each other, determining the distinction between the Yin and Yang and revealing the Two Forms.” This is the foundation of change and the basis of elasticity of motion. Hence the saying: “Tension alternating with relaxation is the Way of King Wen and King Wu in state governance.” Most Chinese philosophers affirm that change is substantial and that the universe is like a river that flows perpetually, with all things constantly changing. At the same time, many thinkers believe that change is not chaotic but orderly, with motion containing something invariable and unalterable, as well as something permanent and lasting, which is called “chang” (constancy or invariableness). “Chang” (constancy) refers to the constant way or the invariable principle. “Chang” is in contrast to “change” or “motion,” but it is also closely connected with “bian” (changeability, variability). By learning about the changeable, people seek to identify and comprehend underlying constant laws or invariable principles. Meanwhile the changeable itself is regarded as “the constant,” as “all things change, but change itself does not.” Chinese philosophers not only affirm the invariability of change but also discuss the dialectical relationship between variability and invariability. Wang Fuzhi, possibly the most voluminous writer of Confucian scholars, stated that “the invariable is one, while the variable is the manifestation of all things.” He further elaborated, “The invariable is only one but generates ten thousand things, and the invariable that generates ten thousand things does not change its constant running through them.” “Though the variable happens, it does not lose its invariability.” “The invariable also resides in the variable.” (Wang Fuzgi, Outer Commentary on the Book of Changes or zhouyi waizhuan) Obviously, “the invariable” and “the variable” are mutually dependent and permeated. Or, stillness embodies motion, and motion stillness. Seek stillness in motion. Wang Fuzhi emphasized “regulating the variable with the invariable” and “holding up to the invariable to meet the variable.” He believed that the variability of things is universal and eternal and that there is the constant law in the variable. Grasping the laws of the variable is crucial, as the law is embodied in the motion and the variable, and there is no constant law beyond the movement and change. The invariable law changes along with the motion and variability of things and cannot be adhered to in a dogmatic way. Thus, the relationship between the variable and the invariable is dialectical. Thirdly, Holistic Harmony and Dynamic Balanced Strategy: “Seeking Harmony but Not Echoing Others Blindly” and “Holding to Both Ends and Using the Mean.” In traditional Chinese philosophy, the Chinese word “he” (harmony) primarily refers to “harmony” and “unity in diversity.” Confucius said, [A virtuous person] “acts in harmony with others but does not echo them blindly.” (The Analects, Chap. 23) “He” (harmony) is neither “uniformity” nor “distinction.” Shi Mo said: “Uniformity does not beget new things; it is harmony that begets new things. Different things, when coexisting and complementing each other, beget new things continuously, which is called harmonization.” (Discourses on Governance of the States or guoyu.zhengyu)

12.3 Confucian Way of Management

505

In The Book of Rites, it is said: “Harmony is considered the cosmological principle under Heaven.” Thus, Chinese ancient philosophy argues that co-existence of all things in harmony could not be realized by eliminating their differences and that such co-existence could be achieved only by getting along in harmony on the basis of respecting and preserving individual differences. That is what is meant by “harmony.” In Chinese philosophy, its thought of “harmony” and “tolerance” pursued among Heaven, Earth, Human beings, all things and individuals not only provides sagacious wisdom for ecological balance of human natural environment and humanistic environment, but also important resources for modern social management and enterprise management. Today, modern management especially needs to emphasize the harmonious relationship between human and nature, human and society, human and human, human and things, human and his inner self, especially a holistic concept of universal unity and universal harmony. Mencius said: “One should have feelings of family affection for the members of one’s family, but human-heartedness for people; human-heartedness for people, but love for things.” Zhang Zai similarly stated, “All human beings are of the same blood and flesh, and all natural beings are of the equal capacity and entity.” (The Works of Zhang Zai (zhangzai ji) (Beijing: Zhong Hua Shu Ju Press, 1978), p. 62..) In Wang Yangming’s Questions on the Great Learning, when discussing the Three Main Principles (san gang ling), he stated, “The great person regards Heaven and Earth and all things as one body, sees the whole of the entire society of humanity as one family, and views the Middle Kingdom as one unified person. On the other hand, someone who emphasizes the division between one body and another, distinguishing ‘you’ and ‘me,’ is a person lacking moral intelligence.” Chinese philosophers believe that all human beings are born and raised in the family, and the world is nothing more than an enlarged family. Therefore, they assert that social ethics applicable in the world can be dearly felt and encouraged through the embodiment of family blood ties, known as “humaneness (ren).” This Confucian concept of cosmic family and the consciousness of extending the scope of love to include others and all things in the universe will play an increasingly important role in the future world. They are also of great significance for handling inter-enterprises and internal interpersonal relationships, as well as for effectively promoting corporate benefits. “He” (harmony) has been a fundamental cosmological concept in Chinese philosophy, underpinning the birth, growth, and development of all things in the universe. Chinese philosophers have extensively debated and elaborated on the significance of harmony invarious aspects of life and the natural world. For instance, in “Leji” or the “Record of Music” contained in Li Ji or The Book of Rites, it is said, “By harmony, all things are produced; by order, all things are in their proper place.” In Xun Zi, we have found the statement that “Nothing can rival the role of music in fostering social harmony, and nothing can rival the role of ritual in establishing ethical social distinctions with society.” (“Lelun” or “Discourse on Music” in The Works of Xun Zi) In “Fan Lun,” a chapter contained within The Huai Nan Zi or The Works of Duke Huai Nan, we find the statements: “Balance between Yin and Yang leads to harmony and equilibrium,” and “Among the qi of Heaven and Earth, or Yin and yang, the qi of balanced harmony is the most precious.” Also in Zuo Zhuan (Duke Zhao, 20th

506

12 Confucian Wisdom in Management

year), we find the statement that “Harmony is different from sameness,” and Yan Zi is quoted as saying, “Harmony is like soup. With water and heat, sour flavoring and pickles, salt and peaches, and the bright fire of wood, the cook harmoniously combines all the ingredients in the cooking of the fish and flesh. … If water were used to enhance water, who could bear to eat it? If the harp and the lute were the same, who would find delight in them ? In this way, sameness is of no practical use.” To ameliorate one thing with another is the essence of harmony, as in adding a salty taste to a bitter one, resulting in a new taste. The salt flavoring is the other to the bitter, and the bitter is the other to the salt. When these two “others” combine in due proportions and a new flavor emerges, this is what is expressed as “harmony” and what brings things into existence.12 Hence the affirmation, “When harmony is carried to the highest, the heaven and the earth maintain their right positions, and all creatures are nourished” (The Doctrine of the Mean of The Records of Rituals or Liji. Zhong Yong). In addition, the connotations of “harmony,” “neutralization,” and “cosmological harmony,” which emphasize moderation and appropriateness, have been fully developed in Confucian Learning and are regarded as the correct ethical course that all people should pursue. In the Doctrine of the Mean or Zhong Yong it is said: “To have no emotions of pleasure, anger, sorrow, and joy welling up is described as being in a state of equilibrium. To have these emotions welling up but in due proportion is described as being in a state of harmony. This state of equilibrium is the chief foundation of the Great Society, while this state of harmony is the great highway for the Great Society. Once equilibrium and harmony are established, the heaven and the earth maintain their proper positions, and all creatures are nourished.”13 This is to say, when our emotions, such as pleasure, anger, sorrow, and joy, are not aroused, we are in a state of “balance;” when our emotions are aroused and kept within the scope of ritual, a state of harmony is achieved. “Balance” (zhong) is the greatest foundation in the world, while “harmony” (he) is the broad way in the world. Only when the principle of “balanced harmony” is fulfilled to the utmost will Heaven and Earth be peaceful and all things flourish. When the state of balanced harmony is perfectly achieved, Heaven and Earth will be in proper order, and all things will flourish. According to Confucian Leaning, “Balanced Harmony” or “Cosmological Harmony” is the highest state that can be attained in the practice of human life and has the connotation of unifying reality and ideals through practical effort. So, Dong Zhongshu (c.179–c.104 B.C.), the most influential Confucian scholar in the Han Dynasty, said, “When one rules the country with balanced harmony, virtuous governance will flourish. When one achieves balanced harmony in self-cultivation, he will enjoy longevity.” (Dong Zhongshu: Luxuriant Dew of The Spring and Autumn Annals, or chunqiu fanlu).

12 See Feng Youlan, The Spirit of Chinese Philosophy (xin yuan dao), Beijing City, Beijing University Press, 2014, 120, translated by E. R. Hughes, Boston, Beacon Press, 1947, pp. 107–108—translator’s note. 13 Ibid.

12.3 Confucian Way of Management

507

Chinese philosophers emphasize the universal harmony or cosmos-harmony and the connection between all things and individuals. They not only look upon nature as a harmonious system, striving for social harmony and stability, co-existence and mutual respect between nations and cultures, and harmonization and orderliness of interpersonal relationships, but also expect a harmonization of relationships between Heaven, Earth, Human, between all things and individuals. In this regard, Confucianism and Taoism have expressed their pursuit of maximum harmony between nature and humanity, between humans, and between all things in Heaven and Earth. A vivid expression found in the Confucian classic The Doctrine of the Mean: “All beings can prosper without harming each other, just like cosmic dynamics enlivens each individual being fairly. Small creeks flowing freely mirror the universal evolution, transmitting the exact message from Heaven and Earth.” (The Doctrine of the Mean in The Book of Rites) In “Appendix III” of The Book of Changes (zhouyi. xicizhuan) it is said: “Under Heaven, all humanity and all things have the same goal but they pursue it through different routes.” In other words, although things under Heaven manifest themselves in different ways, they all belong to or rely on a common ontological entity or human community. Such a quality, characterized by tolerance, moderation, receptiveness, broad-mindedness, and magnificence, is exactly that of harmonious dialectics. The Chinese word “Zhong” 中 (the Mean or the Middle) has the connotation of being impartial in words and deeds. Everything has its limits, neither going too far nor falling too short of the desired limits, which is called moderation. In Confucius, we have the statement: “To explore it from both ends and hold the middle” (kou qi liang duan). (The Analects, Chap. 9) Confucius is quoted by The Doctrine of the Mean or Zhong Yong as saying: “Hold both ends and use the middle way for governance of the people” (zhi qi liang duan, yong qi zhong yu min). The Chinese word “yong” 庸 here has the connotation of “application” or “function.” This is the so-called methodology of “holding the two and using the middle,” or listening to both sides and choose the middle course. The Chinese word “zhi” 執 means to hold something firmly by hands. The Chinese word “liang” 兩 means the opposite and contradictory sides of a continuum. The combination of “zhi” and “liang,” as a methodology, is to advocate holding the opposing aspects of things and acting on the principle of the Mean. According to Mencius, “holding to the middle” must also be combined with “contingency” or “adaptation to circumstances.” He thought if one who claims the middle way lacks flexibility and doesn’t know how to adapt to concrete conditions, he is stubborn-minded. “Zhong” refers to “the Middle Way,” neither going too far nor falling too short. Slightly different from “Zhong,” “he” (harmony) means to apply the principle of “the Middle Way” in actual life so as to avoid all excessive as well as inadequate words and actions, thus attaining impeccable morality or decision. “He” or “harmony” emphasizes accommodating different talents and opinions and maintaining an ecological relationship among people, while “zhong” refers to the “proper limit” and “proper degree” in dealing with concrete affairs. “The doctrine of the mean” just refers to the common truth, which means that people are able to see the “tao” in their ordinary life. “Exalting the Middle Way” (shangzhong) and “holding fast the Middle Way” (zhizhong) as a management strategy, enable us to keep the

508

12 Confucian Wisdom in Management

two ends between “going too far” and “falling too short” in a state of dynamic unity and to maintain a variety of forces and interests in a dynamic and rhythmic state between large and small, firm and soft, strong and weak, thin and thick, sloth and haste, high and low, slow and rapid, dynamic and static, etc., thus achieving a really superb aesthetics of management (The Works of Meng Zi, Vol. 13). “Zhong” does not always stay fixed and is not a dead principle. “Zhong” doer not refer to the equal distance from the middle point or always being at a specific point, but rather shifts with specific situations and conditions. Chinese dialectics does not recognize a rigid and impenetrable boundary between the two sides of opposition and contradiction. If there is a boundary, it is relative and dynamic. The real connotation of “zhong” is neither too much nor too little, but just right. In a prose poem written by Song Yu of the third century B.C., he described a beautiful girl with the words: “If she were one inch taller, she would be too tall. If she were one inch shorter, she would be too short. If she used powder, her face would be too white. If she used rouge, her face would be too red.” (Wen Xuan, Vol. 19) The description means that her figure and complexion were “just right,” which is what the Confucians call “zhong.” So, The Doctrine of the Mean or Zhong Yong quoted Confucius as saying: “A gentleperson seeks to be in keeping with the zhong or the Mean at all times.” Time is an important factor in the idea of being “just right.” The concept of “shi zhong” 时中 means that one should at all times seek to be in keeping with the zhong or the Mean and act on the principle of the zhong or the Mean. Confucianism emphasize the idea of “qushi” 趣时, which means to break the convention and take appropriate measures according to the changeable and variable circumstances. For instance, “it is just right to wear a fur coat in winter, but it is not just right to wear it in summer.” Hence, the Confucians often use the word “shi” (time or timely) in conjunction with the word “zhong,” as in the term “shizhong” or “timely mean.” “Shizhong” also contains the concept of “constant renewal along with the change of times.” “Zhongyong” or “the Mean” is also the highest moral standard, which includes the implications of utmost uprightness, justice, fairness, and balanced harmony in the domain of morality. Since “zhong” symbolizes the righteous Way, it is impartial. The Chinese word “yong” 庸 has the connotation of “chang” 常 (the constant). As Chinese ancients said, application of the zhong or the Mean in daily life is the constant way, while application of balanced harmony in daily life is the constant virtue. The “Zhongyong” or the “Golden Mean” has the meaning of universal methodology, which is also originated in cosmological nature. Yin and Yang, as two material forces in nature, complement each other and are in dynamic balance. They do not go to one extreme. The methodology of the Mean absorbs the principle of harmony of opposites and interaction and complementarity between Heaven and Earth. It is used to harmonize the relationship between human beings and Heaven and Earth and all things, so as to achieve a cosmological harmony and enable Heaven and Earth and human beings to develop normally. The Mean is also the way of the human world, which can regulate people’s ethical and social relationships. The dialectics of the Mean emphasizes the neutralization of contradictions and opposites, allowing both ends to exist simultaneously, maintain their own characteristics, and promote interaction, mutual benefit, reaction, and transformation between the two ends. The conflicts

12.3 Confucian Way of Management

509

of the world do not always escalate to the point where one side annihilates the other. In most cases, the unity of contradictions exists in a state of balanced harmony, where contradictions, deviations, opposites, and conflicts permeate and co-exist, interdependent on each other. The Dialectics of the Mean emphasizes the dependence and connection of opposites and deeply grasps the identity of opposites. At the same time, it covers the mediating relations between polarized extremes or multipolar opposites and its function. Fourthly, the Confucian Value Ideals including “Human-heartedness and Love, Loyalty and Tolerance,” as well as “Working Diligently and Keeping Good Company with Others.” The ideology of “Human-heartedness and Love” (ren-ai) or “Humane Benevolence” is one of the core value concepts of the Chinese nation. Confucius regards “love for people” as “human-heartedness.” “Fan Chi asked about human-heartedness. Confucius replied, ‘It is loving people.’ Fan Chi asked about wisdom. Confucius replied, ‘It is knowing people.’” (Analects, Chap. 12). According to Confucius, human-heartedness (ren) is sourced in humaneness and the human self. He argues for a reciprocal manifestation of human-heartedness (ren) and wisdom (zhi), regarding loving people as human-heartedness and knowing people as wisdom. Inheriting the humanistic tradition since Duke Zhou, he not only opposed burial with living humans, but also expressed disgust with the use of human-shaped wooden pottery figurines for burial with the dead. In Chap. 17 of The Analects it is recorded that when Confucius returned from the court and heard that the stable had been burned, he first asked, “Is anyone hurt? He did not ask about the horses.” This indicating that Confucius cares about people, not property (which the horses represent). The people he cared about included ordinary laborers who kept horses. Confucius love, sympathy, and care for people, including his love, sympathy, and care for the lower common people, constitute the purport of “Human-heartedness” or “Humane Benevolence.” What Confucius focused on is “people, food, funeral and sacrifice.” (Analects, Chap. 20). He opposed tyranny and advocated “benefiting the people,” as expressed by one of his disciples, Zi Chan, who said, “In looking out for the common people, he was caring. And in employing the common people, he followed what was right.” (Analects, Chap. 5). He hoped that rulers could weaken penalties, lighten taxes, refrain from overuse of their labor, and enable the people to maintain their livelihood and production, provding them with a certain guarantee of livelihood. He affirmed that issues concerning the livelihood and the provision of food for the common people were the root of the governance. Confucius advocated keeping wealth with the people and instructing them with propriety. As recorded in The Analects of Confucius, “When Master Confucius went to Wei State, Ran You was driver of his carriage. Master Confucius said, ‘What a large population!’ Ran You asked, ‘When the numbers of population have increased, what needs to be done next?’ His reply was, ‘Enrich them.’ When Ran You asked what further still needed to be done, his reply was, ‘Give them good instruction.’” (Analects, Chap. 13) An increase in population is an important sign of social prosperity, especially during times of sparse population and wars. Confucius argued for “enriching people” and “instructing people,” meaning that after the population increased, they should be made wealthy, and after becoming

510

12 Confucian Wisdom in Management

wealthy, they should be instructed. Thus, Confucius laid emphasis on both the wealth and population of people, while also paying attention to social justice and opposing excessive disparities between the rich and poor. “Loyalty” (zhong) and “forgiveness” (shu) are closely similar to “humanheartedness” (ren) in connotation. Confucius is often quoted as saying: “He wants standing, and so he helps others to gain standing. He wants achievement, and so he helps others to achieve. To know how to proceed on the analogy of what is close at hand—this can be called the approach to achieving human-heartedness.” (Analects, Chap. 6) What is “human-heartedness (ren)?” According to Confucius, human-heartedness means that one must stand up on their own, and simultaneously enlighten others, allowing others to stand up on their own. If one g achieves success, they should also help others to achieve sussess on their own. This can be accomplished gradually, starting with daily life, which is the right way to practice the principle of human-heartedness. Confucius does not mean to make others stand up or succeed through external force, but rather to create an ethos or environment that allows others to stand up for their own lives, stand up in society, and reach out to the world. This is the character of those who possess human-heartedness or humane benevolence. Confucius went on to point out, “Do not do to others what you do not wish yourself,” which is called the Way of “shu” (shudao) and is also regarded as one of the principles of “human-heartedness” or “humane benevolence.” “Zhong Gong asked about human-heartedness. Confucius said, ‘When you go out the door, behave as though you were going to meet an important guest. When you employ the common laborers, do so as though you were conducting an important sacrifice. Do not do unto others what you would not want done unto you. In the kingdom, let there be no grievances against you; in the family, let there be no grievances against you.” (Analects, Chap. 12) “Zi Gong asked, ‘Is there any of your teachings that can serve as a lasting principle for conduct in one’s whole life?’ Confucius replied, ‘Surely that is being considerate! Do not do unto others what you would not want done unto you.’” (Analects, Chap. 15) According to Confucius, the Way of “shu” (shudao) is the Way of the gentleperson. That is to say, because of what I do not desire, I know what others do not desire, and therefore, what I do not desire for myself, I do not apply to others. This is called the Way of shu. For instance, if I don’t want others to humiliate myself, then I will never humiliate others. Respect for others is the premise that others respect myself. The Way of “shu” emphasizes a spirit of tolerance and rational communication, that is, to put oneself in another person’s position and have empathy. “Shu,” literally translated as “forgiveness,” is a Confucian demand for a lofty-minded person ( junzi). Thus, the appellation “junzi” represents a human moral category or moral state. That’s why I translated “junzi” 君子 as a virtuous person or a lofty-minded person in most cases. According to the Confucian tradition, a loftyminded person is someone who is above a Confucian scholar (shiren) and below a saint in terms of moral standing. A virtuous person pursues and practices the ideal known as Tao and regards Tao as the fundamental meaning of his life above power or material gains.

12.3 Confucian Way of Management

511

What is Confucius’ consistent principle that runs throughout his teachings? Zeng Shen, one of his disciples, said: “Our Master’s consistent teaching revolves around the principle of loyalty (zhong) and tolerance (shu).” (Analects, Chap. 4). In Confucius, the unity of zhong and shu is known as the Great Principle of Zhong-Shu. Zhu Xi, the most esteemed Confucian scholar of the Song Dynasty, explained it as “To do one’s very best, this is zhong, and to extend this beyond oneself is shu.” However, a more refined interpretation would be, “To do one’s very best for the sake of others is zhong,” indicating that zhong, like shu, involves extending oneself to include and benefit others. Zhong represents the positive aspect of extending oneself to include others, while shu can be seen as the negative aspect, though it is often complementary. As stated in The Analects, “Zhong and shu both involve being very adept at finding relevant examples close at hand.” Confucius emphasized, “A person can only truly live in the world by being honest and upright. If someone is not upright, but he can live yet manages to live, it is merely a coincidence.” (Analects, Chap. 6). Confucius emphasizes that living in the world is predicated on a person’s inner virtue of rectitude or uprightness, and while dishonest people may survive, it is only due to fortunate circumstances sparing from disasters. Confucius emphasizes a person’s inner virtue of “rectitude” or “uprightness.” Being “upright” means being free from engaging in any immoral actions, and not deceiving oneself or others through flattery and hypocrisy in words and actions. Additionally, “Zhong” refers to the fulfillment of one’s heart to the utmost extent, as Confucius said, “He wants standing, and so he helps others to gain standing. He wants achievement, and so he helps others to achieve.” This is an inexorable manifestation of one’s inner virtue of rectitude. “Shu” is exactly what Confucianism advocates as tolerance toward others, which is an important principle or method of caring for all others and cherishing all things. “Shu” means the heart of the extension of the scope of one’s love to include others, which is what Confucius said, “Do not do unto others what you would not want done unto you.” (Analects, Chap. 15). Taken together, this is known as the Way of Loyalty-Forgiveness (zhong shu zhi dao), or also known as the “Principle of Applying a Measuring Squre” (xie ju zhi dao) by some later Confucian scholars. Here, “xieju” represents a moral principle that one uses as a standard to regulate their own conduct and extend it beyond themselves to include others. In fact, there is “zhong” in “shu,” and there is “shu” in “zhong.” To do one’s very best, it is zhong, to extend this beyond oneself, it is shu, the two cannot be separated, which logically constitute the two sides of the principle of human-heartedness. “Zhong-shu” is not only the principle of human relations pursued in interpersonal relationships, but also serves as the criterion for the mutual relationship between countries, nations, cultures, and religions, as well as for the cosmic harmony between human beings and nature. The connotation of “human-heartedness” includes the emotional connection and perceptible correlations between things and individuals, as well as between humans. Human-heartedness also symbolizes the state of harmony between people and the unity of all things in the universe. In The Doctrine of the Mean, it is said, “[He who can act on the principle of] zhong and shu is not far from the Way [of Humaneness].” Here, the Way means the humanistic principle that originated and was inherited from cosmological doctrine, namely human-heartedness.

512

12 Confucian Wisdom in Management

In view of the fact that zhong and shu are not sufficient to fully embody “humanheartedness,” they serve as valuable recipes for it, thus bringing one closer to the Way. In other words, this practice of zhong-shu leads to fulfilling one’s responsibilities and duties in society, which includes the quality of righteousness (yi). Hence, the principle of zhong-shu becomes the fundamental basis of one’s moral life. The practice as a whole is referred to as the principle of zhong and shu, which is “the way to practice human-heartedness” or “the unity of self-disciplined loyalty and otherconsidered tolerance” (zhongshu). This means that cosmological doctrine endows universal beings with the right to exist in natural justice, while humanistic doctrine, in its holy imitation, endows people with their moral right to love and respect their fellow beings. “Respect” ( jing) refers to seriousness, caution, and showing reverent awe. There is a common saying among people: “Three feet above our heads, deities are watching us.” Confucius himself also had three things that he stood in awe of: “…. To be in awe of the will of Heaven. To be in awe of great person. To be in awe of words of saints.” (Analects, Chap. 16) Confucianism emphasizes an attitude in “working diligently and enjoying good company with others.” “Working diligently” means one’s diligent attitude towrds his work, while “enjoying good company with others” means one’s proper behavior in society, which serve as two basic qualities reqwuired of an educated person or a person with a job, and also serve as the basis for a good and healthy society. The operation of modern enterprises should adher to normal market economy order and engage in healthy and efficient competition, without disrupting the market with fake and inferior products. Fundamentally, the approach to modern enterprise management should be reflected in aspects such asrecruiting, reusing, and treating talents, as well as in the professional ethics of internal employees and the reputation of product quality. This entails an attitude of honesty and no deceit, both internally and externally. Devotion to duty, team spirit, diligence, scrupulousness, a true sense of ownership and responsibility, as components of corporate ethics or work ethics, are undoubtedly the primary premise of modern enterprise management. Some argue that Confucian ethics emphasize the value of maintaining system integration rather than achieving goals, and thus are not conducive to competition and efficiency. However, this view is one-sided. Today, businesses around the world have discovered a new way to do business, which is to exceed customer expectations through creativity. Creating products that exceed customer expectations is the most effective way to win customers and build loyalty. Surprised customers often drop in again and provide free publicity for enterprises. Following product quality, customer service has become the next goal for enterprise. It is a fundamental principle of enterprise management to improve the quality of customer service, prioritze interests of customers, and ensure their satisfaction. In addition, in marketing, there is the business discipline of being honest with each other. The most effective way to imprint your product in people’s mind is to first admit your weaknesses, as potential customers will recognize your strengths

12.3 Confucian Way of Management

513

when you do so. This can be seen as a flexible application of the principles of “human-heartedness,” “sincerity,” “respect,” and “community.” In Chinese, “qun” means the group-based and community-cooperated spirit. Currently, we need to re-define the principles of integration and interaction between individuals and the whole in the process of modernization. The traditional rule of proprieties (lizhi) emphasized group value and proposed a whole set of methods to coordinate the interests, wills, and relationships between individuals and communities. In the market economic life order, where individuals serve as dots or cells, the great progress of modern society compared to traditional society is the establishment of individuality. In other words, individuals’ right to subsistence, private property, economic rights, political rights, educational rights, personality independence and dignity, and the actualization of personal moral values, along with their legal and public opinion guarantees, which are all inalienable and irreplaceable, have provided the fulcrums for an orderly modern social life. On this basis, we need to reconstruct the overall social order and public interests suitable for market economy, ensure fair competition, recognize and affirm the realization of rights and interests of individuals and the whole society, reconstruct social fairness, justice, and other moral principles, adjust the relationships between individuals and the whole, as well as between righteousness and profit, all of which are important aspects of modern management. One successful experience of East Asian modernization is relying on traditional cultural resources to adjust the relationships between labor and capital, civilians and officials, private and public sectors, individual or family enterprise rights and government administrative projects, individualistic motivation, team spiritual orientation, and loyalty to the country and society. This obviously has practical implications for overcoming some of the “modern ills” of West society. As far as management is concerned, we must adopt a holistic approach that combines both hardware and software elements. According to a comparative study of American and Japanese companies conducted over many years by Richard T. Pascale and Anthony G. Athos, both types of companies are similar in terms of hard factors such as structure, system, and strategy. However, the main difference is that Japanese companies pay special attention to soft factors such as skills, style, personnel, and top goals.14 Elements such as enterprise spirit, enterprise philosophy, enterprise values, enterprise style, enterprise cohesion, which may seem abstract and nihilistic with no practical effect, can actually penetrate and influence all tangible and useful aspects of corporate management. In management, scientific and instrumental management approaches, such as financial management, cost management, or measurement management, have limited usefulness, while the company’s cultural spirit, human quality, the upbringing of staff, and long-standing company ethos have unlimited potential. Management not only needs to provide structure, plans, regulations, control, and principles of labor, but more importantly, it must also foster concepts, values, beliefs, atmosphere, 14

R. T. Pascale and A. G. Athos, The art of Japanese Management, Simon & Schuster, New York, 1981. It is translated by Huang Mingjian and published by Guangxi Ethnic Publishing House, Nanning City, 1984—translator’s note.

514

12 Confucian Wisdom in Management

and culture. Therefore, successful enterprises can develop their own unique values and beliefs, creating a cohesive force that motivates employees to consciously strive for corporate goals and ensures that this cultural spirit is passed down from generation to generation. This is ultimately the fundamental determinant of the success or failure, rise and fall, of an enterprise. In summary, the wisdom that Confucianism provides to modern management is multifaceted, with its core principle being the belief that people are the greatest assets or real resources of enterprises. Talent is the determining factor in the success or failure of undertakings and enterprises, and ultimately, competition in these realms, is human competition. Therefore, the essence of management is to fully mobilize human factors, develop human resources, unleash human initiative and creativity, and effectively coordinate various interpersonal relationships. The distinction between Eastern modernization and Western modernization lies in that the Eastern cultural spirit is deeply ingrained in its work ethics. While acknowledging the interests of different individuals, the Eastern cultural spirit also affirms diligence and harmony, respect for work and enjoyment of community, mutual coordination and loyalty, dedication and responsibility to the community. It is crucial to recognize that humanistic or humane management possess a deeper and longer-lasting value than pure science, and the two should complement each other. Confucianist, Buddhist, and Taoist philosophy are fundamentally life philosophy or value orientation that embody wisdom in nurturing the heartmind, edifying sentiment, regulating mentality, cultivating emotional intelligence, and sublimating sphere of human life. These philosophies possess profound and enduring value. To make our enterprise bigger and stronger, and to sustain its continuous development, we must rely on generations of high-quality, well-educated individuals with a lofty realm of human life, as well as on the value concepts and humanistic spirit that are formed in the course of our enterprise’s development!

Chapter 13

Self-awakening and Self-consciousness

Since the May Fourth Period, there has been a lack of understanding about Confucius and Confucianism. Even today, we still feel a strong sense of estrangement from Confucian Learning (ruxue). For example, issues such as the Confucian view on women, the concept of “mutual concealment between relatives,” whether Confucianism values the law or even leads to corruption, whether the Confucian spirit of “human-heartedness” is a false proposition, whether “Confucianism” can be simply reduced to “Cannibal Dogma” (chiren de lijiao) or “Accomplice to Monarchal Dictatorship” ( junquan zhuanzhi de bangxiong), and the Confucian “Integration between Heaven and Human,” the overall historical evaluation of Confucian Learning, and the relationship between Confucian Learning and the modernized development of contemporary economy and society, etc., all need to be re-examined in depth. Confucian Learning is not the opposite of modernization, but rather a positive and healthy force participating in modernization. We should possess our own cultural awareness and have an intuitive confidence in Chinese culture. To build an independent and innovative country, we must first focus on our own subjectivity of spiritual culture and engage in dialogue with other civilizations based on our own spiritual civilization. Confucianism remains alive and continues to be the mainstay of national identity and ethical consensus. It is becoming increasingly important in the construction of today’s spiritual civilization and institutional civilizations. We should adopt a rational attitude towards Confucius, Mencius, and the Confucian tradition. Mr. Fei Xiaotong (1910–2005), a renowned scholar, pointed out that we should be conscious of the entire history of Chinese culture, have a clear understanding of it, have confidence in it, and more importantly, have the independent ability to transform and make cultural choice. Mr. Fei advocates, “Discover your own beauty as well as the beauty of others; appreciate the beauty that is worthy of beauty; when people with diverse beauty are united, the world can be harmonized.”1 As members of the new era, we should learn to tolerate, understand, appreciate, and 1

See Fei Xiaotong, “Reflection, Dialogue and Cultural Consciousness,” Collected Works of Fei Xiaotong, Volume 14, Qunyan Publishing House, 1999, pp. 151–167.

© Fudan University Press 2024 Q. Guo, The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4799-7_13

515

516

13 Self-awakening and Self-consciousness

study foreign cultures, while also learning to tolerate, understand, appreciate, and study our own inherent culture. This naturally includes the understanding, appreciation, and research of Confucian Learning. For over a hundred years, many criticisms of Confucian Learning have been irrational, emotional, shallow, or linear, resulting in most young and middle-aged people in Chinese Mainland still treating Confucianism in the same manner as during the “Criticizing Lin Biao and Confucius” compaign in the 1970s and “River Elegy” in the 1980s.2 In my opinion, to discuss China in the twenty-first century, as well as the cultural consciousness and social development of Chinese people, we must clear up our misunderstandings and unfair accusations against Confucianism, gain a basic comprehension of Confucian Learning, and draw on and develop the resources of Confucian culture. Undeniably, from different approaches such as anthropology, sociology, history, philosophy, or comparative religion, and from different methodological perspectives, we can draw a multitude of conclusions on the value and function of Confucian culture in historical and realistic development. Of course, it is necessary to approach these complex problems with compassion, understanding, and rational guidance.

13.1 Confucian View of Women Undoubtedly, Confucian Learning, as an ideology of pre-modern civilization, contains outdated elements that requires our review and criticism. For instance, the Confucian perspective on women does have negative aspects. When discussing Confucius and The Analects, many people immediately blurt out the quote: “Only women and petty persons are the hardest to look after.” This quote is sourced in Chapter 25 of The Analects, and its second half reads: “If you are close to them, they become impertinent. If you keep them at a distance, they are discontented.” One year, a comrade named Li Yan wrote in Issue No. 3 of the overseas edition of Chinese People that “nüzi” 女子 should be regarded as “ruren” 汝人, which means “the young people in your area.” Li Yan stated that in The Analects, the word “nü” appears in at least seventeen places, and except for “nü” 女 in “nüle” 女樂 which means 2

In June 1988, a six-part TV documentary titled “River Elegy” was broadcast on CCTV. It was planned by Su Xiaokang, et al., and directed by Jin Guantao, et al. This documentary argued that Chinese traditional culture has hindered China’s development and caused strong repercussions and controversies both domestically and internationally. Its main points are as follows: China’s inward-looking “yellow civilization,” rooted in rivers and land, has led to conservatism, ignorance, and backwardness. To survive and progress, China must learn from the Western “blue civilization” based on the ocean, particularly the Western democratic system. This documentary examines ancient Chinese history from the perspective of modern Western civilization, which is a serious misinterpretation of Chinese history and an unforgivable form of historical nihilism. This view attributes all present-day’s problems to historical origins and even suggests that Chinese history itself has not made any progress, but rather is trapped in a single cycle of chaotic control. However, we must not forget that even former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger said in his book On China: “The Chinese civilization is the only civilization that has been passed down to this day, and it has penetrated into the blood of the Chinese people.”—translator’s note.

13.1 Confucian View of Women

517

“singing girl” (genü), all other instances indicate “ru” 汝. Thus, Li Yan believed that there was no circumstantial evidence to suggest that Confucius scolded women. Mr. Chen Shuguo, based on previous research by Mr. Wang Li and Miss Chen Guanmei, pointed out that “zi” 子 in “nüzi” 女子, in the Pre-Qin Chinese language, is not a suffix, and “nüzi” can only refer to female child or female children, and cannot be understood as referring to a broad group of women. Furthermore, when Confucius used this phrase, he may have been joking with his daughters, servants, or proteges, or expressing his dissatisfaction with them.3 Du Weiming believes that Confucius’ saying is not a gender-based argument, but rather a political argument, including both men and women. Confucius wants to convey that people, especially political leaders, should be exceptionally cautious when interacting with uneducated men and women, maintaining a balance between not being too close or too distant, as they can easily be easily offended or emotionally hurt. Navigating this complicated relationship without being tempted by uneducated men and women, while also asking them for their help in keeping the government running, is an art of politics. Therefore, Confucius saying is not a gender discourse that discriminates against women, but rather a political discourse based on smooth governance.4

Playing Guqin and Sipping Tea by Zhou Fang (Tang Dynasty).5

3

See Chen Shuguo, Notes on Four Books, Yuelu Publishing House, 2004, pp. 156–157. Du Weiming: “Interview with Wuhan University,” see Guo Qiyong et al.: Works of Du Weiming, Vol. 5, Wuhan Press, 2002, p. 695. 5 “The Painting of Playing Guqin and Sipping Tea” 調琴啜茗圖 (diao qin chuo ming tu), measuring 75.3 cm across and 28 cm high, depicts the life scene of ladies of Tang Dynasty playing the Guqin and drinking tea. There are five ladies in the painting, and the focus of the picture is that a lady in red is playing the guqin on a stone bench beside a tree in the garden, and a maid serving tea next to her waits with a saucer. Now this painting is stored at The Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art in Kansas City, Missouri, USA—translator’s note. 4

518

13 Self-awakening and Self-consciousness

Lady Guoguo’s Spring Outing drawn by Zhang Xuan (Tang Dynasty).6

Taking a step back, even if Confucius saying is targeting women here, it can only be interpreted as discrimination against women within the context of a male-centered society, which was a common problem and a limitation of the time. In the West, Jesus (or God) cursed Eve, Aristotle cursed women, Nietzsche cursed women, much more harshly than Chinese male thinkers. Even Hume and Hegel were very discriminating against women. Of course, discrimination and contempt for women is all wrong, both Eastern and Western. There are signs of disrespect for women in Confucian Learning and Confucianism, which need to be criticized, but we should understand and review it in the context of the times. Professor Lou Yulie of Beijing University once told me that if we look at the world from the perspective of comparative civilization history, specifically from the horizontal comparison, the status of Chinese women is the highest in history. In the history of the world, China has had the largest number of outstanding women in politics, military affairs, economic life, invention and creation, and academic culture. Generally speaking, Chinese tradition advocates a distinction between male and female roles, with men taking on social role, and women focusing on family chores. Within the family, women have a high status and hold real power in their hands, and thus, the so-called “henpecked husband” also has its tradition. In traditional China, the so-called requirement of “Three Wifely Submissions” (sancong),7 which is specifically aimed at women, is not absolute. “The Painting of Lady Guoguo’s Spring Outing” 虢國夫人游春圖 (guo Guo furen you chun tu) was painted by Zhang Xuan, a famous court painter in the Tang Dynasty. It reproduces the typical scene of lady Guoguo, the third sister of Emperor Tang Xuanzong’s favorite concubine Yang Yuhuan, and her servants traveling in costumes. The painting depicts nine people riding eight horses, with the first three and last three riders being attendants, maids, and nannies, while the second parallel riders are Mrs. Qin and Mrs. Guo. The movement of the people and horses is soothing and calm, in line with the theme of spring travel. The painting exudes grace, confidence, and optimism, reflecting the prosperity of the Tang Dynasty—translator’s note. 7 “Sancong side” 三從四德, literally translated as “Three Wifely Obediences (or Submissions) and Four Virtues,” represents the ethical stipulations for women. In ancient China, women were required to follow the “Three Wifely Obediences,” which entailed obeying their father before marriage, their husband during married life, and their sons in widowhood. Additionally, they were expected to possess the “Four Virtues,” which included fidelity to their husband, physical charm, propriety in speech and efficiency in needle work. This is what is meant by “wifely submission and virtue”—translator’s note. 6

13.1 Confucian View of Women

519

After the death of her husband, wife supports her sons in external matters, but her sons must respect their mother and defer to their mother in internal matters. Similarly, the so-called “repudiation of one’s wife” (xiuqi, or to divorce wife) is not arbitrary in traditional China, but subject to many restrictions. In this respect, there have been laws and regulations to protect women in all dynasties. In terms of name and appellation, after a woman gets married, she still keeps her own surname, instead of being named after her husband as in the West. In the past, when a lady was addressed, it was always with her own surname, not that of her husband. Professor Lou illustrated this by an example: If your family name is Guo and your wife’s family name is Zhu, according to tradition, others will call your wife “Mrs Zhu,” but never “Mrs Guo.” However, nowadays, people often call a lady by her husband’s family name, following West tradition, which is, in fact, in violation of our Chinese tradition. In Hong Kong, some women place their husband’s family name before their own, which is also a variation on the Western custom. Thus, we can see the different status of Chinese and Western women from the comparison of surnames and appellations. Professor Lou’s remark is really thought-provoking.

Bamboo in Wind and Rain painted by Gu An of Yuan Dynasty.8

There is also the problem of the saying “starvation is small, and loss of chastity is big,” which has been subject to criticism. This saying was put forward by Cheng Yi (1033–1107 A.D.), a master scholar in the Song Dynasty. In ancient China, it meant that women should observe chastity, and later it generally meant that women would rather die than lose their chastity. Since the May Fourth Movement in 1919, almost all intellectuals have criticised Cheng Yi for this saying and cursed Song and “Bamboo in Wind and Rain” 風雨竹圖 ( feng yu zhu tu) was painted by Gu An (A.D. 1289–1365), a skilled painter of the Yuan Dynasty who specialized in drawing bamboo ink. “Bamboo in Wind and Rain” is a series of ink bamboo works by the artist in his twilight years. The painter used thick and light ink strokes to draw one or two poles of bamboo with slanting branches and drooping leaves, capturing the natural shape of bamboo covered with rain. His pen is natural and uninhibited, and the ink is thick, rigorous, natural, and strong—translator’s note.

8

520

13 Self-awakening and Self-consciousness

Ming Rationalist Scholarship (lixue), even Confucianism as a whole for its being irrational and akin to devil-worship. However, the late overseas famous historian of Confucianism, Mr. Chen Rongjie (1901–1994), also known as Wing-tsit Chan, Professor of Chinese Philosophy and Culture, repeatedly defended this viewpoint. Mr. Chen said: “Cheng Yi’s statement was made from a broad perspective and is related to the question of ‘righteousness’ and ‘benefit,’ which is also a concern of Mencius. When faced with the choice between ‘righteousness’ and ‘profit,’ which should one choose? Mencius believed that ‘righteousness’ should be chosen instead of ‘profit.’ He said, ‘Fish is something I desire, and bear paw is also something I desire. But if I cannot have both, I would give up fish and choose bear paw. Life is something I desire, and righteousness is also something I desire. But if I cannot have both, I would give up life and choose righteousness.’” (“Gao Zi 1” from The Works of Meng Zi) Mencius believed that upholding righteousness is an essential attribute of a dignified person, and without it, one would lose his moral stance. Furthermore, Cheng Yi had a niece who was widowed, and her father helped her remarry. Chen Yi affirmed this matter in a brief biographical account he wrote for her father. Does Cheng himself contradict himself? No! In fact, these two things belong to two different scopes, which is what Confucians call the distinction between ‘jing’ (the constant) and ‘quan’ (the temporary). According to ‘the constant,’ a widow should not remarry at that time. Then, what about ‘the temporary?’ ‘The temporary’ refers to a change in the function of ‘the constancy’ to suit circumstances or to meet needs of the day.”9 In special circumstances, following “the constant” may lead to deviation from it. When this happens, a flexible approach, that is, “the temporary,” may be adopted. “The temporary” may seem to deviate from “the constant,” but it actually conforms to the requirements of “the constant” in a flexible manner. The application of “the constant” or “the temporary” in different circumstances is determined by one’s keen understanding and mastery of “the constant.” Mr. Chen’s explanation clearly indicates that the saying that “Starvation is small, and loss of chastity is big” mainly refer to the choice of value, the relationship between righteousness and interests, and the moral integrity of officials and intellectuals in traditional society. Of course, in pre-modern folk society, widow remarriage became a problem, and there were countless women’s blood and tears under chastity memorial arch, which should be attributed to the limitations of the times, and, of course, Confucian culture is also responsible. However, at the same time, the relationship between “the constant” and “the temporary” pointed out by Mr. Chen also deserves our attention. Through ages, women have played a major role in family education. In the process of inheritance, Confucian values are transmitted and extended in many occasions through women’s education of their children. Chinese women carry a large number of Confucian cultural codes and pass them on to their offspring through words and deeds.

9

Wing tsit Chan, Essays on New Confucianism, Taiwan’s “Academia Sinica,” Preparatory Office of Institute of Chinese Literature and Philosophy, 1995, pp. 36–37.

13.2 “Ritual” and “Cannibal Dogma”

521

13.2 “Ritual” and “Cannibal Dogma” Mr. Xu Fuguan (1904–1982), one of the most important Confucian scholars of the twentieth century, was critical of the saying “Rite Religion of Devouring Human Beings (chiren de lijiao)” and said, “Even in feudal times, rites maintained ‘human’s status’ and reasonable relations between people rather than eating people. The feudal patriarchal system mainly depends on the two spirits, namely loving one’s kinship and revering the worthier. Li or Rites integrates these two spirits for the purpose of establishing a set of appropriate norms of behavior. This Li is not the same as the Etiquette System of Qin Dynasty, which was determined by Legalists’ spirit of respecting the superior but not loving kinship. As a matter of fact, this Li greatly eased the oppressive relationship in politics. In the Han Dynasty, many Confucians objected to Shu Suntong basing the ritual system of the Han Dynasty on the ritual system of the Qin Dynasty and claimed to make it differently. Wherein lies the fundamental reason.”10 “Li” or “ritual” originated in folk customs and primitive religious activities. It covers a wide range of areas, generally speaking, covering social norms, cultural systems, and ways of behaviors. Ancient ritual integrated the values of religion, politics, ethics, art, and aesthetics and was of positive significance in stabilizing society, regulating people’s heart, and improving the quality of human life. Ritual is used to rectify social order, establish the upper and lower ranks, stipulate the powers, duties, and obligations of officials at all levels, restrict extravagance and dissipation, regulate the use of property, and maintain the order of the elder and young. When Duke Ai of State Lu asked about government, Confucius replied: “[Therefore,] the governance of state affairs depends on worthy ministers, the acquisition of worthy ministers depends on the moral cultivation of the wise ruler, the cultivation of morality depends on following the Great Way (dadao), and following the Great Way depends on the heart of human-heartedness. Human-heartedness is the characteristic element of humanity, and to love one’s kinship or those close to us is the highest humanheartedness. Yi or righteousness is the accordance of actions with what is right, and to empower the worthy is the highest righteousness. Love for one’s kinship and others should be extended in order of closeness of different distances, and reverence for people should be conducted in accordance with their worthiness, all of which are produced by the principle of propriety.” (The Doctrine of the Mean in The Book of Rites) What Confucius is discussing here is the relationship between system and people, as well as the relationship between human-heartedness, righteousness, and ritual. This reflects the checks and balances between loving kinship, honoring the noble, and empowering the virtuous. Confucius said, “A gentleperson makes righteousness the substance, practices it through ritual, displays it with humility, brings it to completion with truthfulness. That’s called a gentleperson.” (Analects, Chap. 15) This also shows that human-heartedness and righteousness are inside, while rituals are outside. Human-heartedness and righteousness are the substance, while rituals 10

Xu Fuguan: Essays on the History of Chinese Thought, Taiwan Student Publishing House, 1959, p. 237.

522

13 Self-awakening and Self-consciousness

are the manifestations of human-heartedness and righteousness. Mencius said: “The central reality of ren is to serve one’s parents, of yi to obey one’s elder brother. The central reality of zhi is knowing these two things. The central reality of li lies in a cultured restraint in relation to these two things.” (“Li Lou A” of The Works of Meng Zi) Here we have an illustration that li and zhi (chih) are not on the same level as ren and yi.

Rural Drinking Ceremony11

According to Xun Zi, social integration, maintenance, and order depend on the establishment of social division of labor and hierarchical system. He said, “Li means respect for the high, filial piety for the aged, obedience for the elder, kindness for the young, and favor for the lowly.” (“Grand Strategy” of The Works of Xun Zi or Xun Zi.dalue) The ethical order of “li” also contains certain humane spirit and moral value. Xun Zi highly praised “li” as “the ultimate in morality,” “the ultimate in governance and differentiation,” and “the ultimate in humaneness,” because li’s function is to honor the most honorable, practice filial piety for parents, practice brotherly duty for elder brothers, give love and care for the young, and show kindness for the lowly. The ritual order system of distinction between the respectable and the humble contains respect ( jing), filial piety (xiao), brotherliness (ti), kindness (ci), and favor (hui), 11

“Rural Drinking Ceremony” (xiang yin jiu li) was a type of banquet held in ancient China, typically for community leaders and rural elders, and played a signifcant role in promoting social harmony. It could be divided into two types: one was to entertain virtuous persons in the locality as a sign of respect, and the other was hosted by local officials to entertain and show respect and care for the elders. Such banquets were crucial in maintaining moral order in rural communities—translator’s note.

13.2 “Ritual” and “Cannibal Dogma”

523

as well as protection of the weak and the poor. Li put forward the requirement of unification of virtue, talent, salary, and position for officials and gentlepersons, and also proposed the requirements of “protection of the people,” “benefit for the people,” “enrich the people,” and “instruct the people” for them. Confucius asked officials to “cultivate themselves to benefit all people” (Analects, Chap. 14), “look out for the people and benefit the people,” “employ the labor of people in a righteous way” (Analects, Chap. 5), “economize in expenditures and care for others and employ the common people only at proper times” (Analects, Chap. 1), and “go by what benefits the people.” Li stands against officials’ abuse of power and “treatment of the common people without holding on to ritual.” (Analects, Chap. 15) All these statements sourced in The Analects are the proper connotations of the principle of order. In The Book of Rites, it is particularly pointed out that “Li means no excess, no trespass” or “no exceeding certain rules and proportions.” Its context is that [a gentleperson] “does not overstep the ritual, does not infringe upon others, and does not behave rudely.” “[Therefore,] a gentleperson acts respectfully, keeps himself within discipline, and gives way to each other to show courtesy.” That is to say, one should act on the rules of propriety, have a certain degree of self-discipline, and keep to the Mean, neither going too far nor falling too short when getting along with others. A gentleperson treats others with respect and is modest and courteous in everything. Thus, in “Qu Li(A)” of Record of Rituals, we also find the statement that “Ritual is humbling oneself to pay respect to others; putting others first and oneself second.” Li takes respect and comity from inside as the substance, which is manifested by following certain rituals in words and actions. However, li does not only refer to the observance of propriety and rituals, but also take comity as its essence, so as to achieve the unity of content and form. Confucius said, “If a prince is able to govern his kingdom with the complaisance proper to the rules of propriety, what difficulty will he have? If he cannot govern it with that complaisance, what has he to do with the rules of propriety?” (Analects, Chap. 4) Following the tradition of ancient Book of Records (zhishu), Confucius restated: “To restrain yourself and practice propriety is ren (or human-heartedness). Once you can restrain yourself and practice propriety, everyone else will praise you for your ren.” Of course, Confucius “return to ritual” is also based on the Heart of Ren (renxin). As far as individuals are concerned, “return to ritual” refers to an effort in one’s self-cultivation. Confucianism proposes “being rich but a lover of rites” (Analects, Chap. 1: 15) and “restraining yourself and practicing propriety,” which is to insist on restraint of extravagance and dissipation through self-cultivation. According to Confucius, social norms should be the standard for cultivating ren. From the outside, your words and deeds should be subject to social norms, but from the inside, you should restrain your selfish desires and look, listen, speak, and act in line with social norms. Once you can “restrain yourself and practice propriety,” all people under heaven will ascribe perfect virtue to you.

524

13 Self-awakening and Self-consciousness

“Thus, our former saint kings instituted ritual (li) and music (yue) to make people act in line with them. Weeping and wailing in wearing linen dress are aimed at regulating sorrow at funerals. Bell, drum, shield, and hatchet (in dance and music) are aimed at celebrating peace and happiness. Wedding ceremony and coming-of-age ceremony for boys and girls are aimed at establishing distinctions between man and woman. Archery contests and banquets at the village are aimed at rectifying social intercourse. Li regulates the heartmind of the people; music establishes harmony in diversified sounds of the country; government order is to ensure the implementation of li and yue; and penalty is to prevent crimes. When li (ritual), yue (music), penalty, and government are all kept in order, running parallel without interfering with one another, then the Royal Way (or the Humaneness-Oriented Politics) (wangdao renzheng) is complete.” (“Discourse on Music” in The Book of Rites or li Ji. Le Ji) Herein what is emphasized is to “regulate men’s heart,” “rectify men’s social intercourse,” and coordinate ritual, music, penalty, and government to the effect that a harmonious society is accomplished. One of Confucius disciples, “You Zi, said: ‘The application of li is to achieve the state of harmony among the people. Herein lies the beauty of former Saint Kings’ Way of the state governance. But if harmony is pursued for harmony’s sake, regardless of how big or small things are, without bringing them under ritual control, sometimes it doesn’t work.’” (Analects, Chap. 1) According to Mr. Yang Shuda’s Inquiry into the Authenticity of Analects of Confucius (lunyu shuzheng), the Chinese word “he” (harmony) in the phrase “he wei gui” 和為貴 means to “hold fast to the middle” while dealing with various things, i.e., handling human affairs and things in an appropriate way. As to family establishing, country ruling, and world harmonizing, the role of li is to conform to a certain degree of restraint in dealing with human affairs and things, doing everything properly, neither going too far nor falling too short. Of course, the purpose of li is not just for the sake of appropriateness. Herein are contained some implications of cultural value. But applying certain rules and systems to regulate people’s words and deeds is the main function of ritual. The concept of “jiedu” (knowing how far to go and when to stop) contained in ritual is also worth our exploring. In Li Ji it is said: “In antiquity, people valued perfect virtue, and next they emphasized giving back for being helped. Li values reciprocity and mutual benefit. It would go against li if one who receives a gift does not reciprocate such a goodwill. One who acts on li will enjoy peace. One who violates li will lead to danger. Thus, it is stated, ‘Li, you can’t help but learn!’ Li is humbling oneself to pay respect to others; putting others first and oneself second; even peddlers on roadside must have their dignity, not to mention wealthy and noble people. One who lives in wealth and loves li will not be arrogant and extravagant; one who lives in poverty and loves li will not be frustrated in his will.” (Qu Li Shang in The Book of Rites:) Such a communicative principle pursued by ancient Chinese also includes the following contents: to value virtue, humble oneself to pay respect to others, emphasize favors and returns, and call for reciprocity and mutual benefit. No matter whether one is rich and honored, poor and lowly, respect each other and benefit each other. Here, we should pay special respect to the humble and poor people from the bottom of society, such as street peddlers.

13.2 “Ritual” and “Cannibal Dogma”

525

From what is previously quoted, Confucius criticized some officials for their “treating the people without following ritual” and emphasized “employing the people in a righteous way,” “using property sparingly, reducing its unnecessary consumption, and having the people output their labor during the right time.” Now, Confucius again mentioned the respect for the burdened peddlers on roadside as well as reciprocity and mutual benefit between people. In the past, we misunderstood the saying of “No ritual for the common people” (li bu xia shuren). According to Sun Xidan (1736–1784)’s annotation,12 “No ritual for the common people” means that no ritual is formulated particularly for the commoners, not that the commoners should not be treated with ritual or that they should not act in line with ritual. In ancient China, the system of ritual was aimed at official-scholars or those of highest status, such as capping ceremonies, wedding ceremonies, and greeting ceremonies, while the common people simply followed the ritual instituted for scholar-officials. However, they could appropriately lower the standard of weddings, funerals, burials, and sacrifices, which could be performed according to their ability in terms of size, form, and ritual vessels. Confucius said: “Ritual of rural archery (xiang she zhi li) is held to express utmost kindness to neighbors and village fellows, and ritual of country feasts (shi xiang zhi li) is to show greatest goodwill to distinguished guests and friends wo come from afar.” (Zhongni Yan Ju in The Book of Rites) As mentioned in the above materials, people in ancient China expressed “greatest goodwill” for their own state, foreign states, people, and friends from afar, and expressed “utmost affection” for their country fellows or guests, etc., through a variety of “rituals.” This embodies the harmonious function and harmonious principle of “ritual.” Though often mentioned together, “Rites” (li) and “music” (yue) have their respective emphasis. Speaking respectively, “rites” leads to distinctions and roles of superior and inferior among people, while “yue” leads to harmony and concord in a society. “Rites” regulates human outward behavior and performance, while “music” regulates human innermost heart. “Rites” operates in a social way, while “music” flows from human inward soul. “Rites” establishes roles and relationships, while “music” brings different people together in harmony. When “Rites” is responded to, there arises pleasure, and when “music” is accompanied with innermost introspection, there arises (a feeling of) repose. Combined together, they direct human morality. Just as Xun Zi pointed out, “rites” and “music” interact with each other to “act on human’s heart.” In his “Discourse on Music” (yuelun), Xun Zi said: “Music is an unchangeable instrument of human harmony. Rites is an unchangeable principle in governing society. Music produces harmony in diversity, while rites distinguishes what is not identical. Both rites and music act on human’s heart.” (The Works of Xun Zi: Discourse on Music, 20:3) In “Le Ji” of The Book of Rites or Li Ji. Le Ji, it is said: “Music unifies, while rites differentiates. Through union people come to be friendly toward one another, and through differentiation people come to respect for one another. If music predominates, social structure becomes too amorphous, and if 12

Sun Xidan (1736–1784) was a renowned scholar during the Qing Dynasty who participated in the compilation of The Complete Book of the Four Repositories (sikuquanshu). One of his important works was The Collected Interpretations of the Records of Rituals (liji jijie)—translator’s note.

526

13 Self-awakening and Self-consciousness

rites predominate, social life becomes too cold. To bring people’s inner feelings and their external conduct into balanced harmony is rites’ and music’s function. Rites establishes order and discipline, while music establishes an atmosphere of peace between people. When good taste is distinguished from bad taste, then we have the means of distinguishing the good from the people, and when violence is prevented by the criminal law and the good men are selected for office, then the government becomes stable and orderly. With the doctrine of love for teaching affection, and the doctrine of duty for teaching moral rectitude, the people will then have learned to live in a moral order.” (Li Ji: LeJi or The Book of Rites: On Music). In “Wen Wang Shi Zi” of Li Ji, it is said: “Music can edify one’s inner feelings; rites can remold one’s outward appearance. Rites and music penetrate each other in the depth of human heart and are manifested in human’s appearance. So, education of rites and music is completed in a happy atmosphere, which can cultivate princes’ respectful and gentle temperament.” (Li Ji: Wen Wang Shizi or The Book of Rites: Wen Wang Shiz) Rites and music are often combined together to maintain proper human relations and encourage better social practices and customs. Obviously, teachings of rites and music are mainly to harmonize ethical human relationships. In Zhou Li. Chun Guan. Da Zong Bo, it is said: “To match the transformation and production of all things between Heaven and Earth with rites and music, and then to serve our deities and spirits with the production of all things, so as to harmonize all people and produce all things.” This also reflects the establishment of a harmonious relationship between human and nature, between human and something divine, and between human and human. Rites-Music Culture not only promotes social order but also has the function and purpose of “harmonizing all people,” that is, promoting social harmony and enhancing people’s civilization level. A stable and harmonious order of human society is always regulated by certain rituals and social norms, including certain hierarchical order and ritual ceremony. In Liji or The Book of Rites (liji. leji), it is said: “Proprieties” are to make “all people within the four seas (the world) respect each other and love each other.” The humanistic spirit of rites-music edification is the spirit of intercommunication and harmonious togetherness between human and human, race and race, and culture and culture. It is also the driving force for the formation of a unified Chinese nation and Chinese culture with harmony among states, ethnic coexistence, cultural exchange, and integration. Confucius’ inheritance and transmission of rites and music were greatly conducive to the maintenance of the morals of the world and the heart of human beings, as well as the great ethnic and cultural integration that occurred after him for two and a half thousand years. Xun Zi said, “Rites has three fundamentals: Heaven and Earth are the fundamental of production of human life; Ancestors are the fundamental of race; and monarchs with moral conscience are the fundamental of state governance (monarch symbolizes actual political ruler while tutor moral conscience of society, both being combined in evidencing sanctity and validity). How can there be human life without Heaven and Earth? How can we come into this world without our ancestors? How can we have a peaceful governance of this world without kings with morality? If these

13.2 “Ritual” and “Cannibal Dogma”

527

three fundamentals are partially missing, the people will have no peace. Thus, rites serve Heaven above, serve Earth below, show respect for ancestors, and hold moral kings in high esteem. Hence, these are the three fundamentals of rites.” (The Works of Xun Zi: On Rites or Lilun) “Rites” contain religious “salutations” and “returns” to Heaven, or High Heaven, or God, or natural spirits and ancestors. Xun Zi said: “Rites are to make people return to their original heart, and stay true to their very origin.” (Liji. Liqi or The Book of Rites: Ritual Instruments) Hence, rites not only have humanistic spirit but also have religious spirit. Rites(li) are rich and profound in both religious spirit and humanistic spirit. The Learning of Confucian Three Rites or Proprieties (san li zhi xue) is a precious spiritual heritage of the Chinese nation and still has its modern value.13 Country Governance by comity or proprieties can stabilize society, eliminate wars and conflicts, control extravagance and extravagance, which is a prerequisite for people to live and work in peace and contentment. The positive value of rites-music system lies in its ability to rectify people’s behavior, reconcile various conflicts, coordinate interpersonal relations, and deal with human affairs in a proper way. Rites and music also have the connotation of social justice here, that is, rites and music education also aim to combat the excessive gap between rich and poor. Some people get rich, but what should they do after they get rich? Confucius said: [A ruler should] “first enrich his people and then instruct them” and “make his people become lovers of proprieties after being rich.” Confucius emphasized the education and edification of people and opposed wasteful spending and bragging about wealth. Unfortunately, at present, our mass culture tries its best to play up selfish sensual desires, which has a great corrosive cultural effect on our social climate and is very unfavorable to adolescent growth. Unfortunately, our cultural criticism is particularly weak. We need a serious review of this indeed. As far as modern life is concerned, there is a large space between externally enforced law and internally conscious morality, namely written and unwritten norms including social rituals and customs. It is rites that fill this space. Ancient and modern social norms may greatly differ, but to improve people’s civilization level, coordinate relations between communities, and promote one healthy, harmonious, and orderly development of society, we cannot do without the ritual culture system, rules, and related value guidance in the new era. Our country has always been a country of ritual, and today we are still faced with the task of improving people’s civilization level. In this respect, the Learning of Confucian Three Rites (Proprieties) provides us with profound available resources. Here, we also witness the silhouette of the Confucian concept of “grand harmony,” manifested in the idea that “universal beings originated from one ontological source, the world from one family, and China from one person.” This embodies the vision of cosmological peace and prosperity envisioned by Confucian scholars, where all people in China or under heaven are considered as one unified entity, akin to a 13

“The Learning of Confucian Three Rites (Proprieties)” (san li zhi xue), also translated as The Three Books on Rites, collectively refers to The Rites of Zhou (Zhou Li), Ceremonies and Rituals (Yi Li), and The Book of Ritual (Li Ji). Zheng Xuan (A.D. 127–200) was the first to use this term—translator’s note.

528

13 Self-awakening and Self-consciousness

single family, sharing equality, friendship, and mutual assistance. Under the influence of this “grand harmony,” throughout China’s thousands of years of history, despite inevitable conflicts arising among ethnic groups, cultures, religions, customs, languages, and regions, as well as between Central China and its surrounding areas, the North and the South, and agricultural nations and nomadic peoples, there were no brutal religious wars akin to the Western Crusades. Instead, the mainstream was characterized by integration, coordination, and “harmony with diversity,” ultimately contributing to the formation of the highly inclusive Chinese Nation and Culture. In this sense, we can say that “Do unto others as you would have them do unto you” is the golden rule for getting along and contacting with each other. In ancient China, the debate between Chinese and alien barbarians (yixiazhibian) was fundamentally a cultural issue rather than a racial issue, which has been deeply discussed. We do not deny the existence of the concept of so-called Huaxia Centrism or Han Centrism in Chinese history; however, it cannot be compared to the unilateralism and hegemonism in today’s world. Historically speaking, the relationship between a suzerain state and vassal states in the past is also qualitatively different from that between a suzerain state and a colony in the imperialist era. Dialogues between different civilizations requires the adjustment of the spirit of “ritual” as well as the sagacious wisdom of “ritual.” For example, the principle of orderliness of “ritual” encompasses factors such as norms, orderliness, respect for righteousness, and support for the disadvantaged. The principle of restraint (moral standards) includes the principles of moderation, appropriateness, and sense of propriety. The principle of communication embodies connotations of reciprocity and mutual benefit, respectfulness, comity, emphasis on ritual rather than wealth, and communicating with and understanding each other. The principle of harmony encompasses the spirit of loving one’s kinship, harmonizing people, treating all people with humane benevolence, and “ruling the world by filial principle.” All of these are reciprocal ethics that transcend narrow-minded selfhood and extending toward others, communities, countries, and the world, possessing universal values. Kojima Tsuyoshi, a Japanese scholar, synthesized some studies of Japanese scholars such as Yuan Liaoyuan (A.D. 1920–) and pointed out that the Song Learning or Song Scholarship (songxue) has the same function and position as the Western modern thought, so it is wrong to call the Song Learning “feudal” thought. The migration movement of “Rangaku” (lanxue, namely Western learning) was possible due to the ideological background of Zhu Xi’s philosophy or Zhuziology.14 In other words, the popularization of Zhu Xi’s Philosophy made modern Japan possible. Zhu Xi’s philosophy in Japan played a crucial role in nurturing the growth of Western Learning, and this phenomenon can also be observed in the academic development of South Korea. Japanese scholars held great importance in studying works such as Lü Zi Xiang Yue or Lü Zi’s Rural Conventions,15 Zhu Zi Jia Li or Zhu Xi’s Family Rites. 14

“Rangaku” (らんが(くor lanxue) is a general term for academics, culture, and technology that were introduced to Japan by the Dutch during the Edo period, also known as Dutch Learning or Western Learning—translator’s note. 15 “Lü Zi Xiang Yue” 呂子鄉約 can be literally translated as “Lü Zi’s Rural Conventions” or “Local Rules and Regulations for a Township by Lü Shi,” also known as “Lü Shi’s Rural Conventions.” It is

13.3 Comments on So-Called “False Proposition”

529

Kojima Tsuyoshi also stated, “The characteristics of Song Learning are similar to those of modern Europe. Song Learning rejected the dualistic benchmark order structure of scholar-officials and common people that existed until the Tang Dynasty, considering saints or sages as the common goal pursued by all people, and aiming to edify all people. Such a civilization was then known as “education of ritual” (lijiao) or “Confucian Moral Philosophy” at that time. After the May Fourth New Culture Movement, some people argued that this ‘education of ritual’ was a demon devouring human beings and inhumane. […] However, such claims are actually superficial and shallow in thought and understanding.”16 There is no doubt that the views of Kojima Tsuyoshi have great reference significance and ideological inspiration for us to re-understand the relationship between “modern thought” and Chinese modernity.

13.3 Comments on So-Called “False Proposition” I do not agree with one of Mr. Dang Guoying’s articles,17 so I would like to seek advice Mr. Dang and all the readers for their advice. The status of Confucian Learning is not self-proclaimed, but rather naturally and historically formed. Originally, Confucian Learning belonged to the common people and was a product of the Learning of Imperial Court (wang guan zhi xue) moving downward into folk society.18 During the era of collapse of ritual and music in the Spring and Autumn Periond, when the proprieties and music were severely violated due to domestic strife and alien plague, Confucius established private schools and undertook the historical mission of cultural inheritance of the “Three Dynasties (sandai or Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties). From the end of the Warring States Period to the middle of Western Han Dynasty, civil society and the government the earliest written rural conventions in the history of China and has exerted a significant influence on the rural governance model in the Ming and Qing Dynasties. “Lü Shi’s Rural Conventions” was formulated and implemented by “Lantian Si Lü” 蓝田四吕 (Lü Dazhong, Lü Dajun, Lü Dalin, Lü Dafang) in the ninth year of Xining, Emperor Shenzong, of the North Song Dynasty (A.D.1076). The four purposes of this convention were to enable neighbors and villagers to “persuade each other in virtue and industry, regulate each other in fault, meet each other based on ritual custom, and sympathize with each other in adversity”—translator’s note. 16 Kojima Tsuyoshi, “Funeral in Chinese Taiwan: Modernity of Song Studies,” Proceedings of the International Symposium on Taiwanese Confucianism and Modern Life, Taiwan Students Publishing House, 2000, p. 398. 17 Dang Guoying, “False Propositions in Cultural Studies,” Changjiang Daily (Theoretical Edition) on February 28, 2002. 18 “Wang Guan Zhi Xue,” literally translated as “the Learning of Imperial Court,” refers to the mainstream academic culture in the aristocratic hierarchical society of Zhou Dynasty. It represents a cultural discourse form characterized by the rites and music of the Western Zhou Dynasty, serving as an ideological discourse system for the ruling class of Western Zhou nobles. This discourse system is the source of ancient Chinese political, philosophical, ethical, and religious thoughts, and also contains a wealth of literary thoughts, making it the source of ancient Chinese literary theory—translator’s note.

530

13 Self-awakening and Self-consciousness

gradually established an academic line that focused on Confucian Learning and incorporated theories of Yin/Yang, Taoism, Mohism, Legalism, etc. This was mainly because Confucianism was able to not only inherit traditional culture, ancient laws and regulations, but also excel at reform or innovation, thus meeting the needs of unifying and effectively promoting the development of social undertakings during prosperous times. Confucian thought was relatively modest and reasonable, making it acceptable to both the government and the people. It was able to satisfy social mentality through “benefiting people inside and subduing the Four Barbarian Areas (siyi) in the East, West, South, and North directions outside.” While ethical teachings advocated and implemented by Confucian thought were largely discounted in actual practice, they were roughly in line with the demands of common people, particularly in terms of maintaining social order and harmony, narrowing the gap between rich and poor, rectifying people’s hearts, and purifying customs. From a historical perspective, “the proprieties between ruler and subject, father and son, and the distinctions between husband and wife, elder and younger” (SimaTan: “The Discussion of the Essentials of the Six Schools” or lun liu jia yao zhi) are not entirely negative, but rather a relatively rational choice in accordance with the allocation of economic and political resources at that time. Apart from war, in Chinese history, the scholar-government was primarily engaged in social management, with officials mainly selected from literati who had received Confucian education, particularly through the Imperial Examination System (which serves as an important reference for the modern Western civil service system). In the wider rural society, despite the government’s limited power to govern, there were numerous Confucian scholars (teachers) who played a similar role to Western priests or lawyers. They held people together, coordinated society, maintaining balance and peace, and presided over social justice and morality. In fact, these Confucian scholars did not rely on “preachings,” but rather on cultural systems and demonstrations of their own behaviors. Additionally, the power of family patriarchy also regulated society, and these forces were not entirely negative. The Confucian doctrines of human-heartedness (ren), righteousness (yi), loyalty (zhong), and tolerance (shu) are mainly a requirement for rulers and intellectuals. Traditional administration of officials has institutional constraints on one hand, and internal control through moral self-discipline on the other. These cannot be considered entirely ineffective. At that time, there was a significant social space for traditional Confucian scholars to care about the sufferings of the people, criticize current failings and malpractices, participate in social politics, impeach corrupt officials, and maintain a necessary tension between Confucian Traditional Orthodoxy (daotong), political orthodoxy (zhengtong), governance orthodoxy (zhitong), and academic orthodoxy (xuetong). The term “Orthodoxy” (tong) or “Confucian orthodoxy” (daotong) primarily represents the core values and ultimate beliefs that all members of a society should adher to, cooperating with academic inheritance, statecraft, and the strategy of state governance. Through self-cultivation, Confucian scholars were able to acquire moral resources and personal strength, enabling them to possess the spirit of protest, pursue, and sustain the “Orthodoxy.” According to Mr. Qian Mu, since the Zhou Dynasty, traditional China politicized religion and

13.3 Comments on So-Called “False Proposition”

531

ethicized politics, replacing religious authority with kingship and regulating kingship with moral authority. In traditional Chinese society, which was composed of four kinds of people: scholar-officials (shi), peasant farmers (nong), craftsmen (gong), and merchants (shang), this is referred to as “a society of four people” (si min she hui). Among them, the role of the scholar-official and their exceptional quality and spirit exerted a wide and broad influence. According to Confucianism, moral justification takes precedence over political interests, which is a characteristic of Chinese culture and also possesses its own rationality.19 The Confucian people-oriented thought, the spirit of protest and criticism, and the tradition of counterbalancing the political position by morality (yidekangwei), etc., all undoubtedly became symbols of social justice and political resources for officials of integrity in past dynasties. Confucian culture has strong folk and social grassroots characteristics, with even illiterate old men and women embracing the same value: teaching children to be honest by example, valuing education, possessing a heart of human-heartedness, commiseration, and sympathy, as well as the awareness of “not worrying about poverty, but about uneven distribution amount people,” and “respecting the aged and revering the worthy,” and so on. The social ideals advocated in The Works of Meng Zi, The Great Learning, and other Confucian Classics, such as “one hundred mu of land for one family to cultivate,” “one family with eight mouths to feed,” “extension of loving care of the aged in one’s family to include that of other families; extension of love of the young ones in one’s family to include that of other families,” “the world from one family and China from one person,” and “selecting political leaders to rule for the public good,” were actually sourced in folk society and later summarized by Confucians to guide and criticize social reality. Mr. Dang, along with several other young scholars who he highly praised and quoted, criticized Confucian political thought with the dichotomy of fact judgment and value judgment. However, Mr. Xiao Gongquan, a real expert in the history of Chinese political thought, after studying abroad for many years and conducting thorough research on the history of Western politics, presented his own criticism and introspection of Hume’s dichotomy, which was regarded as the most valuable treasure by his mentor, George H. Sabine. Mr. Xiao Gongquan pointed out: “While there are indeed elements in Chinese culture that are outdated and irrational, there are also some concepts that still have modern significance. For instance, ‘people are the foundation of the state,’ ‘heaven makes judgment only through the eyes and ears of the people,’ ‘in the face of wealth, don’t go against morality to obtain it, and in the face of danger, don’t escape it to seek survival,’ and even ‘while entering someone’s house, …. If the door is open, keep it open after you enter. If the door is closed, keep it closed after you enter. If someone else is about to enter behind you, keep it open when you enter;’ etc. All of these sayings can be applied in ‘any civilized society’ today.”20 This demonstrates that certain Confucian values are timeless and transcend time and space. Furthermore, Xiao Gongquan has provided a realistic assessment of the 19

See Qian Mu, Nation and Culture, New Asian Academy, Hong Kong, 1962, pp. 7, 66, 79. Xiao Gongquan: A Record of Pursuing Learning and Submitting Remonstration, Taipei Biographical Literature Press, 1972, p.70. 20

532

13 Self-awakening and Self-consciousness

specific historical and political significance of Mencius’ view of “respecting moral kings and dethroning tyrants,” which is evidently more profound than the understanding of Confucian moral politics held by Mr. Zhu Xueqin and others, such as the Confucian Doctrine of the Inner Sage and Outer King, and so on. Confucian Learning has been deeply ingrained in the folk and history of China for nearly three thousand years, and its philosophical ideologies of “harmony in diversity” and “a world under the heaven, one family” played a crucial role in the integration of various ethnic groups, religions, customs, and cultures, as well as in the formation of Chinese nation and its country. Its important position is unquestionable. There is the view that real history is fullt of fire and blood, war and slaughter, mutual deception, lack of love, peace, and honesty. Therefore, any thoughts and books about humane benevolence, peace, and honesty are false, whitewashing, and didactic. While it is true that history has often been marked by conflict, deception, and a lack of love, peace, and honesty, it is also important to recognize that all human societies have values and social ideals that reflect, criticize, transcend, and guide reality. For instance, despite the brutal religious wars in Western history, it does not negate the validity of the Western concept of “universal fraternity.” Similarly, after witnessing the cruelty of war with bodies of killed people everywhere in cities and fields, Mencius advocated for the expansion and guidance of the innate goodness within human beings. Confucius’ significant contribution to Confucian Philosophy was his conscious realization and emphasis on the importance of the “Humane Benevolence” thought behind the ritual and music system, as well as hierarchical standards. “Humane Benevolence” or “Human-heartedness” is the most fundamental viewpoint in Confucian Philosophy, which governs Righteousness, Proprieties, Wisdom, and Truthfulness, and is concretely manifested in the two aspects of loyalty and forgiveness. In ancient Chinese bamboo slips, the word “ ” (ren) is written with the “human body” at the top and “human heart” at the bottom, symbolizing unity of heart and body and empathy for the happiness, rage, sorrow, and joy of others. “Humane Benevolence” is a moral sense that starts with loving kinships. A person should first show filial piety to their parents and loving care to their elder brothers, and then expand this love outward to others. This sense ultimately connects Heaven, Earth, Humans, and all things emotionally and physically, achieving a cosmological intercourse with all people and all things. “Humane Benevolence” (ren) is also the principle of moral subjectivity, consciousness, and self-discipline, highlighting the self-control of moral life rather than being driven by external laws and forces. Confucianism requires officials and government to act on the principle of humane benevolence by “cultivating themselves and benefiting the people,” “delivering a wide range of benefits to the people and relieving the suffering of the poor,” “employing the people in a righteous way,” and “treating the people with ritual.” Confucianism stands against the abuse of power and opposes employing the labor of the people without showing sufficient dignity and loving care. The Connotation of “Human-heartedness” (ren) is to fully achieve one’s selfdisciplined loyalty (zhong) and fully achieve one’s other-considered tolerance (shu), which are interactively united. On the one hand, “Wishing to be established himself,

13.3 Comments on So-Called “False Proposition”

533

one should also seek to establish others; wishing to be developed himself, one should also seek to develop others.” This means that one must stand up by himself, while also enlightening others and allowing them to stand up for themselves. If one is thoroughly enlightened, they should also strive to let others become enlightened as well. On the other hand, “Do not do to others what you do not wish for yourself,” which means not imposing on others what you don’t want for youself. We should respect others and consider their perspectives by putting ourselves in their shoes. This principle is regarded as a golden rule and has been included in The Declaration on Global Ethics as a major doctrine in handling the interrelationships between countries, nations, religions, and cultures. It has even become a universal principle of harmony in regulating the relationship between humans and nature. Similarly, we cannot blame several thousand religious leaders and ethicists who signed The Global Declaration on Ethics in Chicago in 1993 for promoting a “false proposition” just because our world is still in turmoil today. Actually, the signing of The Global Declaration of Ethics demonstrates the importance of healthy and sound value ideals for human beings and society. Indeed, Confucius does not neglect the practical utility of individuals and groups, but the essence of his concept of righteousness (yi) and benefit (li) is to guide utility with morality or righteousness. There is indeed a School of Utilitarianism within the Confucian tradition, particularly a group of thinkers who emphasize the utilitarianism of the family, state, nation, and other groups, which is quite remarkable. However, throughout the history of the development of Confucian Learning, its most fundamental claim is to transcend material gains by engaging in one’s daily life and governing the world, ultimately benefiting its people and pursuing the realization of value ideals and personal development. Although the concept of “humanheartedness” exists in the history of Western thought, it is not its mainstream or defining characteristic. There is a viewpoint that China’s natural environment has suffered severe historical damage, rendering the concept of “Harmony Between Heaven and Human” a mere myth or an illusion. Undeniably, ancient China experienced chronic human resource shortages, population explosions, and various natural and man-made disasters, leading to social and ecological crises. However, we can not overlook ancient China’s emphasis on ecological balance and its merit. For instance, The Yue Ling (The Lunar Decree) reveals that ancient governments mandated the protection of animals, plants, mountains, rivers, streams, and ponds, highlghting their attention to the natural environments upon which people relied. This may have been a response to the destruction of nature caused by humans. The theory of codependent relationship advocating the “oneness of all things under heaven” and the wisdom of the cosmological harmony of Heaven, Earth, and Human are not only derived from the elite cultural classics such as Zhou Yi, The Works of Meng Zi, The Works of Zhuang Zi, and Confucian works of Song Confucianism, but also deeply rooted in social folk. Similar contents can aslo be found in many folk beliefs and cultures. In fact, the connotation of “Harmony of Heaven and Human” encompasses not only the unity of humans and nature, but more importantly, the unity of humans and supernatural deities. In the history of ancient Chinese philosophy, Tian (Heaven)

534

13 Self-awakening and Self-consciousness

holds a sacred and fundamental concept. Its implications are manifold, including religious divine significance, authoritative domination and blessings to humanity, being creative source of all things, symbolizing moral principles, representing nature, and contingency of fate, etc. Therefore, the concept of “Harmony between Heaven and Human” discussed by various schools of philosophers must be examined in detail within their respective contexts. The primary emphasis of this concept is the cosmological integration of humanity with the supernatural and nature. According to Professor Alfred Adler (1870–1937), Professor Wei Zhengtong (1927–2018), and others, the five most prominent ideas discussed in the West are God, knowledge, human, state, and love. In contrast, the five most prevalent ideas discussed in the Pre-Qin Dynasties of China are Tao, Humanity, Heavenly mandate (tianming), Human-heartedness (ren-ai), and Heart-nature (xin-xing). In the West, the unitary transcendent God represents the divine identity and belief, and the concept of knowledge and country is indeed more important than in China and has been systematic, which is the root of modern science and democracy. The five ideas in ancient China, representing the awakening of humanity since Duke Zhou and Confucius, signify a departure from primitive religious control while maintaining an inner connection with the Heavenly God. Thes ideas embody the characteristics of Chinese culture that emphasize practicality and self-introspection.21 The Confucian Five Classics serve as the foundation of traditional politics and religion, which lays emphasis on humanistic practice while preserving religious beliefs passed down from ancient times, especially the faith about Tian. Chinese human morality is sourced from Tian or Heaven, and Confucian values and ideals aim to bring Heavenly Virtue (tiande) down to human virtue, while also encouraging human virtue to ascend and align with Heavenly Virtue. This humanistic spirit has an approximate religious spirit, filled with infinite yearning for the supernatural Mandate between Heaven. It embodies the belief in the Integration of Heaven and Human, as well as the Integration between Human Nature and Heavenly Way (xing dao he yi). Confucians holds that humans are one of the three elements of the universe, with the other two being Heaven and Earth. They never forget the principle of “being a human” throughout their lifetime and consider it their ultimate commitment and enthusiasm to sacrifice themselves for saving the world. This deep commitment and dedication to humanity all stems from this belief. All of this requires life experience and the roles of mindful wisdom and comprehension. Materialized and utilitarian life cannot experience the pleasure of the integration of human, nature, and supernatural, and cannot achieve the highest spiritual realm, and therefore, it is believed that “the Integration of Heaven and Human” is a false proposition.

21

See Wei Zhengtong, Wisdom of China, Jilin Literature and History Publishing House, 1988, p. 140.

13.4 Confucian Learning and Modern Society

535

13.4 Confucian Learning and Modern Society The reasons for economic growth or trouble in a region or country are highly complex, and there is no direct causal relationship between Confucianism and economic takeoff or financial crisis in East Asia. Research conducted by Hicks and Redding in the 1980s and 1990s suggested that Chinese cultural heritage was closely related to the economic success of Chinese societies, and that Confucian values were also closely associated with overseas Chinese enterprises. Sociologists from Taiwan of China, such as Yang Guoshu and Li Yiyuan, have studied the mechanism and orientation of Chinese traditional beliefs in modern society. According to their research, in small traditions such as mandate (ming), luck (yun), yuan (dependent origination/ pratītyasamutpāda), retribution, forbearance (ren, adhivasana), human obligations, loyalty, trustworthiness, filial piety, etc., there exist flips from external control to internal control, mystery to utility, rigidity to flexibility, and so on. In the process of modernization and secularization of the Chinese community, the faith of both big and small traditions will continue to persist for a long time. Mr. Dang’s statement, “Confucian tradition has been transformed into an offering in the study over the last thousand years,” is completely unfounded22 . It is unnecessary to prove the vitality of Confucian Learning in the Song, Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties, as it is stll evident even today, despite Confucianism being viewed with indifference in some cycles. In the spring of 2001, I attended the International Conference on “Value and Ethic Issues in Contemporary Chinese Society” organized by the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in Beijing. At this conference, I heard about a social survey conducted by Professor Li Zhuoran of the National University of Singapore. Between 1999 and 2000, Li and his team conducted thousands of questionnaires in Singapore and Shanghai. Out of fifty-six listed values, the top ten values in Singapore are filial piety for parents, credit, sincerity, knowledge and education, family-centeredness, honesty, diligence, human-heartedness, selfcultivation, and clear direction of personal development. Filial piety, family stability and cohesion, as well as an emphasis on education and ethics, go hand in hand with modernization. The results of the Shanghai survey are not significantly different, but individual value is more prominent than that of Singapore. Overall, this shows that Confucian Ideology is not dead, but is still alive in Chinese society and remains a source of modernization. That’s what I’ve seen in Korea in recent years. However, numerous intellectuals in mainland China are not as sensitive as those outside China or civil society at home and lack conscious awareness of Confucian culture and even hold on to the cognition or mentality of “Criticizing Lin Biao and Confucius” (pi lin pi kong), which has led to the shortage of spiritual resources and scarcity of value fields in China’s modernization. In May 2001, while I was lecturing in Germany, Professor Karl-Heinz Pohl, who has visited China many times, spoke with me and criticized some Chinese intellectuals and educational circles for not respecting indigenous ethical resources and not centering on local ethical education, especially Confucian 22

Dang Guoying, “False Propositions in Cultural Studies,” Changjiang Daily (theoretical edition), February 28, 2002.

536

13 Self-awakening and Self-consciousness

education. According to Professor Karl-Heinz Pohl, the modernization of the West has many drawbacks and should not be blindly followed. If there is anything to learn from the values of modern Westerners, it is related what they have learned from their parents about how to be human and, ultimately, from Christian indoctrination. Many sinologists believe that there are many things worth learning from and should be cherished in Chinese Confucianism and rituals. Karl-Heinz Pohl believes that modernization that is money-oriented, utilitarian, individual-centered, and lacks in honesty and credibility is very dangerous and cannot succeed.23 There is a view that Confucianism is an outmoded product of agricultural civilization and has no value today. However, in terms of the national character, Confucianism actually reflects the national character, living standard, survival wisdom, and handling strategy. As a national consciousness and mentality, it is still living among the people and has vitality. In terms of time and space, the pre-modern civilizations of all regions and ethnic groups, especially their spiritual factors, cannot but have value and significance that transcend time and space. Economic globalization is by no means the dissolution of national culture. There is no globality without locality or indigenousness. Without the regulation of humanistic spirit, the development of the current society can only be deformed, one-dimensional, and flat. Without the nurturing and accumulation of “social capital,” “cultural capital,” and cultural competence as proposed by Bourdieu and Fukuyama, and without the construction of work ethics and community ethics, the construction of “economic capital” and the modernization of economy and science and technology in China will be impossible. The values of human-heartedness, righteousness, ritual, wisdom, trustworthiness, loyalty, filial piety, sincerity, and tolerance advocated by Confucian humanistic spirit can be refined, transformed, and activated so as to penetrate into today’s social life after removing their negative aspects with historical attachment. They can participate in the modernization construction as a positive and healthy force, cure certain diseases in modern society, restore human dignity, rebuild the meaning world of human, and foster the benign interaction between “Heaven, Earth, Human, all things, and individuals.” This is not to say that Confucian Learning can save the world, nor do I agree with the narrow notion that “The culture of the twenty-first century is Chinese culture.” Instead, I just remind you to think: what spiritual resources do we have for the twenty-first century? The twentieth century was a century in which our traditional spiritual resources suffered greatly. Whether liberal, radical, or otherwise, they all regard national culture as a stumbling block to modernization, destroyed and humiliated tradition without analysis, and greatly harmed the root of the national spirit. Under the impact of European and American style, Chinese culture fell into a deep predicament, experiencing a collapse of value system, disintegration of meaning structure, loss of self-consciousness, and a crisis in its spiritual world. As a result, we have suffered 23

Karl-Heinz POHL Ph.D. in East Asian Studies of University of Toronto; 1987–1992: Professor of Chinese Literature and History of Ideas, Tübingen University (Germany); 1992–2010: retired Chair of Chinese Studies at Trier University (Germany). Fields of Research: Chinese History of Ideas; Ethics and Aesthetics of Modern and Pre-Modern China; Intercultural Communication and Dialogue between China and the West—translator’s note.

13.4 Confucian Learning and Modern Society

537

from aphasia and are losing our nation’s beliefs, customs, ways of living, communicating, thinking, speaking and acting, as well as its uniqueness. We are now in an awkward situation of spiritual outcasts, as Wang Yangmin put it, “We give up our inexhaustible treasure and instead go begging from house to house like a pauper.” After entering the twenty-first century, the mainstream discourse in Chinese mainland society, especially within the intellectual circle, remains westernized and panwesternized. They feel quite strange, detached, disdainful, even hateful towards their own civilization. In the context of addressing multiple contradictions in the contemporary world, we need to examine and channel tradition with a healthy attitude and a multi-dimensional value system, evaluation scale, and interpretation dimension. We should consider it as the inner foundation, inner resource, and inner drive of our modernization. “Modernity” needs to be redefined. “Modernity” is not synonymous with the universality of Western, especially American systems, ideas, and values. However, the Western system, order, rationality, freedom, equality, human rights, and rule of law are also very important references. Due to the one-dimensional and flat shortcomings in Western thought, it is necessary to explore the political, moral, and value resources of Eastern tradition to adjust, complement, and interact with each other. No nation’s modernization is independent of the cultivation of its own national spiritual resources. For more than a century, our generations have caused too much harm to our national culture. In the twentieth century, the major mistake of Chinese education was that it deviated from the humanistic educational tradition, making the educational purpose, function, and method increasingly one-sided. Education is not solely about “instrumental rationality” and should not merelyobey or serve some shallow and immediate purpose or even only obey or serve some kind of need or welfare. Education is a great cause that spans generations for humankind and nations. Naturally, education possesses rich and manifold levels of “value rationality” and cannot tolerate “short-sightedness.” It has its own independent value in cultural inheritance, including human civilization, especially our “Guoxue” (Studies of Chinese Classics), and the inheritance of our long-standing national traditional culture. Education is not just about intellectual education, but more importantly, it is about humanistic education. It aims to cultivate talents with excellent quality from generation to generation, to foster critical spirit and critical consciousness of society, to develop complete personalities, to rebuild ideal and lofty aspirations, and to activate the spiritual resources of the nation. The edification of humanistic spirit can help our society and our young people overcome the disadvantage of weak cultural resources and limited fields of value. In terms of value rationality, people with a broad vision have begun to deeply explore and draw on the modern significance of religion, art, philosophy, ethics, morality, and other aspects of pre-modern civilization. Given the crisis of humanistic value, ultimate concern, and the urgent need for meaning therapy in modern society, it is an unshrinkable responsibility of the new generation of intellectuals in the new era to re-examine the transformation of the traditional core values of our nation. We need to engage in equal communication and ideological dialogue with ancient sages and wise philosophers in a peaceful state of mind, cherishing and respecting their wisdom! The original ideas and wisdom in the history of human civilization can

538

13 Self-awakening and Self-consciousness

provide spiritual food for modern people and modern society, helping us overcome impetuous mentality. The social structure and political institutions of traditional agrarian society have disappeared, but this does not mean that the values, moral consciousness, thinking, and behavior patterns that were associated with it have lost their rationality. This is the prerequisite for inheriting excellent traditional ideas. Inheriting tradition certainly does not mean “retro” or “conservative.” It is our duty to criticize the negative aspects of traditional thought, to deny and eliminate its ideological flaws, and to make creative choices and interpretations that meet the needs of modern society and modern people. However, we need to comprehensively inspect traditional society or traditional culture, including its values, variations in large and small traditions, and multiple functions in certain contexts or conditions. We must also conduct a solid and feasible comparative study between China and the West. We cannot jump to emotional, simplistic, or partial conclusions, and we cannot lash out at our ancestors out of personal feelings. During the “May Fourth” Period, the advanced Chinese intellectuals realized that the Western “Democracy and Science” were what they should learn, and launched the “Down with Kong Jia Dian” movement, which was the inevitable of the times. Today, we still must vigorously promote the movement of our people’s scientific and democratic literacy, we must still criticize the dark side of national servility, which was severely whipped by cultural pioneers of the “May Fourth Movement.” We also need to criticize Confucian Learning as a negative factor of political despotism (mainly referring to Cheng-Zhu Rationalist Scholarship, which was distorted and abused by the feudal authorities), especially the latter’s domination of human nature and the suffocation of freedom of thought. On the other hand, we cannot help but recognize that if using only modern scientific and democratic views from the West as the yardstick may accurately evaluate the rich, profound, and far-reaching values contained in folklore, religion, art, philosophy, ethics, morality, etc., from China’s pre-modern civilization. We cannot help but recognize that indiscriminately denying all cultural heritage, including traditional morality, has brought great damage to our national character and is extremely harmful. The so-called theory of evolution and view of progress need to be reexamined. Undoubtedly, to build a sound, reasonable, orderly, and healthy social structure of modern democracy and legal system with a restriction mechanism, we need to learn from the valuable experience of western modernization. At the same time, we must inherit and carry forward the great transformative achievements of moral spirit and ethical culture in our society over the past hundred years, including learning from the West and assimilating modern moral concepts into modern Chinese people’s consciousness and behavior. The history of academic thought in the twentieth century shows us that the truly profound and insightful thinkers are not those figures of high reputation floating on the surface of the trend, but those who hide their light and virtue, dissect the disadvantages of the times and customs, and grasp the essence of national spirit. With their whole body and heart, they resist dismemberment of human nature caused by negative aspects of industrialization, commercialization, and modernization, resist

13.4 Confucian Learning and Modern Society

539

the decline of national cultural vitality caused by the influences of Western culture and civilization, defend and promote the essence of Chinese nation’s historical and cultural traditions, and give them a creative modern reconstruction. As intellectuals and teachers, conscience and profession do not allow us to kitschy or chase fashion. No matter in the West or the East, it is one of the driving forces for the healthy development of modernization that the intellectual elites use traditional resources to criticize the negative aspects of modernization. Modernization movement inherently contains anti-modernization, such as revision and criticism of its negative aspects. Modernization requires diverse voices; otherwise, it cannot have a healthy development. There are four Chinese words I admire most right now which are “shou xian dai hou,” which means “holding up to what has come before and preparing for the future.” More than a century of “timely reform” and “constant renewal” seem to have made us dizzy and confused. Chang or invariability and bian or variability are two opposing concepts in ancient Chinese philosophy. “Invariability” is in “variability,” and “constancy” is in “constant renewal.” Relative to variability, invariability is what endures within variability. Constancy is fundamental while variability is manifestation of constancy. Variability without constancy, action without adherence, innovation without inheritance, variability without patterns, all cannot be called the Constant Way (chang dao). As a result, no legal order from outside and no moral conscience from inside. Failing to comprehend the true meaning of Western learning and neglecting the beauty of the traditional. Is this really the right path to modernization? Some “elites” in the intellectual community are still caught up in the tide, stirring up trouble. In their view, both the natural environment and human environment can be polluted first and then treated, which they euphemistically call “cost-consciousness.” If we consider the deviation, alienation, dismemberment, and abandonment of our nation’s sagacious wisdom, ritual, customs, art, religion, morality, philosophy, etc., as the price of modernization, it is really too heavy a price to pay! In fact, a healthy modernization does not necessitate a complete departure from or even destruction of various characteristics and resources of national culture. This holds true for both primary and secondary modernizations. I believe that the reconstruction of our national spirit necessitates the reflection of many intellectuals on Chinese and Western cultures from various aspects and levels, as well as on old and new traditions, in order to promote the interaction of diverse trends and paradigms. I fully understand the importance of establishing institutions, embracing the spirit of rationality, and localizing Western Learning values, as emphasized by many scholars. However, amidst the diverse voices, the concept of “Holding Fast To The Constancy” (shou chang) should be given a certain status. As a scholar engaged in the teaching and research of Chinese philosophy, with nearly ten years of living experience, I feel that my fundamental responsibility is to “uphold.” We must uphold the foundation of our national spirit, the determined character, moral fortitude, and self-conscience that intellectuals should possess. We must uphold our duty as both being a person and a scholar, adhering to the rigorous and honest approach followed by the older generation of scholars and philosophers in conducting research and living their lives. Additionally, we must uphold the precious

540

13 Self-awakening and Self-consciousness

teachins left by ancient sages and virtuous persons. Furthermore, while upholding these fundamental principles, we must strive to achieve something creative, hoping that future sages will carry forward the cultural cause pioneered by our predecessors and forge ahead into the future. This may be the mission entrusted to our generation by society, history, nation, and culture, as well as our paramount commitments to the future society. I firmly believe that different trends of thought, value orientations, voices, responsibilities, and academic denominations possess an ecological relationship that is complementary and mutually permeable, rather than mutually exclusive.

Appendix

Reflections from Modern and Contemporary Neo-confucianism Part One, Modern and Contemporary Neo-Confucianism and Figures From the general background, during the “May Fourth” and “post-May Fourth” periods, academic trends of thought, such as scientism, positivism, and humanism, appeared in Chinese ideological circles. In the “May Fourth” Era, New Youth Magazine stood up to Oriental Magazine and Jia Yin Weekly as equals. From 1915 to 1927, there occurred debates on “Eastern and Western cultures,” and from 1923 to 1924, there occurred debates on “science and outlook on life.” A number of socalled “cultural conservatives” have emerged in the cultural world. However, we should use this term carefully, because these scholars were not politically conservative, but culturally treat traditional sources with empathy and understanding. They still had an open stance toward Western culture. For example, the Nanjing-centered magazine “Xueheng” and its group of writers, or a large group of humanist scholars known as “Xueheng School,” belong to this camp. Nearly one hundred professors and scholars, such as Wu Mi, Liu Yizhi, Wang Guowei, Hu Xiansu, Tang Yongtong, and Mei Guangdi, published a lot of high-level academic papers in the Magazine of Xueheng, advocating an integration of the essences of Chinese and Western cultures. The leading thought of “Xueheng School” is represented by the new humanism of Professor I. Babbitt of Harvard University. The purpose of Xueheng is: “To explore academics, to seek truth, to clarify national essence, to absorb new knowledge, to carry out ministry of criticism in an impartial way, without one-sidedness, without deflection.” From 1922 to 1933, around the magazine were gathered a group of humanities elites. “Xueheng School” and modern Neo-Confucianism that I want to talk about today belong to the same large cultural trend and large cultural community, but there are many differences between them. “Modern Neo-Confucianism” mainly studies philosophy, while “Xueheng School” mainly studies literature and history. Of course, Mr. Tang Yongton (1893–1964), who belonged to “Xueheng School,” studied philosophy and was a famous historian of philosophy. He was proficient in © Fudan University Press 2024 Q. Guo, The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4799-7

541

542

Appendix

Continental Philosophy, Indian and Chinese Buddhism, and Daoist Metaphysics in Wei and Jin Dynasties. Mr. Tang had close ties to Neo-Confucianism. In general, there are three generations of scholars in modern neo-Confucianism that I will discuss here. The first generation of scholars includes Liang Shuming, Xiong Shili, Ma Yifu, Zhang Junmai, Fang Dongmei, Qian Mu, Feng Youlan, He Lin, etc. The second generation of scholars includes Tang Junyi, Mou Zongsan, Xu Fuguan and others. The third generation includes Du Weiming, Liu Shuxian, Cheng Zhongying or Chung ying Cheng, Cai Renhou, and others. Whether Mr. Qian Mu belongs to Neo-Confucianism or not is controversial in the academic circle, and his disciple Mr. Yu Yingshi did not agree to put Mr. Qian Mu in the list of NeoConfucianists. Here I call Qian Mu a scholar of Neo-Confucianist from a broad sense, while Mr. Yu only regards Xiong Shili and his disciples as Neo-Confucianists from a narrow sense. 1.1, Mr. Liang Shuming (1893–1988) was a figure with stalwart and strong-willed character. He was of Guilin, Guangxi origin, a Mongolian, but born in Beijing. He didn’t receive old-style education, and his father was very open-minded, and let him receive primary and secondary education in new-style school. Thus, he had a modern education and exposure to Western writings. In 1916, Mr. Liang published his experience of studying Buddhism in Oriental Magazine, “On Seeking Truth and Resolving Doubts” (qiong yuan jue yi lun), which was highly appreciated by President Cai Yuanpei of Peking University. President Cai discussed with Chen Duxiu, the director of liberal arts of Beijing University, and decided to invite Mr. Liang as a guest lecturer in Indian philosophy. Before that, Mr. Liang had applied for Beijing University, but was not accepted. This is what people often say that Liang Shuming did not enter Beijing University as a student, but became a lecturer at Beijing University. His masterpiece is Eastern and Western Cultures and their Philosophies (dong xi wen hua ji qi zhe xue), officially published by the Commercial Press in 1921. Mr. Liang’s main view is that the West, China, and India are three different types of cultures in the world, each pursuing a different philosophy. From the perspective of life attitude, Western culture is a culture that pursues forward, and what it faces is the relationship between human and things; Chinese culture is a culture of harmony, moderation, and solemnity, and what it faces is the relationship between human and human; Indian (Buddhist) culture is a culture of turning back and facing the relationship between human and himself, that is, heart/mind and body. Of course, his generalizations were rather simplistic, but at that time, it was also very amazing to consider problems from the perspective of cultural comparative typology. He put forth his “Theory of the Re-appearance of Three Culture Periods in the World:” the Western culture represents the first stage which mainly deals with the premise and condition of human’s existence; Confucian culture represents the second stage which is mainly concerned with human heart and spiritual life; and Indian Buddhism represents the third stage which is concerned with the religious realm of transcendence. In his view, in a certain sense, the difference between China and the West lies in that between inside and outside, metaphysics and science, righteousness and benefit, spiritual civilization and material civilization, rationality and intellect. He believes that what drives Westerners to seek outward is human desire and material interests; what drives

Appendix

543

Chinese people to seek inward is morality and righteousness. He said that the future of Chinese culture is likely to be the revival of Confucius’ Confucianism. These views are certainly open to discussion. In fact, Mr. Liang strongly advocated science and democracy very much and took an active part in political activities aimed at building a democratic country.

Mr Liang is a man of integrity and moral courage. He has a strong-willed character. I admire his personality greatly. I visited him five times in Beijing and was deeply impressed by his spirit. He is a true Confucian, and he would never follow the trend. He has real self-confidence. In 1941, he presided over the affairs of the Democratic League in Hong Kong and founded the Guangming Daily. When the Pacific War broke out and Hong Kong fell, he returned by boat, which was very dangerous, but he remained calm as if nothing had happened. He said: “I believe my security is already planned by Mandate of Heaven.” “I cannot die. If I die, the sky will change its color and history its rout.” He also said: “Only I can elucidate the implications of the Confucius-Mencius Learning and the position of Chinese culture in mankind. I still have three more books to write. How could I die? How could Heaven let me die?” Mr. Liang is such a man with strong confidence and responsibility. Mr. Liang is somewhat like Confucius, just as Confucius is often quoted as saying: “King Wen passed away, the holy mission of Heaven has been shifted on me.” On the Eve of liberation, he went to Kunming to investigate the murder of Wen Yiduo and Li Gongpu on behalf of democratic groups and berated Kuomintang agents at the mass meeting. He shouted: “Kill me, and more and more people will follow me! Shoot me if you dare! I’m not afraid to die!”. During and after the Anti-Japanese War, he went to Yan’an twice, talked with Mao Zedong quite a few times and even slept on the same bed with Mao Zedong. After the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, he became Mao Zedong’s guest of honor for many times, but refused Chairman Mao’s proposal to serve in the government, and repeatedly raised different views on domestic and foreign affairs, which finally led to a “face-to-face” quarrel with Mao in 1953. Liang Shuming

544

Appendix

blatantly regarded himself as a spokesperson of Chinese peasants and attempted to test Mao Zedong’s “magnanimity.” In 1974, at the study session of the CPPCC National Committee, he expressed his opinion under the title “How Should We Evaluate Confucius Today.” He opposed the evaluation of Confucius from a nonhistorical point of view, opposed the comparison of Lin Biao and Confucius, and claimed grievances for Liu Shaoqi and Peng Dehuai. When confronted with political pressure, he blurted out: “A commander of an army can be carried off, but the will of even an ordinary man cannot be taken from him.” (Analects, Chap. 9) He really is a modern-day Confucius. Mr Liang’s philosophy is mainly cultural philosophy, life philosophy, and philosophy of life. His philosophy is merged together with his own life. 1.2, Mr. Xiong Shili (1885–1968), like Mr. Liang, also participated in the Revolution of 1911. Mr. Xiong was a legendary figure. He was born in Huanggang, Hubei Province. He had never received any formal education, whether old-style and newstyle education. He had only studied in a private school for half a year. In terms of education level, he was much lower than Mr. Liang. Xiong Shili grew up in a poor peasant family in a barren countryside and looked after cattle when childhood. When he was 13–14 years old, his parents died one after another. After that, he only studied for half a year in the village school run by his father’s friend, Mr. He Chengmu. He began his study tour in the countryside when he was 16–17 years old. Soon, he traveled to Jianghan with He Zixin from the same county and Wang Han from Xishui county of Hubei Province. Influenced by reformists, he read The Works of Meng Zi, The Works of Wang Chuanshan and The Works of Gu Tinglin. During this period, he sprouted a revolutionary aspiration and was determined to seek for heroes with the same ideas from all over the country and plan the world together. In order to “instigate rebellion within the camp,” Xiong joined the 31st Standard of the Wuchang New Army as a soldier. In 1905, Xiong was admitted to the Special Primary School of Hubei New Army as a student soldier. Since then, he began to promote the revolution and contact comrades who shared the same ideas and aspirations. In the spring of the following year, Xiong joined the Association of Rizhihui, initiated and organized “Huang Gang Seminar of Military and Academic Circle,” and presided over its revolutionary activities. Due to his plan to rise in revolt in military and academic circles, Xiong was wanted by Zhang Biao, head of the Hubei Army, and luckily fled secretly under the cover of his friends. After the Wuchang Uprising, Xiong served as a staff officer to the Governor of Hubei province. In the first year of the Republic of China, he participated in editing the Annals of Ri Zhi Hui. After the failure of the Second Revolution (March 20, 1913), he went to De’an County, Jiangxi Province, where he taught while farming and studying. From 1917 to 1918, he participated in the Constitution Protection Movement led by Dr. Sun Yat-sen. He witnessed the deterioration of society caused by constant change of regimes. “Warlords Strive for power and compete for interests, ultimately resulting in the revolution achieving nothing desirable.” Warlords and bureaucrats were greedy, extravagant, cruel, jealous, fraudulent, condescending, conniving, and hypocritical. Factional strife was fierce, officials were extravagant and degenerate, common people were in destitution, and humanity was

Appendix

545

in peril. Xiong deeply regretted that “Partisans never try to make an effort in selfcultivation” and sadly felt that “The revolution led by such a group of heartless persons was destined to go nowhere.” He deeply felt that “Revolution of politics is not as effective as reform in one’s heart,” so he resolutely abandoned politics and pursued studies, devoting himself to studying Confucianism and Buddhism, and considered it as his duty to explore the nature of human life and improve people’s morality. This was an important turning point in Xiong Shili’s life journey. He once said to himself: “At the age of thirty-five, I devoted myself wholly to philosophy. This marked a great change in the course of my life, and it was also a period of rejuvenation for me.” In his early years, Xiong Shili had a Buddhist awareness that manifested in the belief that “Up in the sky and under the heaven, I am the only one deserving of respect.” He is self-taught, especially talented and savvy. He once had an article published in the Magazine of Yongyan. Mr. Liang Shuming read Mr. Xiong’s notes criticizing Buddhism and disagreed with his views. At that time, Mr. Liang didn’t know who Xiong was and criticized him in his article “On Seeking Truth and Resolving Doubts” published in the Oriental Magazine. This pen-and-ink lawsuit led to the first historic meeting between the two men. During the summer vacation of 1919, Mr. Xiong, who was teaching at Nankai School at that time, moved from Tianjin to Guangji Temple in Peiping (Beijing) to discuss Buddhism with Mr. Liang. In the summer of 1920, Mr. Liang Shuming visited Jinling Sutra Engraving Office in Nanjing, where he sought Buddhist teachings from Master Ouyang Jingwu and introduced him to Mr. Xiong Shili’s desire to study Buddhism. It is here (at The Inner College) that Mr. Xiong laid a solid foundation in Vijbana-vada (wei shi xue, a theory of consciousness-only) and Hetuvidyā (yin ming xue) and received strict training in philosophical thinking. Mr. Ouyang, a Master of Buddhism, inherited the career of Yang Renshan, a lay Buddhist, and engraved Buddhist books and other Buddhist Classics that were spread to Japan and lost in China. Later, he set up the Inner College of China and trained a large number of Buddhist experts. From the second half of 1920–1922, Mr. Shili studied Buddhism from Master Ouyang in Nanjing. Thanks to Mr. Liang’s introduction and Cai Yuanpei’s recognition of his talent, in the winter of 1922, Mr. Xiong began working as a guest lecturer at Peking University, giving lectures on Vijbana-vada of Buddhism. It was in the academic environment of Peking University that Xiong Shili had the opportunity to think independently and sharpen his knowledge with academic elites.

546

Appendix

Beginning in 1923, Xiong Shili gradually abandoned his master’s teachings, gradually broke away Buddhism Consciousness-Only, and formed his own set of views. Through ten years of deliberation, Xiong Shili constructed his own unique philosophical system, I symbolized by the classical Chinese text “New Consciousness-Only Theory” (xin wei shi lun) printed in Hangzhou in October 1932. After the book was published, it received high praise from academic circles such as Cai Yuanpei, Ma Yifu, and Lin Zhijun, but it was met criticism from the Buddhist community. Mr. Xiong Shili was a genius. He came out from his teacher, criticized the Buddhist Consciousness-Only Theory, and established a philosophical system of “New Consciousness-Only Theory” that integrated Confucianism and Buddhism. There was a lot of criticism in the Buddhist circles. When lecturing at Peking University or talking with friends, whenever he reached important points, he often couldn’t help but slap listeners on the head or shoulder, then burst out laughing, making a loud sound that echoed through the auditorium. Hence, students did not dare to sit in the first row for fear of being “knocked on the head” by Mr. Xiong. Some students deliberately sat in the last row, but he would still knock on their heads from the last row. While talking to him, friends dared not approach too closely. It is said that even Professor Zhang Dongsun (1886–1973) was slapped by him during a conversation. He was truly a man of uninhibited nature. Feng Wenbing (1901–1968), also known as Fei Ming, a litterateur and professor of Peking University. He was a native of Huangmei, Hubei, and was a fellow countryman and junior to Xiong. Fei Ming often argued with Xiong about Buddhism, contending with each other and even scolding each other. Sometimes they would even scuffle into a ball, but in a couple of days, they would make up again. In 1927, Mr. Xiong was invited by Mr. Tang Yongtong to Central University. At that time, Mr. Xiong was in poor health. The following year, Mr. Xiong came to Central University from Hangzhou to give lectures, attracting another Neo-Confucian scholar, Mr. Tang Junyi (1909–1978), who would be included in the name-list of Xiong Shili’s disciples. Mr. Xiong Shili is considered the most original Chinese philosopher of the twentieth century. He served as a Professor at both Peking University, Wuhan University.

Appendix

547

In 1925, he was invited by President Shi Ying (Heng Qing) to teach at Wuchang University, which later became Wuhan University. During the Anti-Japanese War, he also gave lectures at Wuhan University of Leshan, Sichuan Province, in the rear. During the Anti-Japanese War, Xiong Shili entered Sichuan and drifted from place to place, living in poverty. However, with his persistent love for the country, nation, people, and traditional culture, he found satisfaction in his life by endeavoring to write books and give lectures. It was also during the Anti-Japanese War that Xiong’s philosophical system was enriched, developed and perfected, and had a certain influence on the domestic philosophy circle. New Consciousness-Only Theory and A Guide to Reading Scriptures, published at the end of the Anti-Japanese War, are the signs of his mature thought and complete system. After 1949, Xiong continued to make a living by writing and remained employed as a Professor at Peking University. He also served as a member of the second, third, and fourth National Committees of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC). Despite becaming increasingly lonely and ignored in his later years, he was still able to think according to his own ideas without too much external pressure and interference. Moreover, the abridged version of New Doctrine of Consciousness-Only, Original Confucianism, Theory of Foundation and Function, and Discourse on Enlightenment of One’s Mind, etc., were all financially supported by the government. When the “Great Cultural Revolution” broke out in 1966, Xiong Shili was in trouble! He died in Shanghai on May 23, 1968, at the age of 84. The development trajectory of Xiong Shili’s thought is generally as follows: in his early years, he criticized the Six Classics and considered them to be proimperial books. In his middle-aged years, he turned to Mahayana Buddhism and began studying the theory of consciousness-only of Sect of Being of Mahayana. However, he soon gave up this sect and deeply studied the School of Middle Way (also known as Madhyamika of Mahayana Buddhism, Sect of Non-Being of the Great Vehicle School, or Sect of Nature-Emptiness) He established a deep affinity with this school, but over time, he did not dare to take the Theory of Non-Being as his ultimate home. He then turned to Confucian Tradition and found his spiritual home in connection with The Book of Changes and the idealistic branch of NeoConfucianism. Xiong Shili’s main philosophical viewpoints include the unity of substance (ti) and function (yong),1 the unity of heart (xin) and things (wu), the unity of material forces (neng) and quality (zhi), the unity of principle (li) and material forces (qi), and the unity of heaven and human. His so-called “Ti” refers to “Ti of Heart” (xinti) and “Ti of Nature” (xingti), which is the noumenon of human existence, the root of all things in the universe, the source of endless life, and in a certain sense, it is also the onto of morality and the subject of morality. The “Unity of Substance and Function” advocated by Xiong aims to affirm the meaning and value of human life, so as to re-discover “the nature of human life” and “the noumenon of the universe” 1

In XIONG’s metaphysics, Ti體, which he also refers to as Shi Ti實體 and Ben Ti本體, represents the Ontological Absolute. He also treats it as synonymous with such Buddhist notions of Tathatā 真如(Suchness), Dharmatā (Reality/the true nature of things), and Nirvāṇa涅槃. In turn, function (yong) refers to the phenomenal world—translator’s note.

548

Appendix

in a world of highly materialistic desires. Xiong believes that the heart of benevolence, which is taken as the noumenon by all humans and all things between Heaven and Earth, contains great power that can create the whole world of humanity. He exalts the strong-willed and creative nature of benevolence-heart. In fact, he wanted people to face the world and create the world with positive attitude toward life, life consciousness, and humanistic spirit. Meanwhile, he advocated that we should not be alienated and obscured by material desires and humanistic institutions made by people, so as to forget and lose our rooted source of being a human being. Xiong Shili is the most original and influential philosopher in the history of modern philosophy in China. He has laid the philosophical metaphysical foundation of modern Neo-Confucianism trend of thought and has also commanded a unique and superior position among the Contemporary New Confucians. His argument for “unity of substance and function” has become the origin of the whole contemporary Neo-Confucianism trend of thought, that is, “to re-establish the great substance, re-open the great function” and “to protect the sagelihood inside and open up the new kinglihood outside,” which has constituted the basic framework of this trend of thought. In short, Xiong Shili’s entire philosophy aims to rebuild the ontology of Confucianism, the moral self of man, and the subjectivity of Chinese culture in the face of the shock of Western learning and in the era of the collapse of Confucian value system. Tang Junyi (1909–1978), Mou Zongsan (1909–95), and Xu Fuguan (1903–82), commonly regarded as belonging to the second generation of New Confucianism, have substantially developed different aspects of Confucianism along the spiritual direction Xiong initiated and the metaphysical foundation he laid. They were all Xiong’s disciples and were deeply indebted to him for the cultivation of a sophisticated philosophical orientation and a superior personality. When Confucius was besieged by the people of State Kuang, he said calmly: “Since King Wen passed away, the holy mission of Heaven has been shifted on me. If High Heaven wills to mandate the finish of Zhou’s rituals, then it would not be possible for me to be versed with this rituals; if High Heaven wills to mandate the preservation of Zhou’s rituals, then people of State Kuang could do nothing harmful to me.” (Analects, Chap. 9:5) When Gongbo Liao slandered Zi Lu to Ji Sun, Confucius said frankly: “If the Way is destined to proceed, that is a matter of fate. And if the Way is destined to fail, that too is fate. How can Gongbo Liao change what is fated?” (Analects, Chap. 14) Confucius, based on his belief that Heaven won’t destroy that culture (Zhou’s ritual), conscientiously takes on the mission of passing on that culture (Zhou’s ritual), devotes his whole life to the preservation and maintenance of the culture of Chinese land, and becomes the guardian of Chinese culture without hesitation as well as a trustee of the fate of cultural continuation. When Mr. Xiong Shili lived in Beijing in the 1930s, he once wrote a calligraphy piece in his home hall, reading: “If Tao will perish, does this culture remain here with me?” Mr. Xiong is committed to bearing the wisdom of Chinese culture with the great vision that “Heaven has endowed me with this culture.” 1.3, Mr. Ma Yifu (1883–1967) was a famous scholar, a great hermit, a promient Confucian, a master of Rationalist Scholarship, and a renowned poet and calligrapher. In his early years, he studied in the USA, Germany, and Japan, and he brought back

Appendix

549

the first Das Kapital to China. He was a native of Shaoxing and lived in seclusion in Hangzhou for many years. President Cai Yuanpei once invited him to teach at Peking University, but he turn him down, saying, “I have heard that the student come for the teacher, rather the teacher goes for the student.” When the Anti-Japanese War broke out, he started lecturing around. He moved with Zhejiang University to Taihe, Jiangxi, and later to Yishan, Guangxi, and his lectures were later compiled into Taihe Huiyu (Lectures in Taihe) and Yishan Huiyu (Lectures in Yishan). In 1939, Mr. Ma went to Leshan, Sichuan, to establish the Academy of Restorative Nature, and later, his lectures were published under the title of Lectures in the Academy of Restorative Nature ( fu xing shu yuan jiang lu) with a total of 6 volumes.2 Mr. Ma believes that the Six Classics can govern all learnings. Mr. Ma himself is well educated in Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, and his knowledge of Buddhism attainment is broad and profound. He also has in-depth research on Rationalist Scholarship in Song and Ming Dynasties.

During the Anti-Japanese War, Chiang Kai-shek often summoned some scholars to talk with him, and Mr. Feng Youlan and Mr. He Lin went to see Chiang, respectively. It is said that all of this was arranged by Chen Bulei or Chen Brai. I have personally heard Mr. He Lin tell me at Mr. He Lin’s house that before Chiang Kai-shek met with these professors of philosophy and humanities, he did read one or two books written by them, marking key words and impressive sentences with dots or lines, and asked one or two questions about their works when they met. Mr. Ma saw Jiang at the beginning of the Anti-Japanese War, before the establishment of the Academy of Restorative Nature. It is said that Ma told Jiang two words: “sincerity” and “forgiveness.” He hoped that Jiang would “treat people with forgiveness, achieve a great cause with sincerity, keep in mind national rejuvenation, and care about worries and happiness of all people,” emphasizing that “sincerity is the foundation of sageliness inside and kingliness outside.” It is said that Chiang was very unhappy with this exhortation. Afterward, a friend asked Mr. Ma’s impression of Jiang, and Ma’s evaluation was very interesting. He said thatJiang was “soldierly valiant but small-minded, lacking in broad-mindedness of personality.” He also said that Jiang 2

Ma Yifu, Lectures in Cultural Renaissance Academy, Nanjing, Jiangsu Education Publishing House, 2005.

550

Appendix

“carried himself with excessive dignity, and seemed to put on airs and deliberate affectation.” He considered Jiang as “a talent of partial hegemony, with sufficient governance of one place, but insufficient governance of one country. He is just a figure like Liu Yu3 and Chen Baxian.4 This evaluation is very accurate. As we all know, Liu Yu was Emperor Wu of Song and the founding Emperor of Song State during the Southern Dynasties (Song, Qi, Liang and Chen). Although Liu Yu proclaimed himself Emperor instead of Jin Dynasty (317–420), he did not unify Central China. Chen Baxian was the founder of Chen State (557–589) during the Southern Dynasty, namely Emperor Wu of Chen. These two kingdoms were short-lived and neither completed the great cause of reunification. Judging from the perspective of broad mind, bold vision and imperial cause, Jiang is just a figure like Emperor Wu of Song, Emperor Wu of Chen and so on. Later history really verified Mr. Ma’s judgment. Three Masters of Liang, Xiong, and Ma had close personalities and their disciples were also closely connected, forming an academic community. Despite their different personalities—Mr. Ma being mellow and highly cultivated, Mr. Xiong aloof and quick-tempered, and Mr. Liang known for his intense outbursts—none of them escaped the tragedy of the “Great Cultural Revolution.” Their homes were raided, and they themselves were subjected to humiliation by the Red Guards. Tragically, both Mr. Xiong and Mr. Ma died during the “Great Cultural Revolution, with“ Mr. Ma leaving behind his final poem before his passing, which reads: I follow my life’s evolution to its blessed vastness, Where I come and go freely in fullness. My form and spirit gather and dissolve evermore, Which vanish into universe incorporeal. I am like a small bubble in the broad sea, Where flowers are blooming on branches joyfully. I wave goodbye to human world at oncoming cliff, And right now the Sun is going down at Mountain Yanzi. —Farewell to My Relatives and Friends.

The first four lines reflect Daoist or Taoist thought, specifically Zhuang Zi’s romantic concept of mental detachment and emancipation. The fifth line uses the Buddhist metaphor of “bubble in the sea,” which carries a profound implication. The Chinese word “ou” 漚 refers to a small bubble that is formed due to dripping with water. In fact, a person, a thing, is nothing more than a small floating bubble, yet 3

Liu Yu (A.D.363–422) was Emperor Wu of the Song Dynasty. His styled name was Deyu, a native of Pengcheng County, Shanxi. He was the founding Emperor of the Song State (A.D.420–422) during the period of Southern-Northern Dynasty(A.D. 420–479).—translator’s note. 4 Chen Baxian (A.D.503 ~ 559), styled Xingguo, was born in Wuxing (now Changxing County, Zhejiang Province). He was the founding Emperor of the Chen Dynasty (A.D.557–559) during the period of Southern-Northern Dynasties(A.D420-479). — translator’s note.

Appendix

551

it also represents the vastness of the sea. Bubble appears and disappears, life goes on and goes on, and ultimately, everything returns to the endless sea of the universe. In Zhuang Zi’s philosophy, life and death are merely the gathering and dispersing of Qi (the Cosmic Substance). The gathering of Qi brings life, while its dispersing of Qi results in death. Life and death are like the shifting of day and night. We should not love life and hate death more than we love day and hate night. Is not the relationship between finite life and the infinite universe similar to that of a water drop and the sea? Life and death are merely occurrences. This is true enlightenment! Mr. Ma’s poem embodies optimistic spirituality within sadness, and its realm is profound and deep, trully breathtaking! 1.4, Mr. Fang Dongmei (1899–1977), also known as Thomé H. Fang, was a native of Tongcheng County, Anhui Province. Everyone knows about the Tongcheng School that has produced a large number of scholars, thinkers, and men of letters in Chinese classics, including Dai Mingshi, Fang Bao, Liu Dakun, Yao Nai, and others. The Fang Family of Tongcheng was also a renowned family. He was the descendant of Fang Bao (A.D. 1668–1749), a Qing dynasty scholar and a relative of his contemporary Fang Chih, a Chinese diplomat. He was the student leader of University of Nanking and higher universities of Nanjing Area, and also one of the first members of Young Chinese Association (July 1919). As known to us, Mao Zedong and Yun Daiying were also members of the Young Chinese Association. In 1921, he went to the USA to commence his philosophical studies at the University of Wisconsin and obtained a Master Degree after two years. He then continued his studies at Ohio University. One year later, he began his PhD studies at the University of Wisconsin and successfully passed his doctorate defense. (However, he had to urgently return to China, so was not awarded his Ph.D.) Upon returning to China, his first destination was Wuchang Higher Normal School, the predecessor of Wuhan University, where he took up the position of an associate professor in the Department of Philosophy Education. Later, he served as a professor at Southeast University, Central School of Politics, and Central University. During a demonstration against the government in Nanjing, Fang was one of four professors who carried a student’s coffin.

552

Appendix

Throughout his life, Dongmei Fang sought to articulate a comprehensive philosophical system that eclectically drew from Chinese and Western philosophy, integrating various fields of philosophical concern. He grounded the possibility of individual wisdom and the integration of reason and emotion in distinctive types of common cultural wisdom. Different types of men were possible in different cultural worlds, each world integrating value and existence. Strictly speaking, Dongmei Fang does not exclusively belong to contemporary Neo-Confucianism but can be considered a generalized contemporary Neo-Confucian. His early works are The Beauty of Life and Life (1931) and Science, Philosophy, and Life (1937), both of which have exquisite titles. His Three Wisdoms of Philosophy is a comparative study of the philosophies of ancient Greece, modern Europe, and China. During the Anti-Japanese War in Chongqing, he met the visiting Indian scholar Radha Krishnan. Influenced by Radha, who influenced him to personally introduce Chinese culture and philosophy to Westerners in English. After 1947, Mr. Fang taught at National Taiwan University, and then he often traveled to the USA to give lectures. He taught “Chinese Philosophy of Life” in the West and authored numerous renowned papers on comparative philosophy. In his later years, his lectures on Philosophy of Premordial Confucianism and Daoism, Eighteen Lectures on Neo-Confucianism, and his works on Buddhism gained significant fame. Prof. Fang is a philosopher of life and a poet philosopher as well. He is a Chinese philosopher with great influence in the world of philosophy. In general, his virtue of philosophy is derived from Confucian Tradition. His boldness of vision is incubated from the spirit of Taoism. His wisdom of philosophy is obtained through the learning of Buddhism. And his approach to philosophy is refined from the philosophies of the West. 1.5, Mr. Tang Junyi (1909–1978), also known as Tang Chun-I, was a native of Yibin, Sichuan. Tang Junyi, together with Mou Zongsan and Xu Fuguan, formed the backbone of the Neo-Confucianism of Hong Kong and Taiwan. Tang was knonw for his benevolent character, Mou for his wisdom , and Xu for his bravery. Mr. Tang was considered a “giant in the universe of cultural awareness” and a philosopher of life, whose life was filled with compassion.

Mr. Tang was influenced by Liang Shuming at Peking University in his early years. After he was transferred to Nanjing Central University, he was trained by Prof. Fang Dongmei and Prof. Tang Yongtong. He graduated from Nanjing Central University in 1932 and then taught at Nanjing Central University and West China

Appendix

553

University. In 1940, at the invitation of Prof. Zong Baihua, he returned to Nanjing Central University again and served as lecturer, associate professor, and professor until the eve of liberation. In 1949, Mr. Tang and Mr. Qian Binsi, also known as Qian Mu, founded New Asia Academy in Hong Kong. On New Year’s Day of 1958, Tang, together with Zhang Junmai, Mou Zongsan and Xu Fuguan, jointly issued a longwinded manifesto—A Manifesto on the Reappraisal of Chinese Culture: A manifesto on the reappraisal of Chinese culture: Our Joint Understanding of the Sinological Study Relating to World Cultural Outlook, which was drafted by Tang Junyi and repeatedly revised by Zhang Junmai, Mou Zongsan, and Xu Fuguan, and then jointly signed and published in the January 1958 issue of Democracy Review in the name of the four, which was generally referred to as the declaration of “Contemporary NeoConfucianism” in the academic circle. This manifesto has exerted a great influence overseas, and it is also an important document of contemporary Neo-Confucianism. Mr Tang is a famous cultural philosopher and one of the leading exponents of New Confucianism. His representative works include Cultural Consciousness and Moral Reason, Chinese Humanities and Today’s World, The Original Theory of Chinese Philosophy, Life Existence and Spiritual Realm, and so on. 1.6, Mr. Mou Zongsan (1909–1995), a native of Qixia, Shandong Province, was a top student at Peking University and a highly rational metaphysical philosopher. He laid the philosophical metaphysical foundation of modern Neo-Confucianism. Mr. Mou conducted a comparative study of Kantian philosophy and Confucianism. He taught at Nanjing Central University from 1945 to 1947 and later transferred to University of Nanking and Jiangnan University. Upon his arrival at Nanjing Central University, it had not yet moved back to its original site. Mr. Mou was a stern philosopher who dedicated his life to searching for the metaphysical basis of Confucian humanism and reconstructing the metaphysics of Confucian morality. His representative works include Mind-Substance and Nature-Substance (xin ti yu xing ti), Intellectual Intuition, and Chinese Philosophy (zhi de zhi jue yu zhong guo zhe xue), On the Perfect Good (yuan shan lun), and Phenomenon and Thing-in– itself (xian xiang yu wu zi shen). Additionally, he translated Kant’s three critiques from English into Chinese. He was an important figure of modern and contemporary Neo-Confucianism, and Chinese philosophers could not bypass him but only through him. Mou Zongsan was a philosophical giant whose legacy looms large over Chinese-speaking regions of the world and is in the process of being discovered and recognized by non-Sinophone thinkers. Mou and his contemporaries engaged in sustained, critical engagement with philosophical thought from outside their native traditions.

554

Appendix

1.7, Mr. Xu Fuguan (1903–1982) was a native of Xishui county, Hubei Province. Xu Fuguan was a historian of thought. He was originally well educated in Guoxue (Studies of Chinese Classics). He studied Guoxue in Wuchang (Wuhan City) when he was young and then went to Japan to study military affairs. He was originally a figure in the Kuomintang military circles and was sent to Yan’an as a liaison staff during the Anti-Japanese War. He was highly regarded by Chiang Kai-shek and was an important secretary in the Attendants’ Office. After the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, he retired as a major general of the army. After retiring, he got a sum of money from Chiang Kai-shek to run the magazine of “Xue Yuan” in Nanjing and had a deep relationship with the academic circles.

Tang, Mu, and Xu were all disciples of Xiong Shili. When Xu Fuguan heard of Xiong Shili’s reputation, he admired him very much and went to visit Mr. Xiong in Beibei, Chongqing. He arrived wearing a stiff woolen army uniform and spoke bombastically in front of Xiong, resulting in a severe scolding from Mr. Xiong. In front of Mr. Xiong, Xu Fuguan spoke of the academics of Wang Fuzhi (also known as Wang Chuanshan) from the late Ming and early Qing Dynasties and made reckless and haphazard remarks about Wang Fuzhi. Mr. Xiong bawled out at him, saying that you boy didn’t understand him at all and was not qualified to talk about Wang Chuanshan. He advised Xu to read some books honestly before coming to talk with

Appendix

555

him. Mr. Xu later recalled that Mr Xiong’s scolding brought him back to life. Mr. Xu said that he didn’t pursue an academic career until he was fifty years old, but he became greatly remarkable. In Hong Kong and Taiwan, he raised the banner of promoting Chinese culture together with Mr. Tang and Mr. Mou. His works, such as The History of Theories of Chinese Human Nature (chapter of Pre-Qin Dynasties), Spirit of Chinese Art, and History of Thought in Han Dynasties, are all remarkable works. He is a figure who straddles both academics and politics, having been busy with academic research and political activities all his life. He criticized Kuomintang politics and advocated democracy and freedom, demonstrating great moral courage. Culturally, he advocated recognizing, revivifying, and transforming Chinese culture. He was also my countryfellow guy (a native of Hubei) and was fond of debating with others. Xu Fuguan’s fields of research included philosophy, sociology of culture, and literary and art criticism. He is considered one of the first theoreticians of specific Chinese aesthetics in Contemporary Chinese thought. Representatives of the third generation of Neo-Confucianism, such as famous professors Du Weiming, Liu Shuxian, Chung ying Cheng, and Cai Renhou, were students of Fang Dongmei, Tang Junyi, Mou Zongsan, and Xu Fuguan. In particular, most of the members of the “Goose Lake School” in Taiwan were Mr. Mou’s disciples. Du Weiming taught at Harvard University, Chung ying Cheng taught at the University of Hawaii, and Liu Shuxian (1934–2016) successively taught in the University of Illinois and the Chinese University of Hong Kong, while also conducting research at the “Central Research Institute” in Chinese Taiwan. They are all open-minded contemporary Confucians. Part Two, the “Problem Consciousness” of Contemporary Neo-Confucianism Trend of Thought Above, I have provided a brief introduction to a few modern Neo-Confucians. Below, I will discuss their common ideas and offer my own comments and views. In particular, I will delve into some domains of Neo-Confucianism opened by the third generation and their significance. For nearly two decades, research in the academic circle on modern and contemporary neo-Confucianism trends and figures has stimulated thinking on culture, thought, and academia, and has raised many questions. Through collaboration with other scholars in the academic circle and further discussions, a consciousness of these problems has emerged. 2.1, we should transcend the dual confrontation mode between traditional culture and modernization, reflect on modernity and rethink the relationship between East Asian spiritual civilization and East Asian modernization. East Asian modernization is not solely a passive response to Western shocks; rather, it is a process of adjustment and development that occurs within the context of interaction between East Asia, including China, and the world, where the relationship between tradition and modernity is not one-way progression. East Asian modernization has its own unique spirit, system, and human resources. Contemporary Neo-Confucianism has raised questions about the roles of tradition in modernity, the pluralistic nature of modernity, and the development of a distinct modernity

556

Appendix

rooted in national resources. Du Weiming pointed out: “Modernization should not be viewed solely as a process of globalization alone or as a homogenizing force, and globalization itself should not be equated with westernization. Rather, it is the awareness of globalization that reinforces the consciousness of rootedness, which is why it is crucial to emphasize the importance of tradition within modernity.” Modernity has various connotations and characteristics in Western countries, and it should also have various forms, contents, and spirits in East Asia and other parts of the world. Contemporary Neo-Confucianism attaches great importance to coordinating global thought trends with national spirit, and integrating global perspectives with local origins, modernity with nationality. Before globalization was widely discussed in our country, contemporary Neo-Confucianism thought has already provided a new way of thinking that differed from the Enlightenment Rationality. It took the lead in recognizing that modernization is not synonymous with Westernization and that civilizations from different regions possess modern and universal values that can be creatively transformed. Globalization does not entail the further expansion of a single discourse’s hegemony. In the modernization process of East Asian countries and regions, their regional and national cultural traditions, both major and minor, have played and will continue to play a significant and multifaceted role in creating and enriching a new mode of modernization and modernity to some extent or degree. 2.2, “Intercivilizational Dialogue” and “Culture China.”

At the end of the New Culture Movement, Liang Shuming had already started the work of cross-cultural comparison and dialogue, which was rough and loose, but represented a way of thinking. In 1958, Tang Junyi drafted A Manifesto on the Reappraisal of Chinese Culture: Our Joint Understanding of the Sinological Study Relating to World Cultural Outlook, which was jointly signed by Tang Junyi, Mou Zongsan, Xu Fuguan, and Zhang Junmai. Despite being criticized for its emphasis on unity of culture, “Manifesto” and their exensive collection of books and high-quality lectures of academic standards hold profound significance. Modern Neo-Confucians have made significant contributions to cross-cultural comparison, dialogue, and integration. Given that conflicts between civilizations have become commonplace in both history and the present era, dialogue and communication among civilizations are particularly important. Then how is dialogue and communication among civilizations possible? The first is the conscious awareness of national culture and cultural spirit. If one or all non-Western civilizations lose their original character and become a subordinate of a powerful civilization, it will precisely make dialogue among civilizations impossible. The third generation of Neo-Confucianism emphasizes openness more. Du Weiming pointed out: “The exchange of Cultures is not limited to zero-sum methodology that neglects the potential for mutually promotion and complementarity. The more communication there is, the more resources are available. If we uphold our traditional exquisite culture as a foundation and enage in dialogue with Western profound values, we must be open to two aspects: We should be open to contemporary West, but not solely to the narrow emphasis on instrumental rationality and the values of prosperity and strength. We should also be open

Appendix

557

to the spiritual roots that have shaped the contemporary West, understanding the positive roles that Christianity, Judaism, and Islam played in the Western Renaissance, the philosophical wisdom of ancient Greece, and the influence of the Middle Ages on Western culture.” The issue of “Cultural China” was not uniquely advocated by contemporary Neo-Confucianism and has been widely discussed by scholars at home and abroad. However, Mr. Du has provided the most extensive explanation of it in recent years. In fact, beyond Geographical China, Political China, Economic China, and Military China, there exist regions and people influenced by Chinese Culture in varying degrees, collectively known as “Cultural China.” The modern lifestyle, value consciousness, thinking mode, and mental structure exhibited by these regions and groups of people are intricably connected to diversified Chinese cultures and are bound to play a positive role in the future diversified and beneficial development of the entire world. 2.3, Confucian Values and Global Ethics, Environmental Ethics, and Life Ethics Since the 1990s, scholars of world religions and cultures have devoted significant attention to the issue of world ethics, highlighting the necessity to mobilize the resources of religions, cultures, and ethics around the globe. Given the pressing need for ethical consensus and universal harmony in the contemporary filled with conflicts, The Declaration of Global Ethic, drafted by Professors Hans Kung and Karl-Josef Kuschel, who have a Catholic background, was signed by representatives of various religions in 1993. The Declaration of Global Ethic outlined the universal values and principles that are shared by the world’s religious, spiritual, and cultural traditions. Despite emerging from consultations with scholars and religious leaders from various religions and regions worldwide, it represents a statement of basic ethical commitments shared by people across the globe, regardless of religious affliation. In particular, it is worth mentioning that The Declaration of Global Ethic gave prominence to the principle of “Do not do onto others what you do not want others do onto yo,” which was advocated by original thinkers from all civilizations and religions, including Confucius from China. This Confucian ideology promotes mutual respect, mutual understanding, and communication between countries, religions, ethnic groups, communities, and individuals. Whether the United Nations will adopt The Declaration of Global Ethic is a separate question, but the heated discussion on this issue is an objective necessity, an inevitable trend, and a natural course of action. Contemporary Neo-Confucian scholars have actively contributed to the construction of global ethics. In this context, Liu Shuxian has elaborated on the modern implications of Confucian core values such as “Learning for Self-improvement” (weijizhixue), and “Human-heartedness (ren), Righteousness (yi), Ritual (li), Wisdom (zhi), and Truthfulness (xin).” He has applied the wisdom that “There is but one Li or Cosmological Principle which exists in diverse forms” (liyi-fenshu), promoted by Confucian scholars of the Song Dynasty, to address the issue of respecting diversity while treating each other as equals, connecting tradition with modernity, bridging monism and pluralism. According to Song Confucianism, the principle of each thing is not just part of the principle, but rather, it is endowed with the full meaning of the principle. To clarify, the Universal Principle expresses itself in

558

Appendix

the form of different guiding principles in specific things, and the principle contained in each thing or being is a concrete expression of the Universal Principle. The concept of the Universal Principle being one and same ensures the unity of the world, whereas its diversified principle provides the basis for multifarious things and hierarchical order. In this regard, mobilizing Confucian resources to participate in the construction of new environmental ethic and life ethic has become a hot topic. According to The Doctrine of the Mean, the principle that Heaven, Earth, human, and all things each fulfill its own nature is highly valued by Chinese Confucians of all dynasties. This principle indeed serves as an important growth point for ecological and life ethics. Mencius holds that human should fully develop his inner nature and further fully develop the nature of others and even all things in Heaven, allowing Heaven, Earth, human, and all things in the world to flourish in their respective roles, settle down peacefully in their places, and coexist gracefully and magnanimously. This practice of following one’s own nature and allowing others and all things to do so is referred to as the Way of Heaven (tiandao). In other words, sustaining and nourishing the Way of Heaven involves enabling oneself, others, and all things between Heaven and Earth to fully grow and develop, so that they can fulfill their own nature. The principle that “The benevolent person is oneness with Heaven, Earth, and all things,” as well as the principles of self-discipline, benevolence-love, non-harm, and moral justice proposed by Confucianism, hold great ethic value and global significance. 2.4, Relationship Between Confucian Learning and Modern Democratic Politics and Liberalism Representatives of the three generations of modern Neo-Confucianism all focused attention on the values of freedom, democracy, rule of law, and human rights adopted by the modern Western world and achieved many creative achievements in their exploration and interpration of these values. They were not conservative in politics and were comparable to liberals such as Hu Shi in the conceptualiztion and system construction of democratic politics, including constitutionalism. They also excelled in “counterbalancing political position with morality” (yi de kang wei) and criticizing authority. Liang Shuming, Zhang Junmai, and Xu Fuguan were among the outstanding figures, while Xiong Shili, Tang Junyi, and Mou Zongsan also made significant achievements in theoretic construction. Since the time of Confucius and Mencius, Confucian political views and moral principles have been combined, and many of them can serve as resources for modern democratic politics. It is not necessary to deny the politicization of Confucianism, but rather to conduct a specific historical analysis of its evolution and application. Confucianism’s principle in statecraft and its participation in and criticism of social politics, its emphasis on valuing the people over the monarch, and its corresponding historical structure and system cannot be dismissed as a “Dirty Stable.” Neo-Confucianism has engaged in extensive discussions on relative checks and balances among folk society, speech space, moral orthodoxy, academic orthodoxy, political orthodoxy, and statecraft. There have also been numerous discussions in the academic community regarding the development of local political and legal resources and the concept of “Confucian liberalism,” which has become another dimension of contemporary Neo-Confucianism. In my

Appendix

559

opinion, in terms of independent critical ability and spirit, moral courage, and sense of responsibility that liberals must possess, in terms of the basic values of liberalism, such as freedom, rationality, justice, friendship, tolerance, personality independence, and human dignity, in terms of the public sphere and moral community that democratic politics requires, and in terms of separation of powers, checks and balances, and supervision at the level of negative freedom, and the promotion of moral subjectivity at the level of positive freedom, both Confucian society and Confucian philosophy can provide rich resources for transformation and mutual communication in today’s modernization process. 2.5, Confucianism’s Religiosity and Transcendence The reflection on the religious and transcendental nature of Confucian Learning highlights the contributions of the second and third generations of Neo-Confucians to the creative development of Confucian theory. Admittedly, contemporary NeoConfucian scholars affirm the religiousness of Confucian Learning, not through institutional rituals, but rather through spiritual belief and life experience. The concept of [human] nature and the Heavenly Way also constitutes the religious philosophy of Confucianism. The “Learning for Self-Improvement” that aims to “settle down one’s human life in spiritual pursuit” has an ethical and religious connotation. In Confucian Learning, “Tian” and “Heavenly Way” are both transcendent and pervasive throughout the humanly world, without being segmented into two opposing poles of transcendence and inwardness. Scholars at home and abroad have criticized the conception of “transcending inner” in contemporary Neo-Confucianism, arguing that “turning outward” cannot simultaneously be “turning inward.” However, modern and contemporary Neo-Confucianism and traditional Confucianism share essential characteristics, with a greater emphasis on axiology and ontology rather than epistemology. Thus, the Chinese term “transcendence” (chao yue) is not discussed from an epistemology, but rather than from an ontology-realm theory or by interweaving cosmology and epistemology. The term “transcendence” refers to divinity and religiousness, and also represents the tension between reality and ideality or finitude and infinitude. According to the idea of the “unity of Heaven and Human,” Heaven, which is high above us, is connected with and inseparable from human’s “Intuitive Knowledge” (liangzhi) and “Substantial Heart” (benxin). If the “Heavenly Way” or “Heaven” possess divinity, it is reasonable to say that human’s “Intuitive Knowledge” or “Substantial Heart” is also endowed with divinity. Why, in Confucian view, can the “Cosmic Heart” and the “Individual Heart” be unified into oneness? Originally speaking, “Tian” in Confucianism means Heaven with divine implication and Heaven with Principled Morality, rather than a thing-in-itself outside of human beings. “Tian” is also a concept of ontology–axiology, and therefore, its epistemological implication is very weak. Hence, in Mencius phrasal paradigm: “The full performance of heart’s function is to understand the universal nature, hence to testify the holy heaven mandates” (jinxin zhi xing, yizhiyu ming). From an epistemological perspective, it would be difficult to understand the concept of “fully developing one’s heart ( jinxin), knowing one’s nature (zhixing), and knowing Heaven (zhitian),” where Tian is regarded as an external objective existence. Statements such as “Nothing

560

Appendix

exists beyond the heart” may sound unreasonable or even crazy. Transcendence and religiosity are not exactly the same concepts, but in modern and contemporary Neo-Confucianisms, they are interlinked because the transcendental “Heaven” has no epistemological connotation and is only regarded as the source of value. If transcendence is understood as divinity and religiosity, and Heaven and human are mutually connected, it is not incomprehensible to explain traditional Confucian thought by “inner transcendence.” In other words, the pursuit of transcendent values and ideals can be actualized and reificated in the world of human affairs and normal livings through self-cultivation and moral enhancement. Such transcendence is indeed different from that in Western learning, asit does not requires or is difficult to obtain “verification” in an epistemological sense of positivism. Instead, it relies Confucians’ self-effort, self-proof, and self-confidence in social practice. Furthermore, contemporary Neo-Confucians are concerned with various issues, such as the involvement of Confucian Learning in social grassroots, its relationship with the life world, and its connection with feminism. Modern and contemporary Neo-Confucianism emerged during the era of cultural anomie and crisis. It addresses various ideological and cultural issues at home and abroad in different periods, with its discourse evolving based on different domains. In general, this strain of Neo-Confucian thought has inherited and broadened the Chinese humanistic spirit and has raised Chinese criticism and introspection on modern global issues. Currently, the main trend in Western humanities is no longer concentrated on “divinity,” but on “materiality,” specifically criticizing the flooding of “thingness” and the alienation of “humans” caused by high development of science, technology, and commerce. For example, religious humanism believes that the civilized society, since modern times, has brought about the secularization and materialization of human spirit, causing a gradual decline in the quality of people’s advanced spiritual life. Jacques Maritain (1882–1973), French philosopher and political thinker, criticized the anthropocentrism of the Renaissance and the enlightenment, which he believed led people to gradually abandon God and sanctity, making the beginning of huan depravity. He advocated a return to the cooperation between humans and God to save human from depravity. Maritain aimed to utilize the religious spirit to prevent the further degradation of human beings, which he believed was caused by human utilitarianization, instrumentalization, alienation, and objectification. What existentialism, Western Marxism, and cultural criticism criticize is precisely the excessive expansion of “instrumental rationality” or the enslavement of human nature by “rational tyranny” caused by the supremacy of science and technology. Mr. Tang Junyi once pointed out that the absurd situation faced by modern people is that “Up humans do not belong to Sky, and down humans do not belong to Earth. Outside humans have failed to establish virtuous relation with others, and inside humans have lost their original self.” The Chinese humanistic spirit, especially the Confucian humanistic spirit, can cure the crisis of modern people. Confucianism emphatically holds that we should “put resources to good use to bring a good life to people (li wu hou sheng),” without leading to the domination, control, destruction of nature or things. It prioritizes humanistic construction and argues against superstition, yet it never dissolves humans’ reverent awe for “Heaven” and religious

Appendix

561

spirit, ultimate belief, and faith. Confucianism maintains that divinity exists within human nature and all things, and that humans must respect others and all things, including vegetation, birds, animals, and even stone tiles. It emphasizes the importance of fulfilling one’s heart, knowing one’s nature and Heaven, preserving one’s heart, nourishing one’s nature, and serving Heaven. Those who remain in utmost sincerity all the same is like God, and those who realize that their heart is the heart of Heaven can reach a spiritual realm. Confucians are never divorced from the life world and daily ethic, but instead seek spiritual transcendence within the mundane worldly life. The pursuit of Dao of Inner Saint and Outer King (neishen waiwang zhidao), betterment for social politics, and advancement for science and technology are precisely the unfoldings of human’s spiritual life. Through the promotion of contemporary Neo-Confucianism, the Chinese humanistic spirit can fully cooperate with Western learning and modern civilization. The Chinese humanistic spirit is not opposed to religion, nature, science, or technology. Rather, it can atone for the disadvantages of religion and science or technology and harmonize with nature, thus achieving the healthy development of humanity, religion, science, technology, and nature. The contemporary Neo-Confucianism camp is currently in the process of differentiation and reorganization. In recent years, a distinction has emerged between “NeoConfucianism” and “New Confucian Learning,” along with the dichotomy between “knowledge” and “value,” as well as the rise of “post-Mou Zongsan” and “post-NeoConfucian Learning.” Confucian scholars on both sides of the Taiwan Straits have often come close to each other and influenced each other in the academic interactions. Lin Anwu published an outline of “Post-Mou Zongsan” or “Post-Neo-Confucian learning,” coming up with the “Revolution Theory of Confucian Learning,” laying emphasis on “Qi” theory and its objective dimension. He also advocated a return to Chuanshan Study, which has been more or less influenced by Chinese mainland scholars. There is also a divergence among mainland researchers, with some shifting from a sympathetic understanding of Neo-Confucianism to a greater recognition of its values. The emphasis within Neo-Confucian scholars also differs. Du Weiming and Liu Shuxian emphasize the dialogue between Confucianism, Christianity, and Islam. Du Weiming particularly emphasizes the potential effect that Confucianism, as a spiritual resource of world culture, may have on modern people’s life, as well as on the West and the world. Liu Shuxian believed that contemporary Neo-Confucianism has shifted from the undertaking of moral orthodoxy to the exploitation of academic orthodoxy and the ultimate concern of political system. Professor Cheng Zhongying (1935–) at University of Hawaii stressed that method should be based on critical reason rather than internal experience, and knowledge should be established on the basis of objectivity instead of verifying value on the basis of subjective experience. He argued that the pursuit of knowledge should be the basis for value judgment, selection, or reconstruction, rather than affirming the value first and then seeking knowledge to actualize the value ideal. Chinese mainland scholars pay more attention to the development of multiple spiritual resources, including Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, and their responses

562

Appendix

to various issues of the times, such as institutional construction, civil society, daily life, and world reality. The research of New Confucianism is of great benefit to the healthy development of intellectual ideological circle, as well as dialogue and communication with various trends of thought in the world. Ultimately, I believe that this research will contribute to the revitalization of the traditional Chinese spiritual heritage, promote the interaction between globalization and localization, and cultivate rooted masters of thought. Furthermore, I remain convinced that Confucianism has always been both a philosophy of moral self-cultivation for individuals and an ideological guide for political institutional policy and governmental action. Therefore, it is essential that Confucianism continue to exert its influence in contemporary times through transformative and innovative ways.

Postscript

On May 12, 2008, a devastating and heartbreaking earthquake occurred in Wenchuan County, Sichuan Province, China, which was termed as “5.12 Wenchuan Earthquake.” This earthquake deeply affected the hearts of the entire country, overseas Chinese people around the world, and many foreign friends. In the half month after the earthquake, my family and I always sat in front of TV set, watching the dynamic situation of the devastated area. We really felt heart-wrenching” and often couldn’t hold back our tears. When we saw many children, many primary and secondary school teachers and students who were being in class were buried under rubbles and dying, and many families being separated from their loved ones, when we saw some teachers, parents, and elders sacrificing their lives to protect students, children, and juniors amidst the earthquake, as well as countless governmental officers and young soldiers of the People’s Liberation Army and Armed Police, medical workers, volunteers, cadres at all levels, international rescuers, etc., working day and night and defying danger to save lives and aid victims of the afflicted areas, as well as many heroic and moving deeds of cadres and common people in disaster areas saving themselves, we truly felt a “spiritual shock” and had the urge to go to the disaster area to do our best. Unfortunately, we were unable to go due to our own work and other reasons. In the university where I work, I was the first person to donate and also the person who donated the most. This, of course, is just a small token of my feelings, which is not worth mentioning. After the Wenchuan Earthquake, the people of the whole country and the overseas Chinese people all over the world were united as one, sincerely and emotionally extending a helping hand leaving us with many heart-stirring stories. I have expressed my feelings about this on different occasions. I think that in the face of this sudden and unexpected catastrophe, the benevolent heart of Chinese nation and her descendants has been greatly elevated! The accumulated and long-hidden true emotions and loving hearts are bursting out of folk society, which is the direct embodiment of the spirit of “humane benevolence” and the core value concept of the Chinese nation laid by Confucius and is also an ironclad proof that Confucian thought remains with the folk and in the hearts of ordinary people! Of course, it is a witness to human nature, a witness to Chinese national character, a witness to heart of love, intuitive heart, © Fudan University Press 2024 Q. Guo, The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4799-7

563

564

Postscript

intuitive knowledge, and intuitive ability, as well as to Confucianism’s “extending love for one’s kinships to love for others,” “extending the respect of the aged in one’s family to that of other families, and extending the love of the young ones in one’s family to that of other families!” The substantial origin of Chinese culture has been fully reflected and highly illuminated! We have all received a baptism of our souls from this event! After the Wenchuan Earthquake, we should carefully protect the heart of humane benevolence and the most vivid moral resources manifested by the whole people. This is an important matter for the whole people and will be surely beneficial to the cultivation of future generations! Recently, we have discussed the problem of how modern consciousness defines “public morality” and “private morality.” Liang Rengong (1873–1929), also known as Liang Qichao, was a pioneer in this issue. Over one hundred years ago, his reversed evaluation of Confucian and Chinese traditional public–private views and public– private virtues indicates that he tried to break away from Fukuzawa Yukichi’s stereotyped idea and re-examined the eastern tradition. Obviously, this is related to his visit to Europe and the USA and his witnessing the failure of reformists who had studied in Japan. However, Liang Qichao did not clarify the connotation and extension of public and private morality. Eighty or ninety years later, another pioneering figure, Mr. Li Zehou, explained “private morality” as “religious morality,” explained “public morality” as “social morality,” placing “loyalty,” “filial piety,” “benevolence,” and “righteousness” on both sides of public morality and private morality. This gives us a certain inspiration, but it is still unclear. For example, the ideological resources of Confucian “benevolent virtue” have the connotations of both “public virtue” and “private virtue.” Some experts discuss public and private moralities in terms of “public domain” and “private domain,” while others discuss public and private moralities in terms of “individual morality” and “social morality.” Additionally, some discuss it from the entanglement of rationality, emotions, and interests, while others use law and morality to divide public morality and private morality. In a word, this topic is very complicated. Chen Qiaojian, one of my doctoral students, completed his doctoral thesis titled Public and Private Concepts in Pre-Qin Period and Exploration of Confucian Public Philosophy, which was passed with full honors and provided a detailed discussion of this issue. I still suggest that we should further discuss this issue from the perspective of today’s civil society construction, including how citizens should avoid harming public interests and other people’s rights and interests in their daily lives, as well as the ethical principles involved. Recently, we have had extensive discussions about the understanding of traditional society and system, particularly focusing on the historical facts with significant space in traditional civil society and the role of local conventions. We have also examined the relationship between Confucian idealogy and ancient systems. In addition to examining the deviation, rejection, and resistance of Confucian Learning and Cofucianism towards autocratic system in history, it seems that we should also explore the positive role of Confucian Learning and Confucian scholars in the construction and implementation of certain humanistic systems in traditional society. This involves issues that are beneficial to people’s livelihood, rights and interests, and the protection of people’s private space. We are still not adequately familiar with

Postscript

565

China’s institutional civilization, and our understanding of them remains extremely superficial. We lack interdisciplinary and in-depth researches on various systems, including land, taxation, and land boundary system, as well as the caring system for the poor and weak in society, such as providing for the aged, helping the orphans, and relieving famine and disaster. We also need to examine the civil service examinations and civil service system that guarantees farmers and civilian children the opportunity and right to education and political participation, the protection system of concealment between kinships, the supervision system, and the civil and commercial laws involved in a large number of contract documents in Chinese ethical law system. All of these systems can provide us with many valuable historical experiences and reasonable levels that can be transformed creatively into resources for modern systems. Traditional Chinese society is a Confucian society, about which we still know very little. Mr. Fei Xiaotong’s assertion on “diversity-orderly structure” (cha xu ge ju) of Chinese native soil society” is very enlightening, but it also has its scope of application. It should not be generalized, formulaic, or used as an iron clad proof of the negative sides of Chinese culture. Where human beings have traditional civilizations and religions, they all establish religion with “love.” Confucianism established its religion with “humane benevolence,” and its universal value and contemporary significance are worth of our deep contemplation. At the time when Liang Qichao published his “Theory of New Nation” (xin min shuo), China was in a period of chronic poverty and weakness. Initially, China experienced cultural and military infiltration from European and American influences, followed by invasion and division by Western powers with strong ships and guns. As a result, Chinese society disintegrated and Chinese culture plunged into crisis. Hence, it is undoubtedly of great significance to enlighten people’s minds. But then as the whole Westernization became the mainstream, everything in China seemed inferior to the West. “Cultural Determinism” became a mindset, so Chinese culture, particularly Confucian culture, became a scapegoat, and China’s “national character” completely became a negative thing. Since the end of the Qing Dynasty and the beginning of the Republic of China, the irrational trampling and humiliation of one’s own civilization and tradition have become the main trend of thought. More than one hundred years have passed, and we do need to review it again. Thirty years after the implementation of the Reform and Open-Door Policy, it is indeed time for us to re-examine our cultural consciousness, which has become increasingly important with China’s rise. We must ponder on what we can contribute to the world and how we can engage in dialogue with other civilizations. Furthermore, we must consider how we can build our own civilization and spiritual home. Can we merely parrot and repeat what we have heard from others, or are we content with picking up others’ imported products? Now, it is time for self-reflection, self-enlightenment, and rediscovery of the essence of our own civilization. The issue of rational-emotive education has been a topic of much discussion recently. Reconstructing the core values centered on “humane benevolence,” and promoting a civilization of ritual and music centered on considerateness, kindness, politeness, thriftiness, and magnanimousness as the keynote of upbringing,

566

Postscript

as well as properly promoting rituals, are all extremely important for the formation of a healthy society ruled by law, the implementation of the scientific development concept, the construction of a harmonious society, and the enduring peace of China. Confucius’ way of humane benevolence, known as the Way of Rectitude, is deeply rooted in the “Four Books,” including The Analects of Confucius, which records dialogues between Confucius and people of his time. These texts have profound implications and provide civilized upbringing to people. The rationalemotive education thatnurturs the heart (xin), nature (xing), affection (qing), and ability (cai) is of great significance for dialogues between modernity and civilization and for adjusting to the mentality of modern people. Whether it is the propaganda of hatred in the past, which started with family hatred and spread to the whole society, putting everyone in danger, or today’s laissez-faire attitude, addiction to carnal pleasures, and self-centrism without regard for others, all of these are exceptionally harmful to the healthy development of national temperament and mentality! If we truly aspire to embrace the fine traditions and positive values of the West and embark on a healthy path of modernization, we cannot do so without preserving our cultural identity, ethical consensus, and ultimate concerns, which are primarily embedded in the resources of Confucian culture. We must engage in this adjustment work patiently and meticulously! Nowadays, many young people are enthusiastic about Western political philosophy. However, from Aristotle to Isaiah Berlin, from Friedrich August von Hayek to John Bordley Rawls, if we wish to truly absorb their ideas and integrate them with China’s social reality, we can only achieve this goal by sincerely understanding Confucian society and studying Confucian culture. Guo Qiyong The proof correction was completed at Research Center of Chinese Traditional Culture, Wuhan University, July 22, 2008.

Chinese-Language Books Classics The Analects of Confucius (lunyu) The Book of Poetry (shijing) The Book of Changes (zhouyi) The Book of Proprieties or The Book of Rites (liji) The Rituals of Zhou (zhouli) The Book of History (shujing or shangshu)

Postscript

567

The Book of Filial Piety (xiaojing) The History of the Han Dynasty (hanshu) or The History of Former Han (qian hanshu) The History of Latter Han (houhanshu) The Doctrine of the Mean (zhongyong) The Huai Nan Zi or The Works of Duke Huai Nan (huainanzi) Lao Tzu (Lao Zi) or The Works of Lao Zi (laozi) The Works of Meng Zi (mengzi) The Works of Xun Zi (xunzi) The Works of Zhuang Zi or Chuang Tzu (zhuangzi) The Historical Records (shiji) Zuo’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals (zuozhuan) The Historical Records of Sima Qian (simaqian.Shiji) Cheng Yi’s Commentary on the Book of Changes (chengshiyizhuan).

Works with Authors

1. Benjamin I (2004) Schwartz, the world of thought in ancient China, trans. Cheng Gang, ed. Liu Dong Jiangsu People’s Publishing House, Suzhou 2. Maosong C (1995) A history of modern Korean thought and culture. Dongda Book Company, Taipei 3. The Bamboo Slips of Chu Tomb in Guodian (1998) edited by Museum of Jingmen City. Cultural Relics Publishing House, Beijing 4. Shuguo C (2004) Notes on four books. Yuelu Publishing House, Changsha 5. Hao C, Yi C (1992) The posthumous works of Cheng brothers (er cheng yishu). Shanghai Classic Press, Shanghai 6. Zhongshu D (1989) Luxuriant dew of the spring and autumn annals (chunqiufanlu). Shanghai Classic Press, Shanghai 7. Kezheng F, Qingsheng F (1996) Dictionaries of hundred schools of masters, Liaoning People’s Publishing House, Shenyang City 8. Weiming D (2002) The collected works of du weiming, edited by Guo Qiyong et al. Wuhan Press 9. Youlan F (2000) The complete works of three pines hall (Sansongtang quanji). Henan People’s Press, Zhengzhou 10. Youlan F (1986) The new history of Chinese philosophy. People’s Press, Beijing 11. Youlan F (1985) The short history of Chinese philosophy. Beijing University Press, Beijing 12. Youlan F (1991) Selected philosophical writings of Feng Youlan. Foreign Languages Press, Beijing 13. Lan FY (2014) The spirit of Chinese philosophy (xin yuan dao). Beijing University Press 14. Xiaotong F (1999) Collected works of Fei Xiaotong. Qunyan Publishing House, Beijing 15. Weixun F (1994) Dignity of death and dignity of life. Zhengzhong Publishing House, Taipei 16. Boqian J (1985) The comprehensive investigation of philosophers in ancient China. Zhejiang Ancient Books Publishing House, Hangzhou 17. Shen L (2000) The history of confucian religion in China, Vol 1, 1999, Vol 2. Shanghai People’s Publishing House 18. Zehua L, Ming ZR et al (2003) Public-private concept and Chinese society. Renmin University of China Press 19. Jiayi Q, Kung H (1990) Chinese religion and Christianity, trans. by Wu Hua. Sanlian Bookstore 20. Mu Q (1962) Nationality and culture. Hong Kong New Asia College 21. Mu Q (1975) Chinese Confucianism and Chinese cultural tradition. Taiwan Student Publishing House 22. Mu Q (1985) The history of Chinese thought. Taiwan Student Book Company 23. Mu Q (1964) The spirit of Chinese history (3rd Edition). Hong Kong 24. Mu Q (1984) The general meaning of Chinese learning. Taiwan Student Book Company © Fudan University Press 2024 Q. Guo, The Spirit of Chinese Confucianism, Understanding China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4799-7

569

570

Works with Authors

25. Mu Q (1987) Twelve lectures on Chinese culture (3rd Edition). Taipei Dongda Book Company 26. Mu Q (1988) Methodology on Chinese history research. Taipei East University Book Company 27. Mu Q (1991) Outline of the study of Master Zhu Xi (3rd Edition). Taipei Dongda Book Company 28. Mu Q (1988) An introduction to the history of Chinese culture. Shanghai Sanlian Bookstore 29. Junyi T (1988) The complete works of Tang Junyi, Taiwan Student Book Company 30. Qiyong G (ed) (2004) A collection of contentions on confucian ethics—Centered on “Concealment for Relatives”. Hubei Education Press, Wuhan 31. Neng H (1983) Platform scripture of the sixth patriarch (Dunhuang Version), edited and annotated by Guo Peng. Zhong Hua Shu Ju Press, Beijing 32. Shuxian L (1996) Contemporary Chinese philosophy: problems. American Bafang Culture Enterprise Company 33. Shuxian L (1993) The entanglement between ideal and reality. Taiwan Student Publishing House 34. Miyake M (1997) The history of Japanese confucianism, trans. Chen Huabei. Shandong University Press 35. Yifu M (2005) Lectures in cultural renaissance academy. Nanjing, Jiangsu Education Publishing House 36. Peiyuan M (1998) Spiritual transcendence and realm. People’s Publishing House, Beijing 37. Zhongjian M, Jian Z (2000) A general history of Chinese religion (two vols). Social Sciences Academic Press, Beijing 38. Zongsan M (1997) Nineteen lectures on Chinese philosophy. Shanghai Classic Press, Shanghai 39. Zongsan M (2004) Problems and development of confucianism in song and ming dynasties. East China Normal University Press, Shanghai 40. Banghe S (1995) East Asia: the spiritual course towards modern times, Zhejiang People’s Publishing House, Hangzhou 41. Xidan S (1989) A complete interpretation of the book of rituals (lijijijie). Zhonghua Book Company 42. Bongxiong W et al (1994) The interpretations of “the analects of confucius.” Goose Lake Press, Taipei 43. Zhengtong W (1988) Wisdom of China. Jilin Literature and History Publishing House, Changchun 44. Fuguan X (1976) The history of thought in han dynasty. Taiwan Student Publishing House 45. Fuguan X (1959) Essays on the history of Chinese thought. Taiwan Student Publishing House 46. Gongquan X (1972) A record of pursuing learning and submitting remonstration. Taipei Biographical Literature Press 47. Bojun Y (1980) The intepretaions and annotations of “the analects of confucius”. Zhonghua Book Company, Beijing 48. Dainian Z (1982) An outline of chinese philosophy. China Social Sciences Press, Beijing 49. Tai Z (1936) Correction and supplement to Xun Zi. Commercial Press, Shanghai 50. Zai Z (1978) The works of Zhang Zai (zhangzai ji). Zhong Hua Shu Ju Press, Beijing 51. Xi Z (1994) Recorded Conversations of Zhu Xi (zhuzi yulei), edit.by Li Jingde. Zhong Hua Shu Ju Press, Beijing 52. Xi Z (1987) Annotations to the Four Books (sishu jizhu). Yuelu Press, Changsha 53. Junjie H, Yihua J (2005) A new exploration in public and private field: A comparative perspective between views of east Asian and the West. Taiwan University Publishing Center

English-Language Books 54. Hall DL, Ames RT (1999) Thinking from the han: self, truth, and transcendence in Chinese and Western Culture (New York State University Press in 1998), trans. Jiangsu People’s Publishing House, Shi Zhonglian (Suzhou

Works with Authors

571

55. Feng You lan (1960) A short history of Chinese philosophy. The Macmillan Company, New York 56. Fingarette H (1977) Confucius: the secular as sacred. Harper & Row, New York 57. Bellah RN (1998) Tokugawa religion: cultural origins of modern Japan. Sanlian Bookstore and Oxford University Press 58. Chun S (2012) Major aspects of Chinese religion and philosophy: Dao of inner saint and outer king. Springer, Heidelberg, New York, Dordrecht London 59. Yang-ming W (1963) Instructions for practical living and other neo-confucian writings, translation with notes, by Wing-tsit Chan. Columbia University Press, New York, London 60. Pascale T, Athos AG (1981) The art of Japanese Management. Simon & Schuster, New York