The Sources for the Early History of Ireland an Introduction and Guide 9780231897440

Citation preview

RECORDS OF SOURCES

CIVILIZATION

AND

STUDIES

Edited under the auspices of the D E P A R T M E N T COLUMBIA

OF

H I S T O R Y

UNIVERSITY

General Editor AUSTIN

P.

EVANS,

PH.D.

Associate Professor of History 9

Advisory Board FREDERICK BARRY, P H . D . , Associate Professor of the History

HOWARD L E E M C B A I N , P H . D . , Ruggles Professor of Constitutional Lav.

of Science.

FRANKLIN H . GIDDINGS, L L . D . , Professor of Sociology ami History of Civiliwtion.

DAVID S . MUZZEY, P H . D . , Professor of H istor y.

CARLTON J . H . HAYES, L L . D . , Professor of History and Executive Officer of the Department of History.

JAMES

A . V . W I L L I A M S JACKSON, L L . D . , Professor

of Indo-Iranian

L Y N N

SHOTWELL,

T H O R N D I K E >

Professor of of ChrisStminary.

P H

I.L.D., °f "" R E

D

',"

v m

"'

)

History.

WILLIAM L. WESTERMANN, Professor of Ancient History,

PH.D.,

FREDERICK J . E . WOODBRIDCE, L L . D . , Johnsonian Professor of Philosophy and Dean of the Graduate Faculties.

fitto C O L U M B I A

-

^ u S ^ J p ^ ' .

Languages.

F . J . F O A K E S JACKSON, D . D . , Charles A. Briggs Graduate Professor tian Institutions in Union Theological „ D P » R C H A R L E S K N A P P , fH.U., Professor of Greek and Latin.

T

Sort

U N I V E R S I T Y

1929

P R E S S

THE SOURCES FOR THE

EARLY HISTORY OF IRELAND AN INTRODUCTION A N D

GUIDE

BY

JAMES F. KENNEY, PH.D. PILLOW o r THI ROTAL HIBTOHCAL SOCIITT

IN T W O

VOLUMES

VOLUME ONE

ECCLESIASTICAL

fitto

Sock

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 1929

C o p y r i g h t , 1929 COLUMBIA

UNIVERSITY

PRESS

Puilishtd Nooemier, ¡929

P R I N T E D IN T H E BRAUNWORTH

U N I T E D STATES OF AMERICA

It C O . , I N C . , B R O O K L Y N , NEW

BY

YORK

PATRI MEO MARTIN KENNEY SACRUM

EDITOR'S FOREWORD THE primary object of this series is to bring easily within the reach of the inquiring reader certain treatises and documents which are of real importance for an understanding of the past. This aim is readily intelligible to anyone who has ever attempted to scratch beneath the surface in the investigation of any event, or who has endeavored to gain a little first-hand information about a people or an epoch. Many of us have neither the time nor the equipment to do this without the aid of translations and a certain amount of suggestion in the way of critical introduction and commentary. In some fields of study there is also a lack of bibliographical guides which will lead the reader quickly and surely into his subject. In a few such cases the series attempts to make good this lack by including in its numbers works of bibliography. It is not the intention to publish here simple lists of books, but careful critical guides to the sources. To this group belongs the present work by Dr. Kenney. The volume is timely. Within the last few years the study of Irish history has received new impetus, due, at least in part, to the events culminating in the establishment of the Irish Free State. But the materials for such study, especially for the early period of the history of Ireland, are widely scattered and difficult to find. There has been a real need of a guide, which the student might consult and in which he would find a critical evaluation of texts and literature. Into the making of the present volume Dr. Kenney has put much painstaking research, continued through a long period of years. The price of toil has won for him the right to speak. No labor has been spared to make the volume at once accurate and readable. AUSTIN P .

vii

EVANS.

PREFACE THE work of which the present volume is the first part is designed to serve as an introduction and guide to the study of the written sources for the early history of Ireland, so far as they have been made available in print. T h e period treated is that prior to the Anglo-Norman invasion, and terminates about A.D. 1170. T h e volume now published deals with the sources that have a character or associations predominantly ecclesiastical, and also with the references to Ireland that are found in the ancient writers of continental Europe and of Britain. I t is hoped that a second volume may cover the Irish secular sources and such later foreign records as do not relate chiefly to ecclesiastical affairs. N o absolute lines of division have, however, been drawn, either in time limits or in subject classification. T h e two volumes will, it is believed, constitute a fairly complete survey of the documentary—the word is used in its broadest sense — sources of early Irish history. An excellent guide to the archaeological sources is already provided by Dr. Macalister's The Archaeology of Ireland. T h e scope of this survey has been made as broad as possible so as to cover all significant documents illustrative of old Irish life and civilisation. T h e sources listed are primarily those that can be consulted in printed editions, but notice has also been taken of some of the relatively few texts that are still confined to the manuscripts. Moreover, although the book is not a catalogue of manuscripts, some account is given of all important codices, written by Irish hands or under Irish influence within the period under consideration, of which facsimiles, analyses of the contents, or other descriptions have been published. T h e normal treatment of each source is to give, first, the title and the date, or approximate date, followed by the incipit and explicit of the text; then a bibliographical paragraph, listing manuscripts and editions and the more valuable commentaries in books or periodicals; finally, a summary exposition of the character and significance of the document, and of the results of such noteworthy critical study as it may have received. From this scheme there are, of course, many divergences; especially in the treatment of foreign sources it has often seemed unnecessary to provide so full a critical apparatus. In the introductions, with their bibliographies, to the several chapters, sections, ix

PREFACE

X

and subsections, an attempt has been made to present briefly the general characteristics and the historical settings of the various groups into which the sources have been classified. The writer began his investigations into the historical records of Ireland when he was a graduate student at the University of Wisconsin in 1907-1908. The plan of the book took definite shape when he was at Columbia University in 1909-1910. The work was continued slowly through later years when the greater part of his time and energy had to be given to other tasks. In November, 1926, the manuscript of the present volume was placed in the hands of the printer. It was possible to make some slight changes in the text after it had reached the printer, but for the most part material that was either first published or first brought to the author's notice since that date has been treated in the Addenda at the end of the volume. To those Addenda the attention of the reader is directed. It is a matter of regret that individual acknowledgment cannot here be made of the assistance that has been so fully and freely given by many scholars — historians and librarians — in both America and Europe. To five among them, however, the author feels that he must render explicit homage. To Dr. John L. Gerig, of Columbia University, under whom he studied Old and Middle Irish, he has appealed repeatedly for information and advice, and always with success. The late Kuno Meyer read a large part of the manuscript while it was still in relatively crude form. His kindly approbation is a treasured memory, and his suggestions and emendations have contributed materially to the making of the book. Father Paul Grosjean, S.J., of the Society of Bollandists, has shown an interest of the most helpful kind in the welfare of the work; to his keen observation, critical acumen and broad scholarship every section of it is indebted. The debt would have been still greater had it not been that the text was already in proof when it first came to his attention. Dr. James T. Shotwell, former editor of the series, has not only by counsel and criticism guided the author's efforts, but also by his own unflagging patience and enthusiasm kept him keyed to the task through long and difficult years. To him and his successor in the editor's chair it is due that the volume ever reached the stage where publication was possible, just as publication itself is due to the generosity of the Columbia University Press. JAMES F . TEDAVNET, OTTAWA,

CANADA.

Li Fhiile Pidraig, 1929.

KENNEY.

CONTENTS PAGE EDITOR'S FOREWORD

vii

PREIACE

IX

ABBREVIATIONS

JDII

CHAPTER I.

HISTORY IN IRELAND

I

I. The Early Records — Pre-Viking Period: p. i . II. The Early Records — Post-Viking Period: p. 7. III. Transmission of the Records — Later Middle Ages: p. 16. IV. Transmission of the Records — The English Conquest: p. 26. V. Ascendancy, Anglicisation, Emancipation: p. 48. VI. Modem Scholarship and the Gaelic Revival: p. 6g. VII. The Chief Collections of Manuscripts: p. 84. G E N E R A L BIBLIOGRAPHY II.

IRELAND IN THE ANCIENT WORLD

91 TO about A.D.

700

110

I. Prolegomena — Ireland and the Irish before Written History: p. 110. II. Phoenicians and Greeks: p. 118. III. The Roman Empire: p. 128. IV. Gaul and Spain: p. 139. V. Britain: p. 147. III.

T H E IRISH CHURCH IN THE " C E L T I C " PERIOD

IJ6

I. The Coming of the Faith: p. 157. II. Early Relations with British Christianity: p. 170. III. Renewal of Intercourse with Continental Europe — St. Columbanus: p. 183. IV. The Paschal Controversy: p. 210. V. The English Mission: p. 224. VI. Ecclesiastical Legislation — Canons and Penitentials: p. 235. V I I . The Beginnings of Christian Literature: p. 250. IV.

T H E MONASTIC CHURCHES, T H E I R FOUNDERS AND TRADITIONS —

PART

I : T H E PRIMITIVE FOUNDATIONS

288

I. Manuscript Collections of Acta Sanctorum: p. 304. H . Ancient Churches of Southern Ireland: p. 309. III. Ard-Macha (Armagh), the Paruchia Patricii, and the Patrick Legend: p. 319. IV. Cell-dara (Kildare) and St. Brigit: p. 356. V. Inis-Cathaig (Iniscathy, Scattery Island) and St. Senin: p. 364. VI. Cell-S16ibhe-Cuilinn (Killeevy) and St. Monenna: p. 366. V.

THE

MONASTIC

CHURCHES — P A R T I I :

CHURCHES OP THE SIXTH TO

N I N T H CENTURIES; GENERAL TREATISES

I. The Monastic Churches — Foundations of the Sixth Century: p. 372. II. The Churches and Legend of St. Brendan: p. 406. III. St. Columba, or Colum-cille, and the Paruchia Columbae — The Irish Mission in North Britain: p. 422. IV. The Monastic Churches — xi

372

xii

CONTENTS PACE Foundations of the Seventh Century: p. 448. V. Church Foundations of Uncertain Date: p. 465. VI. The Reform Movement of the Eighth and Ninth Centuries — The Ctii-Di (Culdees): p. 468. V I I . General Treatises on the Saints: p. 478.

VI.

THE EXPANSION OP IRISH CHRISTIANITY From the Seventh to the Century

Twelfth 486

I. Irish Influences in the Merovingian Dominions in the Seventh Century: p. 489. II. Perrona Scottorum, and the Irish in Picardy and Flanders: p. 500. III. The Irish Missionaries in Southwestern Germany: p. 511. IV. The Abbey of Bobbio: p. 515. V. Irish Influences in Continental Europe in the Eighth Century: p. 517. VI. Irish Scholars in the Carolingian Empire under Charles the Great and Louis the Pious: p. 530. VII. The Circle of Sedulius: p. 553. VIII. Johannes Eriugena and the Irish Colony of Laon and Reims: p. 569. I X . The Abbey of St. Gall: p. 594. X . Other Records of the Irish in Continental Europe in the Ninth Century: p. 600. X I . The Irish Abroad in the Tenth, Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries: p. 605. VII.

R E L I G I O U S L I T E R A T U R E AND E C C L E S I A S T I C A L C U L T U R E

Seventh

to

Twelfth

Century A.

62a

B I B L I C A L AND I N T E L L E C T U A L : p . 6 2 3 .

I. The Bible: p. 623. B.

LITURGICAL

II. Books of the Monastic Schools: p. 659.

AND D E V O T I O N A L : p . 683.

I. Treatises on Liturgical Subjects: p. 687. II. Books for the Use of Priests and Bishops at the Mass and Other Services: p. 689. III. Books for the Divine Office, and Collections of Similar Liturgical Texts: p. 706. IV. Books for Private Devotions: p. 718. V. Irish Texts of Certain Christian Religious Documents: p. 722. VI. Hymns, Prayers and Other Devotional Compositions of Irish Origin or Character: p. 723. C . HOMILETICAL, VIII.

THE

APOCRYPHAL,

REFORM MOVEMENT

AND I M A G I N A T I V E : p . 7 3 2 .

OF THE T W E L F T H

CENTURY

74s

I. The "Broom out of F i n a d " : p. 749. II. The Church of Cenannas (Kells) in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries: p. 753. III. AngloNorman Ecclesiastical Intrusion in Ireland: p. 757. IV. The Organisation of the Episcopate and the Introduction of Foreign Religious Orders: p. 763. ADDENDA

773

INDEX

791

MAPS [ A t the End of the Volume] ECCLESIASTICAL

IRELAND

EXTERNAL RELATIONS

IN THE E A R L Y

MIDDLE

OF THE IRISH C H U R C H

AGES

IN THE E A R L Y M I D D L E

AGES

ABBREVIATIONS A A. SS. Boll. —Acta Sanctorum of the Bollandists [cf. p. 289 infra]. AA. SS. ex Cod. S. = Acta Sanctorum ex Codice Salmanticensi [cf. p. 304]. AB = Antiphonary of Bangor. AB = Warren's ed. [cf. pp. 706-7]. AC = Annals of Connacht. ACL - Archiv für celtische Lexicographie [cf. p. 94]. AdeJ = Henri d'Arbois de Jubainville. AdeJ Cat. = Essai d'un catalogue de la littérature épique de l'Irlande; AdeJ CLC = Cours de liUlrature celtique [cf. pp. 92, 106]. AH = Archivium Hibernicum [cf. p. 94]. AHR = American Historical Review [cf. p. 93]. ALC = Annals of Loch Cé. ALC = Hennessy's ed. [cf. pp. 34, 104]. An. Boll. = Analecta Bollandiana [cf. p. 289]. An. hymn. - Analecla hymnica medii aevi. Blume An. hymn. LI = Clemens Blume Die Hymnen des Thesaurus Hymnologicus H. A. Daniels I [cf. p. 250]. Anee. = Anécdota from Irish manuscripts [cf. p. 104]. Anee. Oxon. = Anécdota Oxoniensia [cf. p. 72]. AU = Annals of Ulster.

AU = ed. by Hennessy and MacCarthy [cf. pp. 23, 66],

BB = Book of Ballymote [cf. p. 24]. Bede HE = Bede's Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum [cf. p. 230]. Bibl. hag. lai. = Bibliotheca hagiographica latina of the Bollandists; Supp. = Supplementum [cf. p. 288]. Bk. Fen. = Book of Fenagh [cf. p. 401]. Bk. Fer. = Book of Fermoy [cf. p. 24]. Bk. Lec. = Great Book of Lecan [cf. p. 25]. Bk. Lis. = Book of Lismore [cf. pp. 25, 308]. BM = British Museum, London. BN = Bibliothèque nationale, Paris. BNE = Charles Plummer Bethada Náem nÉrenn Lives of Irish Saints [cf. p. 290]. Bodl. = Bodleian Library, Oxford. Bouquet = Martin Bouquet etc. Rerum Gallicarum et Francicarum scriptores [cf. P• 103]. CGG = J. H. Todd Cogadh Gaedhel re Gallaibh The War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill [cf. p. 104]. Cod. K. = Codex Kilkenniensis [cf. p. 305]. Cod. S. = Codex Salmanticensis [cf. p. 304]. Colgan A A. SS. = Colgan Acta Sanctorum . . . Hiberniae; Tr. Thaum. = Triadis Thaumaturgae [cf. pp. 41, 289]. Corp. SS. eccl. lot. = Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum [cf. p. 104]. CS = Chronicum Scotorum. CS = Hennessy's ed. [cf. pp. 65, 104]. DNB = Dictionary of National Biography [cf. p. 105]. xiii

xiv

ABBREVIATIONS

Duine Memento = F. Duine Memento des sources hagiographiques de VHsioire d* Bretagne [cf. p. 170]. Eg. = Egerton MSS in the British Museum [cf. p. 90 n. 374]. EHR = English Historical Review [cf. p. 93]. EW = Emst Windisch. f., ff. = folio, folios. Fél. Oeng. = Félire, or Calendar, of Oengus. Fä. Oeng.1 = first ed. (Dublin 1880); Ftl. Oeng.* = second ed. (London 1905) [cf. pp. 479-80]. Flower Cat. = R. Flower Catalogue of Irish manuscripts in the British Museum voL I I [cf. p. 90]. F M = Annals of the Four Masters. FM = O'Donovan's ed. [cf. pp. 43, 66]. j Frags. = O'Donovan Annals of Ireland Three Fragments [cf. p. 45]. Hardy Cat. — T . D. Hardy Descriptive catalogue of materials relating to the history of Great Britain and Ireland [cf. p. 91]. Harl. = Harleian collection of MSS in the British Museum [cf. p. 88]. Hist. Zs. = Historische Zeitschrift [cf. p. 93]. HZ = Heinrich Zimmer. H&S = Haddan and Stubbs Councils and ecclesiastical documents relating to Great Britain and Ireland [cf. p. 104]. IAS = Irish Archaeological Society [cf. p. 64]. IA&CS = Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society [cf. p. 64]. I ER = Irish Ecclesiastical Record [cf. p. 94]. Ir. Sage: see RTh. IT *= Irische Texte [cf. p. 104]. ITS = Publications of the Irish Texts Society [cf. p. 81]. J TS = Journal of Theological Studies [cf. p. 93]. K M = Kuno Meyer. LA = Liber Ardmachanus, Book of Armagh. LA = Gwynn's ed. [cf. p. 337]. Laud = Laud collection of MSS in the Bodleian Library [cf. p. 87]. Unless otherwise stated, the reference is to the "Miscellaneous" series. LBr = Lebar Brecc, or Speckled Book [cf. p. 25]. LH = Liber Hymnorum. LH(F) = the Franciscan Convent MS; LH(T) = the Trinity College MS. LH 1 = Todd's ed. (1855-69); LH 1 = ed. by Bernard and Atkinson (1898) [cf. p. 716]. Lis. Lives = Whitley Stokes Lives of saints from the Book of Lismore [cf. p. 308]. LL = Lebar Laignech, or Book of Leinster [cf. p. 15]. LU = Lebar na hUidre, or Book of the Dun [Cow] [cf. p. 15]. Mabillon AA. SS. 0. s. B. = Acta Sanctorum ordinis sancii Benedicti ed. J. Mabillon, etc. [cf. p. 289]. MacN = Eóin [John] MacNeill. Manitius Lot. Lit. = Max Manitius Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters [cf. p. 91]. Mart. = Martyrology. Mart. Don. = O'Donovan, Todd and Reeves Martyrology of Donegal [cf. p. 485}.

ABBREVIATIONS

xv

M GH = Monumenta Germania* Historien. The abbreviations for the several series are usually readily comprehensible; 5 5 = the Sertflores [rcrum Germanicarum] series begun by Pertz [cf. p. 103]. MHB = Monumenta Historica Britannica [cf. p. 104]. Migne PG = J. P. Migne Patrologiae cursus complétas Series graeca et orientalis. Migne PL = Series latina [cf. p. 104]. Moran Essays = P. F. Moran Essays on the origin, doctrines and discipline of the early Irish Church [cf. p. 109]. NA = Neues Archiv der Gesseüschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde [cf. p. 93]. O'C = Eugene O'Curry, or Curry. O'C MS Mat. - Lectures on the manuscript materials of ancient Irish history; O'C M&C — Manners and customs of the ancient Irish [cf. pp. 92, 109]. O'D = John O'Donovan. O'Grady Cat. = Standish H. O'Grady Catalogue of Irish manuscripts in the British Museum vol. I; O'Grady SG = Silva Gadelica [cf. pp. 90, 104]. 0 1 • Old Irish. PH = Robt. Atkinson The passions and the homilies from Leabhar Breac [cf. p. 740]. Proc. = Proceedings. Rawl. = Rawlinson collection of MSS in the Bodleian Library [cf. p. 88]. RC = Revue Celtique [cf. p. 94]. Reeves Ad. = William Reeves The Life of St. Columba by Adamnan [cf. p. 430]. Rer. Hib. SS. — O'Conor Rerum Hibernicarum scriptores veteres [cf. p. 104]. RH = Revue Historique [cf. p. 93]. RHE = Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique [cf. p. 93]. RIA = Royal Irish Academy. Roger L'Enseignement - M. Roger L'Enseignement des lettres classiques d'Ausone d Alcuin [cf. p. 106]. RS = Rolls Series [cf. p. 104]. RSAI - Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland. RTh = Rudolf Thurneysen. RTh Ir. Sage = Die irische Beiden- und Königsage [cf. p. 79]. s = saeculum, century. Schmitz I = H. J. Schmitz Die Bussbücher und die Bussdisciplin der Kirche; Schmitz I I — Die Bussbücher und die kanonische Bussverfahren [cf. p. 235]. SHR = Scottish Historical Review [cf. p. 94]. Skene Picts and Scots = W. F. Skene Chronicles of the Picts, Chronicles of the Scots and other early memorials of Scottish history [cf. p. 104]. SS = Scriptores, scriptorum, etc.; Sancti, sanctorum, etc. Stowe = Stowe collection of MSS in the Royal Irish Academy [cf. p. 89]. TCD = Trinity College, Dublin. Thes. Pal. — Stokes and Strachau Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus [cf. p. 104]. Tig. = Annals of Tige mach. Tig. - ed. by Whitley Stokes in the Revue Celtique V f - p . 75]Trans. — Transactions; translation, translated, etc.

ABBREVIATIONS

xvi

UJA - Ulster Journal of Archaeology [cf. p. 94]. Ussher Sylloge = Jas. Ussher Veterum epistolarum Eibernicarum

sylloge [cf. p. 104].

Van der Essen Étude = L . Van der Essen Étude critique et littéraire sur les vitae des saints mérovingiens de l'ancienne Belgique [cf. p. 486]. Vat. = Vatican Library, Rome. Vit. Trip. = Vita Tripartita, the Tripartite Life of St. Patrick. Vit. Trip. = ed. b y Whitley Stokes [cf. pp. 104, 342]. VV. SS. Ilib. = Plummer Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae [cf. p. 290]. Warren Lit. = F. E. Warren Liturgy and ritual of the Celtic Church [cf. p. 684]. Wattenbach DGQ = W. Wattenbach Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Millet alter [cf. p. 91]. W S = Whitley Stokes. Y B L = Yellow Book of Lecan [cf. p. 24]. Z = Johann Kaspar Zeuss.

Z

1

= Grammatica Celtica, first ed. (1853); Z ' = second

ed. (1871) [cf. p. 95]. ZCP - Zeitschrifl fur cellische Philologie [cf. p. 94]. ZK = Zeitschrifl fur Kirchengeschichte [cf. p. 93]. Zs. = Zeitschrift. In bibliographical references the number of the volume is usually indicated by Roman numerals, capitals; the number of the part, chapter, or section by Roman numerals, small; and the number of the page or column by Arabic numerals. Occasionally a suprascript Arabic numeral is used to indicate the number of the edition. In dating, the following signs and abbreviations have been employed : c = " a b o u t " ; -in = the beginning, and -ex = the end, of the century of which the number is given; the sign / = " or " ; — signifies the whole period of which the first and last dates are given; and x, that the date in question falls somewhere within the period so indicated.

CHAPTER

HISTORY IN

I

IRELAND

I. T H E EARLY R E C O R D S — P RE-VIKING

PERIOD

THE great majority of the written sources for the history of Ireland in the early middle ages are due to two sets of institutions, the monastic churches and the secular orders of learning. Although occasionally compositions in prose or verse may have been produced outside these specialised circles, it was only within them that the organisation and machinery existed to ensure the preservation of such texts. Christianity came into Ireland in the fifth, or, quite probably, the fourth century. I t brought with it the L a t i n language and the art of writing. Latin became the ecclesiastical language of Ireland as of the rest of western Europe, and seems to have been used as freely in Irish church circles as in those of lands where it was, in some form, the daily speech of the people. B u t in Ireland the speech of the people was Irish, and Irish was a language with both a national and a literary prestige. Although individual ecclesiastics m a y have occasionally displayed the scorn of their continental brethren for the vulgar tongue, the Church as a whole took Irish into its service in a spirit of liberal utilitarianism. T h e Latin system of writing was applied to Goidelic, and all through the middle ages Irish orthography retained marks of its origin in a society dominated b y the L a t i n speech of foreign missionaries. Although Latin was the official language, employed in the great majority of formal documents, Irish was in constant use, especially for devotional, expository, and interpretative writings. T h e following is a summary list of the chief classes of texts which were produced or preserved in the monasteries:

(i) acta

sanctorum,

generally the Lives of founders of monasteries; also calendars, martyrologies, and like documents;

(2) disciplinary regulations,

including

monastic rules, church canons, penitentials;

(3) devotional composi-

tions—hymns, prayers, religious poems, etc.;

(4) homiletic literature;

1

2

HISTORY IN IRELAND

(5) theological and philosophical compositions, especially works of exegesis; (6) imaginative religious literature, including voyage and vision tales and semi-apocryphal matter, to which may be added prophecies; (7) letters, charters, and other documents of a diplomatic character; (8) annals and chronicles. In addition there were the various church and school books, the common heritage of Latin Christianity, some of which acquired an Irish identity either by variations in the text or by the attached commentary: (9) the Sacred Scriptures; (10) apocrypha; (11) the writings of the Fathers and of other famous churchmen; (12) liturgical books and documents; (13) works of Latin classical authors, and possibly a few Greek texts; (14) treatises on Latin grammar; (15) scientific texts, chiefly astronomical, computistical and geographical writings. Beside the ecclesiastical learning stood the secular.1 In ancient Gaul there were three orders of learning—the druids, the bards, and those whom classical writers call vates 2 —and it is probable that in pagan Ireland a similar organisation existed. In Christian times the druids had disappeared, after a struggle against the new religion which is celebrated in various hagiographical compositions. The bards remained, although occupying an inferior status. The vales were represented by two bodies, the brehons, or jurisconsults, and the filid.3 These filid were the official savants and littérateurs of Ireland, to whom was entrusted the care of the national traditions, literature and scholarship. The separation of the functions of the brehon ( b r i l h e m , brethem, plur. britkemin) from those of the fili (plur. filid) had taken place, it would appear, in pre-Christian times. 4 The brehon was not a judge; in Ireland, as in other early societies, what we would call " the administration of justice " as well as " the preservation of law and order" was a function of the king. The brehon resembled the Roman jurisconsult; he was the specialist who knew, preserved, and to some degree developed the law, to whom disputes and difficulties were referred, and whose decision or opinion was usually accepted as binding. He taught the law to his disciples, by whom his interpretations and commentaries would be handed on from generation to generation. The treatises now commonly known as the "Brehon 1 On the secular learning of ancient Ireland see especially AdeJ CLC I; also his "Les bardes en Irlande et dans le pays de Galles" RH VIII (1878) 1-9. 1 The word survived in Irish as fâitk, "prophet." 3 Believed to be from a root * vet-, " to see." 4 The memory of this separation is incorporated into the tale entitled ïmmacaliam iff d& Ihuarad, "Colloquy of the two sages."

HISTORY IN

IRELAND

3

Laws"—parts of them possibly as old as the sixth century—were the text-books of these ancient law schools. They were the only law records. There were no collections of case law or statute law. A small number of famous decisions—usually with legendary settings—are preserved in the text-books, but there was no official registration of judgments; and although formal legislation, of a kind and on rare occasions, took place, the terms of such enactments were simply handed down as part of the general senchas, history, of the nation. The filid were a larger body than the brehons, with less specialised functions but a more developed organisation. They formed a close corporation, having a hierarchical order of dignities, a professional solidarity and esprit de corps, an esoteric teaching, including secret languages and cryptic writings, and an elaborate system of training recruits. According to legendary accounts they formed, in early ages, an itinerant fraternity, unrestrained by any ties or regulations, and wielding a tremendous power because of their prestige and the universal dread of their satire. So oppressive did they become by their increasing numbers, insolence and exactions that a national assembly was summoned to decree their banishment. This is localised at the mdrddil, or "grand convention," of Druim-Cetta, in 575, where, we are told, St. Colum-cille defended the filid, of whom he himself was one, with the result that they were not expelled, but reduced in numbers and given fixed appointments in the various states. In later times each tuath, or state, seems to have had lands set apart for the support of an ollam, or fili of the highest rank, and perhaps for other members of the order; and their rights of travelling and refection, although retained, were limited by rule, as were also the rewards they might demand for panegyrical compositions. Each fili was expected to maintain and teach a number of pupils, and in some places there were large schools of filidecht, with a nation-wide reputation. In the system of education of the filid, which originated in the days before the introduction of writing, memorisation and mental and oral exercises played a dominant part. A t an early date, however, they took over from the ecclesiastics the method of writing the Irish language which these latter had evolved. This innovation E6in MacNeill believes to be due to a certain Cenn-Faelad, who fought at the battle of Mag Roth (anglice Moira) in 637, and died in 679.® In literary style and ideals also the filid underwent " L a t i n i s t " influence, either ecclesiastical 4

MacN " A Pioneer of Nations" Studies X I (Mar., Sept., 1922) 13-28, 435-46.

4

HISTORY IN IRELAND

or secular. Most important was the influence on metrics: the majority of scholars agree that the classical system of Irish versification, which prevailed from the eighth to the seventeenth century, was in its origin based on the Latin versification of the later Roman empire. A most elaborate scheme of metre was built up by the Irish poets, and training in these metres formed a large part of the education of the filid, while the rank of members of the order was determined in part by the metres they were qualified and entitled to use. Such, and much else, was the technical side of filidecht, the lore of the filid. The other side, the knowledge to which this technique might be applied, included the bulk of the secular learning of the time, and especially what was known as senchas (stem sen, " o l d " ) , a word of wide significance, embracing history, both local and national, archaeology, myth, folk-lore, romance, topography, genealogy, and the customary rights, privileges and obligations of kings and states. The following were the chief classes of texts composed or transmitted by the filid: (i) sagas or romances — in Irish sccla (sing, seel)—and poems on mythical, heroic or semi-historical subjects; (2) historical narratives and poems, often hardly to be distinguished from the preceding; (3) topographical matter, especially the dindsenchas— literally, "antiquities of fortified places"; (4) genealogies, regnal lists, and similar historical records; (5) official poetry, panegyrics, obituary eulogies, etc.; (6) texts relating to the customary duties and prerogatives of kings and peoples; (7) satire; (8) lyrical and miscellaneous poetry; (9) didactic, gnomic and proverbial literature; (10) charms, incantations, and other magical texts; ( n ) grammatical treatises, glossaries, works on metre; (12) translations and adaptations from foreign literatures. Certain features of this source-material as a whole are worthy of note. First is the extent and importance of the secular sources. In them we have the productions of the mind of an early mediaeval people practically unmodified by ecclesiastical control. Nothing similar to the organised secular learning and literature of Ireland existed elsewhere in contemporary western Europe. This literature presents to us not only the thought and life of the society from which it immediately sprang, but also, because of the fact that a considerable portion of it consists of evidently well-preserved traditions of an older age, extraordinarily interesting reflections from primitive, pre-Christian, pre-Roman stages in the development of European culture. In Ireland, thanks to her freedom from Roman domination, to the absence of anti-

HISTORY

IN

IRELAND

S

national bias in her Church, to the existence of a powerful b o d y of literati

specially devoted to the perpetuation of the ancient tradition,

a n d to the relatively early application of writing to the vernacular language, we have sources of the highest value to the student of the proto-history either of Europe or of mankind. Second is the almost complete absence of official archives and diplomatic documents.

N o doubt the present dearth of these is in part due

to the calamities which overtook all the literature and records of Ireland. D o c u m e n t s that had no literary or religious appeal, that had only as evidence of official acts or of material would fare particularly

rights

value

and privileges,

ill through the accumulated disasters of six

centuries which wiped out and rendered a thing of naught the whole ancient social and political system of the country.

For example:

the

only extant charters of earlier date than the twelfth century owe their preservation to the chance that they were entered on the blank pages of t h a t wonderful art treasure, the Book of Kells.

Nevertheless it is

certain that if early Irish diplomata do not exist to-day the chief reason is that they never did exist in q u a n t i t y .

T h i s was in part due to the

antecedent history of the country and to the generally simple character of its society and government.

Ireland did not share that tradition of

the use of written records for administrative and other official purposes which all the states that were heirs of the R o m a n empire in some degree inherited.

I t was also in part due to certain special peculiarities of

the Irish political system.

One such was the nature of the state, or

tuath, a c o m p a r a t i v e l y small c o m m u n i t y of people inhabiting a quite limited extent of t e r r i t o r y — t h e r e were a b o u t one hundred of luatha

in the ninth and tenth centuries. 6

these

T h e Irish tuath resembled

in several respects the Greek u-oA.«; there was a similar limitation to such size as made government a matter of personal relationship for each citizen; a similar sanctity arising from a long historic or m y t h i c a l antiquity;

and a similar general popular respect for local a u t o n o m y .

T h e a u t o n o m y of each tuath—which

did not necessarily imply exemp-

tion from the rendering of military service or the p a y m e n t of tribute to the king of another s t a t e — w a s one of the broad principles of old Irish polity.

T h e Irish m i n d — l i k e the G r e e k — d i d not grasp, or, at any rate,

did not a p p r o v e the idea of a wide territorial sovereignty involving the need of an administrative machinery and a clerical service standing between the ruler and the people.

Another Irish peculiarity militating

against the g r o w t h of a clerical service and its complement, a b o d y of fl

M a c N Phases oj Irish History (1919) 274; Celtic Ireland (1921) 73 sqq.

6

HISTORY IN IRELAND

official archives, was the character of the kingship. T h e king, ordinarily, attended to his duties in person. H e succeeded not b y inheritance b u t b y election, and he was expected to retire when physical or mental disabilities rendered him incapable of performing his functions. N o minor and no manifestly incompetent adult occupied an Irish throne, with the result that there was neither such opportunity nor such incentive for the development of an administrative bureaucracy attached to the court as existed in other lands. Finally, Church and State were more clearly separated in Ireland than elsewhere in Christian Europe. On the Continent, and even in Anglo-Saxon England, when the king needed the assistance of men of learning he could turn only to the bishops and abbots of his kingdom and the chaplains of his household, all of whom had received through the Church something of the Roman tradition of the use of the written record. In Ireland his brehon and his ollam stood beside the king, in whom he had counsellors with a long tradition of service;—in which, however, the written record did not play a part. Only very rarely do we hear of a churchman holding the position of a king's minister; and, of course, even in the Church in Ireland the Empire tradition was weak. A third noteworthy feature of these old Irish sources is their essentially national character. T h e y are, with but few and partial exceptions, sources for the history of Ireland as a whole, and it is evident that their authors had in view an audience from all Ireland. Particularism in things political may have been as pronounced in Hibernia as in Hellas, but Irish civilisation showed less local divergences than did Hellenic. In things spiritual and intellectual Ireland was one. Neither in the Old Irish nor in the Middle Irish period of the language are there any notable signs of dialectical distinctions. Likewise no cleavage appears in religion, law, literature, social and political customs. Local diversities there were, of course, but subject to an unified whole. Church, brehons, filid, bards, all were national institutions, the members of which travelled freely from school to school and from state to state, and show in all their writings their appreciation, consciously or unconsciously expressed, that the culture of which they were part was the common and distinct heritage of the whole Irish people. In addition to the sources of Irish origin there are those of foreign origin. These consist of ( i ) references to Ireland in works by foreign writers; (2) acta sanctorum and other records of Irishmen abroad; and (3) the writings of these expatriated Gaels, writings which covered much the same range of subjects as those produced in the monasteries

HISTORY

IN

IRELAND

7

at home. These form a very considerable and very valuable body of documents. The whole expansion movement of the Irish Church from the sixth to the twelfth century is one of the important phases of mediaeval Irish history. The fact worthy of special note here, however, is that, because of the immeasurably better preservation of early documents on the continent of Europe than in Ireland, we have far more material relating to individual careers among these exiles than to those of their contemporaries, a thousand times more numerous, who remained at home. It is to the manuscript collections of Europe that we must go for really first-rate biographical material regarding Irishmen of leading in the religious and intellectual world of the early middle ages, and it is in the writings of these men, trained in Ireland but working abroad, that we find the most important examples extant to-day of some of those classes of sources listed above as the products of the monastic schools of Erin.

II. THE EARLY RECORDS—POST-VIKING

PERIOD

The onslaught of the Norse sea-kings was the next great movement, after the introduction of Christianity, to affect seriously Irish life and civilisation. These freebooters began their attacks in 795, and continued to be a constant menace for more than two centuries. The history of the struggle cannot here be even sketched. It must be sufficient to indicate the chief features of the war: in its first stage, which lasted tirough much of the ninth century, it consisted of pillaging descents on the coast, with raids inland which penetrated deeper and deeper until all parts of the island were being harassed, but with the enemy usually sailing home before the winter storms began; in the second stage, permanent settlements were made at strategic havens, which served as bases for plundering forays into the interior and for more or less continuous efforts at the subjugation of the neighboring states; in the third stage great expeditions were from time to time assembled from the far-flung sea-empire of the Scandinavians and directed to attempts at conquest on a large scale. The characteristics of each of these stages, however, persisted into those which followed. In the second stage the Hiberno-Norse towns of Dublin, Waterford and Limerick were founded—Dublin perhaps as early as 841, Waterford and Limerick not later than the first quarter of the tenth century. In the third stage the greatest of the northern invasions met decisive defeat

8

HISTORY IN IRELAND

a t the battle of Clontarf (Cluain-tarbh, " B u l l M e a d o w " ) in 1014. Thereafter the Northmen seem to have abandoned hope of subjugating Ireland, 7 and their settlements tended more and more to accept the status of principalities within the Irish polity. I t is necessary now to consider some of the effects of this long struggle with a strange and heathen foe. In the first place, Ireland was involved in a whole new set of international relations. T h e activities of the Scandinavians extended from Greenland in the west to Constantinople in the east. Their settlements in Ireland, and particularly Dublin, became important maritime centres, well known throughout northern and western Europe. T h e y were traders as well as robbers; in the eleventh and twelfth centuries the greater part of the foreign commerce of Ireland was in their hands, and there is no doubt of their trading extensively with the Irish even before Clontarf. Friendly intercourse between Irish and Norse had not been uncommon. M a n y Irish, either freely or of compulsion, amalgamated with the invaders. Irish blood formed a not inconsiderable element in the colonisation of Iceland. T h e Norse settlers in Ireland were in time Christianised and partially Hibernicised. A n d when, partly under Irish influence, a great Norse literature arose in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, it produced a long series of compositions which serve as sources for the history of the war in Ireland and for the careers of the Hiberno-Norse in the Scottish isles and in Iceland. Less satisfactory were the effects on the Irish Church and on the scholarship which had flourished under its protection. Throughout the whole struggle, but more especially in its earlier phases, the monasteries were peculiarly the objectives of the enemy's attacks. T h e y were numerous, easily accessible, capable of offering little resistance, and usually sources of considerable booty. A large portion of the record of the war in the Irish chronicles is a record of the plundering and destruction of churches. W e hear of Armagh being sacked nine or ten times, Clonmacnois ten or eleven times, Kells five times, Glendalough four times, Lismore perhaps six times, Kildare some sixteen or seventeen times. Only the more important churches are, in general, noticed by the annals, and of these the story is meagre and probably incomplete. T h e Irish themselves in this as in other respects acquired anti-religious 7 There were threats of danger, such as the expedition which the Norwegian king Magnus " B a r e f o o t " ed in 1103, but they passed a w a y without materialisation.

HISTORY

IN

IRELAND

9

habits from contact with their enemies. A t t a c k s on churches, while not unknown, had been rare before the ninth century; in the tenth and eleventh they became not infrequent episodes in inter-state hostilities. An evil result to religion and learning from all this was inevitable. It is possible that the Irish Church would in a n y event have entered on a period of decline; the damage it received from the foreigners undoubtedly hastened the movement of dissolution and secularisation b y which a majority of the old monasteries either disappeared entirely as religious institutions or were perpetuated only by a single priest or a few anchorites. Nevertheless m a n y of the churches came safely through the ordeal, and a few of the larger, notably Armagh, Clonmacnois, D e r r y and Lismore, seem to have grown in power and importance. T h e fate of the manuscripts belonging to these ancient monasteries is a subject of special interest. T h e historical saga Cogadh Gaedhel re Gallaibh, " War of the Irish with the Foreigners," speaks of " the burning and the drowning of their writings and their books in each church and in each sanctuary where they were, by the spoilers, from first to l a s t . " 8 Whether the invaders displayed any peculiar enmity to books or not, the destruction of a monastery would usually involve the destruction of its library. There is no doubt that the Viking ravages are responsible for only a part of the present dearth of ancient Irish manuscripts; that large numbers which escaped the torch of the sea-kings perished in later times of trouble. B u t be that as it may, the fact remains that only some ten manuscripts of older date than the year iooo have survived on Irish soil. 9 On the other hand, of the books which Irish emigrants carried with them to foreign lands well over fifty, complete or fragmentary, are still extant. 1 0 It is difficult now to determine the remoter history of many of the Irish manuscripts in foreign libraries.

Manuscripts were left, doubt-

less, wherever Irish monks went, and they were ubiquitous in western Europe.

Lindisfarne must have had codices from Ireland, or, w h a t

» E d . T o d d , R S (1867) 138-9. • T h e C a t h a c h , or P s a l t e r of C o l u m - c i l l e ; (embodying a t least t w o distinct M S S ) ;

Codex Usserianus I;

B o o k of D i n u n a ;

A r m a g h ; a n d G a r l a n d of H o w t h , o r C o d e x U s s e r i a n u s I I . 10WaIther

(Centralblatt

B o o k of D u r r o w ;

D o m n a c h Airgid;

B o o k of

B o o k of K e l l s ;

Cf. nos. 4 5 3 - 8 , 467, 4 7 1 , 4 7 4 , 4 7 7 .

S c h u l t z e l i s t e d 1 1 7 I r i s h M S S , older t h a n t h e e l e v e n t h c e n t u r y , in c o n t i n e n t a l

fUr

Bibliothikswfsen,

J u l y 1889, p p . 2 8 7 - 9 6 ) .

libraries

H e p r o f e s s e s t o g i v e o n l y a p a r t i a l l i s t of

P a r i s M S S , a n d d o e s n o t e n u m e r a t e a n y in t h e V a t i c a n or, of c o u r s e , in B r i t i s h libraries. t h o s e n a m e d b y h i m are not n o w c l a s s e d a s I r i s h .

Mulling B o o k of

B u t s o m e of

W . | M . L i n d s a y , in t h e a p p e n d i x t o his Notae

LaSinae

{ 1 9 1 5 ) , l i s t s 3a I r i s h M S S , 38 insular M S S ( s o m e of w h i c h , d o u b t l e s s , are I r i s h ) , a n d s e v e r a l c o n t i n e n t a l M S S copied f r o m I r i s h originals, all p r e s e r v e d in foreign c o u n t r i e s a n d all b e l i e v e d t o b e of d a t e earlier t h a n A.D. 850. M o r e o v e r , w i t h b u t a f e w e x c e p t i o n s , M S S in m a j u s c u l e s c r i p t w e r e o m i t t e d b y L i n d s a y . — I t is p r o b a b l e t h a t s o m e of t h e s e d i s t i n c t i v e l y I r i s h M S S w e r e w r i t t e n a b r o a d b y I r i s h scribes, b u t t h i s d o e s n o t seriously a f f e c t t h e a r g u m e n t .

IO

HISTORY Di IRELAND

to all intents was the same, from Iona. On the Continent Perrona Scoltorum, Irish monastery in Picardy, to-day Péronne, probably had many Irish books before it was sacked b y the Northmen in 880. Brittany and Tours m a y also have served as entrepôts for Irish manuscripts. T h e chief collections, however, and three of the greatest monastic libraries in Europe, came to be at Bobbio, St. Gall, and Reichenau. Bobbio, founded b y the Irish saint, Columbanus, in 614, was a favorite resort of Irish ecclesiastics for centuries. So, too, was St. Gall, which, although not founded until the eighth century, had its origin as a church in the cell built there b y another Irish saint, Gall, who was a companion of Columbanus. Reichenau, on an island in the lake of Constance, had not the same historical or sentimental attractions for Irishmen, but there is evidence that actual association was quite intimate, and that its library received donations from Irish monks. 1 1 T h e most important accession of Irish books to Reichenau was, however, perhaps due to the fact that for a time it sheltered the library of St. Gall. In the year 925 an incursion of the M a g y a r s led the monks of St. Gall to remove their books to Reichenau for safe-keeping. When the danger had passed and St. Gall was re-established, the same number of codices was brought back, we are told, from Reichenau, but not in all cases the identical volumes. 1 2 I t resulted that thereafter some of the Reichenau manuscripts were of St. Gall provenance. A t home in Ireland the churches that survived the Viking storm experienced, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, important religious and intellectual developments. T w o dominating and, in some of their phases, antagonistic movements m a y be distinguished. One was the movement towards uniformity with the continental Church and towards religious reform in accordance with Cluniac ideals: this culminated in the introduction of the Cistercian and other foreign religious orders, and in the substitution of an episcopal administrative system and a territorial organisation for the old Irish monastic organisation. It also paved the w a y , if it did not afford the occasion, for the AngloNorman invasion. T h e other movement was nationalist in character, and perhaps part of a general national reaction following on the Norse attacks. I t showed itself in the expansion of the Irish at the expense of the L a t i n language in ecclesiastical usage, in the devotion of the clergy to the national literature and history, and in the elaborate study of the antiquities of the national Church. » Cf. pp. 86, si8, 550, 668, 675, 677 infra. u Ekkehard Carni SI. Galli (no. 411 infra): liGB

SS II105.

HISTORY IN

IRELAND

ii

T h e chief note of the intellectual life of this era is the amalgamation of secular and religious learning. Such a note was already struck, in the ninth or early tenth century, in that epic of the old Irish Church, the "Voyage of St. Brendan." Though based to a large degree on Gaelic sources it is written in Latin—perhaps the last notable HibernoLatin literary production. Characteristic of the succeeding centuries are the saints' Lives in Irish, many of them translations from Latin; the Irish dramatic poems put in the mouths of famous saints, as Columcille and Moling; the Irish homilies, largely adopted or translated from Latin; the extensive commentaries in Irish on ancient religious texts. The shifting of emphasis from Latin to Irish is indicated by the appearance of fer leiginn ("man of reading," lecturer, master of studies) in place of scriba as the designation of the head of the intellectual activities of the monastery. 13 It may be noted here that at a synod of the clergy of all Ireland, held at Cloenad (Clane, in Kildare), in 1162, it was decreed " t h a t no one should be a fer leiginn in a monastic church in Ireland unless he were an alumnus of Armagh." 1 4 In furtherance of this policy of making Armagh the national university Ruadri hUa Conchobuir (Rory O'Connor), king of Ireland, in 1169 " g a v e ten cows each year from himself and from every king after him till doomsday to the fer leiginn of Armagh, in honor of Patrick, to give lectures to students of Ireland and Scotland." 1 5 The obituary notice of the man who was at this time head of the school of Armagh is given in 1174: "Flann Ua Gormain, drd-fer-leiginn [chief /. /.] of Armagh and of all Ireland, a learned man, distinguished in divine and human wisdom, after having spent twenty-one years in study among the Franks and Saxons, and twenty years directing the schools of Ireland, died peacefully on the 13th of the Kalends of April [March 20], the Wednesday before Easter, in the seventieth year of his age." 1 8 The first prominent example of ecclesiastical interest in secular literature is that of the bishop—if he was bishop—Cormac mac Cuilenniin, who became king of Munster, and was slain in 908. He is reputed to have been the author or compiler of Sanas Cormaic, "Cormac's Glossary,' ; a dictionary of Irish words unusual or obsolete in 1 3 In A U the ordinary use of the term scriba seems to end with 932, when the obit of Fer-domnach mac Flannac&n, scribe of Clonard, is recorded. Exceptional later occurrences are under 989 — Dunchad ua Braen, of Clonmacnois; 1006 — Airmedach mac Coscraich, of Armagh; and 1098 — " Maei-Isu ua Stuir, scriba phiiosophiae Mumunensium, immo omnium S c o t o n i m . " In this last entry, however, the title seems to have a different signification. The title fer llifinn is applied first in 879 to one M o c h t a , of Armagh, who was, doubtless, the same man as the scriba of that name whose obit is given in 898. Cf. art. "Scribhneoir" in Smith and Cheetham Diet. Christ. Antiq.

H AU.

"AU.

16

AU.

HISTORY JN IRELAND

12

his time; of the earlier version of Leabhar na gCearl, or the " B o o k of R i g h t s " of the kings of Ireland; and of the lost Sallair Caissil, the "Psalter of Cashel," apparently a collection of poems on historical, genealogical, and allied subjects. Other churchmen whom we know to have been interested in secular lore were Flann mac Màil-Màedóc (d. 977), airchinneth or official head 17 of the church of Glenn Uisen; Eochaid ùa Flainn, or Flannadiin (d. 1004), airchinnech of one of the institutions at Armagh and of the church of Clùain-Fiachna (Clonfeacle near Dungannon), described as " a sui [sage] in JUidecht and senchus," a large number of whose poems on the history of pagan Ireland have survived; Flann Mainistrech (d. 1056), Jer liiginn of MainisterBuiti (Buite's monastery, Monasterboice), the subject-matter of whose extant poems is entirely within the province of the jUid\ Dub-di-Leithe, Jer liiginn of Armagh, 10461049, and head of that monastery, 1049-1064, who was compiler of the book known by his name; Màel-Muire mac Céilechair of Clonmacnois (d. 1106), one of the scribes of the codex known as Lebor na hUidre, or " B o o k of the Dun [Cow]"; Gilla-Comàin ua Congalaig, Jer Itiginn of Roscommon (d. 1 1 3 5 ) ; " A ed mac Crimthainn, abbot of Tir-dà-glas [Terryglass], compiler of the Book of Leinster; and his friend, Finn mac Gormàin, bishop of Kildare, who died in 1160." Dub-dà-Leithe of Armagh and Tigernach ùa Broln (d. 1088), airchinnech of Clonmacnois, are known also as chroniclers, theirs being almost the only names preserved from those of the many who must have helped to compile our annalistic records.20 T h e a t t a c k s of t h e N o r t h m e n d i d n o t c a u s e a s m u c h h a r m t o s e c u l a r learning as to ecclesiastical. a c t i v i t i e s of t h e

filid

in the l i t e r a r y

history,

Doubtless they did check for a time the

a n d t h e i r schools, c a u s i n g s o m e t h i n g like a b r e a k with

the result

that

critics now

draw

a line

between pre-Viking and post-Viking texts.

T h e ultimate effect, how-

e v e r , s e e m s to h a v e b e e n r a t h e r s t i m u l a t i n g :

the national revival which

d e v e l o p e d o u t of t w o c e n t u r i e s of a l t e r n a t e d i s a s t e r a n d t r i u m p h s h o w e d itself in a r e j u v e n a t e d l i t e r a t u r e a n d s c h o l a r s h i p .

Noteworthy features

of this i n t e l l e c t u a l r e n a i s s a n c e w e r e t h a t a m a l g a m a t i o n of s e c u l a r religious i n t e r e s t s t o w h i c h r e f e r e n c e h a s j u s t a patriotic-historical

mentality;

been

development

of

made;

the

impulse

c o m p i l a t i o n a n d c o n s e r v a t i o n of t h e n a t i o n a l a n t i q u i t i e s ;

and

growth to

of the

and a revolu-

tion in s a g a - c o m p o s i t i o n w h i c h c h a n g e d c o m p l e t e l y t h e s u b j e c t - m a t t e r of the chief field of p o p u l a r l i t e r a t u r e . 17

Airchinneth

(anglice

c r e n a g h ) , " h e a d , " " l e a d e r , " " s u p e r i o r , " is t h e n a m e w h i c h in t h e p o s t - V i k i n g

period w a s m o s t f r e q u e n t l y a p p l i e d t o t h e head of a m o n a s t i c c h u r c h . held t h e s a m e p o s i t i o n a s t h e earlier abbas.

T h e airchinnech

seems to have

P r o b a b l y the c h a n g e is a n o t h e r i n s t a n c e of t h a t s h i f t i n g

f r o m L a t i n t o Irish in e c c l e s i a s t i c a l u s a g e w h i c h has been n o t i c e d in c o n n e c t i o n w i t h scriba a n d fer

liiginn,

b u t p e r h a p s a l s o the a s s o c i a t i o n s of t h e t i t l e abbas were s u c h a s t o m a k e i t s u s e s e e m i n c o n g r u o u s w h e n the position w a s b e c o m i n g m o r e or less s e c u l a r i s e d . '8 CJ. O ' G r a d y Cat. 9 4 ; 19

R T h Ir. Sage

16.

It is possible, in v i e w of t h e e x t e n s i v e s e c u l a r i s a t i o n of t h e m o n a s t i c c h u r c h e s , t h a t s o m e of t h e s e

m e n had no e c c l e s i a s t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s b e y o n d the f a c t t h a t t h e y d r e w a l i v i n g f r o m the m o n a s t i c p r o p e r t y . ?0

M a c N ' b e l i e v e s t h a t S i n l i n , o r M o - S i n u , m o c c u M i n (d. 6 0 7 - T i g . ) , a b b o t of B a n g o r , w a s t h e a u t h o r

of an Irish c o n t i n u a t i o n of E u s e b i u s , c o m i n g d o w n to 607, a n d t h a t a b o u t 712 an " O l d Irish C h r o n i c l e " w a s c o m p i l e d , on w h i c h all o u r p r e s e n t a n n a l s were b a s e d . Ireland

(1923) 28.

CJ. Ériu

V I I ( 1 9 1 3 ) 30 sqq;

MacN*

Celtic

HISTORY

IN

IRELAND

13

T h e amalgamation of religious with secular intellectual interests is seen in the recasting of the national history. When Christianity arrived in Ireland, bringing in its train the Bible, Eusebius, Orosius, Isidore, etc., Irishmen began to learn world history as taught b y the early mediaev a l Church. There inevitably followed the impulse to fit their own Irish past into this scheme of history, and to pour their myths, traditions, sagas, genealogies, into an orderly historical mould. Apparently a s early as the seventh century churchmen, such as Mo-Sinu moccu M i n , and filid, such as Cenn-Faelad, were attempting to elucidate, w i t h the help of the Old Testament and Orosius, the origins of the Irish people, and, with the help of Eusebius and other chroniclers, to set up a chronological schcme of their later history. B u t it was not until the ninth, and especially the tenth, eleventh and twelfth centuries, that this historical impulse acquired full momentum. T h e n many of the filid seem to have turned their energies almost entirely to the task of transmuting the national folk-lore into a harmonised history. A twelfthcentury text declares that " h e is no fili who does not synchronise and harmonise all the sagas." 2 1 Only a few shadowy names, such as Adna, Ferceirtne, Torna ices, D a l l i n Forgaill, Senchdn Torpeist, Cenn-Faelad, Rumann, remain of the filid prior to the ninth century. But thereafter there is a long list, many of whose compositions can be read to-day: Mdel-Muru of Othain, or Fahan, near Derry (d. 887), called "king-^/t of Ireland"; Flannaccin mac Cellaig of Brega, who was, doubtless, the king of Brega of that name slain by the Norse in 896; Flann mac Loniin (d. 896 or 918), called the Vergil of Ireland; Cormac mac Cuilenniin (d. 908), of whom mention has been made; Corm a c i n ices mac Miele-Brigte (d. 946); Cin&ed ua hArtaciin (d. 975), called primices Rrenn, perhaps about equivalent to "dean of the scholars of Ireland"; Flann mac M&il-M&ed6c (d. 977); Erard mac Coisse (d. 990)," to whom the same title is given; Eochaid ua Flainn, or Flainnaciin, (d. 1004), who also has been mentioned previously; M a c Liag (d. 1016), o'lam to Brian bdroimhe; Cilin da Lothchdin (d. 1024), primices £renn; Flann Mainislreck (d. 1056), previously mentioned; Eochaid eolach [ " t h e learned"] da Clrin, who seems to have been associated with Flann and possibly was his successor at Monasterboice; Gilla-Coemdin (d. 1072); Gilla-Mo-Dutu of DamInis (Devenish), who was writing in 1 1 4 7 ; " Gilla-in-Choimded ua Cormaic; Gilla-nanaomh da Duinn (d. 1160), fer liiginn of Inis Clothrann (in Loch Ree); and many others of lesser fame. Almost all the compositions of these men are either panegyrics of their contemporaries or attempts at the reconstruction of past history. MAelMuru, Cinaed da hArtacdin, Eochaid da Flainn, Cdan da LothchAin, Flann Mainislreck and Gilla-Coemdm appear to have been the most active in the work of " synchro-

si O'C MS n

Mai. 593. So AU and Tig.: F M give the obit of ftn Erard mac Coisse in 1023.

Cf. O. Bergin £riu IX (1923)

175" So RTh IT. Sate 46; K M identifies him with a Gilla-Mo-Dutu ua Casaide (d. 1143)—Prima 0/ Irish Metrics (1909) 43; Fianaitecht (Dublin, igio) p. t i i r .

i4

HISTORY IN IRELAND

nUing a n d harmonising," and t h e y m a y b e classed as t h e chief of w h a t E 6 i n M a c N e i l l a p t l y designates " t h e synthetic historians."

"The

w o r k , " says M a c N e i l l , " o f

d a t i n g and correlating the national legends and

traditions was possibly carried out under their direction.

A t all events, it was t h e y

w h o summarised the results, and on whose a u t h o r i t y those results were accepted b y later writers as genuine history.

So far as their history refers t o pre-Christian times,

it is p a r t l y fabricated, and p a r t l y m a d e u p of m y t h o l o g y , legend, and epic narrative, arranged under an arbitrary c h r o n o l o g y . " "

T h e chief objects these men had in view were to provide the Irish people with an antiquity equal to that of the Hebrews and the empires of the East, and the principal families, states and institutions of their own time with a long and heroic past. In particular, the high-kingship of Ireland, theoretically localised a t Tara, and the kingship of Munster, at Cashel, sovereignties that appear in reality to have arisen quite late in the pagan era, were endowed with an elaborate and venerable history. T o serve the needs of this pseudo-history the old Irish mythology was worked over until it is hardly recognisable. T h e Lebor Gabdla, or " Book of T a k i n g s " (i.e., the successive occupations of Ireland by the various races that were fabled to have inhabited it), completed this syncretistic movement by gathering into one narrative the story of Ireland and the Irish from Noah to Ruadri hUa Conchobuir, a narrative into which were incorporated many of the poems of the later filid. In its final form the Lebor Gabdla dates from about 1168. Essentially part of the same growth of historical consciousness was the impulse to the conservation in permanent written collections of the old legends, literature and records. Since all earlier secular manuscripts have disappeared, it is to these compilations of the twelfth and later centuries that we owe almost all our Old Irish non-ecclesiastical texts. Whether the compilers of the earlier of these bulky codices had in mind the repairing of the damage wrought by external and internal wars, or not, it is certain that the practice was continued in later centuries with the motive of saving from destruction amid contemporary disasters the records of the nation's antiquities. Through so much of Ireland's story the primary duty of the historian has been to gather up the fragments, lest they be lost! The oldest secular manuscript of which we have genuine knowledge was the Cin " Dromma-Snechla, the " B o o k of Drumsnat" (in Monaghan), which may have been MacN Celtic Ireland (Dublin 1921) 40. See the whole chap. i i i , " T h e Irish Synthetic Historians." C by members of the family of 0 Miil-Chonaire, and at Cldain-Plocdin M in Roscommon. A note, dated Poll-in-M6intigh (Poulmounty in Carlow), 1419, was, probably, copied from an exemplar. H or Irian 5280: M copied in the first half of the sixteenth century by An Gilla-Riabach, son of Tuathal, son of Tadhg cam Oa Clfirigh, a scribe who was somewhat ignorant and careless, but who made an important selection of documents.—There are also several important law codices compiled in the fifteenth century. 84

IV.

T R A N S M I S S I O N OF T H E R E C O R D S — T H E

ENGLISH

CONQUEST

I n the y e a r 1500 English rule in I r e l a n d — t o be distinguished f r o m the rule of the great Anglo-Irish n o b l e s — h a r d l y extended thirty miles from D u b l i n .

In 1603 the English k i n g ' s writ ran undisputed from

M a l i n H e a d l a n d to C a p e Clear.

B y 1700 e v e r y trace of the old Irish

states and of their political a n d legal s y s t e m s had disappeared;

the

ownership of the entire p r o p e r t y of the nation had passed to the alien i n v a d e r s — w i t h the exception of a m i n u t e fraction retained b y men of Irish blood a t the price of national a p o s t a s y ;

practically the whole

Irish people h a d been, or were on the e v e of being, deprived of all political a n d civil rights except such as m u s t of necessity be l e f t to a servile population; and, as far as physical and economic power could m a k e it so, the fate of t h a t population, individually and

collectively,

was a t the m e r c y of its conquerors. I n the fifteenth c e n t u r y the standards of life in Ireland h a d been, in a broad s u r v e y , b u t little lower than those of E n g l a n d . field of political development Ireland w a s inferior. thing to create

B u t in the

She had done no-

a centralised g o v e r n m e n t or a nation-wide

political

organisation of a n y kind, and b u t little to produce a disciplined morale capable of meeting a national crisis.

T h e p e n a l t y for this weakness

had now to be paid. W i t h the end of the H u n d r e d Y e a r s ' W a r a n d the W a r s of the Roses, and the increase in national wealth in the sixteenth century, the English monarchy was able to turn greater resources than ever before into the struggle against the Irish.

A t the same time the development of fire-

«• BM Eg. 1783 j X V / X V I , 125 &., vellum. Cf. ZCP IV (1903) 31-2; Eriu IX (1921) 62; Flower 5 Ca/. 259 sqq. Cf. Flower op. cit. 261. 83 BM Harl. 5280 J XVI, 66 ft., vellum. C/. KM Hibcrnica Minora pp. v-vi; Flower Cat. pp. Enii, 393

sqq.

M

T C D 1387 (H. 5. i s ) ; T C D 1433 (E. 3- S); RIA 23- P. 3, part; and parts of Bodl. Rawl. B. 487, and 506.

HISTORY

IN

IRELAND

27

arms rendered the English armies as much superior to those of the Irish states as had been the Norman invaders of the twelfth century. In the consciousness of this accession of strength Henry V I I I assumed the title of " K i n g of I r e l a n d " in 1541 and inaugurated a definite policy towards Ireland, a policy of " r e d u c t i o n " through "politic practices" combined with force, and of "reformation," that is, Anglicisation, partly by conciliation of the princely families and the education of their sons in England, and partly by the confiscation of portions of Irish land to be converted into English "plantations." T h e policy broke down because of the fierce resistance of the Irish to both Anglicisation and confiscation, and because of the uncontrollable rapacity of the " a d v e n turers" who were the instruments of its execution. In Elizabeth's reign the struggle drifted into a naked war of conquest, with the "extirpation" of the Irish, or at least their expulsion from large sections of their country, coming more and more into serious consideration. It was war such as Ireland had never experienced before, war in which all possible horror was systematically applied to the civilian population. Organised learning and literature went down in this common welter of blood and ruin. But no high-spirited nation acquiesces in its subjugation by a foreign conqueror. T h e determination of the Irish sooner or later to reverse the decision of the Elizabethan wars has been the most important underlying factor in the nation's subsequent political history. The aftermath and completion of the conquest must be briefly sketched. Aedh Ô Néill, prince of Tir-Eoghain—called by the English Hugh, Earl of T y r o n e — l a s t of the Irish leaders, submitted on March 31, 1603. Already Queen Elizabeth was dead and the Tudors had been succeeded by the Stuarts. Followed the political and judicial organisation of Ireland on English lines; the huge confiscations by legal chicanery; the " p l a n t a t i o n " of Ulster and, less thoroughly, of Leinster; the insurrection of 1641, the Confederation of Kilkenny, the Cromwellian conquest—another war of extermination in which about half the population of the island perished; 8 5 Cromwell's confiscations and " s e t tlement"; the "restoration" of Charles II, and the practical confirmation of the Cromwellians ; the Catholic administration of James I I ; and, finally, the third, or Williamite, conquest, confiscation, and " s e t tlement." E a c h of the three conquests was followed by the emigration, in thousands, of the Irish fighting men and upper classes, so that for some generations Europe rather than Ireland became the more conspicuous field of activity of the Irish genius. M

Cf. W. F. T . BuUer Confiscation in Irish History (Dublin and London IQ17; 2nd ed. igi8) 116.

28

HISTORY IN IRELAND

One new factor in the relations of Irish and English in this epoch must be noticed. England became Protestant, Ireland remained Catholic. That the Gaelic population should repudiate all association with the creed of their enemies is not surprising, but it is more noteworthy that so also did the great majority of the Anglo-Irish of the towns and the Pale,the descendants of the earlier Norman and English invaders. The new line of cleavage had serious results. Europe, and particularly Britain, became obsessed with religious fanaticism to a degree almost unthinkable. So the English people and their agents in Ireland were wonderfully encouraged in the execution of a policy of rigor towards the Irish. To their victims' natal depravity of being Irishmen was added the baptismal infection of being Papists. War in Ireland was in a better cause than war against the Red Indian: it was war against the veritable representatives of Popery and Antichrist. On the other hand, the new issue gradually forced the old Anglo-Irish, willy-nilly, into the national camp. They shared in the Confederation of Kilkenny, making possible its political organisation and stultifying its military action. To them, and to the influences of continental Catholicism, was largely due the linking up of Irish national aspirations with the fortunes of the house of Stuart. 8 8 And in the end they were brayed in the common mortar of defeat, confiscation and penal laws. There were further important results on the Irish side from the religious issue. At home, the bards, hitherto the instruments for maintaining patriotism and morale, were now reinforced by the clergy, and particularly by the friars. Abroad, the Irish for the first time received European sympathy in their struggle against England. The religious and intellectual aspects of this sympathy are important here. It made possible the erection of those Irish colleges at the chief centres of learning in Catholic Europe where for two centuries was maintained the ecclesiastical, and in some degree the secular, scholarship of Ireland. The Irish students attending continental universities had, doubtless, increased in numbers as the English government's attack on the monasteries and other ecclesiastical bodies progressed. For a time schools arose and flourished in the Irish towns—in Dublin, Kilkenny, Wexford, Waterford, Cork, Limerick and Galway—but towards the end of the century these were either suppressed or converted into instruments of 86 It is t o be b o r n e in m i n d , h o w e v e r , t h a t , in c o m p a r i s o n w i t h t h e a g e which p r e c e d e d a n d t h a t which fol'owed, the reigns of C h a r l e s I I a n d J a m e s I I were, for the m a s s of t h e Irish p e o p l e , a period of r e l a t i v e f r e e d o m a n d c o m f o r t . CJ. Geo. O ' B r i e n The Economic History of Ireland in the Serententk Century (Dublin i g r g ) .

HISTORY

IN

IRELAND

29

proselytism. 87 T h e school maintained by the Lynches in Galway, which seems to have been that most frequented by the Gaelic Irish, was the last to fall: it was suppressed in 1 6 1 5 . 8 8 The training of recruits for the priesthood, and the higher education, in the learning of Europe, of such of the Irish youth as wished to obtain it without forswearing their national and religious convictions, became entirely dependent on continental institutions. T h e more important colleges of secular ecclesiastics were those founded a t about 1590; Bordeaux, s a m e time;

Salamanca, 1592;

1603;

Lisbon, 1 5 9 3 ;

Douai, 1 5 9 4 ;

S a n t i a g o d a CompoStella, 1 6 0 5 ;

Paris, 1 6 0 5 ;

Lille and Tournai, each 1 6 0 7 or earlier;

R o m e , 1 6 2 8 ; M a d r i d , 1 6 2 9 ; Toulouse, 1 6 5 9 ,

or

Antwerp,

Alcalâ

1600-1604;

R o u e n , about the

Seville, 1 6 1 2 ;

earlier; N a n t e s , 1 6 8 0 .

Louvain,

1624;

T h e majority

of these colleges were suppressed about the time of the French Revolution, and were not revived, but those of Rome, Paris and Salamanca still

flourish.

Of the regular

orders the Irish Franciscans had colleges a t Lisbon, L o u v a i n , R o m e , Paris, in Lorraine, Prague, Vielun in Poland, a n d elsewhere; I-ouvain a n d Lisbon;

90

89

Boulay

the Dominicans a t R o m e ,

and after 1 6 8 2 the Benedictine nuns a house at Y p r e s .

The

J e s u i t s established a college a t Poitiers in 1 6 7 4 , and for a time exercised control over the secular colleges of R o m e , Lisbon, S a l a m a n c a and Seville. 9 1 87

Cf. A. S. Green The Making of Ireland and its Undoing (London 1908) 364 sqq. Roderic O'Flaherty (ed. Jas. Hardiman) A Chorographicol Description of West or h-Iar Connaught (IAS: Dublin 1846) 34-5, 214 sqq. Also T. Corcoran State Policy in Irish Education (Dublin 1916) 6s. 89 Some documents relating to the Irish Franciscans on the continent and their connections with Ireland are to be found in the Franciscan Convent, Merchants Quay, Dublin. Cf. Hist. MSS Commission, 16th Report: Franciscan Manuscripts [Cd. 2867] (1906). w Founded, or rather the foundation completed, by the famous diplomat Daniel O'Daly (1595-1662), author of a history of the Geraldines of Desmond. Cf. Cath. Encycl. 91 For these Irish colleges on the continent of Europe cf. A. Bellesheim Geschichte der katholischen Kirche in Irland II (Maim 1891) 216 sqq., 314 sqq., 360 sqq., etc.; J . Healy Maynooth College Centenary History (Dublin 1895) 51-86; Victor Tourneur Esquisse d'une histoire des études celtiques (Liège 1905); A. S. Green The Making of Ireland and its Undoing (London 1908) 439-58; Patrick Boyle "Irish Colleges on the Continent" Cath. Encyd. On particular localities: ALCALA': 1ER V I I I (1872) 307, I X (1873)545-7. SALAMANCA: 1ER I X 1-5, 137-42; The Month L X V I I I (1890) 85; Denis J . O'Doherty and Amalio Huarte "Students of the Irish College Salamanca" AH II (1913) 1-36, I I I (1914) 8 7 - 1 1 2 , IV (1915) 1-58,96-130. LISBON: 1ER V I I I 308-13; The Month L X V I I I 514. DOUAI: 1ER I X 261-72; L. Dancoisne Histoire des établissements religieux Britanniques fondis à Douai avant la révolution française (Douai 1889), esp. 88-91. ANTWERP: Principium ac frogressus collegii pastoralis Hibernorum (Antwerp 1680); J . Laenen Het iersch college te Antwerpen (extract from Bijdragen tot de geschiedenis) (Baesrode 1922)^ BORDEAUX: Bertrand Histoire des séminaires de Bordeaux et de Batas (Bordeaux 1894); Boyle " T h e Irish college at Bordeaux 1603-1794" 1ER 4th ser. X X I I (1907) 127-45; Caraman "Recherches sur l'ancienne église Notre-Dame-de-la-Place, à Bordeaux, et sur ses diverses appellations" Rev. historique de Bordeaux et du département de la Gironde July-Aug. 1912. PARIS: 1ER 4th ser. X I (1902) r93-2io, 432-50, X I V (1903) 24-45, X V (1904) 48-73, X X I (1907) «85-99 [cf. also "Lord Iveagh and other Irish officers, students at the Collège des Grassins in Paris, 1684-1710" X (1901) 385 J?}.]; Boyle The Irish College in Paris (1578-1905)) with a brief sketch of the other Irish colleges in France (London and Dublin 1905). SEVILLE: 1ER V I I I (1872) 307-8, 465-73, EX (1873) 208-21. LOUVAIN: Historical Works of Nicholas French, Bishop of Ferns . . with an introduction containing notices . . of the Irish colleges of Louvain (Duffy's Library of Ireland: Dublin 1846); O'C MS Mat. 644 sq.-, V. De Buck "L'Archéologie irlandaise au couvent de St-Antoine de Padoue à Louvain" Études religieuses historiques et littéraires de la Compagnie de Jisus X X I I (1869) 409-37, 586-603 [also separately); " T h e Franciscan college of St. Anthony ot Padua at Louvain" 1ER VII (1871) 31-43; J . Gilbert Append, to 4th Report Hist. MSS. Comm. (1874) 599-613; Denis Murphy " T h e college of the Irish Franciscans at Louvain" Jour. RSAI 88

3°

HISTORY IN IRELAND

The Tudor movement of aggression included an assault on the secular as well as on the ecclesiastical supports of Irish culture. Hitherto the invaders, as a general rule, had not shown any peculiar enmity towards the learned classes. An exception was Sir John Talbot, the famous military leader of the end of the Hundred Years' War, who as Lord Justice in 1415 "despoiled many of the poets of Ireland, to wit, Ûa Dâlaigh of Meath and Aedh 6g Mac Eochadha and Muirgis tJa Dilaigh." 9 2 But in the sixteenth century the promoters of the composite policy of Anglicisation and subjugation early realised that the learned and literary classes were among the most vigorous champions of Irish culture and independence, or, as Spenser and his fellows preferred to phrase it, "such lycentious partes as these, tending for the most parte to the hurte of the English, or mayntenaunce of theyre owne lewde libertye." 93 Robert Cowley in the reign of Henry V I I I wrote: "Harpers, rhymers, Irish chroniclers, bards, and isshallyn commonly go with praises to gentlemen in the English Pale, praising in rhymes, otherwise called danes, their extortions, robberies, and abuses, as valiantness, which rejoiceth them in that their evil doings, and procure a talent of Irish disposition and conversation in them, which is likewise convenient to be expelled."' 4

Perhaps the most complete example of this propaganda against the Irish literati is the production of an English apothecary named Thomas Smyth, who was writing in Dublin in 1561 : " T h e thirde sorte is called the Aeosdan, 45 which is to saye in English, the bards, or the rimine sepctes; and these people be very hurtfull to the comonwhealle, for they chifflie mayntayne the rebells; and, further, they do cause them that would be true, to be rebelious theves, extorcioners, murtherers, ravners, yea and worse if it were possible. Their furst practisse is, if they se anye younge man discended of the septs of Ose or Max, and have half a dowsen aboute him, then will they make him a Rime, wherein they will commend his father and his aunchetours, nowmbrying howe many heades they have cut of, howe many townes they have burned, and howe many virgins they 5th ser. II (1898) 237-50; Brendan Jennings " T h e return of the Irish Franciscans to Louvain 16061 9 2 5 " Studies Sept. 1925 pp. 451-8. ROME: P. F. Moran Memoir of the Ven. Oliver Plunkett (Dublin 1861); M . O'Riordan "Irish College in R o m e " Cath. Encycl. MADRID: 1ER I X 544-5. TOULOUSE: P a g n y Mémoires historiques et chronologiques sur les séminaires établis dans la ville de Toulouse (Toulouse 1852); Boyle " T h e Irish seminary at T o u l o u s e " AH I (1912) 122-47. NANTES: Patrick Hurley " A Bishop of Cork and the Irish a t N a n t e s " Dublin Review C X (1892) 38-51, 351-62. PRAGUE: Green op. cit. 454-8; R. J. Kelly " T h e Irish Franciscans at P r a g u e " Journ. RSA1 L I I ii (1922) 169-74. "AU. M Edmund Spenser A View of the Present State of Ireland, written in or before 1598, but first published by Ware in 1633. • ' Q u o t e d in Calendar of Carev Manuscripts II (1868) p. xxix n.; Alice Stopford Green The Making of Ireland and its Undoing (London 1908) 373. •6 Aes dàno (sometimes aes dân), "people having a trade, profession or a r t , " especially " p o e t s . "

HISTORY

IN

IRELAND

3i

have defloured," howe many notable murthers they have done, and in the ende they will compare them to Aniball, or Scipio, or Hercules, or some other famous person; wherewithall the pore foole runs madde, and thinkes indede it is so. Then will he gather a sorte of rackells to him, and other he most geat him a Proficer, who shall tell him howe he shall spede (as he thinkes). Then will he geat him lurking to a syde of a woode, and ther keepith him close til mominge; and when it is daye light, then will they go to the poore vilages, not sparinge to distroye young infants, aged people; and if the women be ever so great with childe, her they will kill; burninge the houses and come, and ransackinge of the poore cottes. They will then drive all the kine and plowe horses, with all other cattell, and drive them awaye. Then muste they have a bagpipe bloinge afore them; and if any of theis cattell fortune to waxe wearie or faynt, they will kill them, rather than it sholde do the honeur's goode. . . . And when he is in a safe place, they will fall to the devision of the spoile, accordinge to the dyscresion of the captin. . . . Now comes the Rymer that made the Ryme, with his R a k r y . " The Rakry is he that shall utter the ryme; and the Rymer himself sitts by with the captain verie proudlye. He brings with him also his Harper, who please all the while that the raker sings the ryme. Also he hath his Barde, which is a kinde of folise fellowe; who also must have a horse geven him; the harper must have a new safem shurte, and a mantell, and a hacnaye; and the rakry must have xx or xxx kine, and the Rymer himself horse and harnes with a nag to ride on, a silver goblett, a pair of bedes of corall, with buttons of silver; and this, with more, they Ioke for to have, for reducinge distruxione of the Comenwealth, and to the blasfemye of God; and this is the best thinge, that y e Rymers causith them to d o . " " In 1549, by statutes made at Limerick by the king's commissioners, it was ordained "that no poet or any other person hereafter shall make or compose any poems or anything which is called 'auran' to any person, except to the King, on pain of forfeiting all his goods, and imprisonment, at the pleasure of the King or his Deputy"; " and in 1571 Sir John Perrot, Lord President of Munster, directed by ordinance "all carroughes, bards, rhymers and common idle men and women wthin this province making rhymes, bringing of messages, and common players at cards, to be spoiled of all their goods and chattels, and to be put in the next stocks, there to remain till they shall find sufficient surety to leave that wicked thrade of life, and to fall to other occupation."" Of the fate of individual men of learning not much is known.

No

institution survived to treasure their martyrology, but it m a y well h a v e carried as m a n y names as t h a t of the priests and friars.

A m o n g the

noteworthy victims were T a d h g 6 Cobhthaigh (O'Coffey), " c h i e f preceptor of Ireland and S c o t l a n d , " who was imprisoned and threatened with death in 1 5 4 6 , but escaped; 1 0 1 Muiris ballach

Eoghan ruadh

M a c an Bhaird and

0 Clerigh, "skilled men in history and in p o e t r y , " hanged

b y the Anglicising E a r l of Thomond in 1 5 7 2 ; 1 0 1

Donnchadh an

tSneachta

W So far as the Irish poetry of the sixteenth century has been made available for examination, it is, compared with other contemporary literatures, remarkably free from sexual licentiousness. ** Ruaire, a professional elocutionist. •«Smyth's "Information for Ireland", J May, 1561: UJA VI (1858) 166-7. " Calendar of Ike Carew Manuscripts I (1867) 214-5. "»Ibid. 410. «» J M .

HISTORY IN IRELAND

32

( " o f the s n o w " ) M a c C r a i t h , of Galbally, Aherlow, hanged b y the President of M u n s t e r about 1597; 1 0 2 Cuchonnacht O C i a n a i n — b r o t h e r of T a d h g who accompanied O ' N e i l l and O ' D o n n e l l to the Continent in 1607 and wrote the history of that f l i g h t 1 0 3 — who was racked in D u b lin on June 26, 1615, and hanged a t D e r r y a few weeks later. 1 0 4 Of the three best-known writers of Ulster a t the close of the sixteenth century we have no information as to the f a t e of Eochaidh O h E o g h a s a (O'Hosey or O ' H u s s e y ) ; Eoghan ruadh M a c an Bhaird died quietly at an advanced age in 1609; 1 0 5 and T a d h g dall O hUiginn was murdered in 1617 or earlier b y some plundering Irish soldiers whom he had satirised. 1 0 6 Aonghus ruadh O Dalaigh, called Aonghus na n-aor, " o f the satires," was, according to tradition, murdered in the house of O ' M e a g h e r of Ikerrin while making, at the instigation of government agents, a tour through the country lampooning the former princely families in their poverty and humiliation. 1 0 7 Some certainly went over to the English. Patrick and John M a c Crossan, of a family of hereditary bards to the O ' M o o r e s of Leix, adopted the name Crosbie and passed themselves as of English blood. John became Protestant bishop of Ardfert and Aghadoe in K e r r y , while Patrick received extensive grants in Leix and also in K e r r y , whither, in 1608-9, he transplanted as his tenants those of his former masters, the O ' M o o r e s and their allies, who had survived the fifty years' guerrilla warfare against the English planters of Leix. 1 0 8 T h e great m a j o r i t y of the learned families, however, went the w a y of their patrons into submission and ultimately the helot's status.109 T h e letters of Sir John Davies, attorney-general in Ireland under James I, to Sir William Cecil, in the years following the pacification of 1603, although written b y a prejudiced foreigner with only a superficial 102

P h i l i p O ' S u l l i v a n B e a r e Historian

c a p . x x i i ; Pacala 103 AH 10i

Hibernia.

Cf. Proc.

Catholicae

RIA

Iberniae

XXXVI

Compendium

( L i s b o n 1 6 2 1 ) torn. I I lib. I V

(1922) C v i 1 0 3 - 4 .

I I sqq.

Proc.

RIA

X X X V I (1922) C vi 1 1 7 8.

T h e h a n g i n g p r o p e n s i t i e s of S i d n e y , D r u r y , F i t t o n , C a r e w

a n d o t h e r o f f i c i a l s of t h e s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y w e r e r e m a r k a b l e . m e n t of his s e r v i c e s w r o t e :

In 1580 t h e E a r l of C l a n r i c k a r d e in a s t a t e -

" I did w i t h i n one t o w e l m o n e t h e s h a n g m y o w n Sonne, m y b r o t h e r e s s o n n ,

m y c o u s a y n e g e r m a y n e s s o n n , a n d o n e of t h e C a p t a y n s of m y g a l l e g l a s s e s , besides

fiuftie

of m y o w n e

f o l l o w e r s t h a t b a r e a r m o u r e a n d w e a p o n e , w i c h e t h e A r c h b u s s h o p p of t u a m e , the b u s s h o p p of c l o w n f e r t e a n d t h e w h o l e c o r j K j r a t i o n e of t h e t o w n e of g a l l w e y m a y w i t t n e s s . "

S t a t e Papers relating to Ireland,

R e i g n of E l i z a b e t h , v o l . L X V I , no. 4, q u o t e d b y O ' G r a d y , Cot. 3 7 5 . 105

FM.

106

O ' G r a d y Cat. 4 0 7 - 8 , 439 -42.

107

The Tribes

ence Mangan:

of satire in Ireland, IM

of Ireland:

a satire, by Acngkus

together with an historical

account

O'Daly:

with Poetical

of the family

b y J o h n O ' D o n o v a n ( D u b l i n 1852).

of O'Daly:

translation

by the late lames

and an introduction

Clar-

to the

history

L I I I ii

(1923)

Cf. O ' G r a d y Cat. 443 5.

L o r d W a l t e r F i t z G e r a l d " N o t e s on t h e F a m i l y of P a t r i c k

C r o s b i e " Jour.

RSAI

133 50. 1W

See t h e v a l u a b l e s t u d y b y T h o s . F . O ' R a h i l l y , " I r i s h P o e t s , H i s t o r i a n s , a n d J u d g e s in E n g l i s h

D o c u m e n t s , 1 5 3 8 - 1 6 1 5 " Proc.

RIA

X X X V I (1922) C v i 8 6 - 1 2 0 .

HISTORY IN IRELAND

33

understanding of the country he was helping to govern, contain matter of much interest, part of which may be quoted: "From Monaghan we went 1 1 0 the first night to the ruins of the abbey of Clonays, where we camped; and passing from thence through ways almost impassable for our carriages by reason of the woods and bogs, we came the second night after to the southside of Lougherne, and pitched our tents over against the island of Devenish, a place being prepared for the holding of our sessions for Fermanagh, in the ruins of an abbey there. [An examination was made into the land system of the district, which examination was left in Davies' charge while the lord deputy went on to Ballyshannon. It was found that there were fifty-one and a half " ballibetaghs " 111 of land "chargeable with M c Guire's rent, and other contributions of the country," and in addition certain free lands.] Touching the free land, we found them to be of three kinds, i . Church-land, or termon-lands, as the Irish call it. 2. The mensal land of M c Guire. 3. Lands given to certain septs privileged among the Irish, viz., the lands of the chroniclers, rimers and galloglasses. The church-land was either monastery land, corbe-land, or Erenach's-land; for it did not appear unto us that the bishop had any land in demesne, but certain mensal duties of the corbes and Erenachs; neither did we find that the parsons and vicars had any glebe land at all in this country. For monastery-land, we found not other than that which belonged to the abbey of Lisgoole, which doth not exceed the quantity of two ballibetaghs, and Iieth for the most part in the barony of Clanawley. But the lands belonging to the corbes and Erenachs are of a far greater quantity, and are found in every barrony. [Here follows a statement of results of his enquiries from "one of the best learned vicars in all the country, and one that had been a Brehon, and had some skill in the civil and canon laws," and from others, regarding the significance of the terms "corbe" and "erenach."] "Touching M c Guire's mensal lands, which were free from all common charges and contributions of the country, because they yielded a large proportion of butter and meal, and other provisions, for M c Guire's table, albeit the jury and other inhabitants did set forth these mensal lands in certainty, which lying in several baronies did not in quantity exceed four ballibetaghs, the greatest thereof being in the possession of one M c Manus and his sept; yet touching the certainties of the duties or provisions unto M c Guire out of these mensal lands, they referred themselves to an old parchment roll, which they called an indenture, remaining in the hands of one O'Brislan, 1 " a chronicler, and principal brehon of that country: whereupon O'Brislan was sent for, who lived not far from the camp, who was so aged and decrepid as he was scarce able to repair unto us; when he was come, we demanded of him a sight of that ancient roll, wherein, as we were informed, not only the certainty of M c Guire's mensal duties did appear, but also the particular rents and other services which were answered to M c Guire out of every part of the country. The old man, seeming to be much troubled with this demand, made answer, that he had such a roll in his keeping before the 1 1 0 This letter, written in 1606, describes of Monaghan, Fermanagh and C a v a n . 1 1 1 In Monaghan this w a s estimated by that in Fermanagh it was a measure of much Cf. p. 23 n. 62 supra. 1 1 2 L a Breislen. Cf. p. 20 supra. In as " O ' B r i s t a n . "

a visitation by the Lord D e p u t y to the newly created counties Davies to contain 960 English acres, but he seems to think larger extent. In origin it was the baile, demesne, of a biatach. the other eds. of this letter the name is given, incorrectly,

HISTORY IN IRELAND

34

wars, but that in the late rebellion it was burned among others of his papers and books by certain English soldiers. We were told by some that were present, that this was not true; for they affirmed that they had seen the roll in his hands since the wars. Thereupon, my lord chancellor being then present with us (for he did not accompany my lord deputy to Ballyshannon, but staid behind in the camp) did minister an oath unto him, and gave him a very serious charge to inform us truly what was become of the roll. T h e poor old man, fetching a deep sigh, confessed that he knew where the roll was, but that it was dearer to him than his life, and therefore he would never deliver it out of his hands, unless my lord chancellor would take the like oath, that the roll should be restored to him again: my lord chancellor smiling gave him his hand and his word, that he should have the roll re-delivered unto him, if he would suffer us to take a view and a copy thereof. And thereupon the old brehon drew the roll out of his bosom, where he did continually bear it about him. I t was not very large, but it was written on both sides in a fair Irish character; howbeit, some part of the writing was worn and defaced with time and ill keeping. W e caused it forthwith to be translated into English, and then we perceived how many vessels of butter, and how many measures of meal, and how many porks, and other such gross duties did arise unto M c Guire out of his mensal lands; . . . albeit Hugh M ' G u i r e , that was slain in Munster, were indeed a valiant rebel, and the stoutest that ever was of his name, notwithstanding generally the natives of this country are reputed the worst swordsmen of the north, being rather inclined to be scholars or husbandmen, than to be kerne, or men of action, as they term rebels in this kingdom; . . . . Concerning the free-land of the third kind, namely, such land as is possessed by the Irish officers of this country, viz., Chroniclers, galloglasses, and rimers, the entire quantity, if it were laid down together, as it is scattered in sundry baronies, doth well nigh make two ballibetaghs, and no more; which land (in respect of the persons that merit no respect, but rather discountenance from the state, for they are enemies to the English government,) may perhaps be thought meet to be added to the demesne lands of the chief lords." 11 * T h r o u g h t h e t e r r o r s a n d d i s a s t e r s of t h e s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e b a r d s , h i s t o r i a n s a n d b r e h o n s k e p t c o n s t a n t l y a t t h e t a s k of c o m p i l i n g copying

manuscripts.

Although

individually

not

of

as great

and

impor-

t a n c e a s s o m e of t h e c o d i c e s of e a r l i e r a g e s , m a n y m a n u s c r i p t s of

the

s i x t e e n t h a n d t h e first h a l f of t h e s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y h a v e m u c h v a l u e for old Irish history:

t r a n s c r i p t s m a d e l a t e r t h a n t h e m i d d l e of

the

s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y are, w i t h a f e w e x c e p t i o n s , w o r t h b u t little for this particular study. Of strictly historical works the most important of which we have information was the Annals of the O'Duigenans of Kilronan, which, according to the Four Masters, came down to the year 1563. This no longer exists, but it appears to have formed the basis for what are now known as the "Annals of Connacht," written by the O'Mulconrys for the O'Conors, and the "Annals of Loch C£," written for (and in 1 1 1 T h e letter has been printed several times (e.f., in Ireland under Eliuibeth and James the First, ed. by Henry Morley (London 1890) 343-80): it is here quoted from Chas. Vallancey's Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis I (Dublin 1770) 131-74, which in some respeC v seems to be the best text.

HISTORY

IN

IRELAND

35

p a r t by) Brian MacDermot, lord of Moylurg (d. 1592), by scribes of the O'Duigenans, about 1580-88. There are several important brehon codices of the sixteenth century: the Trinity College manuscripts 1336 (H. 3. 17) — made up of originally distinct sections, written wholly or chiefly by MacEgans, though part belonged to an Edmond O'Doran and later — in 1666 — to Duald MacFirbis; 1337 (H. 3. 18) — various legal and miscellaneous sections, the legal believed to have belonged to the MacEgans, written a t their castle of the Park, near Tuam, and elsewhere; later they were in the possession of Agnew, or (5 Gnimh, of Ulster; and 1363 (H. 4. 22) — also consisting of several distinct sections, of which those of a legal character were written by Cosnamach Mac Aedhagiin and other scribes, probably of his school; 111 Royal Irish Academy 23. Q. 6; British Museum Egerton 88 and 90; Cotton Nero A. VII, written by Matha (3 Luinin in 1571; and Harleian 432. The manuscript Egerton 88 was written about 1564-9 by Domhnall (J Duibhddbhoirenn (Donall O'Davoren) and others, his assistants or pupils, chiefly a t the MacEgan castle of the Park. Its many marginalia throw interesting side-lights on the lives of the scribes: their sufferings and difficulties, the war which was going on around them, and the jokes and jibes — perhaps eighty per cent. of them no longer intelligible — in which they sought amusement. 115 W e meet now for the first time with some descriptions in detail of Irish

schools—unfortunately

from

foreign or

E d m u n d Campion, who wrote his History

anti-national

of Ireland

sources.

in 1 5 7 1 , has the

following passage—repeated in part b y his friend Richard Stanyhurst

in his Description

of

Ireland:116

" O n e office in the house of great men is a taleteller, who bringeth his Lord on sleepe with tales vaine and frivolous, whereunto the number give sooth and credence. So light they are in beleeving whatsoever is with any countenance of gravitie affirmed by their Superiours, whom they esteeme and honour, that a lewd Prelate within these few yeares needy of money, was able to perswade his parish: T h a t S. Patricke in striving with S. Peter to let an Irish Galloglass into Heaven, had his head broken with the keyes, for whose reliefe he obtained a Collection. 117 "Without either precepte or observation of congruity they speake Latine like a vulgar language, learned in their common Schools of Leach-craft and Law, whereat they begin Children, and hold on sixteene or twentie yeares conning by roate the Aphorismes of Hypocraies, and the Civil Institutions, and a few other parings of those two faculties. I have seene them where they kept Schoole, ten in some one chamber, groveling upon couches of straw, their Bookes at their noses, themselves lying flatte prostrate, and so to chaunte out their lessons by peece-meale, being the most part lustie fellowes of twenty-five yeares and upwards. "Other Lawyers they have, liable to certaine families which after the custome of the country determine and judge causes. These consider of wrongs offered and received 114 Scholars of this name are mentioned by FM in 1422 and 1529 It is quite possible that the M S is of the fifteenth century. 1,5 O'Grady Cai. 8 5 - 1 4 1 . The marginalia are given in txitnso. Cf. G. U. Macnamara North ¡funster Archaeological Journal I I 149 sqq. "« Cf. p. 46 infra. 117 Campion, if the first, was certainly not the last alien whose condescending pity for the gullibility of the " n a t i v e s " has been the prelude to his own undoing.

HISTORY IN IRELAND

36

among their neighbours, be it murder or felony, or trespasse, all is redeemed by composition, (except the grudge of parties seeke revenge:) and the time they have from spoyling and proyning they lightly bestow in parling about such matters. The Breighoon (so they call this kind of Lawyer) sitteth him downe on a banke, the Lordes and gentlemen at variance round about him and then they proceede."1" M o r e detailed is the description of the schools of poetry given b y the editor of Memoirs of the Right Honourable the Marquis of Clanricarde, first published in London in 1722. 1 1 9 T h e conditions depicted must have been of the seventeenth century, when the confiscations had taken a w a y the lands of the poets: " C o n c e r n i n g the poetical s e m i n a r y , or school . . .

it was open only to such as were

descended of poets, and reputed within their tribes: A n d so was it with all the schools of t h a t kind in the nation, being equal to the number of families, t h a t followed the said calling: B u t some more or less frequented for the difference of professors, conveniency, with other reasons, and seldom a n y c o m e b u t from remote parts, to be at a distance from relations, and other a c q u a i n t a n c e , t h a t might interrupt his s t u d y .

The

qualifications first rcquir'd, were reading well, writing the mother-tongue, and a strong m e m o r y .

I t w a s likewise necessary the place shou'd be in the solitary recess

of a g a r d e n , or within a sept or inclosure, far out of the reach of a n y noise, which an intercourse of people m i g h t otherwise occasion.

T h e structure was a snug, low

hut, a n d beds in it a t convenient distances, each within a small a p a r t m e n t , without much furniture of a n y kind, s a v e only a table, some seats, and a conveniency for cloaths to hang u p o n .

N o w i n d o w s to let in the d a y , nor a n y light at all us'd b u t

that of candles, and these brought in at a proper season only.

T h e students upon

thorough examination being first divided into classes; wherein a regard was had to e v e r y ones age, genius and the schooling had before, if a n y at all; or otherwise.

The

professors, (one or more as there was occasion) g a v e a subject suitable to the c a p a c i t y of each class, determining the number of rhimes, and clearing w h a t was to be chiefly o b s e r v ' d therein as to syllables, quartans, concord, correspondence, termination, and union, each of which were restrain'd b y peculiar rules.

T h e said subject

(either

one or more as aforesaid) h a v i n g been given over night, t h e y work'd it a p a r t each b y himself upon his own bed, the whole next d a y in the dark, till at a certain hour in the night, lights being b r o u g h t in, t h e y c o m m i t t e d it to writing.

Being a f t e r w a r d s

dress'd and come together into a large room, where the masters waited, each scholar g a v e in his performance, which being corrected, or a p p r o v ' d of (according as it requir'd) cither the same or fresh s u b j e c t s were given against the next d a y .

T h i s part being

over, the students w e n t to their meal, which was then serv'd up; and so a f t e r some time spent in conversation, and other diversions, each retir'd to his rest, to be ready for the business of the next morning.

E v e r y S a t u r d a y , and on the eves of festival

d a y s , they broke up, and dispers'd themselves among the gentlemen and rich farmers of the c o u n t r y , b y w h o m t h e y were v e r y well entertain'd, and m u c h m a d e of, till 118

John's

A Historic Colledge,

( D u b l i n 1633).

oj Ireland, in Oxford:

Written

R e p r i n t in Ancient

in Holinshed's Chronicles

in the Yeare

1571 — B y E d m u n d C a m p i o n , sometime jellow

In Sir J a m e s W a r e ' s The Historic Irish

Histories

oj Ireland,

(Dublin 1809).

(London 1577).

11» I q u o t e from tbe D u b l i n , 1744, reprint, p p . c v i i - c i x .

collected by three learned

oj

St.

authors

T h e work w a s edited a n d published

HISTORY

IN

IRELAND

37

they thought fit to take their leaves, in order to reassume their study. Nor was the people satisfied with affording this hospitality alone; they sent in by turns every week from far and near, liquors, and all manner of provision towards the subsistence of the academy; so that the chief poet was at little or no charges, but on the contrary got very well by it, besides the presents made him by the students, upon their first coming, which was always at Michaelmas; and from thence to the 25th of March, during the cold season of the year only, did that close study last. At that time the scholars broke up, and repair'd each to his own country, with an attestation of his behaviour and capacity, from the chief professor, to those that sent h i m . ' n , °

The period of peace if not security which followed on the conquest of 1603 was marked by an extraordinary outburst of literary and scholarly activity. The survivors of the learned orders seized the occasion to gather up once more the national treasures. Their work was a conscious appeal from a doomed civilisation against the oblivion which it saw approaching. They realised that extinction was hovering over the story of Ireland's national past, and that the prejudices of English historians were like to write her epitaph. " T h e r e is, indeed, hardly to be found in the history of literature a more pathetic tale than that of the way in which Colgan and his fellow workers strove, amid poverty, and persecution, and exile, to save the remains of their country's antiquities from destruction." 1 2 1 From the ecclesiastical refugees on the continent came the prime impulse to this historical movement. There the interest in religious antiquities and hagiology was strong: the works of Surius and Baronius had but recently been completed, that of the Bollandists was just commencing. Henry Fitz Simon (1566 or 1569-1643 or 1645), 1 2 2 a native of Dublin who became a Jesuit and a famous protagonist of Catholicity in its Irish struggles, published in 1 6 1 1 a Catalogus praecipuorum sanctorum Hibertiiae, the beginning of Irish hagiological publication. Luke W a d d i n g 1 2 3 (1588-1657), a native of Waterford, educated at home, and at Lisbon, Salamanca, and other centres of learning abroad, became 1 2 0 On the schools, see also 0 . Bergin " B a r d i c P o e t r y " Iternian Journal V no. 1:1, and Daniel Corkery The Hidden Ireland (Dublin 1925) 5 9 - 8 9 . Though there is no description of the schools from the Irish side, there are numberless tributes to learning and literature.

Pleasant the scholar's life When his books surround him; ' T i s clear to ye, O people, No better is in Ireland.

O'er him the strongest lord Rules not as prince or king; F o r him no Church's dues, Nor fines nor early

rising.'

— F r o m an anonymous poem, probably of the seventeenth century, quoted by Corlcery, op. cit. 79. »' VV. 5 5 . Uib. I p. 1 n. 3. 1 2 1 See Edmund Hogan, ed. of his Words of comfort to persecuted Catholics (Dublin 1881}; and Distinguished Irishmen of the sixteenth century (Dublin 1894) 1 9 8 - 3 1 0 . Also DNB and Cath. Encycl. 1 2 3 See articles in D.V/J and Cath. Encycl., and references there given; also G. Cleary Father Luke Wadding and St. Isidore's College, Rome (Rome 1925).

HISTORY IN IRELAND

38

one of the foremost scholars of Europe. H e founded the Irish Franciscan College of St. Isidore at Rome, and, among his many voluminous undertakings, planned a history of Ireland, which, however, he was compelled to abandon. Another Waterford man, and a relative of Wadding, Peter L o m b a r d 1 2 4 (c. 1555-1625), who, after attending Westminster school and the university of Oxford, attained fame as a scholar at Louvain and Rome and was appointed by the Pope archbishop of Armagh, wrote a controversial work on Irish history entitled De regno Hiberniae sanctorum insulae commentarius.12S Lombard, who never returned to Ireland, had as administrator of his diocese David R o t h e 1 2 6 (1573-1650), of Kilkenny, afterwards bishop of Ossory, who had been educated at Douai and Salamanca. Rothe's first published work, the Analecta Sacra,127 was an account of the recent persecutions of his co-religionists in Ireland, but he projected, and labored at during a great part of his life, an ecclesiastical history of the country and a work entitled Hierographiae sacrae insulae Hiberniae lineamenta, a compilation of ecclesiastical and secular antiquities. The second at least of these was ready for publication at the time of his death, which took place in Kilkenny a few weeks after that city had been captured by Cromwell. A friend and co-worker of Rothe's was Thomas Messingham, 128 rector of the Irish College in Paris, who in 1624 published the first printed collection of the acta of Irish saints, Florilegium insula sanctorum. Stephen W h i t e 1 2 9 (1574-1646) of Clonmel, perhaps a relative of Thomas White, founder of the Irish College of Salamanca, was educated at that institution, became a Jesuit, and taught at Ingolstadt, Dilingen, and elsewhere in southern Germany. His antiquarian researches earned him a high reputation: he worked especially to recover the records and vindicate the Irish character of the " S c o t t i " who played such a prominent part in early mediaeval Europe. It happened that a number of members of the old families of hereditary literati had joined the order of St. Francis and become associated with the College of St. Anthony at Louvain in the Spanish Nether114

R e n e h a n Irish

( D u b l i n 1900);

Archbishops

(Dublin 1861);

S t u a r t (ed. C o l e m a n )

Historical

Memoirs

F i r s t p u b l i s h e d a t L o u v a i n in 1632; r e - e d i t e d a t D u b l i n b y P . K . M o r a n in 1868.

12i

C . P . M e e h a n The Rise and Fall 0/ the Irish

archy

(Dublin

127There

1872, and

later eds.);

Monasteries

and Memoirs

Ossoriense

(Dublin

of the Irish

Hier-

1874-84);

D\'B.

the complete

work

uas

Cf. P a t r i c k B o y l e The Irish

College

in Paris

(London

Encycl.

W . R e e v e s " M e m o i r of S t e p h e n W h i t e " Proc.

S t e p h e n W h i t e , S. J . " adversus Cambri

Armagh

A n e w e d . w a s p u b l i s h e d b y M o r a n in 1884.

N o t m u c h is k n o w n r e g a r d i n g M e s s i n g h a m .

a n d D u b l i n r905); Cath. 128

Franciscan

P . F . M o r a n Spicilegium

seems t o h a v e b e e n a n e d i t i o n of t h e first part in 1 6 1 6 o r earlier:

issued a t C o l o g n e 1 6 1 7 - 1 9 . 128

of

DNB.

125

Waterford

calumnias

Archaeological

RIA

Journal

V I I I (1861) 39-38;

I I I ( 1 8 9 7 ) ; D\B.

E

H o g a n " L i t e of F a t h e r

W h i t e ' s Apologia

w a s p u b l i s h e d w i t h n o t e s , e t c . , b y M a t t h e w K e l l y ( D u b l i n 1849).

pro

Hibernia

HISTORY IN

IRELAND

39

lands. 130 The college was founded by Flaithri Ô Mâil-Chonaire, called also Florence Conroy 131 (1560-1629), of the Connacht family of historians, who became provincial of his order and archbishop of Tuam. Among the inmates were Aedh Mac Cathmhaoil, or Hugh MacCaghwell 1 3 2 (1571-1626)—native of Down and friend of Aedh ô Néill of Tir-Eoghain—who, after studying at Salamanca, joined the Franciscans and was appointed guardian or superior of St. Anthony's; Aedh Mac an Bhâird, or Hugh Ward 1 3 3 (1590-1635), of a Tir-Conaill family of historians, also a graduate of Salamanca, and MacCaghwell's successor at Louvain; Mael-Brigde or Gilla-Brigde O hEoghasa, otherwise Bonaventura O'Hosey or O'Hussey 1 3 4 (d. 1614), of a Fir-Manach family of bards, educated at Douai but one of the original community of St. Anthony's, of which he was guardian at his death—he is said to have borne among his brethren a high reputation for his knowledge of Irish literature and antiquities; John Colgan 1 3 5 (1592-1658), of the family Ô Colgâin, holders of the office of airchinnech of Domnach-môr, or Donaghmore, in Inis-Eoghain, 136 educated under MacCaghwell at Louvain; Antony Hickey 1 3 7 (1586-1641), of the Thomond family of Ô hlcidh, pupil and colleague of MacCaghwell and Ward at Louvain, and later collaborator with Luke Wadding at Rome; Tadhg, or, in religion, Micheâl Ô Cléirigh—Michael O'Clery 1 3 8 —who, after being trained to the historical profession hereditary in his family, 1 3 9 became a lay brother at Louvain; Christopher, in religion Patrick, Fleming 1 4 0 (1599-1631), of the Anglo-Irish kindred of the barons of Slane, who, educated at Douai, became a Franciscan at Louvain in 1617. These men undertook to make Louvain an asylum of Irish culture. Hugh Ward, with the assistance of his colleagues in the college, and with the encouragement of Luke Wadding at Rome and of Rosweyde and the 1 3 0 On the historical work of the Irish Franciscans at Louvain see articles b y De Buck, Gilbert and M u r p h y cited supra, p. 29; also 1ER V I I (1871) 3 1 - 4 3 , 56-77, 193-216, 268-89, a Q d Tourneur Esquisse d'une histoire des éludes celtiques (Liège 1905). A thorough study of the subject is a desideratum of Irish history. Cf. M . Esposito Proc. RIA X X X I I (1913) C v 80 n.

DSB; Calh. Encyd.; and references there given. >" Ibid. ™Ibid. Also 1ER V I I (1871) 56-77. m ibid.; also O ' G r a d y Cat. 407 n.; Studies V I I (June 1918) 279; Flower Cat. pp. xxvii, 27 sq. l u Reeves's memoir on Colgan in UJA I (1853); C . P. Meehan The Rise and Pali of the Irish Franciscan Monasteries and Memoirs of the Irish Hierarchy (Dublin 1877); Doherty Inis-Owen and Tirconnell, being some account of antiquities and writers of the county of Donegal (Dublin 1895) 49-52, 71-106; Calh. Encycl. s. ». 181

O ' G r a d y Cat. 342 n. DSB; Cath. Encyd.; and references there given. ' » O ' C MS Mai. 142-78; DSB; Tourneur Esquisse d'une histoire des lludes celtiques (Liège 1905). l w It would appear from the preface to his Glossary that O ' C l e r y studied under Baothghalach ruadh Mac Aedhag&in, and perhaps S e i n ô Mâil-Chonaire and Flann M a c A e d h a g i i n . 1 « 1ER V I I (1871) 193-216; DSB; Calh. Encyd.; and references; also R . J. Kelly " T h e Irish Franciscans at P r a g u e " Jour. RSAI L I I ii (1922). 116 1,7

HISTORY IN IRELAND

4°

other early Bollandists in the Netherlands, drew up a plan for a Thesaurus Antiquitalum Hibernicarum, civil as well as religious. T h e work thereon was executed under the general direction of Ward, and, after his death, of Colgan. 1 4 1 T h e first object was to collect at Louvain as many as possible of the historical sources, either originals or transcripts. For this purpose communications were opened with all persons likely to be of assistance. Stephen White sent copies of several important manuscripts discovered by him in German and Swiss monasteries. Of the members of the order, Patrick Fleming and another friar named Brendan O ' C o n o r were deputed to gather material in Europe. Some of Fleming's letters to Ward in connection with the undertaking have been preserved. 1 4 2 An important collection of documents regarding Columbanus, some of them copied in the monastery of Bobbio, was left by him in Flanders when, in N o v e m b e r , 1630, he was sent to Prague as head of the Irish Franciscan College in that city. He never resumed his hagiological investigations: in the course of the T h i r t y Years' W a r a Protestant army under the Elector of Saxony advanced against Prague in the autumn of 1631, and Father Fleming, fleeing from the city, was murdered by some peasants on 7 November. T h e chief work, however, had to be done in Ireland, and thither went Brother Michael O ' C l e r y , charged with the task of making exact transcripts of all the manuscripts in the Irish language, bearing on religious history, that he could discover. 1 4 3 He remained in Ireland continuously, or with b u t short intervals of absence, from 1620 to 1642. His industry was enormous: many of his manuscripts survive, and from the colophons added to them, if collected, a fairly complete record of his work could be constructed. He made his headquarters with the friars of Donegal in their establishment on the river Drowse, between the present counties of Donegal and Leitrim, whither they seem to have removed after the destruction of their house at Donegal during the Elizabethan wars. His brother Mael-Muire, or, in religion, Bernardin O ' C l e r y was superior of this community. There the manuscripts Michael collected or transcribed were assembled, and there he made fair second copies of m a n y documents. Cf. P l u m m e r VV. SS. nib.

1,1

I (1910) p p . x-xi, xviii-xix.

! « / £ « V I I ( 1 8 7 1 ) 56 77, 1 9 3 - 2 1 6 . 143

O t h e r m e n h e l p e d in t h e c o l l e c t i o n , a n d p e r h a p s in t h e t r a n s c r i p t i o n of t e x t s .

T h e Stowe

MS

R I A A . 4. 1, a c o l l e c t i o n of s a i n t s ' L i v e s c o p i e d in 1627 b y D o m n a l l 0 D u i n n i n f o r F r a n c i s 0

Mathgamna

( O ' M a h o n y ) , F r a n c i s c a n P r o v i n c i a l in C o r k , w a s , d o u b t l e s s , i n t e n d e d t o s e r v e t h e s a m e

undertaking.

C/- P- 3 ° 9 infra. Hib.

O n O ' M a h o n y , s e e t h e Franciscan

(1925) 157 n .

Tertiary

I I I ii ( M a r . 1897) a n d P l u m m e r Misc.

hag.

HISTORY IN

IRELAND

4i

T h e White, Fleming, O ' C l e r y and other collections gradually came together a t Louvain, where remained the tasks of collating, translating into Latin, annotating, and editing for the press. Ward on his death left several treatises prepared for publication, the majority of them designed to form part of the " p r o l e g o m e n a . " Colgan carried on the editorial work, and in 1645 and 1647 published a t Louvain the third and second volumes of the whole design. T h e third volume, issued in 1645, is entitled Acta Sanctorum . . . . Iliberniae . . . . tomus primus, and includes Lives of the Irish saints whose festivals fall within the months January, February and M a r c h ; the second volume, Triadis Thaumaturgae, contains documents relating to the three great saints, Patrick, Brigit and Colum-cille. Michael O'Glery had died a few months before the 1645 volume appeared, and, whether because his loss interfered with the treatment of the Irish texts, or because the Cromwcllian conquest destroyed all hope of further literary and financial help from Ireland, 1 4 4 Colgan proceeded no further with publication. He died in 1658, leaving in manuscript three treatises on the early Irish saints of the continent of Euro p e . 1 4 5 T h o m a s O'Sherin, one of his disciples, published W a r d ' s Ada S. Rumoldi in 1662, and Fleming's Collectanea sacra in 1667. B u t the Louvain movement had had a development on Irish soil which has overshadowed it in fame. O ' C l e r y , trained historian of the Irish schools, evidently found the work of exact transcription, to which he was bound by his instructions, very irksome, 1 4 6 scrupulously conscientious though he was in its performance. He obtained permission to devote part of his time to works in Irish after the manner of the old historical schools, and for this purpose associated with himself several of the still surviving professional historians. T h e first of their compilations is the RHm Rioghraide, "Succession of K i n g s , " work on which was begun in 1624: it was carried out at the expense of Toirdhelbhach, or Turlough, M a g Cochlain, of the old ruling family of Delbna (bar. Garrycastle, co. Offalley), and the final writing s e e m s 1 4 7 to have been finished on November 4, 1630, in the Franciscan friary of A t h 144

H u g h O ' R e i l l y , a r c h b i s h o p of A r m a g h , h a d b o r n e a l a r g e p a r t of t h e e x p e n s e of p u b l i s h i n g t h e

Sanctorum 144

v o l u m e , a n d T h o m a s F l e m i n g , a r c h b i s h o p of D u b l i n , of Triadis

Acta

Thaumaturgae.

I n t h e Bibl. roy., Brussels, a n d t h e Franciscan C o n v e n t , M e r c h a n t s Q u a y , Dublin, a r e m a n y writ-

ings connected with the work at Louvain.

W . R e e v e s h a s e d i t e d , Proc.

RIA

V I 372-5, a

"Catalogus

a c t u u m s a n c t o r u m q u a e M S h a b e n t u r ordine m e n s i u m et d i e r u m , " covering t h e m o n t h s April t o D e c e m b e r , e v i d e n t l y a d r a f t f o r t h e u n p u b l i s h e d v o l s , of t h e Acta 1 « Cf. P l u m m e r BNE 147

Cj. p . 44 infra,

I p . xiii.

n . 159.

Sanctorum.

42

HISTORY IN IRELAND

lone. 148 It was designed to assist the work at Louvain by giving a list of the successive kings of Ireland, and the genealogies of the saints descended from them. 148a The following is extracted from the preface: "Upon its having been observed b y certain parties of the true order 1 4 9 of S t . Francis that the holiness and righteousness of their mother and nurse, Ireland, had perceptibly diminished, through not having the lives, wonders and miracles of her saints disseminated within her, nor yet made known in other kingdoms, the counsel they adopted was to send from them into Ireland a poor Friar Minor of their own, the Observantine, Order, Micheil 0 Cliirigh (a chronicler by descent and education), in order to collect into one place all the books of authority in which he could discover anything that related to the sanctity of her saints, with their pedigrees and genealogies. Upon the arrival of the aforesaid friar, he searched through every part of Ireland in which he had heard that there was a good or even a bad book, so that he spent four full years in transcribing and procuring the matters that related to the saints of Ireland. However, though great his labor and his hardships, he was able to find but a few out of the many of them, because strangers had carried off the principal books of Ireland into remote and unknown foreign countries and nations, so that they have left her but an insignificant part of her books. After what the aforesaid friar could find had been collected to one place, what he thought of and decided to do was this, to bring together in one place three persons whom he should consider most suitable to finish the work he had undertaken (with the consent of his superiors), for the purpose of examining all the collections that he had made. These were Ferfeasa 0 M£ilChonaire, of Baile Oi Miil-Chonaire, county Roscommon; Cu-c6igcriche 0 Cleirigh, 1 6 0 of Baile Oi Cliirigh, county Donegal; and C» Ibid. 90-135.

HISTORY IN

54

IRELAND

some local shanachie reciting one of bis innumerable Gaelic tales. T h e story-teller never chose his own words — he always had the story by heart, and recited the words from memory, often gliding into a sort of recitative in poetical passages, or when he came to some favourite grandiose description abounding in high-sounding alliterative adjectives. And very interesting it was to mark the rapt attention of the audience, and to hear their excited exclamations when the speaker came to relate some mighty combat,some great exploit of the hero,or some other striking i n c i d e n t . " 1 "

Something of this traditional culture has continued unbroken in communities where the daily speech is Irish. On the Continent text-books of the Irish language began to appear for the use of students. Francis O'Molloy (d. c 1684), a survivor of the famous company of Irish Franciscan scholars, and the successor of Luke Wadding as head of St. Isidore's, published at Rome in 1677 the first Irish grammar in print." 7 Francis Walsh, of the same order, lector jubilate in divinity at St. Anthony's, Louvain, compiled a manuscript dictionary in 1706 and a grammar in 1 7 1 3 ; " 8 Aodh MacCruitin, a bard, published a grammar at Louvain in 1728, and, in conjunction with a priest, Conor O'Begley, an English-Irish dictionary at Paris, 1 7 3 2 ; 1 " Andrew Donlevy (1694-?), prefect of the Irish College at Paris, prefixed a grammar to his Irish catechism published there in 1742 ;200 and John O'Brien (d. 1769), bishop of Cloyne, published the first IrishEnglish dictionary at the same place in 1768."" In 1765 O'Brien and John O'Mulconry, or Conry, had compiled in France the so-called " D u b l i n Annals of Innisfalien." 202 T h e Abbé Mageoghegan (1702-1764), sprung from the Westmeath family to which the translator of the Annals of Clonmacnois had belonged, educated at the Irish College in Paris, and appointed for a time chaplain to the Irish brigade in the service of France, was the author of a history of Ireland which still deserves some attention. 505 In addition to Colgan, Lynch and other printed sources he made considerable use of the Great Book of Lecan, at that time in France. Of the hundreds of scribes, the majority farmers and laborers who in their scanty leisure copied their country's records and literature, the names of only a few can be mentioned: Seán Ó Neachtain, or O'Naghton (d. 1729), and his son, Tadhg or Teig 204 (1671- c 1749), of Meath and Dublin, two of the most voluminous and most '»« P . W . J o y c e Old Celtic Grammatica

197

Latino-[1

(London 1879) Preface.

Romances

(Rome 1677).

iber nica. nunc compcnditita

e s t a n d v a l u e , was p u b l i s h e d , L a t i n t e x t a n d t r a n s . , b y T o m á s ô 198 Cf. A b b o t t a n d G w y n n Cal. Ir. MSS. The Elements

Irish

Dictionary.

and

599. 200

An

201

Focaláir

Cf. DVB 202

of the Irish

An Focloir

Language,

Bearla

Gaoidheilge

(Paris 1742;

Teagasg Criasduidhe

Gaoidhilge-Sax-fíhéarla

T . 0 D o n n c h a d h a Dinta

T C D 1281 (H. i . 7).

TCD

Calk.

1763).

(1921) 123; O ' G r a d y C a * . 167.

grammatically

Sheiin

(Louvain 1728);

The

English-

History

of Ire-

3rd ed. D u b l i n 1 8 4 8 ) .

Dictionary

Ûi Mhurchadha

( P a r i s 1768; and e d . D u b l i n 1832).

( D u b l i n 1907) p p . x x i x , x x x i x .

Cf. A b b o t t a n d G w y n n Cat. Ir. MSS

TCD

( 1 9 2 1 ) 16, 6 4 . 3 vols. ( P a r i s 1 7 5 8 ,

1762,

Trans, by Patrick O'Kelly (Dublin 1831-2);

with

de l'Irlande

continuation by John Mitchell (New York 1868). XXVI

in English

CJ. D o u g l a s H y d e Literary

2nd e d . D u b l i n 1 8 2 2 ;

T h e work is d e d i c a t e d t o t h e I r i s h B r i g a d e .

2nd ed.

explained

(Paris 1732).

or An Irish-English

203 L ' a b b é J a c q u e s M a g e o g h e g a n Histoire

201

Cf.

s. v. " M o l l o y . "

Encycl. 1M

T b e p r o s o d y , w h i c h is still of i n t e r -

Flannghaile (Dublin 1908).

ancienne

et moderne

O n M a g e o g h e g a n see Biographie

universelle

Michaud,

33.

A p o e m b y T a d h g , giving a list of 26 I r i s h l i t e r a r y m e n residing in D u b l i n a b o u t 1 7 2 6 9 , is p r i n t e d

b y T . F . O ' R a h i l l y in Gatlelica

I ( D u b l i n 1912 3 ) 1 5 6 - 6 2 . — O n t h e work of t h e O ' N e a c h t a i n s , a n d some

o t h e r s of t h e s e s c r i b e s , c o n s u l t t h e index t o A b b o t t a n d G w y n n Cat. Ir. MSS 8 8 sqq, 9 8 sqq.

Seán c a m e originally from

Roscommon.

TCD

(1921) and FlowerCo/.

HISTORY

IN

IRELAND

55

learned writers of their time—Tadhg prepared an extensive Irish-English dictionary; 10 * Aindrias Mac Cruitin, or Andrew MacCurtin, of Enistymon, Clare, "one of the best, if not the very best, Irish scholar of his day"; 1 0 ' Dermot O'Conor, author of a poor translation of Keating's history;' 07 John cldrack MacDonnell , 0 * (1691-1754) — poet, scribe, and author of a history of Ireland, now lost — president of the Court of Poetry which assembled regularly at either Rath Luirc (Charleville), in Cork,or the neighboring Bruree, in Limerick county; Sedn (5 Murchadha, or John M u r p h y " ' (1700-1763), of Raheenagh, near Blarney, county Cork, a poet and a good and prolific scribe, last head of the Court of Poetry of Whitechurch, itself sprung from the ancient bardic school of Blamey; Hugh O'Daly, an industrious but careless copyist who seems to have been at work between 1720 and 1760— he worked for Dr. Francis Stoughton Sullivan, fellow of Trinity College from 1738 until his death in 1766, who from that stronghold of ascendancy displayed a zeal for Irish literature in one of its darkest hours; Aodh 0 Maol-Bhuaidh, or Hugh O'Molloy, a good scribe who was writing for Dr. O'Fergus in 1734-5; Muiris, or Maurice, O'Gorman, a scribe of the second half of the century from whom we have a large number of not very accurate manuscripts; Muirfs O'Conor," 0 a shipwright of Cork — where he was writing in 1778-82 —who had been a pupil of John Murphy of Raheenagh; Michael O'Longan, of the second half of the eighteenth century, his sons Michael and Peter, and his grandsons Peter, Paul and Joseph, a family of accomplished penmen, of whom Joseph (d. 1880) was the last professional Irish scribe;" 1 Denis O'Flynn, a grocer of Cork, early in the nineteenth century, " a professed, but very indifferent, Irish scholar";* 1 ' Eoghan Caomh&nach, or Eugene Kavanagh," 3 a country schoolmaster in Limerick and Clare at the same period, and his brother Thomas, of the city of Limerick; John Collins " 4 (1754-1817) of Myross in Carbery, schoolmaster, scholar and poet, who began an English-Irish dictionary and a history of Ireland in Irish. In general, the work of these e i g h t e e n t h and nineteenth-century scribes, a l t h o u g h important for texts of the modern period, is of little value for those of the early middle ages. T h e y had no real understanding of Old Irish—although in some cases a certain a m o u n t of traditional k n o w l e d g e — a n d frequently corrupted the t e x t s they did not comprehend, either through inaccuracies or through ignorant a t t e m p t s at e m e n d a t i o n and modernisation. N e v e r t h e l e s s it is probable t h a t with the g r o w t h of knowledge of the language in all its periods it will be possible to m a k e greater use of such modern corrupt texts. TCD 1290 (H. 1. 16), said to have been compiled 1734 49.

Cf. Hyde Literary History of Ireland

597-9«M O'C MS Mat. 334. M7 The General History of Ireland . . . (Dublin 1723; also London 1723; 2nd ed. Westminster 1726; j r d e d . London 1732; 4th ed. London 1738; 5th ed. Dublin 1809). Cf. Flower Cat. 36, 39, 174. 108 Hyde Literary History of Ireland 600-1; Corkery The Hidden Ireland 257-61. 103 O Grady Cat. 515; Corkery op. cit. 112-5; Flower Cat. 385. Some of his poems have been edited by Prof. Tadhg 0 Donnchadlia, op. cit. »10 O'Grady Cat. 34 sqq; Flower Cat. 48, 377, 385, 622-3. Cf. HZ in Sittungsberichie i. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. 1910 LI 1091 n. 2. i " O'C MS Mat. 196; cf. O'Grady Cat. 563. O'Grady Cat. 630, 664. 114 Corkery op. cit. 298-302; P. 0 hAnnrachiin Gaelic Jcurnal XVIII 261,300; Flower Cat. 233. Information regarding many other scribes will be found in Flower Cat.

HISTORY IN IRELAND A few men of Irish blood were still in a position to collect manuscripts and, in a small way, to promote Irish researches. John Conry, of the ancient family of 0 Mail-Chonaire, was living in Dublin in 1724, when he had "great numbers of our Historico-Poetical Composures," including what are now known as the Annals of Ulster, the Annals of Loch Ce, and the Annals of the Four Masters, " a n d (being a perfect Master of their Language and Prosodid) knows how to make the best use of them." 2 1 5 Dr. John Fergus, or O ' F e r g u s 2 1 6 (d. 1761), a wellknown Dublin physician, a member, doubtless, of the M a y o family of hereditary medical men bearing this name, made a large collection of Irish manuscripts, including some that had belonged to Conry. Even of more prominence was his friend Charles O ' C o n o r 2 1 7 (1710-1791) of Belanagare, county Roscommon, first leader in the constitutional struggle for the civil and religious liberties of the Irish people, who was the most valuable servant Irish history had in the eighteenth century. He was of the family of the O'Conor Don, but only a small portion of the ancestral property was saved for him. 2 1 8 He received his education from several Irish priests and scholars, including Toirrdhealbhach (5 Cearbhallain, or Turlough Carolan (d. 1738), the famous harper, but chiefly from his maternal uncle Thaddeus Francis O'Rourke, bishop of Killala, who, although he had been chaplain and secretary to Prince Eugene of Savoy, was in Ireland pursued by the priest-hunters and died as a result of exposure while fleeing from arrest. O'Conor obtained from Bishop O'Rourke the autograph copy of the Annals of the Four Masters, which he had brought back from the Continent, where it had been presented to him by Colonel O'Gara, descendant of Fergal O'Gara, the patron of that compilation. From an uncle of his mother he received some of the manuscripts of Roderic O'Flaherty. He devoted himself throughout life to the encouragement of students of literature and history, and to the collection and transcription of old books. " I wish to save as many as I can of the ancient manuscripts of Ireland from the 116

B i s h o p N i c h o l s o n The Irish

Historical

Library

( D u b l i n 1724) 243-6, where a p a r t i a l list of C o n r y ' s

M S S is g i v e n . 116

Cf. p. a s supra", also Sir John G i l b e r t in Irish Quarterly

Cat. Ir. MSS 117

TCD

Gentleman's

Review, 1853, p. 610 n.; A b b o t t a n d G w y n n

(1921) pp. xii-iiv. Magasine

of the late Charles O'Conor,

A u g . 1791 p. 776; t h e R e v . C h a s . O ' C o n o r Memoirs

of Belenagare,

Esq., M. R.I.

oj the life and

writings

A. v o l . I ( D u b l i n (1796I) (all p u b l i s h e d ; t h e a u t h o r

d e s t r o y e d t h e M S of t h e s e c o n d v o l . , a n d so f a r as possible suppressed the first!; J. T . G i l b e r t in 8th Report Hist.

MSS

Comm.

(1881) 4 4 1 - 9 1 ; J. J. K e l l y " C h a r l e s O ' C o n o r o l B e l a n a g a r e " IER

7 3 1 - 8 , I V (1883) 226-34, 573-83, v O'Conois 118

of Connaught

( D u b l i n 1891);

3rd ser. I l l (1882)

(1884) 235-42, 786-95, V I (1885) 5 6 0 - 7 1 ; T h e O ' C o n o r D o n The D.\B.

E v e n this m o d e r a t e c o m p e t e n c e w a s m u c h reduced w h e n his y o u n g e s t brother b e c a m e a P r o t e s t a n t

a n d on t h a t ground filed a c l a i m t o t h e B e l a n a g a r e e s t a t e . b y a large m o n e y p a y m e n t .

C h a r l e s w a s compelled to c o m p o u n d w i t h him

HISTORY IN

IRELAND

57

wreck which has overwhelmed everything that once belonged to us." He did much careful investigation into Irish history, but his published dissertations are marred by the influence of the theories of O'Flaherty. 2 1 9 A contemporary of O'Conor was Dr. Sylvester O'Halloran 2 2 0 (17281807), of Limerick, who, having studied at the medical schools of Paris and Leyden, attained to a great reputation as a physician and surgeon his History of Ireland, published in 1774, is of importance now only as marking the beginning of such publications in the English language by writers of Irish origin. 221 In the world of European letters, throughout the eighteenth century, the history and literature of Ireland were, in general, unknown and ignored; by the majority of English speakers, both in England and in Ireland, they were regarded with contempt. The first great influence in breaking down this barrier of ignorance and prejudice was the pseudoOssianic poems published b y the Scotsman James Macpherson, in 1760-3. 222 In the "Romantic Movement," of which he was one of the chief fore-runners, the literatures of Ireland, Scotland and Wales gradually came into their due honor. " T h e arrival of James Macpherson marks a great moment in the history of Celtic literature. I t was the signal for a general resurrection. It would seem as if he sounded the trumpet, and the graves of ancient manuscripts were opened, the books were read, and the dead were judged out of the things that were written in them." 2 2 3 Several writers, predecessors or contemporaries of Macpherson, were preparing the way for this new interest in ancient Ireland. Most Important was Edward Lhuyd, or Llwyd (1660-1709), a Welshman, keeper of the Ashmolean Museum, who travelled extensively in Wales, Scotland, Ireland and Brittany. While in Ireland in 1700 he made the acquaintance of Roderic O'Flaherty, Thady O'Roddy, and other antiquarians, and collected many manuscripts. T h e first and only volume of his Archaeologia Britannica, published in 1707, contained lexicographical and other philological matter regarding the Irish, Welsh, 111 Dissertations on the Ancient History of Ireland (Dublin 1753); 2nd ed., with remarks on Macpherson's Ossian, 1766. Three essays "On the History of Ireland during the times of heathenism " were published in Vall&ncey's Collectanea. The introduction and other editorial matter which he added to O'Flaherty's Ogygia Vindicated, published by him at Dublin in 1775, are of value, and contain information regarding both O'Flaherty and An Dubhaltach Mac Fir-Bhisigh. **>DNB. m O'Halloran also published Insula Sacra (1770), An Introduction to the study of the history and antiquities of Ireland (1772), and I erne Defended (1774), essays asserting the validity of the ancient Irish records and urging their preservation. m Pratments of Ancient Poetry collected in the Hifhlands (Edinburgh r76o); Fingal (London 1761); Temora (London 1763). *»» Dr. Magnus MacLe&n, quoted by MacN, Phases of Irish History (Dublin r9i9) 8.

HISTORY IN IRELAND Cornish and Breton languages, and was the first work to establish for the reading public the kinship of these as being all " C e l t i c " tongues. The doctrine of the relationship of the early inhabitants of the British Isles with the Celts and Gauls of classical authors had been advanced first, apparently, by the well-known Scottish scholar, George Buchanan (1506-1582), in his History of Scotland published in 1582, but his argument seems to have attracted little attention. 224 But since Lhuyd's time the Celtic family of peoples has received recognition from scholars and, gradually, from the general public. The Irish Historical Library,225 by William Nicholson, bishop of Derry, and the Bibliotheca Britannico-Hibernica 2 2 6 of the English antiquarian, Thomas Tanner, were important in their time and still have interest for the investigator in bibliography. Mervyn Archdall (17231791), a native of Dublin, descendant of an Elizabethan settler, spent his life in antiquarian researches the result of which was his Monasticon Hibernicum 227— a rather poor imitation of Dugdale's great English work — which has still some value. Two other Dublin men who also, like Archdall, were graduates of Trinity College and clergymen of the established Church of Ireland, devoted themselves to Irish history: Thomas Leland (1722-1785), author of a History of Ireland 2 2 8 published in 1773, and Edward Ledwich (1738-1823), who assisted Archdall and Vallancey, wrote a book of his own on Irish antiquities, 229 and edited another by the English antiquarian Francis Grose. 230 The ignorance and the combination of childish scepticism and childish credulity in these authors leave their works of no value except as milestones in the history of Irish historiography. A further and more important milestone is marked by the works of Charles Vallancey 2 3 1 ( 1 7 2 1 - 1 8 1 2 ) , who, in his collection of treatises entitled Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis, for the first time published texts and translations of early Irish literary and historical sources. Vallancey was an English military engineer of French Protestant parentage, 121

Cf. M a c N " T h e R e - D i s c o v e r y of the C e l t s " Irish Review Dec. 1 9 1 3 pp. 5 2 2 - 3 2 . The Irish Historical Library. Pointing at mast of the authors and records in print and manuscript, which may be serviceable to the compilers of a general history of Ireland, by William, Lord Bishop of Derry (Dublin 1 7 2 4 ) . 225

» » E d . by D a v i d Wilkins (London 1 7 4 8 ) . Cf. p. 109 infra. History of Ireland from the Invasion of Henry II, with a preliminary discourse on the ancient state of that kingdom 3 vols. (Dublin 1 7 7 3 ; 3rd ed. 1774). 22 * Antiquities of Ireland 2 vols. (Dublin 1790; 2nd ed. 1794 6). 230 Aniiquities of Ireland 2 vols. (London 1 7 9 1 - 5 ) . T h e plates which illustrate the works of Ledwich and Grose are important as records of the then apjiearance of the antiquities. 228

231 Cf. DSB. His publications include An Essay on the antiquity of the Irish language, being a coHation of the Irish with the Punic language (Dublin 1 7 7 2 ) ; A Grammar of the Iberno-Celtic, or Irish Language (Dublin 1 7 7 3 ; 2nd ed. 1 7 8 2 ) ; (ed.) Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis 6 vols. (Dublin 1 7 7 0 - 1 8 0 4 ) .

HISTORY IN

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59

who came to Ireland in 1762, remained there the rest of his life, rose to the rank of general, and devoted his spare time and energies to the Irish language, literature and history. The Irish speakers whom he engaged to assist him seem to have been but indifferent scholars, and his own contributions consisted of shallow theorising: his works, indeed, are examples of a considerable class which appeared in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, composed in almost entire ignorance of the original sources and founded on various imaginative theories, such as the identity of the Irish with the Phoenicians or the Chalmucks or the American Indians. Nevertheless Vallancey's enthusiasm, and the prestige which his position imparted, contributed very much to the advancement of Irish studies. Coeval with his publications were two others, containing translations of Irish texts, in which the fruits of the movement inaugurated by James Macpherson are clearly seen — Historical Memoirs of the Irish Bards,232 by Joseph C. Walker, and Reliques 0/ Irish Poetry,233 by Charlotte Brooke. The "Romantic Movement," the relaxation of the penal laws, the growth of an Irish national sentiment among the British colonists in Ireland, the influence of Vallancey and his friends, all made possible the development of a genuine movement for the rehabilitation of native Irish scholarship. In 1772 the "Dublin Society" had appointed a committee to make enquiries on Irish antiquities; the committee soon disappeared, but a few of its members cooperated with Vallancey in bringing out his Collectanea. About 1782 a little society, chiefly of Trinity College men, was formed which met weekly for the reading of essays. "Anxious to make their labours redound to the honour and advantage of their country they formed a plan more extensive, and admitting such additional names only as might add dignity to their new institution, or by their publications had given sure ground to hope advantage from their labours, became the founders of the Royal Irish Academy." 2 3 4 The first volume of Transactions appeared in 1787. The Royal Irish Academy, by its consistent encouragement of literary and historical research and by its collection of manuscripts and antiquities has per1 " Dublin 1786. ' « Dublin 1789. From Preface to Vol. I of the Transactions. T h e members included the R e v . M e r v y n Archdall, Sir Joseph Banks, John T a l b o t Dillon, Baron of the H o l y R o m a n Empire, C h a r l e s O'Conor of Belanagare. Sylvester O'Halioran, Archibald Hamilton Rowan, Col. Charles Vallancey, the R e v . T h o m a s Leland, Richard Lovel Edgeworth, and many of the leading statesmen of the day, as William Conyngham, Isaac C o n y , John Philpot Curran, Denis D a l y , Henry Flood, John Forbes, John Forster, Henry G r a t t a n , John Hely Hutchinson, Sir Lucius O'Brien, George Ogle, Laurence Parsons, Charles Francis Sheridan, Arthur Wolfe, John Wolfe and Barry Yelverton. Among those subsequently admitted were the Marquess of Antrim, the Earl of Moira, John Monck Mason, Arthur Browne, Dr. W h i t l e y Stokes, the Rev. Edward Ledwich, Dr. William Drennan, Dr. William James M c N e v e n , the R e v . James Whitelaw. 134

HISTORY IN IRELAND

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formed a service for national scholarship of incalculable

value. 2 3 5

In Dublin in the last years of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth there was a considerable group of workers on Irish history and literature. Among these were, besides Vallancey and Ledwich, Theophilus O'Flanagan, the brothers William and Charles Haliday, Edward O'Reilly, Dr. John Lanigan, James Hardiman and Sir William Betham. O'Flanagan, William Haliday, O'Reilly, Lanigan and Father Paul O'Brien, 236 professor of Irish at Maynooth, were associated in founding the "Gaelic Society of Dublin," the earliest of organisations intended to protect the interests of the Irish language. It remained in existence long enough to publish, in 1808, one volume of Transactions, in which O'Flanagan edited several Irish texts. William Haliday 2 3 7 (1788-1812), a Dublin solicitor, learned Irish, published an Irish grammar 2 3 8 and the first volume of an edition, with translation, of Keating's History, 239 and at the time of his death was collecting materials for an Irish dictionary. His brother Charles 2 4 0 (1789-1866), a merchant, was no linguist, but he made a hobby of investigations into the early history of Dublin, especially under Norse rule. 241 Edward O'Reilly (d. 1829), of the O'Reillys of Cavan, came to Dublin about 1790, obtained William Haliday's lexicographical notes, and in 1817 published an Irish-English dictionary, 242 much the best which had till then appeared. In 1818 another short-lived Irish-language association, the " Iberno-Celtic Society," was formed, and O'Reilly was appointed secretary; its only publication was his catalogue of Irish writers, 243 a very important piece of investigation. He also contributed treatises on Irish subjects, valuable in their time, to the Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy. 2 4 4 The Rev. Dr. Lanigan 2 4 5 (1758-1825), another T h e Transactions of the Academy were published from 1787 to 1907; another series, the Proceedings, begun in 1836, is in progress. Cf. p. 94 infra. i36Cf. " A Biographical Sketch of the Rev. Paul O ' B r i e n " Irish Magazine and Monthly Asylum for Neglected Biography III (Dublin 1810) 30-2. He was the author of A Practical Grammar of the Irish Language (Dublin i8og) and of several Irish poems, one of which has been edited by J. H. Lloyd, Gaelic Journal X (r89g) 18 9. »«

DNB.

Uraicechl na Gaedhilge A Grammar of the Gaelicl anguage (Dublin 1808). T h e introduction is signed " E . O ' C , " i.e., Edmond O'Connell, a name adopted by Haliday in some of his Irish work, it is said because of the prejudice then existing against the Irish language. " » Dublin 1811. !« DNB. 138

5 4 1 His papers on this subject were collected and edited, after his death, by John P. Prendergast: The Scatuliruivuin Kingdom of Dublin (Dublin 1881; 2nd ed. 1884).

2 « An Irish-English Dictionary (Dublin 1817; and ed. 1821; 3rd ed., by O ' D , 1864). Cf. p. 96 infra. Transactions of the Iberrw-Celtic Society for 1820 vol. I part I (Dublin 1820). " A n Essay on the nature and influence of the ancient Irish institutes, commonly called Brehon L a w s " Trans. R1A X I V (1825) 141-226; Essay on the authenticity of the poems of Ossian, ibid. X V I pt. I, " P o l i t e Literature" 163-336. S43

»« DNR;

Cath. Encycl. X V I .

HISTORY IN

IRELAND

61

member of this Dublin group, the son of a schoolmaster of Cashel who was of the Ui Langachlin of Ui Cuanach, or Coonagh, in Limerick and Tipperary, had received a scholarship in the Irish College in Rome, taken a brilliant course there, and become professor of ecclesiastical history and Hebrew in the University of Padua. At the Napoleonic invasion of 1796 he left Padua and returned to Ireland. Some aspersions cast on his orthodoxy caused him to resign an appointment as professor at Maynooth, and in 1799 he was, at the suggestion of Vallancey, made assistant librarian and foreign correspondent of the Royal Dublin Society. He was a leading figure in the little group of Irish scholars now growing up in Dublin. He became the Lingard of Irish church history, and his monumental work on that subject 2 4 6 remains of value: it was in part inspired by a desire to refute the mistakes of Ussher, Archdall, and especially Ledwich. Another figure prominent in Dublin antiquarian circles in the early nineteenth century was that of Sir William Betham 2 4 7 (1779-1853), an Englishman who obtained appointments in the Irish records and heraldry offices, and ultimately became Ulster King of Arms. He was a most enthusiastic but superficial student of Irish antiquities, a kind of second Vallancey whose pet theory was the identity of the Irish language with Etruscan and of both with Phoenician. 248 When the Royal Irish Academy awarded a medal to George Petrie's scholarly'investigation of the history of the round towers, in which no recognition had been accorded Betham's vagaries, the latter, although he had been an energetic worker for the Academy, resigned and attempted to bring official restraint against that body. Meanwhile in England this development of Irish studies had produced the first important publication of historical sources since the days of the Franciscans of Lou vain. The Rev. Dr. Charles O'Conor 2 4 9 (1764-1828), grandson of Charles O'Conor of Belanagare, was educated at Rome, became a priest, and in 1798 was appointed chaplain to the Marchioness of Buckingham. He was also given charge of the famous library at Stowe, near Buckingham, the property of Richard Grenville, afterwards Duke of Buckingham «• Cf. p. 109 infra. «» DNB. »«His chief publications on Irish history and literature are: I risk Antiquarian Researches, i vols. (Dublin 1817); The Gael and Cymbri, or an inquiry into the origin and history of the Irish, Scats, Britons and Gauls, and of the Caledonians, Picts, Welsh, Cornish and Bretons (1834); Etruria Celtica: Etruscan literature and antiquities investigated and the language of that people compared and identified with the IbernoCeitii, and both shown to be Phoenician (1842): and several papers read before the RIA. M The O'Conor Don The O'Conors of Connaughl (Dublin 1891); DNB and references there given; also "The Rev. Chas. O'Conor and the Marquis of Buckingham "Irish Magazine and Monthly Asylum for Neglected Biography V (Dublin 1811) 406-7, 418.

HISTORY IN IRELAND

62

and Chandos. In it he placed the magnificent collection of Irish manuscripts made by his grandfather. From these manuscripts, and from others in the Bodleian Library, the British Museum, and elsewhere, he edited his Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores Veteres, published in four volumes 2 5 0 at the charge of the Duke of Buckingham. O'Conor's knowledge of the Irish language and of Irish history was inadequate, and both his texts and his translations are filled with errors, but he made available to the public, in some form, a most important body of historical sources, and in the case of the Annals of Boyle and of Innisfallen his text remains still the only one in print. He also began the vindication of Ireland's title to those many and important early Irish manuscripts in European libraries which continental scholars in the days of Irish national eclipse had been classifying as Anglo-Saxon. 251 A catalogue of the Stowe manuscripts prepared by him remains the best printed description of this collection, which is now in the Royal Irish Academy. 252 In addition to Sir William Betham the Irish Records Office provided employment for another historical student who forms a link between the days of O'Conor and Lanigan and those of Petrie, O'Donovan and O'Curry. James Hardiman 2 5 3 (c 1790-1855) was sprung from a family named O'Hartigan which had contrived to keep a small estate in Mayo. He studied law in Dublin, was appointed sub-commissioner of public records, became an active member of the Iberno-Celtic Society and of the Royal Irish Academy, and carried on the work, now well under way, of publishing Irish historical texts. 254 He ended his days as librarian of the new Queen's College, Galway. An elaborate survey of Ireland was inaugurated by the British ordnance department in the second quarter of the nineteenth century. Captain, afterwards Sir, Thomas Aiskew Larcom, who was appointed director of the Ordnance Survey in 1828, planned to have the maps of each county accompanied by memoirs describing in detail its economic condition and resources and its historical antiquities, including archaeoBuckingham 1 8 1 4 , 1 8 2 5 , 1826, 1 8 2 6 . Cf. p. 104 infra. T h e r e was some excuse for this. Irish and English script in the early middle ages were so closely related that even now it is occasionally doubtful to which of the islands a M S should be assigned. M a n y of these M S S are, of course, loaded with Irish glosses, but before the nineteenth century few scholars who came in contact with them were acquainted with either Irish or Anglo-Saxon. 151

151

Cf. p. 89 n. 3 7 2 infra. DNB. T h e following are his chief publications: The History of the Town of Galway (Dublin 1820); " A n c i e n t Irish deeDNB. Ml Eleanor Hull " S t a n d i s h H a y e s O ' G r a d y : a personal reminiscence" Studies M a r . 1916 pp. 96103; RC X X X V I I (1917 9) 4 1 5 - 7 . Cf. also the memoir in vol. II of Cat. of Irish MSS in BM (r926).

W Dublin, 1864. Cf. pp. rog, 320 infra, also DNB. >M M a r y C . Ferguson Life of the Right Rer. William Reeves, D.D. (Dublin 1893). 1 8 4 Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society, Dublin — Bannatyne Club, Edinburgh 1857. infra. Mi Cf. p. 108 infra. M

C f . p. 103 infra.

She edited Petrie's Christian

inscriptions

Cf. p. 430.

in the Irish language (Dublin 1872-8),

HISTORY IN

IRELAND

69

sister of Whitley Stokes; and the detailed and careful, but uncritical, Social history of ancient Ireland 2 8 7 by Patrick Weston Joyce (1827I9I4)Much of the historical writing in Ireland during the nineteenth century has been vitiated by the abnormal political and other prejudices which have prevailed. In history these have reacted in much the same manner as that which the following paragraph describes for the associated field of archaeology: '' It may be said that there are two kinds of meddlefs in Irish archaeology, and it is hard to tell which of them is more mischievous. The first kind (who are ardent members of one political party) are full of the glories of Brian the Brave, and of that dreamland time when Ireland, as one of their own poets has said, was peopled by a race "taller than Roman spears" — a condition of things that could not be brought about, save by an epidemic of acromegaly or some similar disease! The other kind (who are rampant members of the opposite political party) are forever chortling over the savagery of the country down to the time of Queen Elizabeth, the evidence for human sacrifices, people going about without any clothes on, and so forth. As is usually the case, there is an element of truth in both ways of interpreting the evidence; but the exaggerations on both sides are so great that the truth is completely hidden." , M

V I . MODERN SCHOLARSHIP AND THE G A E L I C R E V I V A L

THE application of the methods of natural science to the study of language has had results of a far-reaching kind both for linguistics and for history. The most extensive use of this science of comparative philology has been in connection with the family of languages variously designated as Indo-European, Indo-Germanic, or Aryan. It was in the second half of the eighteenth century, when a few European scholars began to study Sanskrit as others had long been studying Latin and Greek, that the relationship between these three languages, and between them and the other languages of Europe, began to be recognised. The scientific basis for the comparative study of these languages was first laid down in 1816 and 1819 respectively by the works of two German scholars, Uber das Conjugationsystem der Sanskritsprache by Franz Bopp (1791-1863), and Deutsche Grammatik by Jacob Ludwig Carl Grimm (1785-1863). These men and their successors have carried on the work so successfully that the history of almost every Indoand Lord Dunraven's Notes on Irish architecture (London 1875), and was herself the author of Early Christian architecture in Ireland (London 1878), Early Christian art in Ireland (London 1887), Six months in the Apennines (London 1893), and Three months in the forests 0/ Prance (London 189s). Cf. p. 109 infra. 288 R. A. S. Macalister Ireland in Pre-Celtic Times (Dublin and London 1921) 6-7.

HISTORY IN IRELAND

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European language and of a vast number of the words and formations of those languages has been investigated in detail. 289 In no other field has the application of the methods of comparative philology brought a greater relative increase of knowledge than in that of Celtic studies. Since the time of Lhuyd the existence of a Celtic group of languages had been admitted; but the general opinion long was that it lay outside the Indo-European domain, and no attempt was made to control the theorising of the Vallanceys and Bethams. 2 9 0 Scientific study began with the monographs of a French philologist, Adolphe Pictet, in 1837, 291 and the German, Bopp, in 1838. 292 T h e y established definitely that Celtic belonged to the Indo-European family. It was not until 1853, however, when the epoch-making Grammatica Céltica of Johann Kaspar Zeuss appeared, that clear light was thrown on the subject of Celtic philology. Zeuss (1806-1856), a native of Vogtendorf in Upper Franconia, became a student and teacher of history of remarkable erudition. In his study of early German history he came to the conclusion that a knowledge of ancient Celtic was a necessity, and to acquire it turned to the earliest literary remains of the Celtic languages, especially Old Irish. He was encouraged by his friend, Franz Mone (1796-1871), an extraordinarily industrious historian who was a somewhat over-enthusiastic Celtophile. Old Irish was still a sealed book to all but a few Irishmen like O'Curry and O'Donovan, and their knowledge was not based on any comprehensive understanding of linguistic laws, and, as regards the earliest texts, was quite limited. Zeuss knew no Irish and never met an Irish speaker, but he had received the best training of the time in the principles of philology and the methods of research. He visited the manuscript collections of Carlsruhe, Darmstadt, Heidelberg, Würzburg, St. Gall, Milan and London, and, chiefly by the exhaustive study of those Old Irish glosses on Latin texts which he made famous, he was able to create the science of Celtic — and Irish — philology. Zeuss had exhausted his 2W

See A. Meillet Introduction ä l'ltude comparative des Icngues indo-europiennes 6th ed. (Paris 1924). In 1786 Sir William J o n e s , P r e s i d e n t of t h e Bengal Society, in his " t h i r d anniversary d i s c o u r s e " delivered before t h a t Society in C a l c u t t a , h a d expressed t h e opinion t h a t Gothic a n d Celtic, as well as Greek a n d L a t i n , were related t o Sanskrit.—Asiatic Researches, or Transactions of the Society instituted in Bengal . . . 1 ( C a l c u t t a , 1788; reprint L o n d o n , 1799), 422-3. T h e same idea was developed by an English physician a n d a n t h r o p o l o g i s t , J a m e s Cowles P r i c h a r d , in his Eastern Origin of the Celtic Nations, which a p p e a r e d in 1831. N e i t h e r J o n e s nor P r i c h a r d , however, a t t r a c t e d much a t t e n t i o n from s t u d e n t s of philology. 291 De faffinití des langues ccltiques avec le sanscrit ( P a r i s 1837). 290

292 Read before t h e Berlin A c a d e m y a s " Uber die celtischen Sprachen vom G e s i c h t s p u n k t e der vergleichenden S p r a c h f o r s c h u n g " ; published in t h e following year u n d e r the title Die celtischen Sprachen in ihrem Verhältnisse zum Sanskrit, Zend, Griechischen, Lateinischen, Germanischen, Litthauischen und Slawischen (Berlin 1839).

HISTORY

IN

IRELAND

physical strength, and his death followed q u i c k l y ; done:

71

but his work was

the scholars who have come after have only followed the lines

that he laid down. 2 9 3 European students of philology welcomed the new subject of study. In Irish they found a language which in linguistic interest and in its contributions to the elucidation of Indo-European origins rivalled Latin, Greek and Sanskrit. F r o m the time of Zeuss to the present Old and Middle Irish have received unremitting attention for reasons primarily philological; but for the historian the practical result has been that he can now use the sources in Irish almost as freely as those in L a t i n . 2 9 4 In 1870 the Revue Celtique,295 the first journal dedicated exclusively to Celtic subjects, was established in Paris b y Henri Gaidoz, director a t the École des Hautes Études. F r o m its appearance it has been the most important of all learned periodicals for the student in any field of Celtic learning. Gaidoz was personally more interested in folk-lore and primitive literature than in philology, and in 1877 he and Eugène Rolland founded Melusine, a journal devoted to those subjects, in which Irish material has from time to time been published. Henri Gaidoz still lives, sole and honored survivor of the founders of the science of Celtic philology. In 1896 a second periodical to serve students of Celtic was founded, the Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie,296 edited b y K u n o M e y e r and Ludwig Christian Stern. In 1898 the Archiv für celtische Lexicographie 2 9 6 appeared, under the direction of W h i t l e y Stokes and K u n o ,ï3 Cf. Chr. W. Glück "Erinnerung an Kaspar Zeuss" Gelehrte Anteilen nos. 61, 6a (Munich 1857); UJA VII; Edw. Schröder in Allgemeine deutsche Biographie X L V (1899) 132-6; L. C. Stern (ed.) " Briefe von J. K. Zeuss an Chr. W. Glück" ZCP III (1901) 334-76; Henri Gaidoz Pour le centenaire de Gaspar Zeuss fondateur de la philologie celtique (Paris 1906); Ernst Kuhn Johann Kaspar Zeuss tum hundertjährigen Gedächtnis (Munich 1906); Anton Dürrwächter "Johann Kaspar Zeuss" Historisches Jahrbuch X X V I I (1906); " D i e bamberger Centenarfeier zum Gedächtnis an Johann Kaspar Zeuss" ZCP VI (1908) 195-227.—WS's punning quotation may be recalled: Z«vç âpx»j, Z«ùç jic. 382 s a y s

that M a x i m u s , a t t h a t time ruler of Britain, a f t e r w a r d s candidate for t h e imperial purple, " vigorously defeated the invading Picts and S c o t s . "

14. Claudius Claudianus: Poems

c A.D. 396-403

Claudian was a n a t i v e of Alexandria, born about 365.

H e came to R o m e in 395,

and made himself the w a r m partisan of Stilicho, the administrator of the W e s t under the emperor Honorius.

T h e few allusions in his poems constitute the o n l y contem-

porary sources for the last y e a r s of R o m a n military administration in Britain, and the struggles with the " S c o t t i " and other enemies which those wars witnessed. References to the Irish are to be found in the following passages: third consulship

of the Emperor

Honorius

Panegyric

(A.D. 396) v v . 5 1 - 8 ; Panegyric

on the

on the fourth

Eumenii Panegyrici Constantio Augusta cap. vii. In the De Bello Judaico, a Latin version, abridged and expanded with much freedom, of the " Jewish Wars " of Josephus, there is in the added material a reference to the operations of Theodosius in Britain in 368-9, in which " Scotia " is said to tremble a t the power of the Romans. T h i s work passes under the name of " Hegesippus," which, however, appears to be only a scribal corruption for " Iosippus." It was prepared within the period 370-400, and is considered by some scholars to be the work of St. Ambrose (c/. Otto Scholz Die Hegesippus-Ambrosius Ftage: Konigshutte 1913). In any case it is possible that here, instead of in Ammianus, we have the earliest occurrence of Scotia [Scottia, Scotlus). E d : C. F . Weber and J. Caesar (Marburg 1864); cf. Catk. Encycl. s.v. " Hegesippus." — T h e Atacotti or Atecntti, who are associated in Latin writings of this period with the Scotti and Picti, have not been identified, nor is it certain whether they came from Ireland or from North Britain. CJ. Skene Celtic Scotland I 99-106; M a c N Phases 0/ Irish History 148-9. 84

IRELAND IN THE ANCIENT WORLD consulship of Bonorius (398) w . 28-33; On the consulship of StUicho (400) II w . 250-5; On the Gothic War (402) w . 416-8; Epithalamium to PaJladius w . 88-91.

15. Notitia dignitatum et administrationum orientis et occidentis C A.D.

400

EDS: E. Booking (Bonn 1839-53). — O . Seeck (Berlin 1876). TRANS: Fairley in Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European History (published by the Department of History, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia) VI no. iv (1899) [extracts]. This is a kind of official almanac of the Roman Empire, dating from about the beginning of the fifth century, though some portions of it seem of an earlier period. The British section shows the military organisation in that island. In the section on Gaul five bodies of Attacotts are represented as serving there in the Roman army: " Atecotti seniores," " Atecotti iuniores," " Honoriani Atecotti seniores," " Honoriani Atecotti iuniores," " Atecotti iuniores Gallicani." In the eastern half of the empire there was another body known simply as " Atecotti." The epithet " Honoriani " probably indicates that these corps were enlisted under the emperor Honorius, who succeeded Theodosius in 395."

16. Symmachus: Epistola II A.D. 393 ED: O. Seeck MGH Auctores antiquissimi VI (Berlin 1883) [ed. of Symmachi Epistolae]. Cf. MHB Excerpta p. xcvii. Symmachus was a prominent member of the Roman nobility at the close of the fourth century, and a champion of the old pagan order. In a letter to his brother Flavian he makes a passing allusion to Irish dogs, " Scottici canes," used for public amusements: " . . . as has been shown by the offering of seven Irish dogs; which on the day of the prelude so astonished Rome that it was thought they must have been brought in iron cages."

17. St. Jerome (Hieronymus)

fl.

c A.D. 3 7 0 - 4 2 0

St. Jerome was born in Dalmatia about A.D. 340. He received a good education and travelled extensively. He was in Gaul 366-370, in Syria and Constantinople 374381, in Rome 382-385, and in Bethlehem and its neighborhood 386-420. His works are very extensive; but, like many of the writers of his age, he showed a strong tendency to rhetorical exaggeration and also to wholesale transcription from the writings of his predecessors. Because of their relationship in one form or another with Irish historical questions the following are worthy of particular note here: (1) his revision of the Latin version of the New Testament and translation from the Hebrew of the Old Testament, the two forming the so-called " Vulgate " text which became the M The Honoriani were, doubtless, the same as the Honoriaci, barbarian auxiliaries who, according to Orosius (VII il), were sent from Gaul to Spain in 408.

138

IRELAND IN THE ANCIENT WORLD

accepted version of the m e d i a e v a l C h u r c h ; — this work was carried out a t i n t e r v a l s between the y e a r s 384 and 4 0 s ; ' 7 (2) commentaries on various parts of the B i b l e , b e g u n a b o u t the same time as his edition of the t e x t , and continued until his d e a t h ; " (3) translation, and continuation to 378, of the Chronicle of Eusebius (a chroniclc f r o m the Creation to A.D. 325 prepared b y E u s e b i u s , bishop of Caesarea); this work c a m e t o serve as a model for the chroniclers of the middle a g e s . " D u r i n g his sojourn in G a u l Jerome h a d an opportunity of learning something of t h e Irish enemy, then beginning to a t t r a c t the attention of imperial R o m e . Adversus

Jovinianum,

In his t r a c t

written a b o u t 393, he asserts that he had seen Scots, — or

A t t a c o t s — w h o were cannibals of particularly revolting tastes.

" W h y should

I

speak of other peoples when I myself a s a y o u n g man saw in G a u l the Scots," 1 a British race, feeding on h u m a n flesh?91 — and w h e n they come upon herds of swine or cattle in the woods, they usually cut off the b u t t o c k s of the shepherds and their wives, and their breasts, and regard these a s their only dainties.

T h e Scots h a v e no separate

wives, b u t , as if they read P l a t o ' s R e p u b l i c and were following C a t o ' s example, no woman a m o n g t h e m is the wife of one particular m a n .

According to the desires of

each, t h e y t a k e their pleasures like the beasts of the field."

A letter Ad

92

Occanum,

dating from a b o u t 400, repeats the statement as to Irish matrimonial relationships. 9 ' Jerome's testimony as to the Irish origin of Pelagius will be considered later, in connection with the beginnings of C h r i s t i a n i t y in I r e l a n d . "

T h e r e is a brief, u n c o m p l i m e n t a r y reference to the " Scottus " b y Jerome's contemporary, Aurelius

C l e m e n s Prudentius, a Spanish

v . 216, written a b o u t 390.

Christian, in his poem

Apotheosis,

E d : A . Dressel (Leipsic i860).

T o conclude this section three geographical compilations of late b u t uncertain d a t e m a y be noticed:

T h e Periplus

of the Outer Sea (IleplrXous rrjs f(u ffa\d. 500. The historical section of the De Excidio is a vague, often unintelligible, sketch which has value as a record only because of the want of anything better. It treats chiefly of the period of the breakdown of Roman power in Britain, and of the struggle between Britons and Anglo-Saxons which followed. For the reason just stated it is a source of considerable importance for the attacks of the Irish on Britain in the fourth and fifth centuries. 1 " The jeremiad against contemporary social, moral and religious conditions has interest because it seems probable that just then Britain was exercising a special religious influence on Ireland. For other writings attributed to Gildas see nos. 82, 100 and p. 239; for his Life, no. 34.

24. Nennius: The Historia Britonum EDS: JOS. Stevenson (Eng. Hist. Soc.: London 1838). — San-Marte [Albert Schultz] (Berlin 1844). — MHB (1845) 4 7 sqq. — Mommsen MGB Auct. antiq. XIII (Chronica minora III i) (1894) 111-222 [best ed.: rev. RTh ZCP I rs7-68; F. Lot Moyen Âge VIM (1895) 177-84, IX 2 5 - 3 6 ] . — L . Duchesne RC XV (1894) 174-97 [only ed. of earliest text]. TRANS: J. A. Giles (London 1841); and in Bohn's Antiquarian Library (1848). COMM : C. W. Schoell De ecdesiasticae Brilonum Scotorumque hisioriae ftmlibus (Berlin 1851) 29-37. — W. F. Skene The four ancient books of Wales I (Edinburgh 1868) 37-41. — Arthur de la Borderie L'Bistoria Britonum attribuée d Nennius et I'Bistoria Britannica avant Geojfroi de Monmouth (Paris and London 1883). — G. Heeger Ùber die Trçanersage der Britten (Munich 1886) 19-60. — WS The Academy May 7, 1887, p. 325. — HZ Nennius Vindicatus (Berlin 1893) [cf. p. 147 supra: very valuable, but some of the conclusions are too hazardous, and the oldest version is neglected; cf. The Academy Aug. 12, r9, 1893; Folklore IV 380-6; RCKV T26-9,— by AdeJ — and XVI 1-5,— by Duchesne; Zs f. deut. Philologie XXVIII (1895) 80-113,— by RTh: very important]; NA X I X (1894) 436-43, 667. — Mommsen " Die Historia Brittonum und Kônig Lucius " NA X I X (1894) 283-93. — L. Traube ibid. XXIV 721 sqq. — A. Anscombe " The identification of ' Libine Abas Iae ' in the Historia Brittonum " ZCP I (1897) 274-6. — E. W. B. Nicholson " Filius Uibagen " ibid. I l l (1901) 104-rr. — V. H. Friedel " Les vers de Pseudo-Nennius " ibid. I l l 112-22, 515. — Manitius Lai. Lit. I (1911) 240-2 [good summary], — F. Lot 143 Although Anscombe and Wade-Evans agree in the initial proposition of their theory, they differ appreciably in its development. 14J Bury SI. Patrick 330-1 gives a brief equation of the statements of Gildas with the Roman evidence and the Irish traditions.

IRELAND IN THE ANCIENT WORLD in M(longa RC

d'hisUrirc ojferts d M. Charles Btmont

(Paris 1913) 1 - 1 9 [important;

X X X V I I (1917-9) 406-8]. — A . G . van H a m e l in J. Hoops Reailexicon

manischen Altertumskunde

153 cf.

der ger-

I I I (Strasburg 1915-6) 302-5. — F . Liebennann " Nennius

the autbor of the Historia B r i t t o n u m " in A . G . Little and F . M . Powicke (eds.) Essays

in mediaeval history presented to Thomas

Frederick

Tout (Manchester

25-44 [important]. — M a x Förster " W a r Nennius ein Ire? " ( M a r b u r g 1925) 36-42. Englische

Studien

1925)

Beinrich-Finke-Festschrift

Cf. also the articles on chronology b y R T h in Kölbing's

X X I I (1896) 163-79, b y Anscombe in ZCP

94, V I I 419-38, £riu I D 1 1 7 - 3 4 , and b y Nicholson in ZCP

m

492-514, V I 339-

V I 439-53, V I I I 121-50.

These constitute a further phase of the controversy noticed in no. 23. THE IRISH VERSION (Leabhar Breathnack). M S S : L U pp. 3 - 4 [a fragment], — B B 203-11. — R I A B k L e t . [has 2 copies; leaves belonging to this codex are in T C D 1319 (H. 2. 17) pp. 172 i f } ] . — R I A Leabhar H ü i M a i n e ft. 9 1 - 4 . — T C D 1336 (H. 3. 17) j X V / X V I cols. 806 sqq. EDS: J. H . T o d d and Algernon Herbert Leabhar Breathnack annso sis The Irish version of the Historia BriUonum of Nennius (IAS: Dublin 1848) [with trans.]. — E . Hogan The Irish Nennius from L. na Buidre ( R I A T o d d Lect. Ser. V I ) (Dublin 1895) [with trans.; also the fragments of the Irish version of the Sex A elates mundi which precede Nennius in L U . Cf. ZCP I 169 sqq.}. LAT. TRANS.: H Z in M o m m s e n ' s ed. T h e Historia Britonum, preserved in m a n y varying texts, is the result, it has generally been thought, of a long process of compilation.

T h e investigation of its evolution

has produced an extensive literature, but only a brief summary of the results obtained and theories advanced can here be given. T h e extant versions m a y be classified as follows: I T h e shortest redaction, t h a t of the 9th or 10th ( n t h , Nicholson) century Chartres M S , N o . 98.

T h e title as read b y Nicholson is " Beginning of excerpts Discoveries

of the son of Urbagen with regard to the B o o k of S t . Germanus, and the origin and genealogy of the B r i t o n s . "

Thurneysen

and Nicholson identify Urbagen with a

British K i n g Urbgen, slain c 572-9, and his son with a certain R u n map Urbgen who is said to have baptized the Northumbrians c 627, and m a y be the same man as Paulinus, bishop of Y o r k . 1 4 4

A chronological note points to the year 750, in con-

nection with which there is a reference to Slebine, a b b o t of Iona c 752-767. 1 4 4

The

144 Antuücs Cambriae 626: " E t g u i n baptizatus est, et R u n filius Urbgen b a p t i n u i t earn." Plummer (Yen. Batdae Optra kistorica I I IOO-I) considers the story a fable, A ^ i g t w l to claim for the British Church a principal share in the evangelisation of Northumbria. Paulinus w a s sent from Rome by Gregory in 601 to assist Augustine. I t is possible — nothing more — that he was a Briton by origin, chosen for the Northumbrian mission because of some personal or family relationship with K i n g Edwin. Edwin had been an exile from Northumbria from soon after his father's death in 588 until he himself overthrew Ethelfrid in 616 or 617. According to Welsh tradition (Myoyrian ArcJuieUgy I I 17 triad 81) part of this time he spent at the court of C a d v a n , king of G w y n e d d — perhaps until he was forced to flee as a result of Ethelfrid's great victory over the Britons a t Chester in 616 or a little earlier. However, on overthrowing Ethelfrid, Edwin continued the policy of aggression in N o r t h Wales and reduced Anglesey and M a n . 1 4 4 As emended by Nicholson ZCP I I I 107: sicut (S]libine abas Iae Inripum ciuitate inuenit vel repent. Inripum — Ripon {cf. Plummer Baedae opera kistorica I I 103 4; Bede uses this very form in Bist. Beda. I I I r i v , V x i i ) : Nicholson suggests that Slebine went there to see the pastoral staff given by Columba to Kentigern, which was kept in St. Wilfrid's church a t R i p o n . — Reeves Ad. $24; p. ic of the 1874 ed.

IRELAND IN THE ANCIENT WORLD text ends imperfect.

I t is possible that it once included eighth-century versions of

other excerpta besides the " discoveries " of the son of Urbagen. I I a. T h e most extensive redaction: its best exemplar is in the British M u s e u m Harleian M S 3859. T h e work is anonymous. It bears the date 831. b. A n abbreviated edition of the same text, with some slight additional matter. Here the treatise is attributed to Gildas, but, like the preceding, it bears the date 831. c. T h e same shorter reccnsion, but with still more additions. T h e preamble runs: " I, Nennius, disciple of Elvodug, have taken care to copy some excerpts, which the people of Britain in their stupidity had thrown a w a y , for they had no knowledge, and the learned men of that island of Britain had made no records in their books. Now I have collected everything which I found, both from the annals of the Romans and from the chronicles of the holy Fathers, that is, Jerome, Eusebius, Isidore, Prosper, and from the annals of the Irish and the Saxons, and from the tradition of the elders of our people. M a n y learned men and scribes have attempted to write this out, but for some reason or other they left it more obscure . . . ." Elbodug, bishop of Guenedota, who was instrumental in bringing about the adoption of the Roman Easter in Wales, died, according to the Annalcs Cambriae, in 809. T h e computus dated 831 is, here also, prefixed to the Hisloria, but it has a continuation written apparently in 910. I I I This is the Harleian text (except in two sections), but with slight variations and considerable omissions. Hisloria

Briionum,

T h e Vatican M S Reginensis

T h e date of this version is given as 945. man.

964 opens "Beginning of the

edited b y the anchorite Marcus, a holy bishop of that nation." T h e compiler seems to have been an English-

H e may have used a version b y Marcus, or the incipit may be simply a guess

based on the Life of Germanus b y Heiric of Auxerre. 1 4 4 I V T h e Irish Translation, ascribed to Gilla-Coemiin, who died in 1072. on the Nennius redaction

I t is based

(II c), but with considerable modifications.

Zimmer

expressed the opinion that it preserved the order of subjects in the composition of T h e several Irish

Nennius with more fidelity than do the surviving Latin copies. texts, however, differ considerably among themselves. T h e Hisloria

Briionum

(using the term to designate the source under consideration

as a whole) is made up of a series of distinct documents, the majority of which are themselves composite in character: 1 T h e preface of Nennius [found in the versions l i e and IV], mundi

2 Some verses b y Nennius [II c],

(I, I I a, b, c, I I I ) .

4 Hisloria

3 T h e Computus and De sex aetatibus

Britonum

proper:

i description of Britain;

ii legend of Brutus the T r o j a n ; iii the different settlements in Ireland, " as the wisest men of the Irish told me " (II c adds " N o established account of the origin of the Irish is given " ) : Zimmer considered this of peculiar importance as the only pre-Norse version of the Leabhar Gabhdla, or Book of the Settlements of Ireland; iv genealogy of the sons of N o a h ;

v Roman conquest of Britain;

vi legend of the Christian king

Lucius; vii the attacks of the Picts and Scots, and the end of Roman rule; viii the story of Vortigem and the coming of the Saxons; ix legend of Germanus of Auxerre, who visited Britain in 429 and c 445 to suppress the Pelagian heresy;

147

x legend of Am-

b r o s e s ; xi genealogy of Vortigern's descendants. [This part is to be found in all versions, though the order and extent varies: I has only subsections i, ii, iv, v, viii, ix; the M S ends imperfect here, and we do not know what were the contents of the Cf. no. 407.

141

Cf. pp. 163-4-

IRELAND IN THE ANCIENT WORLD

155

remainder of this version.] $ Vita Patrkii, based on the documents in the Liber Ardmachanus; 1 , 8 but showing a few variations [II a, b, c, I I I ; IV considered the subject-matter sufficiently well known to Irishmen], 6 List of King Arthur's battles (II a, b, c, III, I V : precedes 5 in III]. 7 Genealogies of Saxon kings, and a Northumbrian or Cumbrian tract on the history of the English kingdoms, dating apparently from A.D. 679: it contains the earliest reference to the British conquest of the Irish settlements in Wales [II a], 8 Computus [II a], 9 Annales Cambriae [one M S of II a]. 10 Welsh genealogies [ibid.]. 11 List of British cities [II a, b, c, III, IV]. 12 List of the wonders of Britain [II, IV], The nucleus of the compilation was, doubtless, a legend of Germanus, and, perhaps, of the Saxon invasion. 149 T o this were added the Brut legend, material from Gildas and Bede, the Arthurian, the Saxon, and the Irish documents, etc. The whole was worked over by Xennius in the ninth century. — In the opinion of Liebermann, however, Xennius was the original author of the compilation, by whom its various elements were first brought together. — A new edition of this compilation, made about 910, passed into Ireland and was used by Gilla-Coemâin. Zimmer believed that the work had been known under the name of Xennius to Cormac mac Cuilennâin (d. 908).150 It should be added that Van Hamel and Liebermann have advanced the — very doubtful — hypothesis that Xennius himself was Irish.

In some late and generally quite fabulous hagiographical texts of Wales and Brittany there are a few passages which appear to relate to early Irish settlements in Britain. In the Cognatio dc Brychan 151 — an account of Brychan, reputed royal progenitor of a vast family, embracing many of the Welsh saints, which formed one of the " Three Saintly Tribes of Britain " — it is said that his father was Anlach, son of Coronac, king of Ireland. Brychan's companion and confessor, Brynach, was in Welsh legends called " G w y d d c l , " that is, Goidel, or Irishman. 152 In the Life of St. C a r a n t o c , 1 " or Carannog, who had an extensive cult in both Wales and Brittany, there is an explicit allusion to the Irish invasions: " I n those times the Irish conquered Britain for thirty years; the names of their leaders were Briscus, Thuihaius, Machleus, Anpacus." The same Life also speaks of an Irish conquest of Cardigan: " Keredic held Kerediciaun, i.e., Keredigan, and it was named from him. And after he had held it, the Irish came and fought with them and seized all the districts." Cf. pp. 3JQ-3Q. F. Lot, op. cit., argues that the account of the Saxon invasion and of V o r t i g e m was takeD from Bede. i " NA X I X 436. Cf. pp. u - 1 3 supra. 161 Ed: A. W . Wade-Evans Y Cymmrodor X I X (1906) 24-37 [with trans.). Cf. Baring-Gould and Fisher Lives of the British Saints I 303-21: A. Anscombe ACL I 516 sqq. 1M Nova Legenda Anglie, ed. Horstman (Oxford 1901) I 114-8, gives an epitome of a Life of B r y n a c h , or Bernacus, which may be of the tenth century. Cf. Baring-Gould and Fisher op. cit. I 321-7. 1,8

IMA A. SS. Boll. Maii III 585-7; Rees Lives of the Cambro-British Saints (Llandovery 1853) 9 7 - i o r (corr. by K M Y Cymmrodor X I I I (1900) 84]; S. Baring-Gould Y Cymmrodor X V (1902) 88-99.

CHAPTER

III

THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE "CELTIC" PERIOD Fourth to Seventh Century

THE predominant institution of western Europe during the early middle ages was the Christian Church. In the centuries following the disintegration of the Roman Empire, when organised secular states hardly existed, the Church maintained with reference to all Christians a position not unlike that of the modern state towards its subjects. It exercised not only spiritual but also a vast amount of secular power. Its clergy formed a corporate body of, comparatively, high training and intelligence, segregated, organised, undying, which carried on its mission unbroken through century after century of political instability. Its organisation was perfected in the midst of the Roman Empire, when the Roman administrative system which it largely imitated was still working unimpaired, and was preserved through later ages when more or less short-lived barbarian principalities were aping in childish fashion the imperial power they had replaced. Fundamentally, the Church in Ireland was one with the Church in the remainder of western Europe. The mental processes and the Weltanschauung of the ecclesiastic who looked out from Armagh or Clonmacnois or Innisfallen were not essentially different from those of him whose centre of vision was Canterbury or Reims or Cologne. But in many important aspects, and particularly those of organisation and of relationship with the secular powers, the Church in Ireland presented a marked variation from that on the Continent. These divergences were the occasion, in their own times, of friction culminating in accusations of heresy, and, in modern days, of belief in the former existence of a more or less distinct entity designated the " Celtic Church." The term includes the Churches of other Celtic lands—where, as the rather scanty evidence seems to indicate, a similar ecclesiastical organisation existed—but the representative Celtic Church is the ancient Church of Ireland. 156

T H E IRISH CHURCH IN T H E " C E L T I C " PERIOD

157

The assimilation of this ancient Irish ecclesiastical system to that of the rest of western Christianity had three chief phases: (1) the adoption of the Roman Easter and the development of closer relations with the Continent in the seventh century; (2) the introduction, in the twelfth, of a territorial episcopal organisation and of the continental religious orders; and (3), in the sixteenth, the English conquest, the Protestant establishment, and the Catholic reorganisation. In the present chapter consideration will be given to the chief contemporary sources for Irish church history in that early, "Celtic," era which terminated with the first of these movements towards conformity; and also to some foreign sources of subsequent date, the treatment of which at this place seems most convenient. Certain classes of sources are, however, reserved for later chapters: (1) hagiographical texts, together with the vast mass of historico-legendary matter regarding early saints and churches, are examined in the two chapters following; (2) it has also seemed best to bring together, in chapter VII, all the biblical and all the liturgical sources, including other documents of the sixth and seventh centuries which have a biblical or a liturgical aspect. I . T H E COMING OF THE FAITH

Bibliography See the works listed on pp. 106-109 supra. Special notice should be taken of the following: HZ Pelagius in Irland (Berlin 1901); (trans. A. Meyer) The Celtic Church in Britain and Ireland (London 1902) [cf. pp. 77, 107 supra]; " Beiträge zur Erklärung altirischer Texte der kirchlichen und Profanliteratur 1, 2 " Sitsungsb. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch, philos.-hist. Cl. 1908 xlix 1100-1130; "Uber direkte Handelsverbindungen Westgalliens mit Irland im Altertum und frühen Mittelalter. 3. Galliens Anteil an Irlands Christianisierung im 4/5 Jahrhundert und altirischer Bildung " ibid. 1909 xx-ixi 543-613. — J. B. Bury The Life of St. Patrick and his place in history (London 1905). — K M Learning in Ireland in the fifth century and the transmission of letters (Dublin 1913). — M . P. Boisannade Les relations entre l'Aquitaine, le Poitou et Virlande du V* au IX* siide (Poitiers 1917) [extract from Bulletin de la Soc. des Antiquaires de l'Ouest I V (1917); see a valuable rev. in RC X X X V I I I (1920) pp. 71-5].

The beginnings of Christianity in western Europe are obscure. It was probably introduced by immigrants from the countries of the eastern Mediterranean who spread over all the Roman world and were especially numerous in southern Gaul. 1 By A.D. 177 a church of > CJ. H. Lcdercq " Colonics d'OrienUux en Occident " Diet. tarchM. dtrU. d it liturfU HI ii »66-77.

158 THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE " C E L T I C " PERIOD considerable size existed at Lyons, a church which seems to have been bound in close relationship to that of Smyrna in Asia. 2 During the next two centuries the new religion obtained a firm foothold in most of the cities of Gaul and Spain, and even entered Britain. 3 In 3 1 4 a great council of the clergy of Gaul was assembled at Aries, where were present five ecclesiastics from Britain, including three bishops, Eborius of York, Restitutus of London, and Adelfius, perhaps of Colchester.4 In western and north-western Gaul there were, by 314, bishops' sees at Bordeaux and at Rouen. If not at this date then very soon after there was a bishopric at Tours on the Loire, and at latest by 350 another at Poitiers, on a tributary of the Loire. Hilary, bishop of Poitiers from about 353 to 368, and his disciple, Martin, bishop of Tours from about 371 to about 399-403, were two of the great churchmen of the fourth century. Martin was celebrated for his missionary activities. B y his time the majority of the townsfolk seem to have become Christian, but the villagers and country people, the pagani, adhered to the old beliefs: to their conversion Martin especially devoted himself.5 Martin was also a protagonist of monasticism, just then being introduced into western Europe from Egypt. About 361 he began the monastery of Ligugé near Poitiers, and after he became bishop of Tours he set up near that city another monastery which came to be known as " the greater monastery," maius monasterium, hence Marmoutier. Here he made his home, apparently exercising the double functions of abbot and bishop. Two thousand monks, it was said, attended his funeral. About the time of his death a monastery was founded on the island of Lérins, 6 in the Mediterranean sea off the south coast of Gaul, which during the next century became even more famous than * Some 48 persons suffered martyrdom at this time. Cf. Eusebius Kcclcsiastical History V. Pothinus, first bishop, and his successor, Irenaeus, were both of Asia and seem to have been sent to Gaul by Polycarp of Smyrna. 3 From certain passages in Tertullian and Origen it seems certain that C h r i s t i a n i t y had reached Britain by the beginning of the third century. These extracts can be seen conveniently in H & S I 3. * H & S I 7. Cf. H a m a c k Mission und AusbrcitunR des Christeniums I I (1906) 233; S. N . Miller FJ1R X L I I (rg27) 79 80. 6 On M a r t i n see art. by L i o n Clugnet in Calh. Encycl. I X , and works listed there: also the iconoclastic treatise by E . Ch. B a b u t St. Martin de Tours (Paris [1912]) (extract from Rev. d'hist. et de litt. relig. 1 9 1 0 1 2 ) Icf. RH C X I I ( 1 9 1 3 ) 3 3 8 9; Bisl. Zs C X V ( 1 9 1 6 ) 606-8]; Hippolyte Delehaye " Saint M a r t i n e t Sulpice Sévère " An. Boll. X X X V I I I (1920) 5 - 1 3 6 ; M a r c Bloch " Saint M a r t i n de T o u r s , à propos d'une polémique " Rer. d'hist. et de litt. relig. V I I ( 1 9 2 1 ) 4 4 - 5 7 ; Camille Jullian " Remarques critiques sur la vie et l'oeuvre de saint M a r t i n ; Notes g a l l o - r o m a i n e s " xciii xcviii Rev. des études anciennes 1922-1923. Memoirs of M a r t i n were compiled b y his younger contemporary, Sulpicius Severus; cj. p. 668 infra. 6 See Besse " P r e m i e r s monastères de la Gaule m é r i d i o n a l e " Rev. des quest, hist., 1902; J . B . B u r y Life of St. Patrick (London 1905) 294-6; Henri Moris L'Abbaye de Lérins: histoire et monuments (Paris 1909) [cf. RU C I V ( J u l y 1 9 : 0 ) 398I.

T H E I R I S H C H U R C H I N T H E " C E L T I C " PERIOD

159

Martin's foundations. From it were sent out many of the leading ecclesiastics of Gaul, and to it came disciples from the greater part of the Christian West, including at least one man from Britain, Faustus, who was abbot from 432 to 450 or later, and afterwards bishop of Riez. We know that monasticism was well rooted in Britain by the sixth century. 7 The earliest foundation as to which there is a definite tradition was Candida Casa, the "White House" (now Whithern in Wigtownshire, Scotland): the tradition as preserved by Bede8 is that it was built by Nynias (Ninian), a Briton who, having studied at Rome, had become the apostle of the southern Picts, and that the church, built of stone, an unusual thing among the Britons, was dedicated to St. Martin. A twelfth-century Life by Ailred, abbot of Rievaulx, in Yorkshire, adds that Nynias visited Martin at Tours, obtained masons there, and afterwards, while his church was under construction, received news of Martin's death.9 It seems a safe inference from these traditions that this monastic establishment among the Picts of Galloway about A.D. 400 sprang from the work of Martin in western Gaul. Ireland, it is reasonable to believe, must have received Christianity from western Gaul and Britain in the fourth and early fifth century. The record is hazy, yet there are facts and considerations, some of which have been elaborated with great wealth of argument by Heinrich Zimmer, that seem to give at least the broad outlines of the story of the coming of the Christian faith. The more important heads of this evidence may be summarised as follows: (1) the commercial relations between Ireland and western Gaul; (2) the wars and settlements of the Irish—Scotti—in Britain, their relations, as foes or as auxiliaries, with the Roman army, and the consequent associations with Christians and introduction of Christian captives into Ireland; (3) the peculiar veneration accorded to St. Martin in the early Irish Church; 10 (4) similar, though slighter, evidence of the honor accorded to Ninian and the 7 Victricius, bishop of Rouen from about 380 to about 408, a f r i e n d of M a r t i n of Tours and, like him a zealous missionary and a promoter of monasticism, visited Britain about 395, but there is no explicit record of his introducing the monastic movement. Vacandard Vutrur, A. Anscombe " S t . Victricius of Rouen and St. Patrick " V I I (1913) 13-7.

/triu

CJ.

Saint

* Hist. Eccies. I l l iv. See Plummer's ed. T h e Vila by Ailred is in A. P. Forbes Lives of St. Ninian and St. Kentigern {Historians of Scotland V ) (Edinburgh 1874) and in W. M . Metcalfe (ed.) Pinker ton's Lives oj the Scottish Saints I (Paisley 1889). Cf. J . Mackinnon Ninian und setn Einfluss auj die Avsbreitung des Christenthums in Nord-Britannien 9

(Heidelberg 1 8 9 1 ) ; 1 26) Icj. similar to the

K a r l Strecker " Zu den Quellen f u r das L e b e n des hi. Ninian " NA X L I I I

(1920)

An. Boll. X L (1922) fasc. iii-iv]. Strecker believes that Ailred used as a source a Latin poem Miracula Nyssiat episcopi in MGB Poetae laiini aev. Carol. I V f a s c . 2 - 3 (Berlin 1 9 2 3 ) 9 4 3 - 6 2 .

10 T o this, and to the question of heresies in Ireland, H Z has given particular attention. 324, 348; also RC X X X V I I I ( 1 9 2 0 - 1 ) 72-4, 3 3 7 .

C f . p p . 270,

i6o

THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE "CELTIC" PERIOD

monastery of Candida Casa\11 (5) the traces in Ireland of those heresies —Arianism, Priscillianism, Pelagianism—which flourished in western Europe in the fourth and early fifth centuries;12 (6) the testimony, previously considered, to an tmigrt movement from Gaul to Ireland in the fifth century. 13 There is also certain linguistic evidence which is undoubtedly important if it can be correctly interpreted. Old Irish has several words of Latin origin and of Christian religious significance which show by their modifications that they were derived not directly from Latin but through the medium of British speech. 14 The inference is that the Irish people learned these words from British Christians. Zimmer at one time thought that they afforded testimony to the gradual conversion of Ireland by Britons in the fourth century; but perhaps they are due, as Bury suggested,18 to the intercourse between Goidels and Brythons in the Irish settlements of western Britain; or, more probably, to a movement of British churchmen into Ireland in the fifth and sixth centuries. There remain to be considered a certain number of positive records.

26. Mansuetus of Toul (a) Vila, audore Adsone: A.D. 974 x 992. EDS: Martfene and Durand Thesaurus novus anecdotorum (Paris 1717) III 1013-24 [prologue only], — Calmet Hisloire de Lorraine I (Nancy 1728, 2nd ed. 1745) p. xrvii and " Preuves " 83-106. — AA. SS. Boll. Sept. I 637-51. — Migne P L C X X X V I I 619-44. Cf. MGB SS IV 509-14. COMM: Ussher Whole Works VI 294-9. — Todd SI. Patrick (1864) 193-4. — H&S II pt. ii 289. — K M Learning in Ireland in the fifth century (Dublin 1913) 23. — Manitius Lot. Lit. II (1923) 432-42. (b) Gesta cpiscoporum Tuilensium: c A.D. 1107. EDS: Martine and 11 Candida Casa was known in Ireland as " the great monastery " and there is much legendary matter regarding its associations with Ireland. Ninian was honored in the martyrologies under the hypocoristic form Mo-Ninn or Moinenn. Cf. Skene Celtic Scotland II (Edinburgh 1887) 46-9. An Irish Life of Ninian, now lost, declared that he passed into Ireland and died there, after founding the church of Cluain-Conaire (Cloncurry, in northern Kildare). Cf. Ussher BrUannicarum ecclesiarum anliquitates xv in Whole Works VI 209; Colgan AA. SS. Bib. 438; AA. SS. Boll. Sept. V 318-28. The story may be the result of the fame to which Candida Casa attained. 15Cf. the writings of HZ listed above. The evidence for Arianism and Priscillianism in Ireland is very slight. Pelagianism, however, is on a different footing: Pelagius was quoted in Irish exegetical MSS three centuries after his death. It may be noted that after Priscillian had been put to death by the imperial pretender Maximus in 385 some of his followers were banished to the Scilly Islands in the next year. Passage thence to Ireland would have been easy. Cf. Sulpicius Severus Chronica II li (in Migne PL X X and Corp. SS. tales, lot. I (Vienna 1866)). 11 Cf. pp. 142 sqq supra. 14 B. G. Gttterbock Bemerkungen Uber die laleinischen Lchnw&rter im Irischen (Leipsic 1882) 92 10?; HZ The Celtic Church in Britain and Ireland (London 1902) 14 7 E.g. a survived in Irish, but changed to 6 in British: but for Lat. trinitdt(is), oiiarc, Irish hastrindoit, altoir. HZ's claim that the borrowings must have been made before the first half of the fifth century is dubious. Cf. Ir. Theol. Quarterly I (1906) 58-62. "£«/« of St. Palrich 351.

THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE " C E L T I C " PERIOD Durand ibid. 991-1091. — Calmet ibid. — Waitz MCB PL C L V I I 447-76.

161

SS V I I I 631-48. — Migne

The earliest Christian to whom an Irish origin is explicitly assigned was a Mansuetus 11 who, according to tradition, was the first bishop of Toul, in north-eastern France. It would appear that he flourished about the middle of the fourth century, although legend said that he was a disciple of S t Peter. His biography as we have it was written by Adso (c 920-92), abbot of Monti£r-en-Der, a well-known ecclesiastical author, and an abridgment was inserted into the " History of the bishops of Toul " prepared in the twelfth century. There were earlier versions of both the Life and the History, and Adso appears to have derived his information regarding the saint's origin from a written source.17 Nevertheless we may doubt the Irish birth as well as the Petrine mission of Mansuetus, and believe the tradition to be testimony rather to the mediaeval fame of Ireland's saints and missionaries than to the antiquity of her Christianity. , •

26. Pelagius Cf. the various Church histories and encyclopaedias; especially A . Hamack Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte 4th ed. (Tubingen 1909-10), trans. N. Buchanan History of Dogma (London 1896-9, Boston 1897-1900), Loofs in Rejlencyklopädic für protestantische Theologie und Kirche, 3rd ed. X V (Leipsic 1904) 744 sqq, and Pohle in Cath. Encyd. X I 6 0 4 - 8 . — Also: Todd St. Patrick (1864) 189-93. — H & S I 15-16, I I 2 9 0 . — HZ Pelagius in Irland (Berlin 1901), esp. 13 sqq; Sitzungsb. d. t. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. 1909 X X 553 r. — Bury " The Origin of Pelagius " Hermathena X H I (1904) 26-35. — Roger L'Enseignement (1905) 214-5. — Bruckner Quellen zur Geschichte des pdagianischen Streites (Tübingen 1906) [also in Gebhardt and Harnack Texte und Untersuchungen X V iii (Leipsic 1906)]. — A. Souter " Pelagius' doctrine in relation to his early l i f e " Expositor 8th ser. I X (London 1915) 180-2. — Cf. no. 17 and pp. 661 sqq infra.

In the writings of St. Jerome are to be found the first contemporary references to an Irishman who was also a Christian, even though, in Jerome's opinion, a miscreant. The prologue to the first book of the Commentary on Jeremiah, composed about 415-6, has the statement: " An ignorant calumniator has recently broken forth, who think« u This was the Latinisation of the Irish name Pethtno: cf. Marl. Don. (1864) 417. 17 Ea tempestate, ut scriptuiae documento pcrccpimus, quidam « n c t a e indotis fuerat adolescens, nomine Mansuetus, ex transmarinis parti bus nobilium quidem Scotorum c l a n progenie genitus.— Migne

PL CXXXVn 611 D. 18

So the metrical prologue of Adso's Life: Inclyta Mansueti claris natalibus orti progenies titulis fulsit in or be suis. Insula Christicolas gestabat Hibernia gentes, untie genus t w i t et satus inde fuit.

Adso, who was educated at Columban's monastery of Luxeuil, would be quite familiar with these ideas.

162

THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE " C E L T I C "

PERIOD

that my Commentaries on the Epistle of Paul to the Ephesians ought to be condemned . . . and this most stupid fellow, heavy with Irish porridge," does not remember that we have said in that very work," etc. The prologue to the third book of the same commentary, referring to the malicious activities of the devil, proceeds: " Although silent himself, he does his barking through an A l p i n e 1 0 dog, huge and corpulent, who can rave more with his claws than with his teeth: for he has his lineage of the Irish race, from the neighborhood of the Britons." In accordance with the fables of the poets he, another Cerberus, must be struck down with a spiritual club in order that, with his master Pluto, he may keep eternal silence." It seems reasonably certain that this unnamed " calumniator " was the heresiarch Pelagius, into the controversy with whom Jerome had by this time entered." There is, however, the difficulty that his other adversaries, Orosius," Augustine, 24 and Marius Mercator, 2 ' and his younger contemporary, Prosper of Aquitaine," all describe Pelagius as a Briton. Various solutions have been proposed: (i) the Irishman of Jerome's attacks was not Pelagius but his chief disciple, Caelestius; (2) Pelagius was a Briton, and Jerome's application of the — to him — opprobrious epithet Scottus27 had that freedom from ethnological accuiacy which characterised vituperative literature then as now; (3) Pelagius was Irish, but born in one of the Goidclic settlements in Britain, 28 or (4) educated in a British monastery; 28 (5) the term Brito, Britannus, may have been used in a bioad sense to designate any person from what Greek geographers still named al rptranKal Kijffoi.50

If Pelagius was an Irishman he must rank in fame with those mediaeval emigrants, Columbanus and Johannes Eriugena. He was a monk, though not a priest, and a man of considerable intellectual power: he was able to defend himself successfully in the Greek tongue before a council of the province of Jerusalem, held at Diospolis in 415, while his accuser, Orosius, had to employ an interpreter. 31 This knowledge of Greek, however, was acquired only after he himself had become a resident of the East. 3 2 He went to Rome not later than A.D. 400, perhaps as early as 384; 33 in 411, after the raid of Alaric, he passed " Scotorum pultibus praegravatus." " Albinum " or " Alpinum " : the significance is not clear; Vallarsi, the editor of St. Jerome, associated it with Albion, the Irish name of Britain. 19

20

2 1 " Habet enim progeniem Scoticae gentis de Britannonim vicinia." The opinion of Ussher (Whale Works V 253-4) and Williams that Jerome is speaking, not of the devil but of Pelagius, and that his disciple Caelestius is the dog of Irish breed, seems far-fetched if not impossible. Apart from this there is less reason to believe Caelestius an Irishman than Pelagius. T o d d and especially B u i y develop the interpretation here given.

In 415 by his Epistola ad Ctesiphontem and Diaiogus contra Pelagianos (Migne PL X X I I I 495 sqq). ** Liber apologeticus contra Pelagium de arbitrii libertaie (c A.D. 415): M i g n e PL X X X I 1173 1212; Zangemeister Carp 5 5 . Eccl. Lai. V (Vienna 1882) i. 22

Epistola clxxxvi (417): Migne PL X X X I I I 816. Commonitorium adversus haeresim Pelagii et Caelesti (c 418): Migne PL X L V I I I 109 72. 2f De Ingratis {c 429): Migne PL L I 94. Cf. no. 28 infra. 27 Cf. p. 138 supra. 2 8 So Bury. 28 H Z in Pelagius in Irland. H7. in his later treatise. J l Augustine: Migne PL X L I V 322. " C f . H. J. Chapman " P i l a g e et le t e i t e de s. Paul " RUE X V I I I (1922) 469-81, esp. 472 -4. u Cf. Gougaud ChrUienlls ceiliquts (1911) 3424

24

THE

IRISH

CHURCH

IN

THE

on to Asia b y way of North Africa.

"CELTIC"

PERIOD

163

In the East he lived chiefly at

Jerusalem till 418, after which date he disappears from history.

He

never took a position of open defiance of ecclesiastical authority, and was very successful in defending his suspected doctrines on grace and free will. Of his writings only a few letters, some fragments of longer works, and the Commentaries

on

the

Epistles

of St.

Paul,

before the sack of that city b y Alaric in 410, survive.

written at

Rome

T h e preservation

of this last in the schools of Ireland is one of the interesting phases of the history of ancient Irish learning, as its recovery is one of the remarkable achievements of present-day patristic scholarship. 34

27. Germanus of Auxerre Vila auctore Constantio (c 480-5) EDS: B. Mombritius Sanctuarium (Milan c 1480) I 319 sqq (the best of the older printed texts]. — Surius De probaiis sanctorum histotiis (2nd ed.) 30 Jul. IV ¡sdr-ôç.—AA. SS. Boll. 31 Jul. V I I 200-21. — Duru Bibliothèque historique de l'Yonne I (Auxerre 1850) 47-89. — Narbey Étude critique sur la vie de s. Germain d'Auxerre (Paris 1884) [all these contain the heavily interpolated version], — W . Levison MGH SS. rer. Merov. V I I i (1919) 225-83 [best ed.]. COMM: Levison NA X X I X i (1903) 97-175. — S. Baring-Gould " T h e Life of S. Germanus by Constantius " Y Cymmrodor X V I I (1903) 65-81; and the reply of J. Loth " L e prétendu s. Germain armoricain " Annales de Bretagne April 1905. — Bury St. Patrick (1905) 247-8, 297. For the Life by Heiric of Auxerre, see no. 407 infra. Cf. also K M Learning in Ireland in the fifth century (Dublin 1913) 23-4. Germanus (c 380-c 448) was a native of Auxerre who, after receiving the best secular education of the time at Aries, Lyons and Rome, became one of the imperial administrators of the Gauls. Amator, bishop of Auxerre, won him to the religious life, and on Amator's death in 418 he became bishop of Auxerre and one of the leading ecclesiastics of Gaul. His Life was written by Constantius, a priest of Lyons who had known him, but who was a contemporary and friend of Sidonius Apollinaris." Constantius tells the story of the two missions of Germanus to Britain to combat the Pelagian heresy, probably in 429, when he was accompanied by Lupus, bishop of Troyes, formerly a monk of Lérins, and in 447, when he had with him Severus, bishop of Trêves. These visits of Germanus made a profound impression in Britain: it would seem that there was an ancient British biography which formed one of the sources of the Historia Britcmum, or Nennius." Perhaps his British mission brought him into relations with Ireland, for in an appendix to a metrical version of his Life, prepared by Heiric of Auxerre in the ninth century, he is said to have had an Irish M u

Dr. Alexander Souter has published an ed. Cf. p. 661 infra. The text of the usual editions has been much altered: cf. Levison op. cit.; Bibtiotheca hagiographica

laiinti Boll. I sis no. 3453, II 1354. * Cf. no. 24 supra.

164 THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE "CELTIC" PERIOD disciple named Michomeri. 17 There are, however, traces of Irishmen at Auxerre before this: a certain Corcodemus, mentioned by Constantius as at Auxerre in the third century, is assumed by Zimmer, solely on the basis of the name, to have been Irish; and there is some slight evidence of an ancient Irish tradition that Iseminus, the fellow bishop of Patricius, was at Auxerre under both Amator and Germanus." Patricius himself, who was, of course, a Briton, was commonly represented as a disciple of Germanus.

28. Prosper of Aquitaine Epitoma

Chronicon

(A.D. 4 2 5 - 5 5 ) ; Contra

L I [complete works]. — M o m m s e n MGB

Collatorem

Auct. Antiq.

(c AJ>. 4 3 3 ) : EDS: M i g n e

I X (Chronica Minora

PL

I) 3 5 3 -

499. For other eds. of the Chronicon and the older literature see Potthast. Coicu: Holder-Egger " Die Chronik Prospers von Aquitanien" NA I (1876) 15-90, 327-34. — L. Valentin St. Prosper d'Aquitaine (Toulouse 1900).—Otto Bardenhewer Patrologie 3rd ed. (Freiburg i. B. 1910) and trans. Thos. J. Shahan Patrology (Freiburg i. B. and St. Louis 1908). On the later history of Pelagianism, and on Semipelagianism: C a s p a r i Brieje,

kirklichen

Abhandlungen

Alterthums

und

Predigten

aus den

zwei letzten

(Christiania 1890). — Pohle in Cath. Encyd.

Jahrhunderlen

der

XI, XIII.

Constantius's Life of Germanus was written long after its subject's death, and by an author more interested in miracle than in history. But in the writings of Prosper of Aquitaine we have records contemporary with the events they narrate, by a man who was active in the public ecclesiastical life of the time. The teaching of Pelagius had inaugurated a vast discussion throughout the Christian Church on the subjects of grace, free will and predestination, in which advocates of each of the different points of view were found to be widely scattered. St. Augustine, bishop of Hippo in North Africa, was the great opponent of Pelagianism, and carried his doctrine of the all-importance of divine grace so far as to give offence to many who were themselves Anti-Pelagians. Especially among the monks of Lerins and its daughter monasteries, and among the clergy which Lerins had given to the dioceses of Gaul, did an Anti-Augustinian party arise. Its leaders were Faustus of Lerins and John Cassian (c 360-c 435), principal western exponent of monasticism, who from L&ins had founded the monastery of Marseilles. Prosper of Aquitaine (c 390-c 465), a layman of good education, and apparently a resident of Marseilles, first appears on the scene in 428 or 429 by a letter he wrote n K M suggests Mfckomairle. Heiric also speaks of St. Patrick as a disciple of Germanus, but this information was derived from Irish sources. No. 407 infra. - Bury SI. Patrick 348-9.

THE

IRISH C H U R C H

IN

THE

"CELTIC"

PERIOD

to Augustine describing this situation in southern Gaul.

165

For the re-

mainder of his life he was a warm partisan of the Augustinian teaching. In 431 he visited Rome in connection with the controversy, and about 433 or 434 he published a direct attack on Cassian, entitled Liber contra Collatorem.

In 434, or, in the opinion of others, 440, he removed to

Rome, where, it is said, he obtained a position in the papal chancery. His most important historical work, the Chronic on, was a revision of Jerome's chronicle, with a continuation from 378 to his own time: there seem to have been three editions, the first to 433, the second to 445, and the third to 455. The following excerpts from the writings of Prosper are of interest: Chronicon, A J). 429: " The Pelagian Agricola, son of the Pelagian bishop Severianus, corrupts the churches of Britain by the propagation of his doctrine. But at the instigation of the deacon Palladius, Pope Celestine sends Germanus, bishop of Auxerre, in his stead, who overthrows the heretics and guides the Britons to the Catholic faith." " 43r: " To the Irish believing in Christ Palladius, having been ordained by Pope Celestine, is sent as first bishop." 40 Conlra Collatorem xxi: " With no less care did [Celestine] free the British Isles from that same disease [Pelagianism] . . . and by ordaining a bishop for the Irish, whilst he strove to keep the Roman island Catholic, he also made the barbarous island Christian." 41 Of Palladius or his Irish mission we have no further authentic record.

29. Patricius (1) Confessie: Ego Patricius peccator, nistidssimus . . . et haec est confess» mea antequam moriar. (a) Epistala: Patricius peccator indoctus scilicet. — Hibehone . . sani efficiantur hie et in aeternum. Pax Patri et Filio et Spiritui Sancto. Amen.

MSS: LA s I X ff. 22-24* [confessio only; imperfect], — BN Iat. 17626 s X ff. 72 sqq; — Arras Bibl. pub. 450 s XII ff. 5oT~s2T [imperfect; formerly of the monastery of St. Vaast, Arras]. — BM Cotton. Nero E. I s X I I ff. i6q t sqq. — Bodl. Fell 4 s X I ex ff. 158-64; Fell 3 s X I I in ff. 7 - 1 1 * [these two MSS formerly belonged to Salisbury cathedral]. — Rouen BibL pub. 1391 s X I / X I I ff. iS7 T_ 9 [confessio only; imperfect. ** Constantius says that the orthodox Britons appealed to the churches of Gaul, and that Germanus and Lupus were sent by a Gallic council. 40 " Ad Scottos in Christum credentes ordinatus a papa Caelestino Palladius primus episcopus mittitur." As Prosper was in Rome this year, and published his Chronicle in 433, this is a remarkably good historical source. 41 "et ordinate Scottis episcopo dum Romanam intnUm studet servare catholicam fecit etiam barbaram christianam." There need be no contradiction between this and the preceding extract: the natural implication in Scotios in Christum crtdatia is not that all or a majority of the Irish were Christians, but a sufficient number to justify the appointment of a bishop; and that in fecit barbaram christianam is not that Celestine inaugurated an overwhelmingly successful missionary enterprise, but that — a wellknown ecclesiastical manner of speech — by erecting an episcopate in a new country he had brought it within the pale of the official Christian world. For this reason it is not impossible that Prosper knew in 433 or 434, what later Irish legend declared, that Palladius had failed and died within a few months after his arrival in Ireland; but his words certainly make this improbable.

i66 THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE "CELTIC" PERIOD formerly of Jumièges]. EDS: Ware S. Patricio adscripta opuscula (London 1656). — Andreas Denis AA. SS. Boll. 17 Mar. I I 530 sqq [based on St. Vaast MS, but with emendations, some of value]. — A. Gallandius Bibl. vet. pairum X (Venice 1774) 159 sqq. — Rer. Hib. SS. I (1814) pp. cvii sqq. — Betham Irish Antiquarian Researches I I (Dublin 1827) Append. [Confessio, L A text; poor]. — J . L. Villanueva Sancti Pairicii synodi canones opuscula et scriptorum quae supersuni fragmenta (Dublin 183s) [Boll, text with variants from Ware], — Migne PL L I I I 801-18 [from Gallandius]. — H&S I I pt. II 296 sqq [poor], — Gilbert Facs. Nat. MSS. Ire. II App. I l l A-M pl. lii. — Vit. Trip. II (London 1887) 357-80 [LA and Cotton], — Newport J . D. White " Libri sancti Patricii: the Latin writings of St. Patrick " Proc. RIA X X V C vii (1905) 201-326 [good critical text, with trans, and notes]; " T h e Paris manuscript of St. Patrick's Latin writings" ibid, xi 542-52 [study of the MS, giving its variant readings]; Libri Sancti Patricii (S. P. C. K . : London 1918) [revised text]. — J . Healy The Life and Writings of St. Patrick (Dublin 1905) [has a good trans.]. — Gwynn LA (1913). TRANS: M. F. Cusack Life of St. Patrick (London, etc. 1871). — Sir Samuel Ferguson " O n the Patrician documents" Trans. RIA X X V I I Pol. Lit. &• Antiq. (1885) 70 sqq [see also Proc. RIA 2nd ser. Pol. Lit. 6* Antiq. I I 1 - 3 , 15-16, 205-8]. — C. H. H. Wright The Writings of Patrick (Christian Classics Series VI) (Religious Tract Soc. : London 1889). — T. Olden Epistles and hymns of St. Patrick (London 1889). — White Translation of the Latin writings of St. Patrick (S. P. C. K.: London 1918); St. Patrick, his Writings and Life (S. P. C. K . : London 1920). — G . Dottin Les Livres de s. Patrice (Paris 1909). COMM: See the works cited pp. 3 1 9 - 2 1 , especially Robert, HZ and Bury. — Tillemont Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire ecclésiastique X V I (Paris 1712) 455-61. — J . von Pflugk-Harttung " D i e Schriften S. Patricks" Neue Ileidelberger Jahrbucher I I I i (1893) 71-87 [against the authenticity of the Confessio; described by Bury as " a piece of extraordinarily bad criticism " ; cf. Hyde Literary History of Ireland 1 1 2 n. 2]. — F. Kattenbusch Das apostolische Symbol I (Leipsic 1894) 188, 212 sq, 3 9 5 . — J . Haussleiter Gôttingische gelehrte Anzeiger May 1898 pp. 369-71 [these two on the relation of the creed of Patricius to Victorinus of Pettau]. — E. W. B. Nicholson The Academy May 1 1 , 1895. — Glover Classical Review X (1896) 39 [on the word " heliam "]. — Roger L'Enseignement (1905) 220-2 [on the Latinity of Patricius]. — F. R . Montgomery Hitchcock " The Creeds of SS. Irenaeus and Patrick " Hermathena X I V (Dublin 1907) 168 [studies the declaration of faith given in the Confessio]-, Irenaeus of Lugdunum (Cambridge 1914) 348 sqq\ St. Patrick and his Gallic friends (London 1916) [describes, inter al., the leading ecclesiastics of Gaul in the early fifth century, and attempts to trace a literary relationship with them in the writings of Patrick]. — Alfred Anscombe " St. Victricius of Rouen and St. P a t r i c k " Ériu V I I (1913) 13-7. — M. Esposito " Notes on the Latin writings of St Patrick " JTS X I X (July 1918) 342-6. — MacN "Silva Focluti " Proc. RIA X X X V I C xiv (1923) 249-55 I a n acute piece of textual and historical criticism].

After Prosper of Aquitaine the next contemporary records of the conversion of the Irish are two documents written in Ireland itself by a bishop named Patricius. This Patricius, according to the Irish annals, came to Ireland in A.D. 432 and died in 461. is

The authenticity of the now generally accepted.

two compositions attributed to him It is probable, however, that the

T H E IRISH C H U R C H IN T H E " C E L T I C " PERIOD

167

texts, even as restored by the best critical scholarship, are quite faulty. 4 2 W h a t the author calls his Confession is a kind of apologia pro viia sua, written as a general justification of his mission to Ireland and his manner of life there, against accusations of ignorance, incompetence, presumption, and even self-seeking, which would seem to have been current, perhaps both in Ireland and abroad. 41 Accordingly he gives an exposition of his religious experiences, emphasising especially the supernatural communications which he believed himself to have received, the whole tending to demonstrate that his mission was of divine inspiration and executed by divine grace. 44 Only occasionally and incidentally does he refer to events of his active life. Moreover, the document is marred by an exasperating incoherence which leaves the meaning constantly in doubt. The Confession was composed in Ireland (Hiberione), and in the writer's " o l d age " — " this is my confession before I die." It was intended for his " brethren," " kinsfolk," " fellow-servants," — primarily the clergy and monks " who formed his immediate following, but also, it would seem, his relatives and ecclcsiastical friends abroad. 4 ' Ireland and the Irish are spoken of in an objective way that forces the conclusion that Patricius did not think of himself as addressing Irishmen: it would appear, however, that in Ireland, as in other missionary countries, the Christian population was regarded as a distinct people, plebs Domini, separated from the Hibernae gentes.

The facts regarding the career of Patricius which may be elicited from the Confession can be summarised as follows: He was born in Britain, at a place which has not been identified, of a family of some local importance; when about sixteen years of age he was taken captive and carried into Ireland " with many thousands of persons," doubtless u There are several large gaps ill the L A copy, the oldest, of the Confession. White suggests that somes leaves of the exemplar had been lost. If so, the Epistle may also have disappeared. It is not copied, but the title, " Incipiunt libri sancti Patricii episcopi," prefixed to the Confession, indicates that the Epistle had also formed part of the exemplar. Bury and G w y n n believed that the scribe of L A omitted sections of his text. It is much more probable that, if omissions were deliberately made, they were due to the scribe of the exemplar. T h a t seems to have been a very old text which, though in reality a poor copy, had come to be regarded as an autograph of Patricius. 43 Among his critics were men of education, designated " rhetoricians." It is not clear from the context whether they were residents of Ireland or not: there is, perhaps, a suggestion of proximity in the contemptuous expression used. Cf. pp. 142-3 supra. — Patricius freely admits his lack of literary education.

The author was not a theologian, but be shows the unconscious influence of Anti-Pelagian controversy. His declaration of faith, however, resembles that of Pclagius. It seems to be related to eastern creeds, and especially to that in an ancient commentary attributed to Victor inus of Pettau, a martyT in the Diocletian persecution. See the books and articles by Kattenbusch, Haussleiter, Esposito and Hitchcock noted above; also S. Czamowski Le Culle des ktros — Saint Patrick (Paris 1919) 40 -2, and August Hahn (ed. Ludwig Hahn) Bibliothek der Symbole uni GUubensregeln der alien Kirche, 3rd ed. (Breslau 1897), as referred to by Czamowski. The author was a promoter of monasticism, and apparently had been a monk himself. A t one place he speaks as though making a report to Britons on the state of their countrymen in Ireland. H e testifies that these are very numerous, some of them slaves, but the majority, it would appear, free. The Epistle also shows closer association between Patricius and his clergy on the one hand and the clergy of Britain on the other than might have been expected. 46

44

168 THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE "CELTIC" PERIOD on the occasion of one of the attacks of the " Scotti " on Britain; for six years he served as a herdsman, for part if not for the entire time in the neighborhood of Silua Uluti, the " Wood of the Ulaid," now Killultagh, east of Loch Neagh; 47 then he made his escape to a port some two hundred (Roman) miles distant — it must have been on the southern coast — from which he sailed on a ship carrying a cargo of dogs, 48 apparently to south-western Gaul.49 After a few years he returned to Britain and there received what he believed to be a supernatural call to come back to the Irish. He became a deacon and at length, in spite of opposition, was consecrated bishop and sent on the mission to Ireland. At a later time some of his ecclesiastical seniors brought charges against him, apparently aiming at his degradation, but were frustrated.80 His mission in Ireland, of which some interesting details are given, was most successful,51 but he lived in poverty and danger and in readiness for martyrdom. He would have liked to revisit his relations in Britain and his ecclesiastical brethren in Gaul, which he regarded as his spiritual home, 52 but duty required that he remain with the people entrusted to his charge. The Epistle is a document very similar in thought and language to the Confession, but more coherent. The soldiers — regarded as Roman citizens — of a ruler in North Britain named Coroticus," in alliance and perhaps in company with "Scotti" 14 and " Picti," " had made a raid into Ireland and fallen on a company of newly-baptized converts, killing many and carrying off others to be sold as slaves. Patricius writes to certain subjects of Coroticus, no doubt clergy, denouncing the crime and demanding the excommunication of those guilty. The same tone of self-justification against illd .'fined accusations pervades this document as the Confession. 47 This identification, alter Patrician students had been at fault for more than twelve centuries, is due to Dr. MacNeill. « C/. T. Olden The Ckurck oj Ireland (London 1892) 16-18, App. B; Bury St. Patrick 34°- The side, or des sido, of Irish mythology and folk-lore. 91 Cf. Nicholson, op. cit. Perhaps the David, bishop of Armagh and legate of all Ireland, whose name appears in A U 551, owes his to some old textual corruption of an obituary notice of the Welsh saint.

i8o THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE "CELTIC" PERIOD 1

??1- — Baring-Gould and Fisher British Saints I I 14-42, I I I 132-3. — Duine Memento 115-8 [with bibliography].

The earliest extant Life of Cadoc was written by a cleric named Lifris, who flourished at the end of the eleventh century, if, as seems probable, he was the son of Bishop Herwald of Llandaff, who died in 1104. It is a fabulous composition, but doubtless reflects the ideas and traditions of Cadoc's monastery of Llan-Carvan. Cadoc's mother is said to have been of Irish descent; he himself was trained by an Irish hermit named Meuthi; and he also went to the schools of Ireland, especially Lismore, " until he had acquired the complete knowledge of the West." Many disciples accompanied him on his return, among them Finnian (of Clonard)," MacMoil and Gnauan. Mention is also made of a skilful Irish wood-worker named Liuguri ( = L6iguire), whose fellow laborers killed him in jealousy. — MacMoil and Finnian are named in a collection of alleged records of donations made to Cadoc and his monastery.®3

37. British Legends of Saints who went to Ireland (1) CARANTOC. EDS: AA. SS. Boll. 16 Mai. I l l 583-7. — Rees Cambro-British Saints 97 sqq. — Nova Legenda Anglie ed. Horstman I (Oxford 1901) 177-9. —S. Baring-Gould Y Cymmrodor X V (1902) 88-99. Cf. Hardy Cat. I i 46-7; Duine Memento 118-9. He is said to have followed Patrick to Ireland, and is identified with the St. Caimech, or Camech (i.e., the " Comishman "), of Irish tradition. Cf. p. 352 infra. (2) CYBI, KEBIUS. EDS: Rees op. cit. 183-8 [corrections by K M Y Cymmrodor X I I I (1900) 87-8]. — Nova Legenda Anglie I I 100-2. COMM: Baring-Gould Y Cymmrodor X I V (1901) 86-95. — Baring-Gould and Fisher British Saints 202-15. He lived under St. Énda at Aran. (3) ETHBIN, EGBFN, EDIUNET. EDS: Surius De probatis sanctorum historiis Oct. IV (Cologne 1617) 307 sqq. — AA. SS. Boll. Oct. VIII 474-8. — Nova Legenda Anglie I 368-9. COMM: La Borderie Cartulaire de Landévenec (Rennes 1888) 137-41. — Donatien De Bruyne " La Vie de s. Idunet " Bull, de la Soc. archiol. du Finistère 1916 pp. 178-9. — Duine op. cit. 87-9. A disciple of Winwaloe who ended his life in Ireland, at the " silua Nectensis." The Life is by a monk of Landévennec, perhaps of the eleventh century. (4) GUÉNAËL. ED: A A. SS. Boll. Nov. I 66979.

COMM: Baring-Gould and Fisher op. cit. I l l 1 7 2 - 8 1 . — Duine op. cit. 38-40

[with bibliography]. He was the successor of Winwaloe at Landévennec, and is said to have founded a monastery in Ireland. The Life is of the ninth or tenth century. (5) MACHAN. Cf. A. P. Forbes Kalendars of Scottish Saints (Edinburgh 1872) 380-1. (6) PADAKN, PATERN.

E D S : R e e s op. cit. 1 8 8 - 9 7 [corrections b y K M

AA. SS. Boll. Apr. I I 377-81.—•Nova Legenda Anglie I I 274-8.

loc. cit. 88]. —

COMM: Hardy

op. cit. I pt. I 129-30. — Duchesne RC X I V (1893) 238-40. — Phillimore Y Cymmrodor

X I 128. — Lot " Caradoc et s. Patern " Romania X X V I I I (1899) 568 sqq. — Duine op. cit. 69-70 [with bibliography]. He and his father, Peran, lived for a time in Ireland. The Life, a Breton composition of the second half of the eleventh century, seems to have absorbed an earlier Welsh text. (7) PETROC. EDS: Nova Legenda Anglie II 3 1 7 20. — AA. SS. Boll. Jun. I 399-402. COMM: Baring-Gould and Fisher op. cit. IV 94n We are told that the monks of Clonard, through veneration for the memory of Cadoc, would honorably receive any of his clergy, and make him as one of their heirs. M Frederick See bo h m The Tribal System in Wales (and ed. London, etc. 1904) 205 sqq.

THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE "CELTIC" PERIOD 103. — Duine op. cil. 1 3 2 - 3 [with bibliography]. Ireland.

181

H e spent twenty years studying in

38. Legends of Irish Saints in Britain and Brittany ( r ) BREACA. Cf. Lucy Toulmin Smith (ed.) Itinerary of John Leland I (London 1907) 187; Baring-Gould a n d Fisher British Saints I 229-32. Leland in t h e sixteenth c e n t u r y made extracts from a Life kept a t Breage Church, Cornwall. She was a n Irishwoman who came to Cornwall with Senan and m a n y other saints. (2) BRIAC. Cf. Albert le Grand Les Vies des saints de la Bretagne (ed. of 1901) 714; L a Borderie Histoire de Bretagne I 3 5 9 - 6 1 ; Baring-Gould and Fisher op. cit. I 262-4. Son of an Ulster prince, he became a disciple of St. Tugdual in Wales, founded the monastery of Bourbriac in B r i t t a n y , a n d made a voyage to Rome. (3) BUDOC. Cf. L u c y Toulmin Smith op. cit. I 196-7; Baring-Gould a n d Fisher op. cit. 329-37; Duine Saints de Domnonée (1912) 20-31, 50; Memento 65-6 [with bibliography). A pan-British saint who is localised in Pembroke, Devon, Cornwall a n d Brittany, and who, according to some traditions, was Irish. (4) CAST. Cf. Duine Memento 94-5. (5) EFFLAM. ED: L a Borderie Annates de Bretagne V I I (1892) 279-312. Cf. Duine op. cit. 89. An Irish prince who went to Armorica. T h e Life is of the twelfth century. (6) FEOCK. Cf. Albert le G r a n d op. cit.) Baring-Gould a n d Fisher op. cit. I l l 4-9. His name, in m a n y variations, is found in the legends, church dedications a n d place n a m e s of Cornwall a n d B r i t t a n y . Le G r a n d ' s Life makes him a n archbishop of Armagh who floated

t o B r i t t a n y on a s t o n e .

(7) FINGAS (GUIGNER) a n d PIALA (CIARA).

EDS:

(i) Messingham Florilegium insulae sanctorum (Paris 1624) 210-8. — Colgan A A. SS. (Louvain 1645) 387-90. — AA. SS. Boll. M a r . I l l 456-9. — G. Gerberon (ed.) Anselmi Cantuariensis opera (2nd ed. Paris 1 7 2 1 ) I 508, I I 703. — Migne PL C L I X 325-34. (ii) Albert le Grand op. cit. C0101: Baring-Gould and Fisher op. cit. I l l 24-30, 267-9. — Duine op. cit. 126-7, I 55~6- Children of a n Irish king, they were banished for accepting t h e teaching of St. Patrick, a n d went t o B r i t t a n y a n d later t o Cornwall, where they were murdered. T h e y were followed to Cornwall by St. Hia. T h e Life was b y a monk named Anselm, perhaps of St. Michael's M o u n t , Cornwall. Another Life was extracted by Le Grand from Breton legendaria. (8) LEUTIERN. Cf. Duine op. cil. 149 a n d references there given. A Breton saint who has been identified as an Irishman, Lughtiem.

(9) MAUDETUS, MAUDEZ, MAWES.

EDS: L a B o r d e r i e

Mim.

de la Soc. d'émulation des Côles-du-Nord X X V I I I (1890) 198-266 [also separately 1891], — U. Robert Vie de S. Maudi (1889). COMM: Y. M . Lucas " L e culte de s. M a u d e t et de s. Rion " Rev. hist, de l'Ouest (Vannes 1893) [and separately]. — Baring-Gould and Fisher op. cil. I l l 441-9. — Duine op. cit. 97-8. An Irish saint who went t o B r i t t a n y , where m a n y dedications a t t e s t his fame, as does the place-name, St. Mawes, in Cornwall. T h e earliest Life — f r a g m e n t a r y — m a y be of the eleventh century. (10) MENULFUS, MENORE. EDS: Labbe Novae bibliothecae I I (Paris 1657) 433-4. — AA. SS. Boll. 1 2 Jul. I l l 307-8. COMM: Duine op. cit. 8 1 - 2 . H e went t o Armorica, and thence to Rome, and founded St. Menoux in Bourges. (11) NINNOCA. EDS: L. Maitre and P. de Berthou Cariulaire de l'abbaye de Sainte-Croix de Quimperlt 1 5 - 2 7 , 2nd ed. 55-68. — AA. SS. Boll. J u n . I 408-11 [partial]. COMM: Molinier Sources de l'histoire de France I no. 403. — Duine op. cit. 1 0 1 . (12) OSMANNA. EDS: AA. SS. Boll. Sept. I I I 417-25. Plaine " Ste Osmanne, patronne de Féricy-en-Brie " Rev. de Champagne et de Brie a n d separately (1892) [cf. An. Boll. X I I (1893) 314]. —

I82

T H E IRISH CHURCH IN T H E " C E L T I C "

Nova Legenda Anglic

ed. H o r s t m a n l l (1901) 237-9.

PERIOD

( 1 3 ) RONAN, RENAN.

ED: D e

Smedt Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum B. N. Paris. I (Brussels 1889) 438-58. FR. TRANS.: Bull, de la Soc. archlol. du Finistère X V I (1889) 263 sqq. COMM: Duchesne Bull, crüique X I (1890) 124-5. — Baring-Gould and Fisher op. cil. IV 120-5. — Duine op. cit. 102-3 [with bibliography]. — L . Gougaud RC X X X I X (1922) 220; Gaelic pioneers

of Christianity

(1923) 1 3 7 - 8 .

(14) SEZNIUS, SEZNY.

Cf.

A l b e r t le G r a n d

op. cit. 591-3; Colgan op. cit. 477; Baring-Gould and Fisher op. cit. IV 199; Duine op. cit 104. He went to Brittany. Colgan wished to identify him with Iseminus. (15) TATHEUS, TATHAN. EDS: Rees Cambro-British Saints (1853) 255-64 [corrections by K M Y Cymmrodor X I I I (1900) 93). — H. Idris Bell Vita S. Talhei and Buched Seint Y Katrin (Welsh MSS. Soc.: Bangor 1909). — Nova Legenda Anglie ed. Horstm a n I I (1901) 3 6 1 - 3 .

COMM: B a r i n g - G o u l d a n d F i s h e r op. cit. I V 2 1 T - 4 .

H e went

to Wales and became teacher of Cadoc. (16) TENENANUS, TINIDORUS. Cf. Le Grand op. cit. 307; AA. SS. Boll. Jul. IV 179-80; La Borderie Hist, de Bretagne I (1896) 496; Baring-Gould and Fisher op. cit. IV 244-9, 293-6; Duine op. cit. 78-9. Of Léon in Brittany, said by some to have been of Irish birth, by others, of Irish education. (17) VOUGAY, VIO. Cf. Le Grand op. cit. 222; Duine op. cit. 107. An archbishop who went to Brittany.

These texts are of late date and fabulous character. Y e t they do witness to a wide and deep tradition of the early association of the Irish and British churches. The probability, on other grounds, of a movement of British ecclesiastics into Ireland in the fifth and sixth centuries has been mentioned. For the stories of the presence of Irish clerics in Brythonic lands there are also credible explanations: some may have gone to seek the teaching and the discipline of the British monasteries; others to dwell with their kindred in those Goidelic settlements which still existed in some districts of Wales and Cornwall in the early sixth century; and others under the influence of that idea of religious exile which became so powerful in the following centuries. Some legends of Irish saints in Britain — notably Senan and Ciarán (Cornish " Piran ") 9 4 — must have had their origin solely in church dedications. Such dedications are particularly numerous at the extreme western point of Cornwall, where, doubtless, there was a Goidelic population. The works of Geoffrey of Monmouth and William of Malmesbury also have some interest for early Hibemo-British religious relations. w

Cj. nos. 157, r24.

THE

III.

IRISH

RENEWAL

CHURCH

OF

IN

THE

INTERCOURSE ST.

WITH

"CELTIC"

PERIOD

CONTINENTAL

EUROPE

183

—

COLUMBANUS

Bibliography See the works listed on pp. 486-7 infra, especially those by Gougaud. — Margaret Stokes Six months in the Apennines, or a pilgrimage in search of vestiges of the Irish saints in Italy (London 1892); Three months in the forests of France A pilgrimage in search of vestiges of the Irish saints in France (London 1895) [travel-letters by a student of history and art; interesting though uncritical]. I t is h i g h l y p r o b a b l e

t h a t a considerable a m o u n t of

intercourse

w a s m a i n t a i n e d b e t w e e n I r e l a n d a n d western G a u l even in t h e Visigothic

and early F r a n k i s h eras.

W i n e w a s to be b o u g h t a n d sold n o

m a t t e r w h o took toll in A q u i t a i n e .

D o u b t l e s s a f e w ecclesiastics m a d e

their w a y to T o u r s or e v e n to R o m e , a n d others, j o u r n e y i n g t o B r i t t a n y , passed thence into the F r a n k i s h dominions. lingered in the legends of l a t e r d a y s .

Of some of these, m e m o r i e s

B u t so far as our records indicate,

p e r m a n e n t intellectual c o n t a c t b e t w e e n Irish a n d c o n t i n e n t a l C h r i s t i a n i t y w a s resumed o n l y w h e n C o l u m b a n u s and his c o m p a n i o n s , Irish, some B r i t o n s , established themselves in eastern G a u l the close of

the sixth c e n t u r y .

In Columbanus,

some

towards

too, w e m e e t

the

first I r i s h m a n whose o w n w o r d s s u r v i v e in sufficient n u m b e r t o s h o w w h a t m a n n e r of m a n he w a s .

39. Associates of St. Rémi of Reims (a) FLODOARD: Bistoriarum ecdesiae Remensis libri IV (A.D. 948). EDS: Geo. Colvcncrius (Douai 1617). — Bouquet VIII. — Migne PL C X X X V 27-406. — Lejeune 2 vols. (Reims 1854) [with Fr. trans.]. — J . Heller and G. Waitz MGH SS X I I I (1881) 409-599. (b) Vita s. Gibriani. ED: A A. SS. Boll. Mai. II 301-2, 3rd ed. 610-40. (c) Vila s. Tresani. EDS: Colgan AA. SS. 271-3. — AA. SS. Boll. Febr. II 53-5. Coim: Histoire liléraire de la France IV (1738) 193. — L. Paris Légende de s. Trtsain d'Avenay avec l'histoire de son église (Paris 1844). (d) Vila s. Amandi. ED: AA. SS. Boll. Jun. III 106-7. St. Remigius, or Rémi, archbishop of Reims, who died in 532, was the most prominent ecclesiastic of Gaul in his time. In 496 he received Clovis, king of the Franks, into the Church. He is said to have been friendly to " pilgrims," and there are legends regarding several Irish saints who settled in his diocese. The most reputable witness is Flodoard (894-966), a canon of the cathedral church at Reims who wrote extensively on local and general history. In his History of the Church of Reims 45 he recounts the » Lib. IV cap. U.

I8 4 THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE "CELTIC" PERIOD translation to that edifice of the relics of St. Gibrianus, from whom the village of St. Gibrien, near Châlons-sur-Marne, takes its name. Gibrian was, he proceeds, one of a party of seven brothers and three sisters — Gibrian, Helan, Tressan, German, Veran, Abran and Petran, and Ftancla, Portia and P r o m p t i a — w h o came from Ireland to Reims and were allowed by Rémi to settle on the banks of the river M a m e . The same legend is given in the vita of Gibrian, and in that of Tressan, reputed founder of the church of Avenay, south of Reims, which are late and fabulous compositions, perhaps of the tenth or eleventh century. The shadowy St. Breaca of Cornwall was associated with this group of religious, and church-dedications in Cornwall and Brittany seem to show that they, or their legend, were well known in those countries." There is also a legend of an Irish pilgrim named Amandus, who, returning from Italy through Gaul, was granted land at Beaumont, near Reims, by Rémi and Clovis, and there built a hermitage.

An eleventh or more probably twelfth or thirteenth-century text tells the story of St. Germanus, a bishop, who suffered martyrdom near Amiens apparently in the fifth century. The Life, which is quite untrustworthy, represents him as having come from Scotia, which to the author may have meant Scotland; but it is probable that either the older legend represented the saint as a " Scottus," an Irishman, or else that the biographer gave him a Scottish origin because of the traditional fame of the " Scotti." EDS: Labbe Bibl. nova I 7 1 6 - 2 3 . — A A . SS. Boll. 2 Mai. I 261-70; cf. V I I 549-51. COMM: Tillemont Mémoires de l'kist. cults. X V (1711) 28-9. — Hist. lit. de la France V I I (1746) 151. — E. A. Pape Vie de s. Germain l'Ecossais (Amiens 1856). — J. Corblet Hagiographie du diocèse d'Amiens I I (Paris 1870) 488-522. Of similar apocryphal character are, probably, the statements in their Lives which attribute an Irish origin to two saints whose careers are placed in the sixth century, Ursus or Ours, patron of Aosta, and Praecordius or Prccord, a hermit at Vesly-surAisne. Vila Ursi: ED: AA. SS. Boll. 1 Feb. I 97-8, 937-9; 3rd ed. 945-6. Vila Praecordii (A.D. 932 x 942): EDS: Colgan AA. SS. 230-2. — AA. SS. Boll. 1 Feb. I 196-8. Cf. the Bollandists' Bibl. hag. lot. no. 1006.

40. St. Frediano of Lucca I Beatus igitur Fridianus, sicut prist! catholici t r a d i d e r u n t , ex Hibernia Scotiae insula . . . in his aquis m o r i a t u r . Quod usque in hodiernum diem ita esse p r o b a t u m e s t . (ii) S u m m a e T r i n i t a t i . . . Beatas igitur . . . Lucana decoratur. Veneremur ergo. . . . (iii) S a n c t u s ergo F r i d i a n u s . . . altare cons t i t u é . In quo loco m u l t a exuberant bénéficia. . . . (iv) S a n c t u s igitur Fridianus, m e n t e pius. . . sibi adhaerere, qui vivit etc.

EDS: Colgan AA. SS. 633-51 (Vitae i, iii, 6r iv). Cf. [Augustinus Ticinensis] FJucidarium christianarum religionum (Brixie 1511) ff. xlvii-xlix; Ughelli Italia Sacra I 96 Cf. Baring-Gould and Fisher British Saints I 105-7, 229-32, I I I 80-r, 253-4. T h e s e a u t h o r s identify t h e m with t h e sons of Goll w h o m St. Ailbe is said t o have left in a monastery on the continent (Cod. 5. 244). A G e r m a n mac Guill is c o m m e m o r a t e d in the Irish martyrologies. Abran a n d t h e Cornish Kevera are identified with the Achebranus of Domesday Book — " Canonici sancti Achebrani t e n e n t Lan-Achebran et t e n e b a n t tempore regis E d u a r d i " — and the Aed Cobran of the Irish martyrologies. All this is farfetched, and the last identification, a t least, linguistically impossible.

THE

IRISH CHURCH

IN T H E

"CELTIC"

PERIOD

185

794 sqq; G. Fanucchi Vita di S. Frediano (Lucca 1870); An. Boll. X I (1892) 262-3 [excerpts from Vita ii]; Margaret Stokes Six Months in the Apennines (1892) 20-49; Seebass ZK X I V (1894) 437-8; A. Poncelet Cat. cod. hagiogr. lot. bibl. Romanarum (Brussels 1909) 145, 243; Cat. cod. hag. lot. bibl. Vaticanae (Brussels 1910) 49, 194, 466.

St. Frediano was bishop of Lucca in northern Tuscany c 560-588. His reality is vouched for by a passage in the Dialogues of Pope Gregory the Great, 9 7 written before 604 (the date of that Pope's death), in which he describes a miracle performed by Frediano in turning the river Serchio near Lucca from its former course. T h e miracle is related also in the Lives. These are late compositions, the earliest being posterior to 1 1 7 1 . T h e y state that Frediano was an Irishman, the son of a king of the Ulaid, who came to live as a hermit near Lucca and was induced to accept the bishopric. He is identified with Finnian of Moville, 9 8 some incidents of whose life are attached to Frediano, and the identification has been accepted by Colgan, Margaret Stokes, and other modern writers. N o solid justification thereof seems to exist.

41. St. Cathaldus of Tarentum [Io. Bapt. de Algoritiis] Officium B. Cataldi archiepiscopi Tarentini de cius vita, miracidis, canonizatione, ac translatione (1555) [contains a short account of his life]. Cf. Colgan AA. SS. 542-62; A A. SS.Boll. Mai. II 570-8 (ed. 1866: 568-77); Ughelli Italia sacra I X 121; Moroni Vita e miracoli di s. Cataldo vescovo, prolettore principale della citld di Taranto (Naples 1779); Montalembert Les moines d'Occident I I I (Paris 1868) 316; Lo Jodice Memorie sloriche di san Cataldo, vescovo e confessore (Bologna 1879).

St. Cathaldus, bishop of Tarentum in the seventh century and subsequently patron of the city, is an important figure in south Italian religious legend. Of his existence there can be no doubt, but the circumstantial account of his career given in late sources, which makes him an Irishman, a monk of Lismore who went on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, and, returning, stopped at Tarentum to win the people from their evil living, is manifestly fictitious. Nevertheless the ascription of an Irish origin to so prominent a personage in a region so remote from Ireland and from the usual resorts of Irish emigrants is noteworthy. 97 Diat. lib. I l l cap ix: Migne PL L X X V I I 233-6. A document of the year 680 making mention of the monastery of San Frediano in Lucca is said to be still extant in the archiépiscopal archives of t h a t city: cf. M . Stokes, toc. cit.

»» C/. no. 183.

186 THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE "CELTIC" PERIOD

COLUMBANTJS Bibliography Patrick Fleming Collectanea sacra seu S. Columbani Eiberni abbalis . . . necnon aliorum aliquot i Veltri itidem Scoiià seu Bibemió antiquorum sanctorum acta 6* opuscula . . . per V. A. P. F. Thomam Sirinum . . . recens castigata 6* aucla (Louvain 1667) [a rare and valuable collection: cf. p. 40 supra], — Benedeto Rossetti Bobbio illustrato (Turin 1795). — A. Digot " S t Colomban et Luxeuil " L'Auslrasie 1840. — Antonio Gianelli Vita di s. Colombano abate, irlandese, protettore della città e diocesi di Bobbio (Turin 1844; 2nd ed. 1894). — Bertacchi Monografia di Bobbio (Pinerolo 1859). — P. J. Moran Essays (1864) 268-70, 276-96.— C. J. Greith Die heiligen Glaubensboten Kolumban und Gall und ihre Stellung in der Urgeschichte St. Gallens (St. Gall 1865). — J. A. Zimmerman Die Heiligen Columban und Gallus nach ihrem Leben und Wirken geschildert (St. Gall 1866).—G. Hertel " Uber des heiligen Columba Leben und Schriften, besonders über seine Klosterregel " Zs. f . d. hist. Theologie XLV (Gotha 1875) 396-454; " Anmerkung zur Geschichte Columba's " ZK III (1879) 145-50. — B. MacCarthy IF.R V (1884) 771 [on date of Columbanus's death]. — Godefroi Kurth " La reine Brunehaut " Rev. des questions hist. L (Paris 1891) 5-79. — H. Baumont Étude historique sur l'abbaye de Luxeuil (590-1790) (Luxeuil 1895). — A. Hauck Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands 2nd ed. I (1898) 251-302 [important]. — 0 . Seebass "Columba der Jüngere" Realencykl. f . prot. Theologie u. Kirche 3rd ed. III (1898) 241-7 [important: the author is the foremost student of the history of Columbanus]. — G. Bonet-Maury " S. Colomban et la fondation des monastères irlandaises en Brie au VII® siècle " RH LXXXIII (1903) 277-99 icf- Atti del Congresso internazionale di scienze storiche VIII (Rome 1905) 123-9]. — Thos. J. Shahan " Saint Columbanus at Luxeuil " Amer. Calh. Quart. Rev. Jan. 1902. — C. W. Bispham Columban, sairU, monk, and missionary, A.D. 539-615 (New York 1903). — J. J. Dunn " Irish monks on the continent — St. Columban, St. Gall " Cath. University Bulletin X (Washington 1904) 307-28. — Eug. Martin St. Colomban (Paris 1905; 3rd ed. 1921) [in the series Les Saints; a work of good scholarship], —• Gougaud " Un point obscur de l'itinéraire de s. Colomban venant en Gaule " Annales de Bretagne XXII (1906-7) 327-43; Eng. trans. Celtic Review V (Oct. 1908) 171-85 [argument, in opposition to Krusch, that Columbanus went to Gaul by way of insular, not continental, Britain; see, for the other view, HZ Sitzungsb. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. 1909 xiv 391-400]; " Colomban (Archeologie de saint) " Diet, d'archici, chrét. et de liturgie III pt. II (1914) 2196; RC XXXIX (1922) 211-4 and Gaelic pioneers of Christianity (Dublin 1923) 121-6 [the cult of Columban and Gall in Europe].— Geo. Metlake (J. J. Laux) The Life and writings of St. Columban 545-615 (Philadelphia 1914). — Johann Joseph Laux Der hl. Kolumban, sein Leben und seine Schriften (Freiburg i. Br. 1919). — Helena Concannon The Life of St. Columban (Cath. Truth Soc.: Dublin 1915); " St. Columban, apostle of peace and penance " Studies IV (Dec. 1 1 9 5) 513-26; " The date of St. Columban's birth " ibid. VIII (Mar. 1919) 59-66 [reply to Aubrey Gwynn ibid. VII (Sept. 1918) 474-84]. — Dr. J. J. O'Gorman St. Columban (Ottawa, privately printed, 1915). — Dom Placido Lugnano " San Colombano, monaco e scrittore " Rivista storica benediitina XI (Rome 1916) 5-46 [also separately], — D. Cambiaso " S a n Colombano, sua opera e suo culto in Liguria" Rivista diocesana Genovese VI (1916) 121-5.-—G. Domenici " S a n Colombano (543-

THE

I R I S H C H U R C H IN T H E " C E L T I C " P E R I O D

187

615) " Civiltd Callolica 1916. — " San Colombano, il testo della ' Regula monachorum,' dell' ' Ordo de vita et actione monachorum ' e dell' ' Oratio ' " Rivista storica benedittina X I (Rome 1920) 185-202. — O. Celi " Cimeli Bobbiesi " Civiltd Cattolica 1923 [also separately]. R E L I G I O U S I N F L U E N C E : Ch. Fred. Weiss Die kirchlichen Exemplionen

der

Klöster

von

ihrer

(Basel 1893). — A. Malnory regulam

monasleriorum

aique

Entstehung Quid

bis

zur

Luzovienses

ad communem

euUsiae

gregorianisch-cluniacensischen monacki

discipuii

profectum

S.

contulerint

Zeit

Columbani

ad

(Paris 1894)

[valuable]. — E. Vacandard " Le pouvoir des clefs et la confession " Rev. du clergé (1899) 147 sqq. — A. Hiifner " Das Rechtsinstitut der klösterlichen Exemtion in der abendländischen Kirche " Archiv f . kath. Kirchenrecht L X X X V I (1906) 302-18. C f . sects, iv and vi infra. L I T E R A R Y : Histoire litiraire de la France I I I 505-25, 603-8. — T . Wright Biographic Britannica literaria I (London 1842) 142-63. — Adolf Ebert Allgemeine Geschichte der Literatur des Mittelalters I (1889) 617-22.— Roger L'Enseignement 230-2, 406-15. — Manitius Lot. Lit. I 181-7 [valuable; see also NA X X X I I (1907) 661].

français

The two Irishmen who had the greatest influence on the course of development of west-European civilisation in the middle ages were two namesakes and contemporaries of the sixth century, Columba of Iona and Columba, or, as he is now usually designated, Columbanus, of Luxeuil and Bobbio. Columbanus was born in Leinster — Lagenorum terra 99 — about A.D. 530 x 545. After some preliminary religious training he entered the monastery of Bendchor (Bangor) in Ulidia, then recently founded by St. Comgall. 100 In 590, or perhaps a little earlier, he set out with twelve companions " on his pilgrimage " and proceeded by way of Britain — insular or continental — and western Gaul to Burgundy. Of those best years of his life, fifty or thereabout, spent in his native land, we know almost nothing. The history of Columbanus begins when he was already past the prime of life, and seeking, doubtless, a place of exile and retirement to spend his old age in undisturbed penance and devotion. 101 w By this time the territory of the Lagin had been reduced to the bounds it retained through the remainder of our period, approximately those of the present ecclesiastical province of Dublin (from which, probably, the diocese of Ossory should be excluded). See map of Ireland in Caih. Encyci. VIII. 100 No. 189 infra. I use the term Ulidia to designate the north-eastern province of Ireland, consisting of Antrim and Down and some adjacent districts. Cf. p. 323 infra.

101 This is based on the generally received interpretation of the evidence, in which the most important fact is the statement of the author's age found in the poetic epistle to Fidolius, no. 43 x infra. Should we reject the Columban authorship of that composition, and fall back on Jonas's Life, we find it stated that Columban was thirty (or twenty) years of age at the time of his migration. (Cap. iv. There is MS authority for both readings, the better being for " twenty ": but the terms of Jonas's narrative make it probable that he wrote " thirty.") He is said to have come to eastern Gaul in the time of King Sigibert, but undoubtedly Jonas, whose notions of Frankish history were of the haziest, thought that this king, who really died in 575, was still living more than fifteen years later. Jonas states (cap. xx) that the expulsion of the saint from Burgundy — which, on the evidence he gives, must be dated in 6ro — took place in the twentieth year of his sojourn. According to his biographer, therefore, Columban was bora in 559, 560, or 561, and settled in Gaul in 590 or 591. See the arts, by Gwynn and Concannon given above.

183

THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE " C E L T I C "

PERIOD

The first retreat of the pilgrims was at Annegray, in a forest district forming the present department of Haute-Saone. Two other religious colonies were later established in the neighborhood, at Luxeuil, which became the principal monastery, and at Fontaine. Columbanus and his monks soon became objects of interest to the surrounding country, disciples flocked to the new establishments, and all were quickly involved in the ecclesiastical and political life of Merovingian Gaul. The controversies over the celebration of Easter and the monastic discipline, over the morality of bishops and kings, followed, till Theoderich, or Thierry, king of Burgundy, sent his officer to escort the troublesome foreigner to the western coast, there to be placed on board ship for Ireland. The final instructions were not carried out, and Columbanus passed from Nantes to the courts of the two other Frankish kings, Clothaire of Neustria and Theodebert of Austrasia. Next he proceeded up the Rhine to the present Switzerland, whence, after some attempt to teach the gospel to the pagan inhabitants, he crossed the Alps and was received at Milan with warm welcome by Agilulf and Theodelinda, king and queen of the Lombards. B y them he was granted the tract of land in a valley of the Apennines, south of Milan towards the Gulf of Genoa, where he established his celebrated monastery of Bobbio and found his final resting place. 102 The influence of Columbanus on the historical development of western Europe may be summarised under four heads, (i) He gave an extraordinary impetus and a special direction to the growth of monasticism. So many founders of religious houses in seventh-century Gaul drew their inspiration from Luxeuil that the hagiographers came in time to send almost every saintly hero to that centre, 103 just as their Irish brethren made each sixth-century Irish saint a disciple of Finnian of Clonard. The Rule of Columbanus. was widely accepted and long retained, even in many monasteries where the Rule of St. Benedict was adopted by its side. Moreover Columbanus, by insisting on the custom of his country which allowed no control by bishops over the administration of the monasteries, began that movement for monastic exemptions which played so large a part in mediaeval Church history. (2) His introduction of the Penitential and of frequent private confession wrought a revolution in the penance-discipline of continental Europe. In his work among the people he seems to have been above all an apostle Wc have still the texts of two charters (Migne PL L X X X 321-3), the first of which purports to be the grant of Bobbio to Columbanus, made by King Agilulf in 598 (!), and the second a grant of the monastery made by Columbanus to the Pope. Neither is regarded as authentic. 103

Cf. Roger VEnseigntmeni

406-8.

THE

IRISH

of penance.

CHURCH

IN

THE

PERIOD

(3) I t is probable that he rendered important

for the preservation of classical culture. is slight.

"CELTIC"

189

service

I t is true that direct evidence

Strict religious utilitarianism was the keynote of his work,

and the advancement of secular learning in the Vosges or the Apennines does not seem to have entered into his plans.

B u t a certain promotion

of letters must have been a by-product from the example and labors of a man of such literary training and tastes as Columbanus.

H e has

the appearance of a product of the Gaul of Sidonius Apollinaris dropped into the Gaul of Gregory of Tours.

His foundation of Bobbio became

in later centuries a great storehouse of ancient literature.

(4) H e

inaugurated that long struggle between the Celtic and the

Roman

ecclesiastical system in which the Synod of W h i t b y and the " Bull " of Adrian I V were but episodes.

42. The Letters of Columbanus MSS: The following contain one or more letters; the folio reference is given under each separate epistle; the reference symbols within the brackets are those of Gundlach: (B) Berlin Staatsbibl. Diez B Sant. 66 s VIII. — (Si) St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 273 J I X pp. 38-49; (S2) 899 s X pp. 1 0 9 - 1 1 ; (M) 1346 s X V I I [transcribed by Metzler " ex manuscripto codice monasterii Bobbiensis litteris Hibemicis confecto "J. — (Z) Zürich Stadtbibl. C. 78 (451) s EX/X [cf. E. Bährens Poetae latini minores I I I (Leipsic 1881) 103 sqq\ V (1883) 262]. — ( T ) Turin Bibl. nazionale G. V. 38 j X . — (Pi) B N lat. 16361 s X I I ; (P2) lat. 8303 s X . — (Mi) Munich Staatsbibl. 6404 s X ; (M2) 17208 s X I I . — (V) Vienna Nat. Bibl. 806 (Theol. 434) 5 X I I . EDS: Exact references are given under each epistle: (1) Melchior Goldast Paraeneticorum veterum pars I (1604) passim. — (2) Ussher Sylloge (1632). — (3) Fleming Collectanea sacra (Louvain 1667) 108-64. — (4) Bibliotkeca maxima veterum patrum (Leyden 1677) X I I 24-32.— (5) Andreas Gallandius Bibliotkeca veterum patrum X I I (Venice 1778) 345-60.— (6) Rossetti Bobbio illustrato (Turin 1795) H ^ — (7) Migne PL L X X X 259-96. — (8) Bruno Krusch " Chronologisches aus Handschriften " NA X (1885) 83-8. — (9) W. Gundlach MGH Epistolae I I I (1892) 154-90 [best ed.], COMM: P. Leyser H istoria poetarum et poematum medii aevi (Halle 1721) 176-81. — Ampère Histoire littéraire de la France avant Charlemagne (Paris 1870) I I 398-410. — Krusch NA I X (1884) 144-7. — Huemer Wiener Stiddien VI (1884) 324 sqq [on the poems of Columbanus]. — Manitius " Zu spätem lateinischen Dichtem " Rheinisches Museum X L I V (1889) 552; Geschichte der christlich-lateinischen Poesie bis zur Mitte des S. Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart 1891) 390-4. — Gundlach " Ü b e r die Columban-Briefe " NA X V (1890) 499-526. — O. Seebass " Uber die Handschriften der Sermonen und Briefe Columbas von Luxeuil " ibid. X V I I (1892) 245-59. — Gundlach " Zu den ColombanBriefen Eine Entgegnung" ibid. 425-9 [a reply to Seebass]. — B. MacCarthy AU IV (1901) pp. cxxvii-cxxxiii. — Roger L'Enseignement 230-2. — Ganz Geschichte der römischen Litteratur H I (2nd ed. 1905) 38. Gundlach, the latest editor of the Epistles of Columbanus, publishes the texts of eleven letters, one at least of which is probably not authentic.

190

T H E IRISH CHURCH IN T H E " C E L T I C "

PERIOD

Of the others, six are in prose, five of them having a close connection with his religious work in Gaul and Italy, and four are poems sent to his personal friends for their pleasure and edification. The letters in prose, though treating of the affairs of a foreign land, have a peculiar interest to Irish historians in being part of the very small legacy of original documents which has escaped the annihilation that waited on almost all the records of the early Church in Ireland. Those dealing with the Easter question are, indeed, our only sources from the Irish Celtic side in that famous controversy. The poetical epistles are valuable chiefly as first-hand evidence regarding the character of the literary training in the schools of sixth-century Ireland. 104 The literary excellence which they display is so remarkable for the time of Columbanus, and their tone in such contrast to that of the somewhat dour churchman felt in most of his purely ecclesiastical writings, that the accuracy of their ascription to the saint has sometimes been questioned. 105 The prose writings of Columbanus are characterised, as might be expected from their subject-matter, by considerable rhetorical vigor, but not in especial degree by grace of style. The language in the main is the customary ecclesiastical Latin of the early middle ages, but there are some evidences of more classical influences. 106 His compositions in verse, however, display remarkable skill in language, purity of style, and versatility of ideas. Both prose and verse show in marked degree the mediaeval delight in moralising and in gnomic quotations. Gundlach indicates the passages in which he finds quotations or reminiscences of other authors. Some of the parallels seem questionable, but enough remain to give us a respectful appreciation of the extent of Columbanus's studies. As might be expected, he was deeply versed in the Scriptures, especially the Psalms, the didactic books, and the New Testament; he also had some acquaintance with the works of Eusebius, Jerome, the early Christian poets Sedulius, Dracontius and Ausonius, and his own contemporaries Gildas, Fortunatus and Gregory the Great. Among pagan authors Vergil and Horace are his great favorites, but it seems probable that he was directly 1M It has been suggested that Columbanus acquired his classical lore on the Continent. This is improbable. If, as is generally accepted, he came to Gaul in 590 or very shortly before, he was then about fifty yean old. A man without previous literary training does not at that age learn to compose Adonic or hexameter verse, nor does he acquire an intimate knowledge of Horace and Vergil — especially a man leading the life of a Columbanus in the Gaul of the Merovingians. 'o;

G. V I I . 16 j X / X I ff. 2-13*

[these 2 are Bobbio MSS]. — St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 915 s X / X I pp.

154-67.—Zürich

Kantonsbibl. hist. 28 s I X [from Reichenau]. — Munich Staatsbibl. lat. 14949 (Em. w. 6) s X V . — Cologne Stadtarchiv 231 j X V . — B N lat. 10879 s X / X I . —

Berlin

Staatsbibl. Meermann Collection Phillipps M S 1747 s X I [these 2 M S S have extracts only;

see ZK

(1604)

X V 369].

EDS:

166-80. — Messingham

Melchior Goldast Paraeneiicorum Florilegium

sacra (1667). — Holsten Codex regularum

(1624)

vet er um pars I

403-7. — Fleming

(Rome 1661, 3rd ed. Augsburg

Collectanea 1759).—

Bibl. max. vet. pitrum (Leyden 1677) X I I 3-5. — Andreas Gallandius Bibl. vet. patrum X I I (Venice 1778). — Migne PL L X X X 209-16. — O. Seebass ZK X V (1895) 366-86. COMM: G. Hertel " Uber des h. Columba Leben und Schriften, besonders über seine Klosterregel " Zs. f. d. histor. Theologie (Gotha 1875) 396-454. — Seebass Uber Columba von Luxeuils Klosterregel und Bussbuch (Dresden 1883) [Dissertation]; ZK

VIII

(1886) 459-65. — W . C. Bishop " A Service Book of the Seventh C e n t u r y " [Antiphonary of Bangor] Church

Quarterly

Rev. X X X V I I

(1893-4) 3 3 7 ^ 3 - — A.

Malnory

op. cit. (p. 187 supra). — NA X V I I (1891) 243 sqq. — O. Seebass " Uber die beiden Columba-Handschriften der Nationalbibliothek in Turin " ibid. X X I (1896) 739-46. — AB

II (1895) pp. xii-xvi. —• G . Morin " Explication d'un passage de la règle de s.

Colomban relatif à l'office des moines c e l t i q u e s " Rev. Bénédictine

(Maredsous 1895)

X I I 200-2. — L. Gougaud ibid. X X V (1908) 183-4. — Krusch MGH SS. rer. merov. I V 1 4 - 1 7 . — T . Roche Ir. Theol. Quarterly X I I I (1918) 220-32.

The Regula monachorum is divided into ten short chapters: (i) De oboedientia; (ii) De taciturnilate; (iii) De cibo et potu; (iv) De cupiditate calcanda; (v) De vanilate calcanda; (vi) De castitale; (vii) De cursu [psalmorum]; (viii) De discretione; (ix) De morlificatione; (x) De perfectione monachi. This last chapter is an extract from St. Jerome not found in all the manuscripts of the R u l e . 1 1 7 No reasonable doubt 117

Hieronymi

Epistolat

C X X V (Ad R u s t i c u m monachum) no. i s . — M i g n e PL X X I I col. 1080-1.

198 THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE "CELTIC" PERIOD exists that the rest of the document, except in points of detail, is the work of Columbanus. Although written for the use of continental institutions, we may feel certain that the Rule, like its author, is a true product of the Irish Church. It is the only monastic rule of Irish origin, written in the Latin language, which still survives, and is the earliest and most informing of all the rules which can be regarded as Irish. It must bear the impress both of the powerful personality of Columbanus himself, and of the peculiar circumstances in which he was placed in Gaul,— the tendency from both these influences being towards the rigorous and the puritanical,— but there can be little doubt that fundamentally the Rule implanted at Luxeuil was a reproduction of the famous Rule of Bangor, celebrated in the Antiphonary of that church. 1 1 8 Like other Irish rules, that of Columbanus forms a " Mirror of Perfection " for the guidance of cenobites in the spiritual life rather than a collection of practical regulations for the organisation and administration of the monastic institution, and as a result is disappointing to the student who is interested in these aspects of the Irish Church. But it does throw considerable light on the external life of the monks, while as to the spirit of the Church in which Columbanus was moulded its testimony is clear and decisive. Acceptance with unflinching logic of the precepts of Christ as preserved in the New Testament is its essential characteristic. A severity seemingly greater than human nature could endure results: absolute obedience to the will of the " senior," heavy and unremitting toil, mortification of the flesh to a degree that might be expected to impair the physical strength, are some of its impositions. Regulations regarding the frequent exercises of devotion are specific, though not always entirely intelligible, and have considerable value for the study of the Irish liturgy.

II.

T h e Regula

Coenobialis

Diuereitas culparum diuersitates penitentiae . . . x diebus peniteat in pane et aqua. shorter recension; the second continues to:] nunquam decidente in aeuum.

MSS:

[So the first, or

(i) St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 9 1 5 s X / X I pp. 170-84. — M u n i c h Staatsbibl. lat. 14949

i X V . — V i e n n a N a t i o n a l b i b l . lat. 1550 j X I I / X I I I ff. 7 4 V - 7 Q V ; lat. 3878 j X V 173~5 V . — Bibl.

(ii) Cologne S t a d t a r c h i v 231 I X V . max.

vet. pairum

EDS: F l e m i n g Collectanea

( L e y d e n 1677) X I I 6 - 8 . — A n d r e a s Gallandius Bill.

patrum X I I (Venice 1778). — Holsten Codex regularum »' Cf. p. 265.

ff.

sacra (1667). vet.

( R o m e 1661 ; 3rd ed. Augs-

THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE " C E L T I C " PERIOD

199

burg 1759)- — Migne PL L X X X 216-24 [this and the preceding have 2nd recension], — O . Seebass ZK X V I I (1897) 215-34. COMM: AS in preceding. Also Seebass " Regelbuch Benedikts von Aniane " ZK X V (1895) 244-60; ibid. X V I 464-70; " Über die sogen. Regula coenobialis Columbani und die mit dem Pönitential Columbas verbundenen kleineren Zusätze " ibid. X V I I I (1898) 58-76. — Hauck Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands I 257 and n. The Regula Coenobialis is a list, in fifteen sections, of punishments to be undergone by the monks for various sins and offences. In one text of St. Benedict of Aniane it appears as chapter X of the Regula Monachorum, and manifestly it is complementary to that treatise. There are two recensions, a shorter and a longer. Seebass and some others believe that only the first nine sections of the short recension formed part of the original Regula: the latter part uses technical expressions different from those employed by Columbanus. 1 " This opinion is not approved by all scholars, but the tradition of the text lends some weight to it. Donatus, bishop of Besançon in the seventh century, made extensive use of the Regula Coenobialis in preparing a rule for religious women,1*0 but his excerpts run parallel only to the first nine sections. This work is, obviously, closely related to the Penitentials. It may well be that even in the earliest form to which we can now restore it, it had been modified and interpolated from other Irish documents of that class. In the manuscripts it is sometimes described as Regula pairum (or fralrum) Hybernensium. Benedict of Aniane (d. 821), of whom mention has just been made, was the compiler of a Codex rcgularum,1!1 a collection of monastic rules. The Rule of Columbanus is included, but with considerable modifications, among them the introduction of those technical terms found in the later sections of the Regula Coenobialis. There is also an anonymous rule for nuns,'" which Seebass, in opposition to Krusch, believes to be the final section of the Rule of Columbanus.

46. Penitential of Columbanus [A] Poenitentia vera est . . . juste vivat.

[B] Diversitas culparum . . . salutis compaginem.

MSS: Turin Bibl. nazionale G. V. 38 s X ff. i25-3o T ; G. VII. 16 5 X / X I ff. 62 T -7o T . EDS: Fleming Collectanea sacra (1667). — Bibl. max. vet. pairum (Leyden 1677) X I I 21 sqq. — Migne PL L X X X 223-30. — Wasserschieben Die Bussordnungen der abendländischen Kirche (Halle 1851) 353-60, cf. 12, 52-7. — Schmitz I (1883) 588-602 [cf. Schmitz II (1898) 146-53]. — O. Seebass ZK X I V (1894) 430-48. COMM: O. Seebass Uber Columba von Luxeuils Klosterregel und Bussbuch (Dresden 1883); " Z u Columba von Luxeuils Klosterregel und Bussbuch " ZK VIII (1886) 459-65; " Über 11® " Pater " and " senior " disappear; " abbas " and " oeconomus " are introduced; " percussiones " takes the place of *' verbeia." However, Seebass suggests that this latter part really belongs to the Penitential of Columban. CJ. bibliog. supra, and Über Columba von Luxeuils Klosterregel u. Bussbuch 49. 1» Published by Holsten Codex Regutarum (1759) VI 377 sqq (cap. xxiii-xrxiv). 1 " MSS: Munich Staatsbibl. 1st. 12118 s I X (so Seebass in ZK X L 133; Manitius Lai. Lit. I 90 gives the no. 28118; the Catalog. codicum lat. bibl. reg. Monacensis lists neither], — Cologne Stadtarchiv theo!. 231 J XV. EDS: L. Holsten op. cil. 10 O. Seebass ZK XVI (1896) 464-70. C o m : Seebass " Über das Regelbuch Benedikts von Aniane " ZK XV (1895) 244-60, XVIII (1898) 59 sqq\ " Ein Beitrag zur Rekonstruktion des Regel Columbas des Jungeren " ibid. X L (1932) 133-7. — Br. K n u c h UGH SS. rer. Man. IV 15 sqq.

zoo THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE "CELTIC" PERIOD die s o g e n . R e g u l a c o e n o b i a l i s

Columbani

und die mit dem Ponitential

v e r b u n d e n e n kleineren Z u s a t z e " ibid. X V I I I (1898) 5 8 - 7 6 ; NA

Columbas

X V I I (1892) 245 sqq-,

" Liber d i e b e i d e n C o l u m b a - H a n d s c h r i f t e n d e r N a t i o n a l b i b l i o t h e k in T u r i n " X X I (1896) 739-46. — H a u c k KirchengeschUhte 262 sqq. — S c h m i t z Archiv fur

kalholisches

DeulscUands

Kirchenrecht

X L I X 3 sqq\ L I 3 sqq\

209 sqq\ L X X I 436 sqq. — A . M a l n o r y op. cil. (p. 187 supra)

LIX

70 sqq. — G e o . M e t l a k e

" S a i n t C o l u m b a n a n d the p e n i t e n t i a l discipline " The Ecclesiastical

Rev.

p h i a ) D e c . 1 9 1 3 p p . 6 6 3 - 7 3 . — O . D . W a t k i n s A history

of penance

6 1 2 - 2 1 . — J. T . M a c N e i l l RC X X X I X

Cf. pp. 235 sqq

(1922) 2 7 7 - 8 8 .

ibid.

I (2nd ed. Leipsic 1898)

(Philadel-

I I ( L o n d o n 1920) infra.

T h e majority of scholars accept as authentic the main portion of the Paenitentiale Columbani, or Liber S. Columbani abbatis de paenilentiarum mensura taxanda. Such is the opinion of Seebass and MacNeill, and, less emphatically, of Wasserschleben. T h e argument of Schmitz in favor of an eighth-century origin was strongly opposed by Seebass. However, the Columban authorship, though probable, is hardly beyond dispute; and, in any case, the work may contain considerable interpolations. T h e t e x t falls i n t o t w o d i v i s i o n s , s e c t i o n s 1 - 1 2 a n d 1 3 - 4 2 , o r i g i n a l l y , it w o u l d seem, i n d e p e n d e n t treatises.

T h e s e c o n d offers t h e s t r o n g e r e v i d e n c e of C o l u m b a n a u t h o r -

s h i p , b u t t h e first, too, m a y b e t h e s a i n t ' s c o m p o s i t i o n , or m a y h a v e been b r o u g h t b y him f r o m Ireland. C o l u m b a n ' s Regula

T o t h e s e c o n d division S e e b a s s w o u l d a d d the l a t t e r p a r t of Coenobialis.

T h e P e n i t e n t i a l , like t h e M o n a s t i c R u l e , is a d o c u m e n t based on earlier Irish ecclesia s t i c a l l e g i s l a t i o n , b u t p r o b a b l y s t a m p e d w i t h t h e p e r s o n a l i t y of C o l u m b a n u s .

Many

p a s s a g e s , it is clear, correspond w i t h regulations to b e f o u n d in the P e n i t e n t i a l of V i n niaus.

T h e spirit of the t r e a t i s e is logical a n d s e v e r e — t h o u g h n o t m o r e so t h a n

t h a t of t h e M o n a s t i c R u l e — b u t it d i s p l a y s c o n s i d e r a b l e intelligence, good j u d g m e n t a n d sense of j u s t i c e a n d of p r o p o r t i o n .

H i s t o r i c a l l y , it is a piece of religious legisla-

t i o n of r e m a r k a b l e s i g n i f i c a n c e : it m a r k s t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of f r e q u e n t p r i v a t e confession a n d of the l a t e r s y s t e m of c h u r c h - p e n a n c e i n t o t h e e a r l y G a l l i c C h u r c h . I t will b e n e c e s s a r y to refer to t h i s d o c u m e n t a g a i n in the section t r e a t i n g of P e n i t e n tials. 1 2 3

47. Commentary on the Psalms attributed to Columbanus Psalterium romae dudum . . . Primum psalmum quidem in ioas . . . per omnes sonos [ domini reson[ ]t.

MSS:

M i l a n B i b l . A m b r o s i a n a C . 301 inf. s V I I I / I X . — T u r i n B i b l . N a z i o n a l e F.

I V 1 f a s c . 6 J V I I I / I X [ f r a g m e n t f r o m ps. xiii 12 t o x v i 15]. M u r a t o r i Aniiquitales PL

] laudem

Italicae

X X V I 8 6 3 - 1 3 7 8 . — G . I . A s c o l i II Codice See p. >41 infra.

Cf.

I I I 857 sqq. — V a l l a r s i Hieronymi Irlandese

dell'

p. 665 infra.

EDS:

opera V I I . —

Migne

Ambrosiana:

Archirio

THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE " C E L T I C " PERIOD

201

glollologico Itcdiano V (Rome 1878) 1 - 6 1 0 [careful reproduction of the text of C. 301 inf.]. COMM: A. Peyron Ciccronis orationum fragments inediia I (1824) 1 8 8 - 9 . — Z ! p. xxi. — Nigra RC I 60 sqq. — Geo. T . Stokes " Columbanus and his Teaching " The Expositor X (1889) 136-50. — A. Ceriani Rendkonii di R. Islituio Lombardo X X I X (1896) 406-8. — G. Mercati Riv. Bibl. Hal. I (May 25, 1896) 95; AUi di R. Accad. di Scienze di Torino X X X I (1896) 655-76; Rendkonii di R. Istiiuto Lombardo X X X I (1898) 1046-52; " Varia S a c r a " Sludi e Tesli X I (Rome 1903) 91 sqq [important, especially the last]. — S. R. Driver The Academy L 82 (Aug. 1, 1896). — Jos. Offord, Jr. ibid. I- 100 (Aug. 8, 1896). —• Thes. Pal. I pp. xiv-xxi. — Krusch MGII SS. Rer. Merov. IV 18-19. — R. L. Ramsay "Theodore of Mopsuestia and St. Columban on the Psalms," " Theodore of Mopsuestia in England and Ireland " ZCP V I I I (1912) 4 2 1 - 9 7 [two valuable studies].

Columbanus, who undoubtedly was much interested in the exposition of the Holy Scriptures, is said by Jonas 1 2 4 to have composed, while yet a young man in Ireland, a commentary on the Psalms. What were regarded as copies of a commentary by the saint existed at St. Gall and Bobbio in the ninth and tenth centuries, according to the old catalogues of those monastic libraries. 125 But when Fleming, in the seventeenth century, made a search for this work, he could find no traces of it. A century later, however, Muratori found and published what he believed to be the veritable commentary. This is in the ninth-century Bobbio manuscript now known as C. 301 inf. of the Ambrosian Library at Milan. The commentary escaped the notice of earlier investigators because, being preceded by a letter of St. Jerome, it had been catalogued as his work. Succeeding scholars, such as Peyron, Zeuss and Nigra, approved of Muratori's opinion as to the authorship. Krusch took the opposite view, but from evidence which the discoveries of Mercati, of which he seems to have been ignorant, and of Ramsay render inapplicable. Mercati was the first to point out that the work is really derived from the celebrated commentary in Greek by Theodore of Mopsuestia, of " Three Chapters " fame. 1 2 9 He believed that, because of its vigorous Latinity, it must date back to the fifth century, and, while admitting the possibility, doubted the probability of Irish authorship. If, however, the commentary is only a summary and adaptation of a fuller translation, as is indicated below, arguments based on literary style have little force. Ramsay favors Columban authorship; but the attribution must still be regarded as questionable. The suggestion would be enticing that Columbanus wrote the commentary after coming into friendly association with the " Three Chapters " heretics in north1« Vila I caf. iii. G. Becker Cataicgi bibltolhccarwn antiqvi 48 no. 229, 67 noa. 216-7. £/- PP- 599i C/. p. 192 supra.

m

infra.

202

T H E IRISH CHURCH IN T H E " C E L T I C "

PERIOD

era Italy, and left his codex in Bobbio. But the exemplar of C. 301 inf. was, almost beyond doubt, a manuscript written in Ireland itself; and the Latin text of this exemplar had descended through enough copies to become considerably corrupted. This commentary is derived from that by Theodore, though apparently not directly, but through a fuller version of which the Bobbio manuscripts have preserved some f r a g m e n t s . 1 " I t is much condensed and abbreviated, but for the most part retains fairly accurately the ideas of the original. T h e object of most of the modifications and excisions is to tone down and reconcile with orthodox teaching the more heretically¡nclined passages of Theodore's work.

Something further should be said here of the M S C. 301 inf. and the O-I glosses which it carries. EDS of glosses: C. Nigra RC I (1870) 60-84. — Z 2 pp. xxi sqq. — AYS Goidelka * (1872) 17 sqq. [All these are partial eds.] — Ascoli's ed. as above. — Thes. Pal. I ( 1 9 0 1 ) pp. xiv-xxi, 7-483, Supplement ( 1 9 1 0 ) 1 - 3 4 . [These have the glosses complete.] COMM: Ascoli Note Irlandesi concerncnti in especie il Códice Ambrosiano [extract from Rendiconti del R. Islituto Lombardo Jan.-Feb. 1883] (Milan 1883); R. Islitulo Lombardo 16 June 1887 (Milan 1887) 1 1 3 - 2 8 . — J . Strachan RC X V I I I (1897) 2 1 2 - 3 5 , X I X (1898) 62-6; ZCP I (1897) 7 - 1 6 , IV (1903) 48-71. — \ V S Zs.f. vergl. Sprachforschung X X X V I I ( 1 9 0 1 ) 2 5 1 - 2 . — Chr. Sarauw Irske Studier (Copenhagen 1900) 138 sqq [all these treat of linguistic topics], — W. M . Lindsay " The Bobbio Scriptorium; its early minuscule abbreviations " Centralblatt für Bibliolhckswcscn X X V I (1909) 392-6; Early Irish minuscule script (Oxford 1910). SCRIPT: Irish minuscule: authorities differ in the dating from the eighth to the first half or middle of the ninth century. Certain archaic abbreviations, unfamiliar and in some cases unintelligible to the scribe, are preserved, which date from, at latest, the seventh century. The scribe was somewhat ignorant and very careless. CONTENTS: (I) TWO Irish poems, partly illegible, and obscure in meaning (Thes. Pal. I I 2 9 1 - 2 : text, trans.). (2) Jerome's preface to the Psalter (Vallarsi's ed. X 106). (3) The prologue David filius Iessae (Bedae opera omnia (Cologne 1 6 1 2 ) V I I I 308). (4) Jerome's Prologas ad Sopronium (cited in part in Contra RuJJinum Vallarsi I I 525-6). (5) Extracts from the Latin trans, of the commentary of Theodore of Mopsuestia (ff. 4 - 1 3 ) . (6) The commentary on the whole psalter, ascribed to Columbanus (ff. 14-146). GLOSSES: These are added to sects. 2, 3 and 6 of the contents as listed above. They form an extensive collection of early language records dating from the end of the eighth or beginning of the ninth century. The majority, and probably all, are copied from an earlier M S . Allusion is made to two Irish authorities, Coirbre and Máil-gaimrid. 1 2 8 COLOPHON: " The end. Amen. Diarmait has written it. Pray for that sinner." This may, however, have been the colophon to the exemplar of the commentary here used. COMMENT: I t appears probable that this codex was written at Bobbio, but, as regards the text ascribed to Columbanus, from an exemplar of Irish origin, in which the date of 1 " C / . no. 515. 118 Persons of these names are mentioned in the St. Gall Priscian. abbot of Bangor, died in 839, and a Coirpre, abbot of Trim, in 846.

Cf. p. 67s infra.

A Mácl-íaimrid,

THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE "CELTIC" PERIOD

203

the Latin text was very e a r l y , b u t the glosses were added about A.D. 800. The MS does not throw light on the question of Columban's authorship, but it does testify to the minute study of the commentary in Ireland.

48. Life of Columbanus by Jonas

c A.D. 639 x 642

[Preface] Dominis "imiin et sacri culminis regimine decora tis religionisque copia fultis Waldeberto et Boboleno patribus Ionas peccator. Memini me ante hoc . . . Deo dicati aeterno. Amen. [Book I] Incipiunt capitula . . . . Incipit liber primus . . . . Rutilantem atque ezimio fulgore . . . [In cap. ii are the following verses: Columbanus etenim qui et Columba, Ort us Hibemia insula . . . carens bella nationum. I + ig 11.] . . . pollent presole Christo, cui est g. per o. s. s. Amen. Incipiunt versus in eius festivitate ad mensam canendi. Clare sacerdos, clues . . . et omnia futura. 60 11. Hymnum subdidi, quem eius in transitu praecipiatis canere, quia primus, quem vobis nuper transmisi, eius virtutes non continet. Nostris sollemnis saeculis . . . E t nunc et in perpetuum. 36 11. [Book II] Incipiunt capitula . . . Incipit liber secundus . . . Cumque ergo venerabilis Columba . . . patratas virtutes non credit.

MSS: Krusch in his eds. lists 130, of which some are incomplete. Even the more important MSS are too numerous to be catalogued here: the student may consult the eds. by Krusch and Lawlor's monograph. EDS: Boninus Mombritius Sanctuarium sive Vitae Sanctorum (Milan c 1475) I 207-9 [excerpts]. — Nova Legenda Anglic (ist ed. London 1516; ed. C. Horst man, Oxford 1901 I 206-16) [condensed]. — Opera venerabilis Bedae I I I (Basel 1563) 275-305 {lib. I, and parts of lib. I I elsewhere; also the Cologne ed. 1613]. — Surius De probalis sanctorum hisloriis V I (Cologne 1575) 484-505 [lib. I]; II (1571) and IV (1573) [parts of lib. II; also later eds.; the text was so emended as to be of little value]. — Vincentius Barralis Chronologia sanctorum et aliorum virorum illustrium ac abbalum sacrae insulae Lerinensis (Lyons 1613) I I 8 3 - 1 1 0 [lib. I], I 97-101 [part of lib. I I ; text of Surius]. — Messingham Florilegium (Paris 1624) 219-39 [the Bedan text]. — Fleming Collectanea sacra (Louvain 1667) 2 1 1 - 4 2 [lib. I]. — Mabillon A A. SS. 0. s. B. I I (Paris 1669) 5-29 [/¿¿>. I, and lib. II distributed through vol.]. — Rossetti Bobbio illustrato (Turin 1795) I 1 3 - 5 1 [Hb. I], I I I 5-24 [part of lib. II], — Migne PL L X X X V I I 1 0 1 1 - 8 4 [reprint of Mabillon], — Bruno Krusch MGH SS. rer. merov. IV (1902) 1 - 1 5 2 , VII ii (1920) 822-7 [text critically restored, with valuable apparatus crilicus]; SS. rer. Ger. in usum scholarum: Ionae Vitae Sanctorum Columbani, Vedastis, Iohannis (Hanover and Leipsic 1905) [best ed.: introd. is a scholarly study]. On the poems in the text see Mone Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters I I I (1855) 255; Daniel Thesaurus üymnologicus V (1856) 3 7 1 ; Catalogus Codicum Hagiographicorum Bibliothecae Regiae Bruxellensis pars I torn. I I (1889) 12 [cf. Mario Esposito " Hiberno-Latin MSS in the Libraries of Switzerland" Fror. RIA X X V I I I (1910) Sect. C no. iii 70-1]. TRANS: Dana C. Munro Translations and Reprints from the original sources of European History published by the Department of History of the University of Pennsylvania vol. I I no. 7 (Philadelphia 1899) [from Migne's text, now superseded by that of Krusch], COMM: Histoire litiraire de la France I I I 603-8. — Adolf Ebert Allgemeine Geschichte der Literatur des Mittelalters I (2nd ed. 1889) 650-1. — Otto Seebass " J o n a s von B o b b i o " Realencykl. f . prot. Theologie u. Kirche I X (Leipsic 1901) 340-1. — Wattenbach DGQ I (7th ed. Berlin 1904) 133. — Krusch Mitth. d. Instituts f . Österreich. Geschichtsforsch. X I V 437 [deals with the language of Jonas], — The Rev. H. J . Lawlor " The Manuscripts of the Vita S. Columbani " Trans. RIA X X X I I Sect. C (1902-4) 1 - 1 3 2 [valuable textual criticism, with a fine set of photographic plates of MSS]. — Krusch Nevertheless the text had become corrupted in many places.

204 THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE " C E L T I C " PERIOD " Eine englische Studie (iber die Handschriften der Vita Columbani " N A X X I X 445 sqq [further critical study of MSS].

Jonas, author of the Vila Columbani, was born in Susa, a town at the foot of the Alps in north-western Italy. In 618, probably within three years of the death of Columbanus, he entered the monastery of Bobbio. There he must have been on intimate terms with many of the saint's companions and disciples. He served as secretary to the second and third abbots, Athala (615-c 626) and Bertulf (c 626-640), and seems to have been a close personal friend of Bertulf. He also had some opportunities of conversation with Eustasius (d. 629), who had succeeded Columbanus at Luxeuil, and with St. Gall. Jonas spent his later life in missionary work among the Franks in northern Gaul, where he died in 659, after having been raised to the dignity of abbot. On the occasion of a visit which Jonas paid to Bobbio, probably about 639, he undertook, at the command of Bertulf and the request of the monks, to compile a Life of their founder. The work cannot have been completed until two or three years later: it is dedicated to Waldebert, who followed Eustasius as abbot of Luxeuil, and to Bobolenus, Bertulf's successor at Bobbio. The first book deals with the life of Columbanus; the second with the careers of Athala, Eustasius and Bertulf, and with miracles performed at Evoriacas (now Faremoutiers, a short distance east of Paris), a convent established under the influence of Luxeuil, and at Bobbio. Three poems are introduced into the text, but two at least of these are probably not by Jonas, but by some Irish writer. The Latinity of Jonas is comparatively pure, and he was acquainted with Livy and Vergil: his chief models, however, were Saints' Lives by Sulpicius Severus and other earlier hagiographers. Jonas was very well qualified for his task: besides what he may have heard from Athala, Eustasius and Gall, he had the testimony, at first or second hand, of many other eye-witnesses of incidents in the life of Columbanus, some of whom he mentions by name. Consequently his composition is one of the best historical sources of its age and kind: and yet those limitations of time and genus result in much that is unsatisfactory. There is an especial dearth of definite information in the early chapters, treating of the saint's life in Ireland and his first years in Gaul; probably few recollections of those periods survived among the contemporaries of Jonas. 130 130

There is a metrical Life of Columbanus by Flodoard (see no. 39 supra) beginning " Diversae Hesperia

THE

IRISH

CHURCH

In the second book Jonas his own maturity.

IN

THE

"CELTIC"

PERIOD

205

treats of events within the period of

I t is the story, in part, of the fortunes, during the

generation immediately following the death of their founder, of the Irish religious establishments in eastern

France and northern Italy.

Particularly noteworthy is the account of the Synod of

M&con,131

at which Agrestius, at one time notary to K i n g Thierry of Burgundy and afterwards for a time an inmate of Luxeuil, attacked the Celtic customs of that a b b e y . 1 3 2

49. Chronicle of Fredegarius EDS: Gabriel Monod " Études critiques sur les sources de l'histoire Mérovingienne" Part II " Compilation dite de Frédégaire " Bibl. de l'École pratique des hautes iludes fase. L X I I I (Paris 1885). — Bruno Krusch MGH 55. rer. Merov. II (1888) 18-168. FRENCH TRANS: Guizot Collection des mémoires relatifs à l'histoire de France II (Paris 1823). Relating to this work there is a large and important literature which cannot here be catalogued. Cf. Potthast I (1896) 468-9; Molinier Les Sources de l'histoire de France I (1901) 63-5; Wattenbach DGQ I 114 sgq\ Max Manitius Lot. Lit. I (1911) 223-7. Cf. also Godefroi Kurth " La reine Brunehaut " Rev. des quest, hist. L (Paris 1891) 5—79; F. Lot " Encore la chronique du Pscudo-Frédégaire " RH CXV (1914) 305-37, and works there mentioned. This famous source for Frankish history is commonly referred to as Pseudo-Fredegarius. The author's name is not known; the appellation " Fredegarius " was first given him in 1579. The work consists of five parts, of which the first three and the fifth are compilations from various earlier writers, and the fourth a chronicle for the period 584-642, prepared in the first half of the seventh century by one or more hands, Burgundian or Austrasian. It has been suggested that the earlier part of the chronicle was written at Luxeuil by Agrestius, the former notary of King Thierry, but this seems improbable. Some account is given of the career of Columbanus in Burgundy and particularly of his relations with the court. The greater part of Jonas's Vita Columbani cap. rviii-xx is incorporated into Fredegarius IV cap. xxxvi. It gives us an early and independent redaction of a portion of Jonas, valuable for purposes of textual criticism. The chronicle has also some value for the subsequent fortunes of Luxeuil and its offshoots. 1 " patriae radiante nitescunt." It is published in Mabillon AA. SS. 0.1. B. I I 30-40; Migne PL C X X X V 869-82. As a source for the career of Columbanus it adds nothing to Jonas. m Cap. ix, x.

1« C/. Warren Lilurty of the Celtic Church 96.

i n Many references to Columbanus and Gall are found in the Life of St. Magnus (Messingham FloriUgium 296-317; AA. SS. Boll. Sept. I I 735-59). It is alleged that Magnus was Gall's companion and successor, and that the Life was written by his own disciple Theodore. In reality it seems to be a production of a later age. in its earliest form composed after the translation of the saint's remains in 851. The statements regarding Columbanus and Gall, when not drawn from Jonas, are wholly imaginative.

CJ. Meyer von Knonau Rtaltncykl. /. trot. Theottp* «. Kircke XII (1903) 75-6; Wattenbach DGQ (6th ed.) I 284, • 66, 492-

20Ö THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE " C E L T I C " PERIOD

60. St Gall (i) The Oldest Life c A.D. 7 7 1 1 3 4 [Imperfect] usque dum venies . . . nonagintA et quinque. perapicue vjdrtur.

Incipiunt signa. . . . Audiens autem . . .

M S : Fragment in Zürich State Archives. EDS: Emil Egli NA X X I (1896) 3 6 1 - 7 1 . — Bruno Krusch MGH 5 5 . rer. Merov. I V (1902) 2 5 1 - 6 . Cf. J . M . Clark The Abbey of SI Gaü (Cambridge 1926) 27-8. Only a small fragment of this Life is now extant, but it would seem to have been the source of all the later biographies of the saint. Clark, differing from Krusch, thinks that the author was an Irishman, but the evidence pro or con is very slight.

(ii) Life by Wettinus A.D. 816 x 824 [Prologue] Cum mundus per mania vertatur volitando. . . . Sancti acta stilo merear recitare volante. T h e initial letters form the acrostic " Cozberto patri W e t t i n u s verba salutis."] I Fuit vir nobilitate pollens . . . ero in ore tuo. I I F a m a nempe . . . adoretur, regnans c. P. et S. s. in s. s. Amen.

M S : St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 553 J I X / X pp. 166-227. EDS: Ildephonsus ab Arx MGH SS. I I (Hanover 1829) 1 - 2 1 [ 2 1 - 3 1 contain lib. I I of Walahfrid's recension]. — A A. 5 5 . Boll. Oct. V I I (1869) 856-95 [895-909 continuation as preceding). — G. Meyer von Knonau Miitheilungen zur vaterländischen Geschichte X I I (St. Gall 1870) 1-93, 1 4 0 - 7 [also reprinted], — E. Dümmler MGH Poelae Lai. Aevi Carol. I I (Berlin 1884) 476—7 [cf. 7 0 1 ; metrical introd. only]. — Bruno Krusch MGH 5 5 . rcr. Merov. I V (1902) 256-80 [excellent ed.]. GERM, TRANS: A. Potthast Geschichlschreibcr der deutschen Vorzeit s. V I I I , vol. I (Berlin 1857) [2nd ed. Leipsic 1888]. — Ernest Götzinger Das Leben des heiligen Gallus (St. Gall 1896). A certain Gozbert was abbot of the monastery of St. Gall from 816 to 837. He was most energetic in improving the status of the institution placed under his charge, and, amongst other things, laid the foundations of the monastic library which became one of the most famous of the early middle ages. No doubt Gozbert, to obtain a Life of the patron saint, written in the literary style approved of the ninth century, applied to Wetti or Wettinus (d. 824), monk and teacher in the monastery of Reichenau in the Lake of Constance, then one of the chief centres of learning in western Europe. The language of the old Life is, however, purer and simpler than that of its improvement by Wettinus. The identity of the author of this second version was determined only in the last century by the elucidation of the acrostic contained in the prologue.

(iii) Life by Walahfrid Strabo c A.D. 833 [Prologue] Nisi me sanctarum . . . conservare dignetur. Amen. O pater, 0 patris proles, 0 Spiritus alme. . . . Quod nocet, evellat, quod iuvat, amplified 8 11. I Cum praeclara sanctissimi . . . comprehendenda reservet. I I M e n t i s beatissimi . . . mentem offendant. Oratio Walahfridi. Obsecramus itaque . . . implorare digneris. Amen.

M S S : Very numerous. See Krusch's ed. for a list. EDS: Mombritius Sanduarium sive Vitae Sanctorum (Milan c 1480) I 3 1 1 - 2 [imperfect]. — Surius Dc prob'Uis sunc11A

Clark says about 745.

T H E IRISH C H U R C H I N T H E " C E L T I C " PERIOD

207

torum historiis V (Cologne 1574) 807-39. — Messingham Florilegium (Paris 1624) 255-94 [reprint of Surius]. — Melchior H. Goldastus Alamannicarum rerum scriptores I ii (Frankfort 1606) 233-76. — Mabillon AA. SS. 0. s. B. II (Paris 1660) 227-68 [poor text]. — Migne PL CXIV 975-1030 [Mabillon's text]. — Robert Thuli Mittheilungen zur vaterländischen Geschichte X X I V (St. Gall 1890) 1-75. — Krusch MGH SS. rer. Merov. IV (Hanover and Leipsic 1902) 280-337, VII pt. II (1920) 834-5 [excellent critical edition, with valuable preface], COMM: [On Walahfrid Strabo see no. 358.] Rettberg Observations ad vitam sancti Galli sptetanies (Marburg 1842) [Programm]. — Carl J. Greith Der heilige Gallus, der Apostel Alemanniens und seine Glaubenslehre gegenüber den Deutschkirchlern und ihren Irrthümern (St. Gall 1845); Die heiligen Glaubensboten Kolumban und Gall und ihre Stellung in der Urgeschichte St Gallens Zur Widerlegung der Wyler-Chronik und des Nachtrags (St. Gall 1865); Geschichte der allirischen Kirche (Freiburg i. Br. 1867) 244-5. — Sickel " St. Gallen unter den ersten Karolingern " Mittheüungen zur vaterländischen Geschichte (St. Gall 1865) 1-21.—• J. A. Zimmermann Die heiligen Kolumban und Gallus nach ihrem Leben und Wirken geschildert (St. Gall 1866). — G. Meyer von Knonau " Das Leben und die Wunder des h. Gallus " St. Gallische Geschichtsquellen I (1870) pp. xiii-xxv; Mittheüungen zur vaterländischen Geschichte X I I I (1872) 239-43; X V I (1877) 470-1. — G. von Wyss " Der Tuggensee " Anzeiger für Schweizerische Geschichte N. F. X X (1889). — Emil Egli Kirchengeschichte der Schweiz (Zürich 1893) 56-8. — L. Knappert " La vie de s. Gall et le paganisme germanique " Rev. de l'hist. des religions X X I X (1894) 259-95 Vi- A n - Boll. XIV 339]. — Hauck Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands 1 2 (1898) 327-8. — Wattenbach DGQ 1 7 133-4. It is probable that the inferiority of the edition by Wettinus was soon recognised by Abbot Gozbert, and that he again sought an editor from the school of Reichenau, this time selecting a young man, but one already famous for his learning. Walahfrid Strabo wrote his Life of St. Gall probably in 833 or 834, and dedicated it to Gozbert. The work is a new redaction, the first book from the older Vita, the second from a treatise on the miracles of the saint by the younger Gozbert, nephew of the abbot.

(iv) Metrical Life c A.D. 850 Promissi memor ecce. . . . Sol qui multifluo distinguit Iumine mundum. . . . Et memoria, qu&s ipse deus custodiat. Amen. 1808 II. MS: St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 587 J XIV. ED: E. Dümmler MGH Poet. lot. aevi Carol. II (Berlin 1884) 428-73. Cf. Manitius NA X X X I I (1907) 674. This is a version of Walahfrid's Life, in hexameter verse, written by an unknown monk of St. Gall at the request of the younger Gozbert.

(v) Life by Notker Balbulus A.D. 885 MS: St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 395 s XV. EDS: Canisius Leclionis atüiquae V 790-2 [partial]. — Weidmann Geschichte der Slijtsbibliothek von St. Gallen (1841) 483-93. — Karl Strecker MGH Poet. lat. aevi Carolini IV fasc. ii-iii (1923) 1093-1108. COMM: Wattenbach DGQ ' (1893) I 270. — Manitius Lat. Lit. I (1911) 366-7. — P. von Winterfeld NA X X V I I (1902) 744-51, X X V I I I (1903) 63-76. — Strecker ibid. X X X V I I I (1913) 59-33 [important].

2O8

T H E IRISH CHURCH IN T H E

"CELTIC"

PERIOD

N o t k e r Balbulus (c 840-912), a monk and teacher a t St. G a l l , 1 , 1 was the author of a metrical Life of the patron, of which only some fragments remain.

I t took in p a r t

the form of a dialogue between N o t k e r and a certain Hartmann, who became abbot.

(vi) Genealogy of St. Gall Is ta sunt ergo. . . . Fuit ergo in Scottia vir venenbQis nomine Unuchun . . . omnia recognoscis. M S : St. Gall Stiftsbibliothek 553 s X in p. 163. — Erlangen Universitatsbibl. f. 95 [cf. Clark The Abbey of St Gall (Cambridge 1926) 22]. AIT MGH

237

EDS: Ildephonsus ab

SS. I I (1829) 34. — Krusch MGH SS. ter. Merov. I V (1902) 241.

T h i s document contains genealogies of Gall and Brigit a f t e r the usual manner of Irish hagiography.

T h e y seem to have been obtained b y the monks of St. Gall

from certain " venerabiles S c o t t L "

Of S t . Gall little trustworthy information is preserved beyond what Jonas tells us in the Vita Columbani, that he was one of Columban's Irish companions who accompanied him throughout his continental career until he set out for Italy; then Gall remained behind in Switzerland, teaching the pagan and semi-pagan peoples and leading the life of a hermit. Jonas talked with him about Columbanus several times, and it would seem that Gall lived into the second quarter of the seventh century. The Lives contain a vast amount of legendary material, some of which may have a basis in f a c t . 1 3 6 5 1 . Life of S t . Deicolus of Lure c A.D. 965 (i) Qui sanae mentis [Cum omnium . . . ] Cum beati monarches atque auriga . . . ut lampas emicat. (ii) Qui se mundumque . . . Cum monarches . . . si tantum discipuli. M S S : Brussels EDS:

(i)

564-74. — MGH s

II

Bibl.

roy.

Colgan AA. SS

102—16, 2nd

Habsburgo-Austriacae

SS.

XV

7569. — B M

Addit.

1 1 5 - 2 7 . — AA.

SS.

pt. II 675-82 [partial],

ed. 95-108.

COMM: I.

(Leipsic 1721)

G.

21917 Boll.

s

X. — B N

Jan. I I

(ii) Mabillon AA. Eccardus Origines

159-68. — Histoire

litéraire

lat.

16734.

199-210, 3rd ed. SS. 0. s. B.

. . .

familiae

de la France

VI

410-1. — L . Besson Mémoire historique sur l'abbaye et la ville de Lurc (Besançon 1846). — Wattenbach DGQ • I 116 n. 2. Deicolus, Desle or D i e y , was, according to tradition, one of the Irishmen who accompanied Columbanus to Luxeuil.

W h e n his master was expelled in 610 Deicolus accom-

panied him, but soon became too ill to continue the journey.

L e f t behind, he built a

hermitage in the valley of the Oignon in Burgundy, which in time became the great abbey of Lure.

A monk of Lure wrote his Life more than three hundred years later.

I t has very little historical value. l t t C/.

pp. 506-7. To Gall have been attributed, erroneously, a letter to a certain Bishop Desiderius (Ussher Sylloit no. 1), and a sermon (Migne PL LXXXVII 13-26). 116

THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE "CELTIC" PERIOD

209

62. Life of St. Roding by Richard of St. Vannes s XI Beatus Chraudingus Scotonim prosapia eiortus . . . sepukri dcponunt locum; ubi praesentibus et futuris . . . . Amen.

EDS: H. Menard Martyrologium sanctorum ordinis divi Benedicti (Paris 1629) 910-9. — Mabillon AA. 5 5 . 0. s. B. s IV pt. ü 531-i. — AA. 55. Boll. Sept. V 513-7. COMM: Didiot Saint Rouin et son pèlerinage (Verdun 1872). — Hauck Kirchengeschichtt Deutschlands (Leipsic 1904) I 303. St. Chrauding, Roding, or Rouin, is said to have been an Irishman, a companion of St. Columbanus and St. Gall, who became abbot of Beaulieu in the Argonne. The earliest Life is by Richard, abbot of St. Vannes in Verdun, who died in 1046.

63. Life of St. Walaricus, or Valery s XI EDS: AA. 55. Boll. April. I 14-23. — Mabillon AA. 55. 0. s. B. II 76 sqq (2nd ed. 70), III ii 628 (568), IV i 556-7 (546-7). — Krusch MGH 55. rer. Merov. IV (1902) 15775, VII ii (1920) 827. St. Valery (d. c 622), abbot of Leuconay, or Leucone, in Picardy, is said to have spent some time at Luxeuil. His Life, written in the eleventh century, was based on the work of a certain Abbot Ragimbert in the seventh. It gives us some little additional information regarding Columbanus, but the value of this is problematical.

References to Columbanus, based chiefly if not entirely on Jonas, are to be found also in the Life of St. Salaberga (or Sadalberga) (d. c 665) — foundress of the abbey of St. John at Laon — written in the seventh or eighth century, 13 ' and in the Life of St. Audomar, or Omer (d. c 667)—a monk of Luxeuil who became bishop of Thérouanne — written at the end of the eighth or early in the ninth century. 1 " Bercharius (d. 685), abbot of Hautvilliers and Montiér-en-Der, was another monk of Luxeuil. His Life — as we have it, rewritten by Adso of Montiér-en-Der in the tenth century — testifies to the tradition of the Columban influence in Gaul: " And now what place, what city does not rejoice in having for its ruler a bishop or an abbot trained in the discipline of that holy man? For it is certain that by the virtue of his authority, almost the whole of the land of the Franks has been for the first time properly furnished with regular institutions." >*» Best ed. by Kiusch MGH SS. rer. Merov. V (19:0) 40-66, VII pt. II (1920) 844-5. Others in Mabillon AA. SS. 0. ». B. II (1669) 421-32; AA. SS. Boll. Sept. VI (1757) 516-30; Migne PL C L V I 1223-38. Cf. Hist. litèraire de la France III (1735) 636-7; X I (1739) «36-7; M. Blldinger Sitmntsber. i. Wiener Akad. i. Wissensck. X X I I I (Vienna 1857) 372-83. It is one of the sources for the statement that many Gallic cloisters in the seventh century used conjointly the rules of Columbanus and Benedict. Cap. vii. 1 , 8 Best ed. MGE loc. cit. 729 sqq. Others in Mabillon loc. cit. 559-65; AA. SS. Boll. 9 Sept. I l l 384403; Ghesquière AA. SS. Beliti III (1785) 598 sqq-, Migne PL C X L VII 1179-90. Cf. Hist. lit. it la France IV (1738) 48-9; Drival La vie de s. Omer (Boulogne 1852). "> Quoted in O. D. Watkins A history 0/ penance II (1920) 626-7. Cf. p. 161 supra.

2io

THE

IRISH

CHURCH

IN

THE

"CELTIC"

PERIOD

I V . THE PASCHAL CONTROVERSY

Bibliography GENERAL: Moran Essays (1864) 80-160 [cf. p. 109 supra], — Skene Celtic Scotland I I (1877; 1887) chap. iv. — Bright Early Eng. Church History (1878; 3rd ed. 1897). — Gougaud Chrétientés celtiques (1911) 1 7 5 - 2 1 1 . — Daniel Rock Did the early Church of Ireland acknowledge the Pope's supremacy? (London 1844). TIME RECKONING; PASCHAL RECKONING: Cf. pp. 99-100 supra. Also Varin Mémoire sur les causes de la dissidence entre l'Église bretonne et l'Église romaine à la célébration de la file de Pâques (Mémoires présentés par divers savants à l'Académie des inscriptions et belleslettres I sér. V ii) (1858) [useful]. — Diet. Christ. Antiq. I (187s) s. v. " Easter." — Bruno Krusch Studien zur christlichmittelalterlichen Chronologie Der 84-jährige Ostercyclus und seine Quellen (Leipsic 1880); " Die Einführung des griechischen Paschalritus im Abendlande " NA I X (1884) 99-169; Prooemium to ed. of Jonas Vita Columbani, MGII SS. rer. Merov. IV (1902) 5-6. — Bernard MacCarthy op. cit. p. 99 supra [the most important treatment in Eng., but MacCarthy's conclusions are not entirely acceptable]. — C. Plummer (ed.) Ven. Baedae opera histórica I I (1896) 348-54: " Excursus on the paschal controversy and tonsure " [good; neglects technicalities]. — Joseph Schmid Die Osterfestberechnung auf den britischen Inseln (Ratisbon 1904); Die Osterfestberechnung in der abendländischen Kirche bis zum Ende des inii Jahrhunderls (Freiburg i. Br. 1907). — E. Schwartz Christliche und jüdische Ostertafeln (Abhandl. d. k. Gesellsch. d. Wissensch, z. Göltingen, philol.-hist. Kl., N. F. VIII) (1905) [valuable for the general subject]. — Bury St. Patrick (1905) 371-4 " Patrick's Paschal Table." — " Comput paschal " Diet, d'archéol. chrêt. et de liturgie. — H. Koch " Pascha in der ältesten Kirche " Zs. f . wissenschaftliche Theologie LV (Leipsic 1914) 289-313. — P. Corssen " Das Osterfest " Neue Jahrbucher X X (1917) 170 sqq. — R. L. Poole " The earliest use of the Easter cycle of Dionysius " EHR X X X I I I (Jan., April 1918) 57-62, 210-3. — M. A. Power " Nisan fourteenth and fifteenth in Gospel and Talmud " A mer. Journ. of Theol. X X I V (1920) 252-76. — F. E. Brightman " The Quartodeciman Question "JTS X X V no. xcix (April 1924). THE TONSURE: Du Gange Glossarium s. v. " Tonsura." — Clerc " En quoi la tonsure irlandaise différait-elle de la forme générale des tonsures? " Trav. acad. Reims X X X I (1861) 191-9. — John Dowden " A n examination of original documents on the question of the form of the Celtic tonsure " Proc. Soc. of Antiquaries of Scotland 1895-6 pp. 325-37. — " Tonsur " Realencykl.f. prot. Theol. u. Kirche 3rd ed. X (1901) 204 sqq. — Ph. Gobillot " Sur la tonsure chrétienne " RHE X X I (1925) 399-454 [has very little on the Celtic tonsure]. HERETICAL TENDENCIES: The works by HZ listed on p. 157 supra. Also F. C. Conybeare " The character of the heresy of the early British Church " Trans. Soc. Cymmrodorion 1897-8 pp. 84-117 [argues that the British and Irish Churches did not recognise, or, at any rate, emphasise, the doctrine of the Trinity, especially in the formula of baptism: the evidence offered is inconclusive]. LITURCY, ETC.: See pp. 683 sqq infra.

In the first stage of the controversy between Celtic and continental Christianity, a stage that began with the mission of Columbanus in

T H E IRISH C H U R C H IN T H E " C E L T I C "

PERIOD

211

Gaul and continued into the eighth century, there were many points of friction: tonsure, liturgy, method of administering baptism, method of episcopal ordination, the whole system of church organisation and discipline. But the subject which was made the gauge of battle was the method of determining the date of Easter. In Christian world-history the two supreme events were the death and the resurrection of the Saviour. The anniversary of the resurrection, the Pasch 1 4 0 of the Greek and Latin world, the Easter of later Teutonic-speaking peoples, became the great central festival of the Christian year, from which most of the feasts and seasons of the Church were calculated backward and forward. The determination of the date of the paschal festival was, therefore, a matter of great practical importance to the Church, and want of uniformity might occasion not only much inconvenience but also serious scandal. Y e t this determination of the paschal date was not a simple calculation. Such it might have been had the record of Christ's passion been Roman, assigning it to a definite day in the solar year according to the calendar of Julius Caesar. But Jesus lived in the kingdom of the Jews, and died on the Jewish festival of the Passover, or the day immediately following, and the peculiarities of the Jewish calendar made it impossible to equate this with a Julian date. Moreover, for both historical and mystical reasons it was important that the annual commemoration of the passion and the resurrection should be in some degree kept associated with the date of the Passover. The Jewish Passover was celebrated on the fourteenth day 1 4 1 of the month Nisan, that is, the day of the full moon of the first lunar month of the spring, in which the first-fruits of corn became available for offering to Jehovah. The Jews employed a lunar calendar, with a mean year of 354 days. This was kept roughly consistent with the true lunar periods by the occasional addition or subtraction of a day, and with the solar seasons by the insertion from time to time of an intercalary month. These adjustments were made arbitrarily by the Sanhedrin, which thereby insured that Nisan would fall when the lambs and the first fruits would be ready for the sacrifice. In time it became the rule that Nisan should be that lunar month of which the full moon fell on or came first after the vernal equinox. It is probable that the primitive Christians kept the Pasch on the 1« iraux«, Lat. pascha, was taken over from the Aramaic form of the Hebrew pesach, " passover." The Irish, hearing the word from Christian Britons, and knowing that Brythonic P Goidelk k, rendered it ease. 1*1 The lunar day began at nightfall. The paschal meal was prepared towards the end of the fourteenth of themoon, and eaten at the beginning of the fifteenth.

2i2

THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE " C E L T I C " PERIOD

14th of Nisan as determined by the Jewish authorities, and regarded it as the anniversary of the crucifixion. But they also observed the first of every seven days, the Jewish week, as a holy day in commemoration of the resurrection. It would seem that gradually a shifting of emphasis took place until in the second century it was generally accepted that the great annual solemnity of the Pasch was the commemoration not of the crucifixion but of the resurrection. Accordingly the majority of Christians celebrated the Pasch not on the 14th of Nisan but on the Sunday which fell on, or first after, that date. The churches of the Roman province of Asia, however, followed the older custom, keeping the Pasch on the 14th of Nisan, whatever the day of the week. The controversy became acute towards the end of the second century, and the observants of the 14th of Nisan, hence called Quartodecimans, were finally excommunicated. With the world extension of the Christian Church and the overthrow of the Jewish state, Christians began to break away from dependence on the calendar of the Jews. The rules of computation adopted by the various Christian communities were not identical, and divergences resulted. The Council of Aries, in 314, and, seemingly, the Council of Nicaea, in 325, ruled that Easter must be celebrated throughout the world on the same day. Uniformity was to be obtained by the acceptance of the principle that paschal dating should depend, in the ultimate test, on ecclesiastical authority, and by the practical expedient of leaving to the Church of Alexandria, chief centre of science, the duty of determining the date of each coming Easter and communicating it to the rest of the world. Nevertheless, irregularities continued, and the gradual disintegration of organised society, as Roman imperial power declined, made communication and control difficult. This decentralisation was chiefly responsible for the disagreement between the Irish and British Churches on the one side and the continental on the other. Christianity entered the British Isles in the third and fourth centuries, bringing with it methods of paschal computation then in vogue. In the sixth and seventh centuries, when communication with continental churches became more free after the long interruption of the barbarian invasions, it was found that the insular Christians were employing, and venerating almost as sacred dogma, a system of Easter-reckoning which on the Continent had passed from memory. The problem presented to the Christian computist may be sum-

THE IRISH C H U R C H IN THE " C E L T I C " PERIOD

213

marised as follows: (1) T o determine the date of the vernal equinox, and from it the first lunar month of spring, for this month was held to be that of which the fourteenth day, the full moon, fell on or after the equinox. But because the Julian year of 365 days with an extra day every four years was slightly longer than the true astronomical year, 1 4 2 the actual, as distinguished from the calendar, equinox was slowly moving back towards the beginning of the calendar year. (2) T o decide what day of this lunar month should be the beginning of the paschal term, the period of seven days the Sunday falling within which was to be Easter. This allowance of seven days was necessary because, the lunar month not being a multiple of the week, the incidence of the Sundays in any lunar month would vary from year to year. Actually, three different days were adopted in different systems, the 14th, the 15th, and the 16th. 1 4 3 (3) T o discover, for each particular year, what were the dates, in the Julian solar calendar, of these seven days of the paschal term, and which of them was Sunday. (4) T o decide whether any terminus ad quern should be fixed in the solar calendar, beyond which Easter should not go. The early Roman church maintained for a time what was known as " the Petrine tradition " — because believed to have been laid down by St. Peter — the rule that Easter must not fall before March 25 nor after April 21. The limit of March 25 was connected with the dating of the equinox, but that of April 21 constituted another distinct restriction on paschal reckoning. When the other rules gave a date later than April 21 they were ignored and the feast celebrated on the preceding Sunday. For practical purposes the task that ecclesiastical computists set themselves was the construction either of a table of Easter dates for a certain number of future years, or of such a table for a cycle of years that would repeat itself indefinitely. The technique of the paschal cycles is abstruse and their history obscure. The perfect cycle would be the least common multiple of week, lunar month and solar year; at the end of such a period the co-incidence of solar, lunar and week time would be the same as at the beginning, and the yearly dates of a festival such as Easter, having fixed relationships to all three elements, would proceed to repeat themselves. If the Julian estimate of the solar Estimated by astronomers a t present as being 365.2423 days. As has been said, the oldest custom set the paschal term from the fourteenth to the twentieth. Others, perhaps influenced by the texts (e.g. Exodus xii iS) which fixed the seven days of unleavened bread from the evening of the fourteenth day to the evening of the twenty-first, set the Easter term as fifteenth to twenty-first. According to another argument, since Christ died on Friday, the fourteenth, and rose on Sunday, the sixteenth, the term should be sixteenth to twenty-second. 142

1+3

214

T H E IRISH CHURCH IN T H E " C E L T I C "

PERIOD

year 1 4 4 and the modified Metonic of the lunar month 1 4 5 be accepted as accurate, the least common multiple of solar year and week is twentyeight years, of solar year and lunar month nineteen years, and of all three five hundred and thirty-two years, which last period would form a perfect paschal cycle. However, there was no such universally accepted lunar calendar as the Julian for solar time, and the different Easter cycles achieved the obvious synchronism of solar and lunar periods and the approximate agreement of calendar and true lunar time by modifying the lunar calendar. The modification consisted in the location of the saltus lunae, the " moon's leap," that is, the occasional dropping of a day from a lunar month, and this distribution of the sallus lunae constituted one of the chief technical distinctions between the different cycles. Eastern paschal tables were generally based on a nineteen-year cycle. Such were the paschal cycle of Anatolius, bishop of Laodicea, who died in A.D. 283; the Festal Letters of Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, belonging to the period 328 to 373; 1 4 8 the paschal letters of Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria, for the years 414 to 442, and his paschal table for the period 437 to 531; and the paschal table, continuing the last, which Dionysius, a Scythian monk in Rome, drew up in 525 for 532 to 626. 147 Early computists in the West did not use the Metonic cycle; instead they employed a luni-solar cycle of 84 years. It would seem, however, that the Popes usually accepted the decision of the church of Alexandria, unless it was at variance with the " Petrine tradition." Such variance occurred twice in the pontificate of Leo the Great, in 444 and in 455, and was, each time, the occasion of an epistolary discussion with the Egyptian patriarch. The Pope yielded, but his archdeacon, Hilary, who succeeded him as Pope in 461, commissioned an Aquitanian scholar named Victorius to draw up a new paschal table. This Victorius did in 457, producing a 532-year table, from A.D. 28 to 559, which could be used as a cycle. He indicated the divergences, comparatively 365.25 days. In 432 B.C. the Athenian a s t r o n o m e r M e t o n e s t i m a t e d t h a t 235 l u n a r m o n t h s equaled 19 solar y e a r s . H e drew u p a calendar in which 125 lunar m o n t h s were of 30 days each, a n d 110 were of 29 days. As modified to synchronise with the Julian calendar, t h e m e a n lunar year w a s of 354.25 days, with seven intercalary m o n t h s inserted in every 19 years, six of 30 d a y s , a n d one of 29 days. T h e true lunar month is e s t i m a t e d as 29.530588 days. There is an error of approximately three days in four hundred years in t h e Julian reckoning (rectified in t h e Gregorian calendar), a n d of one d a y in a b o u t three hundred and t w e n t y years in the modified Metonic. 1 « T h e last letter e x t a n t is for 348, b u t t h e Chronicon Athanasianum, a n index t o t h e letters, runs from 328 t o 373144

147 O n t h e Dionysian paschal writings see J. W . J a n Historia cydi Dionysiani M i g n e PL L X V I I 453-520; AU IV pp. lv-lvii.

(Wittenberg 1718);

T H E IRISH CHURCH IN THE " C E L T I C "

PERIOD

215

few, of the Alexandrine Easters from his, in order that the Pope might in these cases make the decision. The Victorian system was adopted in the West and maintained in Gaul until the eighth century, and at Rome apparently until some time between 640 and 664, 148 when it was replaced by the Alexandrine as expounded by Dionysius. The antagonists of the Irish in the paschal controversy were, up till about 664, adherents of the Victorian system,— after that date, of the Alexandrine. The dispute turned on four points: (1) The date of the equinox. The Irish placed it on March 25, as it would seem to have stood in the first year of Caesar's reformed calendar, 46 B.C. But because of the inaccuracy of that calendar 1 4 9 it had, in the seventh century, fallen back to about March 19. The continental churches, placing it on March 21, were nearer to being correct. (2) The Irish paschal terms were the fourteenth to twentieth of the lunar month, the Victorian the sixteenth to the twenty-second, the Alexandrine the fifteenth to the twenty-first. Because the Celts celebrated Easter on the fourteenth, if that happened to be Sunday, they were denounced as Quartodecimans, although the distinction between them and the true Quartodecimans is manifest. (3) The Irish cycle was of eightyfour years, but its details are not certain. 150 Paschal tables of continental origin, based on a cycle of eighty-four years, have survived, but they were governed by different paschal terms and seem to have differed slightly in technique. Dr. MacCarthy, basing his work chiefly on the Munich Computus, has attempted to reconstruct the Irish cycle. 1 5 1 It is commonly assumed that the same cycle was in use in western Christendom in the third and early fourth centuries, but the evidence is not clear. (4) The Irish adhered to the " Petrine tradition " restricting Easter to the period March 2 5-April 21, but the Roman partisans of the seventh century regarded the " tradition " with as little respect as had the Alexandrines of the fifth. The history of the Easter controversy may now be briefly sketched. In the sixth century, as we learn from certain fabrications of Celtic and probably of Irish origin, the Churches of Ireland and Britain became aware of the discrepancy between their paschal dating and that accepted elsewhere. About A.D. 600 the controversy was sharply opened by the " 8 See R . L. Poole, op. cil.; M a c C a r t h y AU I V p. c i l v . P. 314 n. 145 supra. If M a c C a r t h y ' s theory is correct, this period made an apparently perfect cycle, but there would be a discrepancy of about 30 hours between the true and the cyclic lunar time at the end of the eighty-four years. 149

l w

™ A U IV pp. lzxvi j « .

216

T H E IRISH C H U R C H IN T H E " C E L T I C "

PERIOD

mission of Columbanus in Gaul. In or about 632 many of the southern Irish accepted the Victorian system. The northern ecclesiastics stood by the old customs, and a certain amount of bitterness must have entered the struggle on Irish soil if, as seems a probable guess, the expulsion of St. Carthach from his monastery of Raithin at Eastertide, 636, was due to his acceptance of the new teaching. 1 5 2 The " Romans " formed a recognised party in the Irish Church for the remainder of the century, 1 5 3 and their efforts to win over the northern Irish seem to have had a marked influence on the country's ecclesiastical history. 1 5 4 In England the dispute between Irish and Roman missionaries came to a head at the synod of Whitby in 664: the Irish lost, and subsequently withdrew to Iona and Ireland. In 685 and 688 Adamndn, the successor of Columba of Iona, visited Northumbria and was induced to adopt the Roman Easter. His monks in North Britain refused to follow him, but towards the end of the century he crossed to Ireland and persuaded the northern Irish to conform. In 716 part at least of the monks of Iona were won over by Egbert, an English bishop long resident in Ireland. A schism which broke out about this time in the Columban community may have originated in disagreement on the paschal question. 155 Soon after 710 Nectan, king of the Picts, conformed to Roman custom, and in 717 expelled the still recalcitrant Columban clergy from his dominions. 156 Cornwall abandoned the Celtic Easter about the beginning of this century, but Wales not until its second half. The chief specific subject of controversy between Celt and continental ecclesiastic, after the paschal dating, was the form of the tonsure. The earliest Christian tonsure, practised probably in the fourth century, consisted in shaving the entire head. 1 5 7 In the sixth century we meet for the first time with the Roman tonsure, which consisted in shaving the top of the head, leaving a circular band of hair in the form of a crown. In the seventh century this Roman tonsure came into conflict with the Celtic. The Roman party, who traced their own usage to St. Peter, attributed that of their rivals to his opponent, Simon Magus, and, with that curious absence of historical criticism which characterised the time, the Celts never seem to have thought to question the gratuitous fiction. What the Celtic tonsure really was we cannot be certain, but the probability seems to lie between two suggestions: either the front of the head, from a line joining the ears, was completely 151C/.

l u Cf. p. 249 infra. p. 451 infra. >«C/. p. 315. 1 « Skene Celtic Scotland I I 175-8, 278-88. Cf. p. 42s. 1 6 7 T h i s may have been the appearance of the head to which the druids' prophecy alluded.

Cf. p. 344.

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217

shaved, or it was shaved to form a half crown, thus differing from the full crown of the Roman practice.

64. Paschal Fabrications (i) A C T S OF THE COUNCIL OF C A E S A R E A .

EDS:

M i g n e PL

XC

607-10. —

Krusch

Der 84-jährige Ostercyclus (Leipsic 1880) 302-10. COMM: B u m Facsimiles of the Creeds (Henry Bradshaw Soc. X X X V I ) (London 1909) 3-4, 27-8, 43-4 [re MS, Berne S t a d t b i b l i o t h e k 6 4 5 ] . — M a c C a r t h y AU

ASIUS.

ED: Krusch op. cit. 328-36.

I V pp. cxv-cxvii.

(ii) T R A C T A T E OF A T H A N -

COMM: MacCarthy op. cit. pp. cxvii-cxviii.

(iii) A N A T O L I U S : O N PASCHAL RECKONING.

EDS:

B u c h e r i u s De

doctrina

temporum

439-41.-—Gallandius Bibliolheca veterum pair um III (Venice 1767). — Migne PG X 209-22. — Krusch op. cit. 311-27. COMM: Ideler Handbuch der Chronologie 229-30, 297-8. — Diet. Christ. Aniiq. I 593-4. — A. Anscombe " The Paschal Canon attributed to Anatolius" EHR X 5 1 5 - 3 5 . — Turner ibid. 708. — MacCarthy op. cit. pp. exviii-exxvii. (iv) EPISTLE OF CYRIL. EDS: Petavius De doctrina temporum (Venice 1757) I 114 sqq, II 503 sqq. — Krusch op. cit. 101-9, 344-9. COMM: MacCarthy op. cit. pp. exxxiv sq. In relation to the controversy over paschal reckoning there are extant a series of forgeries, believed by scholars to be of insular, and probably of Irish, origin. (1) The Acts of the Council of Caesarea, held at Caesarea in Palestine about A.D. 197 in connecncction with the Quartodeciman controversy. The genuine acts were lost. The date, place and motive of the forgery are uncertain. The prevalent opinion is that it was of Celtic origin, and designed to promote a modification of the 84-year cycle to bring it into agreement with the Victorian. 1 " (2) The Tractate of Athanasius of Alexandria on the paschal system. It professes to be a composition of the famous Alexandrian bishop, expounding the preceding Acts. In reality it seems to have been a fabrication of the sixth century, 1 " having a similar object in view to that of the Acts. (3) The Book on Paschal Reckoning by Anatolius of Laodicea, purporting to be the text of the lost paschal cycle that he composed. 1 ' 0 It was quoted as authoritative by Columbanus, by Cummian, and by Colman and Wilfrid at Whitby. 1 ' 1 Bede alone seems to have suspected its authenticity. 1 " It was forged perhaps with the intention of discrediting the decemnovennal cycle of Easters which it purports to expound, and of supporting the Celtic system in opposition to the Victorian. 1 " (4) The Epistle of Cyril of Alexandria., based on a scribal error in a copy of the authentic letter which he sent to the Council of Carthage in 419, declaring the date of Easter for 420. The paschal data of the forgery agree with those of the Alexandrine Easter of 607, and it was probably composed in 606 in support of the Alexandrine cycle. Bede accepted the Acts as genuine. — De temp. rat. xlvii. So did Marianus Scottus, who reproduced the text I» toto in the first book of his chronicle. Cf. RIA Todd Lect. Ser. I l l 8. 1 4 9 MacCarthy, on very slight grounds, suggested the date A.D. 546. Eusebius Hist. Ecdes. VII xxxii; Rufinus V I I xxviii.

Bede Bill. Eales. Ill rxv. '«» Epislola ad Wicredam: Opera (ed. Giles) I (1843) 161. 1,1

MacCarthy suggested the date ss6.

2I8

T H E IRISH CHURCH IN T H E

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66. Sinlan moccu Min d. 610 M S : Würzburg Universitätsbibl. th. f. 61 s V I I I / I X f. 29. EDS: Georg Schepss Die ältesten Evangelienhandschriften der Wurzbürger Universitätsbibliothek (Würzburg 1887). — W S " H i b e m i c a " Zs. f . vergleichende Sprachforschung X X X I 2 3 2 - 5 5 . — MacCarthy AU IV pp. cxxxiii sq [cf. I I 104 n.J. —: Thes. Pal. I I (1903) 285. COMM: Sanday " Byzantine influence in Ireland " Academy, Sept. 1, 1888, pp. 137-8. In an eighth-century (Irish?) gospel of St. Matthew at Würzburg 1 , 1 is the following note in Latin, written probably in the ninth century: " Mo-Sinu maccu Min, scribe and abbot of Bangor, was the first of the Irish who learned by rote the computus from a certain learned Greek. Afterwards Mo-Cuaroc maccu Neth Semon [nw: maccumin semon], whom the Romans styled doctor of the whole world, a pupil of the aforesaid scribe, in the island called Crannach of Downpatrick, 1 " set this knowledge down in writing, lest it should slip from memory." Both these men are known from other sources. Mo-Sinu moccu Min 167 is identified in the Martyrology of Tallaghi with Sillin, abbot of Bangor. As Sinlan, 168 " famous teacher of the world," he is commemorated in the hymn in memory of the abbots, preserved in the Antiphonary of Bangor.1" His obit is given by the Annals of Ulster in 610. He was probably third abbot of Bangor. Mo-Chuar6c moccu Neth Semon is commemorated in the Filire of Oengus on February 9, where a note says that he was known also as Crönan, and as Mo-Chuar6c " the Wise " (lit. " of the Wisdom ") and MoChuaröc of the None, this last because of a change in the observation of the canonical hours which he introduced. He was patron of Cell-Cuaräin, or Kilcoran, near Youghal, in his native country, for, though a pupil in the North, he was, as his name indicates, of the Semuine 170 of the D6si. The note, we may believe, records an introduction of the Alexandrine paschal cycle into Ireland. It is probable that Mo-Chuar6c was one of the early champions of the Roman party in the South.

For the letters of Columbanus relating to the paschal controversy in Gaul, see no. 42.

66. Letter from Bishops Laurentius, Mellitus, and Justus, to the bishops and abbots of Ireland A.D. 605 x 617 Bede Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum I I iv [the best ed. is Plummer Venerabais Baedae opera histórica (Oxford 1896) I 87-8, I I 82-3]. Printed separately in Ussher Sylloge no. vii. No. 463 infra. lw Doubtless the Romanising party in the Irish Easter controversy. The note is obviously copied from an older document. lw Cranny Island, in the s. w. arm of Strangford Loch. Crannach — " place of trees," " wooded." 187 The people-name is uncertain. Lugbeus and Lugneus mocu Min are mentioned by Adatnnán as disciples of Columba. lw Perhaps the correct form of the name was Silnan. Cf. Thes. Pal. I I 277, 282. '«• Cf. p. 265 infra. 170 The Semonrige or Semmuine, i.e., people of rivets, belonged to the coppermining district of the Dési in what is now Waterford. Cf. MacN Proc. RIA X X I X ( 1 9 1 1 ) C iv 81.

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219

Albinus, who succeeded Hadrian as abbot of the Monastery of Sts. Peter and Paul at Canterbury in 709 or 710, and died 732 x 734, was the person at whose instigation Bede undertook to write his Ecclesiastical History.171 Through the agency of Nothelm, a priest of London, afterwards archbishop of Canterbury (735-739/740), he sent Bede copies of documents from the records of Canterbury, among which, doubtless, was this epistle. It was written by Laurentius, archbishop of Canterbury, and his suffragans, Mellitus, then bishop of London, and Justus, bishop of Rochester, probably about the year 608. The only certain knowledge, however, which we have regarding the date is that it was within the episcopate of Laurentius, who succeeded Augustine, 604 x 610, and died Feb. 2, 619, and before Mellitus and Justus withdrew to Gaul, about the beginning of 618. Unfortunately, Bede has not given us the body of the letter, which has peculiar interest as the earliest document in the campaign to bring Irish Christianity into conformity with Roman. The introductory paragraphs which he reproduces do not suggest a conciliatory spirit on either side. T h e Italian bishops relate how they have learned from Bishop Dagan and Abbot Columbanus, who came into Britain and the Gauls respectively, that the Irish are no better than the Britons in the observation of the customs of the universal Church. D a g a n even refused to eat under the same roof with the writers. 1 7 2 Columbanus had been in Gaul, and probably involved in controversies with the Gallic bishops, since before the Italian mission set out for England. 1 7 3 The missionaries, in their several journeys back and forth, from Rome to Canterbury, would assuredly hear of him, if they did not meet the saint in person. Dagan was probably the Bishop Degan, or Dagan, of Ath-Dagain, 1 7 4 who is said, in the Life of Molua of Clonfert-Molua, 1 7 ' to have visited Rome in the time of Gregory the Great. 1 7 ' Perhaps too he should be identified with Bishop Dagan of Inber-Daele (now Ennereilly, about four miles north-east of Arklow, co. Wicklow) who died in 639, according to the annals, and is commemorated on September 13 in the martyrologies. 177 171

Plummer's ed. I 1 . No explanation has been offered for this fanaticism at such an early stage in the controversy. Perhaps Dagan was influenced by the nationalist prejudices of the Britons, whom he may have visited first, but, if so, why did he enter Saxon-land? »« Cf. pp. 186-205. 1 » Not identified. ™AA. SS. ex Cod. Salm. 385-6; cf. no. 176 Gregory died in 604, and Molua in 609 (AU). The story, therefore, may be authentic, although Gregory is a stock name for the Pope in Irish legends relating to saints of any date. If Dagan journeyed across Anglo-Saxon Britain to Kent, it is the first recorded instance of an Irish ecclesiastic doing so, and was a result, doubtless, of the conversion in 597 of Ethelbert of Kent, over-king of England south of the Humber. 1 n CS, F M ; Fil. Oeng., Mart. Don. 175

22o THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE " C E L T I C " PERIOD

67. Letter from Cummian to Segene, abbot of lona, and Beccan, a recluse A.D. 632/633 (?) MS: Taken by Ussher from a MS of the Cotton collection, now lost. EDS: Ussher Sylloge no. xi. — Migne PL L X X X V I I 969 sqq. Cf. MacCarthy AU IV pp. c n x v cxlv; Roger L'Enseignement 258.

Segene, fourth successor of Columba, was abbot of lona 623-652. His correspondent, Cummian, was probably, as MacCarthy suggests, abbot of Durrow, one of the chief foundations of Columba in Ireland. This letter is the only important controversial document written in Ireland regarding the paschal question that we still possess. The text is evidently much corrupted. The Venerable Bede, in his Ecclesiastical History of the English People,178 says that Pope Honorius I, who ruled from 625 to 638, sent a letter to the Irish in which he exhorted them " not to consider their small number, situated at the ends of the earth, wiser than all the churches of Christ, ancient and modem, throughout the world; and not to celebrate a different Easter, contrary to the paschal calculations, and the synodical decrees of the bishops of the whole world." How much of this is Honorius, how much Bede, we do not know," 9 but it is probable that the epistle from the Pope brought on the crisis in southern Ireland which is described by Cummian. He says that in the year in which the 532-year cycle began to be adopted by the Irish he kept silent, and made a careful study of the subject. 180 After his year of study he consulted his elders, the successors of Bishop Ailbe, 181 Queran of Clúain,182 Brendan," 3 Nessan 184 and Lugid, 18 ' who assembled, either in person or by deputy, in Mag-Léna. 188 This, perhaps, was a council held in the neighborhood of Durrow at the instance of its abbot. The decision was to celebrate Easter the following year with the universal Church; but, Cummian proceeds, " soon after there arose a certain whited wall, pretending to maintain the tradition of the elders, who in place of union caused disunion and in part made void what was promised: him, as I hope, the Lord shall smite In nomine divino Dei . . . dignetur. Amen, amen. »» II xix.

in Christo salutem: Verba excusationis meae . . . sine inquietudine liberare

1 7 9 Part of Cummian's text sounds like an echo of Bede's: " Which are the conventicles of perverse doctrines [who eat not the flesh of the lamb, but of the dragon], the Hebrews, Greeks, Latins and Egyptians, who are united together in the observance of the chief solemnities, or the particle of Britons and Irish, who are almost the ultimate limits of the world? . . . W h a t more derogatory can be thought of Mother Church than to say: Rome is in error, Jerusalem is in error, Alexandria is in error, Antioch is in error: the Irish and Britons alone have true wisdom? " 1 8 0 Bede tells us (Hist, eccles. I l l cap. iii) that already before the time of Aidan of Lindisfarne (635-51) the southern Irish, in deference to papal admonition, had conformed on the Easter question 1 8 1 Ailbe of E m l y : cf. no. 122. 1 8 1 Ciarán of Clonmacnois. Cf. no. 166 and p. 117. 183 184 186 188

Probably Brendan of Birr. Probably Nassán of Mungairit (Mungret, 3 miles s. w. of Limerick). Molua of Clúain-ferta-Molua. Cf. no. 191. A plain in Offaley, around Durrow.

T H E IRISH C H U R C H IN T H E

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221

in what way it shall please H i m . " T h e n , " 7 in accordance with the synodal decree that major causes should be referred to the chief of c i t i e s , 1 " they sent men known to be wise and humble, as children to their mother, some of whom arrived in Rome and returned in the third year. T h e y reported that at Rome they had been in the same lodging house with a Greek, a Hebrew, a Scythian and an Egyptian, and also in St. Peter's for Easter (when the Irish date differed by a whole month), and these told them that the same date was observed throughout the rest of the world. Moreover, the trustworthiness of these strangers was proved by the miracles wrought by the relics they brought. The greater part of the epistle is taken up with arguments in favor of the Victorian paschal system, and with a plea, in part quite harsh in tone, for uniformity with the rest of Christendom. Most interesting is his enumeration, among the cycles at variance with the Irish, of " that which St. Patrick, our father (nosier papa), brought and made, in which Easter is observed from the fourteenth to the twenty-first of the moon, and the equinox on March 21." This is one of the earliest, if not the earliest, allusion to Patrick extant, and is the only definite testimony that he introduced a paschal system differing from that of the later Celtic Church. During Segene's abbacy the only years in which a month separated the Roman and Irish Easters were — if the usual restoration of the Irish system be correct — 631 and 642, the Victorian and Alexandrine being on March 24, the Irish on April 21. As 642 seems too late, it would appear that the Irish envoys were in Rome in 631. We may, then, advance this tentative chronology: epistle of Pope Honorius written, 628; arrived in Ireland, 628/629; synod of Mag-Léna, 629/630; delegates set out, 630; in Rome, 631; returned 632; letter of Cummian 632/633.

68. Letter from John, the Pope-Elect, and the Clergy of Rome, to the Clergy of northern Ireland Aug. 3 x Dec. 24, A.D. 640 Bede Hist. Eccles. I I xix [best ed. Plummer Venerabais Baedae opera histórica (Oxford 1896) I 122-4, II 112-4]. Separately in Ussher Syttoge no. ix.

The same Nothelm who brought Bede information regarding the early history of Canterbury afterwards made a journey to Rome and obtained, by permission of Pope Gregory II, who had been papal librarian, copies of various documents relating to the history of Christianity in the British Isles. Probably one of these documents was the present letter, of which Bede gives two extracts. 1ST i t U probable that the council in Mag-Ail be, of which we are told in the Life of Fin tan, or Munnu, of Taghmon (cf. pp. 449-50), was held about the same time. Unless, indeed, it was held after the return of the envoys from Rome, of whom T-asrian of Leighlin, called " apostolic delegate," might have been ODC. If the two conferences could be regarded as closely associated we might identify Munnu himself as the " whited wall." 1S8 The reference is probably to the canon (xx. 5. b) of the Bibernensis collection, ascribed there to Patrick and in Liber Angueli (cf. p. 337) to Patrick, Auxilius, Iserainus and Benignus: " If any disputes shall arise in this island, let them be referred to the apostolic see." These are the pa.se ha I limits of the spurious Acts of Catsarta (no. 54 (i) supra). It is quite possible, however, that we have to do with a scribal error in copying the numerals.

222

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This letter was signed by the Pope-Elect, afterwards John TV, and by the archpriest, the chief notary, and the counsellor of the Roman See. 1 9 0 It must have been written between August 2, 640, date of the burial of Pope Severinus, and December 25, when John I V was consecrated, and was in reply to a communication from certain Irish prelates which arrived at Rome during the pontificate of Severinus, 1 9 1 probably shortly before his death. W e may infer that a synod of the Irish clergy who still adhered to the Celtic Easter had been held in 639 or early in 640, at which it was decided to consult once more the Papal See. The ecclesiastics to whom the document is addressed were, doubtless, those by whom the original missive from Ireland was signed. They were the abbots of the great monasteries of Armagh, Clonard, Clonmacnois, Moville and Iona, and some others, more difficult of identification. 192 T h e text as given by Bede runs in part as follows: " T h e letters which envoys brought to Pope Severinus of holy memory, and the questions which they contained, were, a t his death, left without an answer. In order that a matter of such importance should not be left longer in obscurity, we opened them and found that some of your province, in opposition to the orthodox faith, are striving to revive a new heresy out of an old. In the darkness of ignorance they reject our Easter, on which Christ was sacrificed, and contend that it should be celebrated on the fourteenth moon with the J e w s . " Bede omits what follows regarding the manner of keeping Easter, and resumes his report thus: " This also we have learned, that the poison of the Pelagian heresy again springs up among you. We exhort you that such venomous and superstitious wickedness be put away utterly from your minds," etc.

It is remarkable that neither here, nor in the letter of Laurentius, Mellitus and Justus, nor in that of Pope Honorius, does Bede quote the 190

T h e a r c h p r i e s t , the archdeacon (in this case p e r h a p s J o h n himself) a n d the chief notary a d m i n i s -

tered the p a p a l see during a n interregnum. 191

S e v e r i n u s w a s elected in 638, b u t the E m p e r o r ' s c o n f i r m a t i o n w a s not obtained until 640.

He

w a s consecrated M a y 28 of t h a t y e a r . 1 9 1 " T o m i a n o , C o l u m b a n o , C r o m a n o , D i n n a o , et B a i t h a n o e p i s c o p i s ; S c e l l a n o , et Segeno p r e s b y t e r i s ;

k i n d of p r i m a c y w a s a c c o r d e d to A r m a g h . a n d a b b o t of C l o n a r d , w h o died in 654.

" Tomiano " —

T h e position of this n a m e indicates t h a t some

" C o l u m b a n o " — p r o b a b l y C o l m a n moccu T e l d u i b , b i s h o p

W e m a y i n f e r f r o m the s t o r y of M o - C h u t u of R a i t h i n (no. 2 3 5 )

t h a t he w a s a leader of the Celtic p a r t y .

" C r o m a n o " — p e r h a p s B i s h o p C r o n a n of N e n - d m i m , now

I n i s h m a h e e , in S t r a n g f o r d L o c h , w h o died in 643. o b i t is under 659.

Cromano, Erniano, Laistrano,

S a r a n o ceterisque d o c t o r i b u s seu a b b a t i b u s S c o t t i s . "

T o m m e n e , bishop a n d a b b o t of A r m a g h , 6 2 3 - 6 6 1 ( A U ) .

" D i n n a o " — p e r h a p s D i m m a dubh of C o n n o r , w h o «

" B a i t h a n o " — B a e t a n m o c c u C o r m a i c c , a b b o t of C l o n m a c n o i s , died 664.

m a n o " — m a y be C r o n a n of M o v i l l e , co. D o w n , w h o d i e d in 6 s o . p r e s b y t e r " of the third order of I r i s h s a i n t s ( ' / . no. 2 7 1 ) , w h o m a y R e e v e s Ad. 2 3 8 , 279).

" Cro-

" E m i a n o " — possibly the " E m a n u s h a v e been E r n a n of T o r y I s l a n d (c/.

" L a i s t r a n o " — C o l g a n s u g g e s t e d L a i s s e n m a c N e s c a , of A r d - m i c - X e s c a

(Holy-

w o o d on B e l f a s t L o c h ) ; — p e r h a p s M a c L a i s r e , a b b o t of B a n g o r , w h o died in 646, although it is possible t h a t B a n g o r h a d a l r e a d y c o n f o r m e d (cf. no. 5 5 ) .

" S c e l l a n o " — d o u b t f u l l y e q u a t e d with B i s h o p Silian

of D e v e n i s h , whose obit is given b y C S in 6 5 5 ;

in 6 4 0 he m i g h t not y e t h a v e a t t a i n e d episcopal r a n k .

" S e g e n o " — Segene, a b b o t of I o n a , died 6 5 2 . T i s a r a n , near B a n a g h e r , died 662.

" S a r a n o " — S f r i n ua C r i t i i n , p a t r o n of T e c h - S i r i i n , or

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essential part of the text, that in which the paschal rules were laid down.

This gives reason to suspect that the paschal system

expounded was not the Alexandrine but the Victorian.

they

T h e perplexity

that would thereby be caused to Bede, to whom the infallibility of the Alexandrine rules was an article of f a i t h , 1 9 3 can be well imagined.

For the paschal controversy in England, see the next section; and for the activity of AdamnAn in northern Ireland, see no. 81.

59. The Munich Computus M S : Munich Staatsbibl. lat. 14,456 (Em. E. 72) s I X ff. 8-46. AU IV pp. lxvii-lxxxi, clxxviii-clxxx.

Cf. MacCarthy

A Munich manuscript, formerly belonging to the monastery of St. Emmeram in Ratisbon, contains a computus, of Irish origin, having considerable interest. It was probably brought to Ratisbon by some Irish " pilgrim," and there copied into the present codex. The date of composition was 718: some Victorian paschal computations of 689 are incorporated. The date is not without suggestiveness. It was in 716, according to the Annals of Ulster, that the paschal system was changed in Iona. The chief object of the work seems to have been to explain the Alexandrine nineteenyear cycle, but many subjects connected with time-reckoning are touched. Among these is the old paschal cycle of eighty-four years. For this it is our most important source, and the principal basis for MacCarthy's reconstruction. Among works cited or used were the spurious compositions, Acts of Caesar ea, Anatolius, and Epistle of Cyril, and the De mirabilibus sacrae scripturae of the Irish Augustine." 4

60. Acts of

a Council at R o m e A.D. 721

EDS: Conciliorum omnium generalium el provincialium collcctio regia X V I I (Paris 1644) 299-305. — Labbe Sacrosancta concilia (Paris 1672) VI 1458. — Mansi Sacrorum conciliorum nova el amplissima colleclio X I I (Florence 1766) 261-6. — H&S II pt. i 7, 116. Cf. Skene Celtic Scotland II 232-3. The signatures to these acts of a council held at Rome by Pope Gregory II include the names of " Sedulius episcopus Britanniae de genere Scottorum " and " Fergustus episcopus Scotiae Pictus." 1 , 4 Literally, this means that Sedulius came from Britain, Fergustus 196 from Ireland. It is a fair guess, however, that they were members of the community of St. Columba, and that their presence at Rome was a result of the conformance of a dominant party at Iona to the Roman Easter in 716. He was deceived, 110 doubt, by the misrepresentation of Dionysius, to the effect that the decemnovennal cycle had been prescribed by the Council of Nicaea. Cf. MacCarthy op. cit. pp. lvi-lvii. 1 « Cf. nos. 54, i°4194 The same names are subscribed to the acts of a synod held by Pope Gregory III in 73r. These acts, however, are known to be spurious. Cf. Dummler MGH Epistolae III (1892) 704-7, 723-4. There was a Scottish tradition of a Fergus, or Fergusianus, who, after being for many years a bishop in Ireland, went to Scotland, where he founded churches and converted barbarians. Cf. Wynton's Ckron-

icU V xiii; Forbes Katendars of Scottish saints 336.

224

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V . THE ENGLISH MISSION

Bibliography The works by Skene, Hodgkin, Oman, Bright, and Hunt noticed on p. 108 supra; also MHB, H&S, and Roger L'Enscignement.— P. F. Moran Irish saints in Great Britain (Dublin 1879). — A. C. Fryer Aidan, the Apostle of England (London 1902). — A. W. Ward and A. R. Waller (eds.) Cambridge History of English Literature.

In 563 St. Columba, or Colum-cille, left Ireland with twelve companions and founded a monastery on the island of Hii, or Iona, off the coast of Argyll. It became one of the most important of Irish churches, and the centre of Irish religious influence in northern Britain. From it Columba and his disciples went out to convert the Picts in what is now known as the Highlands of Scotland, and from it, after Columba's death, went forth the mission which Christianised the English of Northumbria, that is, the present southern Scotland and northern England. Oswald, son of a king of Northumbria, had found refuge among the Irish—probably in their settlements in Argyll, and perhaps at Iona— when his father fell in battle and the throne had been seized by his enemy. In exile Oswald embraced the Christian religion, and when, in 635, he recovered his kingdom, he at once applied to Iona for Christian clergy. Bishop Aidan 1 9 7 was sent in response to the request, who founded the monastic church of Lindisfarne, 198 an island off the coast of Northumberland, whence he, and his successors, Finan and Colman, 199 completed the conversion of the Northumbrians, and even began that of the Mercians, in the centre of England, and of the East Saxons, in Essex. The Irish Church seemed about to extend its influence over the whole English people. But at this point came the clash with the adherents of the Roman mission which Augustine, sent by Pope Gregory, had founded in Kent. The Easter controversy culminated in the Synod of Whitby in 664, where Oswiu, king of Northumbria, abandoned the Irish for the Roman side, and Irish religious predominance in England came to an end. As a body, the Irish missionaries were defeated and expelled, though their influence, exercised through the 1 9 7 There is no early Life of Aidan (d. 651); all we know of him is derived from Bede. Cf. Hardy Cat. I i 246-7. Cf. William Dugdale Monasticon Anglicanum (reprint of 1846) I 219- 52. — P. Anderson Graham Lindisfarne or Holy Island (London 1920).

Of Finan (d. 661), the " Apostle of Mercia," and of Colm£n the only important notices are in Bede and in the Breviary of Aberdeen (p. 484 infra).

THE

IRISH C H U R C H

IN THE

"CELTIC"

PERIOD

225

presence of individual priests and teachers in England, and the education of Anglo-Saxon youths in Ireland, continued long after the conference at Whitby and the ostensible triumph of the Roman party. From the point of view of world history the most momentous achievement of the Irish people was the Christianising of their Pictish and Anglo-Saxon neighbors.

For the conversion of the Picts the chief

source is Adamnan's Life of St. Columba, with other acta

which will be considered later

For the conversion of the English, the

sanctorum.

writings of Venerable Bede and certain of his compatriots afford the most valuable testimony.

These, too, are the important sources for

this first great conflict between the two rival ecclesiastical systems of western Europe. For, although on the immediate point of controversy, the Easter question, the Irish at home were already conforming when the struggle was keenest in England, the Roman organisation movement waited four centuries more before crossing the Irish Sea.

61. St. Cuthbert (i) LITE BY AN UNKNOWN AUTHOR, A.D. 6 9 8 * 705.

EDS:

AA.

SS.

Boll.

Mar. I l l

117-24. — Jos. Stevenson Venerabilis Bcdae opera historica minora (Eng. Hist. Soc. : London 1841) 259-84. TRANS: W. Forbes-Leith The Life of St. Cuihbert, written anonymously

about A.D.

700

(Edinburgh

1888).

(ii) METRICAL

LIFE BY BEDE,

c 700 x 705. EDS: Mabillon A A. SS. 0. s. B. II 915-37. — J. Smith Bedae opera (Cambridge 1722) 267-91. — Stevenson op. cit. 1-43. — Migne PL XCIV 575-96. (iii) PROSE LIFE BY BEDE, C 720.

EDS: AA.

SS. Boll. M a r . I l l 9 7 - 1 1 6 . — Mabillon

op. cit. II 877-915. — Colgan AA. SS. 659-703. — J. Smith op. cit. 227-64. — Stevenson op. cit. 45-137. — J. A. Giles Venerabilis Bedae opera IV (London 1843) 202-357. ( i v ) L I B E L L U S DE ORTU s . C U T H B E R T I DE HISTORIIS H Y B E K N E N S I U M E X C E R P T U S

ET

TRANSLATUS S XII/XIII. ED: Jas. Raine Miscellanea biographica (Surtees Soc.: London, etc. 1838). Cf. AA. SS. Boll. Mar. I l l 95-6; Hardy Cai. I 310-3. (v) DE S. CUTHBERTO [compilation]. ED: Nova Legenda Anglie, ed. C. Horstman (Oxford 1901) I 216-43. — C0101: Chas. Eyre The history of St. Cuthbert (London 1849; 3rd ed. 1887). — Reeves Ad. 296-7. — Moran Irish Saints in Great Britain (Dublin 1879). — Skene Celtic Scotland II 205. — Geo. Phillips Ushaw Magazine II (June 1892) 176-201 [cf. An. Boll. XIII 59-60]. Melrose was one of the monastic churches founded by the monks of Lindisfame. Its abbot was Eata, an English boy whom Aidan, when he first came to Lindisfame, had received as a student. In 651, or very soon after, Cuthbert, or Cudberct, entered Melrose. He and Eata were, naturally, followers of the Irish church customs, but after the Synod of Whitby they adhered to the Roman order. Cuthbert was appointed bishop of Lindisfame in 684, and died in 687. The early Litres have considerable interest because of the pictures they offer of the Irish Church in Northumbria, and of the conditions in the midst of which the Easter controversy raged. The late text, Libellus de ortu, tells an elaborate story of the Irish origin of the saint. There is no

226 THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE "CELTIC" PERIOD reason to place any credit in this fiction, but it may preserve the substance of Irish legends of the twelfth century.' 00

62. Aldhelm (i) WORKS. EDS: J . A. Giles (Patres Ecclesiae Anglicanae) (Oxford 1844). — Migne PL L X X X I X 63-314 [reprint of last], — R. Ehwald UGH Auct. ant. X V iii (1919). — Ussher Sylloge (Whole Works IV 448-53) [Letter to Eahfrid], — Mai Classici Anclotes V [Letter to Acircius]. — Jaffé Bibl. Rer. Germ. I I I : Monumenta Moguntina (Berlin 1866) 24-31 [letter to Gerontius]. (ii) LIFE by Faricius. EDS: Giles and Migne loc. cil. —AA. SS. Boll. 25 Mai. VI 84-93. (i") LIFE by William of Malmcsbury. EDS: AA. SS. Boll. ibid. 79-83. — Mabillon AA. SS. o. s. B. IV i 726-33. — Migne PL C L X X I X . — N.E.S.A. Hamilton Willelmi Malmesbiriensis De geslis pontificum Anglorum (RS: London 1870) 332-443. COMM: Thos. Wright Biographia Britannica literaria I (1842) 209-22. — Leo Bönhoff Aldhelm von Malmesbury, ein Beilrag zur Angelsächsischen Kirchengeschichte (Inaug. Diss.) (Dresden 1894). — HZ Zs. f . deiäsches Allerthum X X X I I 202 [as to the date of the letter to Eahfrid]. — L. Traube Perrona Scottorum (1900) 477 sqq [relations of Aldhelm with Cellanus of Péronne; see also Hermes X X I V 648 re the letter to Acircius). — G. K. Browne Aldhelm (London 1902). — Manitius Lat. Lit. I ( 1 9 1 1 ) 134-41 [see also Sitzungsberichte d. kaiserl. Akademie d. Wissenschaften in Wien: phil.-hist. Klasse C X I I (1886) 535 s 99 r e Aldhelm's knowledge of earlier writers]. — D. Mazzoni " Aldhelmiana Studio critico letterario su Aldhelmo di Sherborne " Rivista storica benedittina 1915 [also separately, Rome 1916]. Aldhelm

(c 6 4 0 - 7 0 9 ) , a b b o t of M a l m e s b u r y

a n d bishop of

borne, the first A n g l o - S a x o n m a n of letters, r e p r e s e n t s the

Sher-

combined

influence of the I r i s h a n d the R o m a n religious m o v e m e n t s o p e r a t i n g in E n g l a n d in the s e v e n t h c e n t u r y .

H e r e c e i v e d his e a r l y e d u c a t i o n a t

M a l m e s b u r y f r o m t h e f o u n d e r of t h a t m o n a s t e r y , a n I r i s h m a n n a m e d M á e l - d u b h or M á e l - d ú n , 2 0 1 b u t a f t e r w a r d s he s t u d i e d a t

Canterbury

u n d e r the H e l l e n i s e d A f r i c a n , A b b o t H a d r i a n , w h o a c c o m p a n i e d A r c h bishop

Theodore

from

Rome

to

England.

The

knowledge

of

the

classics d i s p l a y e d in A l d h e l m ' s w r i t i n g s is, t h e r e f o r e , of especial interest, t h o u g h w e c a n n o t d e t e r m i n e h o w m u c h of it c a m e to h i m

through

I r i s h channels. Four of his compositions have a more direct association with Irish history- ( 0 For the letter to Cellanus, see no. 306 below. (2) The letter to Acircius,202 of about 695, 100 T h e Life by Bede, cap. xxiv, contains some important information regarding Aldfrid, prince and afterwards king of Northumbria, who spent some time in study in Ireland and at lona. Cf. Plummer's ed. I I 263.

Cf. Plummer Baedae opera histórica I I 3 1 0 - 1 . Bede uses the form " M a i l d u f u s , " which is sometimes anglicised Meildulf, as if containing the A.-S. termination -unif. T h e place name " Maldubia c i v i t a s , " or " Mailduib b y r i g , " became — apparently as a result of false analogy with " Ealdelmesburg " (Aldhelm's borough), used of the same place — " Mealdelmes b u r g , " " Mealmes byri," and " Malmesbury." 101 Epístola ad Acircium, she Liber dt septenario, de meiris, aenigmatibus ac pedum rcgulis.

THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE " C E L T I C " PERIOD

227

treating of metrical composition, was addressed to Aldfrid, king of Northumbria (685-705), who had himself received an Irish education, perhaps both in Ireland and in lona. (3) The letter to Eahfrid , M — who had lately returned from Ireland, where he had lived six years — complains of the large numbers who frequent the schools of that island though they could obtain competent masters in England. Grammar, geometry, physics, and the allegorical interpretation of Scripture, are mentioned as subjects of study in the Irish schools. This epistle is written in extraordinarily obscure and involved diction and style, resembling those of the Hisperica Famine. If the latter arc of Irish origin, this may be a conscious imitation, designed to demonstrate the quality of the author's literary training. (4) The letter to Gerontius, or Geraint, king of Cornwall, written in 705 in support of the Roman Easter and the Roman tonsure, is a document of some value for the study of that controversy. The earliest Life of Aldhelm was written by Faricius (d. 1117), an Italian, physician to Henry I of England, a monk of Malmesbury, and afterwards abbot of Abingdon. He made use of earlier sources, Anglo-Saxon and Latin. William of Malmesbury also compiled a Life of Aldhelm, based on Faricius and some texts now lost.' 04

63. Letter to Aldhelm A.D. 680 x 705 Domino Sancto, sapientissimo. . . . Dum te praestantem . . . gratia custodire dignetur.

MS: Vienna Nationalbibl. 751 (Theol. 259) J I X f. 25. ED: N. Serarius Epístolas s. Bonifaci (Mainz 1605) xli; and many later eds. of Boniface's letters, notably, Migne PL L X X X I X 96; Diimmler MGH Episiolae I I I (1892) 237. — Ussher Sylloge. — J . A. Giles Aldelmi opera (Oxford 1844) 98. This letter, written to Aldhelm by " an Irishman, name unknown," is found in one of the manuscript collections of the letters of St. Boniface. Possibly, but not probably, it is the letter written by an Irish prince named Artuil to which William of Malmesbury refers. Neither is the suggestion that it is by Cellanus, abbot of Pironne, 50 ' likely to be true. The letter praises Aldhelm's learning, and asks that the writer be taken as a pupil.

64. The Abbots Ceolfrid and Cynefrid Historia abbatum by an unknown author A.D. 717 x 733 EDS: Jos. Stevenson Ven. Bedae opera histórica minora (Eng. Hist. Soc.: London 1841). — J . A. Giles Ven. Bedae opera VI (London 1843) 4I(>~32- — Chas. Plummer toi He has txx'n identified with King Aldfrid; with Eadfrid, bishop of Lindisfarne (d. 721); with Bishop Egbert {cf. p. 216 supra); with Alfrith, an envoy of Wilfrid of York; and with Echfrid, abbot of Glastonbury 719-729. IM O n e of Aldhelm's disciples was Aethilwald, who became king of Mercia, 716-757. He has left a considerable amount of Latin verse which shows the influence of Hibemo-Latin versification. Cf. Manitius Lai. Lit. f 141-2, W. Meyer Nachrichten v. d. kgl. GestUsch. d. Wissensch, f . Göttingen philol.hist. Kl. 1916 pp. 628-44. Ed. by R. Ehwald UGH Auel. ant. X V iii 519-37. »0» Cf. no. 306.

228

THE

IRISH C H U R C H

IN THE

"CELTIC"

PERIOD

Ven. Batdae opera kislorica (Oxford 1896) I pp. cxl sq, 388-404, II 371-7. D. S. Boutflower Life of the Abbot Ceolfrid (Sunderland 1912).

TRANS:

Some unknown monk of Weannouth and Jarrow wrote a Life of Ceolfrid, abbot of those monasteries from 688/689 to 716, which was used by Bede in his History of the Abbots of the same houses. The opening paragraphs tell how Ceolfrid's brother Cynefrid, abbot of Gilling, resigned his office shortly before 660 and retired to Ireland to devote himself to prayer and the study of the Scriptures. There he died soon after of the plague, along with other Englishmen of noble rank who had preceded him to Ireland with the same object of studying the Scriptures. , 0 ,

66. Theodore of Tarsus — Penitential EDS: Wasserschieben Die Bussordnungen der abendländischen Kirche (Halle 1851) 182-219. — H&S I I I 173-213 [from the oldest and best MS). — Schmitz I (1883) 524-59; I I (1898) 543-80. COMM: Watkins History of Penance (London 1920) II 649-53 — J . T . MacNeill RC X X X I X iii-iv (1922) 293-6. — Oakley English Penitential Discipline and Anglo-Saxon Law (New York 1923) 105 sqq and passim. See bibliog. of sect, vi infra.

In the year of the synod of Whitby, 664, the see of Canterbury, founded by the Roman missionary Augustine, became vacant. The king of Northumbria, now joined to the Roman party, and the king of K e n t sent a priest named Wighard to Rome to be consecrated bishop. Wighard died before this could be done, and Pope Vitalian chose Theodore (c 602-690), a Greek monk of Tarsus in Cilicia, then residing in Rome, for the office. Theodore arrived in England in 669 and spent the remainder of his life in performing the duties of primate, especially in eradicating traces of the Irish system and in organising the English Church on the Roman model. The so-called Penitential of Theodore is generally regarded as authentic. It professes to be a document addressed to all English Catholics by an anonymous discipulus Umbrensium, perhaps a cleric from some other part of England who was sojourning in some Northumbrian monastery, and to be made up, for the most part, of the decisions which Theodore gave to questions propounded by a priest named Eoda, " of blessed memory." Eoda, it would seem, based his interrogations on a certain Scottorum libellus, " little book of the Irish," doubtless a penitential handbook which had been used by the Irish missionaries in Northumbria, 507 and Theodore sometimes increased, sometimes lessened, the penances therein prescribed. * * Strictly interpreted, the narrative points to 661 as about the date of his death. A freer interpretation is, however, quite possible, and it is natural to conclude t h a t the occasion was the great pestilence of 664. Through this handbook, no doubt, came Theodore's borrowings from the Welsh and Irish canons and from the penitentials of D a v i d , Gildas and Vinnian. It certainly contained part, if not the whole,

of the Canoncs Hiberncnses (no. 78). C/. MacNeill, loc. cil.

T H E IRISH CHURCH IN T H E " C E L T I C " PERIOD

229

This whole story, and, indeed, the use of a penitential, a custom, it appears, of Celtic origin,*01 indicates the persistence of Irish influences, even while the text itself is devoted to their denunciation. In the chapter treating of heretics,*1" the only heresies specifically mentioned are, holding wrong belief regarding the Trinity, and keeping the Pasch with the Jews on the fourteenth moon.*10 In a special chapter 1 1 1 it is provided that " they who have been ordained by Irish or British bishops, who in regard to Easter or the tonsure are not Catholics, are not united to the Church, but shall be again confirmed with the imposition of hands by a Catholic bishop churches consecrated by them shall be exorcized and re-consecrated; neither confirmation nor communion shall be given to them unless they conform; and all of those races, and any others who have doubts regarding their own baptism, shall be re-baptized.

The later English penitentials, such as those assigned, rightly or wrongly, to Bede and to Egbert, bishop of York, are witnesses to the persistence of this Irish penitential impulse.*"

66. Wilfrid of York — Life by Eddius A.D. 711 x 731 EDS: Mabillon AA. SS. 0. s. B. s. I V i append. 661-722; cf. IV ii 5 5 0 - 3 . — J. A. Giles Vitae quorundam Anglo-Saxonum (Caxton Soc.: London 1854) 198-277. — J a s . Raine Historians of the church of York (RS: London 1879) 1 - 1 0 3 . — W . Levison MGH SS. rer. Merov. VI (1913) 163-263 [with valuable introduction]. COMU: Wright Biographia Britannica literaria I (1842) 164-84, 229-30. — B. W. Wells " Eddi's Life of Wilfrid " EHR V I (1891) 535-50. — Manitius Lot. Lit. II 497-5or.

After Bede's Ecclesiastical History this is the principal source for the Easter controversy in England. Wilfrid (634-709) was the great protagonist of the Roman party and their spokesman at the synod of Whitby in 664. The author of the Life, Aeddi, or Eddius, also named Stephen, was a chorister of Kent whom Wilfrid called to Northumbria to teach sacred music. He wrote the Life at the request of Bishop Acca of Hexham, some time between 711 and the date of publication of Bede's History. His narrative supplements that of Bede, with which it does not always agree. He gives a much briefer report of the decisive disputation at Whitby. 2 1 3 108 See sect, vi infra. On the anomaly of Theodore, implacable opponent of the Irish ecclesiastical system, accepting in tota the Irish penitential system, see Watkins, toe. cit.

»»i y.

MS " xii," undoubtedly a slip. — This is said to be contrary to the Council of Nicaea, further evidence that the acerbity against the Celts resulted from the falsification of Dionysius. Cf. p. 333 ntpra. 110

»» n ¡1.

*« Cf. Oakley op cit. 117 sqq-, J. T. MacNeill toe. cit. 296-7. «» For other Lives of Wilfrid see Potthast and the Bollandists' Bibl. hag. tot.-, for his relations with Dagobert II of Austrasia see pp. 496-8 infra.

23O THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE "CELTIC" PERIOD

67. The Venerable Bede EDS: Folio eds. of Bede's works were issued at Basel, 1563, and at Cologne, 1612 and 1688. Ed. in 12 vols., by J. A. Giles, with trans, of historical works, London, 1843-4: reprint in Migne PL X C - X C V . Eds. of Hist. Eccl.-. John Smith (Cambridge 1722) [good].— Jos. Stevenson (Eng. Hist. Soc.: London 1838). — MHB (1848) 103-289. — G. H. Moberly (Oxford 1869; reprint 1881). — J. E. B. Mayor and J. R. Lumby (Cambridge 1878; 3rd ed. 1881) [bks. I I I - I V of llisl. Eccl. only; has trans, of Ebert's account of Bede]. — Alfred Holder (Freiburg i. Br. 1882; 2nd ed. 1890). — Chas. Plummer 2 vols. (Oxford 1896) [best ed.; especially valuable for students of Irish history]. TRANS: Jos. Stevenson The Church Historians of England I (London 1853). — Lewis Gidley (London 1870). — [L. C. Jane] in Temple Classics. — A . M . Sellar (London 1907; revised ed. 1912). — In Everyman's Library. COMM: C. W. Schoell De ecclesiasticae Brilonum Scotorumque historiae fontibus (Berlin 1851) 20-8. — Adolf Eberl Geschichte der Literatur des Mittelalters I (Lcipsic 1874) 595-611, 2nd ed. (1889) 634-50 — K a r l Werner Beda der Ehrwürdige und seine Zeil (Vienna 1875; 2nd ed. 1881). — Plaine Revue Anglo-Rom. III (1896) 49-96 [cf. An. Bo'l. X V I 2 0 1 - 2 ] . — Roger L'Enseignement 304-10. — Manitius " Zu Aldhelm und Beda " Sitzungsber. d. kaiserl. Akad. d. Wissensch, in Wien phil.-hist. KI. C X I I (1886) 535 sqq\ Lot. Lit. 70-87. — J. Hoops Reallexikon d. germ. Altertumskunde I (Strasburg 1911) 189203. — G. F. Browne The Venerable Bede (London 1919). For further bibliog. see Potthast, Chevalier and Gross.

Bede the Venerable was born in 672 or 673, entered the monastery of Jarrow 2 1 4 in Northumbria when seven years old, and died there in 735. His life seems to have been devoted entirely to study, teaching and writing. T h e founder of the monastery, Benedict Biscop, had collected a good library, and Bede's works may be said to sum up all the learning of his time. T o us the most important of these is the Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation, completed in A.D. 731. I t is the one supremely valuable source for the history of England, secular as well as religious, from 597 to the date of its completion. Bede used, with a care and good judgment remarkable for his time, numerous records now entirely lost, and, for much of his subject-matter, had the testimony of eye-witnesses either at first or second hand. The whole he has woven into a clear and comprehensive narrative immeasurably superior to the ordinary annalistic records of the early middle ages. T h e importance of his work for the history of Ireland — the Greater Ireland of the seventh century — scarcely needs to be indicated. The subject of his story is the establishment and organisation of Christianity in the English kingdoms, but the plot that lies at its centre is the struggle between the Irish and the Roman forms of church discipline for control 211

CJ. R. B. Hepple " The monastery school of Jarrow " History V I I (1922, July) 92-102.

THE IRISH CHURCH

IN THE

"CELTIC"

PERIOD

231

of the British Isles. He gives a quite extensive report, 2 1 5 doubtless in part his own creation, of the arguments used by both sides in the synod of Streanaeshalch, or Whitby, in 664, when King Oswiu of Northumbria declared for the Roman Easter. Bede is plainly a partisan — at times a bitter partisan — of the Roman order, but his sanity and broadness of sympathy are too manifest to make his testimony thereby suspect. Indeed it is probable that in the matter of personalities, apart from principles, Bede's sympathies were with the Irish more than with the Roman clergy. In his monastery of Jarrow he was in the midst of a country whose inhabitants, in the generation just preceding his own, had been turned from heathenism to Christianity by Celtic missionary monks from Ireland and Iona. The information Bede gives us, directly or indirectly, regarding Ireland and men of Irish birth 2 1 6 or training, is not only peculiarly precious but also very considerable in amount. It is evident thar intercourse in his day between the two countries was constant. His quotations from episcopal and papal letters to Ireland, 2 1 7 his testimony as to the Irish schools, 2 1 8 his references to the Anglo-Saxon ecclesiastics in Ireland and their organisation of the mission to Frisia, 2 1 9 his account of St. Fursa and the " Vision of Fursa," the earliest example of this type of Christian Irish literature, 2 2 0 his story of Adamnan and the description of the Holy Places written by that saint, 2 2 1 are some of the passages of especial interest and value. T h e other historical writings of Bede are the metrical Vita Cudbercti, written before 705, the prose Vita 2 : 2 of the same saint, about 720, and the History of the Abbots of Wearmouth and Jarrow, some time after 716. His chronological treatises, De Temforibus,22' of 703, De Raiione Btssexti, before 725, and De Temporum Ralione™ of «li Lib. I l l cap. x i v . 116 A s Columba, Aidan, Finan, ColmAn, R o n a n , Fursa, Foillan, UltAn, Gob ban, Dicul, companion of F u r s a , Dicul of Bosham, D i u m a , Ceoliach, MAel-dubh, AdamnAn of Hii and A d a m n t a of Coldingham. 117 Cf. nos. 56, 58. T h e letter from Ceolfrid, abbot of Wearmouth and J a r r o w (cf. no. 64), to Nechtan, king of the Picts, written about 7 1 0 to confirm him in his adhesion to Roman discipline on the questions of Easter and the tonsure, has not been given a separate notice, but is worthy of especial attention from the Irish historical student. It is the fullest controversial statement giving the Roman side in the dispute. Although in Ceolfrid's name, there is little doubt that it was drawn up by Bede himself, to whose chronological studies, De Temporibus, and De Temporum Rationc, it bears a striking resemblance. It also contains an interesting report of a conversation between Ceolfrid and AdamnAn of Hii, on the occasion of one of A d a m n i n ' s visits to Northumbria, when Bede himself may have seen the famous Irishman.

»18 Lib. I l l cap. xxvii. « » O f these were Egbert, Ethelwin, Ethelhun, Wilbrord, T u d a , Ceadda, Wictbert, H y g b a l d , the two Hewalds, and Haemgils. Cf. especially lib. V cap. ix, x. MO Lib. I l l cap. xix. Cf. no. 296. 1,1 Lib. V cap. x v - x v i i . Cf. no. 1 1 2 . »» Cf. no. 6 1 . Sometimes designated the Chronica

minora

and

maiora.

232

THE IRISH CHURCH IN T H E " C E L T I C " PERIOD

725, have some interest to students of the paschal question, as has also the Epislola ad Wicredam de aequinoctia vernali, of uncertain date. Reference is made elsewhere to the Penitential,*1* the authenticity of which is doubtful. Bede composed a martyrology, but as published it represents a text which had received a great augmentation, apparently in France towards the end of the eighth century. 1 " It is this version that notices St. Patrick: the original contained no Irish saint. The greater part of the works of Bede seem to have been known in Ireland soon after they appeared. An Old Irish translation, or rather epitome, of the Ecclesiastical History was composed in the ninth century."' There is also an Anglo-Saxon version,*" attributed to King Alfred, which, it may be remarked, omits all notice of the synod of Whitby and in other ways shows special sympathy for the Irish Church."'

68. St. Willibrord — Life by Alcuin c A.D. 782 x 797 Surius Vilae SS 7 Nov. VI 1 2 7 - 3 7 . — Canisius Lectionis antiquae VI 3 5 1 - 6 4 [ed. Basnage II i 4 5 7 - 7 1 ] . — Mabillon AA. SS. 0. s. B. s. I I I i 6 0 3 - 2 9 . — Duchesne Alcuini opera III (Paris 1 6 1 7 ) 1 4 3 3 - 6 2 . — Migne PL CI 6 9 3 - 7 2 4 . — Wattenbach in EDS:

J a f f é Bibliotheca

rerum

— Diimmler MGH — Levison MGH SS. rer.

35~79-

Germanicarum

VI

Poet. lot. aeri Carol. Merov.

VII

(Monumenta

I (Berlin

Alcuiniana) 1881) 207-20

(Berlin

1873)

[bk. II only],

(1920).

Among the writings of Alcuin is a prose Life of St. Willibrord, the apostle of the Frisians, which is accompanied by an abridgment thereof in verse,' and a homily treating of the same saint. It was written at the request of Beornred, archbishop of Sens, who was also abbot of Echternach. Willibrord, or Wilbrord (d. 738 or 739), who was given the name Clement at his consecration to the episcopacy by Pope Sergius, was the » C / . p. 229. « » T h e best ed. is AA. SS. BoU. Mar. I I . m C f . H. Quentin Martyrologes historiques du moyen âge (Paris 1908) chap, ii; " Bède le Vénérable " Dut. d'archlol. chu. et de liturgis. II pt. I (1910) 636-41 [résumé of preceding]. » M S : Bodl. Laud 610ff. 89 Y -9J T . EDS: 0 . J . Bergin in Anec. III (Halle 19:0) 63-76 [text]. — E. G. Cox in Studies . . . in célébration 0/ the seventieth birthday oj J. M. Hart (New York 1910) 122-78 (reprint, with introd. and trans.; cj. RC X X X I I (1911) 222]. Cf. KM ZCP II (1899) 321-2 [with text of introduction]. ™ EDS: T. Miller The Old English version oj Bede's Ecclesiastical History, 1 pts. (Early English Text Soc.: London 1890, 1898) [with trans.]. — J . Schipper in C- W. M. Grein's Bibliothek der Angelsächsischen Prosa IV (Leipsic 1899). m Bede mentions (Hist. Eccl. IV xxiii) a certain Begu as a nun in the monastery of Hackness, which was under the rule of Hilda, abbess of Streanaeshalch (at or near Whitby, where the synod of 664 was held). At Hilda's death, in 680, Begu had been thirty years in religion. In a twelfth-century Vita Begae she is identified (probably solely because of the similarity of name) with a Bega, daughter of an Irish king, who fled to England. The Life is largely, or wholly, fictitious. EDS: A A. SS. Boll. Sept. II 694-700 [the "lections" from the Breviary oj Aberdeen]. — G. C. Tomlinson The Life and Miracles of Saint Bega (Carlisle 1842) [text, trans.]

T H E IRISH CHURCH IN T H E " C E L T I C "

PERIOD

233

most noteworthy of that group of English ecclesiastics who, while residing in Ireland, received the impulse to undertake missionary labors among the heathen of the European continent. It was by direction of Egbert, 2 3 0 an Englishman who would seem to have held an eminent position in the religious life of Ireland at the end of the seventh and beginning of the eighth century, that he and his companions 2 3 1 set out, in 690, for Frisia, which was to be the scene of their missionary labors. There Willibrord became founder of the monastery of Eptemach or Echternach and bishop of Utrecht. T h e earliest references to Willibrord are in Bede's Ecclesiastical History, bk. V , chaps, x, x i , " ' written while Willibrord was still living. Soon after his death a Life was written by an Irish monk, but this is not extant.' 3 5 It was probably used by Alcuin in the present work. Alcuin testifies as to the condition of learning in Ireland at this time. Willibrord went there " because he heard that scholarship flourished in Ireland." He was then twenty years of age, having been an inmate of the monastery of Ripon from childhood. He spent twelve years in Ireland before undertaking the mission to the Continent. In Frisia he had the support of the Pope, of Pipin, duke of the Franks, and, in his later years, of St. Boniface. An Irish evangeliarium said to have belonged to him is now at P a r i s . " '

69. The Calendar and Martyrology of Willibrord s VIII in M S : B N lat. 10837. EDS: Calendar: H. A. Wilson The Calendar of St. Willibrord (The Henry Bradshaw Soc.: London 1918) [with facs., including one page of martyrology). Martyrology: G. B . de Rossi and L. Duchesne " Martyrologium Hieronymianum " AA. SS. Boll. Nov. I I — New Palaeographical Society Facsimiles pi. 183. This volume, which was found at Trêves by Rosweyde, the projector of the Bollandists' undertaking, is made up as follows: (1) ff. 1 and 45, fly-leaves from much later books; (3) £f. 1-33, containing the martyrology; (3) ff. 34-41, the calendar, the paschal cycle A.D. 703-721, and, in another hand, the paschal cycles 722-740, 741759; (4) ff. 42-3, containing, in later script, a horologium, a mass for the vigil of the Ascension, and the paschal cycles 760-778, 779-798; (5) f. 44, in a distinct but early script, the paschal cycle 684-702. The martyrology and the calendar were originally separate, but were united in the first half of the eighth century. These books were probably in the possession of Willibrord. In the case of the martyrology there is no conclusive evidence, but an autobiographical note of the year m Cf. Bede Eiit. Ecd. lib. III cap. xxvii, V il, x, ixii Also p. 316 supra, p. 246 infra. «»'One of these was Adalbert (/Etbclberht), who settled at Egmond in North Holland (Afinale! Xanteiues 690, 694 in MGH SS II 220). Another, Suidbert, founded a monastery on the island of Kaiserwerth in the river Rhine (Bede Bin. Eula. V 11). » C / . no. 67.

SS X X m

»

UGH

w

Cap. iv " quia in Hibemia scholasticam eruditionem viguisse audivit." On Alcuin cf. no. 340. On other sources relating to Willibrord cf. arts, by A. Poncelet in AH.

Ii.

Boll. 1903 iv, 1906 i, ii, 1907 i. On the aangtHarium cf. no. 460.

234

THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE " C E L T I C "

PERIOD

728 in the margin of f. 39* of the calendar w a s almost certainly written b y the saint himself.

T h e y are in English semi-uncial and minuscule of the early eighth c e n t u r y ,

and the facsimiles will show the student how closely English and Irish script w e r e related.

I t has been suggested t h a t the calendar was written in Ireland, b u t this

is improbable, except a s regards the single f. 44.

T h e remainder of the v o l u m e w a s

written a t E c h t e m a c h , the m a r t y r o l o g y b y a certain Laurentius on Echternach documents of 704, 710 and 7 1 7 .

558

whose n a m e a p p e a r s

Internal evidence seems to show

t h a t the calendar was written within the period 7 0 3 - 7 0 9 , " 7 the m a r t y r o l o g y p e r h a p s a little later. T h e evidence of Irish influence is less than might be expected, although there are some traces of kinship with the Filire

OengussoThe

only Irish saints noticed

in the calendar are Brigit, Patrick, and C o l u m b a , all in the original script, and a m o n g the additions, A i d a n .

70. Ethelwulf: Poem A.D. 802 x 819 (?) MSS:

B M C o t t o n . Tiberius D iv s X ex ff. 309-21

[damaged b y fire], — B o d l .

163 S X I ff. 2og v -2Ó v . — C a m b r i d g e U n i v . Ff. 1.27 I X I I I pp. 203-15. EDS: Mabillon A A. SS. 0. J. B. I V

ii 304-21. — Diimmler MGH

Poet. lat. acvi Carol. I 583-604.

COMM: H a r d y Cat. I ii 509-11. — L . T r a u b e Karolingische

Dichtungen

I (Berlin 1888)

1 - 3 7 . — Manitius Lat. Lit. I 552. Ethelwulf, or Aedilvulf, was, we are told, a monk of Lindisfarne, and the E g b e r t , or E c g b e r c h t , to w h o m his poem or series of poems is addressed, the bishop of t h a t see who ruled from 802 to 819.

Besides the praefatiuncula,

an address to E g b e r t ,

there are twenty-three sections, the first and last in distichs, the others in hexameters. T h e story runs t h a t Osred, king of N o r t h u m b r i a ( 7 0 5 - 7 1 6 / 7 1 7 ) compelled m a n y persons, among them a nobleman named E a n m u n d , to enter the religious life.

Eanmund

obtained rules for a monastery from E g f r i d , bishop of Lindisfarne (698-721), and E g b e r t in Ireland (doubtless the bishop of t h a t n a m e w h o inaugurated the Frisian mission and later won the monks of l o n a to the R o m a n Easter, d y i n g in 729), a n d , in accordance with their directions, built a church in honor of St. Peter. history of this monastic church is given down to the writer's time; the expressions used it might seem t h a t he himself was a b b o t . the author describes appear to have been Irish, as Ultan the smith.

238 ' 4

The

f r o m some of

Some persons whom the scribe and Cuicuin

T h e location of the church is not given, b u t it has generally been assumed

t h a t it was in the neighborhood of Lindisfarne.

M i g h t it h a v e been one of the English

establishments in Ireland?

71. Council of Celchyth A.D. 816 EDS:

Spelman Concilia

I

COMM: E . Bishop Litúrgica

327. — Wilkins Concilia

I 169-71.—H&S

III

579-85.

histórica (Oxford 1918) 172.

2M

It is at least possible t h a t L a u r e n t i u s w a s an Irish follower of the English missionaries to Frisia.

237

T h e r e are m a n y additions, b u t p e r h a p s none later t h a n 728.

138

N o . 272.

438/1

sible.

In LI1

2

I I ro7 he is identified w i t h U l t á n of A r d - m B r e c c a i n (cf. p. 329 infra).

T h i s seems impos-

THE

IRISH

CHURCH

IN

THE

"CELTIC"

PERIOD

235

This council of the bishops of the province of Canterbury was held under Wulfred, archbishop of Canterbury, and Cenulf, king of Mercia. In its acts it directed that no one " of Irish race " should be permitted to perform any ecclesiastical functions, " because we cannot be certain whence they come and whether they have been ordained by anyone," and because " we should scorn to receive the holy rites from foreign peoples who have no organisation under a metropolitan nor any [hierarchical] dignity."

Further evidence of the close relations between Ireland and the early English Church can be found in the remains of Anglo-Saxon art, especially the script and the ornamentation of manuscripts; in the exchange of books; in the Irish texts and " symptoms " found in English devotional, liturgical and biblical volumes; and in the testimony of certain texts to be considered later, as, e.g. the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.

V I . ECCLESIASTICAL LEGISLATION — CANONS AND PENITENTIALS

Bibliography EDS. OF PENITENTIALS: F. W. H. Wasserschieben Die Bussordnungen der abendländischen Kirche (Halle 1851) [good ed.]. — H. J . Schmitz Die Bussbücher und die Bussdisciplin der Kirche (Mainz 1883); II Die Bussbücher und das kanonische Bussverfahren (Düsseldorf 1898) [for the theory advanced in these works, see below; on the methods, cf. B. Albers Archiv für katholisches Kirchenrechl L X X X I (1901): they are very useful because of the great number of texts and of variants that they give]. COMM: GENERAL: The apposite articles in Smith and Cheetham Diet. Christ. Antiq.\ Hergenröther and Kauler Kirchenlexikon oder Encyclopädie der katholischen Theologie; Herzog and Hauck Realencyklopädie für protestantische Theologie u. Kirche; Vacant and Mangenot Dictionnaire de théologie catholique. — Fr. Maasen Geschichte der Quellen u. der Literatur des kanonischen Rechts (Gratz 1870). — Edg. Loening Geschichte des deutschen Kirchenrechls (Strasburg 1878) [see below for his theory of penance]. — A. Tardif Histoire des sources du droit canonique (Paris 1887). — Scherer Handbuch des Kirchenrechts (Gratz 1898). — A. Hamack Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte 4th ed. (Tübingen 1909-10). — Gougaud Les Chrétientés celtiques 267-78 [good summary account of Celtic canon law]. — J . B. Sägmüller Lehrbuch des katholischen Kirchenrechls 3rd ed. (Freiburg i. B. 1914) [has excellent bibliographies]. ON PENANCE: I). Petavius De poenitentia vetere in ecc. ralione diatriba (Paris 1624). — Morin Commentarius hist, de disciplina in admin, sacram. poenitentiae (Paris 1651) [two early studies that are still of value], — A. Boudinhon "Sur l'histoire de la pénitence " Rev. d'hist. et de litt, relig. II (1897) 496 sqq. — H. C. Lea History of auricular confession (Philadelphia 1898) [important, though now becoming antiquated]. — Vacandard " Le Pouvoir des clefs " Rev. du clergé français 1898-9. — G. Rauschen Eucharistie u. Buszsakrament in den ersten sechs Jahrhunderten der Kirche (Freiburg i. 239

Cap. v.

The tert seems to be corrupt.

236

THE IRISH CHURCH IN T H E " C E L T I C "

PERIOD

B. 1903; Eng. trans. 1908; Fr. trans. 1910). — M . J. O'Donnell Penance in the early Church (Dublin 1908). — E. J. Hanna " Penance " Cath. Encyci. infra,

210]. — O. D. Watkins History

of Penance

[cf. Oakley, op.

cit.

2 vols. (London 1920) [valuable:

vol. II " T h e western Church from 450 to 121J " gives much attention to Irish and

British

Kirchenrecht

sources].

ON THE PENITENTIALS:

Schmitz Archiv

fur

katholisches

L I (1884) 25 sqq. — Paul Foumier " Études sur les pénitentiels "

Ret.

d'hisl. ei de liU. relig. VI (1901) 289 sqq; VII (1902) 59 sqq, 121 sqq; V I I I (1903) 528 sqq; I X (1904) 97 sqq [a very valuable series of articles]. — J. T. MacNeill " T h e Celtic Penitentials " RC X X X I X

(1922) 257-300, X L (1923) 51-103, 320-41 [the

most important study of the origin and character of Irish penitentials], — T . P. Oakley English

Penitential

Discipline

and Anglo-Saxon

Law in their joint

influence

(New York 1923) [gives considerable attention to Irish and British sources; presents the results of the latest critical scholarship]. Ballerini De antiquis

collectionibus

ON THE CANONICAL COLLECTIONS:

el collectoribus

canonum

Jules Besson " Canons, Collections of ancient " Cath. Encyci.

in Migne PL

LVI. —

[useful for the general

field, but not for the Irish]. — See also the manuals of canon law listed supra, and the bibliog. of no. 82 infra.

The mediaeval priest needed to have at hand and be able to use a considerable number of books. He required such books as he must use in the ritual of the Church, the service of the mass and the administration of the other sacraments; and in the observance of the canonical hours. All these we shall consider later in connection with the liturgical remains of the Irish Church. As has been seen, he had to have a computus, a book containing the table for the contemporary Easter cycle, directions for its use, and instructions for drawing up the tables of future cycles. In connection with the liturgical services, and with the other duties of his office, he had need of part at least of the biblical books — the psalter, the gospels, the epistles. Of these also the surviving Irish copies will later be considered. T o know the rights and the obligations, both of himself and of those committed to his spiritual care, he must be able to consult a compilation of canon law. And he came to find it extremely useful, in administering the sacrament of penance, to have available a penitential, a little book containing a schedule of the expiatory works to be imposed for the various sins for A'hich penitents might wish to make atonement. 240 In the history of the production of penitentials and of books of canons the Irish Church has an important place. Irish " pilgrims " and missionaries carried Irish penitentials and Irish canonical collections with them to foreign lands. Perhaps foreign students returning Bishop Haito of Basel, in a capitulare issued 806 x 823, directs that priests must know the following: sacramentarium, lectionarium, antiphoQarium, baptisterium, computus, penitential-canon, psalterium. Cf. Schmitá I 165.

T H E IRISH CHURCH IN THE " C E L T I C "

PERIOD

237

from the Irish schools brought back with them such books. Abroad these Irish handbooks found great favor. They were transmitted from one church to another, copied and re-copied, modified and expanded according to new conditions and new ideas, until they had produced a quite considerable mass of religious literature. The books used by the Irish clergy at home have, for the most part, perished, but through the copies and adaptations made by their English and continental admirers we have been able to recover many of these ancient documents. Church legislation was enacted in Ireland, as elsewhere, by synods of bishops and abbots. It is possible, or even probable, that, as Foumier asserts, 241 the legislative machine functioned less efficiently in the Irish than in the continental Church. But councils were held and their acts were recorded, even though these have, with one or two exceptions, been lost. A portion of this legislation has been preserved through being incorporated into the compilation of canon law known as the Hibernensis, which, as has been said, was copied many times in continental manuscripts. In early mediaeval Ireland, likewise, legislation was frequently half-secular, half-ecclesiastical, in its origin as well as in its application. Such were the injunctions to which the general term cain, "law, rule," was given a peculiar application. " These are the four cdna of Ireland," says the commentary to Filire " Patrick's law ( c i i n Palraic), women;

Oenguaso:

not to kill the clergy; and Adamndn's law, not to kill

D i i r e ' s law, not to kill cattle;

and the law of Sunday, not to transgress

thereon."

There were, however, more than four c&na. The annalists, with whom lex seems undoubtedly to be equated with cdin, mention from time to time the enforcement of the " l a w s " of many saints. 243 It would seem that the Irish legal mind, with its strict sense of obligation, held that, in return for the social benefits resultant from each of these " laws," the populace was bound to make payments to the saint who was its author, in the person of his " heir," the abbot of his monastic church. Hence it is probable that the chief feature of many of these enforcements, or promulgations, of " l a w s " was the levying of a cess. " 1 RC X X X (1909) 228-9. ta w s Fti Oent211. This is the teit of the MS Laud 610. LH makes Diire's law " not to steal catUe." 1U CJ. A U, index j. ». " Law."

A similar note in the Franciscan

238

THE IRISH

CHURCH

IN THE

"CELTIC"

PERIOD

There are separate texts of only two of these cdna, the " L a w of A d a m nan " and the " Sunday L a w . " Of these, the " Sunday L a w " belongs to the ninth century, and will be considered later. 2 4 4 T w o other classes of texts have, to a degree, the character of ecclesiastical l a w : ( i ) T h e monastic rules. These will be noticed in the following chapters, dealing with the several Irish churches or church-leagues, their records and traditions. (2) T h e Brehon law tracts which treat of ecclesiastical matters. T h e y are part of the secular law, bearing the impress of its principles and its methods, and must be regarded in that setting, but they are of very great importance for the understanding of the organisation, discipline and customs of the Irish Church. T o turn now to the penitential books. A system of penitential discipline had, of course, been enforced in the Christian Church from primitive times. T h e characteristic of this discipline was the public exclusion, more or less complete and for varying periods of time, of the penitents from the religious services. This system of public penance was less rigorously enforced in western Europe than in the East, and it is doubtful whether it was ever observed in the British Isles. In the seventh century a new 2 4 5 penitential system appeared in continental Europe, and, although meeting with some opposition, acquired wide and lasting vogue. I t was penance imposed privately by the confessor and performed privately by the penitent, penance of which the essential was prayer, mortification and good works, the amount being proportioned to the number and character of the sins in accordance with a fixed tariff set down in the penitential book. I t is the opinion of the majority of historians, in particular of Wasserschleben and Fournier, to whom the elucidation of this phase of penitential history is largely due, that this discipline and the penitential books associated with it had their origin in the Celtic Churches of the British Isles, passed b y way of Irish missionaries to the Anglo-Saxons, and then by way of both Irish and Anglo-Saxons, notably Columban and his disciples, to the Continent. Opposition to the theory has come principally from Mgr. H. J. Schmitz, who has given a lifetime to the study of the penitentials. 2i
61 Instead of Colhroige, the Goidelic form of " Patricius " which TfrechAn has preserved, it gives us the still older Quadriga or Quotirche. Cf. p. 325 supra.

342

T H E MONASTIC

CHURCHES—I

based on Muir-chû, Ttrechin and the Confession, but there is new material, part of which appears in the Tripartite Life and had been noted in the additamenta to Ttrechân, There are also additions which are found only here. The new matter, for the most part, consists of accounts of extravagant miracles, some evidently based on, but surpassing, the miracle-narratives of the Gospels. Other motifs lying behind these additions are the establishment of a connection with Rome and Pope Celestine, and with Martin of Tours; the working out of the analogy between Patrick and Moses; explaining the origin of the relic known as the " Staff of Jesus " ; satisfying the desires of all localities to have some share in the glory of the great apostle; and developing the latent possibilities of the earlier records. We here meet with the story of the destruction of the idol Crom Cruaich, a story which received afterwards very full development. 1 "

135. The Tripartite Life of Patrick c A.D. 895 x 900 Populus qui sedebat in tenebris uidit lucem magnam i. in popal deissid i ndorchaib. . . . [R&wl. B. 512] perfruitur in presentia Trinitatis, P. et F. et S. S. Alme trocairi, et reliqua. (Eg. 93 arranges the last paragraphs somewhat differently.1

MSS: BM Eg. 93 ff. I - I 8 T [written by Domnall Albanach O'Troightigh in 1 4 7 7 ] . — Bodl. Rawl. B. 5 1 2 Î XV ff. 5 - 3 0 . — T C D 1 3 3 7 (H. 3 . 1 8 ) pp. 5 2 0 - 8 [extracts]. All the MSS are imperfect in some sections, for which we are dependent on Colgan's Latin version. Colgan used three MSS, none of which is now known to exist. EDS: Colgan Tr. Thaum. ( 1 6 4 7 ) 1 1 7 - 8 8 [professes to give a Latin version of the Irish parts, and to retain most of the original Latin; but his work is not a commensurate trans., but rather resembles a paraphrase; his text represents a different tradition from that of the extant MSS], — Vit. Trip. I ( 1 8 8 7 ) [introd., text, trans.; a good ed., but not final; it is neither diplomatic nor critical, in the technical meanings of these terms (WS rightly believed that the time had not yet come for the critical reconstruction of Old and early Middle Irish texts); gives for the most part the Rawlinson text, which seems on the whole to be inferior to the Egerton. Corrigenda, review, criticisms and replies re this ed. are to be found in The Academy X X X I I I (1888) 1 9 1 - 2 , 424-5, 447-9, X X X I V ( 1 8 8 8 ) 10-11, 73, 1 3 8 - 9 , 1 7 2 - 3 , 354-5, X X X V I (1889) 25, 88, 2 2 1 - 2 , 2 3 8 - 9 , 256.] — " Glossed extracts from the Tripartite Life of St. Patrick H. 3 . 1 8 " ACL I I I ( 1 9 0 5 ) 8 - 3 8 , 56. TRANS: Cusack Life of St. Patrick (London 1870) 3 7 1 - 5 0 2 [partial trans, by W. M. Hennessy]. COMM: Robert Étude critique 5 8 - 6 0 . — B. MacCarthy " The Tripartite Life of St. Patrick: new textual studies " Trans. RIA X X I X ( 1 8 8 7 - 1 8 9 2 : read Jan. 1 4 , 1889) 1 8 3 - 2 0 6 [includes a severe, but in some respects not unfounded, criticism of the ed. by WS], — F. Lot " La date de la Vie Tripartite de s. P a t r i c e " Annales de Bretagne ( 1 8 9 6 ) 360-1. — Bury Life of St. Patrick 2 6 9 - 7 2 . — LA pp. lxxii-lxxv, 4 5 8 - 6 4 . — Kathleen Mulchrone " Die Abfassungszeit und Überlieferung der Vita Tripartita " ZCP XVI ( 1 9 2 6 ) 1 - 9 4 [very valuable].

T h e first of the four-fold honors which, according to a note in the Book of Armagh, 1 6 3 were to be paid to Patrick by the monasteries and churches of all Ireland was " the celebration, during three days and three nights in mid-spring, with every kind of good food except flesh,164 Ifiî IM

Cf. Vit. Trip. (no. 135) and the Dinnseachas. 144 Since March 17 falls in Lent. LA f. 16. Cf. p. 334 supra.

THE MONASTIC

CHURCHES—I

343

of the festival of his ' falling asleep.' " There can be little doubt that the so-called Tripartite Life, forming, as it does, three homilies with appropriate texts and setting, was intended to provide sermons, or the material of sermons, for the three days of the celebration. The homiletical character of the three parts is, however, only formal: the first part contains some structural unity, 1 6 5 the other two, none. In the second and third the homiletical introduction and conclusion are simply fastened onto a string of Patrician anecdotes, disconnected, or bound together merely by a loose, illogical geographical sequence. The text is in Irish, but with numerous, and in some cases quite lengthy, Latin passages interspersed. Our manuscripts are of the fifteenth century, and are filled with textual modifications and corruptions. Enough early forms are preserved, nevertheless, to suggest the end of the ninth or beginning of the tenth century as the time of composition. 166 It is obvious, however, that a work serving the purpose which seems to have been served by the Vita Tripartita would be peculiarly liable to constant modification of its linguistic character — as, indeed, also of its subject-matter. There is internal evidence pointing to the last years of the ninth century as the date when the subject-matter assumed approximately its present form. " Twenty-seven kings," we are told, " of the race of Ailill and Oengus ruled in Cashel under a crozier until the time of Cenn-Gécán." 1 6 7 This Cenn-Gécán was deposed, according to the Annals of Ulster, in 901; the last preceding king of Cashel, of whom mention is made, died in 895. It would seem probable that the author was writing between those dates. 1 6 8 No allusion to events later than the year 900 is discoverable. It is possible that the first part is, ill substance, an earlier composition than the other two. C/. Bury, loc. cii. 1M Cf. Tomás Ó Máille Ériu VI 3 n. 1, 85 n. 2. He points out that it contains a form of the article which occurs for the last time in AU in 892. WS had assigned it to the eleventh century, but in the earlier period of his Celtic studies he commonly gave to early Irish documents a later date than was accepted by other philologists, or by himself in alter years. 1«? Vit. Trip. I 196-7. "»There are other allusions having value in dating the work. Nuada, abbot of Armagh, is said {ibid. 82) to have released certain churches from a tribute they had paid since Patrick's time. The obit of this Nuada, who, according to the lists of Patrick's successors, ruled three years, is given by AU in 812. The capture of Inis-Bec by the Northmen is mentioned (192), an event which happened in 819. Reference is made to Fedilmid of Cashel, who died, according to AU, in 847, Conchobar of Tara, died 832 or 833, and Gaithin of Leii, whose son is mentioned by AU under 867 and 870 (194). Speaking of the fulfilment of a prophecy, the author declares: " Quod probavimus, when Connacán, son of Coimán, son of Niall Frossack, came into the land with an army " U74). Connacán was killed in 855: the form of words implies that the event had occurred within living memory. An angel is made to promise Patrick " that the Saxons should not dwell in Ireland, by consent or perforce, so long as I abide in heaven " (117). WS thinks this indicates a date posterior to 871, when the Norsemen brought a multitude of English captives to Ireland, but the argument does not seem very strong. Finally, mention is made of a CtU Dt

344

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—I

The Tripartite Life shows the evolution of the Patrick Legend nearly completed. Only minor elaborations have since taken place. In general form and character — the topographical basis, the loose stringing together of material of the most miscellaneous kind and origin, the free way in which historical facts and personages, legendary heroes, place names, tribal fortunes, proverbs, local folklore are all brought into association with the central theme — it resembles some of the later developments of the secular cycles of romances, in particular the Acallamh na SendrachIt is based chiefly on Muir-ch Cf. MacN Proc. RIA XXVII C ( 1 9 0 9 ) 366. im

Vit. Trip. I

175-8.

— Ttrechin mentions a " filius Caiitin," maternal uncle of Brigit, who was in

35 2

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—I

seems to have been a pagan shrine,1*4 and perhaps M a c Cairthinn was the man who turned it to Christian service. The extant Life is only a fragment, and, apparently, a late composition. 1 * 1 (iv) Mac Nisse, reputed founder of Condere (Connor, Antrim), derived his name from his mother Ness, following a custom of which there are other traces among the Picts of Down and Antrim. The extant Life is late — perhaps prepared for monks of the diocese of Connor after the Norman invasion — but is probably an abbreviation of an older text. The statement that Mac Nisse was baptized by Patrick might be correct, but the earliest Patrician documents do not mention him. T h e Tripartite Life says he read psalms with Patrick, and this story seems to be noted among the memoranda entered by Fer-domnach in the Book of Armagh. T h e Life also makes him foretell to Patrick the founding of Lann-Ela by Colmln Ela, thus giving an early sanction to the close relationship which in historical times existed between the two churches, Connor and Lann-Ela. (v) Caimech, " the Comishman," is a hazy and ubiquitous personage of whom there are many notices but not much clear information. T w o or more Caimechs have been postulated to solve some of the difficulties: one, from Cornwall, was founder of T u l f n (Dulane, near Kells) in Meath; another, a member of the D&l Araide, labored in Ulster; etc. In the fairly old tale of Loigaire's Conversion and Death, 18 * and the preface to the Senchus m6r, Caimech is associated with Patrick and Benignus on the commission which, we are told, revised the Irish laws. A Caimech, apparently the same, is connected with the drd-ri Muirchertach mac Erca 1 , 7 (d. 534 or 536 " ' ) , whose death he is represented as foretelling, in a poem beginning " Is om oman ar in ben." 189 In one of the topographical poems of the fourteenth-century savant Se&n m6r Oa Dubhag&in 1 , 0 mention is made of a body of Welshmen living in Meath and known as Comthindl Chairnig, " Cairnech's Congregation." 181

143. List of Patrick's Successors M S S : L L c a.d. 1160 - f f. 21. — Y B L i X I V / X V p. 327 c. — L B r s X I V p. 2 2 0 . — Bodl. Laud 610 a.d. 1453 f. 115 [said to be from the Saltair Caisil: is part of a set of synchronistic tables where lists of the monarchs of Ireland and of various provincial charge of the church of R£ith-Dallbr6nig, somewhere in Meath (LA f. n ) , and in the Additomenta to Tirec h i n we read of a " filius Cairthin " who made a grant of land in Sligo or Leitrim to Patrick ( L A f. 17), and is perhaps the same person as the " macc Cairthin " who, the Tripartite Life says, was placed in the church of Domnach-M6r-Maige-Tochair (in Inishowen, co. Donegal) (Vit. Trip. I 156-7). One of the families of the Air-gialla was the C i Maicc Cairthinn, whose eponymous ancestor must have been about contemporary with Patricius. Cj. M a c N Proc. R1A X X I X C (1911) 8s.

km Cj. FU. 0«if.» r86-7. m In the later martyrologies M a c Cairthinn is curiously identified with Fer-di-crich, abbot of Dair-inis, w h o died in 747 (AU). T h e mistake seems to have arisen through taking as the place-name the word dochar, " a s s e m b l y , " which is used in the quatrain for August i s , the festival of Fer-d£-crich, in Fel. Oeng. — On the Clogher relic called the Vomnach Airgid see no. 467.

i » N o . 138. 187Cj. " Aided Muirchertaig maic Erca," RC X X I I I (1902) 395-437. us AU. '«» Eds: O ' D in Geo. Petrie " T a r a Hill " Trans. RIA 534>» Cj. p. 2} supra. ill O ' D Tht topographical Poems oj John O'Dubhagain

X V I I I (1837) 120-1; C S anno S31; Tig. anno

51.

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—I

353

kings are also given], EDS: Colgan Tr. Thaum. 292 [the Saltair Caisil list has five names subsequent to last in Laud]. — Todd St. Patrick (1864) 173-83 [the four lists, giving names, and trans, only of additional matter]. — Vit. Trip. (1887) II 542-9 [LL and LBr texts, with trans.; also Laud text], — K M ZCP IX (1913) 478-9, 481-2 [Laud text]. — H. J. Lawlor and R. I. Best Proc. RIA X X X V C ix (1919) 31662 [reconstructed list, with extracts from the annals and other sources, and a valuable commentary; text of LL in appendix].

There are four lists in manuscript of the comarbai, or comarbada, the " heirs " — that is, successors — of Patrick, the bishops or abbots of Armagh. They all go back to an ultimate source in the diptychs 1 8 2 read in the mass at Armagh. The Laud 610 text ends with Máel-Muire (d. 1020), and Colgan's version with Domnall (d. 1105); Lebor Breac also with Domnall; the Yellow Book of Lecan with Gilla-meic-Liac (d. 1174); and the Book of Leinster with Tommaltach (d. 1201), although as originally entered in that manuscript the last name seems to have been Cellach (d. 1129). The list, with the attached notes, is of considerable value for the history both of Armagh and of Ireland. It lends support to the following outline of the fortunes of the primatial church: Till about the middle of the sixth century Armagh was an episcopal see; then it became a monastic church, but during the next two centuries the abbots occasionally held also the office of bishop; this ceased about the middle of the eighth century, and during the following hundred years the abbacy was repeatedly the object of a struggle between rival factions, apparently chiefly the neighboring ruling families of the Air-gialla; the struggle ended with the triumph of the family Úi Sinaich, who dwelt in the district around Armagh, and from the middle of the tenth to the first half of the twelfth century one of their branches held the abbacy in hereditary succession, the incumbents being, almost all, laymen. In the twelfth century came the reform movement and the restoration of the episcopacy. 144. Confirmation of the claims of Árd-Macha by Brian bóroimhe A.D.

1004

S&octus pa trills iens . . . omnibus regibus maceriae.

MS: LA f. I6T.

EDS: VU. Trip. II 336. — LA pp. ciii, 32.

Brian bóroimhe, " of the tribute," head of the Dál gCais of northern Munster, after freeing his people from the domination of the Danes of Limerick and making himself i n This, as the latest editors point out, accounts (or the presence in the list of Secundinus, who died, according to the other records, before Patricius.

354

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—I

king of Munster, forced the ird-ri of all Ireland, Miel-Sechlainn of Meath, to abdicate in his favor in 1002. Thus was broken a dynastic succession which had lasted more than six centuries. In 1004 Brian made a royal progress around Ireland, stopping for a week at Armagh and placing a gold ring of twenty ounces on Patrick's a l t a r . " 1 It was then, doubtless, that he had this entry made on a blank space in the Book of Armagh: " Saint Patrick, when going to heaven, ordered that the whole fruit of his labor, as well of baptism and of causes as of alms, should be paid to the apostolic city which in Irish is named Ardd-Macha. So I have found in the books of the Irish. I, namely, Calvus Perennis," 4 have written in the sight of Brian, emperor of the Irish, 1 " and what I have written he has confirmed for all the kings of Cashel."

146. Poem in praise of Bishop Aed and other officials of the church of Ard-Macha A.D. 1032 x 1049 Uasalepscop Eirenn Aodh . . . be6il i mbi scis aifrinn uais.

3 3 quatrains.

M S : R I A B . iv. 2 (Stowe 23) A.D. 1628 fit. 142-3* [by Michael O'Clery]. ACL I I I iv (1907) 306-8 [text only],

ED: K M

Aed mac Cr6ngillae h&a Farriith became bishop at Armagh in 1032. 1 M The then abbot, Amalgaid, is mentioned in the poem, which must have been written before his death in 1049."* Dub-di-Leithe, the/er liiginn, succeeded as abbot in 1049, and Aed became fer liiginn, which position he held till his death in 1056.

To complete the legends of the church of Ard-Macha mention should be made of a curious story of a devil named Caincuile who visited the monastery to observe the sins of the monks: Caincuile. i. demon bii inn-Ardmacha . . . MS: Edinburgh Nat. Lib. of Scotland X X V I (Kilbride 22). ED: K M Anec. I l l (1910) 7-8.

146. St. Patrick's Purgatory TEXT OF HENRY OF SALTREY: Messingham Florilegium 86-109. — Colgan TV. Thaum. 273-89. — Migne PL C L X X X 975-1004. GENERAL WORKS: Thos. Wright St. Patrick's Purgatory, an essay on the legends of purgatory, hell and paradise current during the middle ages (London 1844). — S. Eckleben Die älteste Schilderung vom Fegefeuer des heil. Patricius (Halle 1885). — G. Ph. Knapp The legend of St. Patrick's Purgatory: ils laier literary history (dissertation) (Baltimore 1900). — Ph. de Félice L'autre monde (Paris 1906) [cf. ZCP VI 254). — H. Delehaye An. BoU. X X V I I (1908) 36-40. — O'Connor St. Patrick's Purgatory, Lough Derg 3rd ed. (Dublin 1910).— G. Dottin Introd. to ed. of " L o u i s Eunius " Annales de Bretagne X X V I (1910-1) i " AU. 1M T r a n s , of the name of Mâel-Suthain, " imperatoris scotorum." AU.

anmchara,

or coDfessor, of Brian.

Cf.

no. 620.

THE

MONASTIC

781 sqq. — St. John D. Seymour St. Patrick's

CHURCHES—I Purgatory

355

(Dundalk [1918]).

The lit-

erature is extensive. — For Irish versions see Plummer Misc. hag. Hib. Cat. no. 172.

An important division of the Christian literature of Ireland was that composed of voyage or vision tales, in which were given narrative descriptions either of an earthly paradise or of the several parts of the other world. These sprang more or less directly from the old pagan literature and folk-lore which described the over-seas, or sometimes subterranean, dwellings of immortal beings, but under Christian influences became a distinct and elaborate literary genre. T h e most famous of these stories were the " Vision of Fursa " and the " Voyage of B r e n d a n , " but several of the great churches or church-leagues developed each its own legend of wonderful voyage or supernatural vision. It is somewhat strange that this element did not enter into the official Patrick Legend; but it is probable that some local tradition of a visit by Patrick to the other world lay behind the belief and practices of St. Patrick's Purgatory. For when the " vision " element did come to influence the Patrick cult it did not take the form of a romance of the long ago, but that of the stark reality of the present, that any Christian having the proper dispositions might, under the patronage of St. Patrick, himself behold and even experience the horrors of purgatory and hell. St. Patrick's Purgatory — one of the renowned places of pilgrimage of Europe in the later middle ages — was, and is, 1 9 7 on an island in L o c h D e r g in southern Donegal. There had been an ancient monastery here under the patronage of, perhaps founded by, St. Da-Bhe-oc; but it had, apparently, ceased to exist before the twelfth century, when, during the reform movement, 1 9 8 an establishment was made of Augustinian canons. There is no positive evidence as to the " Purgatory " during the period of which the present work treats, but it seems certain that the belief and practices had made their appearance before 1170. The following are the earliest sources: (1) It is said that David Scottus burg wrote, about 1120, a book De purgatorio Patriiii. cannot now be found.

of Wiirz-

The book, if it ever existed,

(2) Jocelin, in his Life of Patrick (no. 140), refers to the Purga-

tory and the custom of visiting it, but places it on Croagh-Patrick, in Mayo.

(3) Gir-

aldus Cambrensis, writing about 1186-7, gives a description of the Purgatory , ,ol) which he evidently had heard of as on Loch Derg, " a lake in Ulster."

(4) A Cister-

cian monk of Saltrey, in Huntingdon (who signs himself " Fr. H.," which Matthew Paris expanded as " Henricus "), wrote, apparently about 1190, an account of the 197 It is still &D important place of pilgrimage and penance, although the " cave " of the visions and the practices connected with it have long since disappeared. 1,8

CJ- PP- 745 J « infra.

>» C / . n o . 448 infra.

Top. Hib. I I v .

356

THE

MONASTIC

CHURCHES—I

visit to the Purgatory, and the visions seen by, a knight named Owen, a follower of the English king Stephen. The date was 1153. Later Owen was companion of a certain Gilbert, for a time a monk of Louth, but later, it is said about 1157-9, become abbot of Basingwerk in Flintshire. From Gilbert's report Henry of Sal trey wrote down his narrative. The story became very popular, and there are many later versions and translations. Of these, and of the numerous texts referring to subsequent pilgrimages to the Purgatory, notice need not here be taken.

I V . CELL-DARA (KILDARE) AND ST. BRIGIT

Bibliography Colgan Tr. Thaum. [cf. pp. 41, 289 supra}. — H a r d y Cat. I pt. i 105-16 (list of MSS], — Lina Eckenstein Woman under monaslicism, A. D. ¡00-1500 (Cambridge 1896) [has some notice of the mythological element in the Brigit legends]. — Douglas Hyde A Literary History of Ireland (London 1899) 56-65 [popular], — Mary Bateson " T h e origin and early history of double monasteries" Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc. n. s. X I I I (London 1899) 137-98 [a few remarks on the monastery of Kildare]. — Mario Esposito " On the earliest Latin Life of St. Brigid of Kildare " Proc. RIA X X X C (Dublin 1912) 307-26 [cf. p. 359 infra], — L. Gougaud RC X X X I X (1922) 203-7, 356; Gaelic pioneers of Christianity (Dublin 1923) 105-12 [devotion to St. Brigit in continental Europe], — L. Pfleger " Le culte d'une sainte irlandaise en Alsace: Ste Brigide " Bull, ecclis. de Strasbourg X L I I (1923) 51-5.

In the seventh century there stood in the valley of the LifEey, in the midst of the territory of the Lagin, or Leinstermen, an important and peculiar monastery known as Cell-dara, the " Church of the Oak." The ancient oak tree from which it took its name is said to have survived to the tenth century. Cell-dara (now modified into Kildare) was a double monastery, one part of it being for women, the other for men. The church, one of unusual size and ornamentation, was divided by a screen into two parts, one for the nuns, the other for the monks. Under the high altar were preserved the remains of the foundress of the church, Brigit, or Brigid, and of the bishop, Conlaed, to whom she entrusted the sacerdotal functions of the community. Tradition and custom alike, however, assigned the predominant position to Brigit and the abbesses who succeeded her: according to some accounts, the abbot of the men's community was appointed by the abbess. One of the noteworthy duties of the nuns was to tend, after the manner of Vestal Virgins, the sacred fire which burned perpetually in the monastery. Some time about the middle of the seventh century the community of Cell-dara asked a certain Cogitosus to write a Life of their patroness

THE MONASTIC

CHURCHES-I

357

and foundress. The composition which he produced forms the basis of Brigitine hagiography. There is no evidence of a strong historical tradition behind the acta of Brigit, such as undoubtedly did lie behind those of Patrick and especially of Colum-cille. Cogitosus, living probably within a century of the alleged date of her death, 201 could give very little of her personal history. What he does offer us is a series of narratives of the saint's wonder works, preserved traditionally, no doubt, by the community of Cell-dara, but based ultimately in large part on popular legends, myths and folk-lore. 202 Brigit is one of the Irish saints as to whose relationship with a pagan divinity there can be little doubt. Certain aspects of her character and career must be based on the myth or the ritual of a goddess, probably a goddess associated with a fire cult. " Brigit (cp. Skr. bhargas) was born at sunrise neither within nor without a house, was bathed in milk, her breath revives the dead, a house in which she is staying flames up to heaven, cow-dung blazes before her, oil is poured on her head; she is fed from the milk of a white, red-eared cow; a fiery pillar rises over her head; sun rays support her wet cloak; she remains a virgin; and she was one of the two mothers of Christ the Anointed. She has, according to Giraldus Cambrensis, a perpetual ashless fire watched by twenty nuns, of whom herself was one, blown by fans or bellows only, and surrounded by a hedge within which no male could enter." , M

It may be added that her feast-day, February i , corresponds with Imbolc, one of the four great festivals of the pagan year. Still more conclusive is the fact that Brigit was the name of an Irish, and, indeed, a Pan-Celtic, deity. 204 From Cormac's Glossary we would infer that there was a trinity of Brigits, and that the name came to be applied to any goddess. " Brigit, i.e., a learned woman, daughter of the Dagda. That is Brigit woman of learning, i.e., a goddess whom filidworshipped. For her protecting care was very AU 524, 536, 528. Unless there is other evidence to support them, little attention need be pud to the annalistic dates of the very early saints. m TirechAn (cf. no. 117) mentions Brigit twice: Patrick is said to have founded a church in RiithDallbrinig, which was held by Bishop Mac Cairtin, maternal uncle of Brigit; and another in Mag-Teloch, where Brigit received the veil from the hands of MacCaille. The Lives represent Brigit's mother as daughter of Dallbr6nach. MacCaille was a bishop of the early Irish Church, whose obit is given by AU in 480; later tradition seems to make him a layman. — TlrecMn was a disciple of UltAn of Ardbraccan (cf. pp. 329-30), who was a contemporary of Cogitosus, and, according to tradition, likewise a collector of records regarding Brigit. *» WS Preface to Three Middle Irish Homilies. «x Cf. RC VII 398; (Sir] John Rhys Lectures on the origin and growth of religion as illustrated by Celtic Heathendom (The Bibber I Lectures for 1S86) (London 1888) 74-6; AdeJ Le cycle mythologiqm irlandais, trans. R. I. Best The Irish mythological cycle (Dublin, London 1903) 81-4. In British inscriptions the goddess appears as Briiantia. 106 Cf. p. 3 supra.

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—I

35«

great and very wonderful. So they call her goddess of poets. Her sisters were Brigit woman of healing and Brigit woman of smith-work, daughters of the Dagda, from whose names among all the Irish a goddess used to be called Brigit." , M

I t is noteworthy that the saint has taken over some of the attributes here assigned to the goddesses. She is in especial the patron of poets and men of learning. I t is almost equally probable that Cell-dara was a pagan sanctuary before it became a Christian monastery. T h e oak from which it took its name must have been a sacred tree, and the perpetual fire described b y Cambrensis an inheritance from heathen ritual. " There was doubtless here, in pagan times, a college of priestesses who tended a perpetual fire, and who . . . honoured the fire-goddess Brigid, this divinity being immanent in the sacred sun-oak which gave to the place the name that it still bears. Probably the head of the college was regarded as an incarnation of the goddess, and so bore her name. . . . But one of the succession came under Christian influence, and, embracing the Faith of the Cross, she accomplished the tremendous feat of converting the pagan sanctuary into a Christian religious house — a work in its way far more wonderful than the miracles with which her biographers credit her. It is no detraction from the honour due to her for this achievement, that she could not quite rid the establishment over which she presided of all its pagan vestiges. . . . And though it is probable that she herself changed the official name ' Brigid' which hitherto she had bome (for no Christian lady would willingly continue to bear a name so heathenish while paganism was still a force), it was too deeply rooted in the folk-memory, and continued to be used locally to designate her." 207

Such is R . A . S. Macalister's plausible explanation of the amalgamation of pagan goddess and Christian saint displayed so strikingly in the Brigitine legend. In popular favor Brigit grew to a status inferior only to that of Patrick: she was in especial the patroness of the Lagin, but in devotion to her all Ireland joined. " She is the Prophetess of Christ, she is the Queen of the South, she is the M a r y of the Gael." 2 0 8 Cell-dara remained one of the chief Irish monastic churches down to the Norman invasion, when Giraldus Cambrensis visited it, and left us an interesting description. 209 T h e annals give considerable lists of abbesses, or comarbai of Brigit, and abbots. According to Cogitosus, Brigit's paruchia extended over the whole of Ireland, but we hear little of subordinate monasteries. There was a church dedicated to Brigit in Armagh, and the Patrician clergy showed themselves particularly favorable to the Brigitine community. 2 1 0 506Sams Cormaic: 208

Antcdola from Irish MSS IV i s .

Lis. Lives 51, 198.

21*

507

Proc. RIA

Top. Uib. cap. xxxiv-xxxvi.

X X X I V C (1919) 340-1. J10C/.

p. 337 supra.

THE

MONASTIC

CHURCHES—I

359

147. Life of Brigit by Cogitosus s VII [Prologue] Cogitis me' fratres, ut sanctae et beatae memoriae Brigidae. . . . [Vita] Sancta itaque Brigida, quam Deus praescivit . . . veniam peto a fratribus et lectoribus haec legentibus. . . . Orate pro me Cogitoso nepote culpabili haedo . . . pacem evangelicam sectantes exaudiat.

MSS: Very numerous: see the lists, with descriptive matter, given by Esposito, op. cil. infra; also Bibl. hag. lot. of the Bollandists I 217. Almost all the codices are large collections of vitae sanctorum — in which the Life of Brigit forms one — from continental monasteries. None is of Irish origin. Eds: Boninus Mombritius Sanctuarium seu Vitae sanctorum (Milan c 1480) I ff. i44-6 v ; 2nd ed. (Paris 1910)

I 257-61, cf. pp. x, 633 [abridgment]. — Canisius Antiquae lectionis (Ingoldstadt 1604) V ii 623-41; 2nd ed. by Basnage (Antwerp-Amsterdam 1725) I 413-24.— Surius De probatis sanctorum historiis (4th ed. Cologne 1618) II 21-5. — Messingham Florilegium (Paris 1624) 189-200 [text of Canisius]. — Colgan Tr. Thaum. 518-26. — A A. ¿"5. Boll. Feb. I (1658) 135-41 [best ed.]. — Migne PL LXXII 775-90 [reprint of Basnage]. C o m m : Trans. RIA XX 195-205. — Mario Esposito " On the earliest Latin Life of St. Brigid of Kildare " Proc. RIA XXX C (1912) 307-26 [a valuable study]. Muir-chu moccu Machtheni, author of the earliest Life of Patrick, speaks of that work as a novel experiment, undertaken hitherto only by his father, Coguitosus, or Cogitosus. 2 1 1 There can be little doubt that the man to whom he referred was the author of this Life of Brigit. Muir-chu was probably an Ulsterman, but he spent much of his life in northern Leinster, in the neighborhood of Kildare, and Cogitosus must have been personally familiar with, and interested in, that church. Whether he was Muir-chu's spiritual father, or father in the flesh, we do not know, but the former is more probable. 2 1 2 One manuscript 2 1 3 has the explicit " Orate pro me cogitoso nepote culpabili haedo," which suggests that Cogitosus was of the t)i hAedo (nepos haedo = ua hAedo), perhaps of Leinster, 2 1 4 and, if so, probably not related in blood to Muir-chu. A Cogitosus is noticed under April 18 in the Martyrology of Tallaght and the Martyrology of Gorman.215 There is a noticeable similarity between the preface of Muir-chfi's work and the prologue and concluding paragraph of that by Cogitosus, and between both these and the introductory sections of the Vila s. Samsoniswhich, if composed in Brittany early in the seventh century, is our earliest extant example of Celtic hagiography. Cogitosus, we may suppose, wrote about the middle of the same century. We cannot be certain what was the new movement which, according to Muir-chd, he inaugurated; perhaps it was the preparation of connected biographical narratives in the place of popular legends and disconnected acta and memorabilia.2" »» Cf. no. 128 supra.

«'< Cf. ZCF IX 187. 517

»" Cf. p. 332 supra. S1S

Nos. 373, 275.

'» Bibl. Vallicelliana X X I .

»1« Cf. p. 174 fpra.

B u r y believed the innovation to be the use of L a t i n instead of Irish a s the language of hagiography

(St. Patrick 256, 266). Cf. p. 300 supra.

360

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—I

It is evident that Cogitosus was able to find little genuine biographical material regarding Brigit. His Life is a succession of miracle narratives, of interest in themselves for the information they convey regarding the life of the times, the people, the animals, tame and wild, etc., but telling us nothing of the career of the historical Brigit. The chief personage associated with Brigit is Conlaed, who served as bishop in her church of Cell-dara and, like herself, was buried under the altar. Noteworthy, and doubtless an evidence of the antiquity of the Life, is the fact that no mention is made of Patrick. The most valuable portion of the work of Cogitosus is the description of the monastic church at Kildare, with its elaborate ornamentation and the provision made for the accommodation of the religious of both sexes whom it served as a place of worship. The description, we may be certain, is of the days of Cogitosus, not of those of Brigit.

For early hymns in honor of Brigit see no. 95; for a genealogy of Brigit, associated with that of St. Gall, no. 50 (vi).

148. Broccin's Hymn " Ni car Brigit " N1 car Brigit bóadach bith . . . fora fóessam dun cllb linaib. 47th, with a repetition of the opening words. [Antiphon] Sanctae Brigtae uirgo sacratissima

53 stanzas; the original ending was a t the

in Ch risto domino fuit fedelissima.

Amen.

MSS: LH(T) ff. 17-9. — L H ( F ) pp. 39-42. Eds: Colgan Tr. Thaum. 515-20 [with Lat. trans.]. — WS Goidiiica (Calcutta 1866); 2nd ed. Goidelica (London 1872) [text, trans.]. — [ B . MacCarthy?] IER IV (1868) 220-37 [text, Lat. trans.]. — IT I (1880) 25-49, 322-4 [text, with illustrative extracts from Cogitosus and the LBr Life], — LHl (1898) I 112-28, II pp. 1-lvi, 40-6, 189-205 [text, trans., notes].— Thes. Pal. II (1903) pp. xxxviii sq, 327-49 [collated text, trans.]. The preface ascribes this hymn to Broccàn clóen (" the squinting "), who is said to have been a disciple of Ult4n of Ard-mBreciin and to have written it in the time of Lugaid, son of Loigaire, king of Ireland, two statements obviously irreconcilable. Broccàn's obit is given as of Sept. 17,650. But the linguistic evidence, after allowance is made for scribal emendations, shows that the text which we have cannot be older than the ninth century. It is, in fact, probably the latest of the older Irish hymns. As the metrical form, however, is irregular and often incorrect, there is no guarantee that our poem has not been greatly altered from an original and earlier form. In subject-matter the poem follows very closely the Life by Cogitosus, and was certainly based thereon. It is, however, rather a string of allusions to stories of miracles — as if well known — than a narrative. The preface and notes added to the hymn contain much interesting matter, some of which is to be found in the Latin Lives, the Filire Oengusso, etc. 21 '

149. Poem in praise of Brigit Brigit buadach . . . bethad beò.

2 stanzas; probably incomplete.

MSS: LL p. 38; B B ; T C D 1308 (H. 2. 12 no. 8). Quotation in the treatise on versification having the title " Do aistib ind aircetail i coitchinn indso." EDS: RTh IT 118 E.g. the procuring of Brigit's Rule from the submarine city of Plea (e/. RC XI.11 403-4); the ascetic practices of Coemgen of Glendaloch; the charm for the blessing of a kitchen, given also, with variations, in the B k . Lis. Life and in B M Egerton 1 6 : f. 113 (c/. O ' G r a d y Cat. 614).

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—I

361

I I I (1891) 71. — K M . " Bruchstücke der älteren Lyrik Irlands," Ahhandl.d. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. 1919 phil.-hist. Kl. vii (Berlin 1919) 23 no. Ii [with Germ, trans.].

150. List of nuns of Brigit Brigitae wanrtar subiectae erant omnes hac virgines sanctae, quarum loca et nomina enumer abin'us Cainer ingen Chruthech&n . . . Cellan i n-Achud Aeda. MS: LL 3J3 col. 2.

E d : Lis. Lives 336.

This document purports to give a list of nuns subject to Brigit, and of their churches. I t is probably the counterpart in the history of Kildare of many of the Patrician documents in that of Armagh, and represents an attempt to claim as followers of Brigit the reputed founders of the older monasteries for women, and thereby to bring those churches within the paruchia of Kildare.

151. Later Lives of Brigit in Latin (i) Life in verse attributed to Chilienus, or Coelan Prol. I] Christe Dei virtus, splendor, sapicntia. . . . [Prol. II] Quisquis in hoc hominum. . . . [Prol. Ill] Finibus occiduis describitur optima tellus. . . . Has ego Donatus virtutes sanguine Scottus. . . . [Praesul ego dictus Donatus sanguine Scottus . . . ] . . . Cernere post obitum mereamur pace futura. [Vita] Quadam namque die genitrix dum forte sedebat. . . . Multis, ut fertur, vicinis atque puellis [incomplete]. MS: Monte Cassino 283 s X. Eds: Colgan Tr. Thaum. 582-99. — AA. 55. Boll. Feb. I 141-55. — Bandinius Bibl. Leopoldina Laureniiana I 567-8 [prologue by Donatus]. Cf. Boll. Bibl. hagiograpkica latina nos. 1458, 1459, and Supplementum; Margaret Stokes Six Months in the Apennines (London 1892) 237-8 [trans, of prologue by Donatus].

(ii) Life attributed to Animosus, or Anmc.had [Prol.] Tribus i&m, fr&tres mei, mens mea. . . . [Vita] Fuit gloriosus rex in Hibemia nomine Feidlimidh . . . Igitur sacrosaacta et gloriosissima virgo Brigida migravit de hac vita Kal. feb. . . . Eds: Colgan Tr. Thaum. 546-67. —AA.

5 5 . Boll. Feb. I 155-71.

(iii) Colgan's third Life Fuit quidam vir nobilis, T-^ei"*"*^ genere, Dubtachus . . . collocata, nunc gaudia cum Christo possidet aempiteraa: cui cum D. P. et s. S. manet h. et 1. et g. per cuncta s. s. Amen. [Epitome] Vir quidam in Hibernia, geilere Laginensis, Dubtactis . . . et ciica annum domini qulngentesimum octavumdecimum kaleodis februarii migravit ad dominum.119 MSS: Cambrai Bibl. communale 857. — Bodl. Rawl. B 485 f. 62; Rawl. B 505 f. 184. Eds: Colgan Tr. Thaum. 527-42. — AA. SS. Boll. Feb. I 118-34. Epitome: Nova Legenda Anglie ff. 48 T ~5o T ; ed. Horstman (1901) I 153-60. — Surius De probaiis sanctorum kistoriis I (Cologne 1570) 782-5; 3rd ed. (1618) II 19-20; new ed. (1875) I I 42-7. — Messingham Florilegium (1624) 206 sqq. There is an unpublished Irish Life which professes to be a trans, of this epitome: Ase ionad a rugad an oig beannaigbti glormar . . . . Cf. Plummer Misc. kag. Eib. Cat. no. 13.

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—I

362

(iv) Life by Laurence of Durham [ E p i s t o l a L a u r e n t i i a d E t h e l r e d u m ] L i c e t inexplicabili q u o d a m l a b e r i n t h o . . . . [ V i t a j divcrsis ubique

t e r r a m m nationibus- . . . D e c e s s i t a u t e m

F r u c t i f i c a n t e in

v e n e r a b i l i s B r i g i d a p r i m a die m e n s i s

febni-

arii . . . v i t a , g a u d i u m et gloria s a n c t o r u m o m n i u m , per o . s. s. A m e n .

M S S : Bodl. Laud Misc. 668 C C X X V I s X I I I ff. 86-94- — Tr. Thaum. 567-82. — AA. SS. nica literaria I I (London 1846)

(1052) s X I I ff. 106 sqq. — Oxford Balliol CoUege Cod. S. ff. 48-62* [beginning missing], EDS: Colgan ex Cod. S. 1-76. Cf. Thos. Wright Biographia Britan160-6 [re Laurence of Durham].

(i) This versified Life was attributed by Colgan to Coelan of Inis-celtra (d. c 750), but almost certainly it is of later date. One of the prologues is by Donatus, bishop of Fiesole (826x877), and Mario Esposito suggests that he may be author of the entire L i f e . " 1 This prologue begins with a description of Ireland, probably based on old classical models. U l t i n , Aileran, and A n i m o s u s a r e spoken of as earlier writers on the subject of the virtues of Brigit. (ii) Of Animosus, or Anmchad, nothing is definitely known. Todd suggested that he was a bishop of Kildare who died about 980. 1 " The Life is extensive, containing much detail, and is of value for the study of Irish social conditions. There is a gap in the text — according to Colgan, from chap, xii to chap, xxxiv. (iii) Colgan's third Life was ascribed by him to U l t i n of Ard-mBreciin. Legend said that Brigit's mother, the bondsmaid Broicsech, was the daughter of Dallbr6nach of the D£1 Conchobair in Meath, the same race of which U l t i n was a member. The Life may be fairly early. It is a loose and prolix document. (iv) This Life was written by Laurence, monk and prior of Durham, who died in 1154. It is a lengthy work, giving expanded accounts of the various miracles, of which it, like the other Lives of Brigit, is mainly composed.

162. Lives of Brigit in Irish (i) H i s u n t q u i s e q u u n t u r A g n u m . . . . A i l i m trocaire e t c .

M S S : L B r pp. 61-6. — Bk. Lis. ff. 11-7. — B N Fonds celt, ct basq. I 5 X I V x X V I ff. 76-81. — Brussels Bibl. roy. 2324-40 s X V I I ff. 24-30; 4190-200 ff. 6-30. — Bk. Lec. f. 166 [last sect, of Life]. — Dublin King's Inns 14 f. 3 [as preceding], EDS: W S Three Middle-Irish homilies (Calcutta 1877) [with trans.]; " A Parallel " RC III (1878) 443-4 [text, trans, of story of Brigit and Breccan]; Lis. Lives (1890) 34-53, 182-200, 318-36 [with trans.]. — K M ZCP X I I (1918) 293-4 [Lecan text]. (ii) [Imperfect] . . . m i r a c u l a u u l g a t a sunt.

L a a e nand . . . uentum sedauit.

of a n e c d o t e s similar t o those in t h e L H n o t e s to N i c a r B r i g i t (no. 1 4 8 ) ;

[ A p p e n d e d is a series

cj. P l u m m e r Misc.

hag.

Hib.

C a t DOS. 11. 86 ]

M S : Bodl. Rawl. B 512 ff. 31-6.

ED: Lis. Lives 319-31 [extracts].

B0

Cf. no. 4 2 1 .

121

llermaihena

m

Possibly t h i s is the e m e n d a t i o n of a scribe for t h e " C o g i t o s u s " of D o n a t u s .

123

FM.

X V I 330.

Cf. T o d d St. Patrick

108.

If D o n a t u s , in t h e p r o l o g u e t o t h e p r e c e d i n g L i f e , really w r o t e

' A n i m o s u s , " this h a g i o g r a p h e r m u s t h a v e l i v e d a t l e a s t a s e a r l y a s t h e m i d d l e of t h e n i n t h c e n t u r y .

T H E MONASTIC CHURCHES—I

363

These Lives in Irish are of the later middle ages, are cast in the form of homilies, and are closely related to each other. They probably go back to an abridged translation of a Latin text resembling Colgan's third Life." 4

163. Poem ascribed to Brigit Robad m&ith 1cm corm-lind m6r . . .

7 quatrains.

MS: Brussels Bibl. roy. sioo-4 p. 33.

ED: O'C MS Mai. 616 [with trans.].

A not unpleasing devotional poem, but the opening line, which may have had a mystical significance — " I should like a great lake of ale for the King of Kings " — gave occasion for Stokes's sneer that God was regarded as a so ma-quaffing Indra. 2 "

164. Dialogue between Patrick and Brigit A Brigit a naem ingen . . .

5 quatrains.

MSS: Brussels Bibl. roy. 5100-4 p. 48. — Vat. Palatin. 830 f. 148 [2 quats.]. EDS: Z» g6i [from Vat. MS], — WS Zs. f. vergl. Sprachf. X X X I (1890) 252-3 [with trans.] — B. MacCarthy Codex Palaiino-Vaticanus 830 (RIA Todd Lect. Ser. Ill) (Dublin. 1892) 20 [Vat. text].

Among the poems ascribed to Moling (cf. p. 463 infra) are two addressed to Brigit, one in the tract on the Bóroma (O'Grady SG I 389) and the other in the " Birth of Moling and his Life " (no. 249) chap. xvi. — For other anecdotes related to Brigit cf. Plummer Misc. hag. Hib. Cat. nos. 83, 86-8.

166. Later Hymns in honor of Brigit (i) Phoebi diem fert orbita plenum decoris gratia . . . uni substantialiter trinoque personaliter amen. 18 II.

MS: LH (T) f. 32 [the MS is of the n t h cent., but this hymn has been added in a later hand]. EDS: Dreves An. hymn. X I X 98 [cf. ibid. LI 320]. — I f f 2 (1898) I 161,II 223. (ii) Brigidae nomen habet, gemino et diademate fulget. . . . Ad Do milium semper mitte beata preces. 14 II.

MSS: Rome Bibl. Corsiniana 777 s X I I I f. sr. — Cambrai Bibl. communale 857. — Vat. lat. 607s A.D. 1601 f. 71. — Rome Bibl. VaUicelliana II 25 s XVI/XVII f. so v . — Rome Biblioteca Alessandrina della Reale Università 91 s X V I I f. 501. EDS: Colgan Tr. Thaum. (1647) 542. — LI!1 64. — Kelly Martyrology of Tallagh (Dublin 1857) 188-9. These two hymns seem to be of late date and not of Irish authorship. At least they do not show the peculiarities of Hibemo-Latin versification. Nevertheless Colgan ascribed the second to Ultin of Àrd-mBrecàin. Several of the legends regarding Brigit are incorporated into the notes of the Calendar of Oeogus on February 1, her feast-day. m

Martyrology of Gorman.

364

T H E

M O N A S T I C

C H U R C H E S — I

166. Aed dub, abbot of Cell-dara A brlthalr . . . . MS:

2 stanzas, ends incomplete.

1X316,388.

E D : K M ZCPIX

(1913) 458-60 [ w i t h t r a n s , a n d c o m m e n t a r y ] .

The beginning of a poem on a bishop Aed dub mac Colmiin, of the royal line of the Lagin, who was abbot of Cell-dara and died in 639.

V.

INIS-CATHAIG

(INISCATHY, SCATTERY ISLAND) AND ST.

SENAN

It has been observed that certain of the saints who belong to that dim backward of time which saw the beginnings of Irish Christianity — Ibar, Brigit, Ailbe, perhaps Mac Cairthinn — appear to have taken each the name and something of the legends and cult of a pagan deity. In the same company should be placed Senin, who from the island known as Inis-Cathaig (Scattery Island, about a mile from Kilrush) ruled the waters of the great river Sinann, 226 now the Shannon. In pagan days Senan was, we may believe, a river-god, to whom, as to Neptune, the horse was sacred, and a slayer of monsters, at whose sanctuary on InisCathaig was told the legend of his killing, or driving away, the dragonlike creature Cathach. It is probable that his cult was particularly strongly established among the Corcu Baiscinn, a sea-faring people who dwelt in the southwestern section of the present Clare, between the Shannon and the Atlantic. In Christian times Senan was founder of the church of Inis-Cathaig; patron of the Corcu Baiscinn, and of the tji Fidgente, the ruling kindreds of the territory on the southern side of the estuary of the Shannon; and a saint whose cult, spread by these peoples, was to be found in Wales, Cornwall and Brittany. As in the cases of Ibar and Brigit, Macalister offers the hypothesis that the saint was the Christian hermit who turned Inis-Cathaig from a pagan to a Christian shrine, but whose name and fame ultimately fell captive to those of the god whom he overthrew.227

157. Life of St. Senfin (i) Senanus ex nobiUbus procreatur parentibus . . . plura facit miracula per infinite secula. Amen . (ii) Sanctus Senanus Episcopus eo tempore, quo Patricius . . . per S. Seaanum post mortem patrata miracula sufficiant. (iii) [Irish] Mirabilis Deus in sanctis suis et caetera. In Spirut naob. . . Ailim trocaire Dhe tie impidi Setiiin co roisem in aentuidh-sin. In s. s. Amen. This Life opens in the form of a homily, but immediately turns to a narrative of the saint's career. MSS: ff.

(i)

201

C o d . S . ff. 1 8 6 - 8 bis [ i m p e r f e c t ] . —

sqq.

(iii)

Bk.

L i s . ff. 1 7 - 2 3 . —

The two names are not of the same origin.

C o d . K . ff. 7 6 v sqq. —

Bodl.

Laud proc.

610

ff.

1-5

Bodl. Rawl. B

505

[imperfect]. —

BN

RJA X X X I V C (1919) 34°-

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—I Fonds celt, et basq. i ff. 33-8. — Brussels Bibl. roy. 2324-40 ft. 226-41. — RIA A. iv. 1 (Stowe 9) s X V I I pp. 244-77. — BM Egerton 91 ff. 52-6; Egerton 180 ff. 86103 [from RIA A. iv. 1]. Eds: (i) Colgan AA.SS. 512 [6o2]-27. — AA. SS. Boll. Mart. I 760-8. — AA. SS. ex Cod. S. 735-58. (ii) Colgan AA. SS. 530 [630J-7. — AA. SS. BM. Mart. I 769-78. (iii) Lis. Lives 54-74, 201-21, 337-41 [text, trans., notes). There is a Life in the Breviary of Léon, and another, a compilation, in Albert le Grand Les Vies des Saints de la Bretagne. Cf. Baring-Gould and Fisher Lives of the British Saints IV (1913) 182-94. The several versions of Senin's Life differ considerably in content. The metrical Latin version is probably the oldest, but it seems to be a monastic composition having no very direct connection with Inis-Cathaig. On the other hand the Irish Life, which, though quite fabulous, is also very interesting, seems to depend directly on legends of the lower Shannon, and probably on a Life written at Inis-Cathaig when that was still a flourishing monastery, that is, not later than the tenth century. The imposing array of miracles, the list of famous saints with whom the subject of the Life is brought into contact, and the records of church foundations made by him, all indicate an origin in a monastery of his community. The extraordinary inconsistencies of the chronological setting may reflect the absence of historical data: .Senin is, while still in his mother's womb, foretold by Patrick 1 , 1 (d. 461); he succeeds Maed6c (d. 626 " ' ) as abbot of Ferns; he makes a league with Martin of Tours (d. 397 x 403); he associates with various Irish saints of the middle and second half of the sixth century; and he dies on the same day as David of Wales (544 x 547, or 601 *"). But the hagiographers were capable of a wonderful recklessness in these matters, even when dealing with saints whose records were well founded. The establishment of many different churches by Senin is recorded: they represent, doubtless, the paruchia claimed by the abbots of Inis-Cathaig. Much curious and interesting matter is contained in the several texts." 1

158. Amra Sencdn Senin sôer sidathair . . . n i bi siHharh sen.

Senin s. s.

MSS: LBr 241. — T C D 1336 (H. 3. 17) î XV-XVI cols. 832-5. — Brussels Bibl. roy. 4190-200 s X V H f. 269. ED: WS ZCP III (1901) 220-5 [text, trans, of preface and epilogue only: " The present ed. is made from a good photograph of the copy in H. 3. 17, the obvious inaccuracies of the Lcbor Brecc facsimile rendering its reproduction inexpedient. It is to be hoped that some Continental Celtist will edit the Brussels copy with its gloss, and that some Dublin scholar will tell us what the Lcbor Brecc copy really contains. It will then, perhaps, be possible to translate the text of this obscure a w » . " ] ÎM The germ of the story is In Vit. Trip. 206; where, however, Senin is born n o years later. 166.

Cf. Hid.

«AU.

M» Cf. p. 17g ¡»pra.

M The Irish Life has & poem on the destruction of the horses of Lugaid, king of Raithlenn, attributed, impossibly, to Colmin mac Lénine (d. G04): Aeinis Senin tes ind ailén Ârda Neimidh . . . mâr do ghridhaibh doratad dh6 daltaibh aine. 44 U.

3

66

THE

MONASTIC

CHURCHES—I

This eulogy of Senân is written in language of intentional difficulty and obscurity similar to that of the Amra of Colum-cille (no. 212) which it closely resembles. I t too is ascribed to Dallân Forgaill.

159.

Mtorbuile

Senâin:

The Miracles of Senân 5 XIV

Beccin do sccélaib Seniin an ard-naoimh uasail. . . . [Verses] An an cathair caomh so anocht. . . . Ar bnl reilge na naomh liAn. 48 stanzas.

MSS:

Brussels B i b l . roy. 2324-40 FF. 2 4 I T - 8 ;

4190-200 FF. 277-9* [O'Clery

MSS;

cf. pp. 38, 309 supra], — R I A 23 L 11 s X V I I I pp. 241 sqq [a poor copy of the version in Br. 4190-200]. ED: C. Plummer ZCP X (1915) 1-35 [text, trans.]. There is a partial Latin trans, in Colgan AA. 5 5 . 537-8. This is an account, written probably in the fourteenth century, of happenings during that and the preceding hundred years which the author considered to be due to the intervention of St. Senân. It has value for the history and social conditions of that age; and the information regarding Senân's churches and their inter-relationships can, doubtless, be used in part for earlier epochs. The text ends with a poem giving a long list of famous saints with whom Senân had made alliances, and who were bound to avenge any injury to his churches. 2 "

V I . CELL-SLEIBHE-CUILINN (KILLEEVY) AND ST. MONENNA

Cell-Sleibhe-Cuilinn — " the Church of the Mountain of Cuilenn " — is the present Killeevy, in the barony of Upper Orior, Armagh, at the foot of the mountain, the name of which is written in English Slieve Gullion. It was one of the more important monasteries for nuns in early mediaeval Ireland. In 923 it was plundered by the Norsemen, 233 and may thereafter have fallen into decay. Conchubran, writing probably in the eleventh century, speaks as though it had recently been restored. 234 In 1150 there is an annalistic record of the death of "Cailleach [a Nun?] of Cell Shleibhe, a pious, good senior." 2 3 5 Killeevy was in the territory of the Conaille Muirthemne, who dwelt in southern Armagh and in Louth around Dundalk bay. This was one of the smaller states of the province of Ulidia, and the people, like the more important Dal Araidi to the east of them, were Picts, one of the scattered remnants of that race which may at one time have extended over much, if not the whole, of Ireland. 1 3 1 The poem is given only by Brussels 2324-40. There it is followed by 9 other Irish poems, of which Plummer gives the incipits, op. cil. 3 n. O'Clery adds a note dated in the Donegal friary on the Drowse, Dec. 1, 1629, that he had copied the miracles and the poems at Limerick from a copy belonging to Conaire 6g (" the younger " ) , son of Conaire, son of Muiris (5 Maol-Conaire, a copy which he had made from an old vellum book.

»

AU.

«« H I xii.

«« F M .

THE MONASTIC

CHURCHES—I

36 7

The foundation of Killeevy is ascribed to a certain Darerca, better known by a hypocoristic name of obscure origin, Mo-Ninna or Mo-Nennai She was of Pictish race, but whether of the Conaille or of the Dal Araid. is not determined by the sources. 236 The fame of Monenna extended further than her church of Killeevy could throw it. In England the monastery of Burton-on-Trent claimed as its patroness a certain Modwenna, whom tradition, seemingly, described as a lady of Irish origin. When the hagiographers searched the Irish calendars the only person of approximate name to be found was Monenna of Killeevy. So, with the help of some further accretions from Scottish story, our saint was embarked on a still more illustrious career in Great Britain. T o her cult at Burton-on-Trent it is that we owe the preservation of the majority of the documents relating to Monenna.

160. The Lives of St. Monenna (i) Virgo venerabilis, nomine Darerca, cognomento Monynnc . . . cureuque feliciter consumato, migravit ad Christum, c. q. r. in s. 9. Amen. Post tertium vero . . . suificienter recreati sunt qui potavenint, (ii) [Conchubranl Fuit inter Hibernenses gentes virgo vite venerabilis et m o m m sancta industria decorata. nomine Monenna . . . in mansionibus simul perfectorum cum Christo, q. r. in s. s. Amen, (¡ii) |.Y:\-i LtgcnJa AnglU] Virgo quedam fuit in H i b e m i a nomine Modwenna . . . confractoque ergastulo liberatus est.

MSS: (i) Cod. S. ff. 79-82*. (ii) B M Cotton. Cleopatra A ii s X I I ff. 3 v ~s6 v [Esposito thinks it probable this MS came from Burton-on-Trent]. (iii) B M Cotton. Tiberius E i s X I V ff. I99T-204T [this is an abridgment, by John of Tynemouth, of a " Sanctae Modvennae Vita et Tractatus de Miraculis eius," compiled by Geoffrey, abbot of Burton-on Trent 1114-1151, and to be found in B M Reg. 15 B IV J X I I I ff. 76-88, and in MS no. 260 of Lord Mostyn's Library (4th Report Historical MSS. Commission, App. 361). According to Esposito, an ed. of this Life, by Prof. A. T. Baker, of Sheffield, was to have been published by the Literary Society of Stuttgart. Another abridgment of Geoffrey's work is found in B M Lansdowne 436 s X I V ff. i26 v -3i v .J EDS: (i) AA. SS. ex Cod. S. 165-88 [cf. HZ Gotlingische gelehrte Anzeigen I (1891) 186]. (ii) AA. SS. Boll. Jul. II (1721) 297-312 [defective]. — Mario Esposito Proc. RIA X X V I I I C (1910) 202-51 [excellent ed.: cf. RC X X X I I (1911) 371-2]. (iii) Capgrave Nova Legenda Anglic (ed. Horstman, Oxford 1901) II 198-213. COMM: Hardy Cat. I pt. i (1862) 94-100. —• Forbes Kalendars of Scottish Saints (1872) 404-7. — Skene Celtic Scotland II (1877) 37-8. — O'Hanlon Lives of the Irish Saints VII (1892) 55—63, 79-93. — M. Esposito " The Sources of Conchubranus' Life of St. Monenna " EHR X X X V (Jan. 1920) 71-8 [important]. 1 3 6 T h e notes and pedigrees in Fel Oeng. July 6, represent ber as grand-niece of Eochu, from whom sprang the C i Echach Coba, the ruling family of D i l Araidi, and eighth in descent from Fiacha Araide, eponymous ancestor of the Dal Araidi. Moreover, Version I of her Life says that she was born in MaghCoba, the seat of the fti Echach in western Down, north-east of N e w i y . B u t the same version, the redactor of which evidently did not pay attention to bis geography, says that she was b o m in the land of the Conaille. and several passages indicate that she was claimed as of that people.

368

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—I

Version I of the Life of Monenna is a purely Irish reduction, but is not older than the twelfth century, and quite possibly is not much older than the Codex Salmanticensis. I t is an abridgment — to all appearances a faithful abridgment — of an earlier document which was used also by Conchubran. This earlier document was in turn the reproduction — perhaps with interpolations and editing, for Conchubran may have been not entirely responsible for the confusion of his work — of a primitive Life which was older than the ninth century. Some considerations will show that the primitive Life may even be as old as the first half of the seventh, and thus a contemporary of Cogitosus's Life of Brigit, Jonas's Life of Columbanus, and Cuimine's Life of Columcille." 7 Appended to the Life are three sections describing events that happened after the saint's death: a vision seen three days later by one of the sisters; a list of the first three abbesses who succeeded her, and an account of a miracle in the time of the third; and another narrative of a miracle during the rule of the same abbess, on the occasion of a visit to the monastery by a bishop Finbar who bore the second name Vinnian." 8 The second of these sections reads as follows: " After the death of St. Darerca, in accordance with her own directions Bia [daughter of A i l e l l ) w a s made abbess, then Indiu [Dognidui, daughter of Mo(c)tha, son of Lilac ""] and then Derlasre [daughter of Daisrem, son of Buissid] who ruled over the monastery sixty [fifty] years. In her time a very famous miracle occurred. For she with skill and zeal was building in the monastery of blessed Darerca a church of smooth planks — as is the custom of the Irish people — and had it almost completed. There was still wanting that timber, called by the Latins the spine, which is placed on the top of a building to join together the two sides. The workmen searched through the woods for such a piece of wood, and at length found it in a spot high and difficult of access." 1 But when they had cut it down they were unable by any device to remove it [they had thought at first that in some way by means of windlasses (per troclcas) they could drag it away; but no machine of men nor strength of oxen could move it even a little space] because of the roughness of the ground. The abbess, knowing this, and despairing of the bringing of the timber to the monastery, sought the patronage of St. Darerca, saying: ' St. Darerca dwells in heaven, and for her this house is being built on earth: she can help us if she will.' The next day the beam was found by the workmen in an open space near the monastery which could be reached without any harm to animals or men. The carpenters, moved by curiosity, went to see if there were any traces of the huge timber apparent along the way, and saw some few branches broken at the tops of the trees. [From this they came to the conclusion that the beam was carried through the air by angels.141 And now that the building has been restored, this spine of which we have been speaking is held in honor as a relic."'] " Cf. nos. 147, 48, 213. MS So in Conchubran. T h e form is an indication o( antiquity. Undoubtedly Finnian of Magb-Bile (d. 579 AU>. CJ. no. 183. T h e words in brackets are taken from Conchubran's version. 1 4 0 T h i s would make her Monenna's sister. Possibly one or two names have dropped out of the pedigree, which originally represented her as niece or grand-niece of the saint. Mi Doubtless Slieve Gullion was in the writer's mind. m

141 w

Cod. S. adds some pious observations. T h i s comment is presumably due to Conchubran himself.

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—I

369

It is a reasonable inference t h a t these sections represent a series of notes appended successively to the text of Monenna's Life in the manuscript preserved in the monastery of Killeevy.

T h e second section, translated above, contains two such distinct entries,

the first being — as it is in a n y case — a valuable old historical record of the first three abbesses who succeeded the foundress, and of their pedigrees.

Such an entry

would be made, naturally, during the administration of the fourth, who, according to a later list,' 4 4 died about 624 a f t e r ruling twenty-four years.

T h e conclusion would be

that the Life itself was written before the end of the first quarter of the seventh century."* Version I I of the Life of Monenna, which dates in all p r o b a b i l i t y 1 , 8 from the eleventh century, gives a fuller text than Version I, with m a n y changes and much additional matter.

I t s author was an Irishman, Conchubranus — perhaps the Latinising of

the common name Conchobhar — who had visited the monastery of K i l l e e v y , had seen the relics of the saint t h a t were preserved there, and had several times made the journey of five or six days (for the traveller on foot) between K i l l e e v y and Kildare. 1 4 ' He may have been a cleric of Kildare. Conchubran's sources consisted of (1) some redaction of Version I, which here is in fuller form;

(2) certain local legends, as of the swineherd of mac Loithe, 2 4 ' king of

Orior; of the wolves of K i l l e e v y , who guard the cattle of the church; and, perhaps, of the robber Glunelath and St. Coemgen, and Coemgen's hot spring, though this may be taken from other hagiographic sources; (3) a modification of the historical accounts of the visit to Ireland of Aldfrid of Northumbria, of the plundering raids by tl e forces of Ecgfrid, and of the recovery of the plunder b y A d a m n d n ; 1 , 9 (4) English legends of a saint who founded churches in the forest of Arderne or Arden (in Warwickshire) and on Andredseye, in the river T r e n t ; (5) Scottish legends of church foundations in the south of Scotland;

(6) stock miracle stories and similar matter as used in other

T h e older version was taken as the basis, a n d the additional material inserted

acta.

by w a y of interpolation, often v e r y clumsily.

W h a t is less comprehensible, the earlier

sections were disarranged without apparent r e a s o n . " 1 Version I I I , b y Geoffrey of Burton, is known through the published text of John of T y n e m o u t h ' s abridgment. Burton-on-Trent.

It

is a v o w e d l y written in honor of the patroness of

I t appears to be based on Conchubran's work, which has, how-

ever, been treated with

much

editorial freedom — excision,

modification and re-

arrangement being freely used to produce a fairly consistent narrative. There

is an

Anglo-Norman

poem

of

the

twelfth

century

entitled

"La

Vie

»«C/. no. 161. W If this be coirect, the mention of Patrick is of especial interest. He is designated " episcopus " and " pontifex." A person w h o died in 517 might well have been baptized by him, and Magh-Coba in Down would be in one of the chicf fields of his labors. !« Cf. Esposito EIIR he. cil. 147

Cf. his text II vii, III i, xi, xii. " 8 An historical personage: cf. C S 518 and note; A U 520 and note.

«» Cf. p. 284 supra. These seem to depend on an assimilation of the names Monenna or Moninna and M o - N i n n , an Irish hypocoristic form of Ninian. u l

See the analysis by Esposito, EBR I. c.

370

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—I

de Sainte Modwenne." published.»"

It consists of about 10,360 lines, but has never been

LL 371 c has a short anecdote of Monenna, in Irish; also in FÛ. Oeng.1 p. acvi, Fil. Oeng.' 166, in briefer form. Cf. Plummer Misc. hag. Bib. Cat. no. 156.

161. The Successors of Monenna Vixerat a litem sanet a Monenna . . . Medboc fitia Midgasa abbatissa annis quinderim.

MS: B M Cotton. Cleopatra A. ii s X N FF. 58 T -g. EDS: Mario Esposito Proc. RJA X X V I I I C (1910) 244-5; ERR X X X V (Jan. 1920) 75-6This is a short note of some historical interest giving Monenna's genealogy and a list of her successors, from the fifth to the fifteenth abbess, with the years of their incumbency. It is found in the English manuscript which contains Conchubran's Life, and in all probability is the copy of a document obtained from Killeevy by the monks of Burton-on-Trent. It must have been drawn up to supplement the Life of the saint kept at Killeevy, which, we have seen reason to believe, ,M carried an added note giving the names of the second, third and fourth abbesses. It contains no dates, but from the periods assigned to the abbesses and from certain other information an approximate chronology can be constructed." 4 The annals mention only the sixth abbess, Conchen, who is said to have died about 653 x 658.'" The eighth died, according to the list, sixteen years later, in " the great mortality," which was in 664 and 66s. 1 ' 7 The thirteenth abbess, whose rule came to a close one hundred and seven years later, was the daughter of a certain Foidmenn, whose obit is placed in 752."' It can be deduced that the administration of the fifteenth superioress of Killeevy ended some time about 815 x 820. The inference follows that this record was drawn up during the first half of the ninth century."* The Foidmenn just mentioned was king of Conaille-Muirthemne, within whose territory Killeevy lay. His sister and daughter were successively abbesses of the institution, and it is quite probable that at other periods also the office was controlled by the royal family of the Conaille. We learn that the eighth abbess was grandniece of the fifth, and the ninth and tenth were sisters, nieces of the eighth. 1 5 1 Oez seignurs pur Deu nus pri. . . . Ceste vertu et terminee. Amen. Bodl. Digby 34 s X I I I ff. 1-80. Cf. Hardy op. cil. 99; H. Suchier Ober du Vie de Saint Alban (Halle 1877) 149; Gaston Paris La Littérature Française au Moyen Age (Paris 1888) 21s. AJso Esposito Proc. RIA I. c., who says that an ed. by Prof. A. T . Baker was in preparation for the Literary Society of Stuttgart. Cf. p. 368 sufra.

It is to be borne in mind that numerical entries in manuscripts are notoriously liable to corruption. C S 653; F M 654; T C D M S H. r. 18 (quoted by Hogan Onamasticon Goedelicum 212) 658. Perhaps we should read " thirteen " — xiii for xui. »"AU. « " I t U possible that Goathat, ninth abbess, who ruled for thirty years after " the great mortality," was the same person as the Gnathnat, abbess of Kildare, who died, according to F M , in 687. Such plural dignities were not infrequent, and there seem to have been specially friendly relations between Killeevy and Kildare.

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—I

37i

162. Hymns in honor of Monenna (i)[ Refrain?] Deum, dcorum Dominom . . . I stanza. Aadite u d > stadia. . . . Collocasti in gloria. 2] stanzas. Cii) Audite, fratres . . . tamquam aura timpida aurta l«mfH»] 13 stanzas. Gloria patri . . . (1 stanza in same metre, another different]. M S : B M Cotton. Cleopatra A. ii s XII ff. 1-3* (i), s6 T -8 (ii). EDS: Blume An. hymn. LI (1908) 335-7 (i), 337-40 (ii). — Esposito Proc. RIA XXVm C (1910) 23942 (i), 242-4 (ii); cf. 246. These two hymns are interesting specimens of Hibemo-Latin versification. I t seems probable that they were composed at Killeevy, and in the eighth, or possibly seventh, century. The first alludes to a few miracles which are related at greater length in Monenna's Lives; the second has practically no biographical matter.

CHAPTER

V

T H E M O N A S T I C C H U R C H E S — P A R T I I : C H U R C H E S OF T H E SIXTH TO NINTH CENTURIES; GENERAL TREATISES I . T H E M O N A S T I C C H U R C H E S — FOUNDATIONS OF THE S I X T H C E N T U R Y

In the preceding chapter the theory has been advanced that something like a revolution took place in the Irish Church in the sixth century, as a result of which its organisation and administration became predominantly, if not exclusively, monastic. The earlier church-foundations seem to have been made, in the more important cases, either in pagan shrines which were thereby turned to Christian use, or in the fortified residences of princes converted to the new faith. By the sixth century the conversion of Ireland was an accomplished fact — even though a pagan minority may have lingered on for another hundred years or so — and a generation was arising which adopted with enthusiasm the Christian teaching and sought in the monastic life the most complete fulfilment of its precepts. T o these men, gathering together in small groups under a spiritual leader and withdrawing to a secluded place where they might build their cells around a small oratory and lead the ccenobitical life without disturbance, was due the foundation of the monastic churches. The records and legends of these church founders will now be considered; two of them, Colum-cille of Iona and Brendan of Clonfert, have left such an important literature that they must be given separate sections. (a) MAINISTER-BUITE

(MONASTERBOICE),

THE

MONASTERY

OF

ST.

BUITE

What seems to have been an old tradition declared that St. Columcille was born on the day on which St. Buite mac Bronaigh died. This was probably in 5 2 1 1 ; the Annals of Ulster — in entries, however, not earlier than the eighth century — give the dates 519 and 523. MainisterBuite (Monasterboice), " Buite's monastery," probably one of the oldest of the monasteries of Ireland, was in the modern Louth, near Drogheda, in 1

Reeves Ad. pp. lzviii sq.

372

THE

MONASTIC

CHURCHES—II

373

the midst of the territory of the Cianachta-Breg, to whom Buite was said to belong. It remained a church of some importance, at least from the eighth to the twelfth century, and interesting ecclesiastical monuments, including two high crosses and a round tower, still survive. One of the crosses was erected by a certain Muiredach, who has been identified with the "Muiredach son of Domnall, tanase-abbot [i.e., holding the right of succession to the abbacy] of Ard-Macha, and drdmaer ['high steward,' apparently the person who collected its dues for the church of Armagh] of the Southern tJi-Neill, and comarba of Buite mac Bronaigh, head of counsel of all the men of Breg [eastern Meath], lay and clerical," who died, according to the Annals of Ulster, in 924. This would suggest that at this time Monasterboice was part of the paruchia Pairicii, but there is no further evidence on the subject, and the church certainly maintained its independent succession of abbots. 2

163. Life of St. Buite Sanctus pater et electus Dei pontifex Boecius . . . panem latum preparauit, et butiro superficiem eius . . . [ends imperfect].

MSS: Bodl. Rawl. B 505 s X I V / X V ff. i54 v -6 T . — Dublin, Franciscan Convent A 24 A.D. 1627, pp. 178 sqq. — B M Add. 4788 (Cod. Clar. 39) ff. 73* sq [a Ware transcript].— Brussels Bibl. roy. 8967 [a Ward transcript]. All the later MSS are copies, with more or less emendation, of Rawl. B 505, which in tum was copied from Rawl. B 485 i X I I I / X I V , where the Vita, as shown by the table of contents, originally held the last place, but is now lost. Before the copy was made the end of the text was either lost or illegible. EDS: Wm. Skene Chronicles of the Picts and Scots (Edinburgh 1867) 410-11 [extracts], — VV. SS. Hib. (1910) I pp. xxxiv-xxxvi, 87-97. Cf.E. W. B. Nicholson ZCP VI 448-53. The extant Life of Buite is late: it is formed by the combination of two earlier texts, one a short Vita ending with his prophecy of the future greatness of Colum-cille, the other an account of the miracles of his boyhood. The whole is probably quite fabulous. Buite is made to visit Italy (or, perhaps, Wales), and the land of the Picts, modem Scotland. 3 (b) A R A N AND ST. ENDA

Of the many ecclesiastical foundations established by Irish churchmen on the islands around the coasts of Ireland and Scotland, perhaps 1 See R. A . S. Macalister Muiredach Abbot of Monasterboice SQQ-gtS A.D. his life and surroundings (Dublin 1914) for a description of the high cross, and a popular account of the Ireland of the tenth century. 1 T h e Litany of Irish Saints in L L 373c (no. 586) seems to regard Buite as the leader of a band of pilgrims who crossed the sea. Legend said that he used as a pillow the brain-stone of Mesgegra with which Concbobar mac Nessa, king of Ulster in the heroic age, was slain. Apparently a stone on his grave was looked on as this identical missile.

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—II

374

the most famous, after that of lona, was krz.-m6r,

the largest of the

Aran islands, situated a t the entrance to the B a y of Galway.

Remains

of several early monastic buildings are still to be seen there.

The

foundation of this religious establishment is attributed to St. Enda, of whom the annals have no record, b u t who seems to have lived in the first half of the sixth century.

Oengus mac Nadfráich, king of Munster,

who died in 490 or 491, according to the Annals of Ulster, is said to have made him a grant of Aran, but this is probably a late Munster legend.

164. Life of St. Énda Mirabilis Deus omnipotens in sanctis suis hunc vinim sanctissimum, scilicet Endeum . . . ad monasterium suum reddiens, in nn n i n Dei omnipn^ntin minm commend&ns, exspiruuit. MSS: Bodl. Rawl. B 485 J X U I / X I V ff. 103-8; Rawl. B 505 s X I V / X V ff. 90 sqq. — Dublin, Franciscan Convent A 24 A.D. 1627 pp. 291 sqq. EDS: Colgan A A. 5 5 . 704-10 [imperfect at beginning]. — AA. 5 5 . Boll. Mart. I l l 267-74. — VV. 5 5 . Bib. 1 pp. Lxii-briv, I I 60-75. COMM: Roderick O'Flaherty (ed. Jas. Hardiman) Description of West or H-Iar Connaught (Dublin 1843) 79 sqq [re topographical data], — H Z "Keltische Beiträge I I " Zs. f . deut. Alterthum X X X I I I (1889) 206 sqq [explains the falsification of Énda's pedigree]. The existing Life of Énda is a late production, worked up from many different sources. Several of the sections are variants one of another. The text has little directly historical but considerable topographical interest. In legendary fame Énda was second only to Finnian of Clúain-Iráird as a monastic teacher. The Life gives as his pupils Finnian, Ciarán of Clúain-moccu-N6is, Brendan of Clúain-ferta and Columba of Hii. 4 (c) CLÚAIN-IEÁIRD (CLONARD) AND ST. FINNIAN C l ú a i n - I r á i r d or C l ú a i n - E r á i r d ( C l o n a r d ) , " E r a r d ' s m e a d o w , " w a s on t h e u p p e r B o y n e , on the n o r t h e r n or M e a t h side w h e r e the river divides that county from Kildare. ancient Irish churches.

I t w a s o n e of t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t of t h e

T h e surrounding territory had belonged to the

L a g i n , a n d w a s h e l d , or c l a i m e d , b y t h e m u n t i l 5 1 5 , w h e n i t s c o n q u e s t b y the Ú i Néill w a s completed.

A s Clonard must have been founded

b e f o r e , o r n o t v e r y l o n g a f t e r , t h i s e v e n t , it is n a t u r a l t h a t i t s e a r l y a s s o c i a t i o n s w e r e w i t h t h e c h u r c h e s of L e i n s t e r . The ing

to

founder the

was

Annals

a of

Finnio Ulster,

moccu

Telduib,5

in

great

the

who

epidemic

died, of

accord-

549.

The

4 Pedigrees of Énda are in L L 347h, L B r 14c, B B 317a (cf. 231a), Rawl. B 486 f. 35d, but they all make Énda the son of Conall Derc of Air-gialla (d. 615). This, as HZ has noticed, is due to an attempt to identify him with one of the Úi Corra of Imram Curaig kúa Corra (no. 618). T h e Martyrology of Tallaght (no. 273) offers a more consistent pedigree. C/. also FÜ. Oeng* 70, 112. 1 A century later one of Finnian's successors was Coimán moccu Delduib (AU 654). that the family remained associated with Clonard.

This indicates

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—II

375

name, which may represent an earlier Uindio or Uennio, appears in later writings as Finnian, Findian, Find&i, etc. It is, perhaps, probable, but no more, that this saint was identical with the Venniaus of whom Columbanus speaks and the Vinniaus,6 author of the earliest Irish penitential. The Vinianus of Adamnan is more likely to be the bishop of Mag-Bile.7 The Catalogus sanctorum Hiberniae 8 mentions our Finnian among the saints of the second order, and a note — doubtless posterior — gives "the names of the disciples of St. Finnian of Cluain-Iraird." Legend, perhaps of later development, made him "tutor of the saints of Ireland," and especially of "the twelve apostles of Ireland."9 This became a fundamental idea of Irish hagiography, and almost every saint living within a century of his time is represented to have been a pupil of the founder of Clonard. 165. Life of St. Finnian of Clonard (i) Vir erat de nepotibus Losc&ni nomine Fintanus . . . et mortuus est, sicut dixit Finnianus, eodem anno. (ii) Fuit uir nobilis in Hiberaiac . . . [as (i)]. (iii) Atfiaiiar didiu, a cumair ferta 7 mfrbuili in criibhdhigh-seo . . . isan aentaid is uaisli cech, n-aentaid, i n-aentaid na naeibh-Trin6idi, A. 7 M. 7 S. N. Ailim tr6caire Dh£, roairiltnigem in aentaid sin. In s. 3. Amen.

MSS: (i) Cod. S. ff. 83-6*. (ii) Bodl. Rawl. B 485 j X I I I / X I V ff. 54-8"; Rawl. B 505 s X I V / X V ff. 156* sqq. — Dublin Franciscan convent A 24 pp. 1 sqq. (iii) Bk. Lis. s X V ff. 23-5*. — B M Addit. 30512 ff. 6-9.—Brussels Bibl. roy. 2324-40 f. 29; 4190-200 f. 196.1» — RIA A. iv. 1 (Stowe 9) s X V I I pp. 149-64. — T C D 1285 (H. 1. 11) a.d. 1732 ff. 111-3 [copy of Addit. 30512]. E d s : (i) Colgan AA. 55. (1645) 393 sqq. — AA. 5 5 . ex Cod. 5. (1888) 189-210. (iii) Lis. Lives (1890) 75-83, 222-30, 342-6. Comm: Baring-Gould and Fisher Lives of the British Saints III 30-7. — Paul Walsh " Place names in Vita Finniani " ZCP X (1915) 73-7. Several versions of a Life of Finnian have been preserved. Of these, Versions I and I I are abbreviations of the same original text," somewhat modified for purposes of edification. Version II has a long addition from the Life of Columba of Terryglass. 11 Version III is an Irish translation which, though probably later in date, represents the original more fully and accurately. That original itself would not seem to have been an early document; but there is no means of assigning it even an approximate date. It bears no evidence of having been intended for Iectionary or homiletic purposes; but has considerable secondary historical interest, and must have been based on the local records, pretensions and traditions of Clonard." A special real for the 7 Cf. no. 183. 8 No. 271. • C/. pp. 240-1 supra. • These were twelve of the principal saints of the sixth century, but there is disagreement among the sources as to just who made up the twelve. 10 So WS gives the Brussels texts. Plummer Misc. kag. Hib. Cat. no. 37 lists only the second, ff. 203-10. 1 1 " These things have been extracted from the first book of his Life " (cap. 12). " No. 176. u There are such local touches as the account of his crossing the Boyne to " Eisdr-Branain " " in which Ard-Relic [at Clonard) stands to-day," and of his founding a church at Ros-Findchuill (near Clonard) " which to-day is (called) Less-in-Memra."

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—II

376

supernatural importance of the saint and for the peculiar sanctity of Clonard is shown at least in the Book of Lismore version. After a bardic eulogy in which Finnian is compared with St. Paul, the text proceeds: " And even as the angel promised to Paul that no one who should go into the clay of Rome should after Doom become an inhabitant of hell, even so the angel promised to Findian that no one over whom the mould of Ard Relic [the burial ground at Clonard] should go would be an inhabitant of hell after the Judgment, and as Paul died in Rome for the sake of the Christian people, lest they should all perish in the pains and punishments of hell, even so Findian died in Clonard for sake of the people of the Gael, that they might not all perish of the Yellow Plague." " Moreover Finnian, along with Patrick and Christ, is to judge the men and women of Ireland on Doomsday. A large part of the Life consists of accounts of the many church-foundations made by Finnian. His paruchia must have been a league of Leinster churches, having relationships with a few institutions in north Connacht. There was a strong tradition that Finnian was a disciple of the British saints David, Gildas and Cathmael (?). He was, probably, a representative of the same monastic movement that Gildas and David represented in Britain. He was sent back from Britain to " renew faith and belief in Ireland after Patrick," words similar to those that describe the mission of Gildas to the western island." Two interesting passages support this view. Finnian, when founding churches in Leinster, was attacked by a certain Bresal, at the instigation of Cremthann, a bishop, a story which seems to point to a time of disagreement between monks and bishops." There is also a curious story according to which Finnian, at the request of many saints, visited R f i a d i n of Lorrha, and, after a contest in miracle-working, induced him to have " a common mode of living " with the others. The story is confused with some folk-legend of a wonderful nectar-giving tree possessed by Rtiad&n, but it may preserve the memory of a struggle over questions of church discipline.

(d)

CLUAIN-MOCCU-NOIS

(CLONMACNOIS)

AND ST.

CIARAN

Bibliography In addition to general works on archaeology and hagiography: " Notes on the architecture of Ireland: Clonmacnois " Gentleman's Magazine 1864 pt. i pp. 141 sqq. — Jas. Graves " Enumeration of the ancient Irish monumental stones at present existing at C l o n m a c n o i s " Journ. Kilkenny Archaeol. Soc. I l l (1854-5) 294 sqq.— Westropp Journ. RSAI X X X V I I (1907) 277 sqq; 329 sqq. — R. A. S. Macalister The memorial slabs of Clonmacnois, King's County, with an appendix on the materials for a history of the monastery (RSAI: Dublin 1909); The Latin and Irish Lives of Ciaran (London, New York 1921). — L. Gougaud Diet, d'archtol. chrit. el de liturgie I I I pt. I I (1914) 2014-24. Macalister has in preparation a history of the monastery. 14 Lis. Lives 229. A conflicting record immediately follows to the effect that Finnian died at Inismac-nlndeirc on the river Shannon. Further testimony to the pre-eminence of Clonard is given by the angel's promise that a visit to Finnian's altar would be as efficacious as a visit to Rome. — AA. SS. ex Cod. S. 1 9 4 .

" C/. p. 177 supra. 1® Any cause of scandal is removed from the Cod. S, version by making Cremthann a local princeling.

T H E MONASTIC

CHURCHES—II

377

The river Shannon to the south of Athlone flows through a lowlying country where the meadows and pasture-lands that line the banks are frequently under water in flood time. In the sixth century, when Ireland was richly wooded and the amount of surface water was far greater than now, this must have been a wild fen country with few or no habitations. Here, the story goes, Diarmait mac Cerr-béil, great-grandson of Níall nót-gíallach, was hiding, a fugitive from the enmity of the reigning árd-rí, Tuathal moel-garb, when St. Ciarán with eight companions came down the Shannon and obtained his assistance in building a little monastery at the place formerly known as Ard-Tiprat, "Height of the Well," but thereafter as Clúain-moccu-Nóis, "Meadow of the race of Nos," now Clonmacnois. 17 Clonmacnois was, after Armagh, the greatest of the monastic churches of Ireland; perhaps it surpassed Armagh as a centre of learning and literature. Its paruchia, the league of churches under its headship, may not have been as extensive or as well organised as those of Sts. Columcille and Patrick, but it laid claim to ecclesiastical rule over half of Ireland, and, according to Tírechán, already in the seventh century it had absorbed churches which, in his opinion, rightfully belonged to Patrick. The " L a w " of Ciarán, which, no doubt, involved a tax paid to his church, is mentioned as imposed in Connacht in 744, 788 and 814. 1 8 Clonmacnois suffered much from the onslaughts of the Vikings, and from the internal anarchy of the tenth, eleventh and twelfth centuries, but its vigor was not permanently impaired until the coming of the Anglo-Normans. There is reason to believe that it played an important part in that amalgamation of secular and ecclesiastical, Gaelic and Latinist learning which characterised the post-Viking epoch, and that it did much for the preservation both of old Irish literature and of the records which formed the basis of the national annals. The Annals of Tigernach and the Annals of Clonmacnois were, it would seem, compiled within its walls, and there were written the codices Lebor na hUidre and Rawlinson B. 502, oldest of manuscripts in the Irish language. The sources for the history of the monastery, both archaeological and literary, are, comparatively, quite abundant. At its site, on the east side of the Shannon in Offaley, about eight miles from Athlone, are some of the most important of ancient Irish ecclesiastical ruins. The 17 The story of the foundation of Clonmacnois, told at greater length than in the Lives of Ciarán, and other matter on the relations between that saint and Diarmait, can be found in the secular tale Aided Diarmata maic Ccrr-btil (Death of Diarmait) — O'Grady SG I 72-83, II 76-88. AU. CJ. p. 336 tupra.

37»

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—II

inscribed grave-slabs, although now the merest debris, still give some indication of the fame of this Westminster Abbey of Gaelic Ireland. " I n a quiet watered land, a land of roses, Stands St. Ciarin's city fair, And the warriors of Erin, in their famous generations, Slumber there."

166. Life of St. Ciarán of Clúain (i) Sanctus abbas Kyaranus de plebe Latronensium . . . in sempiterna die sine nocte, in regno eterno sine fine, ante tribunal Cbristi, Qui c. P . et S. S. v. et r. in s. s. Amen, (ii) Vir gloriosus, et uita sanctissimus abbas, Quer&nus, . . . quibus beneficia oportuno tempore impendit. M e t n i m de eo sic: Matre Quiaiani sedente in c u m i uolubili . . . Gloriosum in omnibus nouissimis temporibus. [This last is a collection of verses in various metres.] (iii) Beatus et venerabilis abbas Queranus nobili . . . fideles in fide consolidarentur et infideles confunderentur. Finit. Amen. [Incomplete.] (iv) Omnia que cumque uultis ut faciant i. Cech maitb as ail libb do dbénamb . . . i n-aentaid na noeib T . A. 7 M . 7 S. N . . . . Ros-aitreabham in s. s. Amen. 1 9

MSS: (i) Cod. K. ff. i44 T -8. (ii) Bodl. Rawl. B 485 ff. 91-4; B 505 ff. 127-30. (iii) Cod. S. ff. 77 t -8 t . (iv) Bk. Lis. ff. 35-9*. — Brussels Bibl. roy. 4190-200 s X V I I ff. 154-70 [copied by O'Clery from " the book of Aodh 6g Üa Dálacháin of Les Cluaine in Meath "J. EDS: (i) VV. SS. Hib. I pp. xlvii-li, 200-16. (ii) Macalister Latin and Irish Lives of Ciaran 172-83. (iii) AA. SS. ex Cod. S. 155-60. (iv) Lis. Lives 117-34, 262-80, 355-9 [text, trans., notes]. T R A N S : Macalister op. cit. [trans, of the four versions]. Cf. AA. SS. Boll. Sept. Ill 370-83 [historical commentary].

The importance of Clonmacnois is reflected in the fame of her founder. Ciarán (or, in earlier orthography, Cérán or Quérán), although he was of humble origin — he is commonly designated mac in tsdir, "son of the wright," or "carpenter," — and died apparently at an early age without having played any very prominent part in contemporary affairs, became one of the heroic figures of hagiography. His father's occupation 20 probably was the point of origin of the legends which gave him a career of thirty-three years paralleling in several respects that of Christ. The chronological indications given by the annals and the Lives are various and inconsistent, but it seems certain that Ciarán was bom in the decade 510-20 and founded Clonmacnois in that of 540-50. 21 There was an ancient record known to Tírechán which stated that a certain deacon Justus of Fidarte (Feurty, co. Roscommon), a disciple of Patrick, 19 Appended in Bk. Lis. is a scribal note: " It is not I that am responsible for the meaningless words that are in this Life, but the bad manuscript." 10 If this, too, did not arise from the seeking after parallels. 91 If Clonmacnois was founded in the year when Tuathal mod-garb died, and if Anscombe's chronology (c/. p. 178 supra) is correct, the date is two decades earlier. — Macalister thinks Ciarán died in 556 {Latin and Irish Lives of Ciaran 159).

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—II

379

had baptized Ciarán in the one-hundred-and-fortieth year of some unidentified era. 22 The several versions of the Life of Ciarán contain much the same material, although they differ slightly in the arrangement and treatment of the episodes. T h e y all seem to depend ultimately on a text or collection of texts compiled at Clonmacnois at an early date, probably not later than the ninth century. The matter is unusually interesting, and of considerable historical value. The primitive Life was written at a time when various articles believed to be relics of Ciarán were still in existence. One was the hide of the cow which Ciarán had taken with him to Finnian's school at Clonard: " T h a t cow was dun, and was called Odhur Kyarain, and its fame remains forever in Ireland. . . . So its skin remains in honor even to this day in the monastery of St. Ciarán; for through it, by the grace of God, miracles are performed. And above all it has this especial virtue, as holy old men, the disciples of St. Ciarán, have handed down to us, that it has been shown supernaturally that every man who shall have died [resting] on it, will possess eternal life with C h r i s t . " " Another story tells of Ciarán's pet fox, which attempted to eat the leather cover of a book. I t was hunted and fled to Ciarán. " T h a t book is to-day called Pólaire Ciaráin (Ciarán's Tablets)." The hagiographer goes on to moralise: " T h a t is most proper for these, the wicked men who dwell near to the Church, and who get the benefit of the Church, both communion, and baptism, and food, and teaching, and nevertheless they cease not persecuting the Church till a king's persecution, or a mortality, or an unknown illness comes to them; and then they must needs go under the protection of the Church, even as the fox went under Ciarán's c o w l . " " Other relics still existing in the writer's day were Ciarán's stone c a p ; " the Cassal Sendin, Senán's Robe, which Ciarán had sent afloat down the Shannon to St. Senán at Inis-Cathaig, and Coemgen's Bobdn, the bell of Ciarán which a t his death he bequeathed to Coemgen of Glendalough. Some other passages of particular interest may be noted: ( i ) The story of Ciarán's mother making blue dye-stuff, and ordering Ciarán away. " They did not deem it right or lucky to have men in the same house in which cloth was getting d y e d . " " A s Stokes points out, this indicates both the antiquity of dyeing and the probability that it was at some time regarded as a female rite or mystery, from presence at which males were excluded. (2) The story of the quern which ground c o m for Ciarán, told in two different versions. (3) The leagues entered into by Ciarán with his namesake of Saigir and with Finnian of Clonard, legends which, no doubt, owe their existence to relationships between the churches in later years." (4) T h e reference to the merchants of the Gauls, who brought wine to Ciarán at Clonmacnois. This has M Tírechán took it to mean that 140 years had elapsed between the death of Patrick and the birth of Ciarán (LA f. i a T ) , while the author of the Tripartite Life thought it meant the 140th year of Justus's own life (Vit Trip. 1104). a Cod. K. cap. xv. CJ. " Leabhar na hUidhre," p. 15 supra. w Lis. Lives. CJ. Macalister op. cit. 115. There must have been a special occasion for this " aside," but his suggestion as to what it was is not attractive. » CJ. p. 380 injra. » Lis. Lives 356. « CJ. CS 838; AU 926, 1014.

38o

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—II

i n t e r e s t for the history of early Irish t r a d e r e l a t i o n s . " (5) T h e legend of Crichid, C i a r á n ' s farmer, who went to Saigir, extinguished the sacred fire there, a n d a f t e r w a r d s was killed by wolves. Ciarán brought down fire from heaven to renew the flame, a n d restored Crichid to life. (6) T h e strange story of the jealousy of the other saints of Ireland towards Ciarán, which was the cause of his early d e a t h . T h e account of Ciarán's death, as given in Version I, has a n o t e of a u t h e n t i c i t y . " O u r most holy patron Ciarán lived only one year in his monastery of Clúain. W h e n he knew t h a t the day of his d e a t h was a t h a n d , he prophesied bewailing the later evils which would be a f t e r him in his place. T h e n the brothers said to h i m : ' W h a t then shall we do in the time of those evils? Shall we stay here b y y o u r remains? Or shall we proceed to other places? ' T o them St. Ciarán said: ' H a s t e n to other quiet places, a n d leave my remains just like the d r y bones of the s t a g on t h e m o u n t a i n ; for it is better t h a t you should be with m y spirit in heaven, t h a n t o be alongside m y bones on earth with scandal.' St. Ciarán mortified his body m u c h , and we set down a n instance thereof. H e used to have a stone cap on his head, which even to this d a y remains in the monastery of St. Ciarán, and is venerated b y all. N o w when he was becoming weak, he was unwilling t h a t t h a t stone should be removed from him, b u t ordered it to be placed on his shoulders, t h a t he might have the labor even u n t o d e a t h for the sake of a perpetual reward in heaven. When a t length the hour of his d e a t h was a t hand, he ordered t h a t he be carried out of doors, a n d looking u p towards heaven he said: ' H a r d is t h a t road, and this necessary.' T h e brethren said to h i m : ' W e know t h a t nothing is difficult for you, father; b u t we poor people ought to fear this hour much.' And having been brought back into the house h e raised his h a n d a n d blessed his people and clergy, and having received the holy s a c r a m e n t , on the 5th of the Ides of September he sent forth his spirit, in the thirty-third year of his age."

As noted above, the second Vita ends with a collection of verses in various metres: " M a t r e Querani sedente . . . " ; " Mulieris regiae . . . " ; " C u m puer oraret . . . " ; " Alto et ineffabili . . . . " T h e y have been printed in LH1 I I 219 a n d An. hymn. I.I 325-7. Blume believes t h a t they formed p a r t of an office in honor of Ciarán. T h e fourth set of verses, " Alto et ineffabili . . . novissimis temporibus," 16 such 11., is also in L H ( T ) f. 3 1 , a n d has been published by Dreves An. hymn. X I X 172 and in LIP I 157, I I 218-20. See also Macalister op. cil. 165. This piece has been attributed to Columba of l o n a .

167. Patrick's Prophecy of Ciarán Rotaimgeir dano Patraic tri fichit bliadan . . . i Cluain at¿ taisi Patraic, ut alii putant.

M S S : T C D 1 3 1 9 (II. 2. 17) f. 397. Also, as notes to Fél. Oeng., in Bodl. Rawl. B 512 f. 62 a n d Dublin Franciscan monastery A. 7. ED: Vit. Trip. I I 556-7. Cf. Fél. Oeng.1 204-5. Comlach, " Patrick's leper," brought relics from across the seas. H e was compelled to leave them in a cavity in a tree. Patrick foretold that they were left for Ciarán, 58 CJ. HZ " Über direkte Handelsverbindungen Westgalliens mit Irland in Altertum und frühen Mittelalter: ?. Der Weinhandel Westgalliens nach Irland im i . bis 7. Jahrhundert n. Chr." Silzungsb. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wisstitsch. 1909 pp. 430 sqq.

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—II who should be born sixty years later. Clonmacnois."

381

And some say that Patrick's own relics are in

168. The Miracle of Cíarán's Hand —Echtra Ambacuc Ferthair oenach Tail ten la Diarmait . . . Domoall mac Murchada oc ferthain ind oenaig.

Finit.

M S S : L L 274. — Bodl. Rawl. B 512 s X V f. 140. — Dublin Franciscan convent M S A 9 (3) p. 32 b . — Liber Flavus Fergusiorum i X V £F. io T , 37. — Edinburgh N a t . Lib. X X V I f. 2. EDS: O'Grady SG I 416, II 453 [LL text, trans.]. — J. Fraser Ériu V I ii (1912) 159-60 [LFF texts], Cf. J. H. Todd (ed.) The Irish Nennius 206. The present strange legend tells how Ciarán, as confessor to the árd-rí, Diarmait mac Cerr-béil, was with him at the oenach (assembly, or fair) of Tailtiu (Teltown, Meath). 1 0 A man, named in some versions Abacuc or A m b a c u c , " took a false oath while holding his head under Cíarán's hand. A s a result his head fell off, but he continued to live, and was brought by Ciarán to Clonmacnois. The story has some value for topography. It has found its way into the annals and forms an element of the secular tale Aided Diarmaia.

169. Coirpre crom and St. Ciarán Coiipre crom mac Feradhaig mic Lugdach . . . deamuin form. dogrés.

Conidh maircc bis de sin ceo fhiisittin

M S S : B M Egerton 92 f. 30. — R I A Leabhar Úi Maini s X I V / X V f. i26T. — R I A B k . of Fermoy J X I V / X V f. 51. — Bk. Lis. i X V f. 45. — Brussels Bibl. roy. 5100-4 5 X V I I f. 78. EDS: O ' D Journ. Kilkenny Archaeol. Soc. 1858 pp. 453 sq [Eg. 92 text, trans.]. — W S RC X X V I (1905) 368-73 [text of Brussels M S , trans.]. — K M ACL I I I (1906) 224-6 [text of L. Úi Maini]. This legend tells how Ciarán replaced the head, rather unskilfully, on a wicked Coirpre, who had been decapitated for his evil deeds. Henceforth he was known as Coirpre crom, " the crooked." The motif is to show the benefit from confession and repentance, which saved Coirpre's head from the clutches of the demon, and also to exalt the claims of Ciarán's community over the Úi Maini of Connacht, of whom Coirpre became king.

170. Poems attributed to Ciarán (i) An rim, a rí rkhid riin . . . an rimm a rf richid ran.

M S S : L L 374. — B M Add. 30512 s X V f. 43*. — B M Egerton 175 p. 14. alister Latin and Irish Lives of Ciaran (1921) 168-9 [text, trans.].

ED: Mac-

A metrical prayer on the subject of the shortness of his life, put into the mouth of Ciarán. The story is incorporated into Vit. Trip. (I 84), and into the Irish Life of Ciarán. One of the three " high gatherings of Ireland," or at least of the central plain, the other two being the ddl of Uisnech and the feis of Tara. 21 Doubtless the equivalent of the Vulgate name Habacuc (Septuagint 'A^jSaxoii^), but how such a name found its way into the legend is not explained. M

10

382

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—II

(ii) A fhir n& heagna d'i&rr&idh . . . bur bhire&ga. MS: Maynooth, Murphy MSS 70 p. 163, 72 p. 48; Renehan MSS 84 p. 151. Thos. P. O'Nolan IER 4th ser. X X I V (1908) 393-4.

ED:

A moralising poem: the man who seeks wisdom or knowledge must seek it from God; all rewards are vain that do not come from Him.

For the so-called " Rule of Ciarán," see no. 268 (ii).

171. The Vision of Laisrén F each tas luid Laisrén for ala trad . . . [ends imperfect].

MS: Bodl. Rawl. B 512 f. 44.

ED: K M Otia Merseiana I (1899) 113-9 [with trans.].

This fragment contains the beginning of what was, no doubt, a complete vision of hell and heaven. It was seen by a certain Laisrén who went from the monastery of Clúain (the abbreviation almost always indicates Clúain-moccu-Nóis) to purify a church named Clúain-Chain in Connacht, and may have been the contribution made by the community of Ciarán to the vision literature of Ireland.

In LBr 239 and Brussels Bibl. roy. 5100-4 f. 76 there is a story of Cairbre crom, a bishop of Clonmacnois, and the ghost of a King Máel-Sechlainn. ED: WS RC X X V I 362-9. Cf. Mart. Don. Mar. 6. LAT. TRANS: Colgan AA. SS. 598-9.

In the Edinburgh National Library MS X X V I is a short legend of a ship sailing in the air, the anchor of which caught in the church of Cliiain — doubtless Cltiain-moccuN6is. Printed in Ante. I l l (1910) 8-9. Cf. £riu IV 12; L. Gougaud RC X L I (1924) 354-8; and no. 602 iv. The episode is probably that noticed in the Annals of Ulster in 749.

We have a curious legend (called in Bk. Fer. Sett sallrach na muice: " Story of the pig's psalter ") of the disappearance of a bishop named Caencomrac, residing " on his pilgrimage" at Clonmacnois, who knew when everyone would die. MSS: Bk. Lis. f. 143*. — Bk. Fer. f. 42*. — RIA 23 M 50 (Hodges & Smith 150) p. 145. ED: O'Grady SG I 87-9, II 94-6 [with trans.]. Caencomrac was probably the historical personage of that name, bishop and abbot of Lugmad (Louth) who died in 903 (AU).

Dúnchad úa Bráin, comarba of Ciarán, died " on his pilgrimage " at Armagh Jan. 19, 989 (AU). A story of his sojourn in Armagh is in Bodl. Laud 610 f. 14, whence it has been published by K M ZCP III (1901) 35-6. The same story is in Liber Flavus Fergussiorum vol. I pt. iv f. 6; Brussels Bibl. roy. 2324-40 f. 113; and RIA Hodges & Smith 150 p. 164. Cf. Plummer Misc. hag. Bib. Cat. no. 132.

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—II

383

172. Poems on the Cemetery of Clonmacnois (i) A reilec láech Leithe Cujnn . . . [19th stanza] ised dotiiacht, a reilec! . . . [20th] iirem do rfgh, a reilec! . . . [34th] ¿s¿ is riar do cach reilic!

MSS: Bodl. Rawl. B 512 s XV f. 121. — T C D 1378 (H. S- 6) s XVII p. 150 [13 stanzas]. — T C D 1291 (H. 1. 17) A.D. 1755 f. 83 [17 stanzas]. EDS: W. M. Hennessy in Geo. Petrie (ed. M. Stokes) Christian inscriptions in the Irish language I (Dublin 1872) 79-82 [text of H. 1. 17, trans.]. — R. I. Best Éria II (1905) 163-71 [text, trans.]. (ii) Hi ccathraig in toimide . . . hi cathraig ail toimide.

27 stanzas.

MS: Transcription by O'C of a Brussels MS. M. Stokes) op. cit. 76-8 [with trans.].

ED: B. O'Looney in Geo. Petrie (ed.

(¡ii) Cathir Chiaiain Cluain mic nois . . . re rreibh na Suca.

19 quatrains.

MS: Bodl. Rawl. B 486 f. 29. ED: W. M. Hennessy in Geo. Petrie op. cit. 4-7 [with trans.]. These poems give lists of persons, chiefly kings, buried at Clonmacnois. Macalister declares that they are of little practical value for identifying the surviving slabs." The first poem is attributed to Conaing buidhe Úa Máil-Conaire (d. 1314): the last five quatrains, an addition, say that it was written for the clergy of Clonmacnois, but, as they rejected it, it was presented to Cathal crobh-derg Úa Conchobhair, king of Connacht (d. 1224). There is an obvious anachronism of a century. The third poem, a late composition, was written, it is said, " by Enoch O'Gillan who lived on the borders of the River Suck," county Gal way.

173. The Registry of Clonmacnois MS: BM " Ware mss. no. 51, of the Clarendon collection, 4796." Kilkenny Archaeol. Soc. 2nd ser. I ii (1858) 444-60.

ED: O'D Journ.

We are told that this document was transcribed, by order of a certain Muirchertach O'Muiridhe, bishop of Clonmacnois, from the original entries which were in the Life of St. Ciarán (doubtless blank pages at the end of the Life used as a registry); and that Archbishop Ussher, in a report on the diocese of Meath, stated that this original transcription was in existence in his time, but " had lately been conveyed away." Copies of it were in the possession of Ussher and Sir James Ware, and Ware had a translation made by An Dubhaltach Mac Fir-Bhisigh, which is the present text. It contains an account of the various lands granted to the church of Clonmacnois by the several provincial kings and principal chieftains as a purchase for the right of themselves and their descendants to be interred in a portion of the cemetery appropriated to their use, and for other privileges.

174. Life of St. Daig mac Cairill of Inis-Cáin-Dego (Inishkeen) Vir venerabilis ac sanctus episcopus Daygeus . . . centessimo quadragesaimo etatis sue anno felicitcr obdormivit in Christo, q. c. P. et F. et S. s. v. ac r. D . per s. s. Amen.

MS: Cod. S. ff. 212—3*. EDS: A.A. SS. BoU. Aug. I l l 636-62. — AA. SS. ex Cod. S. 891-902. 8 The memorial slabs of Clonmacnois 96.

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T H E

MONASTIC

CHURCHES—II

The obit of Dega or Daig mac Cairill is given by the Annals of Ulster in 587. He was of the Úi Néill family, and founder of Inis-Cáin-Dego (now Inishkeen, on the border of Louth and Monaghan), a church which is occasionally noticed in the annals down to the twelfth century. It must have belonged — at least for a time — to the paruchia of Clonmacnois, for Daig is represented to have been a disciple of Ciarán, and his artisan." The Life is a late abridgment. It is in the main a catalogue of the miracles performed by Daig, and of the monasteries which he founded, the lands which he obtained, and the saints with whom he was associated. The historical setting is quite fictitious, but it gives some information as to the scribal and handicraft work of the monasteries.

(e)

INIS-CELTRA,

TIR-DÁ-GLAS

(TERRYGLASS)

AND

CLÚAIN-EDNECH

(CLONENAGH)

R. A. S. Macalister " The history and antiquities of Inis Cealtra " Proc. RIA X X X I I I C (1916) 93-174, 22 pis.

Inis-Celtra, " Church Island," sometimes spoken of as " Holy Island," is an island on the west side of the expansion of the Shannon river known as Loch Derg. It has some important church ruins, and many sepulchral slabs. Tír-dá-glas, " Field of two streams " (Terryglass), is near the eastern shore of Loch Derg, in the barony of Lower Ormond, Tipperary. I t was, undoubtedly, the ecclesia duorum agri rivorum which, according to Adamnán, 3 4 was visited by Colum-cille. This district on the eastern side of Loch Derg had been Leinster territory in an earlier era, but must have passed under the dominion of Munster before the sixth century. Clúain-ednech, perhaps " Ivy m e a d o w " (now Clonenagh, near Mountrath, in Leix), was, however, situated more than thirty miles due east in territory that remained permanently Lagenian. But these three churches, with others in the neighborhood of Loch Derg, and in Leinster and Connacht, are brought into association by the legends of their foundation, and by the records of their subsequent history. The first name associated with Inis-Celtra is that of Mac Creiche, 35 a saint honored in the folk-lore of county Clare. Macalister may be right in seeing in him a pagan " incumbent " of the island —-if, indeed, he was not a divinity. 3 6 There is a story of a nectar-giving tree, similar » Cf. Fél. Oeng. Aug. 18, notes. M Vita Columias I I xxxvi. Mac Creiche signifies literally ' son of plunder." (An alternative is Mac Criche, " son of border " or " son of territory.") It is not a patronymic, but a nickname, or, perhaps, a name of pagan origin and significance to which we have no loDger the clue. " Cf- P- 3>4 supra.

THE MONASTIC

CHURCHES—II

385

to that at Lorrha, 3 7 which was probably a sacred tree of heathen times. Mac Creiche surrendered Inis-Celtra to Colum mac Crimthainn, or, as perhaps was the earlier form, " moccu Craumthannain," 3 8 said to be of the royal line of the Lagin. He was the founder of the majority of these churches and of the community to which they belonged. Colum died, according to the Annals of Ulster, in the year of the plague, 549. His first three successors were Nadcaem, Fintan (d. 603), and Colman Stellan (d. 624). 39 Tir-da-glas was founded, we are told, by Nadcaem, who, by entombing the body of Colum there, rendered it, in Irish law, the principal church of the paruchia.*0 Fintan, at the direction of Colum, who had lived there as a hermit, founded Clonenagh. 4 1 There is, however, another tradition which appears to know nothing of the activities of Mac Creiche and Colum at Inis-Celtra. According to it the church there was founded by St. Caimin, who lived about a century after Colum: the Annals of Innisfallen give his death in 644.

175. Life of Mac Creiche Incip[i]unt pauca de mirabilibus Mheic Creche .i. Mac Creche mac Pesslain . . . [Ends with a poem in 47 quatrains:] Maith an turus tangamar. . . . Gach ar fiad sa mnith. [Last line is corrupt.1 There follows the story of a cure wrought through the virtue of Mac Creiche's bell: Ro bAi araile fer. . . . [Ends with a poem in 7 quatrains:] Mor na ferta sa dar lem. . . . B£raidh leis gach buaidh !&n-mor. MS:

B r u s s e l s B i b l . r o y . 2 3 2 4 - 4 0 i X V I I ff. 8 7 - 9 8 [ t r a n s c r i b e d b y M i c h a e l

O'Clery

i n J u n e , 1634, f r o m a c o p y m a d e b y M a e l e c h l a n n 0 C a l l a n n i i n in 1 5 2 8 a t C e l l M a i l Odhr&in ( K i l l o r a n , b a r o n y O w n e y Creiche]. Cf. O ' C MS

ED: Mai.

a n d A r r a , co. T i p p e r a r y )

C h a s . P l u m m e r Misc.

hag.

6 3 0 - 2 ; M a c a l i s t e r op. cii.

Hib.

f o r t h e comarba

(Brussels 1925) 7 - 9 6 [with

of M a c trans.].

135.

T h e l i f e of M a c C r e i c h e is l a t e , f a b u l o u s , a n d of v e r y l i t t l e h i s t o r i c a l

foundation.

I t is a c o m b i n a t i o n of f o l k - l o r e , m i r a c l e s , a n d m o n a s t i c c l a i m s t o t r i b u t e .

176. Life of St. Colum of Tir-di-glas Sanctus Columba de genere nobili Lagenensium de gente Chrauntanani . . . ubi cotidie per merita ipsius immensa beneficia a Domino praestantur per D. n. I. C., c. h. et g. in s. s. Amen. MS:

C o d . S . ff. 1 2 9 - 3 2 * . — B o d l . R a w l . B 4 8 5

E D : A A. SS.

ex Cod. S. 4 4 5 - 6 2 .

Cf.

ff.

139-42;

C o l g a n A A. SS.

Rawl. B

505 ff. 1 6 0 - 3 .

356-7.

Cf. p. 392 infra. »8 AU has " nepos Craumthannain " and the Life, as below, " de gente Chrauntanani." The usual genealogy {Ftl. Oeng.^ p. clxxxii) makes him great-grandson of Cremthann and sixth in descent from Cremth&nnin, who was son of Cat hair m6r, one of the famous personages of the legendary history of the Lagin. Doubtless he was a member of the t)i CremtbannAin, who dwelt in the present Leix, in the neighborhood of Cluain-ednech. « Fti. Oeng.1 p. xc. The dates are from AU. 40 Cf. p. 292 supra. 4 1 For Oengus, author of the Ftiire, and his associations with Clonenagh, cf. pp. 471, 480 infra. 17

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386

Colum's Life has some elements of antiquity — for example, the proper names — but as a whole must be a late production. It has value for social ideas and customs: the story of the saint's funeral is especially interesting. The text seems to have been expanded by borrowings from the tradition of the more famous Columba of Iona.

177. Life of St. Fintan (i) Fintan us sanctus, filius Cmmthini, genere Maccu Edagur, . . . inter choros angeJorum sua via carmina canentium, ad ctema migimvit gaudia, r I), n. I. C simul cum P. et S. s. in a. s. Amen, (iii) Sanctus abbas Fintanus, uir uite uenerabilis, de prouinchia Taginrnwinm . . . [as i].

MSS: (i) Cod. S. ff. 99 t -IO3. (ii) Bodl. Rawl. B 48s £f. 148; B 505 f. 194. — Dublin Franciscan Convent A 24 pp. 285-91. (iii) Cod. K . ff. 74-6. EDS: (i) AA. SS. ex Cod. S. 289-304. (iii) Colgan AA. SS. 349 sqq.—AA. SS. Boll. Feb. I l l 16-21 [Colgan's text, with interpolations from S]. — VV. SS. Hib. I pp. lxx-lxxi, I I 96-106. Fintan moccu Echdach, or Edagur, 41 was, according to the genealogists, of the Fotharta, one of the branches of the Lagin. His Life is late, and not of special distinction. The earlier part is closely related to that of Colum mac Crimthainn.

178. Life of St. CSimin There is an unpublished metrical Life in Brussels Bibl. roy. 2324-40 ff. 264-73 (Caimin do dechad dar muir . . . lucht criite mo primchille). Colgan had several texts, and has made a compilation from them in A A. SS. 746-7. Ciimin is represented to have been half-brother to Gtiaire of Aidne," king of Connacht (d. 663 or 666), and a story of their relations is told in the secular tale Caih Cairn ChonaiU."

(f)

CLUAIN-EOIS

(CLONES)

AND ST.

TIGERNACH

Cluain-auiss, or Cluain-eois, is the present Clones in Monaghan.

179. Life of St. Tigernach (i) Venerabilis presul Tygernacus, reg&li ex progenie natus . . . signo cruris statim edito . . . [imperfectl. (ii) [As i] . . . secum perduzit, ubi perhenni perfruitur gloria in s. s. Amen. Ympnus ad Vesperas: Adest dies Celebris sancti Tigemaci. . . . E t regno cum angelis celi coniruamur. Amen. 31 11. Ympnus ad Matutinum: Tigernach igne gTatie . . . donet beata gloria. Amen. 32 11.

MSS: (i) Cod. S. ff. 86T~7T [next folio, containing latter part of Life, has been removed], (ii) Bodl. Rawl. B 485 1 X I I I / X I V ff. n 6 - 8 v ; Rawl. B 505 s X I V / X V ff. 9S V -7 V . — Dublin Franciscan Convent A 24 A.D. 1627 pp. 21 sqq. EDS: A A. SS. Boll. April. I 402-4. — A A. SS. ex Cod. S. 211-20. — VV. SS. Hib. I pp. lxxxviii sq, II 262-9. 43 M a c N suggests that D i l Ecbdach, or Echach, which the moccu name points to, was a synonym of Fothairt, or Fotharta. u Cf. pp. 43 r, 456 infra. 44 ZCP I I I (1901) 203-19, and elsewhere. Cf. Plummer Misc. ka(. Bib. Cat. no. 90. — For the psalter attributed to CAimtn, cf. no. 479 infra.

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—II

387

An entry in the Annals of Ulster, which, however, is of the ninth century or later, records the death of Tigernach of Clones in 549. An alternative date is 550. The Life of Tigernach, of which we have only slight variations of one version, is late, but has some appearance of being based on authentic traditions. His father is said to have been of the Leinstermen; u it was through his mother, Derfrlich, that he was related to the Air-gfalla, in whose territory he built his church. He is said to have been baptised by Bishop Conlaed of Cell-dara at Brigit's orders, and to have been made a bishop himself at the command of Brigit. He was, we are told, bishop of Clochar (Clogher, co. Tyrone) before the founding of Clfiain-auiss. (g) D A M - I N I S

(DEVENISH)

AND S T .

MOLAISSE

Dam-Inis, Daimh-Inis, " Ox Island," now Devenish, in Lower Loch Erne, about two miles from Enniskillen, contains a fine round tower and other remains of ecclesiastical architecture. There are many references in the annals to the church and to its abbots, the cotnarbai of St. Mo-Laisse. We still have the shrine which one of these, Cennfaelad ( 1 0 0 1 - 1 0 2 5 ) , had made to contain Mo-Laisse's " G o s p e l " (Striscil

Molaise).46

180. Life of St. Mo-Laisse of Devenish [Lat-1 Postquam, diuina gratia operantc, per sancti Patricii prcdicacionem. . . . Lasrianus feliciter in Domino obdormiuit; qui cum P. et S. S. u. et r. in s. 5. Amen. [Ir.] Araile erlam [MS enun] uasal adamra somholta . . . ni deachaidh leo co buadach [last line of a passage in verse; there are several such passages in the Life].

MSS: (Lat.) Bodl. Rawl. B 485 £F. 94-7*; B 505 ff. 135-7". — Dublin, Franciscan Convent A 24 pp. 31 sqq. (Ir.) BM Add. 18205 ff- I _ I 7 [ " a well-written sixteenth century small quarto MS on vellum . . . , the remainder of which consists in a number of metrical pieces on the dues, privileges and rights of Molasius' successors. These, like all memoria technica productions, which is what they really are, have no literary merit. The Text, as though somewhat inattentively taken down from dictation (a common practice, responsible for much textual imperfection) is in places defective or obscure and, formally, altogether modernised; so also is the spelling, which is frequently incorrect to boot. The first page of the MS is much defaced; O'Curry renounced to make it out; but any errors in the pedigree as printed are of little consequence since, so far as Molasius is concerned, it is fictitious." — O'Grady SG n p. viij. — RIA 23 A 43 [a poor paper copy of the preceding, made by O'Reilly]. — Brussels Bibl. roy. 4190-200 ff. 96 sqq [written by O'Clery in 1628-9]. EDS: (Lat.) VV. SS. Hib. I p. lxxiv, II 131-40- (Ir.) O'Grady SG I 17-37, II 18-34 [text of Addit. 18205, trans, of prose only]. Lasr6n, or Las nan, moccu Nechtai (i. e., of the Nechtraide, Nechtraigi, or Corcu Nechtae), who is usually referred to by the hypocoristic form Mo-Laisse, was among a The pedigree is traced back through seven generations to Diire barrack, son of Cathiir mir — PH. Oengno, na. « Geo. Coffey Guide la the Cdtic ontiiptUies 0] the Christian period preserved in the National liuseum, Dublin (Dublin 1909) 44-5. The " Gospel " is lost.

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—II

388

the more famous of the saints of the sixth century. death under 564 and 571.

T h e Annals of Ulster enter his

His L a t i n L i f e was compiled as a homily to be read on his festival, September 12. I t is late in date, but appears to be an abbreviation of a longer treatise. T h e Irish Life is a curious compilation of the traditions and legends of Devenish and its neighborhood. I t consists, in the main, of a series of poems on incidents in the saint's life, with paraphrases in prose. T h e poems may represent semi-popular compositions which gradually accumulated among the liUircUeurs of Devenish and the neighboring families. Then some person acting in the interests of that church collected and edited them, adding a prose accompaniment. His work was quite uncritical. He makes Mo-Laisse in old age go as a pupil to Finnian of Clonard (d. 549), and also b y his prayers stay the great plague of 665. T h e annual payments due to Mo-Laisse's community from the people of Ireland because of this service are set forth. Other claims are based on the actions of Mo-Laisse at the time of the cursing of T a r a and the drd-ri Diarmait by St. R f i a d i n . " He tried to make peace, and, failing in that, obtained salvation for the king's soul and the kingship for his descendants. " A s for Molasius, however," the patriotic hagiographer proceeds, " after this he made no further stay at all at this contest with the saints by T a r a ; for in his eyes it was a lamentable thing that T a r a must be abolished and the seat of Ireland's sovereignty put from her vigour: he knowing well as he did that in the end the saints must prove stronger than the king of Ireland." M a n y other curious legends are associated with Molaise. T h e story of his birth is drawn from secular m y t h ; it is also attached to Conchobar mac Nessa. He is said to have removed three times fifty Mananns out of hell in order to save the soul of a certain Manann, a j e s t e r . " Of his relics preserved at Devenish his missal (sosciia beg — little gospel) and his bell (iloidhech) were sent down from heaven while he was on pilgrimage to Rome, and his flagstone was that on which he sailed over the sea. A significant passage tells a story of his copying a " book of w a y s , " or itinerary. The Irish Life ends with a secular story of the exile of the Dartraige, a people whose name is preserved in that of the barony of Dartry, co. Monaghan. T h e y are represented as originally of Munster, but banished because of the cruelties they practised on the C i Conaill Gabra, and the assistance they gave foreigners and gentiles. It is probable that in some early exemplar a leaf or more was lost containing the conclusion of the Life of Molaise and the beginning of the story of the Dartraige. 4 '

181. Mo-Laisse's Hymn A b b a s p r o b a t u s omnino. . . Dei prae participibus. MS:

L H ( T ) f.

3

iv.

E D S : IER

I 1 5 8 , I I 2 2 0 - 1 . — B l u m e An.

24 11.

V ( 1 8 6 9 ) 224. — Hymn.

D r e v e s An.

Hytnn.

XIX

222. —

LII2

L I (1908) 327-8.

« Cf. no. 184. 48 Cf. Aided Bresail: Lis. Lives p. xxvii. 49 T h e r e m a y h a v e been some association between t h e Dartraige a n d Devenish to cause the juxtaposition of t h e t w o narratives. I n historical times t h e D a r t r a i g e seem t o h a v e been scattered t h r o u g h M o n a g h a n , L e i t r i m , Sligo and Roscommon. I n 869 M a r t a n , a b b o t of Clonmacnois a n d Devenish, died. CS says he w a s of t h e " D a r t r a i g e D a i m i n n s i , " D a r t r a i g e of Devenish. O ' D t h o u g h t this a n error for D. Cominsi, t h e p r e s e n t barony of D a r t r y in M o n a g h a n .

THE

MONASTIC

CHURCHES—II

389

This alphabetical poem in praise of Mo-Laisse is found only in the later part of the Trinity College Liber Hymnorum, but is in Hibemo-Latin versification and probably dates from the early middle ages.

( h ) CLUAIN-CREDAL OR C E L L - I T E ( K I L L E E D Y ) , THE C H U R C H OF S T .

ITE

T h e tJi Conaill Gabra were one of the branches of the Ui Fidgente 5 0 and occupied the western part of the. plain of Limerick. T h e name is perpetuated in the present baronies of Upper and Lower Connello. Their patron saint was Deirdre, or I t e , 5 1 said to be by origin of the Desi, whose church was at Cluain-credal (perhaps " Meadow of devotion," " Holy Meadow "), later known as Cell-Ite. It is now Killeedy, in the barony of Glenquin, about five miles south of Newcastle and at the foot of the mountains of Sliab-Luachra, which formed the southern boundary of the Ui Conaill Gabra. T h e efficiency of her patronage is confirmed by an annalistic record of 552: " the battle of Cuilen, in which fell the Corcu Oche of Munster through the prayers of Ita of C l u a i n . " 5 2 T h e Corcu Oche were a people of this same district, perhaps vassals of the Ui Conaill Gabra. T h e Annals of Ulster give two dates for her death, 570 and 577. 5 3 Her name is preserved in Rosmead (co. Westmeath) and in several churches of Cornwall. T h a t her fame was wide-spread, even outside Ireland, is indicated by the mention of her in one of Alcuin's poems. 5 4 As in the ca.se of the majority of Munster monastic churches, little is known of the later history of Cluain-credal. I t may have changed from a nunnery to a monastery for men, for we hear occasionally of abbots, and Ite is said to have prophesied that no nun would succeed her. 5 5 It was plundered at least twice by the Norsemen. 5 6 Cf. p. Mart. Tynemouth Itha, Ithey, 60 61

364 supra. Don. preserves the tradition that " Deirdre was her first name," and the Life by John of gives this in the form " Deritbea." T h e name Ite appears in many variations: Ita, Ida, Issey, and, with the prefixes of affection to, t h y , and mo, m y , T e a t h , M i t e and M i d e .

« A U . Cf. Tig., F M , Keating (ed. I T S I I I s6). M T h e obits of Gildas and Oenu of Clonmacnois, Ciarin's successor, are also entered under these two dates. Similar alternative entries with interval of seven years are found for other events. M Cf. no. 340 ii. u T h i s is in connection with the disgusting story that, as one of her ascetic practices, she allowed her side to be eaten by a giant stag-beetle. Cf. Bk. Lec. f. i 6 6 v ; Fti. Oeng44. T h e legend is given a s an annotation to the words of F£l. Oeng.: " she succoured many grievous diseases," so there is some basis for the hypothesis of Baring-Gould and Fisher, who rationalise the stag-beetle into a cancer. w Cf.

CGG.

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—H

39°

182. Life of St. Ite (i) De uita et miraculis beatiiaime uirginia Ite . . . sccunda Britfidi mentis et moribus, de »Jiro, traditum est sepulture, regnante D. n. I. C., q. c. D. P. et S. S. u. et r., D. in s.s. Amen, (ii) Sacnxancta nkiiiirirm uiigo It» . . . est terrae tnditum, regnante, etc. (iii) Sancta uirgo Deri the*, que alio nomine Itta . . . in Hihrrni» nata et conuenata, sanctofinequieuit in domino XVLLL Kalend. febniaiii." MSS: (i) Cod. K. ff. io9 T -i2 T . (ii) BodL RawL B 505 ff. i6g T -72 T . — Dublin Franciscan Convent A 24 pp. 212 sqq. (iii) BodL 240 J XTV p. 808. EDS: (i) Colgan A A. 5 5 . 66 sqq [he " seems to have taken more than his usual liberties with the text " Plummer], — A A. 5 5 . BoU. Jan. I 1062 sqq [3rd ed. (1863) H 344-50], — VV. 5 5 . Bib. I pp. lxxii sqq, II 116-30. (iii) Nova Legenda Anglic (ed. Horstman, Oxford 1901) II 543-4. Cf. Baring-Gould and Fisher Lives of the British Saints H I 324-31. Three recensions of Ite's Life are extant. Of these, Version iii is a short epitome made by John of Tynemouth in the fourteenth century. All versions probably go back to a very early original. Version i preserves a reference to an individual " whose son still lives."" This would place the original text of this passage not later than the middle of the seventh century — perhaps contemporary with Cogitosus.

In the annotations to Fil. Oeng., Jan. 15, in LBr and Laud 610 there is a poem in six quatrains, ascribed to lte but obviously of much later date. I t is based on the legend, told of many saints, that she received the Infant Jesus in her arms, lsucin . . . ci beth am ucht fssucin. E D S : Fil. Oeng.1 p. xxxv; Fil. Oeng* 4 4 - 5 . T R A N S : Geo. Sigerson Bards of the Gael and Gall 2nd ed. (London 1907) 165-6.

(i) M A G - B I L E (MOVILLE) AND BISHOP FINNIAN

Mag-Bile, or Magh-Bile, " the plain of the old [and sacred?] tree," is the present Moville, about a mile north-east of Newtownards, in county Down.

This was in the " fifth," or province, of the Ulaid and

on the borders of their own túath, church.

and became the site of their chief

I t was founded b y a member of the Dál Fiatach

royal dynasty of the Ulaid.

find,

the

This was St. Vinnio, Finnio, or Finnian, 5 9

moccu Fiatach, who died, according to the Annals of Ulster, in 579.

It

would seem that ancient hagiographers have confused in some degree his acta with those of his namesake of Clonard, just as modern commentators have disputed as to which should be identified with the " Venn i a n u s " of Columbanus and the " V e n n i a u s " of the earliest Irish 6 7 In An. BoU. X V I I 50,159, a fourth Life is cited " de Magno Legendario Austríaco " : Igitur secundum Pauli ap. preceptum . . . et ecclesia S. Brigide dicitur. Cf. Plummer Misc. hag. Sib. Cat. no. 267. 6 8 It must be remembered, however, that the hagiographers are suspected of occasionally manufacturing, out of whole cloth, such touches of verisimilitude. 1 9 The name has many variations: cf. p. 37s supra.

THE

MONASTIC

CHURCHES—II

391

penitential. 60 There is little doubt that the " episcopus Finnianus " of Cuimine ailbe 8 1 and the " Findbarrus episcopus," " Vinnianus episcopus," and " episcopus Finnio " of Adamnan 6 2 was the saint of MagBile. B u t the hagiographers went on to identify our Finnian with a Finnian of Druim-Finn 6 3 (perhaps Dromin, co. Louth), to whose quarrel with Colum-cille legend ascribed the exile of the latter from Ireland, and with Frediano, bishop of Lucca in Italy. 6 4 Incredible as is the last supposition, it had the result of incorporating into the Life of Frediano, and thereby preserving, anecdota from the Life of Finnian. One such is a reference to the bringing of " gospels " from Rome to Ireland, a tradition which presents itself also in Filire Oengusso.65 Modern scholars have suggested that Finnian may have introduced into Ireland one of the first copies there known of St. Jerome's Vulgate.

183. Life of St. Finnian of Mag-Bile Reuerentissimus pontifex Finanus, qui et Wallico nomine Winoinus . . . in loco qui ab eius wallico nomine Kiiwinin appellator. MSS:

BM

C o t t o n . T i b e r i u s E 1 . A.D. 1 3 2 5 X 1 3 5 0 .

EDS: Nova Legenda

Anglie

(ed.

H o r s t m a n , O x f o r d , 1901) I 4 4 4 - 7 . W i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n of a brief n o t i c e i n t h e Breviary

of Aberdeen,"

the o n l y L a t i n Life

of F i n n i a n i s t h a t w h i c h J o h n of T y n e m o u t h , in t h e first h a l f of t h e f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y , abridged f r o m some text now lost.

H e obtained it f r o m W e l s h s o u r c e s . "

O n C o l m â n m a c M u r - c h o n of M a g - B i l e , see p p . 269, 332

supra.

(j) LOTHRA (LORRHA) AND ST. RÛADÂN Lothra, now Lorrha, in northern Tipperary near Loch Derg, about five miles north-east of Terryglass, w&s one of the most important of the 00 Cf. pp. 240, 375 supra. If tbe received chronology of the Finnuins, Gildas and Columbtnus is correct, it would favor the equating of Columb&nus's Vennianus with this Finnian. Tradition, however, points to Finnian of Clonard. 61 Cap. iii, iv. Cf. no. 213. « Vita Columbae I i, II i, m iv. Cf. no. 214. « I f he is not a doublet of Finnian of Mag-Bile. Cf. pp. 435, 442. w Cf. no. 40. u Under Sept. 10 Finnian is said to have come over sea " with law," which the glossator interprets as meaning with the Law of Moses, or with the Gospel, " for it is F India that first brought the whole gospel to Ireland." Cf. Todd St. Patrick 104 sqq; H. J. Lawlor " The Cathach of St. Columba " Proc. RIA X X X I I I C (1916) no. xi. 66 Cf. p. 484 infra. 07 The sojourn of Finnian at Candida Casa, or Whitheme, is mentioned in the preface to Mugint's Hymn (no. 90), as well as in tbe Lives. — Finnian is a character in the legend of Tûan mac Cairill ( K M Voyage of Bran II (London 1897) 287 sqq).

392

THE

MONASTIC

monastic churches of Munster.

CHURCHES—II

Its founder, St. Ruadan, was said to

be of the Eoghanacht of Cashel, the dominant race of the southern province from the fifth to the tenth century.

His death is assigned

to the year 5 8 4 . 6 8

184. Life of St. Rtiadin (i) Rodanus sanctus, filius Birri, ex nobili gene re natus. . . . Ruodanus magnum honorem et premium habet in celis, in conspectu eterni regis omnipotent is D. et D. n. I. C., c. h. et g. in s. s. Amen, (ii) Sanctus Ruadanus de nobilioribus trabens originem . . . [as (i)]. (iii) Beatissimus abbas Ruadhanus de nobilissimo genere Hybemie . . . honorem et premium sempiternum in celis [habet] in conspectu eterni P., et I. C. F. eius, D. n., s. S. Paracliti, c. t. et u. D. est h. et g. in s. s. Amen, (iv) Ba soichenelach inti his in d'fuil riograide Mumhan .i. Ruadhin finn . . . ar naen aird-ri, aga 61 an sith suthain 7 comhtanas an uile maithesa, et reliqua. [Appendix] Fechtus dia ndeachaid anti naomh Ruadan . . . gur moradh ainm De 7 Ruadhain desin.

MSS: (i) Cod. S. ff. 106-8. (ii) Bodl. Rawl. B 485 ff. 145-7"; B 505 ff. 97 v -ioo. — Dublin Franciscan Convent A 24 pp. 14 sqq. (iii) Cod. K. ff. 86-8V. — T C D 175 ff- S3 SQ Cf. no.

129.

O ' K e l l e h e r a n d Schoepperle give a list of the sources q u o t e d b y O ' D o n n e l l — op. cit. » N o .

p p . x l v i sqq

JI8.

In the l i b r a r y of the m o n a s t e r y of F u l d a there was, in t h e ninth c e n t u r y , a '* regula a b b a t i s C o l u m b i c e l l a e , " no d o u b t an early monastic rule in L a t i n which c l a i m e d Colum-cille as its a u t h o r . known.

C/. G . B e c k e r

CalaJogi biblwthecarum antiqui

( B o n n 1885) 30.

I t is no longer

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—II

443

222. Life of St. Baithin Reverendus pater abbas Baithin us . . . patribus suis additus est. Hcc pauca de vita sancti BaithlnL M S : C o d . S. ff. 2i0 T -202 [wrong arrangement: 202 should occupy the place of 212]. — Bodl. Rawl. B 485 if. 43-4; B 505 ff. 124-5.

EDS: AA.

SS. Boll. 237-8. —

AA.

SS. ex Cod. S. 871-8. Baithin, or Baithene, the cousin, intimate friend, and fellow-worker of Colum-cille, succeeded his master as abbot, and died in 598. Adamnin.

He is mentioned frequently b y

The Life is late, and is, in the main, only a short catalogue of miracles.

There is a short story of Baithin and Colum-cille (Baithin mac Brenainn . . . 7 ba hecnaidhi amra ée) in the following M S S : Bodl. Rawl. B 512 f. 142; B k . Lis. f. 45*; Edinburgh Nat. Lib. I p. 15; R I A Liber Flavus Fergusiorum vol. I I pt. iii f. 8; Brussels Bibl. roy. 2324-40 f. 112; Journal 1920.

R I A 23 G 25 p. 115 [imperfect],

I V (1893) 229 [with trans.];

EDS: K M

Gaelic

Douglas H y d e An teglaisech Gaedelach

Nov.

Cf. Mart. Don. 162-4. — T h e story of Baithln's vision of three chairs in heaven,

given in the account of the origin of Colum-cille's name (no. 219 iii) and in Fél.

Oeng.1

p. ci, Fél. Oeng.1 146, is found separately in T C D H. 3. 17 col. 677 and H . 3. 18 p. 417. Cf. Plummer Misc. hag. Ilib. C a t . nos. 74-5.

223. Life of St. Farannân Tiondsccantar anoso betha Fharannain uasail . . . 7 ata marsin osin Ule. MS:

Brussels Bibl. roy. 4190-200 ff. 9 1 * 4 ' [by O'Clery 13 Feb. 1629; from a little

book of the comarba of Farannân], only].

ED: Chas. Plummer Ante.

I l l (1910) 1 - 7 [text

LAT. TRANS: Colgan A A. SS. 336-9.

Farannân, who is associated with Columba in his short and very late Life, is represented to have been fifth in descent from Eoghan, son of Nfall nôi-gtallach.

H e was

founder of the church of Alt-Farannâin (now A l t e m a n , in the north of bar. Tireragh, Sligo).

224. Life of St. Adamnân Acciage sicut uir tumbos tuos. In spirut liaem, an spiorat dorosce cech spiomt, in spirut roio sorchaidh . . . . Ailim trocaire De tre impidhe Adhamnain co roisem ind ientaidh sin in s. s. Amen. MS:

Brussels Bibl. roy. 4190-200 ff. 29-33 [by O ' C l e r y :

" Finis 6 M a i j 1628 "].

ED: Skene Picts and Scots (1867) 408-9 [extract with trans.]. — R . I. Best Anec. (Ilalle 1908) 10-20 [text only]. 1908) 97-107.

II

TRANS: M . Joynt The Celtic Review no. 18 (Oct. 15,

Cf. J. Vendryes " Une Correction au Texte du B e t h a Adamnâin "

RC X X X I V (1913) 306; " L'Épisode du chien ressuscité dans l'hagiographie irlandaise " RC X X X V (1914) 357-60. — E. Maguire Life of St. Adamnan (Dublin 1917). T h e Irish Life of Adamnân is a late composition, described b y Dr. R e e v e s as " a miserable production, full of absurdities and anachronisms."

T h i s condemnation is,

doubtless, deserved, if the document is to be tested as a record of the career of the

444

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—II

historical Adamnán. But compared with other products of later Irish hagiography it is not peculiarly degenerate. It embodies some curious products of popular religion and folk-lore. The form is that of a homily for the saint's festival." 1

226. Prayers and Poems attributed to Adamnán (i) Colum Cille co Dia dom-erail . . . . M S S : L H ( T ) f. 28*. — Bodl. Rawl. B 502. — Y B L . — R I A Stowe C. 3. 2. [In all MSS it follows the Amra Coluim-ciile.] EDS: WS Goidelica (1872). — L / / 1 1 184, II 81-2, 235 [with trans.]. This short prayer resembles in obscurity the Amra of Colum-cille, with which it is associated in the manuscripts. (ii) Indiu cia chenglaid chuacha . . . . 13 O'Grady SG I 387-8. In the Bóroma tract.

quatrains.

MS: LL

307 b.

ED:

(iii) Noimh na cceithre raithe . . . . 7 stanzas. MSS: R I A 23 P. 3 A.D. 1467 f. 19. — Brussels Bibl. roy. 5100-4 f. 92*. ED: Mary E. Byrne Ériu I 225-8 [with trans.]. Called Féilire Adamnáin, the " Calendar of Adamnán " ; is a prayer addressed to the saints of the four seasons, that is, all the saints whose festivals are celebrated during the year. It is ascribed also to Ciarán, and to Cormac mac Cuilennáin. (iv) Trí cémenn cindti do chách . . . . 3 quatrains. MSS: Bodl. Laud 610 f. n 2 b. — Bk. Lis. f. 143 b. — R I A 23 G 25 p. 1 1 2 ; 23 C 19 p. 132. ED: K M ACL I I I (1906) 215. (v) Trf fótáin nach sechainter . . . . ED: K M Selections from early Irish (Dublin 1909). Also ascribed to Cormac. These texts belong to the same general class as the poems of Colum-cille. possibly no. i, are of a date some centuries later than Adamnán.

poetry

All, except

226. Fis Adamnáin: Adamnán's Vision (Magnus dominus noster et magna virtus ejus et sapientiac ejus non est números.)* 1 * adamraigthe . . . .

I s uasal ocus is

MSS: LU pp. 27-31. — Brussels Bibl. roy. 4190-200 ff. 39-46 [copy of preceding). — L B r pp. 253-6. — RIA Liber Flavus Fergusiorum I pt. ii ff. 3 V -6 T . —• B N Fonds celtique et basque 1 c A.D. 1518 ff. 95 sqq. — Bk. Lis. s X V ff. 34 T ~5 [fragment attached to Life of Brendan VB6: cf. pp. 413-4 supra], EDS: O'D Grammar of the Irish language (1845) [extracts]. — WS Fis Adamnáin Slicht Libair na Huidre Adamnán's Vision (Simla, privately printed, 1870) [LU text, trans.]. — EW IT I (1880) 165-96 [LU and LBr]. — Jos. Vendryes RC X X X (1909) 349-83 [BN text, trans.l. — G. Dottin Manuel d'irlandais moyen II (1913) 101-6 [extracts]. TRANS: " M a c dá Cherda " [ = WS] 331 An anecdote of Adamnán — found in a shorter form in the Life — is edited by K M , ZCP V (1905) 495 6, from T C D 1 3 1 7 (H. 2. 15 pt. ii) p. 59. It is also in Marl. Don. (1864) 254. — There is a short Latin Life of Adamnán in the Breviary of Aberdeen (cf. p. 484), Pars Aest. Prop. SS. U 4 v - i 5 : S. Adamnanus praeclaris ortus parentibus de nobilissimi Conaldi regis progenie . . . . Cuius corpus in insula Yens, debito honore humatum est. — A A. SS. Boll. Sept. V I 642 gives an historical commentary on the saint. Cf. Mabillon A A. SS. o. s. B. I l l ii, 499 sqq. — For other texts related to Adamnán cj. Plummer Misc. hag. Hib. Cat. nos. 6s, 67, 70-2. LBr.

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—II

445

Fraser's Mag. LXXXIII (1871) 184-94; also, with emendations, in Margaret Stokes Three months in the forests of France (London 1895) 265-79. C o m : Alfred Nutt in The Voyage of Bran (Grimm Library 4) I (London 1895) 219-23. — C. S. Boswell An Irish precursor of Dante (Grimm Library 18) (London 1908) [extensive study of the text, and of related literature, Irish and foreign; has trans.]. — St. John D. Seymour " The seven heavens in Irish literature" ZCP XIV (1923) 18-30; " The eschatology of the early Irish Church " ibid. 179-211. An abridgment of this Vision was incorporated into one version of the Voyage of Columcille's clerics; cf. pp. 447-8. The next most important of the Irish " vision " texts, after that of Fursa,"* is the tenth- or eleventh-century 1,4 composition known as " Adamnin's Vision." It professes to give an account of a vision which Adamnin had at the time of the mdr-ddl, or national convention, at which Cdin Adamniin was enacted. In reality it is a literary description of heaven and hell by some later ecclesiastic, presented as a vision of Adamnin possibly because of a tradition ascribing to him some such experience, possibly because the author was a member of the Columban community and specially devoted to AdamnSn. The matter is derived in part from scriptural and apocryphal texts,*" in part from the Irish " voyage " stories. Boswell and Seymour believe that there are extensive interpolations: the linguistic evidence, however, shows that these cannot be of much later date. The piece has considerable value as an exposition of eschatological ideas, and also some as a witness to social conditions."'

227. Life of St. Blathmac by Walahfrid Strabo Si

meruere suo pro carmine famam . . . .

Regnat, et aeterno poliet sinefinedecore.

MSS: St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 899 s I X / X f. 49. EDS: Canisius Lectionis aniiquae VI (new ed. II ii p. 201). — Messingham Florilegium 399. — AA. SS. Boll. 19 Jan. II 236-8. — Colgan AA. SS. I 128. — Bibl. max. vet. patrum XV (Leyden 1677) 210. — Mabillon AA. SS. o. s. B. I l l ii 439-41 (Venice ed. I l l ii 398). — Pinkerton Vitae aniiquae sanctorum (London 1789) 459.—• Migne PL CXIV 1043-6. — E. Diimmler MGH Poet. lot. aevi Carol. II 297-301 [best ed.]. — Metcalfe Pinkerlon's Lives of the Scottish saints II (Paisley 1889) 293-7. TRANS: A. O. Anderson Early sources of Scottish history I (1922) 263-5 [partial]. Coiot: Skene Celtic Scotland II 297-302. — HZ NA XVII (1892) 209-11. On Walahfrid Strabo see pp. 207, 550. Iona was pillaged by the Norsemen in 795, 802, and 806. As a result the congregation of Columba obtained in 804 a grant of Cenannus, now Kells, in Meath, and by 814 had built a new church there, to serve as metropolis.13' For a period, perhaps, Iona was deserted, but it was soon reoccupied under a prior or abbot named Blathmac, an » No. j96. **< WS on linguistic grounds assigned it to the n t h cent.; EW to the 10th, or possibly 9U1; 6 Miille VI 103) to the first quarter of the n t h ; and Seymour, from the subject-matter, to the tenth. A prose text may easily be older than its language, which may be due to the scribe. *** Notably a fragment published by Dom De Brayne, from a Refchenau MS, in Rev. BtoUdidint XXIV (1907) 311. Cf. M. R. James JTS XX 15, and Seymour, op. cU. a There is a second Vision attached to Adamnin. It is, however, associated with the religious panic of 1096, and may best he considered in that connection. No. 627. 7 Z* See, for a summary of this history, Reeves Ad. 387-9.

446

THE MONASTIC CHURCHES—II

Irishman. The head of the order, at this time a certain Diarmait, remained, for the most part, in Ireland. In 825 the Vikings again descended on Iona and slew Blathmac and his companions. The story of their martyrdom travelled as far as Reichenau, where Walahfrid Strabo wrote in hexameter verse this Life of Blathmac. 2 3 8

228. Life of St. Indrechtach by William of Malmesbury M S : Bodl. Digby 1 1 2 s X I I f. 195. Abridgment in the Sanctilogium of John of Tynemouth (no. 117). EDS: Nova Legenda Anglie, new ed. by C. Horstman (Oxford 1901) I I 56-8. — A A. 5 5 . Boll, 5 Feb. I 689-90 (1863 ed.: 694-6) [from the Sova Legenda], Diarmait, comarba of Columba at the time of the martyrdom of Blathmac, was succeeded by Indrechtach fia Finechta. Under 849 the Annals of Ulster record that he went to Ireland with the minda of Colum-cille (i.e., sacred objects which had belonged to, or been otherwise associated with, the saint.)"' These had already, since the appearance of the Norse danger, been taken back and forth between Scotland and Ireland several times. It was now the era when Kenneth mac Alpin, having united the crowns of the " Scots " and the " Picts " in North Britain, was attempting to consolidate his kingdom: one of his measures was the reorganisation of the Church, after the Irish model, with its center at Dunkeld, in the midst of his dominions. It would look as though an agreement was reached to divide the Columban churchcs into two jurisdictions, one with its centre at Kells or elsewhere in Ireland, the other at Dunkeld, and likewise to divide the reliquaries of the patron saint. For, according to the " Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland," or " Pictish Chronicle," Kenneth, in the seventh year of his reign, i.e., 848-9, "transported the relics of Columba to the church which he had built [at Dunkeld]." 8 4 0 Five years later Indrechtach was, according to the Annals of Ulster and of Innisfallen, martyred by Saxons while going to Rome. There can be little doubt that he is the Indract, son of an Irish king, murdered with his companions near Glastonbury while returning from Rome, whose Life was written by William of Malmesbury. It is evident, however, that William had little trustworthy data: he places the events in the time of Ine, king of Wessex (c 689-c 730).

The short legends of saints in the Breviary of Aberdeen (p. 484 infra) are occasionally to be associated with the establishment and early history of the Irish Church in the northern and western parts of what is now Scotland. — See also Kalendars of Sco:lish Saints, edited by Alexander Penrose Forbes, Bishop of Brechin (Edinburgh 1872); M . Barrett " Irish saints honored in Scotland " Amer. Calh. Quarterly Rev. X L I V (1919) 331-43In the Breviary of Aberdeen (Prop, sanct. pro temp. hyem. f. lxix; also Skene Chronicles of the Picts and Scots 421-3) is an unusually long legend of a St. Boniface who cime *** There is a reference to Blathmac and Diarmait in the tract on Tallaght, Proc. RIA xxix ( i ) u ) C 153. *»Cf. Reeves Ad. 315 n.

140 C/. Skene ChronicUs 0/ the Picts and Scats 8; Celtic Scotland II 306-8: A. 0. Anderson Early so-trces of Scottish history I -

Dair-inis in Wexford harbor: cf. p. 312

>°° All these dates an (10m AU. ««> Cf. no. 237.

supra.

çf.

p. 249

supra.

T h e r e was another

THE

MONASTIC

CHURCHES—II

469

(in Donegal), whose obit is under 819; Euchu ua Tuathail, abbot of L u g m a d (Louth), who died in 822. Certain churches — some of them founded under its influence — became peculiar strongholds of the new movement: among these were Liss-mor, 3 0 2 Finn-glas, about two and one-half miles north of the Liffey river where Dublin now stands; LochCre, apparently an anchorites' establishment, subsidiary to Ros-Cre; 3 0 3 T i r - d a - g l a s ; 3 0 4 and probably Disert-Diarmuta, now Castledermot, Kildare. B u t the chief apostle of the eighth-century reform movement seems to have been Mael-Ruain, and its most important centre was his monastery of T a m l a c h t a , now Tallaght, just south of Dublin. There is no L i f e of M a e l - R u a i n , 3 0 5 and we know little of his career, but it is evident that he made a deep impression on the religious circles of his time. His name, " Tonsured " i.e., devotee, " of R u a d a n , " suggests that he came from Lothra 3 0 6 or its neighborhood, and there seems to have been a tradition that he was a student under Fer-da-crich. T a m l a c h t a was founded probably in the third quarter of the century, and M i e l - R u a i n died in 792. M a n y of his disciples attained to eminence in religion, as Bishop Echaidh (d. 812), his second successor in the a b b a c y ; Oengus mac Oengobann, author of the well-known martyrology; M i e l - D i t h r u i b , anchorite of Tir-da-glas (d. 840); 3 0 7 Comgan fota, " the tall," (d. 870), anchorite of Tamlachta, called dalta, " foster-son," of Mael-Ruain. T o Mael-Ruain is ascribed the authorship of a religious rule, and, very doubtfully, of a hymn and a penitential. From his church of T a m lachta, or Tallaght, come three famous documents, the Martyrology of Oengus, the Martyrology of Tallaght, and the Stowe Missal. 3 0 8 I t should be added that it seems to be to this epoch, and to the reforming clergy, either directly, as of their composition, or indirectly, as a result of the impulse given b y them, that we owe the extant Irish religious rules. W i t h the exception of the rule of Columbanus, 3 0 9 written on the continent of Europe, all the Irish rules are of the eighth or ninth century, or later. M a n y of them bear the names of famous early saints, but these either are the guess-work of redactors, or perhaps in some cases indicate that the rule was derived from the community of which the saint in question was the founder. 3 1 0 Cf. p. 451 supra. «"» Cf. p. 460 supra. » There is extant a set of verses which purport to be an epistle from Livinus to a certain abbot Florbert of Ghent. They are actually of the eleventh century. Ussher SyUo(e (Dublin 1631) 19, WkoU Werks IV 4JJ-6. — MabUlon AA. SS. 0. t. B. s. II 404. — Migne PL L X X X V I I 345-6. Cf. Holder-Egger

op. cil.

5io

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

312. Life of Sts. Lugle and Luglian Post gloriosissimam Domini . . . glorifient in terris: Amen.

ad I. et g. nominis sui, quod est benedictum in s.

EDS: A. Herbi Vila ss.fratrum Luglii el Lugliani (Atrebati 1579) 7 - 3 1 . — Ghesquière el ai. Ada Sanctorum Belgii VI (Tongerloae 1794) 1 - 1 9 . — AA.SS. Boll. Oct. X 108-22. COMM: Dangez La vie des s. frères martyrs Lugle et Luglien (Montdidier 1862).— V. de Beauville Examen de quelques passages d'une dissertation de M. l'abbé Dangez sur la vérité du fait de la translation des reliques de s. Lugle et Luglien à Montdidier (Amiens 1862). — Van der Essen Élude 418-20. Saints Lugle and Luglian were two brothers, pilgrims from Ireland, who suffered martyrdom in northern France, in a forest near the town of Thérouanne, towards the end of the seventh century. This Life, which is quite fabulous, was written, at the earliest, in the tenth century.

313. Life of St. Oda ED: Thysius in Ghesquière AA. SS. Belgii V I 587-631. Étude 192-7.

COMM: Van der Essen

Nothing is known of Oda except that she was the patroness of Sint-Oden-Roey, near Bommel, in N. Brabant. Her Life was written in the second half of the twelfth century by Guetzelo, a priest of Rolduc. It seems to have been based on the local legend and some arbitrary borrowings from other vitae. It gives an Irish origin to Oda, and places her about the beginning of the eighth century.

314. Life of St. Dympna Suave redolentis . . . communiter cum gaudio reierentes Domino n. J . C., qui v. et r. per o. s. 5.

Amen.

EDS: Surius De probaiis sanctorum historiis I I (Cologne 1617) 216. — AA. SS. Boll. Mai. I l l 479-89 [475-84 ed. 1866]. COMM: Messingham Florilegium (Paris 1624) 343-9 [epitome]. — Bogaerts Dympne d'Irlande: légende du VIIe siècle (Antwerp 1840). — Kuyl Legende der martelaaren van Gheel, ss. Dymphna en Gercbernus (Antwerp i860); Gheel vermaerd door den eerdienst der heilige Dymphna (Antwerp 1863).—Hist, litt. de la France X X V I I (1877) 404. — Heuckenkamp Die heilige Dimphna (Halle, Saxony, 1887) [dissertation], — Janssens Ste. Dimphne, patronne de Gheel (Lierre 1894). •— Van der Essen Étude 313-20. In the thirteenth century a certain Pierre, canon of the church of St. Aubert of Cambrai, wrote a Vila of St. Dympna, or Dymphna, who had long been venerated at the town of Gheel near Antwerp. The Life was written at the request of Guido, bishop of Cambrai (probably Guiardus or Guido de Lauduno 1234-47), and is said to be based on oral traditions. It has no historical value, but considerable folk-lore interest. It is, of course, possible that the popular tradition was accurate as to the Irish nationality of the saint. She is venerated as a patroness against insanity, and Gheel is famous as a sanatorium for the treatment of lunatics. Irish hagiologists have sometimes identified Dympna with Damnat, patroness of the monastery for women called Tech-Damnata, " Damnat's house " (Tedavnet, Mon» aghan).' 1 • 1 C J . Margaret Stokes Early Christian art in Ireland (1887) 97-9.

E X P A N S I O N OF IRISH C H R I S T I A N I T Y

III.

T H E IRISH MISSIONARIES IN SOUTH-WESTERN

511

GERMANY

While some Irish clerics were promoting monasticism and Christian faith and morals in seventh-century Gaul, others, towards the eastern frontiers of the Frankish empire, were converting to the religion of Christ the pagan, or semi-pagan, Germanic peoples. Christianity had survived here since Roman times, but Christians were, relatively to Gaul, few and feeble. In the cential districts, Thuringia and Franconia, and more particularly in the southern, Alemannia or Suabia and Bavaria, the main work of evangelisation was done by Celtic, or Celtic-trained, monks and hermits during the seventh and early eighth centuries. We know that Columbanus and Gall, perhaps a disciple of Gall named Magnus, and Fridolin of Säckingen, had labored here, and also that the monastery of Luxeuil exercised an influence to the east of the Rhine as well as to the west. Columbanus had brought both Irish and Britons to Luxeuil, and in later days Irish and Britons shared in the conversion of Suabians and Bavarians. The written records of their work, however, have almost entirely perished.62

315. Life of St. Wendelinus ED: AA. SS. Boll. 21 Oct. DC 342-51. Cf. Boll. Bibl. hag. lot. no. 1275. COMM: Ph. Heber Die vorkarolingischen christl. Glaubensboten am Rhein (Frankfort a. M . 1858) 172-5. — Lesker St. Wendelinus (Donauwörth 1898). — Zürcher St. WendelinusBuch (Menzingen 1903). Wendelin was a hermit in the district of Trêves from whose cell the abbey of Tholey developed. The date of his death is usually given as 607 or 617, but it seems probable that his floruit was really later in the seventh century. His Life, written in the later middle ages, says that he was " exortus Scotorum regione," which may enshrine an old tradition that he was of Irish birth. Such a tradition, however, might have no value for the historical fact.

316. Acta of Sts. Marinus and Annianus, apostles of Bavaria (i) Vita

(ii) Legend in verse

(iii, iv) Sermons

EDS: Johannes à Via Vita ss. Marini . . . el Aniani (Munich 1579) [iv], — Monutnenia Boica I (1763) 343-50 [ii], — Holder-Egger NA X I I I (1888) 22-8, 585 [i, part of ii, iii]. — Bern. Sepp Vita ss. Marini el Anniani (Ratisbon 1892) [i, ii, iii, iv], CotfM: a Thaddaeus, abbot at Ratisbon about the middle of the fifteenth century, wrote a Chronica fundationis Scotorum relating to Kilian, Virgilius, and other Irish missionaries in Germany. Extracts are given in Canisius Antiq. Itct. IV ii 473-4; ed. Basnage IV (Antwerp 172s) 752- Cf. Ussher Works IV 461. Little attention has been paid to it, but it probably has no special historical value.

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY Raderus Bavaria sancta I (1704) 87-92. — Wm. Reeves Proc. RIA VIII 295-300. — Riezler Forschungen z. deut. Gesch. XVIII (1878) 540. — Wattenbach DGQ II» 378. — Boll. Bibl. hag. lot. 813-4. The monastery of Rot on the river Inn, in south-eastern Bavaria, held in especial honor the saints Marinus and Annianus, whose remains rested within its walls. They had been removed thither from the village of Aurisium, where, according to the legend, they had been exhumed in the first half of the eighth century. This, we are further told, was about a century after their death, which on this testimony would have taken place in the earlier part of the seventh century. They were Irishmen who, returning from Rome, settled in Bavaria, where they taught the people until Marinus was martyred by invading barbarians and, on the same day, Annianus died a natural death. Manifestly, this is all legendary matter of indeterminate historical value.

317. St. Kilian of Würzburg and his companions (i) Passio prima c A.D. 840 Fuit vir vitae venerabitis . . . sublevati sunt, regnante Pippino primo orientalium Franconim rege feliciter [sublevati sunt, qui etiam . . . per s. s. Amen.]

For the MSS of the two Passions, which are numerous, see the classified lists in the MGB eds. EDS: H. Canisius Antiquae lectionis torn. IV ii (Ingoldstadt 1603) 642-7 [ed. J. Basnage (Amsterdam 1725) III i 180-2]. — Mabillon AA. SS. 0. s. B. II (Paris 1669) 991-3, 2nd ed. 951-3 [text of Canisius]. — AA. SS. Boll. Jul. I I (Antwerp 1721) 612-4. — Franz Emmerich Der heilige Kilian, Regionarbischof und Märtyrer historischkritisch dargestellt (Würzburg 1896) 3-10 [good critical ed.; the work is a valuable collection of monumenta Kiliana]. — W. Levison MGH SS. rer. merov. V (Hanover and Leipsic 1910) 711-28 [best ed.]. Come: GöpfertS/. Küianus-BücMein (Würzburg 1877, 2nd ed. 1902). — Stamminger Franconia sancta I (Würzburg 1881) 58-133.— Hauck Kirchengeschichle Deutschlands' I (1898) 370-2 [3rd and 4th eds. 386 sqq}\ s. r. in Realencyklopädie f . prot. Theologie u. Kirche. — Wattenbach DGQ* (1893) I 124, I I 386, 504. — S . Riezler " D i e Vita Kiliani " NA XXVIII (1903) 232-4.— Hefner " Das Leben des heiligen Burchard " Archiv des historischen Vereins von Unterfranken und AschaJJenburg XLV [also published separately: Würzburg 1904]. — An. Boll. X X 434.

(ii) Passio secunda s I X [Prologue] Sanctorum Martyrum certamina. . . . [Passio] Beatus Kylianus Scotorum . . . manifestare curabimus, ad 1. et g. D. n. J. C., qui c. P. et S. s. v. et r. D. per infinita s. s. Amen.

EDS: Surius De probatis sanctorum historiis IV (Cologne 1573) 131-5 [incomplete], — Serarius 5. Kiliani Franciae orientalis quae et Franconia dicitur apostoli gesta (Würzburg 1598) [text of Surius]; Opuscula theologica I (1611) 318-21 [reprint]. — J. P. Ludewig Geschichischreiber von dem Bischofthum Würtzburg (Frankfort 1713) 966-93 [text of Surius]. — Canisius loc. cit. 628-41 [ed. Basnage I I I i 174-9]. — Messingham Florilegium (1624) 318-24 [text of Canisius], — A A. SS. Boll. Jul. II 614-9 [text of Canisius], — Franz Emmerich op. cit. 11-25 [best ed.]. An abridgment is in Nova Legenda Anglic (ed. Horstman, Oxford, 1901) II 128-9.

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

513

Cillianus, or Kilian, is reputed to have been an Irish bishop who went to the continent with eleven companions and became the apostle of Thuringia and Eastern Franconia. At Wiirzburg, in or about the year 689, he and his co-workers Colman and Totman were murdered. Burchard, first bishop of Wiirzburg under S t Boniface, transferred their telics in 752 to the cathedral. Levison thinks that the older " Passion " of St. Kilian was written about 840 — not earlier than 833." Its trustworthiness has been strongly impeached, and no doubt it contains much that is fabulous. But the missionary labors and violent death of the saint can hardly be questioned. The second " Passion " is also of the ninth century, but later than the first. It has been expanded with matter which does not seem to have additional value.

There are several allusions to Kilian of earlier date than either " Passion ": (1) In a description of the Wiirzburg March c 779: Chroust Monumenta palaeographica I 5 tab. 10; MiillenhoS and Scherer Denkmäler Deutscher Poesie und Prosa* I 226, I I 361. (2) In a calendar written in 781 by a certain Gottschalk for Charles the Great: F. Piper Karls der Grosses Kalendarium und Osterlafel (1858) 26. (3) Annates Maziminiani X a. 787 (788): MGH SS X I I I 21. (4) Annales Einhardi a. 793: MGB SS I 179; Migne PL CIV 444; Kurze SS. Rer. Ger. in usum Scholarum (1895) 94-5. (5) Annates Mosetlani a. 792/3: MGH SS X V I 498. (6) A royal confirmation of A.D. 807: MGH Diplomata Karol. I 275 no. 206. (7) Hrabanus Maurus Martyrologium A.D. 842 x 854: Canisius Antiquae lectionis lorn. VI [ed. Basnage II ii 333I; Migne PL C X 1155. [A short but interesting notice of Kilian.] (8) Cf. also the reference in the Wiirzburg necrology, a marginal entry in a copy of Bede's Martyrology, published by Dümmler, Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte VI (1866) 116.

318. Life of St. Disibod, by Hildegard A.D. 1170 In mystica visione ut Deus . . . me a lecto erìgere, si sibi pUcuerit.

Amen.

EDS: AA. SS. Boll. Jul. II 581-97. — Migne PL CXCVII1095-1116. COMM: Mabillon AA. SS. 0. s. B. III ii 496-8. — J. B. Cardinal Pitra Analecla sacra V i l i 352-7. — Falk " Der heilige Disibod, sein Leben und seine Verehrung " Der Katholik L X Jahrg. (Mainz 1880) I 541-7. — Wattenbach DGQ I ' 40. — Hauck Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands I (1898) 292, (1904) 304. — Gougaud Les chritientis celtiques (Paris 1911) 80-1. Disibod is one of those Irish saints who stand out in high relief in continental ecclesiastical tradition but of whom history can accept hardly the existence.'4 The author of his Life was an extraordinary mediaeval mystic, Hildegard, abbess of Rupertsberg, known as the Sibyl of the Rhine," who spent her early years on the Disenberg. She asserts that she wrote from supernatural revelation, but it seems probable that her w Emmerich and Hefner assign it to c 752. M The earliest record of him seems to be a notice in the Martyrolotium of Hrabanus Maurus, VI Id. Sept.: Migne PL CX 1167 . tt There is an extensive literature on Hildegard. Cf. An. Boli. X X X I X i ii (April 1921) for reviews. Chas. Singer (ed.) Studies im the history and method of science (Oxford 1917) has a paper on " The scientific views and visions of St. Hildegard."

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY real source of information was the local legends. Disibod is said to have come from Ireland in the second half of the seventh century, and settled as an anchorite on the Nahe, not far from where it flows into the Rhine at Bingen. His retreat became in time the monastery of Mount Disibod, Disibodenberg, or Disenberg.

319. Life of St. Corbinian, bishop of Freising, by Aribo, or Arbeo c A.D. 7 6 8 Domino Virgiiio sacrae. . . . Isdem venerandus vir Dei. . . .

M S S : B M Addit. 11880 s DC ff. i 8 6 T - 2 i 4 T . — Carlsnihe Cod. Augiensis X X X I I s I X ff. 124-8*. EDS: S. Riezler Abhandl. d. k. bayer. Akad. d. Wissenschaft, hist. K l . X V I I I i (Munich 1888) 219-74 [also separately], — Krusch MGH SS. rer. merov. V I ( 1 9 1 3 ) 497-635; Arbeonis Viiae sanctorum Haimhrammi et Corbiniani {SS. rer. Germ, in usum scholarum) (Hanover 1920) [with a valuable introd.; cf. G. Morin " A propos des préliminaires de B . Krusch à la Vita Corbiniani " Rev. Bénédictine XXXI (1914) 178-84, and Krusch's reply, NA X X X I X (1914) 550-2]. — T h e letter of dedication to Virgilius of Salzburg is ed. by Dümmler MGH Epistolae Karolini aevi I I (1895) 498. — There is a later redaction of this Vita, as to which see Potthast, and Krusch as above. COMM: L . Steinberger " Z u Arbeos Vila Corbiniani" NA X L ( 1 9 1 5 - 6 ) 245-8. — Widemann " D i e Herkunft des hl. K o r b i n i a n " Altbayr. Monatschrift X I I I (1915-6) 16 sqq [cf. NA X L I (1917) 332-3]. — R . Bauerreiss " I r i s c h e Frühmissionäre in Südbayem " Wissenschaftliche Festgabe zum zwölfhundertjährigen Jubiläum des heiligen Korbinian (Munich 1924) 43-60 [collects traces, some hitherto unnoticed, of Irish missionaries in southern Bavaria, one of whom Corbinian is believed to have been], Arbeo, Aribo, or Heres, fourth bishop of Freising (north-east of Munich), ruled that diocese from 764 to 783. In 765 he transferred the remains of the first bishop, Corbinian, from his grave in the Vintsgau in the Rhaetian Alps to the church of St. Mary in Freising. Not long after this — Krusch believes before 20 January, 769 — he wrote the Life of Corbinian at the request of his Irish neighbor, Virgilius of Salzburg, 81 to whom it is dedicated. Corbinian, who died in or about 725, was one of the apostles of Bavaria, and his Life, although written from a different point of view, has interest as a source for the history of the Celtic missions. Corbinian's name is Celtic, and, as the author inadvertently discloses, he was regarded as of British origin. He may have been Irish, British, or sprung from some continental Celtic population."

320. Life of St. Alto, by Othlon c A.D. 1060 Beatus igitur Alto . . . forsitan sunt abicienda.

M S : Munich Staats-Bibl. 21707 $ X V ff. 21 sqq. EDS: AA. SS. Boll. Feb. I I 359-61. — Mabillon AA. SS. 0. s. B. I l l ii 217-20, 2nd ed. 196-8. — Waitz MGH SS X V ii 843-6 [only complete ed.]. COMM: Wattenbach DGQ I I (1894) 66. — Hauck Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands I (1904) 541. " No. 339. 67

Kxusch suggests that he may have been a native of the Alpine valley where he was buried.

EXPANSION

OF

IRISH

CHRISTIANITY

515

St. Alto was one of the Irish missionaries in Bavaria in the eighth century the facts of whose career can be perceived only dimly behind the haze of later traditions. He was honored as the founder of the monastery of Altenmiinster, in the diocese of Freising. His Life was written by Othlon, a monk of St. Emmeramus in Ratisbon, and afterwards of Fulda, who died in 1072.

IV.

THE

ABBEY

Bibliogra

OF

BOBBIO

phy

See the works listed on pp. 186-7 supra. Also C. Cipolla and G. Buzzi Codice diplomalico del monaster0 di San Colombano di Bobbio fine all' Anno MCCV1113 vols. (Rome 1918). — G. Buzzi Sludi Bobbiesi (Rome 1918) [corrections to first two vols, of preceding work], — W . M . Lindsay " The Bobbio Scriptorium "Centralblatt f. Bibliothekswesen X X V I (1909) 293-306. O f t h e I r i s h o r i g i n of t h e a b b e y of B o b b i o s o m e t h i n g h a s b e e n s a i d a b o v e in c o n n e c t i o n w i t h S t . C o l u m b a n u s .

F r o m the beginning B o b b i o

w a s a n I t a l i a n , n o t a n I r i s h , m o n a s t e r y , b u t it is c e r t a i n t h a t I r i s h i n f l u e n c e w a s q u i t e s t r o n g t h e r e t h r o u g h o u t t h e s e v e n t h c e n t u r y , a n d t h a t in l a t e r y e a r s I r i s h m o n k s o c c a s i o n a l l y v i s i t e d or s e t t l e d in t h i s f o u n d a t i o n of their f a m o u s c o u n t r y m a n .

B u t precise d o c u m e n t a r y

e v i d e n c e of

p r e s e n c e of I r i s h m e n a t B o b b i o a f t e r t h e p a s s i n g of C o l u m b a n ' s p a n i o n s is v e r y s l i g h t .

the com-

T h e p r o o f of t h e i r p r e s e n c e a n d i n f l u e n c e a t l e a s t

till t h e e n d of t h e s e v e n t h c e n t u r y is d e r i v e d c h i e f l y f r o m t h e c h a r a c t e r of the writing in the earliest manuscripts surviving f r o m the B o b b i o scriptorium.

T h e s e a r e s o m e t i m e s in I r i s h , s o m e t i m e s in N o r t h I t a l i a n

script,

b u t the a b b r e v i a t i o n f o r m s are strongly Irish. Best known of these early Bobbio codices are: Naples Biblioteca Nazionale IV A 8, containing the Grammar of Charisius and the Liber Pontificalis, this last written A.D. 6 8 7 x 7 0 1 , and the former Vienna Hofbibl. M S S nos. 16 and 17. Cf. W. M . Lindsay Early Irish minuscule script (Oxford 1910) 30-6; Rudolf Beer " Bemerkungen über den ältesten Handschriftenbestand des Klosters Bobbio " Sitzungsb. d. k. Akad. d. Wissensch, in Wien, Philos.-hist. Cl. 1911, no. xi; and Monumenta palaeographica Vindobonensia I I (Leipsic 1910) [facsimiles and description of Vienna 1 6 ] . " I V A 8 contains a few O-I glosses which have been published by R T h ZCP X V (1925) 300-1. O - I Glosses on Eutyches in Vienna 16, £f. 57-68, have been published by Nigra RC I 58 sq; W S Goidelica1 51; H Z Glossae Hibernicae 228, Suppl. 12; Thes. Pal. I I pp. xii, 42. M M a n y of the leaves of the early Bobbio M S S are palimpsest, derived from much older codices. Beer has advanced the theory that they are remnants of the library which Cassiodorus placed in the monastery he founded a t Vivarium or Squillace, in southern Italy (cf. p. 662 infra), which library, on this theory, must have been acquired, a t least in part, b y Bobbio.

5i6

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

321. Epitaph of Cummian of Bobbio Hie sacra beati membra Cumiani solvuntur . . . ubi tegitur corpus.

[16 11.) . . . fecit lohanoes magister.

M S S : Vat. Palat. 833 [from Lorsch]; and others. EDS: Muratori Antiquila'.es Italica* I I I (Milan 1740) 680. — Rossetti Bobbio illustrato (Turin 1795). — Diimmler MGH Poet. lot. aevi Carol. I (1881) 107. — Strecker ibid. IV fase, il—iLi 723 no. 138. — Margaret Stokes Six months in the Apennines (London 1892) 1 7 1 - 3 [with trans.]. — C. Cipolla and G. Buzzi Codice diplomatico del monastero di San Colombano di Bobbio I (Rome 1918) 118-23. L. A. Muratori (1672-1750), the celebrated Italian scholar, copied from a stone in the monastery of Bobbio the epitaph of an Irish bishop Cumianus, erected by Liutprand, king of the Lombards, who reigned 712-744. Cummian spent, we are informed, the last seventeen years of his life at Bobbio, and died there at an advanced age. The inscription, as well as all other record of its subject, has disappeared, but copies of it exist in several mediaeval manuscripts.

One, or two, poems written by an Irish monk of the ninth century who, after being an inmate of Bobbio, abandoned the monastery, are noticed p. 604 infra. — Also, at p. 602, a grant made to Bobbio by Donatus of Fiesole in 850.

322. Catalogues of the Library of Bobbio (i) Catalogue of s X I : EDS: Muratori Antiquitales Italicae I I I (Milan 1740) 817-24. — Becker Caialogi bibliothecarum antiqui (Bonn 1885) xxxii pp. 64-73. The list of Dungal's books is translated in Margaret Stokes Six months in the Apennines 296-7, and commented on in Traube 0 Roma nabilis [cf. p. 530 infra] 40. Cf. also MGH Poet. lot. aevi Carol. I 394; Centralblatt f . Bibliothekswesen IV (1887) 443; NA X X X I I (1907) 663. (ii) Catalogue of A.D. 1461. menta [cf. p. 201 supra], (iii) Catalogue of A.D. 1494. rerum urbanarum IV 140.

ED: A. Pcyron M. Tulli Ciceronis orationum . . . frag-

ED: Raphael Mafleus Volaterranus

Commenlariorum

The oldest catalogue of the Bobbio library does not indicate which of its manuscripts were written in Irish script. It does, however, include a list of twenty-nine works which were presented to the monastery by Dungal, " principal of the Irish." Formerly it was thought that he was one of the Dungals of the age of Charles the Great and Louis the Pious." But Gottlieb has shown that he must have lived in the eleventh century. — Undoubtedly many other books in the library, besides Dungal's, were of Irish origin. " Cf. pp. 538 sqq infra.

EXPANSION

OF

IRISH

CHRISTIANITY

V . IRISH INFLUENCES IN C O N T I N E N T A L E U R O P E IN THE

5x7

EIGHTH

CENTURY

Pippin the Younger, or Pippin of Heristal, died in 714 and was succeeded in the office of mayor of the palace and virtual ruler of the Frankish empire by his son Charles, called Marlel, " the Hammer." Charles Martel was succeeded in 741 by his sons Carloman and Pippin the Short, who ruled jointly till 747, when Carloman retired to a monastery. In 751 Pippin deposed the last Merovingian king and seized the throne: in 754 he was crowned at St.-Denis by Pope Stephen II. In consideration of the Pope's support Pippin led an army into Italy against the Lombards, and began the long and close association between the Carolingian monarchy and Rome. On his death in 768 he was succeeded by his two sons, Charles and Carloman, but Carloman died in 771. Charles, known to the two great nations that sprang from his empire as " Karl der Grosse " and " Charlemagne," was, on Christmas Day, 800, crowned by Pope Leo III as Roman Emperor. The Karlings were more interested in religious affairs than were the Merovings, and far more effective in controlling them. But a change had come over the religious situation. When Columbanus and his contemporaries re-established fairly close ecclesiastical associations between Ireland and the Continent they found in Gaul a moribund episcopal hierarchy and a population in large part only nominally Christian, and in the lands to the east of the river Rhine peoples almost wholly pagan. The great religious movement of the seventh century was of Irish, and especially of Columban, inspiration, and took the form, as was natural, of the establishment of monasteries, usually exempt from external episcopal jurisdiction either because of special provision or because the abbot was also bishop, monasteries that became centres from which, in Gaul, the lax Christians were galvanised into piety, in Germany the heathens were converted to Christianity. Into this situation the emigration of Irish anchorites fitted without difficulty: the hermit's cell became the nucleus of the monastery. In the meanwhile, by a curious chance, England became the field of conflict of two missionary enterprises, the one directed from the Irish lona, the other from Rome. The Roman triumphed, and although the new English clergy owed much to Ireland, they became zealous advocates of the Roman system of church government and discipline. Under Irish influence, it seems certain, they undertook a mission to the pagans

5i8

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

of Frisia. Thence they spread out over the adjoining districts of what is now Germany, including those which had been, or were being evangelised by Irishmen and Britons. They received the warm support of the Karlings and the greatest of the English missionaries, St. Boniface, became finally the organiser of the Church in Germany and the reformer of the Church in Gaul. As a result, the revival on the Continent of hostility towards the Irish was not unnatural. The wandering Irish bishop or priest who to the eyes of Merovingian Gaul had been a saint became to Boniface and the reorganised hierarchy an insubordinate cleric and possibly a heretic. From this time on the continental ecclesiastical authorities found it necessary to legislate repeatedly for the control of unattached priests and wandering bishops, " episcopi vagantes," 7 0 who are sometimes described specifically as " Scotti." No doubt such legislation was necessary: in the monastic Church of their native land the bishops might normally exercise their functions apart from any administrative position in the ecclesiastical organisation, but in a diocesan Church such action, obviously, would be anomalous, and might become a serious abuse. This, however, was only one feature of the distrust, contempt, or jealousy, open or latent, towards the Irish, which we discover here and there during the next two centuries. 71 Nevertheless the Irish exiles continued to come in large numbers to the Continent, and, on the whole, to fare very well. The Carolingian princes in particular, although reviving and enforcing the Roman ideals of organisation and discipline, showed themselves constant friends to all " holy pilgrims " from Ireland.

322a. St. Pinnin and the monasteries of Reichenau and Murbach Another of the shadowy, and ubiquitous, missionary saints of the eighth century was Pirminius, Pirminus, or Priminius, whose death is placed about 753/754. He was the founder of the important monasteries of Reichenau (Augia dives), on an island in Lake Constance, and Murbach, in Alsace; one of the apostles of what are now Baden, Wurtemberg and Switzerland; in addition, according to what was possibly a false tradition, bishop of Mcaux. There arc several Lives, but none is very trustworthy as a source for the saint's career: (1) By a monk of Hombach, in the 9th cent. EDS: 70

Cf. Bruno Kxusch " Zur Eptadius- und Eparchius-Legende " NA X X V < 1900) 138 sqq. One of the earliest displays of this hostility may be that of the author of the treatise on chronology usually designated the Laierculus Malalianus, because based on a work of Johannes Nlalala Antiochenus, who wrote in A.D. 573. T h e Laiercttlus Malalianus is believed to have been composed in the eighth century, and in Italy, probably Rome. The author wams his readers against the verbose deception of the Irish, who believe themselves to possess wisdom but have lost knowledge. ED: Mommsen MGII Avct. atUiq. X I I I (Chronica minora I I I ) (1898) 424-34. 71

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY Mone Quellensammlung der badischen Landesgesckichte I (Carlsruhe 1848) 30-6, 526. — Holder-Egger MGH SS X V i (1887) 21-31. — AA. SS. Boll. 3 Nov. II i (1894) 33-47. (2) Of the n t h cent.; attributed to Garemann, abbot of Hombach (d. 1008), to VVarmann, bishop of Constance (d. 1034), to Othlon of Ratisbon and Fulda (d. 1072), and to others. EDS: Mabillon AA. SS. 0. s. B. I l l ii 140-53. — AA. SS. Boll. loc. cit. Cf. Manitlus Lot. LH. II 446-9. (3) Of the 13th cent., attributed to Henry, abbot of Reichenau (d. 1234). EDS: Mone op. cii. 39-45. — AA. SS. Boll. Nov. II i 47-50. Cf. Breitenbach NA II 170-4; Zapf " Der Ursprung von Pirmasens " Mittheüungen d. histor. Vereins d. Pfalz X I (Speier 1883); Wattenbach DGQ I (1893) 275-6, 374. Pirmin is described as a " peregrinus," and from this it has been assumed that he was Irish or English, more probably the former. We have a work of which he is believed to be the author, a student's compilation from various canonical works, Dicta abbalis Priminii de singulis libris canonicis scarapsus. M S : Einsiedeln Stiftsbibl. 199 i VIII/IX. EDS: Mabillon Vetera analecta IV (Paris 1675) app. 569 sqq. — Gallandius Bibl. vet. patrum X I I I (Venice 1779) 277-85. — Migne PL L X X X T X 1030 sqq.— C. P. Caspari Kirchenhisiorische Anécdota I (1883) 150-93. It contains what is believed to be the earliest copy of the Apostles' Creed as now known. This has been reproduced in Bum Facsimiles of the Creeds (Henry Bradshaw Soc. X X X V I ) (London 1909). In the palaeographical notes by Ludwig Traube, pp. 33-4, 49-51, attention is called to certain orthographical peculiarities in the MS which may be either Irish or Spanish, and one purely Spanish form. Traube suggests that these may be derived from the autograph, and, if so, that Pirmin may have been a Spaniard. See also Dom J. Perez " De Patrología española: San Pimerio " Boletín de la Real Acad, de la Historia L X X V I I (1920) 132-50; F. Flaskamp " Zur Pirminforschung " ZK 1925 pp. 199-202.—For later Irish associations with Reichenau, see pp. 550,668 sqq. See Addenda.

323. Life of St. Odilia 5 EX/X EDS: Mabillon AA. SS. 0. s. B. I l l ii 488-96. — Pfister An. Boll. X I I I 9 - 3 2 . — Levison MGH SS. rer. merov. V I 24-50. Cf. NA X V I I I 702. Odilia (d. c 720) was abbess of Hohenburg in Alsace. It was her custom, says her Life, to receive in her monastery women pilgrims both from Ireland and from Britain, and also religious men coming from various provinces. The Life, however, has little original value, being in large part an adaptation of that of St. Salaberga of Laon.7*

324. St. Boniface (i) Correspondence The following are the principal eds.: (S) Nicolaus Serarius Epistolae S. Bonifaci (Mainz 1605). — Nova bibl. tel. patrum II (Paris 1639) 48-121. — Bibl. magna vet. patrum X V I (Paris 1654) 48-121. — Bibl. maxima vet. patrum X I I I (Leyden 1677) 70-140 [the order and texts of these 3 eds. agree with S], — (W) S. A. Würdtwein Epistolae S. Bonifacii (Mainz 1789). — (G) J. A. Giles S. Bonifacii opera 2 vols. (London 1844). — Migne PL L X X X T X 687-804 [texts of G]. — 0 ) Philip Jaffé Bibl. rerum Germanicarum III (Berlin 1866) 8-315 [selection], — (D) Emst Dümmler MGH Epistolae III (Berlin n

Cf. p. 209 supra

5 2o

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

1892) 231-431 [best], — (T) M . Tangl Die Briefe d. hh. Bonifatius u. LuUus (Episloiae selectae in usum scholaruml) (Berlin 1916) [cf. NA X L (1916) 641-790]. GER. TRANS: Ph. H. Külb Sämmtliche Schriften des heiligen Bonifaz 2 vols. (Ratisbon 1859). — Tangl Geschichtschreiber d. deut. Vorzeit X C I I (Leipsic [1912]). (ii) L i f e b y W i l l i b a l d a.D. 7 5 5 x 768 (?) EDS: Canisius Led. antiq. IV ii (1603) 341-86, 742-5. — Serarius op. eil. 253-84 [re-edited in Giles op. cit. II 143-82]. — Mabillon AA. SS. 0. s. B. I I I ii 1-27 [reprint in Migne PL L X X X I X 603-34]. — AA. SS. Boll. 5 Jun. I 460-73, 3rd ed. 452-65. — MGII SS II 331-53. — J a f f e Eibl. rer. Ger. III 422-71. — A . Nürnberger XXVII Bericht der Philomathie zu Neisse (Breslau 1895). — W. Levison Vitae s. Bonifatii (MGH SS in usum scholarum) (1905). TRANS: Geo. W. Robinson (Cambridge, Mass. 1916). — Germ.: Külb op. cit. II 213-70. — M . Tangl Geschichtschreiber d. deut. Vorzeit X V I (3rd ed. Leipsic 1920). — There are other German trans. For later Lives, which are almost entirely dependent on Willibald and the correspondence, and for other material on Boniface, see Potthast, Wattenbach, Molinier, the Bollandists' Bibl. hag. lot., and Levison's ed. COMM: The literature is very extensive. See the guides just mentioned and the principal church histories; also Gross Sources and literature of English history. — [J. H.] A. Ebrard Bonifatius: ein Nachtrag zu dem Werke 'Die iroschottische Missionskirche' (Gütersloh 1882). — Hauck Kirchen geschickte Deutschlands I. — F. C. Conybeare " The character of the heresy of the early British Church " Trans. Hon. Soc. Cymmrodorion 1897-8 (London 1899) 84-117. •— G . Kurth St. Boniface (Collection Les Saints) (Paris 1902) [brief and scholarly; gives some attention to the disputes with Celtic ecclesiastics]. — Walther Koehler Mitteilungen d. oberhessischen Geschichtsiereins N. F. X [gives some space to the Irish Church in Germany]. — F. S. Serland " The controversy concerning baptism under St. Boniface " Amer. Cath. Quart. Rev. X L I I (1917) 270-5. B o n i f a c i u s , o r B o n i f a t i u s — t h e L a t i n n a m e of W y n f r i t h , a

West-

S a x o n p r i e s t — w a s b o r n a b o u t 675 a n d in 7 1 6 j o i n e d t h e E n g l i s h m i s s i o n in F r i s i a .

D i s t u r b a n c e s compelled him to return t o E n g l a n d , b u t

in

7 1 8 h e w a s a g a i n o n t h e C o n t i n e n t , w h e r e h e r e m a i n e d f o r t h e r e s t of h i s life.

H e l a b o r e d a s a m i s s i o n a r y in F r i s i a , H e s s i a , T h u r i n g i a , a n d o t h e r

p a r t s of G e r m a n y , b u t h i s chief w o r k w a s t h a t of o r g a n i s a t i o n a n d r e f o r m , a n d of t h e p r o m o t i o n of t h e s p i r i t u a l p o w e r of t h e P o p e .

He

visited

R o m e in 7 1 8 - 9 , w h e n h e r e c e i v e d p a p a l a u t h o r i s a t i o n f o r h i s m i s s i o n ;

in

7 2 2 , w h e n h e w a s c o n s e c r a t e d b i s h o p ; a n d in 738, w h e n h e w a s a p p o i n t e d papal legate.

A l r e a d y in 732 h e h a d r e c e i v e d t h e p a l l i u m ;

a n d in 748

h e w a s a p p o i n t e d a r c h b i s h o p of M a i n z a n d p r i m a t e of G e r m a n y .

In

7 4 4 h i s d i s c i p l e , S t u r m i , u n d e r h i s d i r e c t i o n , f o u n d e d t h e m o n a s t e r y of F u l d a (in H e s s e - C a s s e l ) , t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t of s e v e r a l m o n a s t i c f o u n d a tions due to him.

F i n a l l y , in 7 5 4 , h e r e s i g n e d h i s d i g n i t i e s a n d r e t u r n e d

t o m i s s i o n a r y w o r k in F r i s i a , w h e r e h e d i e d a m a r t y r . T h e letters to a n d f r o m B o n i f a c e are i m p o r t a n t historical d o c u m e n t s . S o a l s o is t h e e a r l i e s t L i f e , w r i t t e n b y h i s c o m p a n i o n W i l l i b a l d , w h o w a s

EXPANSION

OF

IRISH

bishop of Eichstätt in Bavaria, c 7 4 1 - 7 8 6 .

CHRISTIANITY

521

Both offer some information

regarding the difficulties that arose between Boniface and his Irish contemporaries. 73

In 716 Theodo, duke of Bavaria, visited Rome. Pope Gregory II sent back with him three legates with instructions to reform abuses ( M G B Leges III 451 sqq). Theodo, however, died in the following year; war broke out soon after between the Bavarians and Charles Martel; and it was not till Boniface's visit to Rome in 738 that a good opportunity offered to renew the attempt at introducing the Roman discipline into southern Germany. Gregory III wrote to the bishops of Bavaria and Alemannia directing them to reject the teaching and rites of paganism, as well as of the Britons who came thither and of other false priests and heretics. (The specific mention of Britons is perhaps due to the fact that the Church of Wales had not yet accepted the Roman Easter.) (Migne PL L X X X I X 580; H&S I 203; S cxxix; WG xlv; J xxxvii; DT xliv.) Another letter to Boniface directed him to set up four bishoprics and ordain three bishops in Bavaria. (Bishop Vivilo of Pettau, previously ordained by the Pope, was recognised as in good standing.) (S cxxx; WG xlvi; J xxxviii; DT xlv p. 293). On his return Boniface stopped in Bavaria and, with the support of Duke Odilo, coerced the false bishops and heretical priests who had seduced the people, and appointed three new bishops, John of Salzburg, Erembert of Freising (he was said to be the brother of Corbinian 74 and, if so, may have been a Celt who went over to the Roman side), and Gaibald of Ratisbon. (Willibald's Life of Boniface vii.) On April 21, 742, the first general council of the Church in Germany was assembled by the prince Carloman and Boniface, at what place we do not know. It ordered that unknown bishops or priests should be allowed to exercise their ministry only after being examined in synod. (Mansi X I I 367). Two years later, having taken up the task of reforming the Church of Gaul, Boniface held a council at Soissons.

325. Acts of the Council of Soissons A.D. 744 EDS: Labbe Concilia VI 1552-5. — Bouquet IV no. — MGH Leges I 20-1. — Verminghoff Concilia aem Karolini (1906) 33-6. This council provided for the establishment of a certain Abel in the archiepiscopal see of Reims. Other enactments condemned the Gaul Adelbert (who is associated by Boniface with the Irishman Clement as a heretical disturber of religious order), and directed that wandering priests and bishops must secure the approbation of the diocesan bishop within whose jurisdiction they wished to officiate.,, 71 Boniface describes his troubles, but without specifically naming his opponents, in a letter to Daniel, bishop of Winchester 741 to 746: S iii, WG xii, J Iv, DT liiii. 74 See Krusch's ed. of the Life of Corbinian (no. 319 supra) 586 and notes. n The Council of Ver, held in 75s, the year of Boniface's death, has a similar enactment: Canon xiii (Mansi X I I 583): " As regards wandering bishops, who have no dioceses, and as to the validity of whose ordination we have no knowledge, it is decreed, in accordance with the regulations of the holy Fathers, that they must not minister in another's diocese, nor perform any ordination, except by command of the bishop to whom the diocese belongs." For legislation to the same effect in the ninth century cf. p. 529 infra.

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY 326. Flodoard: History of the Church of Reims A.D. 948 Cf. no. 39 supra. Flodoard gives a very full account," supported by excerpts from documents, of the appointment of Abel, a priest from the abbey of Ixibbes, to the archiépiscopal see of Reims about 744. He says that Pope Zachary made the appointment on the suggestion of St. Boniface, but does not specifically state, as does Folcuin of Lobbes, that Abel was an Irishman. — It may be added here that from the following century Flodoard preserves the record of an Irish pilgrim who, whilst on the road to Rome, was attacked on the banks of the Aisne by robbers and killed."

327. Folcuin: History of the Abbots of Lobbes (Gesta abbatum Lobiensium) c A.D. 980 EDS: D'Achéry Spicilegium V I 54t-88 [ed. nov. I I 730-59]. — MGR SS. I V 52-74- — Migne PL C X X X V I I 545-82. COUM: AA. SS. Boll. Aug. I I 1 1 1 - 7 [valuable].— Hauck Kirchengeschichie Deulschlands I (Leipsic 1898) 526, 529, 5 5 1 ; (ed. 1904) 543, 567. — Duine MemerUo 23. Folcuin, abbot of Lobbes (in Hainault, Belgium) from 965 to 990, based this work mainly on the archives of his monastery. He relates how an Irishman named Abel was summoned from Lobbes to the archiépiscopal see of Reims to replace Melo, deposed by the Council of Soissons in 744. The appointment was made by Pippin on the advice of Boniface, and received the approval of Pope Zachary, but Abel met with opposition in his new office and returned to Lobbes, where he became abbot. 7 *

328. Acts of a Roman Synod Oct. 25, A.D. 745 EDS: [Cf. p. 519] G I I 4 0 . — D 316-22. — Mansi X I I 3 7 3 sqq, and the other collections of Councils. Cf. NA X X I V (1899) 466-7. Also Hefele (trans. Leclercq) Histoire des Conciles vol. I l l pt. I I pp. 873 sqq. This synod, held by Pope Zacharias in Rome, formally anathematised Adelbert and Clement. Its acts contain some interesting statements as to the teachings of the two men. 79

Five of the letters in the Boniface collection refer to the case against the Gaul Adelbert and the Irishman Clement: S cxliv, addit. to cxxxiv-cxxxv, cxxxvii, cxlviii, cxxxix; W lix, addit. to lxvi-lxvii, lxx, lxviii, lxxiv; G liv, I I p. 40, lx, Ixviii, lxiv; J xlviii, 1, li, liii, lxiii; D T lvii, lix, lx, lxii, lxxvii; cf. Ussher Sylloge no. xv. The second of these 77 ™ I I rvi. I V xlviii. 78 In letters to Boniface dated 22 J u n e and 5 November, 744 (S cxliv, cxliii; W lix, lx; G liv, lv; J xlviii, xlix; D T lvii, Iviii) Zachary states that he is sending the pallium to Abel. In 746/747 Abel is one of several " coepiscopi " who join with Boniface in an exhortation to Ethelbald, king of Mercia (S xix; W lxiii; G lxii; J lix; D T Ixxiii). 79 I t may be noted that one of the devices used by Adelbert, who would seem to have been a religious mountebank, was the '* Letter of Christ fallen from Heaven " (cf. no. 270).

E X P A N S I O N OF I R I S H C H R I S T I A N I T Y

523

is the acts of the Roman synod of 745. However in no. lxrvii, dated 5 Jan. 747, Pope Zachary asks that the case of the deprived bishops Adelbert, Godalsac and Clement be once more considered in council. We have nothing further on the subject.

329. Texts relating to St. Virgilius of Salzburg GEN. COMM: Olden DNB s. v. " Fergil." — Ph. Gilbert " L e pape Zacharie et les antipodes " Rev. des questions scientifiques X I I (1882) 478-503. — Kretschmer Die physiche Erdkunde (Vienna 1889). — H Z NA X V I I (1892) 211. — Fasching " Z u r Bischofsweihe des hl. Virgilius von Salzburg " Jahresbericht d. k. k. Staats-Oberrealschttle in Marburg 1894 pp. 1 sqq. — Hermann Krabbo " Bischof Virgil von Salzburg u. seine kosmologischen Ideen " Miltheilungen d. Instituts f. österreichische Geschichtsforschung X X I V (Innsbruck 1903) 1-28 [valuable]. — M . R . James Cambridge medieval history I I I 513. — Br. Krusch MGH SS. rer. merov. V I (1913) 517-20, 545 [excellent summary]. — H. Van der Linden " Virgile de Salzbourg et les théories cosmographiques au V I I I e siècle " Bull, de l'Acad. roy. de Belgique, Cl. des lettres 1914 pp. 163-87. — G. Metlake (pseud.) " St. Virgil the Geometer " Ecdes. Rev. L X H I (1920) 13 sqq.

Ferghil, abbot of the monastery of Achadh-bo-Cainnigh 80 in Osraige, whose obit is given by the Annals of the Four Masters in 784,®1 has been identified with a certain Virgilius whom St. Boniface denounced for his cosmological ideas; and he in turn with Virgilius, bishop of Salzburg. These identifications, especially the second, are probable, though not entirely certain. It would appear that he left Ireland about 742 " pro amore Christi," and that in Gaul he attracted the favor of Pippin the Short by his learning and ability. In 743 Pippin put down an insurrection led by Duke Odilo of Bavaria, and, apparently soon after, sent Virgilius to Bavaria, recommending him strongly to Odilo. The situation has the appearance of being delicate, but Virgilius won the support of his new patron. 8 2 Bishop John, whom Boniface had appointed to the diocese of Salzburg, had died, and Virgilius was placed in charge of the diocese. He was not ordained bishop, but administered the diocese as abbot of the monastery of St. Peter which St. Hrodbert, or Rupert, the first bishop, had founded in Salzburg. 83 The sacramental functions of the episcopate were performed for him by a bishop " Dobdagrecus," no doubt an Irishman named Dub-da-chrich. This, we are told, was because of the humility of Virgilius; the true cause, we may presume, *> P. 304 supra. AU, however, assign it to 789. T h e relations between Virgilius and Pippin are not well authenticated, and may be mythical. 83 Hrodbert was abbot and bishop, and died, it would appear, in 718. Some late texts say he was an Irishman, but the only basis for this in the earliest Life seems to be a mistaken emendation of an illegible word in one M S . I t is quite likely, however, that he was an adherent of the Irish ecclesiastical customs. The best ed. of the earliest Life is by W. Levison MGH SS. 1 er. mer on. V I (1913) 140-62; see especially 157. CJ.Caih. Encyct. s.v. " Rupert, Saint." On the translation of his body by Virgilius in 773 cf. MGB S S X I 8 n. 31. 81

85

EXPANSION

OF

IRISH

CHRISTIANITY

was that St. Boniface would not permit his consecration.

T h a t took

place in 755, the year after Boniface's death. 8 4 Modern interest has attached itself to Virgilius because of his alleged doctrine of antipodes.

T h e idea, although generally

repudiated

by

Christian writers, was not new; he might have obtained it from Isidore, or Bede, or Martianus Capella.

T h e text in question testifies rather to

the zeal of St. Boniface as a heresy-hunter than to the originality or profundity of the Irishman's cosmological theories. (i) Letter of Pope Zachary to Boniface, July 1, A.D. 744 or 746 EDS: [C/. p. 519] S c x x x i v . - W l i i i . - G lvi. — J lviii. — D T lxviii. SyUoge no. rvi. — Mansi X I I 325.

Also Ussher

Boniface had ordered the re-baptizing of certain persons who had received the sacrament from a priest who used an illiterate formula. The facts were reported to the Pope by ' 'Virgilius and Sedonius, religious men dwelling in the province of the Bavarians," and he now instructs Boniface that the repetition of the ceremony is not necessary. Sidonius seems to have accompanied Virgilius from Gaul, and later to have become bishop of Fassau on the Danube, north of Salzburg. (ii) Pope Zachary to Boniface, M a y 1, A.D. 748

85

(?)

EDS: S no. cxl. — W lxxrii. — G bod. — J lxvi. — D T b r a . xvii; Mansi X I I 339.

Also Ussher Sylloge

The Pope, among many other matters, orders the excommunication of an Irish priest named Samson, whom Boniface had reported as teaching that the imposition of the bishop's hands was sufficient, without baptism, to admit to the Church. With regard to Virgilius, who is sowing hatred between Boniface and Duke Odilo, his assertion that he had the Pope's authority to receive a vacant Bavarian bishopric is false. If he be convicted of having professed the perverse doctrine "that there are another world and other men under the earth, and another sun and moon," let him be excommunicated. But Virgilius has been summoned, by letters to the Duke, to appear before the Pope for trial, and in the meanwhile Boniface is to exercise patience with reference to both Virgilius and Sidonius. The position of Virgilius in Bavaria was probably too strong to be shaken, for we hear nothing further of the accusation. (iii) Indiculus

Arnonis;

Notitia

Arnonis

A.D. 798

EDS: There are several. Canisius Lect. aniiq. 2nd ed. I l l ii 452. — De Roziére Rev. hist, de droit fran^ais et ¿¡ranger 1859. — F. Keinz Indiculus Arnonis el breves notitiae 84

The Annates Salisburgcnscs place his consecration in 767. — MGB

SS I 89.

But see Krusch i f (ill

SS. rtr. merov. VI 519. This is indicated by the dating formulae of the letter: but it speaks of Duke Odilo of Bavaria as though he were still living, whose death Hundt, approved by Krusch, places on Jan. 18, 748. — Hundt

*' Uber die Bayerischen Urkunden aus der Zeit der Agilofinger " Abkandi. d. k. bayer. Akad. d. Wissensck., hist. K l . . X I I (Munich 1873) 168; UGH

SS. rer. mam.

V I 509.

EXPANSION

O F IRISH C H R I S T I A N I T Y

525

Salzburgenses (Munich 1869). — W. Hauthaler Salzburger Urkundenbuch I (1910) 16, 28-9. Cf. NA X I I 69. Amo, a pupil of Alcuin, succeeded Virgilius as bishop of Salzburg in 785, and became archbishop, 798-821. This list which he prepared of the possessions of the cathedral church is our evidence for a struggle between Virgilius and Duke Odilo over certain property which the latter wrested from the monastery and gave to his chaplain, Ursus.

Sometime in 748-50 Virgilius was witness to a confirmation by Duke Tassilo of a grant by Odilo to the church of Freising. (Theodorus Bitterauf DU Tradiiionem des Hochstifts Freising I (Quellen u. Eröterungen z. bayer. u. deui. Gesch. N.F. IV) (Munich 1905) 29.) He was associated also with official acts connected with the church of Freising in 776, and apparently at other times. (Ibid. 99; MGH SS. rer. merov. VI 519-20). For his connection with the writing of a Life of St. Corbinian by Bishop Arbeo of Freising c 668 see no. 319. (iv) Letter of Abbot Adalbert to Virgilius A.D. 770 x 784 Eds: Monumenla Boica XIV (Munich 1784) 351. — Dümmler MGH Epist. Karol. aevi II (Berlin 1895) 497. A letter, probably from the abbot Adalbert who is known to have been in charge of the monastery of Tegernsee (south-east of Munich) in 770, informing Virgilius of the death of one of the monks. M (v) Liber Conjraternitalum

ecclesiae S. Petri

Salisburgensis

Ed: S. Herzberg-Fränkel MGH Necrologia II i (1890). [See Potthast s. r. " Necr. Salz."] Comm: Herzberg-Fränkel " Über das älteste Verbrüderungsbuch von St. Peter in Salzburg" NA X I I 63. — A. Ebner Die klösterlichen Gebels-Verbriiderungen bis zum Ausgange des karoltngischen Zeitalters (Ratisbon 1890) 39. This is the earliest record-book of the names of persons connected with the cathedralmonastery of St. Peter at Salzburg. It has some interest for early Irish associations with Bavaria. The name of Virgilius has been erased from among those of the living, at the beginning of the book, and entered, in another hand, among the dead. Critics are agreed that the book was begun by, or under the direction of, that bishop.

Melchior Goldastus in his notes on Columbanus cites a glossary attributed to Virgilius: Paraeneticorum veterum I (1604) 82, 83, 152, 155; cf. Ussher Sylloge [Whole Works IV 46sl(vi) Epitaph of Virgilius Hie pater et pastor humilis, doctusque sacerdos. . . . Pro quo, quisque legis versus, orare memento,

Ed: Dummler MGH Poet. lot. aevi Karol. II (1884) 639. VI (1913) 520-

xo 11.

Cf. MGH SS. rer. merov.

8 4 Krusch suggests that this arose from ao agreement among the bishops and abbots of Bavaria to hold services for any of their associates who should die. MGH Concilia II96 iq; cf. SS. rer. mcrot. VI 519.

526

E X P A N S I O N OF I R I S H

CHRISTIANITY

(vii) Alcuin's poem on Virgilius Quae c«mis veniens, lector, haec inclita tecta. . . . Praesentis necnon aetemi et gaudia regni.

18 II.

The various eds. of Alcuin's poems: as Dtimmler MGH Poet. lot. aevi Karol. I (1881) 340 no. CEX xxiv. On Alcuin, cf. no. 340. T h e testimony of his epitaph, and of Alcuin, a younger contemporary, regarding Virgilius is, in the absence of any early biography, of especial importance. T h e y put his Irish origin beyond doubt. He died on November 27, 784.87

(viii) Libellus de conversione Bagoariorum et Caranlanorutn c a.d. 871 EDS: Canisius Anliq. lect. II 248 [poor]. — Frehner Scriptores rerum Bohemicarum (Hanover 1602) 15-20. — Wattenbach MGH SS. X I (Hanover 1854) 4-14.

ix) Life of Virgilius.

After A.D. 1181

EDS: Canisius ibid. 1139. — Mabillon AA. SS. 0. s. B. ILL ii 309-18. — Wattenbach op. cit. 86-95. Cf. Wattenbach DGQ II (1894) 303. The Libellus is a valuable little treatise on the conversion of the Bavarians and Carinthians, extending from the time of St. Rupert to 871. It offers the earliest narrative account of the continental career of Virgilius. The Life is an expansion of the matter in the IAbellus, and is of little if any independent worth. After becoming bishop of Salzburg, Virgilius initiated the conversion of the Carinthians by sending to them a bishop, Modestus.

330. Sources relating to Bishop Dub-da-chrich Dub-di-chrich (the name appears as "Dobdagrecus" and even " Tuti Graecus") became, it would seem, abbot of the monastery of Chiemsee, and obtained for that house property which was claimed by the church of Freising. B y an agreement of 804 part of this was restored. (Bitterauf op. cit. [p. 525 supra] 183; cf. 313.) But by a charter of Oct. 25, 788, Charles the Great had granted to the church of St. Stephen at (E. Metz the monastery of Chiemsee "quod Doddogrecus peregrinus habuit." Muhlbacher MGH Diplomat. Karol. I (1906) no. clxii pp. 219-20.) Cf. MGH SS. rer. merov. V I 514.

331. Clement: Letter to D u k e Tassilo II of Bavaria c A.D. 772 In nomine Patris, etc. tantur in letitia.

Haec pauca scribere incipio ego Clemens amicus vester peregrinus . . . et dilec-

EDS: E. Zierngibl Neue histor. Abharuil. d. baier. Akad. d. Wissensch. I (Munich 1779) 246-8. — E. Diimmler MGH Epistolarum IV (1895) 496~7> This is a letter written to Duke Tassilo (the successor of Odilo and friend of Virgilius) and the Bavarian people expressing hopes for their victory over their enemies. Its 87 His death is recorded in the Annates Juvavenses maiores (MGH SS I 87) and the Annal;s Salisburtenses (ibid. 89), and, under 7S5, in the Annates s. Emmerami Raiispontnses maiores (ibid. 92).

E X P A N S I O N OF I R I S H

CHRISTIANITY

date seems too late to allow identification of the writer with the heretic Clement who troubled St. Boniface," and it is probably too early for the teacher in the palace school " — though some turns in the phraseology are reminiscent of the latter's style.

332. The Legend of St. Erhard of Bavaria (i) Life of Erhard, by Paul A.D. 1054 x 1073 EDS: AA. 5 5 . Boll. Jan. I (Antwerp 1643) 535-9. — Colgan A A. 5 5 . (Louvain 1645) 22-32. — Levison MGH 5 5 . rer. merov. VI (1913) 1-21. We know little more of Erhard than that he held the rank of bishop, and died in Bavaria before 784. This Life was written at the suggestion of Heilica, abbess of the Lower Monastery of Ratisbon. The Vila proper opens with the sentence " Herhardus, ,0 qui gloria fortis interpretari potest, Narbonensis gentilitate, Nervus civilitate, genere Scoticus fuit." Perhaps for " Scoticus " we should read " Gothicus." He may have been Irish, but it does not seem probable."

(ii) Life of St. Albart c A.D. 1 1 5 2 x 1181 EDS: Bernard Pez Thesaurus anecdotorum novissimus I I pt. iii (Augsburg 1721) 181-4. — Levison MGH 5 5 . rer. merov. VI (1913) 21-3. COMM: S. Riezler Forschungen zur deutschen Gesckichte X V I I I (1878) 541-5. This very fabulous Vita was written by a monk of the Irish monastery at Ratisbon. Its chief value is as an illustration of the ideas prevalent there in the twelfth century. Albart is represented to have been an Englishman who was induced by Erhard, bishop of Artinacha (Artmacha, Árd-Macha?) to come to Ireland. There he became Archbishop of Cashel. Later he and Erhard set out from Ireland as pilgrims and visited Pope Formosus (891-896). Albart went on to the Holy Sepulchre, buried a companion, Gillipatrick, there, and, returning, buried another, John, at Salzburg. In Ratisbon, where he found the tomb of his friend Erhard, he remained until his own death.

333. St. Rumold, or Rombaut, of Malines (i) Life by Thierry of St.-Trond c

A.D.

IIOO

EDS: Surius De probaiis sanctorum historiis VII (Cologne 1581) 563-8. — Hugh Ward (ed. Th. Sirinus) Acta, martyrium, liturgia aniiqua et patria s. Rumoldi (Louvain 1662) [there is said to have been an earlier edition at Malines, 1634]. — AA. 5 5 . Boll. Jul. I 241-9 (215-22 of 3rd ed. 1867).

(ii) Anonymous Life 5 X I I I , X I V or X V EDS: Hugh Ward op. cit. — AA. 5 5 . Boll. Jul. I 253-66 (225-34 of ed. 1867).

On St.

Rumold cf. P. Claessens Vie de s. Rombaut, apôtre de Malines (Malines 1875); 88 Cf. no. 344. Cf. pp. 521-3 supra. w K M suggested to me that this might be the Germanised form of the Irish Erard. « There are later Lives o( Erhard, but they have no independent value. 88

An.

528

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

BoU. HI 193, X I V 54i 249; J. Laenen Histoire de l'église métropolitaine de St. Rombaut à Matines 2 vols. (Malines 1919-20) [important; cf. RHE X I X (1923) 411-4]. Rumold, or Rombaut, honored as the apostle of Malines (Mechlin), Belgium, was, according to the early traditions, a stranger who lived there as a hermit and was murdered. The Life, written by a certain Thierry, abbot of St.-Trond in the diocese of Liège, is quite fabulous. It makes Rumold to have been a bishop of Dublin. The Irish origin of the saint must be regarded as doubtful. His death is assigned to about 775-

331. Life of St. Maxentia ED: Nova Legenda Anglie (ed. Horstman, Oxford 1901) II 175-6. John of Tynemouth's abridgment is all that remains of the Vita of this saint, whose nationality, and, indeed, existence, are dubious. Her father was " a certain king of the Irish." She crossed the sea, came to Beauvais, where she founded a convent, and was there murdered. Her tomb was the scene of many miracles, and was held in especial honor by " Carolus, who was at that time reigning."

335. The monastery of Honau Color W. Reeves Proc. RIA VI (1853-7) 452-61. — Hauck Deutschlands I (Leipsic 1898) 294, (ed. 1904) 305.

Kirchengeschichte

On a n island called H o n a u , then s i t u a t e d in the R h i n e n e a r S t r a s b u r g b u t now no longer e x i s t i n g , there w a s a b o u t A.D. 7 7 2 a

monasterium

Scoltorum w h i c h h a d been I r i s h p r o b a b l y f r o m its f o u n d a t i o n .

Honau,

P é r o n n e , F o s s e s a n d M a z e r o l l e s a r e the o n l y religious h o u s e s of this period a s to w h i c h w e h a v e precise s t a t e m e n t s t h a t t h e y w e r e p e c u l i a r l y I r i s h in c h a r a c t e r , b u t the first d o c u m e n t noticed b e l o w , a s w e l l as some o t h e r t e x t s , indicates t h a t such Irish m o n a s t e r i e s on t h e C o n t i n e n t were already numerous.92 (i) D e c r e e of C h a r l e s the G r e a t A.D. 7 7 2 x 7 7 4 Carolus gratia Dei rex Francorum vir illuster commendai . . . gratiam nostram vultis habere.

ED: E. Miihlbacher M GII Diplomata Karol. I (Hanover 1906) no. lxxvii pp. 1 1 0 - 1 . The king directs the restitution of certain property stolen from the monks of Honau. " The illustrious Charles, by the grace of God king of the Franks, gives orders to all who have taken anything from the church of the Irish which is in the island of Honau that each restore again everything that he has received or carried off without the authorisation of the abbot Beatus. And if any one retains even a little, he orders all the magistrates of that region to search for all the goods of the church as per schedule, in accordance with the law of the Franks, for the goods of the pilgrims arc the property of the king." Therefore let all those things we have spoken of be restored M u

See Addenda. " quia res peregrinorum propria« sunt regis."

E X P A N S I O N O F IRISH

CHRISTIANITY

to the church of the Irish without any let or hindrance,—whether land or vine or stock or vassals or silver or gold. But if any one will not do this, let him know that he is disobeying a ioyal command, for the kings of the Franks have given freedom to all Irish pilgrims, to the end that no one shall carry off anything of their property, and that no generation except their generation shall occupy their churches. So act from henceforth, as you may wish to experience our favor." This is the earliest extant official confirmation of the privileges of distinctively Irish monasteries. (ii) Donation of the abbot Beatus ED: Mabillon Annates ord. s. Benedicti II (1704) 699 no. xix. The Irish names subscribed are in Z* p. xiv; Supplement to Thes. Pal. (Halle a. S. 1910) 76-7. Cf. The Academy no. 955 (Aug. 23, 1890) 229. (iii) Necrologium

Honautnse

ED: Mone Zs.f. d. Gesch. des Oberrheins. IV 251.

336. Charles the Great: Letter to Offa, king of the Mercians A.D. 784 x 796 EDS: Baluze Capitularía regum Francorum I (Paris 1677) 198 [also later eds.]. — Jaffé Bibl. rer. Germ. IV (Berlin 1867) 351. — H&S III 486-7 ,—MGH Epistolarum IV 131. An Irish priest in the diocese of Cologne had been accused of eating meat in Lent, and was being sent home to his own bishop for judgment. This letter íequests Offa, king of Mercia, to forward him on his way.

337. The Second Council of Chálon-sur-Saone A.D. 813 EDS: Labbe VII (1672) 1281. — Mansi XTV (1769) 91-108. — MGB Concilia II 282. Cf. E. Bishop Litúrgica histórica (Oxford 1918) 17a. It is convenient to consider this document here, although it dates from the ninth century. The council, held by order of Charles the Great, at Ch&Ion-sur-Sadne, is explicit in condemning Irish episcopi vagantes: Canon xliii." — " I n some places there are Irishmen who say that they are bishops and ordain many irresponsible persons as priests and deacons without having any authorisation from their lords or the magistrates. The ordination of these men, since it very frequently results in the heresy of simony, and is liable to many abuses, we have all unanimously decreed ought to be regarded as null and void."" M

Sec also canons xli, xliv, xlv.

** The Council of Mayence, held in this same year 813, indulged in very picturesque denunciation of " derici vagi," "habentes signum religionis, noD religionis ofíicium, hippocentauris similes, nec equi, nec homines," but does not specify them as Scotti.—Concilium Motuniiacum can. xxii: Mansi X I V 71; MGB Concilia II 267. — In 813 also the Third Council of Touis adopted decrees against these wandering, unattached ecclesiastics. — Cone. Twonense III can. xiii: Mansi X I V 85; MGB ibid. 388. (The same council, however, enjoined bishops to receive at their tables foreigners and the poor. — Can. vi ibid.) A capitulare, likewise of 813. directed each bishop to enquire if there were any such foreign clerks in his diocese, and, if 90, to send them home. — Cafiiul. Aquiifrancme xziii: Migne PL X C V I I 364; MGB

Capitularía I 174.

EXPANSION

OF

IRISH

CHRISTIANITY

V I . IRISH SCHOLARS IN THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE UNDER CHARLES THE GREAT AND LOUIS THE PIOUS Bibliography The following, out of many works, may be mentioned as of special application to this and the following sections dealing with the ninth century: E. Lavisse Histoire de France I I pt. I. — Louis Halphen Études critiques sur l'histoire de Charlemagne (Paris 1921) [has little bearing on the subjects here considered, but is an important re-examination of the history of Charles the Great]. — B. Hauréau Singularités historiques et littéraires (Paris 1861) [gives some attention to the Irish schools and teachers]. — L. Maître Les ecoles ipisco pales et monastiques de l'Occident depuis Charlemagne jusqu'à Philippe-Auguste (Paris 1866). — J. B. Mullinger The schools of Charles the Great (London 1877) [an important study, but the author develops his story of a controversy between the party of the Irish teachers and that of Alcuin and his followers more elaborately than the texts warrant]. — Clerval Les écoles de Chartres au moyen âge (Chartres 1895) [includes a general survey of the Carolingian schools]. — Manitius Lai. Lit. I 243 sqq [important]. —• Sir John Edwin Sandys A history of classical scholarship from the sixth century B.C. to the end of the muidle ages 3rd ed. I (Cambridge 1921) chap. xxv. — L. Traube O Roma nobilis Philologische Untersuchungen aus dem Mittelalter (Abhandl. d. k. bayer. Akad. d. Wissensch. I Cl. XXX ii) (Munich 1891) [contains, among other studies, several of great importance for the history of the Irish on the Continent in the 9th cent.]. — Wm. Turner " Irish teachers in the Carolingian revival of learning" Cath. Univ. Bull. X I I I (July, Oct. 1907) 382-99, 562-81. — T w o works on mediaeval Latin culture which will be found of interest to the student of the share of the Irish therein are L. Traube Einleitung in die laieinische Philologie des Mittelalters (Vorlesungen u. Abhandlungen II) (Munich 1911) [cf. esp. 39 sqq]; and P. Lehmann "Aufgaben u. Anregungen d. lat. Philologie d. Mittelalters" Sitzuiigsb. d. k. Bay. Akad. d. Wissensch. Philos.-philol. u. hist. KJ. 1918 (Munich 1918). T h e e n e r g y a n d g o o d f o r t u n e of t h e K a r l i n g line h a d t u r n e d t h e diss o l v i n g M e r o v i n g i a n k i n g d o m into a p o w e r f u l R o m a n o - G e r m a n e m p i r e , t h e m a t e r i a l basis o n w h i c h l e a r n i n g a n d l i t e r a t u r e m i g h t r e v i v e .

Charles

t h e G r e a t , b y r e a s o n of his i n t e l l e c t u a l c u r i o s i t y , his sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , his r e s p e c t f o r l e a r n i n g a n d d i s l i k e of i g n o r a n c e a n d s l o v e n l i n e s s , g a v e the i m p u l s e w h i c h i n a u g u r a t e d t h a t r e v i v a l .

T h e two great move-

ments, sprung from Ireland and England, which had affected the C h u r c h in t h e F r a n k i s h d o m i n i o n s d u r i n g t h e s e v e n t h a n d e i g h t h c e n t u r i e s h a d b e e n religious a n d m o r a l in c h a r a c t e r , a n d h a d p r o m o t e d or p r e s e r v e d s c h o l a r s h i p o n l y as a n e c e s s a r y a p p a n a g e .

B u t the monasteries

that

C o l u m b a n u s h a d i n s p i r e d , a n d the d i o c e s a n o r g a n i s a t i o n s t h a t h a d b e e n g a l v a n i s e d b y B o n i f a c e , w e r e the i n s t r u m e n t s a v a i l a b l e to t h e h a n d of C h a r l e s in his w o r k f o r a h i g h e r c i v i l i s a t i o n .

I n a series of

capitularía

issued f r o m 787 t o 789 h e g a v e orders a n d laid d o w n r e g u l a t i o n s for t h e m a i n t e n a n c e of s c h o o l s of l e t t e r s in all b i s h o p r i c s a n d m o n a s t e r i e s of t h e

EXPANSION

OF

IRISH

CHRISTIANITY

empire. T h e palace school, 9 6 which under the Merovingians seems to have been a training-ground in deportment for the children of the nobility, became now the chief centre of letters and scholarship. B u t , although Charles promoted, both directly and indirectly, what may be designated the higher branches of learning and literature, and in particular seems to have been interested in the emendation of the biblical text and in the reform of the liturgy, his principal aim was the creation of a body of men who could read intelligently and use grammatically the Latin language, and who could copy a document or a book in a script readily readable. It seems clear that the great majority of Irish exiles who found employment in continental Europe during the ninth century did so as scribes or as teachers of grammar. M a n y of the scholars whom the new policy brought into prominence were from outside the Frankish territory. Most noteworthy was Alcuin, who came from Y o r k in Northumbria, where a tradition of learning had been maintained since the days of Bede, and where one of the finest libraries of the early middle ages had been collected. When returning from a journey to Rome, in 780-1, on ecclesiastical business, he met Charles at P a r m a and was induced to enter his service. From 782 to 796 he was, with some intermissions, master of the palace school, and practically minister of education, and from 796 to 804 abbot of the monastery of St. M a r t i n at Tours. With the palace school were associated, it would appear, the Irishmen Clemens and Dicuil; at Pavia an Irishman named D u n g a l taught, who in 825 became a kind of supervisor of education in northern I t a l y ; and there were other teachers from the western isle as to whose spheres of activity we have little knowledge. A s the century progressed the Norse attacks drove Irish scholars in increasing numbers to the Continent, but that some had been already attracted to the service of the Carolingian Empire before the breaking of that storm is certain. Charles the G r e a t his son, called Louis deplored his weakness was no break from the

died in 814 9 7 and was succeeded as emperor b y the Pious (d. 840). Historians have commonly in the administration of secular affairs, but there tradition of his father in the promotion of religion

» See Vacandard in Ra. des quest. hist. L X I (1897) 490, L X n (1897) 546, L X X V I (1904) S49. " The author of the PUnctus Carcli, a lament for the great emperor written shortly after his death by a monk of Bobbio, has been classed by some as an Irishman, but this is not probable. The poem is found in Bouquet V (Paris 1744: and ed. 1869) 407-8, where it is wrongly ascribed to Columban of St. Trond; in Migne PL C V I 1257 1 « ; Dtlmmler MGB Poet. lat. ami Carol. I (1881) 434-6, I I (1884) 694; Waitz (ed. Holder-Egger) Rinkardi Vita Karoli Magni (MGB SS. rer. Germ, in mum scholarum) (1911) 48-50. Cf. Dllmmler NA IV (1879) IS«-

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY and learning and the patronage of foreign pilgrims and scholars. He and his second queen, Judith, entrusted the education of their son, afterwards known as Charles the Bald, to Walahfrid Strabo, a brilliant disciple of Hraban Maur (himself Alcuin's chief successor as a teacher), and to his training, as well as to the general tone of culture in the court, was due the important patronage which learning and letters received in later years from this prince. 3 3 8 . Life of Charles the Great, by Einhard A.D. 817 x 836 EDS: Duchesne Hist. Franc. SS. II (Paris 1636) 93-106. — AA. SS. Boll. Jan. II 877-88 (3rd ed. I l l 493-503). — Bouquet V (Paris 1744; 2nd ed. 1869) 88-103. — MGH SS II (1829) 443-63. — W a i t z MGH SS. rer. Germ, in usum schol. (1880); 6th ed. by O. Holder-Egger (1911) [good]. — Migne PL X C V I I 9-62. — Jaffé Ribl. rer. Germ. IV (Berlin 1867) 507-41. — H. W. Garrod and R. B. Mowat Einhard's Life of Charlemagne (Oxford 1915) [cf. Le Moyen Age X I X (1915) 149-52; RH C X X I (1916) 316-7]. — Louis Halphen (Les classiques de l'histoire de France au moyen âge I) (Paris 1923) [with Fr. trans.]. TRANS: Eng.: Wm. Glaister (London 1877). — A. J. Grant Eginhard and the Monk of St. Gall — Early Lives of Charlemagne (Medieval library XIV) (London 1922). FR.: Guizot Collect, des rném. rel. à I'hist, de France III 119-61. Germ.: O. Abel Geschichtschreiber d. deut. Vorzeit (Berlin 1850; 2nd ed. by Wattenbach, Leipsic 1880; 3rd ed. 1893; 4th ed. by Tangl, 1912, 1920). COMM: For the older bibliog. and criticism see the guides by Potthast s. v.\ Molinier I 197-200; Wattenbach DGQ I 7 210 sqq\ and Monod Études critiques sur les sources de l'histoire carolingienne 155 sqq. — Mlle. Bondois La translation des saints Marcellin et Pierre (Paris 1907) [mainly a study of Einhard and his times]. — Manitius Lot. Lit. I 63946. — L. Halphen op. cit. [p. 530 supra] 60-103 [first appeared in RH C X X V I (1917) 271-314; a very important piece of destructive criticism]. — Buchner Einhards Künstler- und Gelekrtenleben (Bücherei d. Kultur u. Geschichte X X I I ) (Bonn and Leipsic j922) [takes the pre-Halphen view of Einhard, but is a good study of the era]. Einhard, or Eginhard, was bom in the district of the river Main, in Franconia, probably about 775, and studied at the monastery of Fulda. The abbot sent him to the palace school, apparently in 791-2, where he became the pupil of Alcuin. He remained attached to the court, but held no position of prominence until the accession of Louis the Pious, who made him one of his chief ministers. Losing the imperial favor about 830, he retired to his native country, founded the monastery of Seligenstadt, and died there as abbot in 840. His Life of Charles the Great was written between 817 and 836, probably after his retirement in 830. It is one of the famous biographies of the middle ages, but its value as historical material is not placed as high now, especially since the appearance of Halphen's studies, as formerly. It is tendencious and panegyrical, and influenced by the model of Suetonius. Einhard seems neither to have had much " inside knowledge," nor to have been accurate in the use of his sources. But the book has interest and value—among other things, for the story of the revival of learning. It tells " of the emperor's friendship for " peregrini," which was so great that they became a »• Cap. ni

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY burden to the palace and the kingdom, a statement in which Halphen suspects some personal malice of long-standing towards the Irish." The only specific mention of the Irish is in the following peculiar passage: ' By his munificence he [Charles] had the kings of the Irish so disposed to court his favor that they never spoke of him otherwise than as ' Lord ' and themselves as his subjects and servants. Letters are in existence sent by them to him in which they express in this manner their regard for him." 100 Nothing similar is to be found in any other source, Irish or continental—except such as are obviously derived from Einhard—and the only explanation suggested is that the writer has confused English with Irish, and then strained hismatter quite recklessly— as, indeed, he seems to have done throughout this chapter—to serve his panegyric. 101

A metrical version of composed by a Saxon 136-84.—MGH SS I — P. von Winterfeld

Einhard's Life, with additions from some other sources, was clerk c A.D. 888 x 89T. EDS: Duchesne II136 sqq. — Bouquet V 227-79. — Migne PL X C I X 683-736. — Jaflfé IV 544-627. MGH Poet. lot. aeti Carol. IV fase, i (1899.1 i - 7 * .

339. The History of Charles the Great (De gestis Karoli Magni) by the Monk of St. Gall A.D. 883 x 887 EDS: Duchesne II 107-35. — Bouquet V 106-35. — MGH SS II 731-63. — Migne PL X C V I I I 1371-1410. — Jaffé IV 628-700. GERM. TRANS: Wattenbach in Geschichtschreiber d. deui. Vorzeit (3rd ed. 1890). [Cf. bibliog. to no. 338]. COMM: For the older literature see Potthast s. v.; Wattenbach DGQ I 7 307; Molinier I 200-1. — L. Halphen filiides critiques sur l'histoire de Charlemagne (Paris 1921) 104-42 [appeared first in RH C X X V I I I (1918) 260-98]. See also Margaret Stokes Six months in the Apennines (London 1892) 202-3. In December, 883, the Emperor Charles the Fat stopped at the monastery of St. Gall when returning north from Italy. 101 In response to his request then made, one of the monks wrote this anecdotal account of the great emperor. The author is usually identified with Notker Balbulus.103 The work professes to be based on oral tradition, but this element does not seem to have been large. For the greater part it is literary legend manufactured from the written sources and from general folk-lore motifs, and has but little historical value. The work opens with a bizarre account of the beginning of the revival of learning in the dominions of Charles through the arrival of two Irishmen who proclaimed that they had wisdom for sale. The author appears to have in mind Clement of the palace school and Dungal of Pavia, but as a narrative of events the story is pure fiction. " Halphen op. cil. Cf. p. 537 infra, n. 115. Cap. xvi. 1 0 1 Halphen op. cit. 96-7. " II est difficile d'expliquer Ies dires ¿tranges d'Einhard autrement que par toute une série de confusions." 100

1W I0J

Cf. p. 59s infra. Cf. nos. 412, 413.

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY 340. Correspondence and Poems of Alcuin C o i o i : T h . Sickel "Alcuinstudien" Sitzungsb. d. k. k. Akad. d. Wissensch. z. Wien L X X D C (Vienna 1875) 461-550. — K . Werner Alcuin und sein Jakrhundert (Paderb o m 1876). — E . Dummler in AUgemeine deuische Biographic I 343-8; "Alchuinstudien" Silzungsb. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. X X V I I 495-523; " Zur Lebengeschichte Alcuins " NA X V I I I (1893) 53-70. — A . F. West Alcuin and the rise of the Christian schools (New Y o r k , London 1892, 1893). — C. J. B. Gaskoin Alcuin, his life and his work (London 1904). — Manitius Lai. Lit. I 273-88. — Moncelle in Diet, d'hist. et de giogr. ecclts. fasc. vii (1912) 30 sqq. T h e literature is very extensive, and may be traced through the usual guides.

(i) T h e Letters of Alcuin EDS: (F) Froben Alcuini opera (Ratisbon 1776) I 1-297. — (M) Migne PL C 139-512, C I 1 3 1 7 - 2 0 . — (J) Jaffi Bibl. rer. Germ. V I (Berlin 1873) 144-897. — (D) Dummler MGH Epistolarum I V (1895) [best].

These are very important historical sources.

T h e following are the

most interesting to the Irish student: Ad Leutfredum episcopum coenobii Mugensis in Hibernia. A.D. 773 x 786 EDS: F ccviii. — J vii. — M 493. — D ii p. 19. Letter written to Leuthfriht, bishop of the Anglo-Saxon monastery of M a y o which Colmin established in Iieland when he withdrew from Lindisfame after the Council of Whitby, 664. Cf. pp. 216, 463 supra. Georgii episcopi Ostiensis ad Hadrianum Papam A.D. 786. EDS: J X. — D III 19-29. — H & S III 447-61. Report of the papal legate, the bishop of Ostia, on two councils held in England this year. A t the first council "Alduulfus, Myiensis ecclcsie episcopus," that is, bishop of M a y o , was present and signed sixth. Ad Colcu A.D. 790. EDS: F iii. — J xiv. — M C I 142. — D vii 31-3. — Ussher Sylloge 37-8 [Whole Works I V 466-7]. — Colgan AA. SS. 20 Feb. Alcuin writes to the " magister " Colcu concerning the news of the world, in particular the victories of Charles, and sends alms and gifts, partly his own, partly from the king. " I thy son, and Joseph thy fellow-countryman, are by the mercy of God in good health; and all thy friends who are with us continue prosperously in the service of G o d . " C o l c u — t h e name is Irish— would appear to have been a teacher in Britain, doubtless a t Y o r k . 1 0 ' A s will be seen, Joseph also was an Irishman. Ad Josephum A.D. 790. EDS: J xvi. — D viii pp. 33-4. Alcuin, who is now in Britain, writes to his " son " Joseph, giving him various directions about matters of business. " Y o u r master Colcu is v. ell, and so are your friends who are with us." Ad Josephum A.D. 790 x 793. EDS: F exxxi. — J xx. — M 444. — D xiv 40. writes to his " son " Joseph, consoling him in his ill-health.

Alcuin

1 M He has been identified with Colcu ua Duinechda (no. 580), who died in 796 (AU), and who was, according to F M , a member of the community oi Cluain-moccu-Ndis. T h e identification has little more value than a guess, for the name Colcu was quite common. It is, oi course, not impossible t h a t a teacher from Cloamacnois should be at Y o r k at this time. The assumption that Alcuin's letter was directed to Clonmacaois gives a forced and improbable meaoio to the texts in which he mentions Colcu.

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY Ad Remedium episcopum A.D. 7 9 1 x 7 9 6 . EDS: F NRARII—M 445. — J ccxiii.— D lxxvii. Alcuin to Remedius, bishop of Chur, with, inter alia, the request " Direct prayers, I beseech you, for the soul of Joseph my disciple." Ad Domnum Regent A.D. 798. EDS: F l x v i i . — J icviii. — M 266. — D cxlv pp. 231-5. Cf. Hauréau Singularités historiques et littéraires 26; C . J . B . Gaskoin Alcuin'. his life and work (London 1904) 102-6, 253-8. Alcuin had written to Charles the Great in regard to certain changes in the calendar for the year 797. The king replied sending him some criticisms on his suggestions made by certain inmates of the palace school, and thus brought on a heavy astronomical correspondence of which this is the first letter. " In my innocence and ignorance I did not know that a school of the Egyptians was carrying on its work in the famous palace of David: 1 0 5 when I went away " " I left Latins there; I know not who has slipped in Egyptians. Nor have I been as ignorant of the Memphritic computation as well-disposed towards the Roman usage," etc. Some have seen in this an attack on Clemens Scottus or other Irish scholars at the palace school, 107 part of a wide-spread controversy then raging. The suggestion is plausible, but there is no conclusive evidence in its support. Nobilissimis Sattclae Ecclesiac filiis, qui per latitudinem Hiberniensis insulae Deo Christo religioso conversalione et sapientiae sludiis servire videntur c A.D. 792x800. EDS: F ccxxi. — M 500. — J ccxvii. — D cclxxx 437-8. Alcuin congratulates the monks of Ireland on the good reports of them he has heard from Bishop Dungal: 1 0 8 " In ancient times very learned teachers were accustomed to come from Ireland to Britain, Gaul, and I t a l y . " Ad Patres Mugensis Ecclesiae A.D. 793x804. EDS: J cclxrvi.— D cclxxxvii 445-6. A friendly letter to the monks of Mayo, urging devotion to study. " Let your light shine in the midst of a most barbarous people." 1 0 '

(ii) Poems by Alcuin EDS: Froben Alcuini opera (Ratisbon 1776) I I 219. — Migne PL C I 761. — Diimmler MGR Poet. lot. aevi Carol. I (Berlin 1881) 342. — Vit. Trip. I I 503. Among Alcuin's poems are two short stanzas 1 1 0 commemorative of Irish saints, the one of " Patricius," " Cheranus," " Columbanus," " Congallus " and "Adomnanus," the other of " Brigida " and " I t a . " 1 1 1 All this is an echo of the pedantry of the scholars and courtiers who gathered around Charles and formed a make-believe academy — somewhat after the manner of Virgilius grammaiicus (no. 20) and his friends — in which they adopted scriptural or classical names: Charles was " David, " Alcuin " Flaccus " (i.e., Quintus Horatius Flaccus), Einhard " Beseleel," etc. 106 1 . 1 . , when he became abbot of Tours in 796. 107 Cf. no. 344. AdeJ suggests that Clement had spoken of the Irish descent from Scotta, daughter of Pharaoh. Apparently this fable was in existence in the eighth century. 108 C/. pp. 538 sqq. None of the Dungals with whom we meet is elsewhere referred to as a bishop. 10(1 Alcuin makes several other references to Ireland and the Irish. In his Versus de sanctis Euboricensis ecclcsiae w . 455 sqq. he speaks of a learned but irreligious Irishman who, having fallen sick of the plague, was cured and converted by a relic of the Northumbrian king Oswald; and in the same poem, vv. 83s sqq., refers to the raid made on the Irish, — " the peoples of the Irish . . . always friendly to the English " (gentes Scotorum . . . Anglis et semper arnicas) — by Egfrid of Northumbria in 684. (Froben I I 246, 250; Migne PL CI 822-3, 829-30; Diimmler 180, 188.) These two passages are probably based directly on Bede. »0 Ed. Diimmler C X r v , xvi. > n F o r other texts by Alcuin see nos. 68, 280 (ii), 329 (vil).

536

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

341. Josephus Scottus: Poems A.D. 782 x 796 (i) [Ad S a n c t u m Liudgerum] F r a t e r t r a o r e dei cogna t o d u l a o r omni. . . . Concordat modico. Felix sine fine valetol 16 11. (ii) IAd Albinum] Isaiae brevibus, lector, mysteria verbis. . . . Sic placet A l b i n o t i l e m nos ferre labore m . 7 11. H i e r o n i m u s m o n u i t p o s t r e m i in f r o n t e libelli. . . . C a r e magister a v e , d o m i n u s t e salvet ubique, z i 11. [Prose] H a c c brevi, p r o u t . . . d e m e n s d o m i n u s Iesus. (iii) [Ad Carol u m Regem) P r i m u s a v u s vivens, cil, nos in m o r t e redegit. . . . H i n c genetríx verae t u sumis s e m i n a v i t a e . 35 11. I F o r m s a peculiar acrostic, fully illustrated in DQmmler's ed.] (iv) [Ad C a r o l u m R e g e m l Die, o Carle, p u t a s q u a e verae signa salutis. . . . C a r m i n a , si iubeas sed plus, s u p e r a d d o c a m e n a s . 41 11. [First 3$ 11. c o n t a i n a n o t h e r peculiar acrostic.] (v) [Ad Carolum Regem] Vita, salus, v i r t u s , v e r b u m , sapientia, sponsus, . . . T u q u e m e m e n t o mei dicor q u i nomine Iosepb. 39 11. [Acrostic.) (vi) [Ad C a r o l u m Regeml I n c l y t a si cupias sancti s u b c u l m i n a t e m p l i . . . . Frugífero cispes: l a u d a n t m o d o sidera caeli. 361). [Acrostic.)

M S S : (i) [From the Vila Liudgert], (ii) [From the Commentary on Isaías: cf. infra], (iii-vi) Berne Stadtbibl. 212 s TX/X B. 123-6. EDS: AA. SS. Boll. Mar. I l l 645 [i], — MGH SS I I 409 [i]. — Migne PL X C I X 821-2 [ii, part], — H. Hagen Carmina medii aevi (Berne 1877) 116-24, 216-20 [iii-vi]. — Dümmler MGH Poet. lot. aevi Carol. I (Berlin 1881) 149-59 [i-vi]. COMM: Dümmler NA IV 139. — Manitius ibid. X I (1886) 558, X X X I I (1907) 663, X X X V I (1911) 765; Lot. LU. I (1911) 547-9. — Wattenbach DGQ I (1904) 171. — Riese Anthologia Lalina I ii (1906) 6, 383. — K . Strecker NA X L I V (1924) 220. There can be little reasonable doubt that the " Ioseph abbas Scottus genere," author of these Latin poems, is the same man as the pupil of Colcu and friend of Alcuin. 1 1 1 It is possible, as Colg&n suggested, that he is identical with the " Joseph nepos Cemae abbas Clúana maccu Nóis " whose obit is given in the Annals of Ulster as of 794. The metrical epistle addressed to Liudger, bishop of Miinster (d. 809), was incorporated into the Life of that pielate written by his successor, Altfrid (d. 859). No. ii of the above list includes the verses which open and close Joseph's Commentary on Isaías,11' and the concluding prose epistle. T h e remaining four sets of verses are ingenious acrostics dealing with religious subjects, written for the edification of the great Charles. 1 1 4

342. Theodulf, bishop of Orleans: Poem to Charles the Great A.D. 796 EDS: Sirmondi Opera I I (Paris 1696). — Migne PL C V 322. — Dümmler MGH Poet, lot. aevi Carol. I (1881) 483-9. Cf. Mullinger Schools of Charles the Gréai-, Halphen Études critiques sur l'histoire de Charlemagne 69-70. Theodulf, bishop of Orleans, was b o m in Spain about 760, and died in 821. With the exception of Alcuin he was the most distinguished man of letters in the dominions of Charles the Great, and became famous both as a poet and as a theologian. He made himself a virulent opponent of the Irish. In this poem addressed to Charles he denounces the " Scottellus " as " Res dira, hostis atrox, hebes horror, pestis acerba, Litigiosa lues, res fera, grande nefas " etc., etc. 1 " Cf. no. 340 (i). 111 T h e Commentary b a s never been p r i n t e d . I t was compiled from St. J e r o m e a t the request of Alcuin. In Scherrer Verieicknis der Handschriften dtr Stiftsbibliothek von Si. Gallen (1875) 95 it is wrongly a t t r i b u t e d to Bede. M S S : B N 121S4 ; I X ff. 1-192. — St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 254 5 I X S. i - i ¡ 2 . 114 Joseph m a y h a v e been t h e a u t h o r of some riddles now lost: cf. G . Becker Catalogi bibliothuarum antiqui (1885) 28, 37. T u r n e r (" Irish T e a c h e r s in t h e Carolingian Revival " 390) proposes him a s t h e a u t h o r of one of t h e sets of glosses on t h e Isagoge of P o r p h y i y .

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY The poem mentions as of the party of Theodulf against the Irishman several disciples of Alcuin,11* and some historians have regarded it as an episode of an Alcuin-Clement controversy.1"

343. Letter from Benedict of Aniane to Gisamarius Baluze Miscdlancorum V 54. — Migne PL CIII 1413. Benedict, abbot of Aniane (d. 821),117 was one of the most influential churchmen in the reigns of Charles the Great and Louis the Pious. In this letter, written to a disciple, he warns against the " syllogism of deceit " which was in favor " with modern scholastics, especially with the Irish." This is one of several evidences to the distrust felt by more conservative ecclesiastics towards the Irish and their dialectic methods.

344. Texts related to Clemens Scottus (i) His Ars grammatica A.D. 815x831 (a) [Ars grammatica proper] In dei nomine pauca indprant de philosopbia el de partibus eius. M. Omnibus divina stimulante . . . aut positione longae fiunt. Finit de partibus orationis. Then follow some abbreviations which Steinmeyer (Die Althochdeutschen Glossen IV 539) interprets: Clemens graramaticus principi augustissimo Hlotario filio domni Hludowici imperatoris. (b) [Treatise on metre] Pes est syllabarum . . . et constantinopolitanorum. (c) [Treatise . 787. Three poems addressed to Charles follow, apparently written at St.-Denis and forming one collection with the preceding, but by other authors.

MS: Vat. Reg. 2078 s IX/X S. 123 sqq [this MS once belonged to Petau of Paris]. E d s : M a r t i n e a n d D u r a n d Veterum 8 1 1 sqq. — A n g e l o M a i Classicorum

scripiorum auctorum

amplissima e Vaticanis

collettio codicibus

V I ( P a r i s 1729) editorum

V (1833)

405 sqq. — Migne PL XCVIII 1443-5. — Diimmler MGH Poet. lat. aeri Carol. I (1881) 395-9. Cf. Hist. lit. de la France IV 497. The poem by the anonymous " Hibcmicus exul," addressed to Charles the Great on the occasion of the surrender of the dominion of Bavaria to the Frankish king by Duke Tassilo in 787, has long been known as one of the earliest examples of the Carolingian panegyrics. It was early suggested, and is now generally accepted, that the author is identical with Dungal of St.-Denis. The same man was the author of another poem in the same collection, addressed to Gundrada, cousin of Charlemagne.

349. Verses from St.-Denis (i) Epitafium Folradi. Felix ilia hominum est mors et preciosa bo no rum. . . . Pro peregrino me, posco, precare tuo. 16 11. aj>. 784 (?) (ii) Item aliud Epitafium. Qui pie tate pater, pastor cura, ore magia" ter. . . . Ae te rais meruit laudibus et precibus. 6 11. AJ>. 806 (?) (iii) Item alii versus. Egregii proceres Clothxrius ac Dagobertus. . . . 4 11. Item alii venua. Effigies regum hk et nomina clara refulgent. . . . 4 U. A.D. 811 (?). (iv) [Epitapbium Pippini] Hoc iacet in tumulo Pippinus, rex venerandi« . . . raptus ab orbe fuit. 30 11. a.d. 810 f?). (v-a) Qui manibus librum, lector, comprenderis istum, . . . Det sibi, die, dominus perpetuarti requiem. 10 11. (b) Item aliud. Hoc recubat tumulo Motharius ille sacerdos. . . . Ante fuit humilis, plenus amore dei. 6 11. (vi) Item. Quisquis es hunc cernens titulum, die pectore puro: Sit requies illi, lector opime, precor. Te precor, omnipotens quadrati conditor orbis, . . . De mortis nullus lege solutus adest. 36 11. (vii) Item. Authelmi monachi busto sunt membra sub isto. . . . Perpetuam requiem det sibi, posce, deus. 10 11.

MS: Vat. Reg. 2078 s I X / X . Eds: Martine and Durand Veterum scriptorum amplissima collectio VI (Paris 1729) 816 sqq. — Migne PL CV 530-2. — Diimmler MGH Poet. lat. aeri Carol. I (1881) 404-7 [nos. xii-rviii]. iw c f . pp. 347, 283 and Gougaud, Garlic Ptonetrs ej Chistiamty Cf. p. 580 infra.

47-8.

542

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

These seven sets of verses were composed a t St-Denis, probably either by Dungal or under his supervision and influence: (i) epitaph of Fulradus, abbot of St.-Denis (d. 784), b y Dungal; (ii) epitaph of Fardulf, abbot of St.-Denis (d. 806), probably by Dungal; (¡ii) epitaphs of the royal princes Lothair and Dagobert, Pippin and Charles; (iv) epitaph of Pippin (d. 810); (v) preface to a book written by a priest named Motharius, and epitaph of Motharius; (vi) a poem on Dungal, written b y one of his pupils; (vii) epitaph of a monk named Authelm. T h e poems show some strivings after style, and reminiscences of the sixth-century Christian poet, Fortunatus of Poitiers, but are, a t least in parts, quite vapid.

350. Verses addressed to an abbot named Dungal . . . 1 1 8 praesulis Dungalo abbati. O venerande pic frater mihl semper amande. . . . Aurea his i u n j i t pocula larga . . . [last word missing]. 56 11.

M S : Carlsruhe Cod. Augiensis C X C V f. i T [this fol. was originally distinct from the rest of the codex, but is of about the same date, s I X in; the recto is in Irish script, the verso in Continental]. EDS: K . Strecker Zs. f. rotn. Philol. X L I 566 sq [corrected from the M S by K . Preisendanz]; MGH Poet. lot. aevi Carol. I V fasc. ii-iii (1923) 1124-7. T h e text of this poem has been made out from the faded and defaced manuscript only with great difficulty. It is an address to an Irish abbot named Dungal who was residing on the Continent, but whether he is to be identified with any of the Dungals otherwise known is not certain.

SMARAGDUS OF

ST.-MIHIEL

Bibliography Hisloire litéraire de la France I V 439-47. — Hauréau Singularités historiques et littéraires (1861) 100-28. — Dümmler NA I V (1879) 250-3. — Ebert Allgemeine Geschichte der Literatur des Mittelalters im Abendlande I I (1880) 108-12, Fr. trans. 123-8. — H. Robas " Étude sur Smaragde " Annales de l'Est X I I (1898) 266-80. — Wattenbach DGQ I 7 227. — Manitius Lai. Lit. I 461-8, II 806; NA X X X I I 670 sq. S m a r a g d u s ( t h e w o r d is G r e e k : c/iapaySoç, a p r e c i o u s s t o n e of g r e e n color;

(r/xapayiia, t o r o a r , e s p e c i a l l y u s e d of t h e s e a ) w a s a b b o t of a m o n -

a s t e r y a t C a s t e l l i o w h i c h in 8 1 9 he r e m o v e d to the n e i g h b o r i n g S t . - M i h i e l on

the

Meuse.

Little

is

known

of

his

personal

history.

Manitius

s u g g e s t s t h a t h e w a s " p e r h a p s of I r i s h o r i g i n , " a n d s e v e r a l s l i g h t c l u e s favor the hypothesis. agius;

129

O n e o f t h e s e is t h e k n o w l e d g e h e s h o w s of P e l -

a n o t h e r t h e c h a r a c t e r of h i s g r a m m a t i c a l s t u d i e s .

c e n t u r y c o p y of his c o m m e n t a r y o n D o n a t u s 128

1:10

This word, probably the name of the author, has not been deciphered.

1M Cf. p. 662 infra. 1 » B N 13029, from Corbie.

Cf. J. L o t h ACL

I I I iv (1907) 349-56.

O n e ninth-

h a s glosses

described

E X P A N S I O N OF I R I S H C H R I S T I A N I T Y

543

variously as Breton, Cornish, Welsh: the fact indicates familiarity in Celtic circles with his writings. Even the adoption of a Greek name supports the theory of Irish nationality. His Gaelic designation, it might be expected, would be one of those containing the root muir, " sea," 1 3 1 of which the most likely would be Muiredach. Now it is noteworthy that the catalogue, made in 993, of the library of the abbot Adso of Montier-en-Der, lists a work "Moridach super Donatum " ; 1 3 2 an eleventh-century catalogue of Toul gives " Uuidrae super Donatum," 1 3 3 perhaps a corrupted form; and the same work was, it is said, in St. O y a n . 1 3 4 Such observations fall short of being proofs of the Irish, or even insular, origin of Smaragdus, but they require that some attention be given here to his life and works. The principal source for his history, outside his own writings and his epitaph, is the

Chronicon monaslerii s. Michaelis Virdunensis, which covers the period 722-1034 and was written soon after the last date. Besides several incomplete eds., including Waitz MGH SS IV 78-86, there is a full ed. by L. Tross (Hammone 1857) [see pp. 8 sqq\. His epitaph, beginning " Cum pius imperii," is in Tross op. cil. 9; Mabillon

Vetera analecla II 386; Bouquet VI 271; Diimmler MGH Poetae lot. aevi Carol. I 605. His writings were to be found in many mediaeval libraries — see G. Becker Calalogi bibluylhecarum antiqui, index — and he is mentioned in their works on ecclesiastical writers by the twelfth-century authors Sigebert of Gembloux, Honorius of Autun, and the Anonymous Mellicensis. 1 "

351. Writings of Smaragdus (i) Expositio Libri Comitis: the Sundays

Commentary on the epistles and gospels of

MSS: B N 2341, written before 843. — Einsiedeln Klosterbibl. 39 5 I X . — Munich Staatsbibl. 6210 s I X ; 6214 s X . ED: Migne PL C I I 13-594. Cf. A. Souter JTS IX 584 sqq, X X I I I 73 sqq.

(ii) Via regia: Instructions for the king MSS: Vat. Reg. 190 s X . — Vienna National-Bibl. 956 s X . ED: Migne PL CII 933-70. — Diimmler MGH Epistolarum IV 533 [the dedicatory epistle]. Cf. A. Werminghoff Hist. Zs. L I I I 193.

(iii) Diadema monachorum: Manual of monastic life MSS: Valence 292 s X I . — Munich Staatsbibl. 2539 s X I I ; 12104 s X I I . ED: Migne PL C I I 593-690-

in Cf. HZ Siisungsber. d. k. prcuss. Akad. d. Wissensck. 1891 p. 310. 1 1 1 G. Becker Catdogi biblioihecarum antiqui no. zii 12. 133 Ibid. no. lxviii 226. l " Manitius Lai. Lit. I 462« 114 Cf. Manitius op. ctt. 462, and see Pottbast for bibliographies.

EXPANSION OF

IRISH

CHRISTIANITY

(iv) Expositio in regula s. Benedicti: Explanation of the Rule of St. Benedict MSS: BN 4210 t IX. — Bibl. Komikae com. Dzialynski 124 s IX. — Valence 275 1 DC — B M Addit 16961 s X. — V a t Reg. 1025 J X . - B N 12638 s X f f l . ED: Migne PL CII 689-932. Cf. E . Bishop Liturgica kistorica (Oxford 1918J 214-5.

(v) Liber in parlibus Donati: Commentary on Donatus MSS:

BN

13029 ( f r o m C o r b i e ) ;

7351;

14089, all of s I X ;

7S33;

11275;

18520;

nouv. acq. 1832, all of s X. — Carlsiuhe Cod. Augiensis 241 1 IX ff. 48 T -7i T [incomplete], — Berne Stadtbibl. A 92 no. 22 s XII/Xni [fragment]. Cf. L. Traube Abhandlungen d. k. bay. Akad. d. Wissensch. XXI 718 \rt Spanish MSS]. EDS [partial]: Mabillon Vetera analecta1 358. — H. Keil De grammalicis quibusdam latinis infimae aetatis commcntatio (Erlangen 1868) 19 sqq. — H. Hagen Anecdota Helvetica (Leipsic 1870) pp. ccxxxix sqq. — E. Kalinka Wiener Studien XVI 113-5. — Manitius NA XXXVI 60. Several poems found in the preceding treatises have been collected and edited by Dtimmler MGB Poet. lot. aevi Carol. I 604-19, II 698. Cf. Manitius NA XI 563. Of the above-mentioned works, the commentary on the epistles and gospels is drawn from the Fathers of the Church and certain other writers, as Pelagius, 1 " PseudoPrimasius, and Victor of Capua. There was a copy of it in Cologne in 833 and another in Reichenau about the same time. The Via regia, a kind of " Mirror for Princes," seems to have been addressed to Charles the Great, before whom it held up examples extracted from the Old Testament. The Diadema monachorum was for the instruction of his own monks, to whom it was to be read each evening. Manitius thinks that it was written after the death of Charles the Great. The Explanation of the Rule of St. Benedict was, it appears probable, connected with the monastic reform movement which the Emperor Louis the Pious and his friend, St. Benedict of Aniane, inaugurated after the accession of the former in 814. Smaragdus seems to have used the Codex regularum of Benedict of Aniane. 1 " The Commentary on Donatus also was composed for the use of his monks. It is one of the most remarkable of such works produced in the early middle ages, but has been published only in small part. Other works attributed to Smaragdus " ' i n old records but not now known are Dt generibus metrorum, De VII plagis, and Super partem psalterii. An anonymous treatise giving advice to a prince, probably one of the sons of Louis the Pious, which is preserved in BM Reg. 12. C. X X I I I s IX, with some verses found also in Cambridge Univ. Lib. Gg. 5. 35 s X I ff. 378-81; Madrid Bibl. Nacional 14, 22 s X ff. 69 sqq, may also, in the opinion of Manitius, 13 ' be due to Smaragdus. MCf.

A. Souter " Character and history of Pelagius' Commentary " (Proc. Brit. Acad. VII) (1916)

»4-6. Cf. p. 199 supra. Ardo, abbot of Aniane (d. 843) was also known as Smaragdus, and some of these compositions may have been by him. Cf. L. Traube Abhandlungen d. k. bay. Akad. d. Wissensck. X X I 718. "» Of. cit. 467-8. 1,7

118

E X P A N S I O N OF I R I S H C H R I S T I A N I T Y

545

DICUIL

Bibliography T. Wright Biographic Britannica literaria I (1842) 372-6.— E. Dtlmmler NA TV (1879) 256-8. — W. Meyer " Der Ludus de Antichristo " Sitzungsb. d. k. bay. Akad. d.

Wissensch., Philos.-philol. CI. (Munich 1882) I 68n., 91, 94, 97; Gesammeiie Abhandl.

tur mitiellaieinischen Rythmik I (1905) 193-6, 216, 220, 222 [studies the rhythm of

Dicuil's verse]. — A. Ebert AUgemeine Geschichte der Literaiur des liittelalters im

Abendlande I I (1880) 392-4. — M . Esposito " Dicuil, an Irish Monk in the ninth century " Dublin Rev. 1905 pp. 327-37; " An Irish teacher at the Carolingian court: Dicuil" Studies I I I (March 1914) 651-76 [the second of these arts., which differs much in tone from the first, is the most important study on the subject in English]. — Manitius Lot. Lit. I 647-53 [very valuable].

Of Dicuil nothing more is known than what can be derived from his own writings. From these we gather that he was an Irish monk who already in 814 was on terms of intimacy with the Carolingian court, and who was still living in 825. The name of his Irish teacher was Suibne, and he had been present when this man received a monk who had visited the Holy Land before 767. He himself had known Irish anchorites who sailed to the islands in the northern seas before the beginning of the Viking raids, that is, before the close of the eighth century, and, it would appear, had himself visited some of those island hermitages. From the evidence of this kind the suggestions may be hazarded that Dicuil, or Dichull, was a native of Ireland who entered the abbey of Hii during the life-time of Suibne, abbot who died in 772; 1 4 0 that he came to the Continent between 795 and 8 1 0 , 1 4 1 perhaps as a fugitive from the Norse sack of Hii in 806; that he became a teacher in the palace school; and that he died soon after 825. 352. Verses De arte grammatica Hie codex pueris plus quam sapientibus aptus. . . . Dicuil bos fecit titulos aperire libellos.

MSS: Valenciennes Bibl. publ. 394 (formerly 377, and N. 2. 23) s I X / X f. 54* [from St.-Amand]. — Leyden Voss. Lat. Q. 33 f. i n . EDS: H. Keil Grammatici laiitti I I I (Leipsic 1859) 390 [Priscian's Partitiones is published pp. 459-515]. — DUmmler

MGH Poet. lat. aevi Carol. II (1884) 66778. Cf. Reise Anthologia latina II p. xxvi; L. Mttller RJieinisches Museum N. F. XX 359. These verses are appended to a tract entitled Prisciani Partitiones duodecim versuum Aeneidos principaiium, apparently an edition of that text prepared by Dicuil. His

1 * It must be borne in mind that Suibne was a common Irish name. 1 41 His account implies that be had seen the elephant wbich died at Aix-la-cbapelle in that year, but he does not actually fay that he did.

546

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

astronomical treatise gives plentiful evidence that Dicuil was interested in g r a m matical studies. T h e present poem refers to a work on the subject in prose, and the prologue to the Mensura orbis terrae speaks of a congregate epistola de quaestionibus decern artis grammatical which, it would seem, he had just completed. These works are not now known.

353. Treatise on Astronomy

A.D. 8 1 4 - 8 1 6

N u n c genitum Carolo. . . . D e Mense Aprcli. Si quotus mensis . . . deinde per metrum n u n t i a v i . Prosa tacet, claudells dicet retantia metrom. . . . Ante diem cl&uso componet vesper Olympo.

M S : Valenciennes Bibl. publ. 404 (formerly 386 and N. 4. 43) s IXex ff. 66-118 [from the monastery of St.-Amand in Flanders: belonged to, and possibly was written b y H u c b a l d ] . 1 " EDS: E. Diimmlei N A IV (1879) 256-8 [metrical extracts only).—M . Esposito " An unpublished astronomical treatise by the Irish monk Dicuil " Proc. RIA X X V I C (1907) 378-446 (cj. ZCP V I I 506-7). — K . Strecker MGE Poet, lot. aevi Carol. IV fasc. ii-iii (1923) 659-60, 917 [the poems]. COMM: On astronomy in the 9th century see Cantor Vorlesungen uber Geschichte der Malhematik I (1894) 781-90. T h i s is a treatise in four books, dedicated to the Emperor Louis the Pious. It is written in a peculiar mixture of prose and verse, and is of considerable interest to the student of mediaeval versification and the development of rhythmical poetry. I t s composition was begun in the year 814 — one of the early pages was written on April 18 — and was continued during the next two years. Astronomical and especially computistical matter form the main theme, but there are consideiable digressions on grammatical and metrical subjects. A t the end of the first book is a rhythmical poem entitled " D e ymno per rythmum facto " in which he defends his metrical usage. T h e astronomical information given is for the most part practical — rules for finding the month and the day of the month, the moon's age, the date of Easter and of the beginning of Lent, discussions of the length of the lunar and solar year, of the lunar cycle of nineteen years, of the great cycle of the sun and moon, and of the bissextile or leap year. There are, however, speculations on such subjects as the distances between heaven and earth and between the several planets, etc., the existence of a south polar star, the revolutions of the planets. M u c h of this, as of all early mediaeval scientific studies, now seems puerile or absurd, but, as in his geographical work, Dicuil displays a broad interest in his subject and an openness of mind that deserve recognition. He makes no reference to sources; apparently the work was based on his personal knowledge of the calculations used by the church authorities in I r e l a n d , 1 " England and the Frankish empire in regulating the calendar. A s a summary of the astronomical knowledge of the early ninth century it has peculiar value.

354. Treatise on Geography (Liber de mensura orbis terrae) A.D. 825 Post congregatam epistolam de quaestionibus decern artis grammaticae cogitavi ut liber de mensura provintiarum orbis terrae sequeretur. . . . De Europa. Principiura ergo erit . . mootibus solus altior videatur. [Verses:] Dicuil accipieos ego tracta auctoribus ista. . . . Nocte bobus requies largitur fine laboris. 31 II.

M S S : Class I : B N lat. 4806 i X f i . 25-40. 10

Class I I : Dresden D c 182 c A.D. 1000 ff.

Cj. pp. s ° s , so*.

1 4 3 He speaks of the usage of his countrymen in placing the intercalary day at March 22: " according to the rule of the Greeks and Latins which my people in Ireland in this calculation always observe."

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY 5« Cf. pp. 5JJ, 55°-

148

Cf. p. 580 infra.

SSO

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

most learned man of his day and Alcuin's greatest successor as a teacher. Under him Fulda became the leading monastic school in the Carolingian empire. He has left very extensive writings on both religious and secular subjects. His treatise on the computus was written in 820. I t is dedicated to a " Marcharius," at whose request it was written. He is believed to be the same as the Irish monk, Macarius, against whom Ratramnus wrote. Ratramnus (d. after 868) was a monk of Corbie who compiled several theological treatises. One of these, De quanlitale animât, was a refutation of the doctrine of monopsychism expounded by an Irishman named Macarius, who, on the basis of a passage in St. Augustine, taught that each man's mind was only a part of a single universal mind. T h e work was undertaken at the request of Odo, abbot of Corbie and afterwards (861-881) bishop of Beauvais. The treatise itself has never been published, but we have here the introductory letter to bishop Odo.

357. Lothair: Constitutiones

Olonnenses A. D. 825

EDS: Muratori Rer. Italic. SS. I ii (Milan 1723) 151-3. — M G H Leges I (Hanover 1835) 248-53. —- Boretius MGH Capitularía regum Francorum I (Hanover 1883) 327. TRANS: Margaret Stokes Six months in the Apennines (London 1892) 205. In 821 Lothair, eldest son of the Emperor Louis the Pious, was crowned king of Lombardy. A s such he issued, in 825, a decree reorganising education in northern Italy. The foremost place in the new system was given to one Dungal, teacher at Pavia. W e have no further evidence by which to identify this Dungal. 1 4 '

358. Irish associations of Walahfrid Strabo EDS. OF HIS WORKS: Migne PL C X I I I - C X I V . Poems: Dümmler MGH Poet. lat. aevi Carol. I I (1884) 267-423. De rebus ecclesiasticis: A . Knopfler (Munich 1890; 2nd ed. 1899). On the Lives of St. Gall and St. Blathmac cf. nos. 50 (iii), 227. COMM: See the guides by Potthast, Wattenbach and Chevalier. Dümmler NA IV (1879) 270-86. — Ebert Allgem. Geschichle der Lileratur des Miltelalters I I (1880) 145-66. — A. Jundt Walahfrid Strabon, l'homme et le théologien (Cahors 1907). — P. Eigl Walahfrid Strabo {Stud. u. Mitteil. aus d. kirchengeschichtl. Seminar d. thcol. Fakultài, Vienna 1908). — E. M a d e j a Stud. u. Mitteil. z. Gesch. d. Benediktinerordcns X L 251 sqq.— Manitius Lat. Lit. I 302-14. — F. von Bezold in Hist. Zs. 3rd ser. X X X I V . Walahfrid Strabo was born in Suabia in 808 or 8(59, at an early age entered the monastery of Reichenau under the abbot Haito (who had visited Constantinople as the envoy of Charles the Great), and there studied under Erlebald, Wetti (who wrote a Life of St. Gall 1 5 0 ), T a t t o and Grimald (afterwards arch-chaplain to Louis the German). About 827 he went to Fulda, St. Boniface's establishment, where he had as teacher Hraban Maur. 1 5 1 In 829 the arch-chaplain Hilduin 162 summoned him to the imperial court, where, as stated a b o v e , 1 " he won the favor of Louis the Pious and the Empress Judith, and became preceptor to their son Charles. In 838 he succecded Erlebald as abbot of Reichenau, and died in 849 while on a journey to the court of Charles. Within a comparatively short life-time he had acquired a brilliant renown as theologian, poet, and man of letters. Cf. pp. 538-9.

160

N o 50 (ii).

161

Cf. no. 356 (i).

i " Cf. p. 541, 580.

163

P. 532 supra.

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY Both at Reichenau and a t the imperial court Walahfrid must have met many Irish exiles, and it was, doubtless, from personal experience that he wrote the often-quoted passage regarding " the Irish people, with whom the custom of travelling into foreign lands has now become almost second n a t u r e . " 1 " He wrote Lives of the martyr Blathmac and of St. Gall, and there are several passages in his other works that are of Irish interest. His Libellus de exordiis et increments quarundam in rebus ecciesiasticis rerum, or De rebus ecclesiasticis, a valuable source for liturgical antiquities, contains a noteworthy passage regarding the Irish custom of repeated prayers and genuflection. 1 " One of his poems is addressed to an Irish priest named Probus to whom he was sending copies of the poems of Fortunatus and of that Mensvratio orbis lerrae which Dicuil had used. 1 " Probus had sent him a request for these through an Irishman, Chronmal. The same poem has references to the Irish at Reichenau.

Theie are other texts relating to Probus. He was a friend of Lupus, or Loup, abbot of Ferrières (c 805- c 862), who also was a pupil of Hraban Maur and a leading man of letters. Lupus in two of his epistles speaks of the works of Probus. (Nos. xx, xxxiv. The letters of Lupus are published in Migne PL C X I X 431-60; G. Desdevises du Dézert Lettres de Servat Loup (Paris 1888); Diimmler MCII Epistolarum VI 7-107. Cf. the usual guides and Manitius Lai. Lit. I 483-90.) The death of Probus is recorded in an eulogistic notice under the year 859 in the Annals of Fulda (Annales Fiddenses), which in this part were written by Rudolf of Fulda, another disciple of Hraban Maur. (For eds. see Potthast, Wattenbach or Molinier. The best is by F . Kurze in 5 5 . rer. Germ, in usum scholarum ex MGR (Hanover 1891).)

359. Verses by Colmân to Colmân Colmano versus in Colmanum perheriles Scottigena ficti patriae cupidum et remeantem. properas dulces invisere terras. . . . Ut tibi perpetuae contingant gaudia vitae. 37 11. MS:

B M R e g . 15 B X I X s I X .

ED:

K M Ériu

I I I (1907)

Dum subito

186-9.

These verses were composed on the Continent by an Irishman named Colmân and addressed to another of the same name who was about to return to Ireland. There is no internal evidence as to the date, but the manuscript is of the ninth century, written, it would appear, at Reims. Colmân was one of the most common of Irish names, and gives us no clue as to author or recipient. 1 " The Latinity is very good: there are many reminiscences of Vergil, and some, perhaps, of Lucan and other authors.

360. ATs Malsachani s VIII/IX Verbum est pars oratioois . . . hue usque sufficiat.

Finit congregatio Salcani filii de verbo.

M S : B N lat. 13026 [formerly of Corbie] s I X ff. 161-81. ED: M . Roger Ars Malsachani Traité du verbe publié d'après le ms. lat. 13026 de la Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris IM " D e natione Scotorum, quibus consuetudo peregrinandi iam paene in naturam conversa est." —

Vita s. Galli II xlvii.

i " Migne PL C X I V 952-3-

IW MGH ed. no. xlv p. 393.

Cf. Herbert Thurston Studies X I I I Dec. 1923 p. 584-

Cf. p. S47 supra.

As a mere possibility, reference may be made to tbe " ColmAn son of Ailell, abbot of S lane and of other monasteries in France and in Ireland/' who died in 825 (AU). l M

552

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

1905). Coioi: B. Haurëau Singularités historiques et litttraires (Paris 1861) 18. — Hoefer Nouvelle biographie générale X X X I I I (Paris 1863) 103-4. — H. Keil De pammaticis quibusdam latinis infimae aetatis commentatio (Programm, Erlangen 1868) 17-8. — Ch. Thurot " Extraits de divers manuscrits latins pour servir à l'histoire des doctrines grammaticales au moyen âge " Notices et Extraits des mss. de la Bibl. impériale X X I I pt. ii (Paris 1869) 4. — Manitius Lot. Lit. I (1911) 521-3, II 809. The title given this work in the manuscript (in a different hand) would suggest the name Mael-Sachan, or perhaps Mael-Sechlainn, but the explicit of the text itself shows that the author's name was Mac Salchann. Beyond this, and that he lived not later than the ninth century, nothing is known of his personality. It may be that he lived and wrote in Ireland, and that his work was carried to the Continent by one of his countrymen. The probability, however, is that he was himself a teacher in some of the Carolingian schools. His book is a grammatical compilation on the Latin verb, based in the main on Donatus, but using also Consentius, Eutyches, Charisius, Diomedes, Probus, Priscian, the grammarian Virgilius Maro, and various commentators and glossators. He cites several classical authors, especially Vergil, but apparently always at second hand. His work does not present the purest Latin standards even of the eighth century, and Hauréau's assertion that he knew Greek seems to be without foundation.

361. Cruindmel : On metre Haec, dukes iuvenes, prompti servate, rogamus, . . . vobiscum faciat talia noster amor. iS II. In dei nomine de metrica ratione pauca incipiunt ex multis grammaticonim libris excerpta. Discite, me, pueri, versus si scribere vultis Nam vetemm rite carmina prisca sequor. Omnibus metrice artis . . . meiuit de exilio liberari.

MSS: BN 13026 s IX ff. 41-56 [formerly of Corbie], — Munich Staatsbibl. 6411 5 IX FF. 82V-95T, 68 [formerly of Freising); 14420 s I X ff. 21-36 [from St. Emmeramus, Ratisbon]. EDS: H. Keil De grammaticis quibusdam latinis infimae aetatis commentatio (Programm, Erlangen 1868) 17-18 [verses, and beginning and end of treatise]. — J . Huemer Cruindmeli sive Fulcharii Ars Metrica Beitrag zur Geschichte der karolingischen Gelehrsamkeit (Vienna 1883). — Dümmler MGR Poet. lat. aevi Carol. II (1884) 681 [verses only]. COMM: B. Hauréau Singularités hist, et litt. (Paris 1861) 19 sqq. — Ch. Thurot " Extraits de divers manuscrits pour servir à l'histoire des doctrines grammaticales au moyen âge " Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque impériale X X I I pt. ii (Paris 1869) 4. — Dümmler NA IV (1879) 258-9. — Manitius Lat. Lit. I ( 1 9 1 1 ) 5 2 3 - 5 .

Cruindmel was an Irish schoolmaster living probably in some part of the Frankish empire in the first half of the ninth century. We have no certain knowledge as to his date. The name, in the form Crunnmael, occurs frequently in the Irish annals in the eighth and ninth centuries. The Annals of Ulster, for example, have the entry under 821 " Crunnmael mac Odhrain, abbas Cluana Irairrd, obiit." The treatise on metre which bears the name of Cruindmel 1 , 0 is of considerable importance because of the number of extracts it contains from pagan and early Christian 1M

Cruindmel, like Mac Salchann, may never have left Ireland. Munich MS. 6411 adds to the text a few lines ending " Cavete filiole botrate Fulcharium Nec non suum socium sic sane Sedulium," which led Huemer to suggest that Fulchar might be the author. More probably he was the scribe of the Freising copy. 160

E X P A N S I O N OF I R I S H C H R I S T I A N I T Y

553

writers. Bede's De metrica arte was, apparently, his chief source, but this is expanded by the use of Donatus, Servius and Sergius, Aldhelm, the grammarian Virgilius Maro, Isidore of Seville, and many others. Quotations from Vergil and Sedulius are very numerous; he also quotes Plautus, Terence, Lucretius, Horace, Lucan, Fortunatus, Ambrose, Paulinus of Nola, etc., etc. The exact relationship between Cruindmel and his many ultimate sources has not been fully determined.

362. Anonymous Commentary on Donatus M S : Milan Bibl. Ambrosiana L 22 sup. s X . COMM: R. Sabbadini " Spogli Ambrosiani Latini " Siudi Italiani di JUologia classica X I (1903) 163-85. — Manitius Lai. Lit. I 519-21. — K M Sitzungsb. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. philos.-hist. CI. 1914 no. xxi p. 640 [O-I gloss]. This interesting commentary on the work of the Latin grammarian Donatus, which has importance especially because it preserves other early grammatical matter otherwise lost, is believed by its discoverer to be of Irish authorship.

V I I . T H E C I R C L E OF SEDULIUS

Bibliography See bibliog. at the beginning of this chapter, and of section v : especially L. Traube O Roma Nobilis and Manitius Lai. Lit. I 315-23. — F. Keller " Bilder und Schriftzüge " etc. [cf. p. 98 supra], — E. Dümmler NA I V (1879) 315-20. — H. Pircnne Sedulius de Lüge {Mim. couronnés et autres mim. pub. par I'Acad. roy. de Belgique X X X I I I ) (Brussels 1882). — E b e r t AUgem. Gesch. d. Lit. d. Mittelalters II (1880) 191-202; Fr. trans. II 214-26. — Schlosser Siizungsb. d. k. Akad. in Wien, philos.-hist. CI. C X X I I I (Vienna 1891) 101 sqq. — Balau Sources hist, de Liège (1903) 70-2. —• S. Hellmann Sedulius Scotius (Quellen u. Untersuchungen z. lat. Philologie d. Mittelalters I i) (Munich 1906) [important]. — NA X X X I I 677; X X X V I 769; X L I V 230.

After the death of Louis the Pious the Carolingian monarchy went the way of the Merovingian, and from much the same causes. The history of these later Carolingians may be here sketched briefly, as a setting to the matter that follows. After a series of wars which began long before their father's death in 840, the sons of Louis the Pious, by the treaty of Verdun in 843, divided the empire between them. The eldest, Lothair I, who had succeeded to the title of emperor, received Italy and a long strip of territory northward to the North Sea, including the capital of Aix-la-Chapelle. The second son, Louis " the German," received the predominantly Germanic lands to the east, and the youngest, Charles " the Bald," the Gallic territories to the west. Lothair died in 855; of his three sons, the Emperor Louis II, Lothair, and Charles of

554

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

Provence, the last survivor, Louis, died in 875. In the east, or Germany, Louis the German died in 876, one of his sons in 880 and another in 882. The third, Charles " the Fat," became emperor in 881, and ruler of all the Carolingian dominions in 885, and was deposed in 887. His illegitimate nephew, Arnulf, ruled Germany from 887 to 899, and the eastern branch of the Carolingians came to an end with the death of Arnulf's son, Louis " the Child," in 911. In the west Charles the Bald maintained hi6 kingdom through stormy times till his death in 877. He had been crowned emperor at Rome in 875. After Charles the Great, he was the best patron of learning among the Carolingians. His descendants, amid Norse inroads and feudal uprisings, kept up a precarious royal succession until 987. It was during the middle and later part of the ninth century that Irish influences in European scholastic circles reached their zenith. The refugees from the pillaged monasteries at home were probably then most numerous, the ideal of religious exile still persisted, and " pilgrims," in the modern sense of the word, were appearing in considerable numbers. An instance of the development of the idea of pilgrimage is seen in the embassy which Mâel-Sechlainn, high-king of Ireland, sent to Charles the Bald in 848 announcing a victory over the Norsemen and requesting a free passage on a pilgrimage to Rome. 1 6 1 Some of these pilgrims remained on the Continent, as, for example, the two known as Marcus and Moengal at the monastery of St. Gall. 1 6 2 Several ninth-century manuscripts in Irish script, preserved in various European libraries, have common features in their marginal annotations which indicate that they were written by, or belonged to, a group of these Irish scholars who were more or less closely associated with each other. The chief evidence is in the list of proper names found in the marginalia, names some of which are well known from other sources. The most famous is Sedulius, sometimes Sedulius Scottus, or Sedulius Scottigena. From him Professor Traube designated the whole group " the Circle of Sedulius." The manuscripts which we owe to Sedulius and his friends are of very great importance both for Irish history and linguistics and for the general history of European culture. Sedulius arrived at Liège about 848 and was warmly welcomed by the bishop of that diocese, Hartgar. Of his earlier life we know nothing. It has been suggested that he was a member or companion of the embassy 151 Annales Bertiniani (Paris 1871). Cf. p. 596 infra.

in Migne PL C X V

C X X V ; also ed. C. Dehaisneâ (See. de l'hisl. de France)

E X P A N S I O N OF I R I S H C H R I S T I A N I T Y

555

which arrived on the Continent in 848 from Mael-Sechlainn. This, however, is pure supposition. The mention of Ruadri, king of Wales 844878, suggests that Sedulius may have spent some time in that country on his way to the Continent. At Liege he seems to have settled down to the life of a littérateur and a savant. His literary abilities, and, no doubt, pleasing personality, kept him in friendly relationships with the bishops not only of Liège but also of the neighboring dioceses of Cologne, 163 Münster, and Metz. He took care also to send eulogistic verses to various members of the royal family and of the nobility. Sedulius, in fact, seems to have been a good early-mediaeval type of the scholar-courtier. Of his scholarship there can be no doubt. He was one of the most learned men of his time,— not an especially high standard. He was at once scribe, poet, grammarian, philosopher, theologian. How far his very considerable acquaintance with classical authors, and substantial — even if quite limited —• knowledge of Greek may have been acquired in Ireland is matter of doubt. Hellmann has maintained that most of the classical lore of Sedulius was obtained by him after coming to the Continent. It would seem reasonable to believe that at least the fundamentals of his knowledge and proficiency had been acquired in his native land. But the evidence is so slight as necessarily to leave the question open. Of the end of his life we know no more than of its beginning: after about 860, or perhaps 874, he disappears. Among his companions Sedulius speaks with especial eulogy of Fergus, Blandus, Marcus and Beuchell, " the fourspan of the Lord, the glory of the Irish race." 1 6 4 Fergus, whose name is of frequent occurrence, seems to have been the author of an epic eulogistic of King Charles the Bald. 1 6 5 Dubthach, a name occasionally found associated with the Circle, is to be regarded, if some rather precarious identifications be accepted, as an earlier arrival in the Carolingian dominions. He, too, sojourned for a time at the Welsh court. Although Liège seems to have been the centre of this Irish colony, its members wandered from place to place: some of them appear to have gone to Milan in northern Italy, and either founded, or associated themselves with, another Irish colony in that city. l M We have 110 precise information as to earlier Irish associations with Cologne, but evidence thereof is provided by the marks of Irish influence in Cologne MSS from the time of Archbishop Hildebald (791819). Cf. Hans Foerster Die Abkürtungen in den Kölner Handschriften der Karolingerteil (Tübingen 1916Ï. IM " Quadrigae domini, Scottensis gloria gentis " (carmen m i v ) . lw Carmen r x i v .

556

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

363. The Bamberg cryptogram A.D. 818 X 844 Haec est inacriptio, quam D u b t h a c h . . . tennino bene sonat.

M S : Bamberg H. J. IV s X f. io6 T . EDS: WS " On a mediaeval cryptogram " The Academy X L I I (July 23, 1892) 71-2. — J. Loth Annales de Bretagne V I I I (1892) 28993; " Étude sur le cryptogramme de Bamberg " RC X I V (1893) 91. C o m : J. L. Heiberg Bull, de l'Acad. roy. de Copenhague (Oct.-Dec., 1889) 199-201. — Gougaud Les Chritientis celtiques (Paris 1911) 244-5. The Irish had even more than the normal mediaeval taste for the obscure, the enigmatical, and the esoteric. A good example of their love for secret writing is given by a cryptogram preserved in a Bamberg manuscript. Attached to the cryptogram is a letter from certain Irishmen on the Continent to their teacher Colgu in Ireland. " This is the inscription which was offered as an ordeal by Dubthach to the learned Irishmen at the castle of Mermin King of the Britons. For he so far thought himself the best of all the Irish and the Britons as to believe that no Irish scholar, much less British, would be able to interpret that writing before King Mermin. But to us, Caunchobrach, Fergus, Dominnach and Suadbar, by the help of God it did not remain insoluble." Then follows the interpretation of the cryptogram — " M e r m i n rex Conchen salutem " — and the explanation of the method by which it was composed, that of substituting, in accordance with a fixed table, Greek letters for Latin. " Please understand, wise and estimable Colgu, our very learned teacher, that we are not transmitting this exposition to you as to one needing such enlightenment; but we humbly ask that in your kindness you would give this information to such of our simple and unsophisticated Irish brethren as may think of sailing across the British sea, lest perchance otherwise they might be made to blush in the presence of Mermin, the glorious king of the Britons, not being able to understand that inscription." Mermin has been identified with Mervyn Vrych, king of Wales (d. 844). I t is noteworthy that Sedulius Scottus had relations with his successor, Ruadri. Colgu can hardly be the same as the friend of Alcuin; 1 M the name, however, was fairly common in early mediaeval Ireland. 117

364. Manuscripts from the Circle of Sedulius (i) T h e Leyden Priscian M S : Leyden Universiteitsbibl. F. 67, A.D. 838 [formerly of Egmont Abbey], FACS: New Palaeographical Soc. pis. xxxii, xxxiii [ff. jv, 166]. EDS: OF O - I GLOSSES: Pott InteUigcnzblatt sur allgemeinen Litteralurzeitung (1846) 28, 89. — WS Goidelica (1872) 56. — HZ Glossae Hibernicae (1881) pp. xxi sqq, 226-7. — Thes. Pal. II (1903) pp. xxiv, 231, 419. Cf. ZCP I 17. COMM: Hertz in Keil's Grammaiki latini II (1855) pp. xiii-xvii. — E. Diimmler Zs.f. deut. Alterthum X I X (1876) 147 [with ed. of some marginal verses]; NA IV (1879) 569. — B. MacCarthy Codex Palalino-Valicanus 830 (RIA Todd I.ret. Ser. I l l ) (1892)351; AU IV (1901) pp. xcv sq. — Traube 0 Roma nobilis 352. — Lindsay Early Irish minuscule script (Oxford 1910) 36-40. CJ. p. 534 supra. T h e key set forth in this text is found to decipher a marginal entry in the eighth or ninth century M S of Juvencus in the Cambridge University Library. CJ. W S The Academy Sept. 10, 1892. 166

167

E X P A N S I O N OF I R I S H CONTENTS:

CHRISTIANITY

Fl. 1 - 7 Priscian's interpretation of the Periegesis of Dionysius;

his Artis grammaticae libri XVIII;

2 0 8 - 1 8 his De nominibus et pronominibus.

9-207 In the

margins and elsewhere are some Latin poems [cf. no. 366] and a few Latin and Irish glosses.

The text of the first two sections is of the type found also in

904, Augiensis Irish tradition. Sangallensis.

1 3 2 , and Fragmenlum Ambrosianum

Sangallensis

A 1 3 8 sup., and is, no doubt, of

Both text and glosses of Leidensis are very closely related to those of SCRIPT: For the first two sections, Irish, ninth century, but with a few

continental abbreviations that suggest that the transcription was done on the Continent.

(The last section is of the twelfth century, and not Irish.)

A t the end of the

Periegesis (f. 7*) is the entry: " Dubthach copied these verses in a brief space of time; pardon, reader, the errors you may notice," followed by some minute computistical data which give the date April 1 1 , 8 3 8 . I t

is probable that Dubthach is the man

whose name occurs in the marginalia of manuscripts from the Circle of Sedulius, and he may also be identical with the author of the Bamberg cryptogram and with the scholar whose death is recorded by the Annals of Ulster in 869:

" Dubthach mac

Mâel-Tuile, doctissimus Latinorum totius Europae, in Christo dormiuit."

(ii) The St. Gall Priscian Cf. nos. 367, 533 infra.

There can be little doubt that this codex was in the hands of

members of the Circle of Sedulius; but it was, almost certainly, written in Ireland and, with a possible slight exception, not by persons of whom we hear in the Sedulian texts.

I t has, therefore, been noticed in a later section.

(iii) The Greek Psalter of Sedulius M S : Paris Bibl. de l'Arsenal 8407 (2 of Greek ser.) s I X [formerly of the monastery of St.-Nicholas-du-Pré,

at

Verdun].

FACS:

Bernard de Montfaucon

Palaeographia

graeca (Paris 1708) I I I 7, 235 sqq [ps. c, ci]. — Omont " Inventaire sommaire des mss. grecs " Mélanges Charles Graux (Paris 1884) 3 1 3 [f. 55]. ische Paläographte

COMM: Gardthausen Griech-

(1879) 427. — Brandt's ed. of Lactantius pp. civ sqq [cf. p. 567

infra]. — AdeJ CLC I (1883) 380. — Traube O Roma nobilis 3 4 4 - 5 , 359. — S. Berger Histoire de la Vulgate (Paris 1893) 1 1 6 , 4 1 1 . — Gregory Textkritik des neuen Testamentes I (1900) 61. CONTENTS: All in Greek, with Latin interlinear trans.: ff. 1 - 5 3 the psalter; ff. 54-64 biblical cantica, the Our Father, the Nicene Creed; ff. 6 5 - 6 fragment of the Divinae Inslitutiones

of Lactantius.

Basel Psalter.

The text of the psalms closely resembles that of the

SCRIPT: Irish.

Both Greek and Latin may have been found in the

Vorlage, but it seems certain that the scribe had some knowledge of Greek.

The

subscription, on f . 53 at the end of the psalter, runs: C H A T A I O C . C K Ö T T O C . ETfi. ÉrPA+A.

He is generally, though not universally, identified with Sedulius of L i è g e . " 9

(iv) The Basel Psalter MS:

Basel Universitätsbibl. A. vii. 3 s I X .

FACS: Aug. Baumeister Denkmäler des

klassischen Altertums (Munich 1 8 8 5 - 8 ) I I 1 1 3 2 - 3 [ps. xxix 1 0 - x x x 6].

COMM: H . C .

1« Pub. by Hertz Priscian. I ly. HZ Glossae kibernicae p. n i i ; Traube UGH Post. lot. ami Carol. III (1896) 685; also in MacCarthy »f. cii. 16t HZ The Celtic Element in iltiiaaal Culture, speaks of a MS of Sedulius at Vienna, containing the Vila Calumiaé. I know nothing more of the MS.

558

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

graecoM . Rettig Antiquissimus quaiuor evangeliorum canonicorum codex Sangallensis latinus (Zürich 1836) 43. — F. Keller op. cit. [p. 98 supra] 86 pi. xii, 5 (Reeves's trans. 29 pi. iii). — H. Omont Cat. des mss. grecs des bibl. de Suisse (Leipsic 1886J [extract from Centralblatt f . Bibliothekswesen III 389. — S. Berger Histoire de la Vulgate (Paris 1893) 115-6, 376. — W. M . Lindsay Early Irish minuscule script (Oxford 1910) 47 sqq. CONTENTS: (I) What appears to be a liturgical office (no. 571) and some other later additions; (2) the psalter, in Greek with Latin interlinear trans. In all, 99 S. Textually, it is closely related to the Psalter of Sedulius. SCELPT: Irish, beautifully written. Palaeographically it resembles very markedly Codex Sangallensis 48 and Codex Boernerianus; indeed, it is possible that originally the three formed parts of one large bible codex. 170 One of the scribes was, apparently, a Marcellus who has sometimes been dentified with the Marcellus or Moengal of St. Gall (cf. no. 411). On spaces left blank entries were subsequently made by a hand which has been identified with that of the copyist of the greater part of Codex Bernensis 363. I t must have passed into his possession along with Codex Sangallensis 48 and the exemplar from which he copied his own codex.

(v) Codex Sangallensis 48 M S : St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 48 s I X . FACS: H . C. M . Rettig Antiquissimus quaiuor evangeliorum canonicorum codex Sangallensis graeco-latinus (Zürich 1836) [complete, with good description]. — Palaeographical Soc. ser. I pi. 179 [Luke i 1-8; better facs. but assigns to wrong date]. — F. Steffens Lateinische Paläographie (Fribourg 1903-6) pi. xlvii 1 [John i 1-]. C o i o i : G. Scherrer Verzeichniss d. Hss. d. Stiftsbibl. v. St. Gallen (Halle 1875) 20 sq. — H. Rönsch in Vollmöller's Romanische Forschungen I (1883) 419 sqq [re Latin trans.]. — Omont Cat. des mss. des bibl. de Suisse (Leipsic 1886) 56. — S. Berger " De la tradition grecque " Mtm. de la soc. not. des antiquaries de France L I I (Paris 1891) 144-541 esp- 148. — J. Rendel Harris The Codex Sangallensis (Cambridge 1891). — Traube 0 Roma nobilis (1891) 347-8. — Berger Hist, de la Vulgate (1893) 114. — F. H. A. Scrivener (ed. E. Miller) Plain inlrod. to the criticism of the New Testament 4th ed. (London etc. 1894) I 156-8, II 51. — Lindsay Early Irish minuscule script (1910) 47 sqq. CONTENTS: (I) Poem of pseudo-Hilarius; (2) prologues to the gospels, Eusebian canons, etc.; (3) the four gospels in Greek, with Latin interlinear trans.; (4) a poem addressed to Christ (no. 368). In all, n g f f . The Latin text is mixed Old Latin and Vulgate, the whole modified in some degree to accord with the accompanying Greek." 1 SCRIPT: Of the above divisions, (3) is Irish, resembling the Psalter of Sedulius, the Basel Psalter and the Codex Boernerianus; 171 (2) is in a contemporary Carolingian minuscule hand; (1) and (4) are later, by an Irish hand which Traube identifies with that of Codex Bernensis 363. MARGINALIA: The following names are found: Gottschalk (cf. pp. 576-7 infra)\ Aganon (perhaps the bishop of Bergamo, Italy, 837867 17S ); Adal[hard?]; and the Irish Sedul[ius], Dub[thach], Kat[hasach], and Don[gus]. Traube, however, was of the contrary opinion: 0 Roma nobilis 52 n. 1. In the apparatus of biblical criticism the texts are usually denoted by A and S. Traube suggests that the scribe m a y have been the Fergus whose name is met with occasionally in other M S S , but this is only a guess. i 7 a Traube thought that the M S might have been carried to Milan. 170 171

171

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY (vi) Codex Boernerianus

174

M S : Dresden (former königliche) Bibl. Msc. A 145 b s EX. FACS: Der Codex Boernerianus . . . in Lichtdruck nachgebildet mit einem Vorwort von Dr. Alexander Reichardt (Leipsic 1909) [text of the epistles]. ED: Ch. F. Matthaei XIII Epistolarum Pauli codex graecus cum versione latina velcri vulgo antehieronymiana olim Boernerianus (Meissen 1791). C o i m : H. Rönsch in Hilgenfeld's Zs.f. wissenschaftliche Theologie X X V (1882) 488, X X V I (1883) 73, 308 [re the Latin trans.]. — HZ Glossae Hibernicae (1881) pp. xxxiii sqq; Supplementum (1886) 14. — Traube O Roma nobilis 3 4 8 . — Berger Hist, delà Vulgate (1893) 114. — F. H. A. Scrivener (ed. E. Miller) Plain introd. to the criticism of the New Testament 4th ed. I (London etc. 1894) 179-82. — Gregory Textkritik des neuen Testamentes I (Leipsic 1900) 111-4, H 612. — Thes. Pal. I I (1903) p. xxxiv. — Hellmann Sedulius Scottus (1906) 148 n. 5 . — Lindsay Early Irish minusctde script (1910) 47 sqq. Reichardt in his preface calls attention to many other authors that have used or commented on this text. CONTENTS: (I) First fol., unnumbered, and ff. i o o - n T : interpretation of St. Matthew's gospel to v 22; (2) ff. I~99 t : Greek text of the epistles of St. Paul (except Hebrews), with interlinear trans.; (3) f. i n v : fragment of a Greek treatise xcpi v!»iov TyevpaTiKov, with Latin interlinear trans. — it is ascribed to a " Marcus monachus." Textually, the Greek is very nearly related to the Codex Augiensts of the Pauline epistles (no. 500 infra). The Latin was based on an Old Latin version, modified to bring it into conformity with the Greek. 1 " SCRIPT: Irish; (2) and (3) by the same hand, (1) different. Traube thought it was written and used by Sedulius, Hellmann is of the contrary opinion. 1 " The script resembles Sangallensis 48 and the Basel Psalter, and, like them, has indications of having been written on the Continent. MARGINALIA: TWO quatrains in O-I (Addenda infra). The following names are found: Don[gus]; Dub[thach]; Fergus; Comgan; Aganon (cf. p. 558 supra)-, Angelbert (perhaps the bishop of Milan 824-860); Godiscalcus (i.e., Gottschalk: cf. p. 576 infra); Gonthar (bishop of Cologne 850-869); Hartgar (bishop of Liège 840-854); Hilduin (bishop of Cologne 842-849); Mar [perhaps Marcus, perhaps Martianus Capella]; Ioh[annes] (doubtless Eriugena). (vii) Codex

Bernensis

363

MS: Beme Stadtbibl. 363 s I X / X [sometimes designated Cod. Bongarsianus 177]. FACS : H. Hägen Codex Bernensis 363 (Codices graeci et latini photographiée depicti duce Scatone de Vries II (Leyden 1897) [complete; good facs.; commentary, etc., unsatisfactory]. — Chatelain Paléographie des classiques latins pl. Ixxvi sq [pis. of 2 pages], — F. Steffens Proben aus griechischen Hss. u. Urkunden (Trêves 1912). EDS. OF O - I GLOSSES: WS Goidelica* (1872) 54. — Constantino Nigra RC II (1875) 446-52- — HZ Glossae Hibernicae (1881) pp. r o d sqq, 263. — Thes. Pal. I I (1903) pp. xxv, 235. Cf. WS Academy X X X (1886) 227-8. COMM: H. Hagen Catalogus codicum Bernen174 In the early eighteenth century the M S belonged to C. F. Boemer, of Leipsic. 17* The texts are denoted in biblical criticism by the symbols G and g. " « C / . ZCP VI 5 5 1 n. 177 This M S once belonged to the abbey of St. Benott-sur-Loire, at Fleury, near Orleans. In 1562, during the wars of religion, the Huguenots sacked the abbey; the M S S were saved and retained by Pierre Daniel, of Orleans. At his death they were divided between his friends, Paul Petau and Jacques Bongars. Bongars died in 1612 and left his MSS to René de Graviset of Strasburg, who subsequently went to Switzerland. His son founded a public library in Berne, and donated to it his books, including this MS.

56O

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

sium (Beme 187s) 347-50. — Gottlieb Wiener Stud ten I X 151 sgq. — A. Reuter Hermes X X I V (1889) 161. — Traube 0 Roma nobiiis 348-50. — L. C. Stem ZCP IV (1903) 178-86. — Album palaeographicum duct Scalane de Vries (Leyden 1909) pp. xxv sqq. — Lindsay Early Irish minuscule script (1910) 50-4. — A. C. Clark The descent of manuscripts (Oxford 1918) 27-31. Also the chief critical editions of Horace. CONTENTS: Ff. I V , 195-7: extracts from Dioscorides; (2) ff. 2-143: commentary by Servius on the Bucolics, Georgics and Aeneid of Vergil; (3) ff. 143-53*: the Rhetoric of Chirius Fortunatianus; (4) ff. i53 T -6s T : the Dialectic and Rhetoric of St. Augustine; (5) ff. I6S t -6 t : the " ars rhetorica Clodiani de Statibus "; (6) ff. 16786 v : poems of Horace (odes, epodes, carmen saeculare, ars poetica, part of satires), with a Life of Horace prefixed; (7) ff. 187-8*: extracts from Ovid's Metamorphoses I, II; (8) ff. i88 v -94: fragment of Bede's History; (9) f. 194*: 3 poems to Tado, archbishop of Milan (no. 369); (10) f. 195: a short extract from Priscian; (11) ff. J96 t -7 t : 6 poems on various subjects (no. 369). All this forms important evidence for the interests and activities of Irish scholars in Europe about the year 900, and earlier. The texts of Servius and Horace are veiy valuable; that of Horace is the most extensive and perhaps the oldest known, but the poems are curiously mutilated by omissions. SCRIPT: Several scribes, one predominating; all Irish. Apparently written in northern Italy, perhaps at Milan, towards the end of the ninth or early in the tenth century. The marginalia would suggest a date about the middle of the ninth century, contemporary with the other books of the Circle of Sedulius. Traube believed that this codex is a copy of one or more older Irish MSS which had belonged to the Circle of Sedulius, and from which the annotations in question were here transcribed. It has been noticed above that the Basel Psalter and Codex Sangallensis 48, MSS of the Sedulian group, also passed through the hands of the chief scribe of Bemensis 363. MARGINALIA: In I-a tin and Irish, some of considerable interest: " concerning genuflection as practised by the Irish," " concerning the Irish who die in the stranger's land," etc. The following Irish names are found in the margins or glosses: Sed[ulius] (many times), Fergus, Dub[thach], Suadbar, Cathasach, Johannes, Comgan, 1 " Dungal, 17 ' Colgu," 0 Cormac, Macc Longiin, Mac CialUin,181 Taircheltach, 1 " Robartaich, 1 " [St.] Brigit. Among continental names are Gottschalk, Agano, Queen Angelberga,184 Hincmar (" Higmarus " ) , ' " Bishop Adventius, 1 " Ratramnus.187 Older authors to whom references are made are Donatus, Fulgentius, Hadrian, Honoratus, Isidore, Martianus Capella, Priscian, Sergius and Virgilius.

Traube thought that an uncial MS of Juvencus — Cambridge, Corpus Christi Coll. 304 s VII/VIII — had been in the hands of the companions of Sedulius. Seemingly the only reason was the occurrence in f. 75" of the name " Engelberga," which he identified with that of Queen Angelberga. — O Roma nobiiis 353. 179

Cf. p. 559.

181

G l o s s e s a reference t o t h e long life g r a n t e d t h e S y b i l .

183

G l o s s e s " raagica a r s . "

179

Cf. p. 538.

1» Cf. p . 556. Cf. p. 477

supra.

T h e m a g i c i a n T a i r c h e l t a c h mac na C e a r d a , of w h o s e d i s p l a y of supernatural

p o w e r in t h e y e a r 858 an a c c o u n t is g i v e n in j Frags.

136.

itu " L e g e hie l i b n i m f a b u l a r u m R o b a r t a i c h , " a n n o t a t i n g a reference t o t h e stories of C a s t o r and Pollux, Theseus and Hercules. 1M

W i f e of t h e E m p e r o r L o u i s I I .

' « C f . p p . 576, 588,600.

Cf. pp. 5 5 3 - 4 .

I8® Of M e t z , 855-875.

1»7 Cf. no. 356 (ii).

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

561

365. The Poems of Sedulius Scottus c A.D. 848-858 MSS: Brussels Bibl. roy. 10615-729 s X I I ff. 214-23 [formerly of Cues]. — Metz Bibl. de la ville 500 s X I [no. x only]. 1 " EDS: De Reiffenberg Annuaire de la bibl. roy. de Belgique IV (1843) 87 [i, iij. — E. Diimmler Jahrbücher f . Vaterland. Geschichte I (Vienna 1861) 167-88 [5 poems to Eberhard]. — E. Grosse (Programm des Friedrichs-Gymnasiums, Königsberg 1868) 2-13 [14 poems]. — E. Diimmler Sedulii Scotti carmina quadraginia (Halle 1869); Geschichte des ostfrankisches Reichs I I 682 [iv] ; Forschungen z. deut. Geschichte V 394 [lxxi]. — Nolte Rev. des sciences ecclés. 1877 pp. 279-80 [lxviii, lxix]. — Pirenne Sedulius de Liège [partial]. — Traube MGH Poet. lot. aevi Carol. I I I (1886) 151-237 [complete]. — G. M. Dreves An. hymn. L (1907) 229-36 [7 poems, after Traube], COM M: Dümmler NA IV (1879) 315-20. — Traube 0 Roma nobilis 341-3, 358 [valuable classification and analysis], — K . Strecker NA X L I V (1922) 230. A collection of 83 poems, the majority of them written during the episcopate of Hartgar, bishop of Liège 840-854. Many were written for Hartgar. The following is a brief summary of Traube's classification: i-xix c 848-855 (874?): miscellaneous: i-xi are addressed to Hartgar; xii and xiv to Charles the Bald; xv is on a meeting of Charles the Bald and Louis the German (855 or 874); xvi is addressed to Wülfing, an officer of the Emperor Lothair; xvii is on the death of Hartgar; xviii, xix on the accession of his successor, Franco, bishop of Liège 855-901.

xx-xxvi c 848: poems addressed to royalty, the Emperor Lothair, his Empress I'.rmingard, and their sons Louis and Charles. xxvii: A prayer for a fellow-countryman: Christe, tuo clipeo Dermoth defende, precamur. . . . xxviii-xxxv c 854-858: addressed to Charles the Bald, Louis II, Franco, etc.; xxxiv Ad Suos: Egregios fratres, Fergum Blandumque saluta, Marcum, Beuchcllem, 1 " cartula, dulce sonans . . . ; xxxv Ferge, decus vatum . . . . xxxvi-xliv e 848: addressed to various persons, including King Charles the Bald; Duke Eberhard of Friuli in Italy (a successful warrior against the Saracens); the Abbess Berta, daughter of the Emperor Lothair; and a certain Count Rotbert. xlv: De strage Normannorum: Gaudeant caeli, mare. . . . xlvi: Contra plagam: Libera plebem tibi. . . . xlvii: De quodam altari: In hoc altari. . . . These three poems may have been written before Sedulius came to the Continent. The first celebrates a victory over the Norsemen, gained probably by the Irish; the third apparently refers to an altar set up by King Ruadri of Wales. xlviii-lrv c 848-858: To Lothair, Hartgar, Berta, Leutbert, bishop of Münster (849871), Eberhard," 0 Rotbert. m There were two codices of poems of Sedulius i t Toul in the n t h cent.: Becker CaiaUti

carum antiqui (Bonn 1885) 152.

' Cf. p. S5S supra.

biblioth*-

u

IM No. lui accompanied a copy of Vegetius Dt rt militari sent by Hartgar to Eberhard.

Cf. p. 567.

562

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

lxvi-btxv c 855-8: poems addressed to various patrons with whom he maintained friendly relations after the death of H a r t g a r — Franco; Duke Eberhard; Gunthar, bishop of Cologne (850-869); Addo or Hatto, abbot of Fulda (842-856); Adventius, bishop of Metz (858-875). lxxvi—lxxxiii c 848-858: to Hilduin, bishop of Cologne (842-849); Charles, third son of Lothair; Berta. lxrri: De rosae liliique certamine: Cyclica quadrificis currebant. . . . Scattered through the collection are several poems of a general character, not written for a special personage or occasion.

366. Verses from the Leyden Priseian MS: Leyden Universiteitsbibl. F. 67 ff. iy~3 [cf. no. 364 (i); these verses were added in the 2nd half of the 9th cent.]. Eds: E. DUmmler Zsf. deui. Alterthum X I X (1876) 146 sqq. — L. Traube MGB Poet. lot. aevi Carol. I l l 687-8, 690. Five short sets of verses: (i) Title, or rather two titles, for a pallium which Charles the Bald and his queen Irmintrud, or Irmindrud (m. 842, d. 869), sent to Rome to be placed on the altar of St. Paul the apostle, in the time of Pope Nicholas I (858-867). (ii, iii) Couplets to, or about, Bacchus, (iv) The author appeals to Wulfad for heat, contrasting his condition, suffering from the cold, with that of his fellow-monk, Carloman, warmed by a good fire. Carloman (d. 877) was the son of Charles the Bald, who was tonsured in 854 and became abbot of Soissons in 860. Wulfad, a friend of Johannes Eriugena, 1 ' 1 was his tutor, abbot of Montiirender (856) and Soissons (858), afterwards archbishop of Bourges. (v) Fragment, the opening lines of a poem. — Traube, from the evidence of style, considered these verses to be of Irish composition. They were probably written about 858-9 by the Irish monk who then owned the manuscript, and who was, no doubt, stopping at Soissons in the kingdom of Charles the Bald.

367. Poems from Codex Sangallensis 904 A.D. 850 x 863 (i) Lex mala menbra. . . . 4 U. [Imperfect.] (ii) Umbrifera quad&m nocte. . . 50 U. [Imperfect.] MS: St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 904 s I X pp. 88-9 [ = f. 40; cf. no. 533]. Eds: E. Dummler Anzeigerf. Kunde d. deui. Vorzeii X V I I I (1871) 10 sq. — Nigra Reliquie Celtiche (Turin Poet- lat1872) 6 ii?. — T r a u b e MGn Carol. I l l (1886) 238-40. Comm: Nolte Rev. des sciences ecclis. IV® s£r. (1877) 281 sqq. — Traube O Roma nobilis (1891) 347. These two poems were written by some Irishman, probably of the Circle of Sedulius. The first is the beginning of a metrical treatise on morals; the second an eulogy of Gunthar, bishop of Cologne 850-869, which, no doubt, was composed during his episcopate. The script is continental, not Irish, and the poem to Gunthar appears to be a mere rough draft, written by the owner of the codex on a leaf left blank by the original scribe. ««C/.p. jgjlVr«.

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

563

368. Verses from Codex SangaUensis 48 5 IX/X ypaiiiMrra yßaiaytwuw Kara fti/tara Des mihi perpetui, te nigo, regna poll

Cent: hbote mco lingua Pelasga patet. . . .

21 IL

MS: St. Gall StiftsbibL 48 [cf. no. 364 (v)]. EDS: Rettig 395 [cf. Und.]. — Traube MGH Poet. lot. aevi Carol. I l l 686-7. Cf. Clark The Abbey of St. Gall (Cambridge 1926) n o . This poem, in Irish script, forms a prayer to Christ. Traube conjectured that the scribe (and possible author) was one of the writers who produced Codex Bernensis 363.

369. Poems from Codex Bemensis 363 c A.D. 850 x 868 MS: Berne Stadtbibl. 363 s I X / X ff. 194*, 196*-7* [cf. no. 364 (vii)]. EDS: Traube MGH Poet. lot. acti Carol. I l l (1886) 232-7 [i-v, vii-ix]. — Daniel Thesaurus hymnologicus I 209, IV 163, 370 [vi]. These anonymous verses seem to have been written by a member of the Circle of Sedulius into the Vorlage of Bernensis 363, and were copied by the scribe of that codex. It would appear that the author lived at Milan. The style resembles that of Sedulius, but Traube thought there was sufficient distinction to indicate a different poet. Summary: (i) Easter poem, addressed to Tado, archbishop of Milan (860-868); (ii) another address to Tado; (iii) to a Sofridus; (iv, v) to the Emperor Lothair; (vi) on St. John the Baptist; (vii) verses to be inscribed on a chalice belonging to Angelbert, archbishop of Milan (824-860); (viii) to Tado; (ix) to Leofrid, or Liutfrid, brotherin-law of the Emperor Lothair.

370. Poem by Dungal Baldo, dei tamule, d i r e migiitcr, . . . Et virtu te dri vhre valeque.

34 D.

MS: Munich Staatsbibl. 14743 * I X f. 160. EDS: DQmmler Archil für Osterreich. Gesch. X X I I 289. — MGH Poet. lot. am Card. I (1881) 412-3. Cf. Foltz Geschichte der Salzburger Bibliotheken 14. — Traube 0 Roma nobilis 336-7. — M. Manitius Lat. Lit. 3 7 4 . It would be tempting in this poem to read Waldo for Baldo and regard it as addressed by Dungal of St. Denis to his abbot.1** But the consensus of opinion is that Baldo was a scribe of Salzburg and the author the Dungal, companion of Sedulius, whose name appears in Codes Bernensis 363 f. 54. The metre, which is unusual, was used by the Circle of Sedulius.

371. The grammatical works of Sedulius: Commentary on Eutyches Quoniam in arte Euticii gramma tid . . . de nominibus tint tnducta.

MSS: Zürich StadtbibL C 99 * I X (31 ff., this text only]. — B N lat. 7830 * X H ff. 17-50. — Munich Staatsbibl. 6411 s X [excerpt only: cf. Keü Halle Ind. Led., 1875, "»C/.P.JJ9.

564

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

p. v '"].

Ed:

H . H a g e n Anecdola

[introd., text, notes].

au m o y e n I g e " Comptes-rendus V I (1870) [extract in RC 1420. — Rev. critique

Hdvetica

(Leipsic 1870) pp. Ixxiii-lxxix,

1-38

Cf. C h . T h u r o t " D o c u m e n t s relatifs i l'histoire de la grammaire de I'Acad,

des Inscriptions

et Belles-Lettres

I 264-5]. — H a g e n in Bursian's Jahresbericht

2nd ser.

I ii (1873)

X I I I (1873) 86. — Z* p . xlii [also H Z Glossae Hibernicae

— T r a u b e O Roma nobilis

357. — E . D i i m m l e r MGH

Epistolarum

228].

V I p t . I (1902)

206 n . — M . R o g e r " L e 'commentariolum in artem E u t y c h i i ' de Sedulius S c o t t u s " Rev. de Philologie

1906 p p . 1 2 2 - 3 . — M a n i t i u s Lai. Lit. I 318.

H ä g e n assigned this c o m m e n t a r y on the Ars de discernendis

coniugalionibus

of E u t y c h c s

t o the time of Charles the G r e a t , b u t there is no reason to doubt that it was b y Sedulius Scottus.

T h e a u t h o r seems to h a v e m a d e use of Priscian, the De dijferentiis

bus Graeci Latinique

et societati-

verbi of Macrobius, and other works, among them perhaps the

g r a m m a r i a n Virgilius M a r o .

T r a u b e and Manitius believe that the work w a s written

b y Sedulius before leaving I r e l a n d : he introduces an Irish word casually into the text, and he says t h a t he wrote " r o g a t u f r a t r u m . " Sedulius also wrote commentaries on Priscian, on the Ars minor perhaps also on the Ars major. there given.

of D o n a t u s , and

See M a n i t i u s Lot. Lit. I 319, II 802 and the references

I t is reported t h a t an ed. of the c o m m e n t a r y on Priscian is being pre-

pared b y P a u l L e h m a n n .

372. Sedulius: Oil Christian Rulers (Liber de rectoribus christianis) [Preface] Omne ministerium, trifido quod praeminet orbe. . . . Postquam regale sceptrum . . . insuper vero regnum caelonun, praestante g. s. et d. n. I. C., cui est perpes g. et p. cum P. et S. S. in s. s. Amen.

MSS:

Bremen S t a d t b i b l . C 36 j I X S. 17* sqq. — Berlin Staatsbibl. T h e o l . fol. 368

s X I I ff. 77 v -96 v . — V a t . P a l a t . 591 a.D. 1472 ff. 9 9 - ^ 0 . G . Voegelin (1619). — M a i Spicilegium 332. — T r a u b e MGH Hellmann Sedulius

Poet. lot. aevi Carol. I I I Scottus

Eds: M a r q u a r d Freher,

Romanum V I I I r-69. — M i g n e PL C I I I 2 9 1 (1896)

( M u n i c h 1906) r - 9 1 .

154-66 [the 2t poems only], —

COMM: R . W . C a r l y l e a n d A. J.

C a r l y l e A History of mediaeval political theory in the West I [by A . J. C a r l y l e ] (Edinburgh and L o n d o n , etc. 1903) 215-62 passim [one of the very few books in this field t h a t h a v e noticed

Sedulius]. — H. Tiralla

Obrigkeit als Quelle d. Fürstenspiegel

Das

augustinische

Idealbild

d.

christl.

Scottus u. Hincmar v. Reims

(Disserta-

T h i s work, of which the fuller title runs Liber Sedulii de rectoribus christianis

el conven-

tion) (Greisswald

d. Sedulius

1916).

ientibus regulis quibus est res publica rile gubernanda, has the greatest general historical interest of a n y of the writings of Sedulius. works

184

It is one of a small group of ninth-century

which began t h a t long series of " Mirrors for Princes " produced b y the polit-

ical thinkers of mediaeval and early m o d e m times.

T h e Christian ruler to whom the

work refers w a s p r o b a b l y L o u i s I I , emperor a f t e r 855, b u t he m a y be L o t h a i r II, brother of Louis.

T h e work shows no special traces of the influence of the author's life

in Ireland. H e bases his s y s t e m on Christian ethics as established by the F a t h e r s of the C h u r c h , and also makes use of several books of the late Roman Empire, as the Scrip1 9 3 Hagen also used a copy by Büchler of a c o p y made by Cornelius Bock from an unidentified M S , supposed to be from Bobbio. i M Heitmann op. cit. 1,

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY tores Historiae Augustae,1M Fulgentius.

the Historia

Tripartita

565

of Cassiodorus, the MUologiae of

Although there is some incoherence of detail, the author's theory is pre-

sented as a fairly consistent whole.

I t is that the state is a religious institution, but

not in the sense in which the Church is so described: rather the ruler's sacred character consists in that he is appointed b y God to protect and help the C h u r c h in its work. T h e most insistent practical admonition is that the ruler should hold frequent synods and give his assent and support to what is there decreed b y the holy bishops.

373. The theological writings of Sedulius (i) Colledaneum in omnes beati Pauli

epislolas

Antiquam ad apostolica . . . epistolam Romae acripserit.

M S S : Munich Staatsbibl. 9545 [from Oberaltaich] s X 2nd part ff. 77-166 [partial); 6238 [formerly of Freising] sXex

[incomplete]. — Zurich Kantonsbibl. 72 [formerly of

Rheinau] s X pp. 1 - 4 1 1 [nearly complete].—• Fulda M S [formerly Weingarten 27] s X I / X I I ff. 1-99 [incomplete]. — Bamberg B . V . 24 [formerly of Michelsberg] s X I I ff. 2-104 [incomplete]. — H a m b u r g theol. 1046 s X I I I / X I V . M S S shows traces of Irish origin. Histoire critique des principaux

E D S : Migne PL

T h e orthography in the

CIII 9-270.

A . Resch s. v. " A g r a p h a , " H a m a c k ' s Texte und Untersuchungen Sedulius

COMM: R . Simon

commentaieurs du nouveau testament (1693) 379-82. — I V 422. — Hellmann

Scottus 147-97. — A. Souter " T h e sources of Sedulius Scottus' collectaneum

on the epistles of St. P a u l " JTS

X V I I I ( ^ 1 7 ) 184-228.

See also the works b y H Z

and Souter cited p. 661 infra. T h i s , and the analogous treatise Collectaneum

in Mailheum,

as y e t unpublished, are

the two most elaborate of the works of Sedulius, and indicate the character of his scriptural studies.

T h e present work has a peculiar significance because of its rela-

tionship to the commentary by Pelagius on St. P a u l .

T h e text of Sedulius belongs

to a little group of Pauline commentaries, all b u t one of which are of direct Irish origin.

T h i s makes it probable that he either wrote his Collectaneum

in Ireland, or

used books brought from I r e l a n d . 1 "

(ii) Collectaneum in Maltheum MSS:

Berlin Staatsbibl. Meerm. 56 ( = Phillipps 1660, formerly M e e r m . 426) s X

ff. 1 - 1 9 0 [cf. Rose Verzeichnis d. lot. Hss. I 104 sj?]. — Vienna National-Bibl. 740 [cf. Denis Codices manuscripti theologici bibl. palat. Vindob. I i 294; Tabulae cod. mss. btbl. pal. Vindob. I r24].

Cf. Manitius Lot. Lit. I 317, I I 802.

N o t published.

(iii) Explanations of the arguments and other matter prefixed to the gospels MSS:

Basel Universitatsbibl. F. v. 33 J X ff. 1 - 4 3 * . — Einsicdeln Stiftsbibl. 132 s

X pp. 2-112. — Vat. Palat. 242 s X / X I . — Berlin Staatsbibl. M e e r m a n n 56. Angelo M a i Scriptorum 1,5 196

vet. nova collectio I X (1837) 159 sqq; Spicilegium

Cf. Momrasen Hermes XIII 298-301. Cf. pp. 661 sqq infra.

EDS:

Romanum

566

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

I X (1843) 29 sqq. — Migne PL C m [Mai's texts]. Come: Wordsworth Etangelium secundum MaUhaeum I. — Traube 0 Roma nobilis 357. — Esposito Proc. RIA X X V I I I C iii (1910) 63-5. (a) Epistolae Bieronimi ad Damasum papam exftanatio. Migne 3 3 1 - 4 8 . (b) Commentary on the prologue to the four gospels. Migne 348-52. (c) Explanatiuncula in argumenium secundum MaUhaeum, if or cum, Lucam. Migne 174-90. (d) Commentary on the system of canons for a harmony of the Gospels by Eusebius. 1 " Esposito 8 3 - 9 1 . (e) Explanatiuncula de bretiariorum el capitulorum canonumque differentia et conntxione deque eorum aequalilate alquc inaequalitate spcculaiio. Migne 2 7 1 - 2 ; Esposito 9 1 - 5 .

374. The miscellaneous Kollektaneum of Sedulius M S : Cues (on the Moselle) Hospitals-BibL 52 (C 14) s X I I ff. 246-73*. Co KM: Jos. Klein Ober eine Bs. des Nicolaos von Cues nebst ungedruckten Fragmenten Ciceronischer Reden (Berlin 1866). — Traube O Roma nobilis 364-73. — S. Hellmann Sedulius Scottus (1906) 92-146. — Manitius Lot. Lit. I 320-3. — E . Hohl Rhcin. Mus. L X I X 580 sqq. This Kollektaneum is a collection of notes of various kinds, chiefly excerpts from classical authors, which is found in a manuscript that probably derived its origin from Liége. The text is clearly a copy of an earlier exemplar written by an Irishman. Traube has made it certain that the original collection belonged to Sedulius Scottus, and Hellmann has shown how extensively he made use of it in preparing his De rectoribus Ckristianis. It appears, in fact, to have been his common-place note-book. Hellmann (p. 96, 1 3 7 sqq) further points out that similar material is found in the Bibernensis Collection of Canons, in the Cologne M S 2178 i V U I , and in the Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, M S 279 s I X / X , and believes that all were drawn from one large collection of moralising sentences. The truth of the supposition, and the extent to which, if true, it applies to the material in the Kollektaneum, are obviously important topics for the investigator either of the extent of the scholarship of Sedulius or of the character of the learning of Ireland in the ninth and earlier centuries. Circumstantial evidence, at least, points to Sedulius having obtained the greater part of his notes from Irish, not continental, sources. (i) Proverbia

Grecorum

Haec vero de Grecorum pmdentía . . . militare poosimus. • . . stultissime utitur. Deo gratia*.

Vale in Christo.

Sapiens sapientem adiuvat

EDS: Klein op. cit. 25-6. — E . Dümmler MGB Epistolarum V I pt. i (1902) 206 [these give the dedicatory epistle], — Hellmann op. cil. 1 2 1 - 3 5 . Cf. K M Triads of Ireland (RIA Todd Led. X I I I ) (Dublin 1906) pp. xiv-xv. Cf. no. 522. This collection of sayings, professedly translated from the Greek, is known also through references in other sources. 1 "

It is now generally regarded as an actual adaptation

made in Ireland in the sixth century from Greek originals. 191

Sedulius uses the Latin version attributed to Jerome.

«8 Cambridge Corp. Christ. Coll. MS. 388 (415); the Bibermmsis collection of canons lib. X X V ; a letter of a certain Kathvulf of the 8tb century: UGH Epistolarum IV 502 (cf. p. 282 supra).

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY (ii) Miscellaneous pieces, which often correspond to Bede's neurn

567 Kollekta-

199

(¡ii) Senex

et

adolescens

Senex dixit contra adoteacentcm: Si vis fieri mens discipulus . . . dulcia pendant pomm.

Ed: Hellmann 120. A short dialogue between Age and Youth which seems to be based on a passage ¡D the Liber de moribus attributed to Seneca. (iv) Proverbia Cf. Klein

Senecae

27-31.

Extracts from the Liber de moribus. (v) E x t r a c t from Vegetius De re militari Cf. Klein 3Q sqq; Traube

200

365-7.

(vi) Extracts from Orosius Cf. Klein 40-5. (vii) Extracts from Valerius M a x i m u s Cf. Hellmann 145. (viii) Extracts from Macrobius Cf. Klein 47-8. (ix) Fragments of Cicero Cf. Klein

49-58, 80-6;

Traube

365, 367-9;

Hellmann

106, 144-5.

Extracts and fragments of the following works: In Pisonem, Pro Fonteio, De Inventione, Auctor ad Herennium, Pro Flacco, PhUippicae, Paradoxa, Tusculanae. Some of these compositions, e.g. In Pisonem, were almost unknown in the middle ages, and a few passages are preserved for us only in this collection. The only scholars of the ninth century who equalled or surpassed Sedulius in knowledge of Cicero were Lupus, abbot of Ferriires," 1 and a certain Hadoard who also made a collection of extracts from the Roman orators, but, unlike Sedulius, was careful to insert Christian emendations in his texts. (x) Extracts from Lactantius Divinae

Institutiones

Cf. Klein 92n.; Traube 365; S. Brandt and G. Laubmann Lactanli opera omnia pars I {Corp. 55. Ecdes. Lot. X I X ) (Vienna 1890) pp. civ sqq. The works of Lactantius were uncommon in the middle ages, but Sedulius undoubtedly was familiar with them. He makes a citation also in his Greek psalter."* 1 » Cf. DO. 54X.

" » Cf. p. 561 supra.

»1 Cf. p. ssi supra.

*» No. 364 (¡ii).

S68

E X P A N S I O N O F IRISH

CHRISTIANITY

(xi) Fragments of the grammarian Rufinus Antiochenus Cf. K l e i n 93-4.

(xii) Extracts from Frontinus Cf. K l e i n 8 7 - 9 1 .

(xiii) Extracts from the Scriptores historiae Augustae Cf. Klein 95 sqq; M o m m s e n Hermes X I I I 298-301.

(xiv) A large collection of sentences in 27 chapters Cf. Klein 100 sqq] T r a u b e 3 6 9 - 7 1 . T h i s is another important collection which includes considerable « t r a c t s from t h e so-called Caecilius Balbus, Publilius Syrus, P o r p h y r i o ' s C o m m e n t a r y

on

Horace,

Terence, the E p i t o m e of Aurelius Victor, Cicero, Seneca, Charisius, Jerome

Adiersus

Rufinum,

Augustine De civitate Dei, Fastidius De vita Christiana.

T h e collcction a s a

whole m a y have been n^ade b y Sedulius on the C o n t i n e n t , or may h a v e been brought from Ireland. ciations.

Some of the sources from which it is d r a w n h a v e peculiarly Irish asso-

" Caecilius B a l b u s " is the name attached to a work which seems to have h a d

the following history: a Greek collection of sayings was, a t a faiily early date, translated into L a t i n ; the translation w a s then interpolated w i t h extracts from Publilius Syrus; from the resulting text t w o sets of excerpts were m a d e , a longer and a shorter version.""

T h e shorter version has been incorporated a l m o s t entirely i n t o the present

anthology, and also, with the title " sententiae p h i l o s o p h o r u m , " into a similar g a t h e r i n g by H e i n e of A u x e r r e . ' "

P o r p h y r i o ' s C o m m e n t a r y on H o r a c e , of which Sedulius here

makes considerable use, was almost unknown in the middle ages. 2 0 5

T h e work of

Charisius was likewise very rare, and apparently preserved to us only b y w a y of Ireland.

376. Sedulius: De graeca MSS:

St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 292; also a Carlsruhe M S .

deulschen

Glossen

ED:

Steinmeyer Die

I I 623 [Steinmeyer and Sievers I V (1898) 409, 447].

Cf.

aithochTraube

O Roma nobilis 344; M a n i t i u s Lai. Lit. I 322. A small collection of L a t i n lemmata

with Old H i g h G e r m a n glosses, which in the

Carlsruhe M S bears the title " Sedulius de g i e c a . "

T r a u b e believes t h a t the text

was a revision b y Sedulius of a recension of the Hermeneumata

of the Pseudo-Dositheus.

Dositheus was one of the texts preserved b y the Irish, 2 0 6 and probably one of the means of retaining some little knowledge of Greek in the schools of Ireland. 5 0 3 WolfTin Caccilii Balbi de nugis pkitcsophorum quae supersunt (Basel 185s). — W . M e y e r Die Sammlungen der Spruchverse dts Puitlius Syrus (Leipsic 1877) 4 4 . — J . Scheibmaier De senUntiis quas dicuni Caecilii Balbi (Munich 1879).

Cf. no. 407. Heiric had an Irish teacher, Elias, afterwards bishop of AnpoulSme (no. 404). In the eleventh c e n t u r y the library of Bobbio contained a book, " L i b e n i m I de sententiis p h i l o s o p h o r u m " : G . Becker Catalogi bibliolkecarvm aniiqui xxxii, 433. 205

On Sedulius's knowledge of Horace cj. Manitius AnaJeklen TUR Geschkhte

206

Cf. the Bobbio catalogue in B e c k e r Catalogi biblwthecarum

aniiqui

414.

des HOT-.:,IM

Mitklaller.

EXPANSION

OF

IRISH

CHRISTIANITY

569

376. Letter on the translation of the Psalter into Latin Scottus quidam in territorio Mediolaneosi commonns Graecae ling»«*- gnarus de psalterio in liaguam Latinam transferendo atque emendando dissent. Uc reprobare superflua . . . videntur, favente Domino •nendavi. MSS: Munich Staatsbibl. 343 Î I X ff. I ' V - — Vat. 82 s I X £f. 2 t - I J T ; 83 s I X ff. I - 9 t . [All are of Milanese origin.] EDS: Vezzosi in J. M. Thomasius Opera omnia II (Rome 1747) pp. xx-xrvi. — E. DUmmler MGH Epistolae VI i (Berlin 1902) 201-5. Cf. G. Morin Rev. bénédictine X (1893) 193-7. — Hellmann Sedulius Scottus 95 n. 2. This very interesting letter or tract was attributed by Dom Morin to Sedulius, on what Hellmann thinks insufficient ground. Manitius favors Morin's opinion. The anonymous character of the text is peculiar, in view of the early date of the manuscripts, and suggests that the copyists knew little about their exemplar. It is possible, though improbable, that Sedulius visited Italy. But it is certain that there was an Irish colony in Milan, and that some of his companions found their way thither. The letter discusses the problem of translating the Psalms from Greek into Latin and indicates in some measure the character of the scholarship and the literary customs of the time.

V I I I . JOHANNES E R I U G E N A AND THE IRISH COLONY OF LAON AND R E I M S

Bibliography See bibliog. to the chapter, and to the preceding two sections. F. A. Staudenmaier Johannes Scotus Erigena und die Wissenschaft seiner Zeit (Frankfort-am-Main 1834). — A. Hellferich Die christliche Mystik II (Gotha 1842). — Saint-René Taillandier Scot Erigine et la philosophie scolastique (Strasburg 1843). — François Monnier De GoUescalci et Johannis Scoti Erigenae controversia (Paris 1852). — F. Christlieb Leben und Lehre des Johannes Scotus Erigena (Gotha i860).—Johannes Huber Johannes Scotus Erigena Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie im Mittelalter (Munich 1861) [useful). — A. Stöckl Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie im Mittelalter I (Mainz 1864) 3 1 - 1 2 8 ; De Johannes Scotus Erigena (Münster 1867). — H. XFloss Joannis Scoti opera quae supersunt omnia in Migne PL C X X I I (Paris 1865) [the only ed. of Johannes approaching completeness; it was, for its time, a very creditable work]. — O. Hermens Das Leben des Scotus Erigena (Jena 1868). — Barthélémy Hauréau Histoire de la philosophie scolastique pt. I (2nd ed. 1872) 148-73. — Ersch und Gruber's Encyclopädie X X X V I I (Leipsic 1872) 82-99.— H. Rähse Des Johannes Erigenas Stellung zur mittelalterlichen Scholastik und Mystik (Rostock 1874).—L.Noack Uber Leben und Schriften des Johannes Scotus Erigena: die Wissenschaft und Bildung seiner Zeit (Leipsic 1876). — F. J . Hoffmann Der Gottes- und Schöpfungsbegriß des Johannes Scotus Erigena (Jena 1876). — J . Bass Mullinger The schools of Charles the Great and the restoration of education in the ninth century (London 1877) [cf. p. 530 supra: gives a good survey of the intellectual life of the 9th century]- — P- Hoffmann De Johannis Scoti Erigenae vita et doctrina (Halle 1877). — G. Anders Darstellung und Kritik der A nsicht von Johannes Scotus Erigena, dass die Kategorien nicht auf Gott anwendbar seien (Jena 1877). — A. Ebert Allgemeine Geschichte der Literatur des Mittelalters im Abend-

57o

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

lande II (Leipsic 1880) 257-67 [useful]. — R. L. Poole Illustrations of the history of medieval thought (London 1884; 2nd ed. 1920) [an appreciation of Eriugena's position in the history of philosophy and religion], — G. Buchwald Der Logosbegriff des Johanmes Scotus Erigena (Leipsic 1884). — Schrörs Einkmar, Erzbischof ton Reims, sein Lebten und seine Schriften (Freiburg i. Br. 1884) [useful for the predestination controversy], — P. Gabriel Meier Die sieben freien Künste im Mittelalter Heft II (Programm : Einsiededn 1887) 24 [a study of Eriugena's astronomical knowledge], — Schwenke Philologus Suppl. V (188g) 404 [a study of his knowledge of Cicero]. — Traube 0 Roma nobilis 355, 3610, 362-3; Prooemium to his ed. of the poems in M GH Poet. lot. aevi Carol. I l l (1896) [¡an excellent summary of the facts regarding Eriugena]. — Baumker J ahrbuch für Philosophie und spekulative Theologie V I I (Paderborn 1893) 346, V I I I 222 [on the name of J o h a n n e s ] , — T . Wotschke Fichte und Erigena (Halle 1896). — F. Pica vet " L i e s discussions sur la libcté au temps de Gottschalk, de Raban Maur, d'Hincmar et d e Jean Scot " Rev. internationale de l'enseignement 1896. — Mandonnet Rev. Thomiste V (Fribourg en Suisse 1897) 383-94. — A. Brilliantoff The influence of oriental theology on occidental in the works of Johannes Scotus Erigena (St. Petersburg 1898) [an important study in Russian; see Zs f . itnssensch. Theol. X L V I I (Leipsic 1904) 126 sq], — Alice Gardiner Studies in John the Scot (Erigena) a philosopher of the Dark Ages (London 1900) [a fairly good introductory treatise]. — Astier " Mémoire sur Scot Erigène atu Congrès des Sociétés Savantes à Paris, Séance du 4 avril 1902 de la section d'histoire «t de philologie " Bibl. de l'École des Chartes L X I I . — J . Dräseke Johannes Scotus Erigema und dessen Gewährsmänner (Leipsic 1902) [valuable]; Zs f . wissensch. Theologie X L V I (1903) 563; Theologische Literatur-Zeitung 1906 pp. 435-6; ZK X X X I I I ( 1 9 1 2 ) 73-84. — Thomas Rev. internationale de l'enseignement 1903 p. 193. — Turner History of Philosophy (1903) 246-57. — Wattenbach DGQ I (1904) 323-4. — James Mark Baldwin Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology I I I pt. I: Benjamin Rand Bibliography of philosophy, psychology, and cognate subjects (London and New York 1905) 197-8 [a long bibliographical list]. — E. K . Rand Johannes Scottus: Quellen und Untersuchungen zur lateinischen Philologie des Mittelalters herausgegeben von Ludwig Traube Bd. I Heft I I (Munich r9o6) [very important: cf. Bibl. de l'École des Chartes L X I X (1908) 423-7]. — C. M. Deutsch in the Hauck-Herzog Realencykl. f . prot. Theologie u. Kirche X V I I I (1906) 86-100 [good]. — J . E . Sandys A History of classical scholarship from the sixth century B.C. to the end of the middle ages (2nd ed. Cambridge 1906; 3rd ed. 1921) 491-6; " Notes on mediaeval Latin authors " Hermathena X I I (Dublin 1908) 428 sqq [suggestive remarks on the classical knowledge of Johannes], — Whittaker Apollonius of Tyana (1906) 123-64. — M. Manitius NA X X X I I (1907) 678-9. — Jacquin " Le Néo-Platonisme de Jean Scot " Ret. des sciences philosophiques et thtologiques I (Kain, Belgium, 1907) 674-85 [contains an investigation into the knowledge of Greek possessed by Eriugena], — Grabmann Geschichte der scholastischen Methode I (1909) 202-10. — Maurice De Wulf (trans. P. Coffey) History of Mediaeval Philosophy (London 1909) 167-73 I a brief statement of his philosophical teachings. 5th ed. of French original published at Louvain and Paris 1925, and trans, of vol. I, by E. Messenger, at London], — M. Manitius " On Johannes Scottus and the library of Fulda " NA X X X I V (1909) iii; Lat. Lit. I ( 1 9 1 1 ) 323-39 [very valuable].— M. Esposito Hermathena X V 362 [list of writings, and bibliography]; Studies I iv (Dublin Dec. 1912) 678-81 [an examination into the attainments in Greek of Johannes, Martinus, etc.]; Studies II viii (Dec. 1913) 505-7 [valuable bibliography]. — Friedrich Überweg Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie I I : Die mittlere oder die patristische und scholastische Zeit (ioth ed. by Matthias Baumgartner, Berlin 1915) 221-33 [excellent].—

E X P A N S I O N OF I R I S H C H R I S T I A N I T Y

571

F. Overbeck (ed. C. A. Bernoulli) Vorgeschichte u. Jugend d. mittelall. Scholastik (Basel 1917) 133 sqq. — P. Lehmann Hermes LII 113 sqq Jimportant].— A. Schneider Die Erkenntnislehre des Johannes Eriugena im Rahmen ihrer metaphysischen und anthropologischen Voraussetzungen nach den Quellen dargestellt I, II (Schriften d. Strassburger wissenschaftl. Gesellschaft in Heidelberg N. F. III, VII) (Berlin and Leipsic 1921, 1923). — M. L. W. Laistner " The survival of Greek in western Europe in the Carolingian age " History Oct. 1924 pp. 177-87; " Martianus Capella and his ninth century commentators " Bull, of the John Rylands Library I X i (Jan. 1925) 130-8. — H. Bett Johannes Scotus Erigena (Cambridge 1925). — H. Doerries Zur Geschichte der Mystik — Erigena und der Neoplalonismus (Tübingen 1925).

Contemporary with the group of Irish scholars whose central figure was Sedulius of Liege and whose sphere of action was chiefly, though not exclusively, the central kingdom of the Emperor Lothair, another little colony of exiles gathered in the West-Frankish kingdom of Charles the Bald, especially at Laon. Here the dominating personality was that of the famous Johannes Scottus Eriugena, as he is somewhat tautologically described. Johannes lived as a teacher — probably master — in the palace school of Charles the Bald. Other members of the group were Martinus Hiberniensis, after Johannes and Sedulius the most important Greek scholar of the age, Aldelmus, called the brother of Johannes Scottus, Helias, bishop of Angoul£me, and perhaps Dunchat of Reims and that unnamed inmate of the monastery of Soissons who wrote verses that are to be found in the Leyden Priscian. 207 With the exception of St. Columbanus, Johannes Scottus, or Eriugena, 208 was the most important individual that Ireland gave to continental Europe in the middle ages. Some slight evidence points to his being a layman, but this supposition, remarkable if true, remains doubtful. He must have arrived at the palace school at least as early as 845, and seems to have remained there until 870 or later. Of the end of his life we know nothing. 209 Eriugena's writings divide themselves into several classes. Probably the earliest compositions were some of his works for the school-room: a commentary on Martianus Capella, extracts from Macrobius, a translation of the Solutionis of Priscianus Lydus (if really his work), perhaps a commentary on the grammarian Priscian. Hincmar of Reims drew him into the field of philosophy and theology, where he produced his De praedeslinatione. Next Charles the Bald made use of his knowledge of Greek to obtain translations of Pseudo-Dionysius, and of a treatise w N o . 366. w 8 T h e M S S seem t o show t h a t be called himself J o h a n n e s E r i u g e n a — f r o m £ r i u , t h e word n o w b e t t e r k n o w n in its oblique-case f o r m , £ r i n n , or Erin — b u t was designated b y his c o n t e m p o r a r i e s S c o t t u s o r Scottigena. «0» CI. p . 588 infra.

572

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

by Maximus Confessor. T h e n came his philosophical and theological magnum opus, the De divisione naturae. Other theological writings and several curious Greco-Latin poems accompanied or followed these more famous works. While some productions not his own h a v e been attributed to him, it is probable that others of genuine character have been lost. 2 1 0 B u t what remain are ample for an appreciation of his style and thought. He had a good mastery of the Latin language, and wrote a pithy and fairly clear and elegant style. He was very proud of his attainments in Greek, which were unique among his continental contemporaries. But he did not unduly over-rate them: in the dedications of the two translations made for Charles the Bald he insists that he is only a beginner in Greek studies. His Greek composition is poor, but it is certain that he could wrestle the meaning from even quite difficult Greek texts. T h e question of the source of his knowledge is interesting. I t has been represented on the one hand that it was merely the normal Hellenic learning preserved in the schools of Ireland, on the other that it was acquired entirely after his arrival on the Continent. A good case has been made out for the contention that the Greek texts with which he shows familiarity were met with by him only after leaving his native l a n d . 2 1 1 On the other side Traube points out that all knowledge of Greek in the Frankish dominions in the middle of the ninth century appears to have had an Irish source. 2 1 2 It should be remembered that Eriugena was a man of quite unusual mental powers: it may well have been possible for him, by applying a very moderate knowledge of gram110

A t r e a t i s e De corpore

et sanguine

some critics as the work oi Gerbert. ganenne

(Paris

Integumenia,

Append.,

w h i c h h a s b e e n a s s i g n e d t o J o h a n n e s , is r e g a r d e d

concludes

that

it w a s

de Troarn

written

a p o e m e x p l a i n i n g a l l e g o r i c a l l y O v i d ' s Metamorphoses,

de la France century;

1912)

Domini,

R a o u l H e u r t e v a n t , Durand

XXIX

by

ci les origines

Ratramnus

by

btren-

( p . 5 5 0 supra).

regarded by Gaston Paris

The (Uist.lUt.

S04, 5 1 2 , 5 1 6 ) a s b y J o h a n n e s , is c l a s s e d b y T r a u b e {op. cit. 526 n . 8) a s of t h e : 3 t h

a n d t h e v e r s e s b e g i n n i n g " N o b i l i b u s q u o n d a m f u e r a s , " a p p e n d e d t o s o m e c o p i e s of t h e t r a i s l a -

t i o n of P s e u d o - D i o n y s i u s , a r e a s s i g n e d b y t h e s a m e a u t h o r i t y t o I t a l i a n a u t h o r s h i p e l e v e n t h - c e n t u r y c a t a l o g u e of t h e m o n a s t e r y of S t . E v r e a t T o u ! t h e r e is t h e

entry

d e c o m p o t o e t n a t u r a c a n u m e t H i n c m a r u s d e f o n t e v i t a e v o l . I " ( B e c k e r Catalogi Ixviii, 192;

cf. M a n i t i u s op. cil.

339).

In the

fifteenth

Disputatio Theodori Graeci cum Johanne Scoto." H o n o r i u s A u g u s t o d u n e n s i s ( G r a b m a n n Geschichie sqq,

de l'hérésie

1 4 0 iqq).

tione Johannis."

Cf.

It

is

now

4. schclast.

M u n i c h S t a a t s b i b l . 561 s X I I I

M a n i t i u s ibid.

554).

" Johannes

bibliothecarum

c e n t u r y t h e r e w a s in M i c h e l s b e r g a M S identified with

Methode

t h e Clavis

Ii

an

Sotus ant qui entr.led

physical

of

I I 1 3 6 ; J . A . E n t i r e s Honoriu:

64

A n d t h e e x i s t e n c e of a g l o s s o n P r i s c i a n q u o t i n g J o h a n n e s

c o m m e n t a r y on that author.

(ibid.

m a y be evidence

t h a t he l e t a

contains " Priscianus minor c u m exjosi-

3 3 1 , I I 803.

1,1

J a c q u i n op.

cit.

1,1

" W h o e v e r o n t h e c o n t i n e n t in t h e d a y s of C h a r t e s t h e B a l d k n e w G r e e k , w a s a n I r i s h m a n , o" a t

lenst h i s k n o w l e d g e w a s t r a n s m i t t e d t o h i m t h r o u g h a n I r i s h m a n , o r t h e r e p o r t w h i c h e n d o w s h i m v i t h t h i s g l o r y is f a l s e . " — 0

Roma

nobilis

354.

In the s a m e w o r k , p p . 3 5 3 - 6 , 3 6 1 , T r a u b e investipates i h e

k n o w l e d g e of G r e e k p o s s e s s e d b y t h e I r i s h e x i l e s a t t h i s t i m e , a n d t h e m e a n s b y w h i c h it w a s o b t a i t e d , a n d l î i v e s a b i b l i o g r a p h y of t h e s u b j e c t . A g e s " Studies

Cf.,

h o w e v e r , M . E s p o s i t o " G r e e k in I r e l a n d d u r i n g t h e M i u l l e

I iv ( D u b l i n D e c . 1 9 1 2 ) 6 6 5 - 8 3 ;

M a n i t i u s Let.

Lit.

I I 802-3.

EXPANSION

OF

IRISH

CHRISTIANITY

573

mar and v o c a b u l a r y acquired in his n a t i v e schools to Greek texts found in E u r o p e a n libraries, to a t t a i n a proficiency impossible to the average of his fellows. In the intellectual field E r i u g e n a ' s achievements can hardly — in a c o m p a r a t i v e estimation — be too highly appreciated.

" While his

contemporaries were only lisping in philosophy, and even his successors for centuries did no more than discuss a small number of disconnected philosophical questions, E r i u g e n a in the ninth century worked out a complete philosophical synthesis.

A p a r t from those incredibly daring specu-

lations which m a d e him the enfant terrible of his time, he reads like a pantheistic contemporary of St. T h o m a s . "

213

B u t this v e r y fact that

he was several centuries in a d v a n c e of his time, coupled with the easy discovery of heretical tendencies in his writings — although he himself, fortified no doubt b y the N e o - P l a t o n i s m

of Pseudo-Dionysius, which

he a n d his contemporaries looked on as the teaching of the

Apostle

to the Gentiles, never d o u b t e d of his own thorough orthodoxy — prev e n t e d his influence on intellectual development being a t all commensurate with his genius.

P e r h a p s for the same reasons his works h a v e

h a r d l y y e t received due investigation.

377. Dunchad (i) C o m p u t i s t i c a l Hibertiiensis

notes,

quod contulit

with

title:

Commentum

suis discipulis

docens super astrologia Capellae

Varronis

Duncaht

pontificis

in monasleri[o\ sancti

Remigii

Martiani

MS: BM Reg. i s A. X X X I I I f. 3 s EX [a distinct leaf inserted in the codex]. M . E s p o s i t o ZCP

I X ( 1 9 1 3 ) 1 6 1 - 2 ; cf.

Ed:

159-63.

(ii) C o m m e n t a r y on M a r t i a n u s C a p e l l a M S S : B N 12960 i l X / X f f . 25-30; 8786 J X ; 1 4 7 5 4 1 X 1 1 .

E d : Manitius Didaska-

leion (Turin 1 9 1 2 ) 1 3 9 - 5 6 [not complete]. Comm: Narducci Bollellino di Bibliografia e di Storia delle Scienze Malematiche e Fisiche X V (Rome 1882) 5 5 3 - 8 . — Traube NA X V I I I (1893) 103-5. — M a n i t i u s

XXXVI

(1910) 57-60;

Lai.

Lit.

I 525-6,

II

— M. Esposito ZCP VII ( 1 9 1 0 ) 4 9 9 - 5 0 6 ; Studies II (Dec. 1 9 1 3 ) 508; Didaskaleion III ( 1 9 1 4 ) 1 7 2 - 8 1 . — M. L. W. Laistner " Martianus Capella and his ninth century commentators " Bull, of the John Rylands Library IX i (Jan. 1 9 2 5 ) 1 3 0 - 8 . 803, 809.

In the British Museum manuscript Reg. 15 A XXXIII, which came from Reims, there is a single folio, inserted from some other codex, which contains computistical matter ascribed to a " Duncaht " who, we are told, taught in the monastery of St. Remi, expounding Martianus Capella. Manitius has identified as the work of this Duncaht, jl> De Wulf (trans. Coffey) History oj mediaxd philosophy (1909) 167.

574

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

or Dunchad, the fragments (covering books II, IV, V) of a commentary on the Satyricon, or De nuptiis PkUologiae et Mercurii, of Martianus Cape Lia,,H in three Paris manuscripts. Traube had suggested that he might be the author of a commentary on the translation by Boethius of the Isagoge of Porphyry which is found in another manuscript in Paris; m and also that he was one of the teachers of Remigius of Auxerre."' But the whole subject of Dunchad's career and writings is quite obscure."7 It seems probable, but is not certain, that his commentary on Martianus Capella was written before that by Johannes Eriugena.

378. Johannes Macrobii

Eriugena:

de differentiis

Extracts

from Macrobius (Excerpta

et societatibus

graeci latinique

verbi)

EDS: L. von Jan Macrobii ofera I (Leipsic 1848) pp. Ixxix, 22g sqq.—H. Keil Grammalici latini V: Artium scriptores minores (Leipsic 1868) 595-630 [see also introd.]. Cf. Teuffel-Schwabe Geschichte der römischen Literatur (5th ed. 1890) no. 444, 9; Manitius Lai. Lit. I (1911) 338. Ambrosius Theodosius Macrobius, a Roman philosopher and grammarian, flourished about the beginning of the fifth century. He has left two works of some importance, — the Saturnalia, ostensibly a record of discussions among a group of friends which took place during the feast of that name, valuable for the many quotations given from earlier authors; and a commentary on the Somnium Scipionts, a passage in Cicero's De Republica, which has importance because of its testimony to the physical, and especially the astronomical, knowledge and beliefs of the time. Of a third work, comparing the Greek and the Latin verb, we have only excerpts. The manuscript teit ends with the note: " End of the selections from the book of Ambrosius Macrobius Theodosius which Johannes culled for the purpose of teaching the rules of the Greek verbs . . . since Macrobius Theodosius composed a book on the subject of the differences and agreements of the verbs of both languages, namely, Greek and Latin, it seemed to me right to make a selection fiom his work, following the same order." Little doubt is entertained that the excerpts were made by Johannes Eriugena.

379. Johannes Eriugena : Commentary on Martianus Capella MS: BN 12960 s EX ff. 47-115* [this was a MS of Corbie, where it is mentioned ina catalogue of the 12th century: G. Becker Caialogi bibliothecarum antiqui lxxix 22;; Hauréau Notices et extraits des mss. de la bibl. impériale et autres bibl. XX (Paris 186:) ii 1 sqq- some extracts]. Eds: M. Manitius Didaskaleion I (Turin 1912) 139-72, .1 43-61 [extracts]. Comm: E. Narducci Bollettino di Bibliografia e di Sloria dele Scienze Matematiche e Fisiche X V 505-80 [cf. esp. 523-7, 552]. — L. Traube AM XVIII (1893) 103-4. — E. K. Rand Johannes Scottus (Munich 1906) i i , 81-2.— M. Manitius NA X X X V I (1911) 57-60; Lai. Lit. I 335-7; II 803-4.— M. L- V . 1 1 4 Martianus Capella wrote this exposition — in an allegorical setting — of the " seven liberal art*" in north Africa, probably early in the fifth century. The work was edited by Eyssenhardt, 1866. Cn Martianus see Sandys History 0/ classical scholarship P (1921) 241-3. 1 1 6 BN 13949 1.46. NA X V i n 103. C/. Manitius Lai. Lit. I 504-5. 1 1 7 A commentary on the first book of Pomponius Mela in BN 4854 has been ascribed to Dunchad, bit incorrectly. — Henri Omont, as reported by M. Esposito Studies March 1914.

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

575

Laistner " Martianus Capella and his ninth century commentators " Bull, of the John Rylands Library I X i (Jan. 1925) 130-8. The commentary by Eriugena on Martianus Capella has not been published, nor has an adequate study yet been made of the relationships between the various commentaries on this work which were prepared in the ninth century. 1 " Such publication and study would be important for the investigator of the origin, character, and transmission of the encyclopaedic knowledge of the time. Narducci gives some Information on the mathematical lore of the work, and Manitius some examples of John's rationalising tendencies, and of his etymological ventures.*1* It seems probable that this is one of his earlier compositions.

380. Translation of the Solutiones of Lydius Priscus Cum sint multae et uariae . . . commouent proprio motu.

MSS: B N lat. 13386 ff. 160 sqq s IX [the text follows that of De Praedestinatione]. — BM Harl. 3969 s X I V ff. i39 T -6o. — Mantua A. IV. 25 s X I V (?). — B M Cotton. Vesp. A. II. 13 I X I V ff. 148-57. EDS: Duebner (Paris 1855). — I. Bywater Prisciani Lydi quae extant (Supplementum Arislotelicum I ii) (Berlin 1886) 41-104. COMM: J. Quicherat Bibl. de l'École des charles sér. I l l tome IV 248 sqq. — Tiaube MGB Poet. lat. aevi Carol. I l l 522 n. 3. — Rand Johannes Scottus p. ix n. 1.—Manitius Lai. Lit. I 331, 338. — M. Esposito " Priscianus Lydus and Johannes Scottus " Classical Rev. X X X I I (1918) 21-3. Chosroes king of Persia sent, it is said, a series of questions on scientific subjects to a certain Lydius Priscus who lived in the time of Justinian. Lydius prepared a collection of answers, which, in the ninth century, were translated from the Greek into Latin by some scholar of the Carolingian dominions. Quicherat and others have suggested Eriugena as the probable translator, though there is no conclusive proof. Traube gives the name of Fergus (the friend of Sedulius) as a possible alternative. The translation seems to be poorly done, but may have been based on a poor text." 0

381. Johannes Eriugena: On predestination A.D. 851 [Dedicatory Epistle] Johannes Scottus Hincmaro Remensi et Parthulo [Fardulo] Laudunensi episcopia librum de divina praedestinatione rogatu eorum compositum mittit. Dominis illustribus et mérito. . . . Fari non possum, . . . Paz Christi abundet in cordibus ves tris. Caesare sub Karolo Francorum gloria pollet, Litora ceu pelagi piscibus atque salo: Secta diabolici damnatur dogmatis atque Pastomm cura splendet amoena fides.111 [Main Text] Cum omnis piae . . . aeteraa miseria luctaturos. [Epilogue] Quae cum ¡ta sint, ecce . . . nullo modo pertinere.

MS: B N 13386 [formerly of Corbie] ff. 103-59 [this part s I X ex]. EDS: Gilbert Mauguin Veterum auctorum qui IX saeculo de praedestinatione et gratia scripserunl opera et fragmenta I (Paris 1650) 103 sqq. — H. I. Floss in Migne PL C X X I I 347-440. — E. Dtimmler MGH Epistolarum V (1899) 630-1 [the dedicatory epistle]. Cf. no. H* For the beginning of such an investigation, see Laistner's paper. «•» Manitius Lai. Lit. I 355 calls attention to a contemporary reference to the philological teachings of John in an anonymous epistle published in MGB Epiitotarum VI 184. 1 1 0 It was used by Vincent of Beauvais (c 1190—c 1264). Cf. Manitius Lai. Lit. II 803. »1 Tiaube was doubtful of the authenticity of these verses.

576

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

397 for eds. of the verses. COMIC: J. Bass Mullinger The schools of Charles the Great [p. 569 supra] 171 sqq. — Schrôrs H ink mar [p. 570 supra] 117 and passim. — Freysted " (Jber den Pradestinations-streit " Zs f . ivissenschoftlich Theologie 1893. —Jacquin " Le néo-platonisme de Jean Scot " [p. S7° supra] 674-85 [contains a study of the sources of De PraedestinatUme], And, in general, the works mentioned pp. 530, 569 supra.

E a r l y in the ninth century a certain Saxon count named Berno dedicated his son Gottschalk, still a child, to the monastery which had been founded under the auspices of St. Boniface at Fulda. When Gottschalk came of age, feeling no vocation to the monastic life, he asked permission to leave, but Hrabanus M a u r u s , 2 2 2 then abbot, declared that he could not be excused from his vows. Nevertheless Gottschalk departed, and obtained, from a synod a t Mainz in 829, the dispensation sought. Hrabanus, however, prevailed on the Emperor Louis the Pious to quash this action, and Gottschalk was sent back to the religious life, but allowed to transfer himself to the monastery of Orbais in the diocese of Soissons. Here the Saxon devoted himself to the study of St. Augustine, and was peculiarly attracted by the question of predestination. Leaving his monastery on the pretext of a pilgrimage to R o m e , he spent the greater part of several years in northern Italy, where he was patronised b y Eberhard of Friuli, the warrior count to whom Sedulius Scottus dedicated some poems, 2 2 3 and obtained many adherents to his doctrines. Being still pursued by Hraban Maur, who denounced him as a heretic because of his tendency towards rigid predestinarianism, he appeared in 848 before the Council of Mainz (where Hraban had become archbishop in 847) and attempted to confute his persecutor. T h e council, however, condemned Gottschalk's teachings, and handed him over to his own metropolitan, Hincmar, archbishop of Reims (845-882), for punishment. Charles the Bald held a council at Quierzy next year, and Gottschalk was condemned to burn his writings, to be scourged, and to be confined for life in the monastery of Hautvilliers. The predestination controversy had aroused great interest. In the scriptural manuscripts of the Circle of Sedulius we find the name of Gottschalk repeatedly entered opposite passages having a bearing on his argument. T h e severity of his punishment helped, doubtless, to win sympathisers for his cause, which was espoused by such scholars i s Ratramnus of Corbie, Prudentius, bishop of Troyes, and L u p u s Servatus, abbot of Ferrières. 2 2 1 Hincmar himself wrote extensively on the subject, and, as he doubtless wished to gain all the support possible, he and his suffragan, Pardul, bishop of L a o n (847-857), invited Johannes «" CJ. no. 356 (i).

œ

Cf. p. 561 supra.

» Cf. p. S51 supra.

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

577

Eriugena, master of the palace school, to enter the lists on behalf of free will. Eriugena's contribution must have been somewhat startling to his expectant allies. He proposed to attack the problem with the weapons of dialectics — division, definition, demonstration, and analysis. 225 He strove to establish the principle of predestination only to good, and based his arguments on St. Augustine and the Greek Fathers, whom, however, he seems to have known as yet only in translations. He referred with approval to the secular and suspect Martianus Capella. Among his fundamental principles he seems to have held the Neo-Platonic doctrine of the non-existence of evil.

382. Prudentius: On predestination, in reply to Johannes Scottus A.D.

851

(Dedicatory Epistle] Ad Weniloiiem Senonensera archiepiscopum. Reverentissimo Patri et Beatissimo Pontiñci. . . . Accensus, prout decet . . . sospitem servare dignetur. [Text] Blasphemias tuas, Joannes, atque impudentias . . . memoriae tenacius valeat commendare.

E d s : Mauguin Veterum auctorum qui IX saeculo de praedeslinaiione et palia scripserunt opera et fragmenta I (Paris 1650) 194 sqq. — Bibl. max. vet. palrum X V (Leyden 1677) 467 sqq. — Migne PL C X V 1009-1366. — E. Dümmler MGH Epistolarum V (1899) 631-3 [dedicatory epistle], Cf. Schrors Ilinkmar, Erzbischof ton Reims 117. On the appearance of the De Praedeslinaiione of Johannes Eriugena it was sent b y Wenilo, aichbishop of Sens (836-855,), to Prudentius, bishop of Troyes (846(?)-86I), with a request for a refutation. Prudentius — which was the name adopted b y Galindo, a Spaniard by birth — had been educated at the palace school, where he became an admirer of E r i u g e n a . ' " Afterwards he attained prominence as a poet, theologian and historian: he has left a valuable continuation of the Annates Bertiniani.1" Shoitly befoie the appearance of John's work he had, in a letter to Hincmar, defended the doctrine of a double predestination, and was now the obvious protagonist to be pitted against the Irishman. His reply is an absolute condemnation both of John's conclusions and of his methods: " use is to be made, not at all of the illusions of sophistry, but of the manifest statements of Holy W r i t . " One incivility suggests the inference that John was a layman: " you, a barbarian, and a man honored with no grade of ecclesiastical dignity, and never so to be honored by C a t h o l i c s . " " * Another passage should be conclusive as to his Irish origin: " Y o u , the one surpassing all in cleverness, Ireland has sent to Gaul in order that those things which no one could know without your help might be discovered b y means of your scholarship." * " *** SiatptTiKii, ctpurrntyj, airoSetKTicij, áyaÁvriK^. This passage was apparently obtained from the Prolegomena by David the Armenian to Porphyry's Eisagoge. B y what intermediaries it reached John we do not know. *** " I read your shameless and blasphemous words with the greater grief, John, because I formerly regarded you with such intimate personal affection and esteem " (Opening of the text). m

CJ- P- 554 rupra.

H» Migne PL C X V 1014. u s Ibid. 1043. «» Ibid. 1194.

578

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

383. Floras: Book against Johannes Scottus A.D. 852 [Preface] Venerunt ad nos cuiusdam vaniloqui et garruli hominis scripta. . . . [Text] Primo namque capitulo . . . in Apocalypsi comminantem pariter et pollicentem: Qui vicerit . . . haec in ecclesiis. [Apec. X X I 7, 8, 3 5 - 3 7 , X X I I 1 4 - 1 6 . ]

E d : Migne PL C X I X 101-250.

Cf. Schrörs B ink mar 117.

Floras was a deacon of the church of Lyons and a learned ecclesiastical writer of the first half of the ninth century. In the controversy aroused by Gottschalk he had written in support of the doctrine of a double predestination. When the book of Johannes Eriugena arrived at Lyons Florus was asked to prepare a refutation, a task which resulted in the present woik.

384. Remigius of Lyons: Book on the three epistles c A.D. 853 x 835 EDS:

1068.

Bibl. max, vet. patrum (Leyden 1677) Cf. Schrörs Ilinhmar 122.

XV

666 sqq. — M i g n e PL

CXXI

985-

Hincmar of Reims and Pardul of Laon sent letters to the church of Lyons in regard to the predestination controversy. A treatise, discussing these two letteis and a third epistle by Hraban Maur, was written at Lyons, probably by Remigius, archbishop of that city (852-875). It is characterised by an absence of the bitterness which is found in so many of the other controversial writings of the time. The letter by Pardul of Laon here quoted explains the way in which Eriugena was brought into the contest: " because there was such great disagreement on these questions we induced that Irishman, John by name, who is in the royal palace, to write." 2 3 1 This must be regarded as reasonably conclusive evidence that, at the date of the letter by Pardulus, Johannes was teaching in the palace school.

385. Council of Valence A.D. 855;

Council of Langres A.D. 859

ED: Mansi X V (Venice 1770) 1-13, 537-40. I t was not long until the authorities of the Gallic Church put forth as unrestrained a condemnation of Eriugena's theses as of those of Gottschalk which he had undertaken to refute. Canons iv and vi of the Council of Valence and iv of the Council of Langres denounced his methods of reasoning as " diabolical inventions," " old women's stories," and, borrowing the crowning insult from St. Jerome, " Irish porridge." 232

386. Johannes Eriugena: Translation of the works of Dionysius the Areopagite A.D. 858 x 860 [Versus] Hanc libam sacro Graecorum nectare fartam. . . . Nodosae vitis sumitui uva ferax. 24 11. [Dedicatory Epistle] Gloriosissimo Katholicorum regum Karolo Johannes extremus sophyae studentium salutcm. Valde quidem admiranda . . . excellentiam essentiae recurrere. [Versus] I.limine sidereo Dionysius auxit Athcnas. . . . Praedicti patris mystica dicta docent. 24 11. [Libri quattuor dc caelesti if rarchia, de ecclesiastica icrarcbia, de divinis nominibus, de mystica theologia.] 11 Omne datum o p t i m u m , " 231

10

Migne PL C X X I 1052.

" Scotorumque pultes." C/. p. 162 supra.

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY etc. Sed et omnLs Patre . . . perfection«, et summiLis omnium. (EpistoUe diversae XI i Tenebrae quidem obscurae. . . . ii Quomodo omnium summitas. . . . iii Ex occulto est. . . . iv Quomodo, inquis, Jesus. . . . v Divina caligo est. . . . vi Noli hoc aestimare. . . . vii Ego quidem nescio. . . . viii Hebra eo rum historiae aiunt. . . . ix Sanctus quidem Timotheus. . . . x Appellans sac ram animam . . . ecum sunt, trades.

M S S : Very numerous. Traube ( M G H Poet. lai. aevi Carol. I l l 525) distinguishes 3 families: I Francogallic. These go back to the copy, corrected and annotated by the papal librarian Anastasius, which Pope Nicholas I returned to Charles the Bald in 86 r or 862. [Cf. Valentine Rose Die lateinische Meermann-Handschriften d. kgl. Bibl. zu Berlin 67 j j j . ] Berlin Staatsbibl. Phillipps 46 1 X [cf. Rose op. cit. 66], — Florence Bibl. Laurentiana Plut. 89 sup. 15 s X I ex \cf. Bandini Calalogus III 259]. — Beme Stadtbibl. 19 s X / X I [cf. Herman Hagen Catalogus codicum Bernensium (Beme 1875) 12]. — B N nouv. acq. 1490 i X . — Basel Univereitätsbibl. O iii 5 j X I I [cf. Esposito Proc. RIA X X V I I I C (1910) 66], There are also M S S of s X I I in Avranches and Darmstadt. II Italic. These are believed to be derived from a copy transcribed in the roth century by John, Duke of Campania, from an exemplar of Family I. [Cf. Otto Hartwig Centralblait für Bibliothekswesen III (r886) 165; Leitschuh Führer durch die k. Bibl. zu Bamberg* 39.] Cassino 22r i X I . — Bamberg B IV 8 s X I / X I I . I I I Germanic. These are derived from a copy made in the n t h century from an Italic exemplar by Othloh, monk of St. Emmeramus in Ratisbon. Munich Staatsbibl. t4r37 J X I [Othloh's autograph]. There are copies in Munich, Vienna and the Vatican. E d s : 233 Floss in Migne PL C X X I I 1023-^94. — Ussher Sylloge 40-44 [Whole Works IV 476-82: the epistle and verses " Lumine sidereo " from a M S of Trinity College, Cambridge], — Félix Ravaisson Rapports sur les bibliothèques des départements de l'ouest (Paris r84i) 559-60 [the poem " Lumine sidereo "]. — E . Diimmler MGH Epistolarum V I i (r902) 158-61 [the dedicatory epistle]. Cf. also no. 397. Comm: Jacquin " Le néo-platonisme de Jean Scot " [p. 570 supra] 674-85. — Otto Bardenhewer (trans. Thos. J. Shahan) Patrology The Lives and Works of the Fathers of the Church (Freiburg i. Br. and St. Louis Mo. r9o8) 535-41. — Manitius Lai. Lit. I 333. — M . Grabmann " Ps.-Dionysius Areopagita in lateinischer Ubersetzungen des Mittelalters " Beiträge zur Geschichte des christlichen Altertums und der byzantinischen Literatur — Festgabe Ehrhard (Bonn 1922) r8i sqq. — P. Lehmann " Zur Kentniss der Schriften des Dionysius Areopagita im Mittelalter " Ret. Bénédictine I I I (1923) 8r-97 [this and the preceding assume that the trans, by Hilduin is lost]. — See also the works mentioned supra, pp. 569-71 and the articles on Dionysius in the Reaiencykl. f. prot. Theologie u. Kirche and the Cath. Encycl. In the second half of the fifth century some unknown Greek writer, probably a Syrian of heretical sympathies, composed a number of works which professed to have been written b y Dionysius the Areopagite, the convert of St. Paul at Athens.' 34 Although used at first chiefly by the Monophysite heretics — in a conference at Constantinople in 533 the orthodox Hypatius, bishop of Ephesus, flatly refused to accept their authenticity — they gradually were adopted by Catholic theologians until the Lateran Council of 649 and the sixth Ecumenical Council of Constantinople in 680, by quoting them as evidence against heretical doctrines, seemed to put the final seal on their genuineness. Henceforth throughout the middle ages they were to be among the most popular of religious writings. This was especially the case in the East. In the 431

An edition was published in 1503: cf. Strauss Optra rariora I 77; Graesse Trtsor da thru rares

I I 399A cil xvii 34.

s8o

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

West the language remained for a time a bar to their popularity, though in Rome the presence of many Greek monks and other sojourners from the Orient insured their preservation. In 757, as one of the results of the close association between the Papacy and the Carolingian rulers of the Frankish empire, a copy of the Dionysiac writings was, along with other books, sent by Pope Paul I to Pippin the Short. 2 " This codex may have still been in the palace library in the time of Johannes Eriugena, or it may have disappeared. Its coming had no immediate consequence in the Gauls. But a different result followed on the gift of another copy, made in 827 by the Byzantine Emperor Michael I I to the Fiankish Emperor Louis the P i o u s . " ' J u s t north of Paris an important monastery had grown up 2 , 7 at the shrine of an obscure early Christian martyr, Dionysius, or Denis." 8 Through Merovingian and Carolingian times this St. Denis had increased in fame until he became the peculiar patron of the West Franks. H i l d u i n , " ' abbot of the monastery from 815 — the man to whom Dungal, Irish inmate of that cloister, addressed one of his poems 5 , 0 — was from about 820 arch-chaplain and confidential adviser to Louis the Pious. It would seem that, at the request of Louis, he, with several collaborators, produced, some time between 831 and 835, a translation of the writings of Pseudo-Dionysius. 241 In 835 Louis commissioned him to write a Life of St. Denis. 2 " T h e resulting work 243 amalgamated into one person the convert of St. Paul, the martyr of Paris, and the author of the theological treatises. 244 The identification continued to be accepted for many centuries. Probably about 858 Charles the Bald called upon the Irishman Johannes, the teacher in his palace school, to make a new translation of the writings of this great Father of the Church, so intimately connected on the one hand with the foundations of Christianity, and on the other with the Empire of the Franks. John seems to have worked resolutely to produce an independent version. His knowledge of Greek was sufficient to enable him not only to make a fairly accurate literal translation of the obscure original, but also to grasp quite fully its general significance. 24 ' For this he M GB Epislolarum

I I I 529.

»

MGR

V 330.

237

Cf. Léon Levillain " L e s plus anciennes églises a b b a t i a l e s de St. D e n i s ' ' Mémoires

de Paris

Epislolarum

et de l'Ile-de-France

gienne " Bibl. de l'École

T h e M S is now B N Grec. 437.

X X X V I (1909);

rhisl.

des chartes L X X X I I (1921) 5 - 1 1 6 .

" 8 C / . G. K u r t h Élud'.s franques 239

de la Stc. de

" É t u d e s sur l ' a b b a y e de S t . D e n i s à l'époque mérovin-

(Paris 1919) II 297-317.

Cf. F . L o t " D e quelques personnages du I X e siècle qui ont porté le nom de H i l d u i n " Le Moyen

X V I (1903) iv, X V I I (1904) iv;

" L e s a b b é s Hilduin au I X e siècle " Bibl.

de l'École

desCharles

À ge

March-

J u n e 1905. 240

Cf. p. S41

241

Cf. P . G . T h é r y " Hilduin et la première traduction des écrits du P s e u d o - D e n i s ' Rer. d'hist.

l'Église

supra.

P s e u d o - D e n i s par Hilduin " RUE •« MGE 244

de

de France I X (1923) 23-40 [see also RI1 July 1923 p. 297]; " L e t e x t e intégral de la traduction du Epislolarum

X X I (1925) 33-50, 1Q7 214.

V 326.

He identifies t h e t e x t a s still s u r v i v i n g .

«'» M i g n e PL C V I 23-50.

Cf. R . F o s s Über den Abt Bilduin

von Sl. Denis

und Dionysius

Areopagita

T h é r y " C o n t r i b u t i o n à l'histoire de l'aréopagitisme au I X e siècle " Moyen

(Berlin 1886);

Age 2nd ser. X X V

P. G.

(May-Aug.

1923) i n - 5 3 2tó

Cf. T r a u b e MGE

Poet. lai. ani Carol. I I I 520.

T r a u b e t h o u g h t t h a t H i n c m a r of Reims, writing on

t h e predestination c o n t r o v e r s y in 859 /860, had quoted from the work of J o h a n n e s ( M i g n e PL C X X V 313). T h é r y , however, has shown (RUE

X X I 39 sqq. ) t h a t H i n c m a r ' s q u o t a t i o n s are from the translation b y

Hilduin. 146

In ironical mock-humility he requests any person w h o m a y d o u b t t h e fidelity of his version to " refer

t o t h e Greek codex from which I m a d e m y translation: there, p e r c h a n c e , h e will find whether it is so or not."

Ep. ad

Karolum.

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

581

had been prepared by the Neo-Platonic studies of which his De praedestiruitione had given evidence. It was principally on John's translation, as amended by the papal librarian Anastasius, that the very extensive knowledge and use of Pseudo-Dionysius in the West during the middle ages depended. The writings of Pseudo-Dionysius consist of four treatises, on the " celestial hierarchy " — the nine angelic choirs, — the " ecclesiastical hierarchy " — the various grades in the Church, — the " divine names " — the nature of God and His relationship to created things — and " mystical theology " — the means of mystic union between the soul and God; and ten letters, four to a monk Caius, one each to a deacon, Dorotheus, a priest, Sopater, the bishop Polycarp, a monk, Demophilus, the bishop Titus, and the Evangelist John. The whole forms a body of vague, mystical, allegorical, and somewhat theosophical doctrines cast in a Christian mould but manifestly much influenced by Neo-Platonism, especially the teachings of Proclus (411-485). T o John, whose mind was already inclining towards such a Weltanschauung, the discovery of such complete confirmation in so sacred an authority must have been conclusive. He accepted the veiled pantheism of Dionysius not as a thing to be explained away by orthodox subterfuges, but to be drawn forth as the vital principle of true Christian philosophy.

337. Pope Nicholas I: Letter to King Charles the Bald A.D. 858 x 860 [Fragment] Relatum est apostolatui . . . acceptius habeatur.

Eds: The Decretum of Ivo of Chartres IV civ in Migne PL C L X I 289-90; ibid. C X I X 1119. — Floss ibid. C X X I I 1025-6- — Ernst Perels MGH Epislolarum VI pt. II fase. I (Berlin 1 9 1 2 ) 6 5 1 - 2 . Com«: T . Christlieb Leben und Lehre des Johannes Scotus Erigena (Gotha I860) 27. — Lapótre De Anastasio bibliothecario p. 2 7 8 . — Traube MGH Poet. lot. aevi Carol. I l l 519. — Perels NA X X X I X 43-153. St. Ivo, or Y v e s , of Chartres, the first great canonist of the West, has preserved in his Decretum a letter written by Pope Nicholas I to Charles the Bald requiring that the translation of the works of Dionysius the Areopagite, lately made by " a certain man John, of Irish race," should be sent to Rome for examination. Reports had evidently reached the Pope which made him suspect the orthodoxy of the new translation. There is a later interpolated version which makes John a teacher at Paris and directs that he himself should proceed to Rome.

388. Anastasius: Letter to Charles the Bald Inter cetera studia . . . regnum traasferat quandoque.

Explicit.

D a t a X K a l . April, indict. V I I I .

M S : Florence Bibl. Laurentiana Plut. 89 sup. 15 J X I / X I I . Eds: Ussher Sylloge 45 sqq [Whole Works I V 483-7]. — Floss in Migne PL C X X I I 1025-30. Cf. Manitius Lai. Lit. I 678 sqq; Ernst Perels Pafst Nikolaus I und Anastasius Bibliothekarius (Berlin 1920). T o Anastasius, the Papal librarian, was assigned the task of examining and correcting the text of John's translation of Pseudo-Dionysius. The manuscript which he returned with his corrections and marginal annotations, said to be taken mainly from

582

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

Greek commentators, seems to be the exemplar from which all extant copies were ultimately derived. John's original text has disappeared, but it is not probable that any very extensive changes were made in it. Accompanying the codex Anastasius sent a letter, dated 23 March, 860, to Charles the Bald which gives high praise to the work of Eriugena. " It is a wonderful thing how that barbarian, living at the ends of the earth, who might be supposed to be as far removed from the knowledge of this other language as he is from the familiar use of it, has been able to comprehend such ideas and translate them into another tongue: I refer to John Scotigena, whom I have learned by report to be in all things a holy man." He makes the criticism, however, that the translator, because of a modest desire to adhere closely to the exact words of the original, left much which still required an interpretation.

389. Johannes Eriugena: Commentary on Dionysius the Areopagite (i) On the " Hierarchies " Sancti Dionysii Areopagitae primus liber . . . nisi in animo. of all known texts.]

[There is a considerable gap in the middle

M S S : Vat. 652 s X I . — Munich Staatsbibl. 380 s X I I . — Basel Universitatsbibl. O iv 34 I X I I . — Bruges 1 s X I V / X V . ED: Floss in Migne PL C X X I I 125-266.

(ii) On the " Ecclesiastical Hierarchy " Secundus vero liber, cui est inscriptio . . . eodem modo de ceteris [ends imperfect].

M S S : Leipsic Universitatsbibl. 188 J X I I I . — B N 15630 s X I I I . — Vat. 177 s X I V . ED: Floss loc. cil. 265-8. COMM: Grabmann op. cit. [p. 570 supra] 183. — Brilliantoff, Draseke, op. cii. [p. 570 supra], — T h i r y REE X X I 205 sqq.

(iii) On the " Mystical Theology " [Prologue] In prologo super librum de divinis nominibus. . . . " Trinitas supersubstantialis " etc. Titulus huius libri . . . super omnia absolutus. (Explicit opus multum utile, et obscurum valde.)

M S : Vienna Nationalbibl. hist. eccl. 136 i X I V . ED: Floss loc. cit. 267-84. P . G. Th6ry Vie Spiriluelle, Mar. 1925 Supp. [as noted in RUE X X I 206].

COMM:

Doubtless Eriugena himself realised that his close adherence to the original left obscure much of his translation of Pseudo-Dionysius. To elucidate it he provided a commentary, extant only in part, which is remarkable among early mediaeval commentaries because of the effort it makes to set forth the literal meaning of the text. To do this Johannes draws on his knowledge of the Greek language. He also makes use, but with more than usual appositiveness, of the familiar allegorical methods of explanation. His editor, Floss, attributed to Johannes also two short commentaries on the " Celestial Hierarchy " and the " Mystical Theology," but the criticism of Thery and others has shown that the identification is erroneous.

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY 390. Johannes Eriugena: Translation of the Confessor A.D. 860 x 867

Ambigua

583 of Maximus

[Dedicatory epistle) Domino gloriosissimo piissimoque Divina Previdente atque adiuvante gratia Regi Rarolo Johannes extremus servomm vestrorum perpetuam in Christo salutem. Hoc opus Maximi . . sympliciter transtulisse. [Verses] Kyrrie, caeligenae cui poltet gratia formae. . . . 24 11. Quisquis rhetorico verborum synnate gaudet. . . . 12 U. Quisquis amat formam pulchrae laudare sophiae. . . . 20 11. [Text] Sanctissimo ac beatissimo archiepiscopo Cyzici Joanni Maximus humilis monachus. Laudantur quidem, et fortassis . . . pertransierunt vestigiis.

MSS: Paris Bibl. Mazarine 561 s I X ex [cf. Cat. des rnss. de la bibl. Mazarine I 226]. — Bibl. de 1' Arsenal 237 s I X / X [cf. Cat. des mss. de la bibl. de l'Arsenal I 128]. — Vat. Regin. 569 s IX f.9 [one leaf only]. 1 "— BN 2203 s XIV. EDS: Thos. Gale Joannis Erigenae De divisione naturae libri V (Oxford 1681) appendix [MS. not now known]. — Floss in Migne PL C X X I I 1193-1222. — Félix Ravaisson Rapports sur les bibl. des dtp. de l'ouest (Paris 1841) 556-8 [poems only], — E. Diimmler MGH Epistolarum VI (1902) 161-2 [dedicatory epistle only]. COMM.- J. Dräseke Stud. z. Gesch. d. Theol. u. Kirche IX (1902) 52 sqq\ Zs.f. wiss. Theol. XL VI (1903) 563, XL VII (1904) 250 sqq; Theologische Studien u. Kritiken 1910 pp. 530 sqq, 1911 pp. 20 sqq, 204 sqq. — Manitius Lai. Lit. I 334.

Maximus Confessor (c 580-662) was one of the most famous of Greek theological writers and champions of Catholic doctrine. His use and interpretation of PseudoDionysius did much to bring that author into repute among the oithodox. A codex of one of his treatises, an explanation of ambiguous passages in the sermons of St. Gregory Nazianzen (4iropa tit rpjiyiptov), must have been preserved in the palace library or some monastery of France in the time of Charles the Bald. Soon after the completion of his version of Pseudo-Dionysius Charles called upon Johannes Eriugena to render the same service for this text of Maximus. The resulting translation is similar in character to its predecessor. It has some importance in illustrating John's ideas.

It is believed that John also made a translation, for his own use, of the De hominis opificio of Gregory of Nyssa. Cf. Dräseke " Gregorios von Nyssa in den Anführungen des Johannes Scottus Erigena " Theol. Studien u. Kritiken L X X X I I (Gotha 1909).

391. Johannes Eriugena: Ilcpt naturae Magister.

frxriuv

M i p u r / w v , id est,

De

divisione

c A.D. 8 6 7 Saepe mihi cogitanti . . . coovertit in lucem.

MSS: Bamberg H. J. IV 5 and 6 s I X . — Reims 875 5 I X . [These MSS contain notes and corrections said to be in John's own hand: the Bamberg MS seems to have been once in Reims: possibly both belonged to Hincmar.] — BN 12964 j IX. — Avranches 230. — BM Harl. 2506 s X [excerpts: cf. Turner Catholic Uniiersity Bulletin X I I I 566 n. 4]. — BN 12960 í X [beginning only]. — Floss made use of the St. Germain This passage, thought to be from a work by Johannes, Librr de egressu el regressu animae ad Dcumt has been published by Carl Greith SpiciUgium Vaiicanum (Frauenfeld 1838) 30 sq, and by Floss in Migue PL C X X I I T023~4- P- Lehmann has shown that it is really an extract from the trans, of Maximus Confessor (Hermes U I u6-8). CJ. Manitius Lot. Lit. I I 803.

584

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

MSS: 309 s XI, 830 i XI, 280 s X I I in BN, and BN 1764 s X I I . » ' ED: Floss in Migne PL C X X I I 439-1022. G E R M , T R A N S : Ludwig Noack Johannes Scotus Erigena über die Eintheilung der Natur (Phüosofhische Bibl. Bds. L X X X V I - L X X X V I I ) (Leipsic 1870,1874)." 9 C O M M : Manitius Lai. Lit. I (1911) 328-30, 334-5.—The works mentioned supra, pp. 569-71. — Delisle Le cabinet des mss II 125. — A. Schmitt Zwei noch unbenutzte Hss des Johannes Scotus Erigena (Bamberg 1900). — J. Dräseke " Johannes Scotus Erigena und dessen Gewährsmänner in seinem Werke De Divisione Naturae Libri V " Studien z. Geschichte d. Theologie u. d. Kirche IX ii (Leipsic 1902) 10-63 [study of the use of earlier Greek and Latin authors by Johannes]. —• Manitius NA X X X I I 678 sqq. — Ludwig Traube (ed. E. K. Rand) " Palaeographische Forschungen Vter Teil: AutogTapha des Iohannes Scottus " Abhandl. d. k. bay. Akad. d. Wissensch. I Cl. Bd. X X V I Abt. I (Munich 1912) \cf. Bibl. de l'École des Charles L X X I I I (1912) 301 sqq. But Rand in Unhersily of California Publications in Classical Philology V viii (1920) advances reasons for doubting the genuineness of these alleged autographs]. T h e most important work of Johannes Eriugena, and the first great philosophical production of western Europe, is the De Divisione Xaturae. Unfortunately no adequate study of it has yet been made, at least in the English language. I t is a philosophico-theological discussion, in the form of a dialogue, of the constitution of the universe, or " Nature " : " N a t u r e " is analyzed, " divided," into four aspects: " Nature creating but not created," the Neo-Platonic iv, God as the origin of all things; " N a t u r e creating and created," the world of Platonic ideas; " Nature created but not creating," the world of sense-phenomena; " Nature neither created nor creating," God the end, the destination, of all things. T h e Neo-Platonic mysticism which he imbibed from Pseudo-Dionysius, M a x i m u s Confessor, Chalcidius, 2 "' 0 and others, permeates the whole, and has been developed into a quite thorough-going pantheism. Rationalism, too, is one of its cardinal doctrines, but a rationalism most incongruous with the usual modern conception thereof, for it is based on the principle that the intellect is God Himself speaking in man. All this body of teaching is reconciled in full sincerity with the dogmas of Catholic Christianity. T h e older authors whom Johannes certainly made use of in preparing his magnum opus are Vergil, Pliny, Augustine, Boethius, Martianus Capella, Hilary, Jerome and Ambrose, of the Latins, and PseudoA brief extract from the De divisione mlurae, treating of the Aristotelian categories, is found in St. Gall Stiftsbihl. 274 j I X p. 4, and has been edited by M. Esposito, Proc. RIA X X X V I I I ( 1 9 1 0 ) C 75. Cf. P. Lehmann " Johannes Scottus über die Kategorien " Berliner philolcgische Wochenschrift X L I ( 1 9 2 1 ) 670-2. An Eng. trans., in M S , by the Irish poet, William Larminie, is said to be in the National Library Dublin; cf. M. Esposito Studies I I (Dec. 1 9 1 3 ) so6, who says it should be used only with caution. 160 Sandys (Hermathena X I I 428 sqq) says that John's quotation from Plato's Timaeus, in De Div. Nat. I xxxi, is entirely independent of the translation by Chalcidius.

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

585

Dionysius, Epiphanius, Gregory of Nyssa, and Maximus Confessor of the Greeks. The work is dedicated to his fellow-student Wulfad, afterwards bishop of Bourges. 251 392. Johannes Eriugena: Commentary on the Boethius c A.D. 868 x 870 Commentum Boethii D e Trinitate.

Opuscula

sacra

of

Quinti dicebantur . . . commendat.

M S S : In the following codices the commentary appears as a complete work: B N Iat. 12957 s I X f. 2 sqq. — Bern Stadtbibl. 265 s X / X I ff. 68 sqq. — Einsiedeln Stiftsbibl. 235 s X / X I pp. 9 6 - 1 6 4 . — B N lat. 2788 j X I ff. 29 sqq. — St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 134 pp. 134 sqq s X I . — Munich Staatsbibl. 11314 s X I / X I I ff. 26 sqq. — St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 768 s X I I pp. 9 sqq. In the following the commentary forms an interlinear and marginal gloss: Vat. Urb. 532 5 I X ff. 1 sqq. — Bern Stadtbibl. 510 (f. 1), 517 (f. 22 T ) s I X / X . — Bamberg Q V I 32 s I X / X ff. i T sqq. — Munich Staatsbibl. 18765 s X ff. 2 sqq. — Vat. lat. 567 J X I ff. 66T sqq; Reg. 592 s X I ff. 77* sqq. ED: E . K . R a n d Johannes Scottus (Munich 1906) 3-80. COMM: Manitius Lot. Lit. I (1911) 337-8. This Commentary was written soon after the death of Pope Nicholas I in 867. I t is another example of the — for his time — superior exegetical work of Johannes. According to the editor it shows in places a toning down of the strongly heretical tendencies of the De Divisione Naturae.

333. Life of Boethius M S S : Oxford Corpus Christi Coll. 74 s X I . — Florence Bibl. L a u r e n t i n a 18 Plut. 78, 19 s X I I f. 3T. ED: Peiper Boethii De Consolatione Philosophiae (Leipsic 1871). Cf. M . Esposito Hermathena X V I I (1912) 1 0 9 - n . A short Life of the Christian scholar and philosopher Boethius (d. 524/525) which the manuscript attributes to Johannes Scottus.

394. Homily on the prologue to the Gospel of St. John, attributed to Johannes Eriugena Vox spiritual's aquilae . . . prophetalium visionum, cui gloria c. P. et s. S. per o. s. s.

Amen.

M S S : Alençon 149. — Vienna 679. — B N lat. 2950 s X I I ff. 179-89 [the first attributes it to Johannes Scottus, the other two texts are anonymous]. EDS: Félix Ravaisson 1 5 1 Q - P- 562 supra. In the Paris M S Bibl. Mazarine 561 s I X f. 219* there is a library cat. which has been published by Petit-Radel, Recherches sur les bibliothèques 95-6, and by G. Becker, Cafalogi bibliothecarum antiqui (Bonn 1885) 42 no. I l i - As published the first item reads " biblia Vulfadi," b u t , as Lehmann has noted, Hermes L I I 113 sqq, and as the facs. in L. Traube (ed. E. K . Rand) Palaeographische Forschungen V [see p. 584 supra1 pi. xii clearly shows, it is " Bibli Vulfadi." Evidently this was the list of Wulfad's books; among them are " Sti Dyonisii ariopagitae," " litterae eiusdem," " libri perifiseon II, " " Scoliarum M a x i m i . "

586

EXPANSION OF IRISH CHRISTIANITY

Rapports sur ¡es bibl. des dip. de l'ouest (Paris 1841) 334-55. — Saint-René T a i l l a n d i e i Scot Erigine et la philosophic scolastique (Strasburg 1843) 299 sqq. — Floss in Mignie PL C X X I I 283-96. Cf. Hauréau Notices et extraits des mss. de la bibl. national. 687 to 848. H Z concludes that the main text was written not later than 848. I t has been inferred that it is not earlier than 836 because the calendar includes the feast of All Saints, which was established in France and Germany in 835. The addition of St. Quentin to the calendar led Bannister to suggest that the volume was produced at Peronna Scottorum.

526. The Vienna fragment of Bede M S : Vienna Nationalbibl. n. 15928 (suppl. 2698) s I X . EDS of O-I glosses: W S Goidelica* (1872) 51 sqq.— H Z Glossae Hibernicae (1881) pp. xxix-xxx, 253-8 [cf. Supplementum (1886) 13]. — Strachan " T h e Vienna Fragments of B e d e " RC X X I I I (1902) 40-9. — Thes. Pal. I I (1903) pp. xi, 31-7. This remnant of a codcx consists of four badly damaged leaves, parts of which are lost and parts so abrased as to be very difficult of deciphering. T h e y contain a section of Bede's De Temporum Ratione {cap. vii-xxii, otherwise v-xx), with many interlinear and marginal notes and glosses, Irish and Latin, in several hands. The text is of the same recensión as the Carlsruhe Bede, and some of the glosses are the same, indicating a common source; the majority of the glosses, however, are independent.

527. The Cologne fragments of Bede M S : Cologne Stadt-Archiv G B - A no. 82 and 85 i X . ZCPXV (1925) 297-301.

ED (of O-I glosses):

RTh

These two leaves contain part of Bede's De arte métrica, with glosses in Latin and in Irish. T h e y are in continental script, of the tenth century, it is said, but were probably copied from an Irish exemplar of the ninth.

528. The Vatican Computus M S : Vat. 5755 ff. 2-3, 63-73. EDS of O-I glosses: O. Dziobek " Altirische Glossen " Beiträge z. Kunde d. indogerm. Sprachen V (1880) 63-7 [poor; cf. B. Güterbock ibid. V I I (1883) 342-3]. — H Z Glossae Hibernicae (1881) pp. xxx, 259-61 [cf. W S " Spicilegium Vaticanum " Academy X X X V (Jan. 12, 1889) 2 6 - 7 ] . — Thes. Pal. II (1903) pp. xii, 39-41. On the Dionysian paschal writings cf. p. 214 supra. Among a number of manuscripts from Bobbio which are now in the Vatican is one, said to be of the eleventh century, containing a copy of Augustine's De Trinitate. Bound up with it are several folios from another codex, a computus written in old

672

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

Irish script. The date of this has not been determined, but Stokes and Strachan considered the language of the Irish glosses to be as old as the eighth century, and declared that there was no clear evidence that they were copies. Part of the computistical matter consists of the Paschal Arguments of Dionysius viii, ix, x, and xiv, and it is to these that the Irish glosses, together with a wealth of Latin annotations, are attached.

529. The Nancy Computus MS: Nancy Bibl. de la Ville 59. 1 1 1 EDS (O-I glosses) : AdeJ Bibl. de l'École des Charles 6e sér. I I (1866) 509-10, I I I (1867) 471-5. — Henri Gaidoz " On Irish glosses recently found in the library of Nancy " Proc. R1A X (1867) 70-r. — WS Goiddica* (1872) 54. — HZ Glossae HibernUae (1881) pp. n r sq, 262. — Thes. Pal. II (1903) pp. xii, 41. In the library of Nancy is to be found one small fragment of the disiecta membra of old Irish scholarship in the shape of a single piece of parchment which has been used as a binding on one of the codices. It is a leaf from a computus, written in an Irish hand of the eighth or ninth century. The text consists of the Paschal Arguments xii and xiii attributed to Dionysius, to which are added a large number of marginal and interlinear Latin notes and a few Irish glosses.

630. The Cambridge Juvencus M S : Cambridge Univ. Lib. Ff. iv 42 S I X . EDS (glosses): WS " Die Glossen und Verse in dem Codex des Juvencus zu Cambridge " Beitr. zur. vergl. Sprachf. IV (1865) 385-423, VII (1873) 410-6 [Welsh and O-I], — Thes. Pal. II (1903) pp. xiii, 44 [O-I]. COMM: Skene and Bradshaw Archaeologia Cambrensis 3rd ser. X 153-6. — H&S I 198, 622-3. — WS Academy Sept. 10, 1892 [application of key of Bamberg cryptogram; cf. no. 363]. EDS. of Juvencus: Migne PL X I X . — Marold (Leipsic 1886) (in Bibliotheca Teubneriana). — Hiimer (Vienna 1891) (in Corpus SS. eccles. lat.). COMM: RTh RC X I 91. — T. H. Parry-Williams Univ. of Wales Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies I ii (May 1922) 120-3. Juvencus was a Spanish priest and poet of the fourth century, whose principal composition was a rendering into dactylic hexameters of the story of the life of Christ, drawn from the gospels, especially that of Matthew. This work was regarded with much favor during the middle ages; the fact that it was known to Columbanus makes it probable that it had reached Ireland by his time."' The manuscript here considered was written in Wales, probably at the abbey of Llan-Carvan, in the first half of the ninth century. It contains a large number of Welsh and a small number of Irish glosses; also, on a fly-leaf at the end of the codex, two hymns, apparently in an Irish hand of the latter part of the ninth century, and some corrupt Latin entries in a Welsh script of later date. There are allusions to two abbots of Armagh, Nuadu (d. 812) and Fethgna (d. 874). Finally, a marginal entry in cypher proves to be written in the same code as that expounded in the Bamberg cryptogram (no. 363) by certain Irishmen who visited the court of " Mermin, King of the Britons," identified with Mervyn Vrech, king of Wales, who died in 844. Skene and Bradshaw believed that the manuscript was carried to Ireland in the second half of the ninth century, and afterwards returned to Wales. 1 » Lindsay, Notai Latintu 46g, gives this &s codex 317 (356), a Bobbio MS.

114

Cf. p. igi.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

673

631. The Trêves Enchiridion of St. Augustine MS: Berlin Staatsbibl. Joseph von Gorres Collection 87 s I X / X . and relevant text): L. C. Stern ZCP VII (191c) 475-97.

ED (O-I glosses

HISTOHY: The library of the ancient Abbey of St. Maximin at Trêves contained many valuable mediaeval manuscripts. During the disturbances which followed the French Revolution the abbey was sequestrated and the manuscripts scattered. A considerable number were obtained by Johann Joseph von Gorres, at this time a warm admirer of the Revolution, but later one of the leading champions of Catholicity in the intellectual and political circles of Germany. In 1902 his collection was offered for sale, and purchased by various libraries. Among the manuscripts acquired by the Royal Library at Berlin is one entitled " S. Augustini Opera Varia " which has interest for Irish students. It consists of two codices bound together in 1750, the second only of which is here considered. SCRIPT: Caroline minuscule of the second half of the 9th century; has certain additions — including the Latin and Irish glosses — written in another hand, possibly of later date, the end of the ninth or beginning of the tenth century. Neither scribe was Irish, but one at least of the texts was copied from an Irish original. CONTENTS: F. 65: Augustine's "Enchiridion," or handbook, on Faith, Hope and Charity. (Migne PL X L 231.) F. 116: The abbot Cherimon on Free Will (ibid. X L I X 915). F. 117: Defence of Catholic Faith against heretics, attributed to St. Jerome. (In the so-called Sacramentarium Leonianum,'16 of which the best ed. is by C. L. Feltoe, Cambridge, 1896.) F. 129": Extracts from Basil and Gregory Nazianzen. F. 135*: Letter of Pope Celestine regarding the falsehood of Adam, original sin, and the grace of God. (Migne PL L 531.) F. 140: Sermon by Augustine on the text that through Adam death and through Christ life have come to all men. (Extract from the treatise " Against Julian.") F. 141: Book of Augustine on Eighty Questions. (Migne PL X L 9.) F. 175*: On the conversation of Epicureans and Stoics with the Apostle Paul. (Ibid. X X X V I I I 808.) F. 180: Sermon on the text: What was said by God to Moses, I am Who I am. (Ibid. 63.) G L O S S E S : The first fifty-one chapters of the Enchiridion carry a large number of Old Irish and Latin glosses, the majority Latin. They are absent from the rest of this treatise — probably because the copyist for some reason ceased transcribing them at this point — and from the remainder of the codex. Peculiarities in the Latin orthography indicate that the text as well as the glosses of the Enchiridion was drawn from an Irish exemplar. That work, at least, was known and studied in the Irish schools. It is not stated whether there is similar evidence for the Irish origin of any of the other texts found here. The Irish glosses are of interest chiefly to students of linguistics. They seem to vary in date, being the product, doubtless, of several generations of scholars. They approach most closely to the Milan glosses in language forms, and in the present collection are thought to date from the ninth century.

532. The Hohenfurt Manuscript of the Dialogues of Gregory the Great MS: Hohenfurt Stiftsbibl. 71 j XI.

ED (glosses): K M ZCP VIII (1912) 176-7.

In the Cistercian Monastery of Hohenfurt, near Budweis, Bohemia, there is a manuscript copy of the " Dialogues " of Pope Gregory the Great, written in a modified "« Cf. p. 686 injra.

674

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

Irish script. On the margins are a few notes in Irish — others have probably been lost. They were entered on certain saints' festivals in the years 1081 and 1082. The scribe's name was Eoin — John. I t would seem that the manuscript was written on the Continent.

Mention should be made here of the M S Boulogne Bibl. publ. 63-64 (58) s V I I I , which formerly belonged to the monastery of St. Bertin. It contains the Letters of St. Augustine, and is noteworthy for the very primitive abbreviations found in it, indicating that the Vorlage was of the seventh century or earlier. The script is insular minuscule, and Lindsay gives a notice of it in Early Irish minuscule script (Oxford 1910) 70-4; but in Notae Lalinae (Cambridge 1915) 448 he classes it as " probably Anglosaxon."

Of the use of the works of Isidore of Seville in Ireland there is ample evidence. It is doubtful, however, whether any M S copy, written in Ireland, survives. Beeson, in his catalogue of the M S S , notices a considerable number of codices showing " insular " influences; he does not attempt to distinguish between Irish and English. — C. H. Beeson Isidor-Studien (Quellen u. Untersuchungen z. lot. Philologie d. Mittelalters IV ii) (Munich 1 9 1 3 ) : see esp. 120 sqq, 129 sqq.

(g) L A T I N AND G R E E K GRAMMATICAL AND L I T E R A R Y

STUDIES

533. Irish Copies of Priscian (i) The Leyden Priscian (no. 364 i) (ii) The St. Gall Priscian M S : St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 904 J I X . EDS (of O-I glosses): C. Nigra Reliquie Celtiche I Il manoscritto irlandese di S. Gallo (Turin 1872) [selection], — G. I . Ascoli II Codice irlandese dell' Ambrosiana I I Appendici e illustrazioni Le chiose irlandesi del codice di San Gallo (Archivio Glottologico Italiano VI) (Rome 1879) [complete text of glosses; trans, unfinished; cf. WS " The Old Irish Glosses on the St. Gall Priscian " Academy X X V I I 370 (May 23, 1885); " A Collation of Ascoli's edition of the Old-Irish Glosses at St. Gall " Kgl. Sachs. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Berichte, Philol.-Hist. CI. 1885 pp. 175-88].— Thes. Pal. I I (1903) pp. xviii-xxiii, 49-224 [best ed. and trans.]. C o l i a : On the glosses: WS " Notes on the St. Gallen Glosses " ZCP I I (1899) 4 7 2 - 9 . — J . Strachan " Some Notes on the St. Gall Glosses " ibid. I l l (1901) 60; " On the Language of the St. Gall Glosses " ibid. IV (1903) 470-92.— R T h RC V I 3 1 8 ; 7,s. f . vergi. Sprachforschung X X X V I I 55. — H . Pedersen ibid. X X X V 3 1 6 . — H Z ibid. X X X V I 4 7 1 . — J . Strachan Trans. Philological Soc. 1899-1901 pp. 47, 57; RC X X 304.— L. Traube 0 Roma nobilis (Munich 1891) 50 (346) sqq [the association of this M S with the Circle of Sedulius], — B . G. Güterbock Zs.f. vergi. Sprachforschung X X X I I I 92n. [date of MS]. — W. M . Lindsay Early Irish minuscule script (Oxford 1910) 40-7; Hermathena X V I I I (1914) 44.

LITERATURE A N D

CULTURE

675

(iii) The Ambrosian fragment MS: Milan Bibl. Ambrosiana A 138 sup. s I X f. 3. EDS of 0-1 glosses: HZ Glossarum Hibernicarum Supplementum (Berlin 1886) 3. —• Thes. Pal. II (1903) pp. xxiv, 232.

(iv) The Carlsruhe Priscian MS: Carlsruhe Landesbibl. Cod. Augiensis CXXXII s IX first half. FACS: C. P. Cooper Appendix A to Report on Rymer's Foedera pl. II. — Silvestre Paléographie universelle (Paris 1841) IV pl. 10; trans. Madden (London 1850) II pi. 221. EDS of O-I glosses: Z 1 pp. xxxii sq\ Z* pp. xxiii, 1022-6. — HZ Glossae Hibernkae (Berlin 1881) pp. xxi, 219-25; Preussische Jahrbiicher LIX (1887) 42 sqq.— WS Old-Irish glosses at Wurzburg and Carlsruhe (London 1887) 205-9, 34 I_ 3- — Thes. Pal. II (1903) pp. xxiv, 225-30. COMM: W. M. Lindsay Early Irish minuscule script (Oxford 1910) 60-4. — The text of Priscian was edited by Hertz in Keil's Grammatici latini (1855-9). He used, inter al., the Leyden, St. Gall and Carlsruhe MSS. Triscian, who flourished at Constantinople about A.D. 500, wrote a treatise in eighteen books on Latin grammar (Inslitutio de arte grammatical, which became one of the principal grammatical text-books of the middle ages. It was studied and esteemed in Ireland " ' a s elsewhere, and there are at least four manuscripts which are of Irish origin." 8 The St. Gall Priscian, which is well known to Celtic scholars as containing one of the three most important collections of Old Irish glosses, is a volume of 240 pages. 1 " The script is Irish minuscule, and abbreviations and orthography are Irish. It contains the text of the first sixteen books of Priscian's work, and of the seventeenth down to " naturaliter " (Hertz's ed. II 147 1. 18). The book was transcribed about the middle of the ninth century, probably either in 845 or in 856. The principal scribes were Mâel-Patricc and, probably, Coirbbre; short sections were written by Finguine and Donngus; and the master of the scriptorium seems to have been Miel-Brigte. Allusions are made to Cobthach, Fergus, Mâel-Lecân and Ruadri (perhaps Ruadri, son of Mermin, king of Wales 120 844-78). On a page originally left blank a later hand has written a poem in honor of Gunthar, bishop of Cologne 850-69.'" From these names it is inferred that the codex belonged to members of the Circle of Sedulius. 1 " It was, no doubt, written in Ireland, but where we do not know. One of the scribes, probably Donngus, declares in a marginal note that he and Coirbbre were from InisMaddoc, but that place has not been satisfactorily located. 12 ' The marginalia of this codex — little prayers and scraps of conversation, some of them perhaps circumventions of the rule of silence — have an enduring interest as affording glimpses of the life of these monastic scribes. " A blessing on the soul of Fergus. Amen. I am very cold." " It is dark to me." " O h ! my hand." " T h e parchment is rough, and the writing." " This page has not been written very slowly." Er ist gewissermassen der irische Nationalgrammatiker."— Hcllmar.n Sedulius Scollus loo. 118 CJ. Manitius Lai. Lit. I 319. 119 The pagination reaches 24g, but after 7g it jumps to 88. 120 Cf. p. 555 supra. " 1 Cf. no. 367. 1 » Cf. pp. 554 sqq supra. 1M From the preface to Saactin's Hymn (no. 583) it was west of Clonard. O'C {MS Mat. 27) identifies it with Inch, in Templeport lake, co. Leitrim. 117,1

676

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

" Love remains as long as property remains, O M i e l l e c i n . " " New parchment, bad ink. 0 I say nothing more." " Nightfall and time for supper." Coirbbre especially " was a most regular observer of the pious Irish habit of beginning his day's task with a prayer, entered in the top margin, e.g. fave Brigitto, adiuva BrigiUa, Jave Patricie." With the marginal notes should be noticed three little Irish poems. T h e text carries as commentary a great mass of interlinear and marginal glosses in Latin and Irish. T h e Latin glosses have not as yet been published, but the Irish have been much studied for linguistic purposes. They seem to vary in date from the early ninth to the first half of the eighth century, and even occasionally the seventh. I t is probable that they are not homogeneous, but come from different sources of varying antiquity. 1 " Even the glosses in one Vorlage might have been added thereto at various epochs. Strachan has made an analysis of the linguistic features of the Irish which bear on the problem of date; his results are not definitive, but they show that the proportion of older to later forms varies quite markedly in different sections of the codex. T h e glosses were penned by three or more writers — none of whom appears to be identical with any of the scribes of the main text — and at the same time as, or very soon after, the writing of that text. T h e authority most frequently cited in the commentary is Isidore of Seville; among others are the grammarians Cicero and Vergilius, Bede, Orosius, Ambrose, Boethius, Cassian, Jerome, Lactantius, Dionysius Thrax, Gaudentius, Maximianus, Papirinus, Polibius Medicus, Probus, and several whose names are given in abbreviated forms, among them two Irish " blunderers," " Mael- " and " Cua-." The M4el-Gaimrid who is also mentioned is perhaps the same as he whose name is found in the Milan Commentary on the Psalms, 1 " and as the " excellent scribe and anchorite, abbot of Bangor " who died in 839. Reference is made to two manuscripts, a " liber Niciae " and a " liber Romanus." T h e Ambrosian Fragment is a single leaf, originally independent of, but apparently attached for a very long time to, a copy of the commentary on the Pauline Epistles by Haymon of A^erre. 1 1 ® As this codex came from Bobbio doubtless the Priscian also belonged to that monastery. I t is written in Irish minuscule, and carries Irish glosses. T h e Carlsruhe Priscian is a volume of 107 folios in Irish minuscule of probably the first half of the ninth century. F . 1 is nearly illegible: it may have contained some extracts from Isidore's Etymologiae; ff. 2 - 1 0 6 have the first sixteen books of Priscian. There are many marginal and interlinear glosses, Irish and Latin, added by several hands; of which the Irish at least were, for the most part, copied from an older manuscript. T h e Latin glosses have not been published.12® Lindsay. Other saints and scriptural personages mentioned are Aaron, the Holy Virgin, St. Paul, Julius, Martin, " Sanctus Diormitius," Mochoe of Noen-druim. For an interesting study of these Irish marginalia see a paper on " Colophons and Marginalia of Irish Scribes " by Charles Plummer in Proc. British Academy 1 g25. 11* Lindsay (op. cii. 42) has called attention to evidence which makes it probable that the scribes of the main text had access to at least two exemplars. 1 « ZCP IV 470 sqq. 117 Cf. p. 202. I t is of interest that a Coirbre is there alluded to as an authority along with M i e l Gaimrid. Cf. Manitius Lai. Lit. I 5 1 6 - 7 . 129 Possibly this is the M S which was given to Reichenau by a priest named " V r a g r a t " apparently in A.D. 823 x 838. Cf. Becker Catalogi bibliothecarum antiqui viii 27. — Whether it was written in Ireland or abroad is not certain; its apparent relationship with the Carlsruhe Augustine suggests the latter.

LITERATURE

AND

CULTURE

677

These four manuscripts represent a common, and, no doubt, Irish, recension of Priscian, but no one of the four is derived from another. The Leyden codex and the Ambrosian fragment are very closely related. The Carlsruhe text stands a little apart from the others; nevertheless it is clear that a considerable portion of the Irish glosses here and in the St. Gall volume had, ultimately, the same origin.

634. Irish copies of Eutyches (i) The Vienna Eutyches

(p. 515 supra)

(ii) The Paris fragments MSS: BN 10400 ff. 109-10 s I X ; 11411 ff. 123-4 s IX. EDS of O-I glosses: J. Loth RC V (1883) 470. — WS " Notes of a philological tour I " Academy X X X (Sept. 25, 1886) 209; " Hibemica X V I The glosses on Eutychius de discemendis coniugationi b u s " Zs. f. vergl. Sprachforschung X X X V (1898) 587 sqq.—Thés. Pal. II (1903) pp. xiii, 42. COMM: L. Delisle Bibl. de l'École des chartes 5th ser. III (1862) 510, IV (1863) 233. — Mim. de la Soc. de linguistique de Paris V 161. Eutyches or Eutychius, a disciple of Priscian who flourished in the first half of the sixth century, was, like his master, studied extensively in the early middle ages. Of Irish copies of his work, that from Bobbio now in Vienna has been described. In two codices of the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, which are made up of fragments of old manuscripts, are found a few leaves containing portions of the same treatise. They had been used as book-bindings, and the text is very difficult to decipher. That they all came from a single codex is not improbable. The script is Irish, apparently of the ninth century, and there are a few Old Irish glosses, copied, and in a different ink from the main text.

635. The St. Paul Irish Codex MS: Unterdrauberg, Carinthia, Kloster St. Paul 25. 2. 31, formerly 25. d. 86 (Codex Sanblasianus 86) s I X in. DESCRIPTIONS: IT I (1880) 312 sqq. — HZ Glossae Hibernkae (1881) pp. xxviii sqq [inaccurate; cf. also Supplementum (1886) 14]. — Thes. Pal. II (1903) pp. xxxii sqq. — L. Chr. Stem " Ü b e r die irische Handschrift in St. Paul " ZCP VI (1908) 546-55, VII 290-1 [careful description, with excerpts from Latin text]. Since 1809 there has been in the monastery of St. Paul, at Unterdrauberg in Carinthia, an Irish manuscript which formerly formed part of the rich collection of Irish material at the monastery of Reichenau. It is a codex of eight folios, about 8$ X 6 inches in size.130 Originally it was a quinio, the usual Irish gathering of five sheets, but the owner removed one sheet before he had finished his writing, with the result that there is a textual break between folios 1 and 2, though none between 7 and 8. The script is minuscule, by one hand throughout, though varying in character; is somewhat careless; and, with the exception of a small part in which continental writing is used, is Irish. Linguistic forms in some of the Irish texts make it certain that the book is not earlier than the first years of the ninth century. 130 [t i ^ s

as

binding a sheet of smaller size, an ancient biblical fragment (Matt. zzii).

678

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

It is clear that we have here the commonplace book of an Irish student monk of the ninth century who, after attaining at least to maturity in his native land, went to the Continent. As such it has unusual interest. The interest would be greater had it been written in Ireland, for then we would have an unique example of a note-book from an Irish monastic school. But if written at St. Gall or some other resort of Irish " pilgrims " in southern Germany or northern Italy — as seems certain 1 , 1 — it contains nothing, in the Latin sections, unusual or such as we might not expect to find. It does, however, testify clearly to one fact, the intimate association that could exist between the native Gaelic culture of Ireland and the Latin ecclesiasticism of the monk. It offers us some most valuable fragments of old Irish literature and folk-lore. It testifies also to the Irish interest in Greek studies. The following is a summary of the contents: F. 1: Introduction to a Commentary on the ¿Eneid. F. i T 4: Miscellaneous extracts on grammar, biblical geography, and animal lore, of the curious mediaeval type (cf. ZCP VI 548). F. i Y 20: Irish incantation: " AdgHisiu fid nallabrach." F. i v 25: Irish poem: " Messe ocus Pangur bin." F. a: Fragment of scholia on /Eneid I 28-39 (cf- ZCP VI 549). — An astronomical table (in the Pseudo-Bedan Ephemeris: Migne PL X C 753). F. 2V: Notes on grammar, logic and astronomy (based on Charisius, Boethius, Hyginus), and the elements of Greek (cf. ZCP VI 55°) • Ff. 3-4: Further notes on Greek vocabulary, grammar, etc. (ibid.). Ff. 4V~5V: Miscellaneous notes and extracts on metaphysics, metrics, etymology, exegesis, astronomy {ibid. 551-2). Ff. 6-8: Twenty-nine hymns for the canonical hours {ibid. 552-3; cf.p. 714 infra). F. 8V: Two Irish poems: "M'airiuclan hi Tuaim Inbir," " Is £n immo niada sis." — Declension of the Greek i KidapujTfji. —Theological passage regarding angels.— ¿Eneid II 659. — Irish poem " Aed oil fri andud n a n e . " 1 "

536. Manuscripts of the " Short Exposition of Vergil's Georgics " MSS: BN Lat. 11308 s I X ; 7960 s X.—Leyden Public Library Lat. n. 135 s X I . EDS: H. Hagen Senrii Grammalici qui feruntur in Vergilii carmina commenlarii III fasc. ii Appendix Serviana (Leipsic 1902) [text and glosses], — Thes.Pal. II 48, 418 [O-I glosses]. Cf. p. 286 supra. This grammatical treatise is found with Irish glosses in three manuscripts, two of which contain portions of the Vergilian commentary of the sevcnth-century Irishman Adananus (or Adamniin?). Although all three are in continental script, they all go back to a common Irish Vorlage.

537. The Munich Glossary MS: Munich Staatsbibl. lat. 14429 s I X ff. 222-6 v (cf. Graff Althochdeutschcr Sprachschalz I xli). EDS (of O-I glosses): HZ Zs.f. vergl. Sprachforschung X X X I I I (1893) 274-94. — Thes. Pal. II (1903) pp. xiii, 43. An alphabetical Latin glossary forming part of a codex which is assigned to the ninth century. To many of the items have been added glosses, written in various hands. Among these are a few Old Irish entries, in the same hand as the main text. 131 T h e earlier part might possibly be of Irish origin. h y m n s on I. 7 V and in the theological note on 8 V . 132 T h e s e poems will be considered in P a r t I I .

T h e continental script is fuund in one of the

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

679

638. Codex Bernensis 207 M S : Berne Stadtbibl. 207 s I X / X . COMM: Hagen Anecdota Helvetica (Leipsic 1870) pp. xv sqq.— Lindsay Early Irish minuscule script (Oxford 1 9 1 0 ) 64-7. This collection of miscellanea, chiefly grammatical works, formerly belonged to the monastery of Fleury. 1 3 3 . T h e script is continental minuscule, with some insular features, and the abbreviations are almost entirely insular. T h a t the connection, and, indeed, the origin of the contents, are Irish is made probable b y the presence of the ogam among various alphabets described. I t m a y be the work of a continental scribe copying Irish exemplars; or of an Irishman who, residing in continental Europe, had adopted the current script; or — this is Lindsay's opinion — of the scriptorium of an Irish monastery on the Continent. T h e contents of the volume are almost entirely grammatical (ff. 8 o v - i have an excerpt from a panegyric on " Constantinus Augustus " ) , and the most extensive items are the works of Donatus (ff. 2 v - i 7 , I8V—77, 1 0 1 - 1 2 ) and commentaries thereon (£f. 8 I V 1 0 1 , I 4 0 v - 8 — this last by Sergius). Other treatises included are by Servius (ff. 7 7 * 8 o v — the original title gave the author's name as M a r s Erulus grammaticus), Asper (ff. 1 3 0 - 4 0 ) , Petrus (5. 148-68) and Isidore (ff. 168 to end — excerpts), besides three that are anonymous (ff. 1 7 - 8 * , I I 2 - 2 7 V , I 2 7 v - g v ) .

639. The Bodleian Chalcidius M S : Bodl. Auct. F . 3 . 1 5 s X I I . EDS of Irish glosses: W S " T h e Irish glosses and notes in the Bodleian Chalcidius " Academy X X X I (April 16, 1887) 2 7 5 - 6 ; " Irish glosses and notes on Chalcidius " Zs. f . vergl. Sprachforschurtg X X I X (1887) 3 7 2 - 8 [complete ed.]. COMM: R e v . Chas. O'Conor Bibliolheca MS. Stowensis I (Buckingham 1 8 1 8 ) 399. — H a u r i a u Hisloire de la philosophic scolastujue I (Paris 1872) 76, 8 1 - 2 [on Chalcidius in mediaeval philosophy],— Wrobel Platonis Timaeus inlerprete Chalcidio (Leipsic 1876) [ed. of C . with ref. to this M S . in pref. p. xix], — Switalski " Des Chalcidius K o m m e n t a r z u Plato's Timaeus " Beitr. z. Gesch. d. Phil. d. Alittelalters 1902 I I I 6 [the sources of C.]. T h e chief source of a knowledge of Plato in western Europe in the early middle ages was the work of a certain Chalcidius who had written in the fourth or fifth century — he is sometimes said to have been a Spanish contemporary of Orosius. His writings consisted of a Latin translation of a part of the Timaeus, with a commentary thereon in which contributions were levied from other works of Plato and from those of many later and some earlier Greek philosophers. T h e y thus formed a source also for knowledge of ancient Greek thought. I n the twelfth century Chalcidius seems to have had considerable influence on West-European philosophy. T h a t he was studied in Ireland at this time the present codex gives evidence. I t is written in an Irish hand of the twelfth century and contains some contemporary, or nearly contemporary, Irish glosses and notes. Nearly three hundred years before this the work of Chalcidius had been known and used b y Johannes Eriugena, 1 3 4 but whether his acquaintance therewith was prior to his arrival on the Continent or not is not certain. 133 Cf. p. SS9 supra. JM JQ hi;, gxfrosilien of Martianus Captlla (no. 379).

Cf. Manitius Lai. Lit. I 33$.

68o

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

The remainder of this codex, following the copy of Chalcidius, is said to contain an astronomical treatise and a tract on the Aristotelian categories, all in an Irish hand.

640. The Laon fragment of a school dialogue M S : Laon Bibl. de la ville SS s I X . EDS of O-I glosses: WS RC X X I X 269-70. — Thes. Pal.

Sufpl.

82.

Coiai:

KM

SitzungsberichU

d. k. preuss.

Akad.

d. Wissensch.

1914

pp. 480-1 [cf. RC X X X V iii (1914) 399-400]. The Laon codex 55 is a ninth-century copy of Bede's Commentary on the Book of Proverbs. The fly-leaves, attached to it no doubt at a later but still ancient date, are cuttings from a MS written in Irish minuscule probably of the ninth century. They contain part of a catechism on grammar, a dialogue between M (Magister) and A (Discipulus). The marginalia include a few Irish glosses and some Latin verses which give time and place to the relic: " What is the glory and fortune of the world, what the pomps of the crowd, When Cathasach has not had power to escape the fate of death? For he has forsaken us, the wise and learned master, The dutiful, virtuous youth, the decorous superior." Kuno Meyer has shown that this eulogy was of an ecclesiastic who is mentioned in AU under 897: " Cathusach mac Fergusa, tanase abbot 1,6 of Ard-Macha, a pious young man, died." It is a warrantable inference that the manuscript was written at Armagh towards the end of the ninth century. Meyer suggests that it may be due to the " Bishop Mochta, pupil of Fethgna, an anchorite and excellent scribe of ArdMacha," who died in 893. This, however, is purely a guess.

541. Kollektaneum

Bedae

ED: Migne PL X C I V 539 sqq. 100;

Pseudo-Cyprianus

C o i a i : S. Hellmann Sedidius Scottus (Munich 1906)

de xii abusiris

saeculi

( L e i p s i c 1909) 16.

This collection of excerpts and abstracts from many sources, some now unknown, forms a remarkable mine of curious mediaeval lore. It is attributed, falsely, to the Venerable Bede; but was, it seems most likely, compiled by an Irishman in the eighth century.

542. Life of Vergil MS:

Unterdrauberg in Carinthia Kloster St. Paul

J. Brummer Wiener

Studien

Vitae IV

Vergilianae

(Leipsic

1912)

54

25 d. 65 s sqq.

COMM:

168. ltt gloria quid mundi felix quid pompaue turbae dum Cathasach potuit non sortem euadere mortis nam nos deseruit sapiens prudensque magister atque pi us iuuenis cast us custosque decorus.

1 * I.e., the person having the right of succession to the abbacy.

V1II/IX. M.

ED:

Petscheni^

LITERATURE AND

CULTURE

It is believed that this short Life of the Roman poet Vergil, which probably goes back at least to the eighth century, was composed by an Irishman. 1 "

643. Florence copy of Boethius M S : Florence Bibl. Laurentiana 78, 19 s X I I .

FACS: G. Vitelli and C. Paoli Col-

lezionefioreniinadi facsimili paleografici greet e latini (Florence 1886) pi. 4 [one fol.]. This copy of the De consolatione pkilosopkiae of the Italian statesman and philosopher Boethius 1 , 1 (c 480-524) has been classed as of Irish writing.

544. Fragments from Fulda M S : Basel Universitatsbibl. F. iii. 15 J V I I I - I X . 11-2. COMM: Lindsay Notae l-atinae 445-6.

FACS: Cf. Gougaud RC X X X V I I I

A considerable number of MSS from St. Boniface's monastery of Fulda are now in the library of the university at Basel. As would be expected, many of the MSS of Fulda were of English origin or script; but a few seem to have been Irish. The codex at Basel marked F. iii. 15 is made up from several originally independent volumes, all from Fulda. Some of these Lindsay classes as continental or Anglo-Saxon in script; one — F. iii. i5d, s VIII — containing " Isidorus Junior " De vitiis, the fifth-century Gallic grammarian Consentius, and other matter, as "insular [Irish?] minuscule"; another — F. iii. isf $ VIII — containing Isidore De natura rerum, as " insular halfuncial or large minuscule"; and a third — F. iii. 15I s V I I I — containing Isidore

Liber differentiarum, as " insular minuscule."

(h) T H E SCHOOL OF ROS-AILITHIR

In the first chapter attention has been called to the fact that after the ninth century a shifting took place in the Irish ecclesiastical schools from Latinist to Gaelic culture, from the Latin to the Irish language. By some chance several texts composed by the head of one of these schools have been preserved. Under the year 1016 the Annals of Ulster record the death of Airbertach mac Coisi-dobrain, airchinnech of Ros-Ailithir. According to O'Conor's Annals of Inisfallen, in the year 972, which seems to correspond with 991 of the correct chronology, the Northmen from Waterford destroyed Ros-Ailithir and took prisoner the fer legind, mac Cossedobrain, who was afterwards ransomed by the great Brian at Scattery Island. This undoubtedly is the same man as the mac Cosse, fer legind of Ros-Ailithir, to whom the Book of Leinster attributes a versified geography, and the Bodleian codex Rawlinson B. 502 the same work and some religious and scriptural poems. m Cf. p. 286 supra.

>»« Cf. p. 58s supra.

682

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

Ros-Ailithir — Headland of the Pilgrim — is the present Roscarbery, on the south-west coast of county Cork, between Clonak.ilty and Glandore. I t is said to have derived its designation from a saint known as Coimán the Pilgrim. It was the principal monastery of the Corcu Loegde. 1 3 9

645. Religious Poems byAirbertach mac Coisse

A.D. 982

(i) A Dé dúlig adateoch . . . nfmfargba dott' éis, a D é . A. 3 quatrains, (ii) Cethrur doraega, ni dalb, . . . 11Í fitir acbt Día dúlech. A dé. 36 quatrains or sextets. This section is broken into several subsections. (iii) Cenn ard Ádaim, étrocht r i d , . . . is lais cach íáth, cacb forcenn. C. 3 quatrains, (iv) Airbertacb roraitb cen ail . . . is Mac Cosse rochaemcbind. C. 1 quatrain, (v) In rt rodelb nem im gréin . . . ocus talam a forcenn. Cenn ard. I quatrain, (vi) Innocbt féil Tomáis cec tláis, . . . feib assebert in íáitb Dé. A . D é dúlig. 5 quatrains.

M S S : Bodl. Rawl. B. 502 s X I I f. 46. — V a t . Palat. 830 A.D. 1072 f. 38 marg. [iii], EDS:

B . M a c C a r t h y Codex

Palatino-Vatkanus

830 \RIA

Todd

Led.

Ser. I l l ] ( 1 8 9 2 ) 24

[iii: text, trans.). — W S Zs.f. vergl. Sprachforschung X X X I (1890) 249-50 [iii: text, trans.]. — K M ZCP I (1897) 496-7; I I I (1901) 20-3 [complete, text only]. COMM: R. L. Ramsay ibid. V I I I (1912) 474-6 [with trans, of four quatrains, by Kleanor Hull], These poems consist of an opening invocation of God, an account of the composition of the Psalms, three quatrains on the creation of Adam, two quatrains attached thereto, from which we leara the name of the author, and five quatrains on St. Thomas. The main part of these verses, that treating of the Psalms, is drawn directly from the Old Irish prose treatise on the Psalter of which only the opening sections have survived. 140 The verses were, doubtless, written by Airbertach with the design that they should be committed to memory by his pupils in Ros-Ailithir as a compact summary of his teaching on that portion of Holy Writ. A t the close of this section of the work are some chronological references which indicate that the year in which he was writing was 982. From the last section, that on St. Thomas, we learn that the day was that saint's feast, December 21. The legendary matter regarding the creation was, we are expressly told, translated by Airbertach from Latin into Irish. Nearly a ccntury later the penitential exile from Ireland who was acting as an amanuensis to Marianus the Chronicler, at M a i n z , 1 " entered these three verses in the margin of his manuscript. K u n o Meyer believed that this scribe was a Southerner, and probably educated at Ros-Ailithir. But by his time, doubtless, the little poem had become the common property of the schools. Similar matter is to be found in the tracts on the creation in Leabar Breac and the Book of Ballymote. 141 The concluding verses, dedicated to St. Thomas the Apostle, are based on the fabulous " Acts of Thomas."

646. Geography of Ros-Ailithir M a c Cosse Fer Legind Ruis Ailitbix cecinit. 6S quatrains.

Ro fessa i-curp domuin duir. . . tir is tarbach ro fess on.

M S S : L L s X I I pp. 135-6. — Bodl. Rawl. B . 502 s X I I p. 66. ED: T . Olden " On the Geography of Ros Ailithir " Proc.RIA 2nd ser. II (1884) 219-52 [text, trans., notes; cf. K M RC VI 192]. U 0 C / . no. sr6. » • C y . p. 310 supra. Cf. no. 616 and Todd Lecture Series I I I 24-5.

14î

14>

Cf. pp. 6 r 4 - 6 .

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

683

This versified compendium of geography in the Irish language is ascribed to Mac Coisse. It was evidently intended to serve as a text to be memorised by the students. Like many other text-books of the middle ages it makes no use of contemporary practical knowledge, but is a compilation from late classical sources, especially from Pomponius Mela. 141 The geography set forth is that of the Roman Empire, not of the tenth century of the Christian era. Within these limitations the author's work is not discreditable. He begins by describing the five zones into which the earth is divided, two frigid, two temperate, and one torrid. The north temperate zone is the habitat of the human race. He then proceeds to a description of the known lands and peoples of the three divisions of the inhabited world, Europe, Asia and Africa. Apparently he had some slight knowledge of Greek, a knowledge, it may be noted, which was entirely wanting to at least one of his copyists. 1 "

647. Poem on the War with the Midianites Rochuala crecha is tir th&ir . . .

is mo maith rochuala-sa.

MS: Bodl. Rawl. B. 502 * XII f. 4

6T.

25 quatrains.

ED: K M ZCP III (1901) 23-4 [text only].

The authorship of this poem is not stated, but it is possibly the composition of Airbertach mac Coisse-dobriin, with whose known works it is placed in the single codex in which it has come to us. The subject is the conquest of the Midianites by the people of Israel, as related in the thirty-first chapter of the Book of Numbers.

In BM Cotton. Tiberius B. v f. 58 there is a tenth-century map of the world attached to a copy of Priscian's Latin version of the Periegesis of Dionysius, which, it is stated, was copied from a map in the scribe's exemplar of Priscian. It is one of the best maps of the early middle ages. There is reason to believe that it was drawn by an Irishman. EDS: Cartembert (1830) for the BN. — Bevan and Phillot Mediaeval Geography (1874) p. xxxiv. Cf. Beazley Dawn of modern geography II (1901) 559-63, 608-12; also p. 132 supra.

B. LITURGICAL AND DEVOTIONAL Bibliography A good general introduction is Mgr. L. Duchesne's Origines du culte chrétien (Paris 1888; 5th ed. 1920), of which there is a trans, by McLure, Christian Worship (S. P. C. K.: London 1919). Several books by Dom Fernand Cabrol also serve as good preliminary studies: Le livre de la prière antique (Paris 1900), and in trans. Liturgical prayer: its history and spirit (London 1922); Origines liturgiques (Paris 1906); and Introduction aux études liturgiques (Paris 1907). Daniel Rock's The Church of Our Fathers, originally published in 1849, re-edited by G. W. Hart and W. H. Frere in 4 vols. (London 1905), although treating primarily of English customs, contains an immense amount of liturgical information of general interest. Cf. no. 6.

141

T h e scribe of Rawlinson B . 502.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

68 4

Adrian Fortescue " Liturgical Books," in Cath. Encyd., is a compact and useful art. Other works deserving mention are: Suitbert Bäumer Geschichte des Breviers (Freiburg i. Br. 1895), a " d trans, by R. Biron Bisloire du bréviaire (Paris 1895). — Ferdinand Probst Die abendländische Messe vom fünften bis zum achten Jahrhundert (Münster 1896) [gives much attention to the Irish material], — P. Batiffol Hisloire du bréviaire romoin 3rd ed. (Paris 1911); Études de liturgie et d'archéologie chritienne (Paris 1919). — Edmund Bishop Litúrgica histórica Papers on the liturgy and religious life of the Western Church (Oxford 1918) [a collection of remarkable essays by a man who was perhaps the foremost English student of liturgy in his time, 1 " and one who was keenly interested in the Irish sources], — Richard Stapper Grundriss der Liturgik 3rd ed. (Münster 1922). — Ildefonso Schuster (trans. Arthur Levelis-Marke) The Sacramentar y (Liber Sacramentorum) Historical and liturgical notes on the Roman Missal I (London 1924). — The chief work of reference on liturgy will be, when completed, the Dictionnaire d'archéologie chritienne et de liturgie [cf. p. 105 supra]. There is one periodical devoted to the subject, the Jahrbuch für Liturgiemssenschoft, ed. by O. Casel, O. S. B. (Münster 1921-). For the Irish liturgical sources the best guide and commentary is the excellent article by Dom Louis Gougaud " Celtiques (Liturgies) " in the Diet, d'archéol. chrit. et de liturgie II ii (1910) 2969-3032. He presents the subject in much briefer form in Les Chrétientés celtiques (Paris 1911) 295-313: " La liturgie et la dévotion privée." Another very good summary is Henry Jennet's " Celtic Rite " in Cath. Encycl. The most important collection of sources in one vol. is T . E. Warren's The liturgy and ritual of the Celtic Church (Oxford 1881) [see reviews by Duchesne and Gaidoz RC V 139-45]. There is also an interesting gathering of documents in the preface to A. P. Forbes Liber Ecclesie Beati Terrenani de Arbuthnott (Burntisland 1864). T h e o r i g i n of C h r i s t i a n l i t u r g y is a s u b j e c t to w h i c h h a s b e e n g i v e n in r e c e n t y e a r s m u c h h i s t o r i c a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n ,

b u t it is n o t o n e

d i r e c t l y i n t e r e s t s t h e s t u d e n t of I r i s h h i s t o r y , f o r b y fifth

the f o u r t h

that and

c c n t u r i e s , when- C h r i s t i a n i t y w a s e s t a b l i s h i n g itself in t h a t l a n d ,

t h e p u b l i c o f f i c i a l s e r v i c e s of t h e C h u r c h h a d a l r e a d y p a s s e d f r o m t h e p e r i o d of b e g i n n i n g s to t h a t of w e l l - d e f i n e d f o r m s a n d formulae.

The

i n t e r e s t of t h e I r i s h l i t u r g i c a l r e m a i n s , a f t e r t h a t w h i c h is n a t u r a l l y i n h e r e n t in t h e d i s c o v e r y of a c t u a l f a c t s , c o n s i s t s c h i e f l y in t r a c i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p s b e t w e e n t h e Irish a n d t h e o t h e r p r i n c i p a l v a r i a t i o n s of t h e C h r i s t i a n l i t u r g y , a n d d e t e r m i n i n g h o w m u c h of the f o r m e r is b o r r o w e d , how much independent.

Undoubtedly

t e s t i f y to o t h e r a s s o c i a t i o n s ; b y the

consideration

liturgical

that

also liturgical affiliations m a y

b u t d e d u c t i o n s of this k i n d a r e r e s t r i c t e d t h e Irish a p p e a r to h a v e

matters, drawing texts

from

been

e c l e c t i c s in

m a n y sources solely b e c a u s e of

t h e a p p e a l m a d e t o their s o m e w h a t e x u b e r a n t religious f a n c y . B y t h e b e g i n n i n g of o u r p e r i o d C h r i s t i a n l i t u r g y h a d g r o w n i n t o t w o main

divisions,

Eastern

and

Western.

Although

Christianity

had

1 4 5 See the obituary noticc by W . H . Frere " Edmund Bishop, l i t u r g i s t " Church Quarterly L X X X V 1 I (1518) 145 9.

Raían

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

68S

come to the West from the East, brought by Syriac and Greek colonists and missionaries, by the end of the fourth century it was using Latin as its official language, and in several other respects its western ritual was distinct from that of the East. Noteworthy is it that the chief ceremony of the Church, that of the Eucharist, known in the East as " the liturgy " and in the West as " the mass," had in the East a limited number of fixed formulae for the whole year, but in the West, while maintaining an immutable basis, allowed extensive changes from Sunday to Sunday and from feast to feast in the superstructure of prayers. 146 To this especially is due the development in the West, from the fourth to the eighth century, of a very rich liturgical literature. The chief subdivisions of western liturgy were the Roman, the Ambrosian (of the diocese of Milan), the Gallican, the Mozarabic (of the Visigothic dominions in Spain and for a time in Aquitaine), and the Irish or Celtic. 147 It is usually said that the Irish was merely an off-shoot of the Gallican: doubtless the faith and the ritual came together from Gaul to Ireland, immediately from the western Gallic coast and mediately through the British Church. The very considerable Mozarabic and oriental elements in the Irish liturgy may also result in part from early Irish communications with Aquitaine, southern Gaul, and Spain. But, as has been suggested, an equally important factor may have been Irish eclecticism. Furthermore, a quite appreciable part of the Irish liturgy appears to be indigenous. Only a few Irish texts of earlier date than the end of the eighth century survive, and in those of later date there is a large and increasing Roman element. Communications with Rome were reopened in the sixth century and must have become much more frequent after the adoption of the continental Easter-reckoning in the seventh. Roman influence in the liturgical texts may have roughly paralleled Italian influence in the biblical texts of Ireland. However, not only in Ireland but throughout western Europe there was a movement towards liturgical uniformity on the basis of the Roman model. Some indication of this movement can be obtained from a brief account of the principal sacramentaries of the early Roman rite, the names of which should, moreover, for other reasons, be familiar to the student of the Irish or any other western liturgy. The earliest is the 1W This distinction belongs only to the part taken by the celebrant: the scriptural lessons read by his assistants varied in the East as well as in the West. 147 It is now generally assumed that there was a Celtic rite common to British and Irish Churches, but it must be remembered that the surviving documents are practically all Irish.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

686

" L e o n i n e , " v a r i o u s l y a s c r i b e d t o the

fifth,

s i x t h , or s e v e n t h

century.

I t is q u i t e p u r e l y I t a l i a n , b u t , in the opinion of some scholars, was w r i t t e n in G a u l to aid in the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the R o m a n

rite.

T h e next, t h e

" G e l a s i a n , " exists in several redactions of the s e v e n t h a n d eighth centuries:

the earliest h a s a slight, the later a large G a l l i c a n a d m i x t u r e .

A l l were compiled in the F r a n k i s h empire, and those of the eighth c e n t u r y seem to represent the l i t u r g y c o n t e m p o r a r i l y in use in northern F r a n c e a n d in G e r m a n y a t a time w h e n the true G a l l i c a n rite w a s falling b a c k t o the south and s o u t h - w e s t a n d disappearing.

F i n a l l y , the " Gregorian "

is the R o m a n s a c r a m e n t a r y w h i c h P o p e A d r i a n I sent t o C h a r l e s t h e G r e a t b e t w e e n 784 and 7 9 1 , a n d w h i c h t h a t m o n a r c h ordered to be used t h r o u g h o u t his dominions.

I t h a d been in use in R o m e at least one

h u n d r e d years earlier, and p r o b a b l y , as tradition said, represented a revision effected b y P o p e G r e g o r y the G r e a t .

B u t almost all the m a n u -

scripts now k n o w n contain extensive additions from the Gelasian, a n d s o m e f r o m G a l l i c a n sources, m a d e , it seems p r o b a b l e , c h i e f l y b y A l c u i n . W h a t were the services for w h i c h collections of liturgical were required?

formulae

(1) T h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the s a c r a m e n t s , for some of

w h i c h the minister m u s t be a bishop, for others he m i g h t b e either priest or bishop.

T o some of these m i g h t be a t t a c h e d other services, as the

blessing of the f o n t and w a t e r to b a p t i s m , the visitation and c o m m u n i o n of the sick to e x t r e m e unction.

T h e most important ceremony

was

t h a t of the eucharistic consecration, the mass, in which, besides the celeb r a n t , t w o other sets of persons took p a r t , his assistants, w h o read the scriptural lessons, a n d the choir, which s a n g v a r i o u s p a r t s of the service, either i n d e p e n d e n t l y or as responses to the celebrant.

A priest celebra-

ting alone h a d to t a k e all for himself except a f e w responses.

(2) T h e

p s a l m s , canticles, lessons, h y m n s , c h a n t s and p r a y e r s prescribed for the canonical hours, together m a k i n g up the divine office; n o r m a l l y sung b y all the m o n k s in c o m m o n , b u t in the case of isolated ecclesiastics recited in p r i v a t e .

(3) Miscellaneous ceremonies, such as the consecration of

nuns, v a r i o u s kinds of blessings, the burial service. I n the earlier middle ages the b o o k s in w h i c h the t e x t s for these services were entered were n o t sharply fixed either as to n u m b e r or as t o e x t e n t of contents.

T h e r e seems, h o w e v e r , to h a v e been a b r o a d a t t e m p t

to p r o v i d e for each person or class a b o o k or b o o k s w h i c h w o u l d contain all the m a t t e r w h i c h he or t h e y required,

and n o t h i n g more.

earliest and most i m p o r t a n t of such b o o k s w a s the sacramentary,

The

contain-

ing the w o r d s uttered b y the minister in administering all the sacraments, including the mass service, b u t n o t the lessons or the p a r t s sung b y the

LITERATURE choir.

AND

CULTURE

687

O u t of the sacramentary grew the missal, the mass-book, which

contained the entire text of the mass, including lessons and chants, b u t , if of the t y p e a c c u r a t e l y represented b y its title, nothing more.

How-

e v e r , as the usual o b j e c t of a missal w a s the service of an isolated priest, it w a s frequently made still more v a l u a b l e for him b y adding texts for the o t h e r sacraments he might be called on to administer. T h e Bibles a n d biblical books from which the lessons were read, a n d the martyrologies and computus

b y which the feasts of the year were

k n o w n , have already been described. 1 4 8 A l t h o u g h a considerable a m o u n t of liturgical m a t t e r must h a v e been composed in Ireland, a larger a n d a more illuminating manifestation of Irish religious t h o u g h t is given b y the extra-liturgical and private devotional exercises — prayers, h y m n s , etc.

V e r y remarkable is the extent

to which the language of the people, Irish, was used in these compositions.149

I.

TREATISES

ON

LITURGICAL

SUBJECTS

C a t a l o g u e of the saints of Ireland: cf. no. 271.

548. Treatise on the different orders for the Divine Office Ratio de cursus qui fuerunt ex auctores.

Si sedulo inspiciamus cursus . . . beatus Benedict us viiit.

M S : B M Cotton. Nero A. II ff. 37-42 [according to Lindsay Notae Laiinae 461 " written, perhaps at Verona, in 767; or transcribed, somewhat later, from an original of 767 "1; Cleopatra E. IFL.5-7 [said to be a 17th cent, copy of preceding], EDS: H. Spelman Concilia I (London 1639) 176. — D . Wilkins Concilia IV (London 1737) 741-2. —• Moran Essays 243-6 [with trans.]. — H&S I 138-40. — Warren Lit. 77-80. — Vit. Trip. I p. cxx, II S°2-3- — AB II pp. xxv sq [these two have only the part re the Cursus Scollorum], — J. Wickham Legg in Miscellanea Ceriani (Milan 1910) 151-61 [best ed.]. A somewhat obscure document which professes to give an account of the origins of six cursus or orders for the celebration of the canonical hours — Cursus Romanus, Cursus Gallorum, Cursus Scottorum, Cursus alius orientalis, Cursus S. Ambrosii, Cursus S. Benedicti. The Irish (with which is joined the British) is traced from St. Mark through eastern transmitters to John Cassian, the monks of Lfrins, Caesarius of Aries, Sts. Lupus and Germanus, their disciple St. Patrick, Comgall and Waldolenus '48 Pp. 623 sqq, 479 sqq, 223. The occasional occurrence of rubrics in Irish in the liturgical books is another extraordinary phenomenon. 149

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

688

and Columbanus, by whom this cursus was established at Luxeuil. It is usually assumed that the author was a seventh- or eighth-century Irish monk residing on the Continent.

649. Tract on the Mass [ S t o w e ] I n d a l t o i i fiugor [ L B r : C o n i d h e s i n f o t h a . . . 1 . . . f o r b e r t h e r heres n h o c o .

MSS: Stowe Missal (no. 555) j I X ff. 6sT-7. — L B r f. 1 2 6 (facs. p. 2 5 1 ) . Eds: O ' C MS Mat. 376-7, 613-4 [extract from LBr]; 1ER II (1865) 170-9 [complete, with trans.] — W S The Irish passages in the Stowe Missal (privately printed: Calcutta 1881); revised ed. in Zs.f. vergl. Sprachforschung X X V I (1882) 497-519 [both have trans.]. — B. Mac Carthy " On the Stowe Missal " Trans. RIA X X V I I Antiq. (1886) 245-65 [text, trans, of both texts]. — Thes. Pal. II (1903) pp. xxvii sq, 252-5 [text, trans, of Stowe]. — Facs., text, trans, in Warner's ed. of Stowe \cf. p. 692]. T r a n s : D. Macgregor Trans. Aberdeen Ecclesiological Soc. I l l ii (1898) 293-340 [based on both texts]. Comm: Chas. Plummer Zs.f. vergl. Sprachforschung X X V I I ( 1 8 8 5 ) 441-8. This explanation of the mass, in Irish, is entered at the end of the Stowe Missal in a script which appears to be distinctive but may, in the opinion of Warner, be by one of the original scribes. He thinks that in any case it is not later than the ninth century. The linguistic features are not inconsistent with ninth- or late eighthcentury composition. The same tract, with many variations of text and considerable additional matter at the beginning, is in Lebar Breac.

660. Tract on the canonical hours [Prosel C i d a r a n d e n t a r c e l e b r a d . . . [Versel T a n i c t e i r t d c n a m m t a r b a i . . . d i a c o b a i r co t r i n t a n i c . 40 q u a t r a i n s ; t h e S t o w e c o p y h a s o n e m o r e , e n d i n g : ic a e s r e c h t a c e o i m r a l l .

M S S : RIA 23 N 10 [Stowe] pp. 96-7 [verse only], — LBr p. 247. Ed: R. I. Best in Miscellany presented to Kuno Meyer (Halle a. S. 1912) 142-66 [text, trans., notes]. Best assigns the verse to the eleventh or twelfth century; the prose, which serves as an introduction, is later than the verse. Both set forth the historical reasons for the observation of the eight 150 canonical hours.

661. Tract on the consecration of a church M S : LBr pp. 277-8. Eds: Thos. Olden Trans. St. Paul's Ecclesiological Soc. IV (London 1897) 98-104, 177-80 [with trans.]. — WS in Miscellanea Linguistica in onore di Graziadio Ascoli (Turin 1 9 0 1 ) 3 6 3 - 8 7 [with trans.]. Comu: Gougaud " Celtiques (liturgies) " Diet, d'archiol. chrtt. el de liturgie. This treatise was dated by Olden as prior to 1186, but for reasons which may be not well founded; however, it probably belongs to our period. 150

I n a brief n o t e in T C D 1336 ( H . 3. 1 7 ) col. 6 7 s , p u b l i s h e d , w i t h t r a n s . , b y B e s t in £riu

1 1 6 , t h e m o r e p r i m i t i v e six h o u i s a r e e x p l a i n e d . ZCP

I I I i (1907)

E i g h t h o u r s are n a m e d in a p o e m published b y

KM,

V I (1008) 2 7 1 , f r o m T C D 1 3 3 7 ( H . 3. 18) p . 44: O c h t n-airich g o ngotaige . . . n a t r l t l i t h d a h o c h t .

6 quatrains.

L I T E R A T U R E

A N D

C U L T U R E

689

552. Tract on the liturgical colors Cachtt [r. Ccist] cia lasa tucait . . . 7 ina thairmthechtus.

MS: LBr p. 108. — Liber Flavus Fergusiorum II f. 41. cxci [with trans.]. TRANS: Moran Essays 171-2.

ED: Vit. Trip. I pp. clxxxvii-

This explanation of the mystical significance of the colors used in the priestly vestments may be later than our period.

553. Poem on twenty maledictive psalms Sreth a salmaib suad slan . . . for oen insint srethugud. 3 quatrains.

MS: Bodl. Rawl. B 512 f. 51".

10 quatrains; . . . gabad seis na srethi si.

ED: KM Ilibernica minora (Oxford 1894) 44—6.

Presumably these twenty psalms were to be sung by the clergy in malediction, as at the cursing of Tara. 161 According to the poem they were arranged by Adamnin. They are nos. 2, 3, 5, 7, 13. 34, 35, 37, 38, 49, 51, 52, 67, 68, 78, 82, 93, 108, and the canticle of Moses, Deut. xxxii, " Audite caeli quae loquor." The added stanzas give the names of twenty apostles and saints to be invoked at the same time.

II.

BOOKS

FOR

THE

USE

OF P R I E S T S OTHER

AND

BISHOPS

AT

THE

MASS

AND

SERVICES

554. The Bobbio Missal MS: BN lat. 13246 (formerly St. Germain 1488) Í VII/VIII. EDS: Mabillon Museum Italicum I pt. ii (1687) 278-397 [a good ed. in some ways, but orthography not preserved, only one of additions by second hand given, and many inaccuracies in text; — the discovery of the MS is described in " Iter Italicum litterarium " ibid. pt. i 217]; 2nd ed. (1724). — Muratori Liturgia romana vetus II pt. iii (Venice 1748) 775-968; Opere minori (Naples 1760) 370-469; Opera omnia X I I I (Arezzo 1773) 607-926 [reprint of Mabillon], — Migne PL L X X I I (1849; and reimpression by Gamier, 1878) 451-574 [from Mabillon, but ascribed to Muratori], — George Hay Forbes " Missale Vesontionense " in Neale and Forbes The ancient liturgies of the Gallican Church II (Burntisland 1858) 205-56, I I I (1867) 257-368 [based on preceding eds., and incomplete, but with editorial matter of considerable value],— J . O'Laverty An historical account 0/ the diocese of Down and Connor I I (Dublin 1880) append, ii-vii [the Missa Romensis cottidiana], — The Bobbio Missal 3 vols. (Henry Bradshaw Soc. LUI, LVIII, LXI) (London 1917; 1920; 1924) [1st vol. contains facs. complete, published by J. Wickham Legg; 2nd has text, ed. by E. A. Lowe; 3rd has notes by Dom André Wilmart, E. A. Lowe, and H. A. Wilson], — A critical ed. of the missal was promised by Dom Cagin. — The following eds. of some special sections may be noted: (1) The catechism of sacred history £f. 7-8: Paul Meyer " loca mona>« C/. pp. 38«, 39a supra.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

6go

chorum Texte du V I " siècle écrit au V I I I ® " Romania I (1872) 483-90; Recuei d'anciens textes bas-latins, provençaux et français I (1874) " Bas-latin " no. 20, " Ioca monachorum " p. 16 [the attribution to s VI is not well founded], (2) The rhythmical prayers in the mass of Holy Saturday f. 105* sq: W. Meyer Nackrichten d. k. Gestlisch, d. Wissensch, t. Güttingen, philol.-hist. Cl. 1 9 1 3 pp. 218 sqq) Abhandlungen etc. new ser. X V iii (1914) 86 sqq. (3) The incantation ff. 253 T -4: Aug. Boucherie Revue des langues romanes \ ( 1874) 1 0 3 - 1 3 ; cf. his Mélanges latins et bas-latins (Montpellier i 87s)- (4) The blessings of water f. 273 sq: Ad. Franz Die kirchlichen Benediktionen in Mittelalter I (Freiburg 190g) 140.sq. (5) The blessing of the oil added on f. 286: Paul Meyer Recueil etc. p. 15. (6) The penitential ff. 286 Y ~9i: Wasserschieben Die Bussordnungen der abendländischen Kirche (Halle 1851) 407-12. — Schmitz I I (1898) 322-6. (7) The rule for celebrating mass f. 2 9 2 ^ 3 : Wilmart Revue Charlemagne I I (1912) 1 - 1 6 . (8) The establishment of the seven grades of holy orders f. 293: Wilmart Rev. des sciences relig. I I I (Strasburg 1923) 305-27. (9) The biblical canon f. 299: Zahn Geschichte des neutestamenilichen Kanons (1890) I I 284-8. — In A. E. Burn Facsimiles of the creeds (Henry Bradshaw Soc. X X X V I ) (London 1909) pl. IV there is a facs., with letterpress, of f. 88 containing the Apostles' Creed. COMM: L . Delisle Le Cabinet des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque impériale I I I (Paris 1881) 224-5 [good description of MS]; Mémoire sur d'anciens sacramentaires (Paris 1886) 78-80. — Warren Lit. (1881) 272-3. — Bäumer Zs. f . kath. Theologie X V I (1892) 485 sq.— Probst Die abendländische Messe (1896) 35-9, 359-65. — Dom Paul Cagin Paléographie musicale V (1896-9) 10, 96-184, 195-8 [valuable analysis], — F. Kattenbusch Das apostolische Symbol I (Leipsic 1894) 186-8. — Duchesne " Sur l'origine de la liturgie gallicane " Rev. d'hist. et de litt, relig. V (1900) 38-43; Origines du culte chrétien 5th ed. (1920) 166-8 [also in earlier eds.]. — Bishop " Liturgical Note " in Kuypers The Book of Cerne (Cambridge 1902) 234 sqq passim, esp. 239, 244, 276-7; " On the early texts of the Roman Canon " J TS IV (July 1903) 555-78, reprinted, with some additions, in LUurgica historica (1918) 7 7 - 1 1 5 — see also 190-1. — A. E. Burn op. cit. (1909) 4-6, 28-30, 44-7 [including palaeographical note by Traube], — A. Wilmart " Bobbio (Missel de) " Diet, d'archiol. chrét. et de liturgie I I i 939-62 [excellent analysis and bibliography, with facs. of 4 pp.; reprinted, with considerable additions, in the 3rd vol. of the Henry Bradshaw Soc. ed.]; " Le palimpseste du Missel de Bobbio " Rev. Bénédictine X X X 3 I I (1921) 1 - 1 8 . — G. Morin Rev. Bénédictine X X X I (1914) 326-32. — F. C. Burkitt " The Bobbio Missal " JTS X X V I Qan. 1925). I n the y e a r 1 6 8 5 L o u i s X I V of F r a n c e directed the c e l e b r a t e d J e a n M a b i l l o n , B e n e d i c t i n e of the C o n g r e g a t i o n of S t . M a u r , to m a k e a tour t h r o u g h I t a l y f o r the p u r p o s e of a c q u i r i n g b o o k s a n d m a n u s c r i p t s f o r t h e libraries of F r a n c e .

W h i l e on this j o u r n e y M a b i l l o n s p e n t

three

d a y s — J u n e 5 - 8 , 1 6 8 6 — a t the a n c i e n t H i b e r n o - I t a l i a n m o n a s t e r y of B o b b i o , w h e r e he f o u n d the codex since g e n e r a l l y k n o w n as the M i s s a l of B o b b i o .

I t w a s t a k e n b a c k b y him to F r a n c e a n d p l a c e d in the l i b r a r y

of his o w n m o n a s t e r y of S t . G e r m a i n - d e s - P r é s , w h e n c e it has p a s s e d to the Bibliothèque Nationale. T h e b o o k has been v a r i o u s l y d e s i g n a t e d Sacramenlarium Missale

Vesontionense,

Bobiense.

Gallicanum,

I t f o r m s one of the o u t s t a n d i n g a n d

LITERATURE

AND

CULTURE

h i t h e r t o insoluble p r o b l e m s for the historical critic in the of p a l a e o g r a p h y a n d of l i t u r g y .

691 fields

both

I t s p a l a e o g r a p h i c a l features h a v e b u t

little t h a t is insular, a n d there is p r a c t i c a l c e r t a i n t y t h a t it w a s w r i t t e n on the C o n t i n e n t : the difficulty is to assign it a l o c a l i t y and a date.

The

liturgical c o n t e n t s include m a t t e r of G a l l i c a n , Irish, R o m a n , Spanish, perhaps even Milanese provenance.

H e r e the p r o b l e m resolves itself

i n t o t h e question w h e t h e r the v o l u m e is in origin a n Irish service-book w h i c h h a s been copied a n d revised b y Gallican scribes, or a G a l l i c a n b o o k w h i c h has been modified b y Irish influences.

T h e e n q u i r y is c o m -

p l i c a t e d b y the c h a r a c t e r of the Irish l i t u r g y , in its basis Gallican, in its s u p e r s t r u c t u r e eclectic. SCRIPT, etc.: The volume contains 300 ff., each about 7 X 3 $ in., in 36 gatherings of varying size. It was probably designed to be easily portable. The parchment is not uniform, but in some parts fine, in others coarse. The last gathering, ff. 296-300, is palimpsest. A partial gathering formed by ff. 251-4 seems to be an insertion: script and parchment have a distinct character. The body of the missal is by one hand in a peculiar mixture of uncial, semi-uncial and minuscule forms, which, however, was evidently regarded by the scribe as a majuscule script. It does not belong to any recognised school, and does not seem to have been the work of a trained penman. Addilamenta have been made to the missal on the first gathering of 8 ff., doubtless an addition, and on pages apparently left blank at the first writing; they are in two different but both very unpleasing, scraggy scripts. Lowe declares that they are by the same hand, and, although not accepting it, indicates the evidence supporting identification with that of the chief scribe. The abbreviations may be described as Merovingian, with slight insular and Spanish elements. The orthography shows the marked influence of Low Latin speech, chiefly in the addilamenta, which were written quite carelessly. There is some reason to believe that the body of the missal was copied conscientiously, page for page, from an exemplar. THE PALIMPSEST: The primary text was of St. Ambrose's commentary on Luke, in semi-uncials of the fifth or sixth century. CONTENTS: I Ff. 1-8. A separate gathering, containing addilamenta: notes on Matthew; fragment of a sermon; catechism of sacred history. II Ff. 9-272*. The Missal proper: The Missa Romensis 1,1 collidiana comes first and forms the basis of the whole series of masses, to which it supplies the prayers of the canon and some other elements. The subject-matter is Roman, set in a Gallican framework. It bears a close resemblance to the ordinary of the mass in the Stowe Missal. Bobbio, Stowe and the Missale Francorum (Vat. Regin. 257) offer us, indeed, one early, and probably Irish, recension of the Roman canon. There are sixty other masses, with one interpolated, as noted above: they also show affinities with Irish documents, but less markedly, and in general would be classed as Gallican. In the cases of certain special texts, however — as the ceremonies of Easter, including the "Order of Baptism," and perhaps the mass for the dead — the Irish elements are quite considerable.—Each mass is, as a rule, preceded by a double or triple lesson (they belong to the " Irish " mixed family of biblical texts); the book is, therefore, a true missal—the earliest 141 On " Romensis " — Romanus (a " Spanish symptom "), see L. Tiaube Textgeschickte der Regulai. Beneiiai (Munich 1898) 119-30 [»ho in Abk. 1i. k. buyer. Akai. i. Wiss. Ill CI. XXI iii).

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

692

of its k i n d — w h i c h c o u l d be used w i t h o u t b i b l e or l e c t i o n a r y . m i g h t be c a l l e d a ritual or a p o n t i f i c a l : formulae

I l l F f . 273-86.

What

for blessing w a t e r , for the c o n s e c r a -

t i o n of v i r g i n s a n d w i d o w s , f o r t h e n u p t i a l a n d o t h e r b e n e d i c t i o n s , for e v e n i n g a n d m o r n i n g p r a y e r s , a n d f o r t h e blessing of oil.

I V F f . 286 v -QI : P e n i t e n t i a l (cf. p p . 2 4 3 -

4 ) : I t is of m i x e d Irish a n d G a l l i c origin, a n d seems to h a v e been a l r e a d y in its p r e s e n t f o r m w h e n t h e c o m p i l e r p u t it in t h i s c o d e x . exorcism;

V Ff. 2giT-3oov.

Additamenta:

an

a rule on t h e h o u r s f o r s a y i n g m a s s ; a n a c c o u n t of C h r i s t ' s e s t a b l i s h m e n t

of t h e g r a d e s of h o l y o r d e r s ; t h e causes of d a m n a t i o n a n d s a l v a t i o n ; i m p o r t a n t d a t e s in t h e life of C h r i s t ; formulae

for t h e reconciliation of p e n i t e n t s ; blessings of b r e a d ;

e x p l a n a t i o n of t h e h o u r s of t h e D i v i n e O f f i c e (cf. no. 550); b i b l i c a l c a n o n ; a f e w miscellaneous p r a y e r s a t m a s s .

the Apostles' C r e e d ;

the

COMMENT: A p p e a r a n c e s s u g g e s t

thai the missal was not a monastic book, b u t was written for, and probably b y , a secular p r i e s t or b i s h o p w h o l i v e d in a p l a c e r e m o v e d f r o m the chief centres of c u l t u r e a n d intellect.

T h e m a j o r i t y of critics h a v e t h o u g h t , c h i e f l y b e c a u s e of the c h a r a c t e r of t h e

L o w L a t i n f o r m s , t h a t t h e b o o k w a s w r i t t e n in G a u l , a n d , b e c a u s e of the Irish f e a t u r e s , in L u x e u i l or its n e i g h b o r h o o d .

W i l m a r t a t one time s u g g e s t e d R h a e t i a , on

n o r t h side of t h e A l p s , a n d M o r i n S e p t i m a n i a , a r o u n d N a r b o n n e .

Edmund

the

Bishop

a n d , in his l a t e r p u b l i c a t i o n s , W i l m a r t , b e c a u s e of his conclusion t h a t the p a l i m p s e s t l e a v e s c a m e f r o m n o r t h e r n I t a l y , p r e f e r B o b b i o or its n e i g h b o r h o o d .

T h e date has

been g e n e r a l l y g i v e n as t h e s e v e n t h c e n t u r y , b u t L o w e declares for the e i g h t h .

Finally,

B a u m e r , P r o b s t , C a g i n a n d especially B i s h o p h a v e regarded t h e M i s s a l as d e r i v e d f r o m a n I r i s h s e r v i c e - b o o k , a n opinion to w h i c h W i l m a r t seems to incline.

Other liturgists

h a v e , f o r t h e m o s t p a r t , classed it a s f u n d a m e n t a l l y G a l l i c a n .

665. The Stowe Missal M S : R I A S t o w e D . I I . 3 s V I I I / I X . EDS: D . F i t z g e r a l d " Irish M i s s a l s " The

Academy

X V I I (1880) 48. — W . H . H e n n e s s y " I r i s h M i s s a l s " ibid. 86 [this and the p r e c e d i n g g i v e e x t r a c t s , w i t h trans., f r o m t h e Irish passages]. — W a r r e n Lit.

(1881)

198-268

[text of O r d e r of B a p t i s m , O r d e r of the V i s i t a t i o n of the S i c k , e t c . , and the M a s s , w i t h i n t r o d u c t i o n a n d n o t e s : the t e x t , copied u n d e r difficulties, is n o t a c c u r a t e , a n d m u c h p r o g r e s s h a s since been m a d e in l i t u r g i c a l scholarship). — W S The Irish passages Stowe Missal,

in I he

with some notes on the Orleans glosses ( C a l c u t t a 1881) [50 copics p r i v a t e l y

p r i n t e d ] ; " T h e Irish p a s s a g e s in the S t o w e M i s s a l " Zs.f.

vergl. Sprachforschung

XXVI

(1882) 4 9 7 - 5 1 9 [reprint, w i t h revision, of preceding], — H . G r i s a r " D c r gelasianischc M e s s c a n o n " Zs.f.

kathol.

b a s e d on W a r r e n ] . — B .

Theologie

X

(Innsbruck

MacCarthy " O n

1885) [text of the S t o w e c a n o n ,

the Stowe M i s s a l "

Trans.

RIA

XXVII

(1886) 1 3 5 - 2 6 8 [introduction, t e x t of m a s s a n d order of b a p t i s m , text and trans, of Irish treatise on the mass, l i t a n y f r o m S t . G a l l (p. 700); read 8 J u n e , 1885; a c r i t i c i s m of W S , a n d led to a long c o n t r o v e r s y in the Academy

included

(see b e l o w ) ;

text,

a l t h o u g h b e t t e r t h a n W a r r e n ' s , n o t p e r f e c t , conclusions as to a g e not well f o u n d e d , but

descriptive

and

liturgical

matter

S t o w e - M i s s a l e n e u e u n t e r s u c h t " Zs.f.

of

much

kathol.

value], — S u i t b e r t

Theologie

Baumer

" Das

X V I ( I n n s b r u c k 1892) 4 4 6 - 9 0

[text of m a s s , b a s e d on M a c C a r t h y , a n d c o m m e n t ] , — F e r d i n a n d Probst op. rit. p. 684 supra

(1896) 40-99 [text of m a s s , b a s e d o n G r i s a r and B a u m e r , and e x t e n s i v e c o m -

m e n t a r y ] , — Thes. Pal. I I (1903) p p . x x v i i sq, 250-5 [text, trans, of spells, rubrics and t r a c t on t h e m a s s ;

criticises M a c C a r t h y ' s e d . ] . — G e o . F . W a r n e r The Stowe

[ H e n r y B r a d s h a w S o c . X X X I , X X X I I ] ( L o n d o n 1906, 1 9 1 5 ) [best ed.;

Missal

vol. I facs.,

LITERATURE

AND

CULTURE

693

vol. I I i n t r o d . , t r a n s c r i p t i o n , t r a n s l a t i o n of Irish p a s s a g e s ( f r o m Thus. Pal.), i n c l u d e s whole M S e x c e p t Gospel of S t . J o h n ; briefly].

TRANS: J . C h a r l e s o n Trans,

a n d c a n o n of mass].

of the Glasgow Ecclesiological

COMM: C h a s . O ' C o n o r Bibliotheca

tive catalogue oj the MSS.

in the S to we Library

and notes;

liturgical q u e s t i o n s a r e t r e a t e d v e r y Soc. 1898 [ o r d i n a r y

MS.

Stowensis

A

wholly t r u s t w o r t h y , description], — S o t h e b y & Co. Catalogue of the important of Manuscripts

descrip-

I ( B u c k i n g h a m 1818) A p p . [long, b u t n o t collection

from Stowe ( L o n d o n 1849) lot 996 [the sale c a t . ] . — J a s . H . T o d d " O n

t h e a n c i e n t I r i s h missal a n d its silver b o x , described b y D r . O ' C o n o r in his C a t a l o g u e of t h e S t o w e M S S . a n d n o w t h e p r o p e r t y of t h e E a r l of A s h b u r n h a m " Trans.

RIA

X X I I I (1856) 3 - 3 7 ( T o d d ' s o p p o r t u n i t y f o r e x a m i n i n g t h e M S w a s q u i t e i n a d e q u a t e , a n d his d e s c r i p t i o n suffers t h e r e b y ] , — F . E . W a r r e n The Academy X V I (1879) 3 9 3 - 4 , 46s; 311, 327-8;

XXXII

X V I I I (1880) 278;

(1887)

27, 5 7 ;

XLVI

XIX

(1881) 10-1;

X V (1879) 1 2 4 - 5 ;

XXXI

(1894) 304-5. — W S

ibid.

(1887) XXXI

290-1, 237-9;

X X X I I 26-7, 4 1 - 2 , 2 0 4 - 5 . — B. M a c C a r t h y ibid. X X X I 4 5 0 - 2 ; X X X I I 4 2 - 3 , 185-6, 4 2 5 - 6 [the g r e a t e r p a r t of t h e s e l e t t e r s t o t h e Academy corrigenda

consist of t h e c r i t i c i s m s a n d

b y W a r r e n a n d W S to M a c C a r t h y ' s ed., a n d t h e r e s u l t i n g c o n t r o v e r s y ] , —

C h a s . P l u m m e r " N o t e s o n t h e S t o w e M i s s a l " Zs .f.vergl.Sprachforschung

X X V I I (1885)

4 4 1 - 8 . — H Z " Z u m S t o w e M i s s a l " ibid. X X V I I 3 7 6 - 8 1 . — J . W o r d s w o r t h The

Mystery

of Grace ( L o n d o n 1901) 92. — B i s h o p " O n t h e e a r l y t e x t s of t h e R o m a n C a n o n "

JTS

I V (1903) 5 5 5 - 7 8 ; " T h e L i t a n y of S a i n t s in t h e S t o w e M i s s a l " ibid. V I I (1906) 1 2 2 - 3 6 ; t h e s e articles a r e r e p r i n t e d , with a d d i t i o n s , in his Liturgica

histórica

(1918) 7 7 - 1 1 5 , 1 3 7 -

64. — I n b o t h of t h e e n c y c l o p a e d i a articles, b y J e n n e r a n d G o u g a u d , n o t e d p . 684

supra,

t h e r e is a v a l u a b l e a n a l y s i s of t h e Irish m a s s , o r d e r of b a p t i s m , a n d o r d e r of v i s i t a t i o n of t h e sick, b a s e d m a i n l y on S t o w e ; 3 0 2 - 7 . — E . G w y n n Irish

Church

see also G o u g a u d Les Chrétientés Quarterly

celtiques

(1911)

I X (1916) n o . xxxiv 1 1 9 - 3 3 [résumé of

discussions to d a t e , w i t h a c c e p t a n c e of W a r n e r ' s conclusions; c f . RC X X X V I I (1917-9) iv 403-5!O u r i n f o r m a t i o n a s to the e a r l y h i s t o r y of t h e old I r i s h m i s s a l w h i c h f o r m s p a r t of the S t o w e collection is v e r y m e a g r e .

Dr. Charles O'Conor

d i d n o t m e n t i o n it in t h e b o d y of his c a t a l o g u e of t h e S t o w e m a n u s c r i p t s , b u t d e v o t e d a l o n g a r t i c l e to it in t h e a p p e n d i x , f a c t s w h i c h s u g g e s t t h a t it w a s a r e c e n t a c q u i s i t i o n a n d n o t p a r t of the l i b r a r y of C h a r l e s O ' C o n o r of B e l a n a g a r e .

H e s a y s t h a t it w a s f o u n d on t h e C o n t i n e n t b y " the

l a t e J o h n G r a c e , E s q u i r e , of N e n a g h in I r e l a n d , w h o w a s f o r m e r l y a n officer in the G e r m a n s e r v i c e . "

T h i s J o h n G r a c e has not been positively

i d e n t i f i e d , b u t a s the s e c o n d M a r q u e s s of B u c k i n g h a m ( a f t e r w a r d s D u k e of B u c k i n g h a m

a n d C h a n d o s ) , w h o i n h e r i t e d t h e title a n d , inter

t h e S t o w e L i b r a r y , in 1 8 1 3 , w a s c o n n e c t e d t h r o u g h h i s w i f e w i t h

alia, the

G r a c e f a m i l y , a n d w a s on f r i e n d l y t e r m s w i t h S h e f f i e l d G r a c e ( a u t h o r of Memorials

of the Family

of Grace,

p r i v a t e l y p r i n t e d in 1 8 2 3 ) it is p r o b a b l e

that the codex w a s obtained b y him directly f r o m t h a t f a m i l y .

For

its previous history w e are dependent on such evidence a s can be extracted f r o m t h e t e x t , a n d f r o m the i n s c r i p t i o n s o n the cumdach, it is e n c l o s e d .

T h e a p p r o x i m a t e d a t e of c o n s t r u c t i o n

o r c a s e , in w h i c h is i n d i c a t e d

by

t h e i n s c r i p t i o n s o n t h e l o w e r , a n d o l d e r , of the t w o l a r g e r s u r f a c e s of the

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

694 casket.

T h e y m e n t i o n D o n n c h a d h , son of B r i a n , w h o w a s joint-king of

t h e D&l g C a i s a n d , to a g r e a t e r or less degree, o v e r southern Ireland f r o m 1 0 1 4 t o 1023, a n d sole k i n g f r o m 1023 until he w e n t on pilgrimage t o R o m e , where h e died in 1064; a n d M a c R a i t h , king of the E o g h a n a c h t of C a s h e l f r o m 1045, w h o died in 1052.

I t is p r o b a b l e t h a t the c a s k e t

w a s m a d e w i t h i n the y e a r s 1045 x 1052, a n d t h a t the missal w a s then a t s o m e p l a c e in n o r t h - e a s t e m M u n s t e r .

T h a t it w a s in the same region

three centuries later, w h e n the u p p e r face of the cumdach or re-decorated, w e learn f r o m the inscriptions it carries.

w a s replaced T h e y attribute

this n e w w o r k to P h i l i p O ' K e n n e d y , k i n g of O r m o n d , a n d A i n e his w i f e , a n d to the comharba

Gilla-Ruadan O Macan.

Philip O ' K e n n e d y died

in 1 3 8 1 , 1 5 3 h a v i n g succeeded t o his k i n g d o m p r o b a b l y in 1 3 7 1 . (3 M a c d n

w e k n o w n o t h i n g , b u t his C h r i s t i a n n a m e — " S e r v a n t

R u a d a n " — and his title m a k e it p r o b a b l e t h a t he was the comharba

Of of 154

— w h i c h a t this time signified the h e r e d i t a r y holder of the church lands —• of St. R u a d a n of L o r r h a . 1 5 5

L o r r h a is in the b a r o n y of L o w e r O r m o n d ,

n o r t h e r n T i p p e r a r y , w h i c h in the second half of the f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y f o r m e d p a r t of the dominion of the O ' K e n n e d y s . I t is a reasonable inference t h a t t h e S t o w e M i s s a l was, in the

first

half of the e l e v e n t h c e n t u r y , p r e s e r v e d as a n ancient heirloom in some c h u r c h of

northern T i p p e r a r y , as L o r r h a

or T e r r y g l a s s , and

that

it

remained in the s a m e place or neighborhood a t least till the end of the fourteenth century.

M o r e o v e r , w h e n n e x t the book can be definitely

l o c a t e d , a p p a r e n t l y a b o u t the b e g i n n i n g of the nineteenth c e n t u r y , it w a s a t N e n a g h , less t h a n t w e n t y miles from L o r r h a .

A l t h o u g h there is

n o strong reason to d o u b t O ' C o n o r ' s s t a t e m e n t t h a t G r a c e had discovered the missal on the C o n t i n e n t , it is possible t h a t this w a s an unfounded inference f r o m the f a c t of his C o n t i n e n t a l service, and t h a t in reality the c o d e x n e v e r left north-eastern M u n s t e r until it passed to the library a t S t o w e H o u s e , B u c k i n g h a m s h i r e , some time before 1818. I t is clear t h a t t w o distinct codices h a v e been b o u n d together to m a k e the v o l u m e as it s t a n d s t o - d a y : one, consisting of the first eleven leaves, contains e x t r a c t s f r o m the Gospel of St. J o h n ; w h i c h alone is considered here, w a s the original missal.

156

the other,

I t seems possible

t h a t the t w o m a y h a v e been in close association from an early date, if not f r o m their origin. Of the Irish

c h a r a c t e r of the S t o w e Missal

there is no d o u b t ;

but

in other respects it h a s been the s u b j e c t of almost as m u c h disagreement a m o n g scholars as has the M i s s a l of B o b b i o . 1U F M .

1 « Cf. pp. 747-g infra.

Cf. pp. 637-8 supra.

1U

No. 466.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

69s

SCRIPT, etc.: Contains 57 leaves (i.e., ff. I2-[68]j, each about sf X 4} in., of which the last, plain and unnumbered, is pasted to the cover. The vellum is of the coarse type usual in Irish MSS, and in places is much darkened. There are four gatherings: ff. 12-28, 29-46, 47-58, 59—[68]. These were not all part of the original codex: the first two gatherings, containing the missal proper, were drastically revised at a very arly date, partly by removing some leaves and inserting others, partly by erasing and writing over some of the leaves retained. Of the original parchment in these gatherings there remain ff. 12, 13, 15 to 17, 20, 21, 26 to 28, 29, 32 to 34, 37 to 46. The reviser's signature is at the bottom of f. 37, where his work on the text of the mass ends: 1 " " M6el ciich "* scripsit." In the original text Warner distinguishes at least five hands: A1 the first gathering; A 1 the second gathering; A3 ff. 47-51*; A1 (?) 52; A4 53-64; A5 64 t ~5. (The Irish tract on 65v—7 may be by one of these scribes; the spells on 67* are by different, but perhaps not much later, hands.) The writing of all these shows a marked similarity, indicating that they belonged to the same scriptorium: it is Irish minuscule of a peculiar angular type. The script and the abbreviations point to the early ninth century, about A.D. 800-15, as the probable date of writing. M6el-c4ich's script is a rounded minuscule, of an appearance more familiar to students of Irish MSS. He must have been trained in a different school. Authorities of the last century concluded that he worked a century or more after the original scribes, but the present opinion is that he was very little later. The Irish language forms of the treatise on the mass and of the Irish rubrics l " are also in accord with a date in the first half of the ninth century. CONTENTS: I Ff. 12-46: The missal proper, (a) The preparation for mass: Prayers of the class known as apologia* sacerdotisThe longest is a confession and intercession, " Peccavimus, Domine, 1 " . . . ," to which is integrally attached a litany of saints,'" beginning with Kyrie eleison,1M M6el-dLich has added the names of continental saints of special Irish veneration, and of many Irish saints." 4 (b) The beginning of mass: The tract at the end of the codex (no. 549 supra) indicates that the chalice was prepared before mass, as in the Gallican and Mozarabic and still in Eastern rites, and that an inlroit was sung. Neither is mentioned here: the first was a ceremony for which written directions were not required, and the second was of the part, not 167

On f. 4 6 v he has made an addition to the order of baptism. The first element signifies " bald," or " tonsured," the second " blind," " squinting," or " one-eyed." If the name is peculiarly Christian in composition it may mean " Servant of the blind [saint]," but it is possible that it is of pagan origin, " Servant of the blind," or " one-eyed [god]." 169 The Stowe Missal is the most notable example of the use of the Irish language in liturgical rubrics. 160 C/. Cabrol " Apologies " Out. (TarcHoi. ckftl. tX de liturgu I ii (1907) 2591-601. 181 Such confessions were favorite prayers in the Irish Church. Cf. Cabrol Les origines lilurgiques (1906) 227-43. That here given is also in St. Gall 1395 (no. 557 ii), and seems to be peculiarly Irish. l6J The original list of saints of this litany, before M6el-cAich's additions, is in St. Gall 1395. The saints invoked are the Blessed Virgin, the twelve apostles in the order given by Matthew, and Paul, Mark, Luke and Stephen. Some of these were omitted in Stowe. A litany resembling the expanded Stowe text is in Witzel's Fulda Missal (no. 556). Bishop points out {op. cit. p. 693 supra) that the frame-work of the litanies of Stowe, Witzel, and B M Reg. 2 A xx (no. 576) is the same as that of a Greek litany in B M Cotton. Galba A X V I I I (the " Atl-elstan Psalter ") f. 200 and Titus D X V I I I f. 12, and that there are grounds for believing that this Greek litany came to England from Rome in the time of the Syrian Pope Sergius (687-701). 194 On the Kyrie eUtson and its probable introduction into Ireland by the Romanising party of the 1M

seventh century see p. 334 supra.

1M The list of Irish saints is general, without local significance. The latest named is Samthann (d. 739). — It should be noticed that ff. 30-31 of the Stowe codex have been misplaced: they should come between ff. 12 and 13.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

6q6

of t h e priest b u t of the choir. Our M S has four collects — two added by M6el-ciich — and t h e Gloria in excdsis. (c) Epistle and gospel: T h e epistle — here, as in other early liturgies, designated the " a p o s t l e " — is I Cor. xi 26-32, the gospel J o h n vi 51-7. N o provision is made for other readings, a feature curious and almost unique. Possibly t h e texts here are given exempli gratia, or for circumstances when extra service-books would not be available. I t seems a good presumption t h a t in Ireland, as elsewhere, all i m p o r t a n t churches had, if not lectionaries, collections of gospels a n d epistles with capilularia or indices assigning the proper lessons to the various days. — Between epistle and gospel are a series of prayers and psalms, the gradual and accretions thereto; a " bidding prayer " in which intercession is made for various classes of the Christian clergy and people, including " t h e most pious emperors and the whole R o m a n army"; and other prayers. T h e introduction of m a n y prayers between epistle a n d gospel was an Irish peculiarity; it would seem t h a t the Stowe had still more before M6el-c&ich's revision. — J u s t before the gospel is a direction for the " half uncovering " of t h e chalice, (d) Creed to preface: T h e Nicene Creed with some interlinear emendations, notably the addition of the filioque; prayers at the offertory, of which one is introductory to the reading of the diptychs of the dead; 1 6 5 the Sursum corda responses; and the preface. This last consists of t h a t prescribed in the present Roman Missal (as in the Bobbio) for common ferias, with a long interpolation just before the " per q u e m " clause, an interpolation which, though containing passages resembling the present Sunday preface, is in the main unique. Rubrics in Irish indicate t h a t there were also proper prefaces (doubtless those in the special masses on ff. 38-45 are m e a n t ) to be substituted for this, some of which had the " per quem " ending, b u t others continued with their own proper text to the Sanclus. T h e Sanclus is nearly as in the R o m a n Missal, b u t with a post-sanctus addition, the wording of which suggests t h a t originally, as in the first of the special masses of Stowe, in those of the Carlsruhe and Piacenza fragments (nos. 558, 559), and in the Gallican usage, it was followed immediately by the Qui pridie prayer of consecration. But the present missal, as also the Hanc igitur of LA (no. 560), testify to the use of the R o m a n canon in Ireland a t the beginning of t h e ninth century, (e) T h e canon: This, which the rubric heading designates " Sunday Canon of Pope Gelasius," consists of the usual prayers of the Gelasian (and m o d e m R o m a n ) canon, but with some interesting variations and additions." 7 As has been stated a b o v e , " 8 Stowe, Bobbio, and the Missale Francorum have a common recension of t h e R o m a n canon, although they differ considerably among themselves. T o Memento etiam Domine famulorum is attached the rubric " Here the names of the living are recited," while to Memento etium Domine et cornm nomina is added a long series of names of biblical personages and of saints, foreign and I r i s h . " 9 T h e last column is left blank for further entries. M6el-c4ich's 165 T h i s p l a y e r , w i t h b u t slight v a r i a t i o n s , w a s in W i t z e l ' s F u l d a Missal, a n d s o m e w h a t s i m i l a r t e x t s are in t h e G a l l i c a n a n d A m b r o s i a n liturgies, t h o u g h n o t a t t h i s p a r t of t h e m a s s . T h e y are all of G r e e k origin: t h e r e is n o d o u b t t h a t t h i s is a t r a n s l a t i o n f r o m t h e G r e e k . CI. L. D u c h e s n e Origin*s du culte chittien 5th ed. (1020) 210-3. 1M

W h a t follows t o t h e C a n o n is b y M6el-cAich.

I 6 7 I n t h e Te igitur p r a y e r intercession is m a d e f o r " our a b b o t [and] b i s h o p N . " T h e Hanc igitur h a s t h e c u r i o u s a d d i t i o n : " W h i c h we offer T h e e in h o n o r of O u r L o r d J e s u s C h r i s t a n d in c o m m e m o r a t i o n of T h y blessed m a r t y r s in t h i s c h u r c h which T h y s e r v a n t built for t h e h o n o r of T h y n a m e a n d T h y glory . . . him a n d all the people s n i t c h f r o m t h e w o r s h i p of idols a n d c o n v e r t t o T h e e , the t r u e G o d , F a t h e r A l m i g h t y . " Some h a v e seen in t h i s e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e S t o w e m a s s d a t e d b a c k t o t h e d a y s w h e n C h r i s t i a n i t y w a s still l a b o r i n g for t h e conversion of a p a g a n Irish people. •68 P . 691. T h e l a t e s t p e r s o n c o m m e m o r a t e d is MAel-riiain of T a l l a g h t (d. 792). — M a c C a r t h y ' s t h e o r y t h a t

169

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

697

additions to the canon include an extensive interpolation in Memento etiam Domine famulorum, of continental origin but preserved only in Irish documents; 170 variants to Communicantes for Christmas, New Year's, Epiphany, Holy Thursday, 1 7 1 Easter, Low Sunday, Ascension Day and Pentecost; and an ending to Qui pridie resembling those of the Apostolic Constitutions and the Syriac, Coptic, Ambrosian and Mozarabic liturgies. 171 A t the end of the canon are the ceremonies of intinction and fraction, (f) From the Pater Noster to the end of the mass: The Pater Noster, with introduction and embolism differing only slightly from the present Roman; the Pax in two formulae; the commixture; the communion, with the Agnus Dei and a series of antiphons and alleluias 173 — similar series are in the Communion of the Sick in Stowe and in the Books of Dimma, Mulling and Deer, in the St. Gall fragment and in A B (cf. pp. 7004, 710); post-communion as in Bobbio and the St. Gall fragment; and a concluding thanksgiving and dismissal, (g) Special masses: The Stowe Missal has no proper for saints' days and other festivals, and only three special masses: for saints, for living penitents, and for the dead. It is, as MacCarthy has remarked, the smallest known volume that ever passed under the title of missal. 174 The application of the several prayers that make up this supplement of three masses is not certain: there are no rubrics and the commentators have for the most part avoided the problem. The second and third of these masses have each five sections, of which the first and second appear to be collects, the third a prayer connected with the offertory, the fourth is a preface and the fifth may be a post-communion. Now in the ordinary outlined above there are two obscure rubrics: just before the epistle, " the augment here," and at the offertory, " the second part of the augment here over the oblations." We may infer that of the special mass prayers just enumerated the first and second form the augment, the third is the second part of the augment, the fourth is the variation of the preface for which the rubrics make provision (p. 696 supra), and the fifth is to be either added to or substituted for one of the last two in the ordinary. The texts of the first special mass, however, do not accord so well with this explanation : there are seven sections, of which the fifth is a preface, the sixth a post-sanctus, and two persons were designated, Bishop M i l (Lj. p. 172) and RuadÂn of Lorrha, has no support. — T h e next latest names are the Canterbury bishops Laurentius, Mellitus and Justus, of the early seventh century. T h e list, although it includes most of the famous old Irish saints, is not of the conventional type of M6elc i i c h ' s litany in the preparation for mass: it includes too many obscure and unusual names. Nor is it a copy of the local diptychs in any of the older and larger churches: in that case it would have included the succession of abbots. T h e addition of these lists of names to the Memento of the Dead gTew, doubtless, out of the custom of reading a t mass the names of the dead from the diptychs. In early times these were read at the offertory, and the practice was continued in the Gallican rite. As has been seen, Stowe has prayers at the offertory designed to accompany this reading. B u t in the Roman usage the reading of the diptychs was transferred to the canon; the Memento of the Dead is the prayer which was attached to it. A t Rome this was omitted on Sundays and festivals, possibly on all occasions except a t masses for the dead ; but when the Roman liturgy was introduced into Ireland and Gaul the Memento was retained at all masses. Whether the list of names attached to it in Stowe took the place of the diptychs, or whether the diptychs were also read a t the offertory, we do not know. It seems certain that at Armagh the names of the deceased abbots were read at some place in the mass until a comparatively late date. Cf. pp. 352-3 supra. — T h i s prayer in Stowe is printed in Duchesne Origines du culte chrétien 5th ed. (1920) 221-3. It is in the Fulda Missal (no. 556) and the second fragment of Carlsruhe (no. ss8). B y an oversight the scribe has omitted portions of the texts for Epiphany and Holy Thursday. 1 7 *C/. Paul L e j a y '* Ambrosien (Rit) " Diet, d'archiol. chril. et de liturgie I 1417. Môel-câich's text 170 171

agrees almost word for word with that of the Biasca Sacramentary, a 9th or 10th century Ambrosian M S . Cf. E. Renaudot Liturgiarum oritntaiium collettio (Frankfort 1847) II i n . 1 7 3 Here Môel-ciich's emendations end. 1 7 4 T h a t it may not have been unique is suggested by the fact that the original text of the first Carlsruhe fragment (no. 558) seems to be of the same three masses.

6ç8

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

the seventh a post-communion. The first section appears to be the augment at the offertory, the second and third may be collects, and the fourth is a curious text, seemingly a combination of one or two collects and part of a preface. II Ff. 46 T -6o: The order of baptism. The Order of Baptism, as originally transcribed, begins on f. 47 and ends on f. 60, where without any indication of a break or a change of subject the Order of Visitation of the Sick commences. Subsequently M6el-câich or a scribe of his school added a prayer on f. 46*, which had previously been left blank. This part of the codex, although written with some care, seems to have been copied from a Vorlage in which the texts were in confusion — perhaps from a private notebook where matter relating to baptism had been written down at haphazard from many different sources. T w o sections may, however, be differentiated; the first, relating to the catechumenate and the preparation for baptism, in which this confusion is rampant; the second, the blessing of the font and baptism itself, where a certain order is discernible. 1 " I l l Ff. 60-65: Order of visitation of the sick, etc. This is the longest of the four surviving versions of this service as in use in the Irish Church, of which the other three are in the Book of Dimma, 1 7 ' the Book of Mulling, 1 ' 7 and the Book of D e e r . 1 " In the last only the communion service is given. All four bear a close resemblance to each other, and are evidently but variations of one liturgy. The contents of the Stowe version are as follows: A preface or bidding prayer, 17 * six collects; 1 * 0 lessons drawn from Matt, xxii 23, 29-33, a n d xxiv 29-31 ; 181 the unction; 1 " the Our Father, with introduction and embolism;1*5 three prayers for the sick man; 1 * 4 the p a x ; 1 " the communion; 1 " two post-communions;1*7 six communion anthems; 1 ** the thanksgiving; 1 ** the blessing; 1 * 0 the signing with the cross; and a second pax. 1 ' 1 IV Ff. 6$v-y: Treatise in Irish on the mass (no. 549). V F. 6 7 t : Three spells in Irish. COMMENT: Todd assigned the original text of the missal to the sixth century, Baumer to about 627-40, MacCarthy to 625-50, Duchesne to the eighth century, Warren to the ninth, and Sir F. Kenyon (Thes. Pal. II p. xxvii) to the beginning of the tenth or end of the ninth. M6el-câich's work was dated by Baumer about 740-50, by MacCarthy about the middle of the eighth century, and by others in the tenth. As stated above, the general opinion now is that the script is of the early ninth century, and Warner has established fairly conclusively that the M S must have been originally 1 7 6 In order to show the extent of this derangement, the Stowe texts may be compared with the outline of the Roman and Gallican services as given by Duchesne, Origines du culte chrétien (5th ed. 1920) 311-46. 17 « No. 563. 1 7 7 No. 561. 1 7 1 No. 564. 1 7 9 Dimma has the same prayer, and Mulling one closely resembling it. ISO f i v e of these are also in Dimma. 1 8 1 The first ot these is also in D i m m a . 182 T h e formulât of Dimma and Mulling are essentially the same as this though there are verbal differences between all three texts. 183 With verbal variations, and in some cases additional prayers, this introduction is found also in Dimma, and the embolism in all the versions. 184 Only in this version. 1 8 4 Almost as in the mais. It is a combination of two formulae given in Dimma. 1 M There are variations in the communion formula in all four, and also in the Stowe mass and the Stowe order of baptism. 1 8 7 One of these also in Dimma. 188 Cf. p. 697 sect. (f). Of these six, four are in Dimma, two in Mulling, three in Deer. 1 8 9 In all four versions with variations. Also in Dimma and Mulling: in the latter at the beginning of the service. 1 9 1 The signing and the second pax are in Dimma.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

699

written about 7 9 2 x 8 1 5 , and that M6el-ciich's revision took place very soon after, Warner further argues with considerable force that the presence of the name of M i e l rtiain, founder of Tallaght, who died in 792, as last of the bishops commemorated in the list of saints attached to the Memento of the Dead, saints none other of whom was later than the early seventh century, makes it probable that the missal was written at Tallaght after 792. Miel-rliain was succeeded by Air-fhinnan (d. 803) and Bishop Echaidh (d. 812), of whom the second at least was commemorated as a saint. T h e absence of his name would give 812 as a terminus ad quem. B u t , although the case for Tallaght is attractive, some considerations of a different tenor should be noticed. It is by no means certain that the local diptychs are represented by the list of saints attached to the Memento of the Dead; they may have been a distinct document, read at the offertory. And Miel-ruain acquired such a high reputation, especially among the followers of what has been called above 1 M the reform movement of the eighth century, that his name might naturally be added to the Memento at many other churches besides Tallaght. Warner's further conjecture that the primary object of the missal was to provide Tallaght with an authoritative ritual, does not persuade. Its small size, poverty of ornamentation, fixed lections and paucity of proper readings and special masses — as well as the inconsiderate manner in which it was treated by the reviser — indicate that the book was not produced as the official missal of an important church, or high ecclesiastic, but rather as a private service-book which a priest could easily carry with him and find therein the minimnm ritual necessary for the performance of his functions. T h a t its contents were drawn from the books of the monastery where it was transcribed may be assumed. T h e most probable explanation of the revision it underwent is that it soon passed to another monastery where a somewhat different ritual prevailed, and was emended to suit the usage of its new home." 3 With regard to the liturgical contents, the close agreement of the Fulda Missal (no. 556), the St. Gall and Carlsruhe fragments (nos. 557, 558), and the canon of the Bobbio Missal (no. 554) make it probable that we have in the original text of Stowe a mass of wide though not universal acceptance in Ireland. It may well represent approximately the mass which was evolved by the Romanising churches of southern — or perhaps more particularly of central — Ireland in the seventh century. In the matter due to M6el-cAich the Gallican element seems greater; perhaps his church was one where the old Irish liturgy had been less affected by Roman influence." 4

556. The Missal of Fulda ED: Georg Witzel (Vuicelius) Exercitamenta syncerae pietatis (Mainz 1555) [extracts only], COMM: Paul L e j a y Rev. d'hist. et de lift, relig. V I I (1902) 561. Georg Witzel (1501-1573), a native of Hesse, became a writer of some prominence in the controversies of the German Reformation. In 1554 he settled in Mainz and 181

Cf. p p . 468 sqq

193

W a r n e r , w h o t h i n k s — a g a i n s t t h e probabilities, a s it s e e m s t o the present w r i t e r — t h a t t h e revision

supra.

as well a s t h e original w r i t i n g t o o k place a t T a l l a g h t , s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e missal m a y h a v e been b r o u g h t t o northern M u n s t e r b y D o n n c h a d h m a c B r i a i n a s p a r t of t h e pledges he took f r o m L e i n s t e r in 1026. IM T o t h e present writer it s e e m s an a c c e p t a b l e h y p o t h e s i s — n o t h i n g m o r e — t h a t t h e S t o w e M i s s a l was t r a n s c r i b e d a t T a l l a g h t , w i t h i n t h e period 792 x 8 t 2 , f r o m t h e l i t u r x y of t h a t c h u r c h ; w a s c a r r i e d t o Lon-ha w i t h i n , a t most, the n e x t t w e n t y - f i v e y e a r s (there m a y h a v e been close associations b e t w e e n L o r r h a and T a l l a g h t : LorTha.

cf. p. 469 supra);

a n d w a s there revised b y M 6 e l - c i i c h in a c c o r d a n c e w i t h t h e l i t u r g y of

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

7oo

devoted the remainder of his life to literature and scholarship, publishing a great number of works. One of the earliest of these was his Exercitamenla symerae pietatis, in which he gave extracts from an old missal of the monastery of F u l d a . 1 " This missal is not now known, but Witzel's extracts show that it was of Irish provenance, and that its text was very nearly related to, though not identical with, that of the Stowe Missal.

657. The St. Gall fragments Codices 1394 and 1395 in the monastic library of St. Gall are gatherings of remnants of ancient manuscripts, bound together by the historian von Arx when he was librarian. T h e y include the following interesting fragments of Irish sacramentaries, missals or rituals. (i) Fragment of a requiem mass M S : St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 1395 pp. 430-3 j V I I I . FACS: F. Keller " Bilder u. Schriftzüge " [p. 98 supra], and Reeves's trans. — C. P. Cooper Appendix A [p. 99 supra] pi. xxxi. EDS: A. P. Forbes Liber Ecclesie Beali Terrenani de Arbuthnolt (Burntisland 1864) pp. xlviii-1. — H & S I (1869) 197 [gospel]. — Warren Lit. (1881) 180-2. — H. J. White in J. Wordsworth Old Latin Biblical Texts II (1886) [gospel]. COMM: G. Scherrer Verzeichniss d. Hss. d. Stiftsbibl. v. St. Gallen (Halle 1875) 463. — S. Berger RC VI 350-1; Histoire de la Vulgate (Paris 1893) 31, 418. — F. H . A. Scrivener and E. Miller Plain introduction to the criticism of the New Testament (London 1894) I I 49-5°This remnant — two leaves — contains apparently the introit 196 and gospel of a mass for the dead. T h e gospel is the story of the raising of Lazarus, taken from John xi 14-44. T h e text is not Vulgate but Old Latin, with many peculiar characteristics which seem to be Irish. It is closely related to Codex Usserianus I and to Codex Bezae. Symbol in textual criticism: p.

(ii) Intercessory prayer and litany M S : St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 1395 p. 179 Í V I I I / I X . FACS: Cooper op. cit. pis. xxiii, xxiv. EDS: A. P. Forbes op. cit. p. xlviii. — Warren Lit. (1881) 179-80. — B. MacCarthy " On the Stowe Missal " Trans. RIA X X V I I (1885) 233-7. Cf. p. 695 supra. This single richly ornamented leaf contains the same confession, intercession and litany of saints as that with which the Stowe Missal opens. The concluding clauses are missing, but doubtless would have been found on the next leaf.

(iii) Fragments of the mass service M S : St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 1394 iv pp. 95-8 J I X (?). Cooper op. cit. pis. vi, xxix, xxx.

FACS: Keller op. cit. pi. xi 6 . —

EDS: A. P. Forbes op. cit. pp. xlv-xlvii. — C. J.

Greith Geschichte der altirischen Kirche (Freiburg i. B . 1867) 440-2. — Warren Lit. 175-9. — M a c C a r t h y op. cit. 234-7 [partial], 135

See p. 520 supra.

196

Cf. Scherrer op. cit. 459.

Ps. U v 2-3: " T e decet, domine."

LITERATURE

AND

CULTURE

701

These two leaves contain portions of masses apparently proper to the feasts of the Circumcision and Epiphany, and the ordinary of the mass from the Paler noster to the post-communion. This latter part resembles closely the text of the Stowe Missal.— Scherrer and others have suggested that we have here the remains of the missal in Irish script which is mentioned in the oldest catalogue of St. G a l l . 1 " (iv) Office for the visitation of the sick M S : St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 1395 pp. 444-7 J V I I I / I X . FACS: Cooper of. cit. pis. x x v xxvii. EDS: A. P. Forbes op. cit. pp. 1-li. — Warren Lit. 182-3. Cf. pp. 697-8 supra. These leaves contain a section of a prayer (known in its complete form from several continental sources) 1 9 5 which formed part of an old Irish office for the visitation of the sick. (v) Blessings of water (a) Benedictio aquae ct salis a d spergendum in dom libus!: Domine sancte pater omnipotens install rate; r . . . (b) Item benedictio aquae spargendum in domo: Deus, qui ad salutem humani generis. . . . (c) Item alia: Exorcizo te, creatura aquae . . . .

MS: St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 1395 5 V I I I / I X . FACS: Cooper op. cit. pi. xxii. Forbes op. cit. p. li. — Warren Lit. 183-4.

EDS: A. P.

These three prayers are on the reverse of a finely illuminated page. They are to be found, sometimes with considerable variations, in several continental liturgical collections; 195 the three are also in the Bobbio and the second and third in the Stowe Missal.

668. The Carlsruhe fragments MSS: Carlsruhe Landesbibl. App. Aug. C L X V I I [fragments of vellum formerly used in binding Aug. C L X V I I ] s V I I I / I X . EDS: H. M. Bannister JTS V (1903) 49-75 (includes valuable commentary], O-I passages: WS Zs.f. vergl. Sprachforschung X X X I (1889) 246 sq. — Thes. Pal. II (1903) pp. xxix, 256 [cf. Supplement (1910) 76]. Among the Reichenau manuscripts at Carlsruhe Dr. Holder identified as Irish two strips of vellum which had been used as binding for the codex known as the Carlsruhe Bede (no. s 2 S)- They were found to be fragments from two old sacramentaries or missals. (1) A mutilated sheet, forming originally two leaves of a codex, written in part in an insular Irish hand of the late eighth or early ninth century. F. 1 contains what seem to be portions of a mass for penitents and a mass for the dead. F. 2 has part of the preface and the post-sanctus (with variations) of the Stowe mass for apostles and other saints. The first scribe left the greater part of f. 2 blank: it was filled in by an Irishman writing on the Continent, who inserted the epistle, gradual, gospel and ordo of a mass for captives, five collects, and part of a preface. This 1 "Cf. no. 4 1 6 . ' • ' " T h e same p r a y e r occurs in the Sacram. G e l a s . p. 747, in a ninth-century French f F l e u r y ) R i t u a l , printed b y M a r t e n e (lib. I I I . c a p . 1 3 , vol. I I . p. 3 8 1 ) , and in a twelfth-century Salzburg Pontifical (ib. p. 387), where it opens t h u s , ' Omnipotens sempiteme D e u s qui humano corpori animam,' & c . " Warren toe. cit. 1M Cf. Warren loc. cit.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

702

arrangement of the lections is reminiscent of the Bobbio Missal. In two places here Bannister believed he found allusions to the Northmen. (2) Another mutilated sheet, now in two parts, written in an insular Irish hand of apparently about the same epoch as the preceding. In an upper margin is the entry " sancte trinitatis et sancti cronini filii lugaed6n." Cron&n or Mo-Chtia of Clondalldn was son of Lugaed, according to the notes to the Calendar of Oengus, August 6. 100 There is, therefore, some grounds for conjecturing, with Bannister, that the service-book of which this sheet had formed part belonged originally to the monastic church of Clondalkin. There are some Irish passages, badly mutilated. One apparently prays for preservation " from a flood of foreigners and foes and pagans and tribulations; from plagues of fire and famine and hunger and many diverse diseases." This suggests that when it was written the raids of the Norsemen had become familiar. T h e liturgical text seems to be a considerable but much mutilated part of a mass in commemoration of saints. — T h e close relationship of both these fragments with the Stowe and Bobbio Missals is noteworthy.

559. The Piacenza fragment M S : Piacenza, Archivio of St. Antonino M S s I X / X (?). V (1903)

ED: H. M . Bannister

JTS

49-75.

Among the documents belonging to the church of St. Antonino at Piacenza 201 there was discovered a sheet of parchment containing four pages written in Irish minuscule, but with some continental traits. T h e date of the script has been assigned variously from the ninth to the fourteenth century, but the text can hardly be later than the ninth. The two outer pages are illegible; the two inner contain parts of three masses, one of which is headed " ordo missae sanctae mariae," while the other two contain prefaces which are found also in the Bobbio Missal. There are rubrics in Irish.

560. Liturgical sections of the Book of Armagh M S : L A FF. 19, 53 y . EDS: Warren Lit. — Vit. Trip. I I 350-1 [f. 19]. — LA pp. lxxv, 37, 100, 464^5- Cf. nos. 131, 474, 523. F. 19. A t the end of the additions to Tirechin [cf. p. 335 su/>ra] are two groups of catch-words and abbreviations, similar in form but having no connection in matter with the Patrician notes which precede. T h e first group has not been satisfactorily interpreted; the second consists of a number of allusions to the life of Pope Gregory the Great, with the text in full of the Hanc igitur prayer of the Roman canon. — F. 53 v . A t the end of the Gospel of St. Matthew is a collect in his honor (Deus inmensae demen tiae . . . ), doubtless to be recited on his feast day, on which this page was written. 1 0 0 T h e " comotatio " (cf. p. 333 supra) of the relics of " M o c h u a mac U Lugedon " is given in A U 790, t h a t is. about the beginning of the epoch to which the present M S is assigned. M a c N has consequently included " moccu Lugedon " in his list of mocu eponyms, Proc. RIA X X I X C 79. T h e evidence of the present M S , however, makes it possible that we should read mac Lugedon, and that the " mic U L u g e d o n " of A U is an error, perhaps resulting in some w a y from the facts that abbots of Clondalkin designated Ua Lugedon are mentioned under the years 781 and 801. sot There were close relations between Piacenza and Bobbio.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

7°3

661. Ritual for penance MS: Basel Universitâtsbibl. F. iii. 15. EDS: A. P. Forbes Liber Ecclesie Beaii Terrenani de Arbuthnott (Burntisland 1864) pp. xliv sq. — Warren Lit. 151-2 [here described as of St. Gall], Formulât for confession and the assignment of penance. No person since Forbes seems to have examined the text in the manuscript, which contains many sections, some Irish, some English. 101

662. Liturgical sections of the Book of Mulling MS: TCD 60 [cf. no. 456]: ff. 49T~S° s Vin/DC; f. 94T s VIII (?). EDS: A. P. Forbes Liber Ecclesie Beati Terrenani de Arbuthnott (Burntisland 1864) pp. x-xi. xx-xxii.— Warren Lit. 171-3 [these two give the office for the visitation of the sick). — H. J. Lawlor Chapters on the Book of Mulling (Edinburgh 1897) 9-10 [description of ff. 49v-50r], 145-66 [study and reconstruction of the liturgical notes on f. 94*]. Cf. also The Academy Jan. 26, 1895, p. 83, Feb. 2, 1895, p. 106; LH I (1898) pp. xxi-xxvi; II. Jenner " Celtic Rite " sec. vi, Cath. Encycl.

The Book of Mulling contains two liturgical passages, an Office for the Visitation of the Sick, entered on a space originally left blank at the end of the Gospel of St. Matthew, and a collection of notes giving the outline of some ecclesiastical office, written on what was the last page of the codex following the Gospel of St. John. (1) The first of these was written some time after the bulk of the manuscript had been finished: the script is of a manifestly later period. The text resembles the similar rituals in the Stowe Missal, the Book of Dimma, and the Book of Deer. (2) The second is so faded as to be almost undecipherable, and all that can be said of the script is that it seems to be due to a different hand from that which wrote the Gospel of St. John immediately preceding. Lawlor with great patience and ingenuity elucidated these obscure lines, and reconstructed the office of which they were the headings. He believed it to be a daily office at the monastery of Tech-Moling (St. Mullins) and thought it possible that it was said by each monk in his cell before all assembled for the service of Matins. Dr. Bernard, however, noticing its close resemblance to the service prescribed in the Second Vision of Adamnân 10* as an intercession against the pestilence which, legend and prophecy .said, was to arise in Ireland on the feast of the Decollation of St. John, is of the opinion that the two were identical, and quotes evidence 1 M that Tech-Moling was a place of such intercession against plague.

663. Liturgical sections of the Book of Dimma MS: T C D 59 (A. 4. 23) ff. 52-54 s V I I I / I X [cf. no. 458]. EDS: A. P. Forbes Liber Ecclesie Beati Terrenani de Arbuthnott (Burntisland 1864) pp. xii-xiv, xvii-xx. — Warren Lit. 167-71. See also nos. 555, 562, 564. The scribes of the gospel texts in the Book of Dimma left some folios blank between those of Luke and John, and thereon a later hand entered a ritual which constitutes, doubtless, the office of visitation of the sick as used in the monastery of Roscrea in 202 Cf. p. 6«I supra. *» No. 627. Cf. pp. 7so ro Cambrauis Eversus (ed. Kelly) 1132.

7o4

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

the second half of the eighth or first half of the ninth century. The service, which closely resembles those of the Stowe Missal, the Book of Mulling and the Book of Deer, consists of the anointing and the communion of the sick person, with the accompanying prayers.

664. Liturgical sections of the Book of Deer M S : Cambridge Univ. Lib. I i. 6. 32 ff. 28 t -q i X I [cf. p. 656]. Eds: Paley Hcrmt and Foreign Review I (1862) 487-8. — A. P. Forbes Liber Ecclesie Beaii Terrenani de Arbuthnott (Burntisland 1864) pp. xiv-xv, xxii-xxiii.— John Stuart The Book of Deer (The Spalding Club: Edinburgh 1869). — H&S I I pt. I (1873) 275. — Warren Lit. (1881) 164-5. The tenth-century Scottish manuscript known as the Book of Deer contains a liturgical office, of Irish type, entered, apparently towards the end of the eleventh century, on two pages originally left blank. It is a ritual for the visitation and communion of the sick, closely related to those of the Stowe Missal, the Book of Dimma and the Book of Mulling, 205 but does not include, as they do, the prayers for the administration of extreme unction.

565. The Zurich fragments M S : In the library of the Antiquarian Society of Zurich, deposited in the Stadtbibl. Facs: Keller " Bilder u. Schriftziige " [p. 98 supra] 88, pi. xiii no. 3. Eds: A. P. Forbes Liber Ecclesie Beali Terrenani de Arbuthnott (Burntisland 1864) p. xlv. — Archaeological Journal X X X I (1874) 85-6. — Warren Lit. 23. This is a sheet, two leaves, from an old Irish manuscript, which has been used as a book-binding. The script is Irish, of the tenth century or earlier. The first page is illegible, the second has the order of consecration of a virgin, the third part of the commendation of a departing soul, and the fourth the debris of an unidentified service.

Mention should be made of certain documents which, though apparently not containing Irish liturgical texts, either had, or were believed to have, Irish associations: (1) Ziirich Kantonsbibl. 30 c A.D. 800. This is one of the MSS used in H . A. Wilson The Gelasian Sacramentary (Oxford 1894). Cf. also Gerbert Monumenta veteris liturgiae alemannicae I (1777) 362; UJA V I I I (i860) 304; L. De i le Mémoire sur d'anciens sacramcntaires (Paris 1886) 84 no. ix; E. Bishop Liturgica histórica (Oxford 1918) 77 sqq. It has been identified with the " very old missal " mentioned in Codex 1305 of the St. Gall Stiftsbibliothck as at the monastery of Rheinau: " This missal, written by some Irishman, our St. Fintan, coming from Ireland, either himself wrote or brought, written, with him to our monastery of Rheinau." — G. Haenel Calalogi librorum manuscriptorum qui in bibl. Galliae, Helvetiae, etc. asservantur (Leipsic 1830) 734. On St. Fintan see pp. 602-3 supra; on the calendar in this codex p. 479. The book may have belonged to Fintan, but it did not have its origin in Ireland. The script is continental. Delisle thought it was written in northern Gaul. It is a ««Nos. 55s, 563, 562.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE Gelasian sacramentary of the type known as " the Gelasian of the eighth c e n t u r y . " (2; St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 348 c A.D. 800. Verzeichniss

d. Hss. d. Stiftsbibl.

Bishop loc. cit.

Also used in Wilson op. cit.

v. St. Gallen (Halle 1875)

I22>

,M

Cf. G . Scherrer

Delisle op. cit. no. x ;

T h i s codex belonged to Remedius, bishop of C h u r (800-20), and

m a y have been written at Chur. Irish palaeographical influence. of the eighth century " type.

I t shows, according to report, strong marks of

T h e contents form a sacramentary of the " Gelasian If Edmund Bishop was right in his conjecture that the

Irish were concerned in the modifications which the R o m a n liturgy underwent in G a u l and northern I t a l y in the eighth century

107

it may be that this and the preceding

sacramentary are more or less products of their work. (formerly 159) A.D. 7 9 0 x 8 1 6 .

(3) Cambrai Bibl. publ. 164

Cf. Cat. des bibl. des départements X V I I ( 1891 ) 4 4 - 5 ;

Bishop op. cit. (see index of M S S ) , and JTS

I V (1903) 414-5; H . A . Wilson The Gre-

gorian Sacramentary under Charles the Great (Henry Bradshaw Soc. X L I X ) 1915).

(London

T h i s was written for that Bishop Hildoard of Cambrai who was a friend of

the Irishman Dungal. 1 0 8

According to some it shows evidence of Irish influence in

its production; but the contents are the original Gregorian sacramentary as sent to Charles the Great b y Pope Adrian, without the Carolingian additions. 162-3 (formerly 158) s I X .

Cf. Cat. des bibl. loc. cit.; Bishop loc. cit.

said to show Irish influence. Carolingian additions. JTS

I X (1908) 414-21.

T h e text is the Gregorian sacramentary

( ) V a t . lat. 3325 (s X I ) c o v e r s X / X I .

(4)

Ibid.

T h i s also is fused with

ED: H . M . Bannister

T h i s eleventh-century copy of Sallust has as binding t w o

leaves of a missal or sacramentary in Irish-continental the tenth or eleventh century.

handwriting, apparently of

T h e Sallust, possibly with its binding, once belonged

to the abbey of St. Blandin near Tournai.

T h e two leaves contain masses for the

feast of Holy Innocents, incomplete; the Circumcision, complete; and the vigil of the Epiphany, incomplete.

T h e gospel of the second is from a Gospel of " James

son of Alphaeus," hitherto unknown, but possibly derived from the apocryphal pseudoMatthew.

T h e contents as a whole show no evidence of Irish origin.

566. The Drummond Missal M S of Drummond Castle, s X I .

ED: A . P. Forbes Kalendars of Scottish Saints

(Edin-

burgh 1872) pp. xv-xviii, 1-32 [calendar o n l y ] , — G. H . Forbes Missale

Drummon-

diense the ancient Irish missal in the possession of the Baroness Willoughby

de

(Burntisland 1882) [cf. J. Dowden The Academy

Eresby

15 Dec. 1883 p. 393]. — COMM:

A . P. Forbes Liber Ecclesie Beati Terrenani de Arbuthnott (Burntisland 1864) pp. x x v i i i xxxvi. — F. E . Warren The manuscript

Irish missal belonging to the President

and

Fellows of Corpus Christi College Oxford (London 1879) pp. 1 - 1 3 [collation of the canon]. SCRIPT, etc.: Irish minuscule, classed as of s X I . of about 6 X 4 5 i n -

A small volume containing 109 ff.

Initial letters generally are ornamented with yellow.

CONTKNTS:

F. 1 : Blessing of water. — Calendar.

This is a continental calendar, with names of

the more famous Irish saints inserted.

B y the loss of a folio the entries from Sept. 22

to Oct. 10 inclusive are missing. " f o r every ecclesiastical grade." the Holy Trinity.

F. 18: Exorcisms of salt and water, and prayers A t f. 22 the missal proper begins with a votive mass of

There are many votive masses, a considerable number common

of saints, and very few proper of saints or of the season. memorated b y masses. M Cf. p. 6&6 supra.

N o Irish saints are com-

T h e preface and canon are given at f. 37. m

Op. cil. 8411.

108

Cf. p. 541 supra.

In the canon at

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

7O6

the prayer Communicantes there are added to the usual text the names of Sts. Martin, Gregory, Augustine, Jerome, Benedict and Patrick, and at the Nobis quoque peccatoribus those of Sts. Eugenia and Brigit. The volume is, however, purely a Roman missal of the post-Carolingian type. — Three quatrains in Irish are written on the upper margins of ff. 43 t ~4, 8g T -90, and g o T - i , and at the end of the missal there is a short dialogue in Irish verse between St. Coemgen and St. Ciarán of Saigir {cf. nos. 198, 124), beginning " Is mochen a noeb chlerig."

667. The Corpus Missal Oxford Corpus Christi Coll. M S s X I I (?). ED: F. E. Warren The manuscript Irish missal belonging to the President and Fellows of Corpus Christi College Oxford (London 1879). SCRIPT: Irish, usually classed as of the 12th century. I t is a portable volume, about 6J X S inches, and quite thick, containing now 212 leaves, but imperfect at the end. There is very considerable ornamentation of the usual Irish character. CONTENTS: Opens (like the Gregorian) with the canon; the ordinary is missing. Then follows a long series of votive masses, ending with the order of marriage and the nuptial mass. A limited number of masses of the season come next, beginning with the first Sunday of Advent and ending with Pentecost. The masses proper of saints follow, of which only two are for Irish saints — Brigit and Patrick. Concluding the missal portion are thirteen masses common of saints. Then follow the order of baptism and of blessing water; the blessing of homes; the visitation, anointing and communion of the sick; and the commendation of the departing soul. The texts are essentially those of the Roman rite. Quite a number of readings agree with the Sarum usage. There are also many minor variations, some of which seem peculiarly Irish. In a litany appointed for Holy Saturday supplication is made that God may preserve the King of the Irish and his army, and grant them life, health and victory. In an earlier intercession of the same day mention is made together of " our most blessed Pope, our venerable Bishop, our most glorious King N., and his most noble offspring N . " , 0 * Various expressions indicate that the book was for the use of a male religious community. COMMENT: I t is a reasonable inference that the missal was a product of the reform movement of the twelfth century 1 1 0 and belonged to one of the houses of the continental religious orders established in Ireland before the Norman invasion. Warren guessed that the time was the reign of Toirdelbach Üa Conchobuir (c 1136-1157), and the place the church of Clones.

III.

BOOKS

FOR

THE

DIVINE

OFFICE

LITURGICAL

AND

COLLECTIONS

OF

SIMILAR

TEXTS

568. The Antiphonary of Bangor M S : Milan Bibl. Ambrosiana C. 5 inf. j V I I .

FACS: F. Steffens Lateinische

graphie I (Fribourg 1903) pi. xxiv no. 3; Fr. ed. pi. xxvi [f. 30]. shaw Soc. ed., infra.

EDS: L . A. Muratori Anecdola ex Ambrosianae

Warren's ed. pp. «33, n 8 .

110

Cf. pp. 745 sqq infra.

Paläo-

See also Henry BradBibliothecae

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

707

codicibus . . . [usually quoted as Anecdota Ambrosiana] IV (Padua 1713) 119-59 [some omissions, chiefly of well known texts, and many errors, probably due to the copyist; all subsequent eds., till that of the Henry Bradshaw Soc., are based on this]; Opera omnia X I pt. I l l (Arezzo 1770) 217-51. •— Migne PL L X X I I 579-606. — Warren Lit. (1881) 187-94 [selections]. — J. O'Laverty An historical account 0} the diocese of Down and Connor I I (Dublin 1884) App. pp. ix-xlv [more nearly complete than Muratori's ed., but not accurate], — F. E. Warren The Aniiphonary of Bangor 2 vols. (Henry Bradshaw Soc. IV, X) (London 1893, 1895) descriptive introd., complete facs., and letter-press; I I : liturgical introd., emended text, valuable notes and appendices]. There are various eds. of individual texts: see analysis of contents infra. COMM: Rer. Hib. SS I (1814) " Epist. nuncup." pp. cbriii-clxxvi. — W. Reeves UJA I (1853) 168-79. — Otto Seebass Über Columba von Luxeuils Klosterregel und Bussbuch (Dresden 1883) 25 sqq. — Ebert Allgemeine Geschichte der Literatur des Mittelalters im Abendlande I (1889) 621 sq. — Manitius Geschichte der christlich4ateinischen Poesie (Stuttgart 1891) 482 sqq. — The Tablet 16 Dec. 1893 p. 972. — W. C. Bishop " A service book of the seventh century " Church Quarterly Rev. XXXVII (1893-4) 337-63 [interesting and ingenious suggestions], — B. Zimmerman 1ER XVI (June 1895) 635 sqq. — G. Morin " Explication d'un passage de la règle de s. Colomban relatif à l'office des moines celtiques; destination de la formule ' ad pacem celebrandam ' dans l'Antiphonaire de Bangor " Rev. Bénédictine X I I (1895) 200-2. — S. Bäumer (trans. R. Biron) Histoire du bréviaire romain I (Paris 1895) 239 sqq, 263 sq [includes some adverse criticism of Warren's work], — F. Cabrol " Bangor (Antiphonaire de) " Diet, d'archiol. chrét. el de liturgie I I pl. I (igio) 183-91 [very important]. — L. Gougaud " Celtiques (Liturgies) " ibid. I I pt. II (1910) 2969 sqq [especially sects, on " S o u r c e s " and " T h e Divine Office"]. — W. M. Lindsay Early Irish minuscule script (Oxford 1910) 1. — Manitius Lot. Lit. (1911) 160-2.

Of the ancient monastery of Bend-chor, or Bangor, 211 the only important surviving relic is a small manuscript service-book in the Ambrosian Library at Milan, whither it was brought by the founder, Cardinal Federico Borromeo, from the abbey of Bobbio. It was design a t e d Antiphonarium

Benchorense,

" the A n t i p h o n a r y of B a n g o r , " b y

its first editor, the Italian scholar Muratori, and the name, though inappropriate, has become permanent. SCMPT, etc.: A codex of 36 leaves, about 9 X 7 inches in size, of coarse vellum; in three gatherings, of 5 (FF. 1-6, 10-13), 4 (2- 14-21). and 7 (ff. 22-8, 30-6) sheets. In the centre of the third gathering a narrow slip (f. 29) was inserted to carry the last few lines of the text on the preceding page; and three single leaves (ff. 7-9) have been bound into the first gathering, forming an interpolation in the midst of another text. The script is semi-uncial, passing into minuscule, and resembles somewhat that of the Schaffhausen Adamnân (cf. p. 429 supra). Script, ornamentation, abbreviations and orthography are Irish, and are not inconsistent with a seventh-century date. CONTENTS: First P a r t : ff. 1-17* b 14. This consists, according to the primary plan, of three canticles drawn from the Sacred Scriptures and ten metrical hymns or poems: " Canticle of Moses " (Deut. xxxii 1-43 ); "» " St. Hilary's Hymn " (p. 252); " Apos"1 Cf. pp. 395-7 rupra. Cf. p. 689 »ira.

708

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

ties' Hymn " (no. 89 iv); " Blessing of Holy Zachary " (Luke i 68-80); " Hymn for the Lord's Day " (" Te Deum laudamus," having the anthem " Laudate pueri " — Ps. cxii 1—prefixed); " Hymn at the Communion of the Clergy " (no. 89 v); " Hymn at the Blessing of the Candle " (no. 89 i); " Midnight Hymn " ( " Mediae noctis tempus est " ) ; " Hymn for the Natal Day of Martyrs or for the Sabbath at Matins " (no. 89 iii); " Hymn at Matins on Sunday " (no. 89 ii); " St. Patrick's Hymn " (no. 87); " St. Comgall's Hymn " (no. 92 i); " » " S t . Camelacus's H y m n " (no. 88). — But, as has been noticed above, three extra folios (7-9) have been interpolated into this part of the codex, on which are written two more scriptural canticles, one designated simply " Canticle " (" Cantemus Domino " Exodus xv 1-19), and the other " Blessing of the Children " ( " Benedicite " Dan. iii 57-88). Where now placed, they break into the " Blessing of Zachary." The script of these leaves is that of the hand which wrote £f. 26 v -30 y , but neither there nor elsewhere is there any break in the M S into which we could believe that they once fitted. Warren advanced the theory " that they were originally intended to be loose, and to be shifted backwards or forwards to that part of the MS. where the collect or anthem occurs which was to be urcd in connection with them." 214 It is more probable that when the scribe of ff. 26 v ~3o v took over the M S he, or his superior, decided that these two texts should be included in the collection of scriptural canticles which the volume was to contain, and he accordingly wrote them out on loose sheets of vellum to be attached to the first part of the codex. Possibly from the first they were inserted at what must have seemed an appropriate place, the text of the " Blessing of Zachary." — Throughout this Part the script of the text is by the same hand, with the exceptions of these three interpolated leaves and of the last stanza of the " Hymn at the Blessing of the Candle," a kind of doxology, which has a distinct character but may, perhaps, not be from a different scribe. Second Part: ff. 17* b 16-29. This Part forms a repertory of sets of collects, divided into two groups: (1) those to be recited at the various hours of the Divine Office; and (2) those to be appended to certain canticles, psalms and hymns. It was designed — as will be seen presently — to extend from f. 18 to f. 28*, that is, from the middle of the second gathering to the middle of the third. The first of the two sections into which it falls contains collects for the hours of " secunda " (corresponding with that which is now designated prime), terce, sext, none, vespers, " initium noctis " (corresponding with compline), 2 " nocturn (vigils or matins), and matins (the present lauds). Three different sets of collects for these hours are given, beginning at the top of f. 18, and also a single collect " at secunda," entered on f. 17 V , apparently to fill space left at the end of the collection of canticles and hymns. Of the three sets, the first consists of short riming prayers, one for each of the hours beginning with " secunda," except the last, matins,which has three. This scries differs both in content and in form, 518 from the bulk of the other matter in the Antiphonary. The second s e t 1 1 7 appears to have 213 It should be noted that the ornamentation of the initial letters of these two h y m n s is more elaborate than that of a n y others in the M S . 114 Such collects and anthems are found scattered through the lattei part of the volume, from f. 22 to the end. 215 Warren equates " initium noctis," noctum and matins with what he designates first nocturn, second nocturn, and third noctum combined with lauds, respectively. 116 Warren calls attention to the f a c t that the dotted ornamentation of capital letters which prevails generally in the book is discontinued throughout this set of collects. 217 A cross placed in the margin calls attention to the beginning of this series; the same mark seems to be frequently used for a like purpose throughout the rest of the M S . Possibly it indicates a new exemplar, or a new part of an exemplar, rather than editorial divisions of the present collection.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE been that in most frequent use at B a n g o r : it consists of single collects for each of the d a y hours from " secunda " to vespers, t w o for " initium n o c t i s , " followed b y prayers at the giving of the " p a x , " b y the symbol or c r e e d , " 8 and then one collect for n o c t u m and two for matins. intercessions for special classes of persons:

by

the " O u r

Father";

A f t e r these come a long series of

the common p r a y e r of the b r e t h r e n , " *

the d o m i n a t i n g t h o u g h t of which is supplication for the forgiveness of sins;

prayers

for the baptized, the clergy, the a b b o t , 8 , 0 the monks, for peace of peoples and kings, for blasphemers, the impious, those going on a journey, those g i v i n g t h a n k s , those doing alms-deeds, the infirm, captives (?), those in tribulation (?), and penitents (?). ( T w o commemorations of martyrs and one collect of a general character are included in this group of special petitions, possibly because of some misunderstanding on the part of the scribe or confusion in his Vorlage.)

In these collects we m a y see, no doubt,

the development of the scheme of prayers which was prescribed — for the d a y hours — b y C o l u m b a n u s , w h o carried the discipline of B a n g o r to the continent of Europe just a b o u t one hundred years before the date usually assigned to the A n t i p h o n a r y : " W i t h the a u g m e n t of the intervening versicles, first for our sins, then for the whole Christian people, then for priests, and the other consecrated grades of holy orders, next for those doing alms-deeds, after that for the peace of kings, finally for our enemies, 2 2 1 that G o d m a y not reckon it as a sin to them that they harass us and rob us, for t h e y know not w h a t they d o . "

(Rcgula Coenobialis

vii.) 2 2 2

sets consists of a collect for nocturn and three for matins.

T h e last of the three

I f , as the passage quoted

from C o l u m b a n u s suggests, the long series of prayers for special classes of persons really belongs to the d a y hours, it p r o b a b l y forms part of that set; otherwise it is a series in which all b u t the last two hours are missing.

T h e second of the two groups into

which this Part is divided is made up of eight or nine sets of collects for the following occasions:

(a) a f t e r the canticle " C a n t e m u s D o m i n o " ;

or Blessing of the T h r e e Children; cl;

(b) after the " B e n e d i c i t e , "

(c) after the " T h r e e P s a l m s , " i.e., Psalms c x l v i i i -

(d) a f t e r the " E v a n g e l i u m , " which, seemingly, designates the gospel canticle

" B e n e d i c t u s , " the Blessing of Z a c h a r y ; (e) after " the H y m n " (the particular hymn used p r o b a b l y varied from d a y to d a y or from season to season); " of the m a r t y r s . "

224

223

and (f) a collect

T h e collects in each set are arranged in this order, b u t the

number in a set varies from the entire six to only one. 2 2 ' — T h e handwriting in this Second P a r t continues the same as in the first to f. 25*, where, at the third collect of the fifth set in the group just mentioned, there is a slight change of s t y l e .

On the

next p a g e , at the " post h y m n u m " of the sixth set, another and larger script begins, and on f. 26 v , at the beginning of the eighth series, we meet with a v e r y notable script 118 119

A n interesting text: i j p. 722 infra. Perhaps this title applies to the whole series, not merely to the first prayer.

Cabrol calls attention to the fact that here alone, among all these litanic prayers, there are only the anthems, no " oratio." T h i s has significance for his theory that the Antiphonary was the abbot's book. 2 2 1 Columban's intercession " for our enemies " is replaced by those for blasphemers and the impious, of which the first contains the passage quoted by the saint and based on Acts vii SQ 2 2 2 Cabrol is of the opinion that this series of prayers and versicles constitutes the series of litanic prayers which is recited ordinarily at the end of the great offices. 220

243

Cf. pp. 714-5 infra.

Jenner (" Celtic R i t e , " Catk. Encycl.) suggests that we have here an outline of the Bangor office of Lauds. 2 2 5 Several of these texts are met with also in the Turin Fragment (no. 569); b u t elsewhere very lew (with the exception, of course, of the Paitr nosier) have been discovered — one collect and an anthem from another in the Stowe Missal (no. s s s ) , one in L H (no. 574), two in the Southampton Psalter (no. 476), and, of these two, one also in the psalters Vitellius F . X I and Palatinus 65 {cf. p. 646). 224

LITERATURE AND CULTURE — that in which the interpolated folios 7-9 are written — which continues to the end of this part. It is to be noted that the last few lines of the last collect are on a narrow strip of vellum (f. 29) inserted in the middle of the third gathering. This makes it probable that the next page (beginning what is here distinguished as the Third Part) had already been written, and — as a deduction therefrom — that in the original design there was to be a division point in the book at this place. Third Part: ff. 30-36. The last of the three main divisions of the codex contains a heterogeneous collection of texts written down by many different scribes. It opens with the " Verses of the Community of Bangor " (no. 92 ii), having its own distinct script. The last scribe of the Second Part, passing over this text, inserted after it a form of exorcism, found also in the Stowe Missal and elsewhere. Then another scribe wrote a prayer " de martyribus," probably to fill space, for on the following page, in another handwriting, begins a long series of anthems, constituting the only part of the MS (ff. 31^-3*) to which its accepted title can logically be applied. Anthems are given for Psalm lxxxix, for the " Three Psalms," for the canticles " Cantemus Domino," " Benedicite " and "Gloria in excelsis " — the text of this last is transcribed in full, — for the communion, and " de martyribus." The bulk of this series seems to have been written by one scribe,1,6 but the final page is in a new handwriting. After a blank half column, indicating the end of a division, there follow several prayers or collects for the Divine Office, set down more or less at haphazard, it would appear, by various scribes. On f. 34' one of them has written a " common prayer for the day hours," a " prayer for our abbot," and a " common prayer for ourselves,"" 7 ending with the " Our Father," the whole perhaps to serve as a short substitute for the series of intercessions for special classes of persons given on ff. 20-22: the second and third are identical with collects of that set. A second has inscribed collects for matins and nones on f. 34*; and on f. 35' others " ad secundam " and " de martyribus " were entered by a third, whilst a fourth, at some later time, added a collect — to follow " Te Deum " on Sundays — on the lower part of this page, originally left vacant. The script of this last contributor is markedly different from any other in the codex. Two more " Te Deum " collects, one of them merely an expansion of the above, are transcribed on f. 35* by three different hands. On f. 36' another penman wrote a collect " for the blessing of the candle," and one for " Te Deum " : the latter was subsequently partially erased when it was discovered that it had already been twice recorded on the preceding folio. Finally we come to the last page and, in a new script, the interesting and important poem " In Memory of Our Abbots " (no. 92 iii). I t will be seen t h a t the manuscript has in some degree the appearance of a liturgical common-place b o o k .

A s it now stands it can hardly be

the publication of the monastic scriptorium

in the sense in which the

m a j o r i t y of the other early codices m a y be so described.

P r o b a b l y it

was begun as such — the existence of the T u r i n fragment

shows that

229

1 3 4 Warren thought there were two, but the differences might be attributable to a change of pen. Several of these anthems are also in the Stowe Missal. St. Gall M S 1394, Book of Mulling, Book of Dimma, Book of Deer, and L H . 1 1 7 " Common oroit dun," another example of the use of the Irish language in liturgical books. C/. pp. 687, 605. T h e titles of this page seem to be by the writer of the text. m Warren thought this mignt be the same scribe as he who wrote the last page of the series of anthems. « " No. S 6fl.

L I T E R A T U R E AND

CULTURE

711

it was not unique — but the sporadic character of script and contents in the later part of the volume points rather to its possession or use by many successive holders, who each made his own addition to the collection. The rubrical titles, we may note, are by the same hand throughout, and evidently were added after the book was completed. Furthermore, it is clear that when the texts were written the insertion of the present titles was not contemplated: in fact, it is very doubtful whether the adding of rubrics in any form was part of the original design. This constitutes presumptive evidence that our book was a special compilation, not a transcript or new edition of a kind of service-book already in common use; also that in the primary plan it either was not intended for practical use in the choir, or, if for such use, was to be in the hands of some person whose knowledge of the liturgy was such that no rubrical guidance would be required. Many attempts have been made to classify the Antiphonary of Bangor. O'Laverty thought it a service-book proper to Bangor, containing only, or chiefly, such matter as was peculiar to the usage of that church in the observance of the Divine Office, and serving as a local supplement to the service-book in general use. Another suggestion was that it was a fragment of a larger codex which had contained also the entire psalter. Still another was that it was an abbreviated breviary, a portable servicebook for the use of travellers. Edmund Bishop was of the opinion that it had been formed by the combination of four or five small service-books, which, after the loss of some leaves and the interpolation of others, resulted in the present manuscript. None of these solutions has commended itself to later liturgists. Only two theories remain to be seriously considered: Warren's, " that it is a companion volume to the Psalterium and Lectionarium for use in the Divine Office, either (1) on Easter Eve and Easter Day; or (2) on Saturdays and Sundays in Easter-tide; or (3) on Saturdays and Sundays throughout the year, and also on Feasts of Martyrs . . . and that the preponderance of evidence is in favour o f " the last; and Cabrol's, that it was the book either of the hebdomadarian — the priest who, according to the custom — at least of Benedictine monasteries — was appointed each week and had, among other duties, that of commencing the devotions at the various canonical hours; or, more probably, of the president of the choir, who would be the abbot or the prior. With this book, the " book of hymns of the week," and the Bible, 2 3 0 the abbot would be The abbot, it is assumed, directed the lector where to begin and to end the readings, and would have a Bible beside him for this purpose. Our MS, however, with its scriptural canticles, has the appearance of being a companion to the psalter rather than to the whole Bible; indeed, as the abbot would un-

712

LITERATURE AND

CULTURE

in a position to direct all the offices and devotions, habitual or special, of the monastery. Cabrol's hypothesis meets the difficulties of the problem better than any other. It does not seem, however, to give due emphasis to the peculiar manner in which the codex was compiled. That manner of compilation points to its being to a considerable degree a personal and chance production: priest's or prior's or abbot's liturgical handbook it doubtless was, but it appears to have been at the same time his commonplace book. It is generally agreed that the date of the manuscript is fixed within the era 680 x 691 by the last item, the hymn " In Memory of our Abbots." It is possible, however, that this is an addition later than the bulk of the codex; and, on the other hand, not impossible that the codex is of later date and the hymn a copy of an older exemplar. 2 3 1 Of thé importance of the Antiphonary of Bangor there is no question. It may be the oldest extant Irish manuscript: it is the oldest to which precise dates can — with probability — be assigned. Apart from some fragments it is the only record surviving of the old Irish church services unaffected by the Romanising movement of the seventh and eighth centuries, and is one of the very few western liturgical books of the seventh century which we possess. The Antiphonary of Bangor and the " Orationale Gothicum " are the only two liturgical books, other than mass books, written in western Europe in the seventh century and still available for study. In it the specialists find their primary sources for the Gallican, Ambrosian, Mozarabic and oriental elements of the old Irish liturgy, for the curiously vigorous cult of martyrs, for the details of the divine office, for the Irish versions of Holy Scripture; 2 3 2 and through its pages the general student can receive the voice of the daily worship of God carried across twelve centuries from those famous, but shadowy, monasteries of ancient Ireland.

669. The Turin liturgical fragment M S : Turin Bibl. nazionale F . IV. 1 " 3 s VIE. FACS: C. Cipolla Codici Bobiesi (1907) pi. xxxiv. ED: Wilhelm Meyer " D a s turiner Bruchstück der ältesten irischen Liturdoubtedly know his psalter and the weekly cursus hymn&rum by heart, he could direct the chants and litanical prayers by the help only of the present book. 131 Under ordinary circumstances it would be brought up to date by the addition of lines commemorating the later abbots, but this was made impossible by its alphabetical character. *** The scriptural readings have been analyzed by Warren, vol. I I pp. xxjti-xxjix. They give the interesting result that the " Irish " type of text — at any rate in the gospels — was already established when the Antiphonary was written. 133 This volume has other Irish sections: cf. nos. 5 1 1 and 5 1 5 .

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

713

gie " Nachrichitn v. d. t. Gesellsch. d. Wissensch. z. Gottingen philol.-hist. K l . 1903 pp. 163-214 [with dissertation making a comparison with A B ; cf. F. E. Warren JTS IV (1903) 610-3; P- L e j a y Rev. d'hist. et de litt. relig. I X (1904) 169 sq: each of these reviews gives a good account of the document]. Among the remains of the library of Bobbio is this fragment of six leaves now bound with various other pieces to form a codex at Turin. It is a fragment of an Irish servicebook resembling the Antiphonary of Bangor, but, in the opinion of its editor, Meyer, is of earlier date. He also thought that it was written at Bobbio. Script, abbreviations and contents, however, are Irish. CONTENTS: " Canticle of Moses " (Exod. X V 8-19) [the beginning lost); 2 collects thereto; " C a n t i c l e of the three c h i l d r e n " (Dan. iii 5 7 - 8 8 ) ; " ' 2 collects thereto; 3 collects to the " T h r e e P s a l m s " (cxlviii-cl) ; Ymnum dicat lurba fratrum (p. 252 supra); 2 collects " post evangelium " ; Spiritus dininae lucis (no. 89 ii); 2 collects " de martyribus " ; Te Deum laudamus; 2 collects thereto; 2 collects for sext. All these items are in A B , except four collects, of which one is in the Southampton Psalter (no. 4 7 6 ) .

570. The Paris fragments of an Antiphonary M S : B N nouv. acquis, lat. 1628 s V I I I / I X . (1905)

ED: G . Morin Rev. Bénédictine X X I I

329-56.

This codex contains fragments of an antiphonary written in an Irish, or at least insular, hand. It belongs to the Gallican liturgical family, and does not seem to have any close relationship with the Antiphonary of Bangor.

571. Liturgical sections of the Basel Psalter M S : Basel Universitàtsbibl. A. vii. 3 s I X ff. 1-3 [no. 364 (iv)]. ED: A. P. Forbes Liber Ecclesie Beati Terrenani de Arbuthnott (Burntisland 1864) pp. xli-xliv.. Cf Warren Lit. (1881) 185; Lawlor Book of Mulling (1897) 164-5; LB* I (1898) pp. x x v i xxviii. The first three leaves of the Irish psalter at Basel contain liturgical notes written by several Irish hands of somewhat later date than that of the bulk of the manuscript. The following are the liturgical articles: Hymn Caniemus in omni die (no. 98); collect thereto (LH* I p. xxvii); hymn Alla audite r à tpya (no. 95 ii); hymn Christus in nostra insula (no. 95 i) [first line only]; intercession to B. V. M . ; epistle of Christ to Abgarus [title only]; prayer of St. John Deus meus el Pater [opening words]; prayer entitled De conscientiae reatu ante altare; invocations of B. V. M . , saints and These are the canticles on the inserted leaves in A B : c/. p. 708 supra. m Cf. H. Leclercq " A b g a r (La légende de) " Did. d'arch/cl. chrtt. et de liturgie I i 87-97; L- Gougaud tfflSXXii (1924) 212-3. Also in Angers Bibl. de la ville 18 (formerly 14) J I X /X f. i 8 o v , where it has the title Conjessio sancti Palricti episcopi, and in the B k . of Cerne fif. 48-50, with title Alma confessio. In the Bk. of Nunnaminster the latter part of the prayer is on f. 34: what precedes is missing through the loss of a leaf. T h e texts of the several M S S differ considerably: the incipit of the Basel Psalter is " Domine Deus omnipotens ego humiliter te adoro " ; of the Angers M S " Deus, Deus meus, rex omnipotens ego " etc.; of the B k . of Ceme " D e u s Deus meus omnipotens ego " etc. It is either an apologia sacerdotis {cf. p. 695 supra) w

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

714

angels (Atlantis V 76). I t is possible that part of the above was the outline of some office. 672. T h e

Cursus

hymnorum

M S S : Unterdrauberg, Carinthia, Kloster St. Paul 25. 2. 31 s I X in B. 6-8 [no. 53s]. — Carlsruhe Landesbibl. Cod. Aug. C X C V s I X in B. 45-6* [no. 524], — Cologne Kapitelsbibl. 106 (formerly Darmstadt 2106) s I X [cf. Jaff6 and Wattcnbach Ecclesiat metropolitans Coloniensis codices manuscripti (Berlin 1874) 43 sq\ Blume thought this of Irish origin, but Lindsay (Notae Lalinae 453) says " it seems to be the M S prepared at Tours in a hurry by Alcuin in 802 for Bishop Arno of Salzburg " {cf. p. 525 supra). Alcuin's Irish affiliations in liturgical and devotional matters are well known.] — For later M S S , none of which is Irish, see the list in Blume An. hymn. L I pp. x v i i xix. CoiiM: Clemens Blume Der Cursus s. Benedicti Nursini und die liturgischen Hymnen des 6.-9. Jahrhunderts (Hymnologische Beiträge III) (Leipsic 1908); " Gregor der Grosse als Hymnendichter " Stimmen aus Maria-Laach L X X I V (1908) pp. 269 sqq; An. hymn. L I (1908) Einleitung. — A . S. Walpole Early Latin hymns (Cambridge 1922) introd. O n t h e c o n t i n e n t of E u r o p e u n d e r t h e B e n e d i c t i n e r u l e t h e r e

was

p r e s c r i b e d , in t h e e a r l y m i d d l e a g e s , a c e r t a i n n u m b e r of h y m n s t o b e s u n g i n fixed o r d e r a t t h e c a n o n i c a l h o u r s .

E x c e p t for a few assigned to

s p e c i a l o c c a s i o n s , t h e c y c l e of t h e s e h y m n s w a s c o m p l e t e d e a c h w e e k . W h a t t h i s e a r l y cursus

hymnorum

w a s has been determined, after careful

investigation, b y Clemens Blume. T h a t a s i m i l a r w e e k l y r o t a t i o n of h y m n s w a s u s e d a t t h e o f f i c e in I r e l a n d , a n d t h a t h y m n a r i e s , b o o k s c o n t a i n i n g h y m n s f o r t h e w e e k , w e r e i s s u e d b y t h e I r i s h scriptoria, f r o m several allusions in ancient A d a m n a n ' s L i f e of C o l u m b a

237

texts.

The

divine

t h e o r d e r of

is t o b e i n f e r r e d

following passage

from

is p e r t i n e n t :

" A t another time, a book of hymns for the w e e k , 1 " written by the hand of St. Columba, together with the leather satchel in which it was enclosed, fell from the shoulders of a boy who, slipping off a bridge, was drowned in a certain river in the country of the Leinstermen. This little book, after remaining in the water from the Feast of the Nativity of the Lord till the end of the Paschal season, was found on the bank of the river by some women walking there, and carried to a certain priest, Iogenan, a Pict b y race, whose property it formerly was, being still in the same satchel, which was not only water-soaked, but badly decayed. Y e t when this Iogenan opened the satchel, he found his little book sound, and as clean and dry as if it had remained all that time in a case, and had never fallen into the water. . . . Concerning the aboveor a penitential confession, or, quite probably, was used a s both. There can be no doubt that it was composed long after Patrick's time, but the name doubtless testifies to its Irish origin. In the Angers copy a separate prayer beginning " A n t e oculos tuos, Domine " has been interpolated into this text. Cf. p. 721 infra. EDS: Basel text: A . P . Forbes Liber Ecctesie Beati Terrenani de Arbulhnotl (Burntisland 1864) pp. xlii-xliv. — Warren Lit. 185-7. Angers text: S. Berger RC X V (1894) 155 -9. — LIP II 313-6. C e m e text: A. B. K u y p e r s The Book of Cerne (Cambridge 1902) 95-9. 1 , 7 N o . 214. Lib. I I cap. ix. u 8 " hymnorum liber septimaniorum."

LITERATURE AND

CULTURE

mentioned book of Iogenan, we received the account in unequivocal terms from several truthful and worthy men of good repute, who examined the same little book, which, after its submersion for the many days above stated, was perfectly white and clean."

Of prior date to the ninth century we have no such Irish cursus hymnorum surviving. But from the beginning of that century there are two Irish manuscripts — which in these sections, however, may possibly have been written on the Continent — that together contain a complete order of hymns. In the Irish St. Paul Codex are twenty-eight hymns, assigned to the several canonical hours of the week, and one for Easter; and in the Carlsruhe Augustine is a supplementary collection of nine, of which one seems to be for Easter, seven are for saints' festivals, and one is an extra hymn for terce. Moreover the contemporary Cologne codex 106, written on the Continent but of Irish, or more probably English, origin, gives eight of these hymns in the same order. Two things are noteworthy: (i) this new cursus hymnorum, appearing first in these Irish manuscripts, differed almost entirely from the older Benedictine cursus; and (2) from the tenth century onward it completely displaced the older collection throughout Latin Christendom, and, with modifications, persists to-day in the Roman Breviary. Blume assumes that this new collection represents the cursus of the Irish Church, and that its introduction, and successful propagation, on the Continent were due to Irish and English ecclesiastics in the ninth century. The fact that the collection is made up of individual hymns of continental, not Irish, origin Blume would explain by the theory that this cursus really is one drawn up by Pope Gregory the Great, which was adopted in Ireland from a " book of hymns of the week " which he sent to St. Columba. 239 Militating against Blume's theory are the facts that, except in these two or three ninth-century codices, the hymns in question are scarcely either quoted or mentioned in early Irish literature; and that such scanty information as we possess regarding the constitution of the divine office in the Irish Church before the ninth century is of quite different tenor. For the liturgical matter in the Southampton Psalter, s I X / X , see no. 476. afl LIP I I 24. —• On the other hand Thomas of Elmham in his Bistoria monasUrii S. Auguslim Cantuariensis (ed. C. Hardwick, RS 1858), compiled in 1414, professes Co give (p. 97) a list of hymns for the canonical hours which Gregory sent to Augustine of Canterbury. It has nothing in common with our alleged old Irish cursus, but is the Benedictine collection with considerable variations.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

716

573. The Paris fragment of an Irish hymnal M S : B N lat. 9488 ff. 75-6 J XI(?). COMM: H. M . Bannister JTS I X (April 1908) 422-7 (gives a collation of the texts]. The Paris codex 9488 is made up of fragments from many old manuscripts which had been used as book-bindings. Two leaves are in a script which is described as being continental Irish, probably of the eleventh century, and evidently form a fragment of an Irish hymnal or other service-book. The contents are the Hymnum dicat (cf. pp. 252, 419), wanting the first three verses, Spiritus divinae lucis (no. 89 ii), and Te Deum laudamus (cf. pp. 717, 722). These texts occur in the same order, but with accompanying collects, in the Turin liturgical fragment (no. 569).

674. The

Liber

Hymnorum

— Book of Hymns

MSS: T C D 1441 (E. 4. 2) s X I . — Franciscan Convent, Merchants' Quay, Dublin, M S s X I . FACS: Facs. Nat. MSS Ire. I (1874) pis. xxxii-xxxvi [pages and ornamental letters from T C D copy], xxi [from Franciscan copy], EDS: J. H. Todd Leabhar Imuinn The Book of Hymns of the ancieni Church of Ireland fasc. I (IA&CS: Dublin 1855),II (1869) [contains the first 18 texts of the T C D copy, with introductory matter relating to the 19th]. — J. H. Bernard and R. Atkinson The Irish Liber Hymnorum I Text and introduction,II Translations and notes (Henry Bradshaw Soc. XIII, X I V : London 1898) [complete text drawn from both MSS], Of Irish texts only: WS Goidilica (Calcutta 1866); 2nd ed. Goidelica (London 1872). — IT I (1880) 3-58. — Thes. Pal. II (1903) pp. xxxv-xl, 298-359. There are many eds. of one or more of the hymns, as indicated in the special bibliographies. W e h a v e t w o c o d i c e s of t h e e l e v e n t h c e n t u r y , c o n t a i n i n g similar a n d l a r g e l y i d e n t i c a l m a t t e r , w h i c h a r e u s u a l l y r e f e r r e d to j o i n t l y as the Irish Liber

Hymnorum,

" B o o k of H y m n s . "

L i t t l e is k n o w n of the h i s t o r y

of e i t h e r : o n e h a s b e e n in T r i n i t y C o l l e g e , D u b l i n , since the s e v e n t e e n t h century;

t h e o t h e r , w h i c h h a s c o m e to t h e F r a n c i s c a n m o n a s t e r y

in

D u b l i n b y w a y of L o u v a i n a n d St. I s i d o r e ' s , R o m e , w a s o n c e the p r o p e r t y of t h e F r a n c i s c a n f r i a r s of D o n e g a l , w i t h w h o m it w a s c o n s u l t e d M i c h a e l O ' C l e r y in 1630.

by

T h e first folio of t h e T r i n i t y C o l l e g e c o p y is

m i s s i n g , b u t t h a t of t h e F r a n c i s c a n v o l u m e h a s t h e title " B o o k of h y m n s w h i c h the s a i n t s of I r e l a n d c o m p o s e d . "

T h o u g h i n a c c u r a t e as a title

it i n d i c a t e s the c h a r a c t e r of these c o l l e c t i o n s :

t h e y are a n t i q u a r i a n , not

l i t u r g i c a l , c o m p i l a t i o n s ; — p r o d u c t s , like m u c h else of o u r l i t e r a t u r e , of t h a t m o v e m e n t for g a t h e r i n g a n d a n n o t a t i n g t h e relics of the n a t i o n a l p a s t w h i c h d e v e l o p e d in t h e c e n t u r i e s f o l l o w i n g the N o r s e

invasions.

T h o u g h t h e t w o v o l u m e s d i f f e r in a r r a n g e m e n t , a n d to s o m e e x t e n t in c o n t e n t s , it is clear t h a t f o r t h e m a j o r i t y of t h e i r t e x t s t h e y go b a c k to a c o m m o n Vorlage,

a g a t h e r i n g , or g r o u p of g a t h e r i n g s , of h y m n s a n d

o t h e r d e v o t i o n a l c o m p o s i t i o n s , w i t h c o m m e n t a r i e s , p u t t o g e t h e r in the

LITERATURE

AND

CULTURE

717

tenth or early eleventh century. T h e ultimate sources must have been religious service-books, in many of which, it is quite probable, marginal annotations had been from time to time entered. T h e use of such sources explains the presence of scriptural, apocryphal and other nonIrish documents, and also of the antiphons which frequently are attached to the hymns. SCRIPT, etc.: The T C D M S (T) is now of 34 ff., about 10JX7 in., with three scraps of vellum bound in at the end. The folios from 25 to the end have been wrongly arranged by the binder. The writing, to f. 31, is a beautiful script, with illuminated initials. After f. 31 it is of inferior character and probably later date. In the main portion the script of the Latin texts is a square semi-uncial, that of the Irish an angular minuscule, that of the prefaces a similar but smaller script, and that of the glosses, and of the notes on the top margins, a still smaller hand. The Franciscan codex (F) consists of 23 ff., smaller in size than T . The main texts are in a large and pleasing minuscule, while the prefaces and marginal and interlinear notes are in a similar but much smaller hand. Palaeographically it seems as old as T , but some of its linguistic forms seem later. CONTENTS: The treatment of each document (except the later additions) includes the following: (1) The preface. This, in a mixture of Irish and Latin, sets forth (in accordance with a well-known convention of Irish commentators) the author, place, time and occasion of the composition of the following text. Alternative explanations and other accretions are frequently found. In the majority of cases the T and F prefaces are practically identical, and in almost all they are closely related. (2) The text. (3) The interlinear and marginal glosses. In T these are attached to all the texts to the end of the hymn Aleoch rig, and appear occasionally on later folios; in F they are added only to the Irish documents, except that the Alius prosator has a few. The T and F glosses frequently agree, but as a whole they are not as closely related as are the prefaces. (4) The antiphons and collects which are attached to many of the texts. (5) In T only there are, to f. 22, many entries in the upper margins which appear to have been added at a later date and to have no direct connection with the principal text. T h e y are difficult to decipher, but consist for the most part of extracts from Holy Writ and from patristic and mediaeval authors.— With regard to the arrangement of the texts, it should be noted that those common to both codices fall into certain groups: the order of the groups differs in the two, but the order of the texts within each group is the same. A partial exception to this rule is the fact that one of the T groups forms, with additions, two groups in F. These features have importance for the investigation of the genesis of the two collections, but that is too difficult a task to be attempted here. LIST OF CONTENTS OF T : [Group A] The original first folio, which must have had the preface to the opening hymn, is missing. F. 1 " Hymn of St. Patrick bishop of the Irish " Audite omnes amantes (no. 87); f. 2 Christus in nostra insula (no. 95 i); f. 3 Celebra Iuda (no. 93); f. 4 Parce Domine (no. 90). [B] F. 4 T Sin De (no. 582); f. 6 Canlemus in omni die (no. 98). [C] F. 6 V Ymnum dicai (cf. pp. 252, 419); f. 8 In Trinitate spes mea (no. 97); f. 8 T Marline ie deprecor (no. 99). [D] F. 9 Gloria in exedsis; f. 9* Magnificat; Benediclus; f. 10 Te Deum laudamus (cf. pp. 716, 722). [E] F. n Alius prosator (no. 91 i) [a folio is missing between ff. 12 and 13, on which were stanzas 14-21 of the Alius]-,

7

I8

LITERATURE

AND

CULTURE

f. 13 In te Ckristt (no. 91 ii); f. 13* Noli Pater (no. 91 iii); Deus meus et Pater (cf. p. 713); f. I4 y the epistle of Christ to Abgarus (cf. p. 719 infra). [F] F. 15 Genair Patraicc (no. 132); f. 16 Admuinemmair noeb-Patraicc (no. 102); Brigit b( (no. 95 iii); f. 17 Ni car Brigit (no. 148); f. 19 Aleoch rig (no. 583). The remaining items of T are not found in F : F. 19* Patrick's Lorica (no. 101); f. 20 "Lamentation of Ambrose" Adonai Domine sabaoth; f. 22" an abbreviation of the psalter (cf. p. 721) [there is a gap between ff. 24 and 25, as a result of which part of this text is missing]. From f. 31 the texts seem to be later additions: F. 31 Alto et ineffabile (p. 380); f. 31* Abbas probatus omnino (no. 181); In spirut nieb (no. 585 vi); names of the apostles, in a quatrain; f. 32 Ecce fulget ciarissima (no. 141 vii); Phoebi diem (no. 155 i); ff. 33, 26 the Amra Coluim-cille (no. 212); f. i8 y Colum-cille co Dia (no. 225 i); pedigree of St. Mobi. Attached to the back of the codex are three fragments: (i) Hymn Pilip apstal apstal cdidh,,4° and five short and faded paragraphs, apparently notes on preceding texts; (ii) the release of Scandlan mâr and the death of Columba (cf. pp. 4267); (iii) poem on the five divisions of Munster, Coig Mumain. CONTENTS OF F: P. 1 : Paragraph in praise of hymnody Noem papa uasal oircgda, and hymn Triur rig tainic do thig Dé;u' these are later additions. P. 2 : Group F of T . P. 12 : Group A. P. 20: Group C. P. 24: Group D i — this consists of the Gloria in excelsis from T's Group D, preceded by Benedicite (cf. p. 708) and Christe qui lux es (in no. 572), and followed by CkristiPatris in dextera (no. 587). P. 27: Group B. P. 31: Group D2 — the remainder of Group D, with Cantemus Domino gloriose inserted between the Magnificat and the Benedictus. P. 36: Group F. P. 45: The Quicunque vult (cf. p. 667), not in T .

It should be observed that many hymns and liturgical offices for the festivals or other commemorations of saints are either incorporated in or attached to many of the vitae sanctorum. Some of these have been noted above in chaps. IV and V.

I V . BOOKS FOR PRIVATE DEVOTIONS

675. The Harleian Prayer-Book MS: BM Harl. 7653 s VHI/IX.- ED: AB (1895) App. 83-97. COMM: E.M.Thompson Catalogue of ancient manuscripts in the British Museum pt. II Latin (London 1884) 61. — Walter de Gray Birch Book of Nunnaminster (1889) 114-9. T h i s is p r o b a b l y the only surviving f r a g m e n t of an old Irish p r i v a t e prayer-book.

I t w a s compiled for a w o m a n , doubtless a nun, in the

eighth or perhaps ninth century.

O n the first page there is an A n g l o -

S a x o n gloss of the tenth or eleventh c e n t u r y , indicating that the book 1*0 Eleven quatrains giving an account, said to be due to the apostle Philip, of immortal birds that dwell in east Africa. Also in R I A Stowe C 3. 2 s X V . E d . with trans. LIP I 18s 6, II 8 3 - 4 , 236 1 4 1 Poem on the three kings at Bethlehem, in 10 quatrains, of which the last two arc a still later addition. Alio in RIA 13 G 33 p. 307. Ed. with trans. L B 1 1 194, II 90-1, 339.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

719

was then in England. There is, indeed, the possibility that it was written in England by an Irish scribe or one of Irish training. SCRIPT, etc.: Seven leaves of coarse vellum, written in Irish minuscule script, with Irish ornamentation and orthography. CONTENTS: A litany, imperfect at the beginning, in which many scriptural and early continental but no Irish saints are invoked; Te Deum laudamus, with prefatory collect; the hymn In pace Christi dormiam (no. 96); and five prayers, the last a fragment, of which two are also in the prayer-book Reg. 3 A.xx (no. 576), two in the Book of Cerne (no. 578), and two in the Fleury Libellus precvm (p. 722 infra). No Irish saint except Patrick is mentioned in the book.

576. The Royal Library Prayer-Book MS: BM

Reg. 2 A . X X

J VIII.

FACS:

C . P . C o o p e r Appendix

A to a Report

on

Rymer's Foedera pi. xxiv [ff. i i y . 23]. ED: A. B. Kuypers Book of Cerne (Cambridge 1902) 201-25. Co MM: E. M . Thompson Catalogue 0/ ancient manuscripts in the British Museum pt. I I Latin (London 1884) 60. — W. de Gray Birch Book of Nunnaminsler (London 1889) 101-13. — AB II (1895) 89-102 [complete table of contents, and texts of several extracts], —• W. Meyer " Poetische Nachlese aus dem sogenannten Book of Cerne in Cambridge und aus dem Londoner Codex Regius a A xx " Nachrichten v. d. k. Gesdlsch. d. Wissensch, z. Göttingen philol.-hist. K l . 1917 iv 597625. This is a prayer-book written in the north of England, possibly at Lindisfame, in the eighth century. It forms, with the Book of Nunnaminster, the Book of Cerne, and the Irish Harleian Prayer-Book, a group of closely related books of devotion, all of which were immediately or ultimately products of the Irish Church. That the first three were written in England is testimony to the persistence there of Irish influence. SCRIPT, etc.: Northumbrian semi-uncial or large minuscule, in several hands. Ornamentation shows Irish influence. Marginal and interlinear additions by an English hand of about AJ). 1000. Ff. 52. CONTENTS: Ff. I - I I T : Extracts from the Gospels, to serve as lections for various feasts. The text is of the mixed " Irish " type. Ff. I I t - 3 t : The Lord's Prayer, Apostles' Creed, Epistle to Abgarus (cf. p. 718), and a prayer for protection. Ff. i3 T -6: The Magnificat, Canticle of Zachary, and Canticle of the Three Children {cf. pp. 708, 717). F. i6 T : A charm against bleeding. Ff. 1 7 25 t : A collection of prayers, with eight headings; 1 0 one of these is in the Harleian Prayer-Book (no. 575) and the Fleury Libellus precum {cf. p. 722 infra). Ff. 26-7*: Litany having resemblances to the Stowe litany, 1 " followed by praises of God. F. 28: The Gloria in excelsis, a creed, and a prayer. Ff. 29-38*: A series of 23 prayers beginning with the successive letters of the alphabet. F. 39: A prayer, followed by a paraphrase of the 83rd psalm, both thought to be by Bede {cf. Meyer op. cii.). F. 40: A metrical creed ascribed to Cuth[bert] or Cuth[rad], ,M followed by a formula of conm The frrst is ascribed to " Abbot Hygbald." Bede (Bill. Ecclu. IV iii) mentions an abbot of the name " in the province of Lindsey," and there was a bishop of the same name, never called abbot, at Lindisfame 780-803. 111

C/. p. 69s supra-, also Bishop LUurgka historic 139 sqq.

»4 Cuthbert would be, no doubt, the saint, and Cuthrad ro Cudiad a priest of Lindisfame to whom Alcuin addressed a letter in 793-4 (Migne PL C 144).

720

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

fession. F f . 4 0 t - i : A kind of litany addressed to the B . V. M., apostles and angels. F f . 4 i v - 2 : An intercession to God. Ff. 42-5: A collection of nine related prayers, attributed to a " Moucanus," which is probably a British name (cf. Meyer op. cit.). F f . 45~9 V : Five prayers, of which the first is penitential and the second a variety of lorka, with an exorcism in Greek. At the end of the fifth is another form of the charm against bleeding. F . 50: Hymn of Sedulius on the birth of Christ, a wellknown alphabetical hymn in 23 stanzas. F . 5 1 : Another alphabetical hymn in 23 stanzas, describing the New Jerusalem: " Alma fulget in caelesti," " 4 etc.

577. The Book of Nunnaminster M S : B M Harl. 2965 s V l l l . ED: Walter de Gray Birch An ancient manuscript of the eighth or ninth century; formerly belonging to St. Mary's Abbey, or Nunnaminster, Winchester (Hampshire Record Soc.: London 1889). COMM: E . M . Thompson Catalogue of ancient manuscripts in the British Museum pt. I I Latin (London 1884). The Book of Nunnaminster is a manuscript prayer-book which at one time belonged to Nunnaminster, that is, St. Mary's Abbey, Winchester, England, originally founded, it would seem, in the time of Alfred the Great, and probably by his Queen, Eahlswith. The book, however, antedates the monastery: the script is generally classed as of the eighth century, although its editor expresses the opinion that it may be by a ninthcentury scribe who, in the earlier leaves especially, imitated the writing of an older exemplar from which he was copying. It was designed for the use of an abbess or other head of a community of nuns. In its contents it belongs to the Irish family of devotional compilations. SCRIPT, etc.: English semi-uncial or large minuscule. Writing, ornamentation, abbreviations and orthography show Irish affinities. Ff. 4 1 : the first gathering is lost, and there are gaps at ff. 32-33 and 33-34. Some additions have been made in the tenth century. CONTENTS: Ff. 1 - 1 6 : The passion according to Mark (acephalous), Luke and John. Ff. I6 t -2O: Four prayers, of which the first2,6 is ascribed to Pope Gregory the Great and the second to St. Augustine. Ff. 20-32*: A series of 44 short prayers related to events in the life of C h r i s t . " ' F . 33: A communion hymn Domine Deus, Iesu (no. 579 vi) in 16 quatrains, and a rhythmical morning salutation, Te deprecamur, Domine. F f . 34-7: Eleven miscellaneous prayers, the first a fragment of the so-called Confessio s. Patricii (cf. p. 713 supra), the last a prayer against poison. Ff. 37 v ~4o: The l í r i c a of Laid-cend [no. 100]. F. 40*: A prayer for the cure of disease of the eyes, followed by what seems to be a magical formula.

578. The Book of Cerne M S : Cambridge Univ. Lib. LI. 1. 10 s V I I I / I X . EDS: F . A. Paley " Liturgical manuscripts at Cambridge " Home and Foreign Review I (1862) 473-84 '[extracts], — A. B . Kuypers The Prayer Book of Aedeluald the Bishop commonly called the Book of Cerne (Cambridge 1902) [has a valuable liturgical note by E . Bishop. Cf. Paul Drews 244 Published by E. Dümmler Rhytkmorum ecdcsiasticorum atvi Carolini specimen (Berlin 1 8 8 1 ) no. ix p. 14. > « Also in the B k . of Cerne (no. 578). 117 T h e s e prayers are R o m a n rather than Irish in character. F o u r of them are in the B l f . of Cerne.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

721

Literarisches CentraJblatt 17 Jan. 1903 ] C o i o i : H. A. Wilson " On a rhythmical prayer in the Book of C e m e " J TS Jan. 1904 p. 263. — F. Cabrol " Le Book of C e m e et les liturgies celtiques " Rev. des quest, hist. L X X V I (1904) 210-22, and his Les origines liturgiques (Paris 1906) 227-42.—W. Meyer " Poetische Nachlese aus dem sogenannten Book of Cerne in Cambridge und aus dem Londoner Codex Regius 2 A. xx " Nachrichten v. d. k. Gesellschaft d. Wissensch. 2. Göttingen philol.-hist. Kl. 1917 iv 5 9 7 - 6 2 5 . — E. Bishop Liturgica historica (Oxford 1918) 192-7. The Book of C e m e is a manuscript volume which, it would seem, at one time belonged to the abbey of Cerne, in Dorset, England. It is divided into three parts, originally independent codices, of which we have here to do only with the second. This is a prayer-book for private devotions, chiefly of the Irish type: it is, indeed, used by Dom Fernand Cabrol to illustrate his description of the characteristics of the Celtic liturgy. He points out, however, that the book is actually a kind of liturgical mosaic where is found ancient debris of many origins. Edmund Bishop made a recondite investigation of these origins, showing that the Irish, the Mozarabic and the Roman elements preponderate. Mozarabic and even Roman may have come, in whole or in part, through Irish channels. SCRIPT, etc.: English large minuscule. Ornamentation shows Irish influence. Ff. 98 [given as 2-99: the first folio is missing, and perhaps there is a loss at the end]. CONTENTS: Ff. 1-40: The passion and resurrection of the Lord according to the four evangelists. The text is Vulgate of the " Irish " type. Ff. 4o T -83 v : 69 prayers, of which the first 52 are addressed to God, 2 4 ' the last 17 to the angels, B. V. M . and apostles. Some of these are rhythmical and riming compositions which might be classed as hymns. Several are combinations of two or more distinct documents. No. lxix is the same version of the same prayer as no. xxx; in some other cases the prayers seem to be fundamentally the same, but in quite different versions. The following should be particularly noticed: f. 43: the Lorica of Laid-cend (no. 100); f. 44*: Te Dcum laudamus ( c f . p. 722); f. 48: Ante oculos tuos Domine and Deus, Deus meus omnipotens) *** f. 53*: Deus Pater omnipotens, Domine caeli et terrae (cf. p. 724); f. 66: Sancte sator suffragator (no. 579 xii). The Canticle of the Three Children, the Gloria in excelsis, and several psalms or parts thereof, are indicated by the opening words only. Ff. 8 4 - 7 v : The following hymns: Ymnum dical turba fratrum [cf. pp. 252,419); Luce uidet Christum; Pro peccatis amare; Domine Deus Iesu; Amici nobiles Christe (cf. pp. 724-5). Ff. 87 v ~98: A collection of versicles from the psalms, forming a kind of abridged psalter (cf. p. 718 supra). Ff. 98 T -9 T : An apocryphal Descensus ad inferna. — Of the prayers and hymns, one is also in A B (no. 568), one in the Stowe Missal (no. 555), one in the Basel Psalter (no. 364 iv), 4 in the Harleian Prayer-Book (no. 575), 6 in the Royal Prayer-Book (no. 576), 17 in the Book of Nunnaminster (no. 577), 3 and fragments in Alcuin's De psalmorum usu liber and 10 and fragments in his Officia per ferias (cf. p. 722), 4 in the Collectanea etflores attributed to Bede (vol. III p. 499 of the Cologne, 1612, ed. of his works), 3 and a fragment in the Prayer-Book of Charles the Bald (pub. Ingolstadt 1583), 6 and a fragment in the Fleury Libellus precum (cf. p. 722), 3 in LH. — The M S has a few passages in the Mercian dialect of Anglo-Saxon: some of these seem to be contemporary and the rest 1,8

A quite considerable number of these are apologiae or penitential confessions.

Cf. p. 695 supra.

p. 713 n. 236 supra. Ante oculos tuos Domine is also in the Stowe Missal (no. 555), and interpolated into the Angers copy of Deus, Deus meus omnipotens. It is also in several continental missals. Cf .Kuypers The Book of Cerne p. xxxiii.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

722

not later than the ninth century. HISTOBY: On f. 2 1 are some verses giving the acrostic " Aedeluald episcopus," and the title of the abridgment of the psalter attributes it to " Oethelwald episcopus." Dom Kuypers therefore designated the codex " the Book of Aedeluald the Bishop." He is usually identified with Aethelwold who was bishop of the Mercian see of Lichfield A.D. 818-30. Drews and Edmund Bishop, however, thought that Bishop Aedeluald's book M 0 was only one of the sources of the Book of Cerne; and, because of the " Irish " character of his work, inconsistent, runs the argument, with a ninth-century English date, Bishop contended that he must be the only other personage of the name known to have held episcopal rank at an early date, Aedeluald, bishop" 1 from 721 to 740 of Lindisfarne, where Irish influences probably still lingered.

There are three continental prayer-books in which the Irish element, if not predominating, as it seems to do in the English books just noticed, plays an important rôle. Two of these are works the authorship of which is attributed to Alcuin: De psalmorum usu liber cum variis formulis ad res quotidianas accomodaiis, in Migne PL CI 465-508; and Officia per ferias, ibid. 509-612. On Alcuin's liturgical work see Cabrol " Alcuin " Diet, d'archiol. chrtt. et de liturgie I i 1072-92, and " Les écrits liturgiques d'Alcuin " RHE X I X (1923) 507-21, and the references there given. The Irish matters that entered into these compilations for private devotion were probably part of his Northumbrian inheritance, though they may have been due in part to his Irish associates,such as Colcu and Joseph (cf. pp. 534-6 supra), or to Irish influences on the Continent. Even stronger than in Alcuin are the Irish features in a so-called Fleury Prayer-Book of unknown authorship. It is a tenth-century MS in the Bibl. de la ville of Orleans, and was published by Martène in his De aniiquis Ecclesiae ritibus IV xxxiv, reprinted in Migne PL CI 1490 sqq, under the title Libellus sacrarum precum ex MS Floriacensi annorum circiter çoo. Cf. AB II 96.

V.

IRISH TEXTS

OF C E R T A I N

CHRISTIAN

RELIGIOUS

DOCUMENTS

Attention has been given (pp. 623 sqq supra) to the development of an Irish type of text of the Scriptures, or at least of large portions of the New Testament. In a somewhat similar way there were Irish modifications of those Latin texts of external origin which the Irish Church adopted for public and private devotions, such as the scriptural and other canticles, sacramentary prayers, hymns, litanies. In the case of Te Deum laudamus a special study of the Irish versions has been made in A B II (1895) 93-4. Cf. also Julian's Dictionary of hymnology and the Calh. Encyd. s. v. " T e D e u m " ; the references there given; JTS I X (April 1908) 425 sqq; and the Church Quarterly Review CII no. cciii (April 1926). — For that favorite hymn of the Irish, Ilymnum dicat, see pp.252-3 supra. — In the history of the creeds an important rôle is taken by manuscripts of Irish origin or relationship. Of the Apostles' Creed 1 6 0 Bishop would identify this with a " Hymnar of Edilwald " which was at one time in the library of Fulda. His argument is supported by the fact that the acrostic verses apparently contain errors due to transcription.

LITERATURE

AND

CULTURE

723

the Irish manuscripts offer some interesting and unique variations. See the articles on the several creeds in the Realencykl.f. prot. Theologie u. Kirche and the Dictionnaire de ihiologie calhoiique; A. and G. L. Hahn Bibliothek der Symbole 3rd ed. (1897); F. Kattenbusch Das apostolische Symbol 2 vols. (Leipsic 1894-1900); A. E. Burn Introduction to the creeds (London 1897) and Facsimiles 0/ the creeds (Henry Brads haw Soc. X X X V I ) (London 1909). Kattenbusch and especially Bum are important for the Irish part of the history.

VI.

H Y M N S , P R A Y E R S AND OTHER D E V O T I O N A L ORIGIN

OR

C O M P O S I T I O N S OF

IRISH

CHARACTER

In the preceding pages some account has been given of the surviving liturgical and devotional books or collections, belonging to the period prior to A.D. 1170, that were of Irish origin or inspiration.

I t would obviously

be impossible to list here all the individual liturgical formulae were, or m a y have been, composed in Ireland.

which

E v e n less possible is it

to enumerate all the private prayers and h y m n s , all the literary pieces of a devotional cast, which the Christian Ireland of our period produced. In chap. I l l sect, vii some description has been given of such documents the date of which can, with good probability, be placed not later than the early y e a r s of the eighth century.

T h e a t t e m p t is now made only to

notice w h a t seem to be the better k n o w n , the more important, or the more significant of those of later date. A t t e n t i o n should b e called to certain types of compositions which were especially popular w i t h the Irish: (1) r h y t h m i c a l prayers, of ten classed a s h y m n s b u t p r o b a b l y intended for mnemonic recitation rather than for singing; (2) confessions and apologiae;

252

(3) litanies;

253

(4)

loricae,254

Sometimes the one d o c u m e n t belongs to t w o or three classes.

579. Hiberno-English hymns and prayers I t h a s been seen t h a t the English manuscripts, R e g i u s 2 A . xx, the B o o k of N u n n a m i n s t e r , and the B o o k of C e m e , are made up of material which is chiefly of Irish origin or inspiration.

In these volumes and in

certain continental codices of English (or in one case possibly Irish) «» Cf. p. 695 supra. to* T h e chief litanies and litany-like prayers in Irish have been published by the Rev. Dr. Charles Plummer Irish Litanies (Henry Bradshaw Soc. L X H ) (London 1925). cf. p. 354 supra. ID connection with what follows the article of Dom Louis Gougaud " Étude sur les loricat celtiques " Bull, d'ancienne litUralure et £ archéologie chrétienne I (1911) 365-81, I I (1913) 3 3 - 4 1 , 101-37, should be consulted.

LITERATURE

724

AND

CULTURE

provenance there are several hymns or rhythmical prayers which both in their subject-matter and in their verse-form have the marks of an Irish origin. texts,

As there is, perhaps, no Irish manuscript tradition of these this Irish origin cannot be asserted without qualification:

it

remains possible that some of them were composed by English writers of Irish training.

If they are of Irish composition it is quite probable, as

has been stated p r e v i o u s l y , 2 5 5 t h a t m a n y of them are of the seventh century. (i) Ad Dominum clamaveram . . . possidere eximia. 17 quatrains. MSS: Cologne Kapitelsbibl. 106 (formerly Darmstadt 2106) s I X . — Munich Staatsbibl. 144475 I X . — Carlsruhe Landesbibl. Cod. Augiensis C X X X V pt. iii j X f. 159. [These last 2 MSS contain Alcuin's exposition of the psalms, addressed to Bishop Arno of Salzburg, and it has been noted — p. 714 supra— that Lindsay thinks the first MS was prepared under Alcuin's direction for Arno.) KDS: [C/. Chevalier Rcperlorium hymnologicum no. cxxii.J Froben Alcuini opera I i 389-90. — Migne PL XCIV 528. — Mone Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters I (Freiburg i. Br. 1853) 393~5- — Blume An. hymn. LI (1908) 293-4. A versified prayer, of which the first 15 stanzas consist of adaptations of the opening words of the 15 gradual psalms, or " songs of degrees," ps. cxix-cxxxiii. (ii) Ambulemus in prosperis . . . sempitemum in gaudium. 8 quatrains. MSS: BM Reg. 2 A. xx s VIII f. 25. — Bk. of Ceme j I X f. 46. EDS: Kuypers The Book of Cerne (1902) 91-2, 211. Cf. W. Meyer Nachrichlen v. d. k. Ceselhch. d. Wissensch. z. Gottingen philol.-hist. Kl. 1917 pp. 598-9. A morning prayer. (iii) Amici nobiles . . . norunt florescere. 14 quatrains. MS: Bk. of Cerne f. 87. EDS: Kuypers op. cit. 173-4. — Blume op. cit. 314-5. Cf. Meyer op. cit. 614. An alphabetical poem in praise of virgins, apparently incomplete. (iv) Christum peto, Christum preco . . . terras atque aequora. 18 11. MS: Bk. of Cerne f. 66V. EDS: Kuypers op. cit. 132. — Blume op. cit. 301. (v) Deus Pater omnipotens, Domine caeli ac terrae . . . ubi regnum regnorum saeculorum in saecula. Meyer arranges it in 52 11., but the actual text is less. MS: Bk. of Cerne ff. 53 V -4 V . EDS: Kuypers op. cit. 106-8. — Meyer op. cit. 600-5. (vi) Domine Deus, Iesu . . . in sempitema saecula. 16 quatrains. MSS: Bk. of Nunnaminster (no. 577) s VIII f. 33. — Bk. of Ceme ff. 86 V -7. EDS: W. de Gray Birch An ancient manuscript . . . formerly belonging to . . . Nunnaminster (London 1889) 81-3. — Kuypers op. cit. 172-3. — Blume op. cit. 297-8. Apparently a communion hymn. It is doubtful whether this is a product of the Irish school of verse. (vii) Heli, Heli, Domine mi . . . ut sim sanus hie et in saecula. 11 11. M S : Bk. of Ceme f. 62*. EDS: Kuvpers op. cu. 124. — Blume op. cit. 301-2. Cf. Meyer op. c.it. 606-7.

(viii) [Refrain] 0 Andreas sancte . . . , followed by 11 stanzas: Te nunc peto. care . . . regum sine fine. M S : Bk. of Ceme f. 81. EDS: Kuypers op. cit. 1 6 1 - 2 . — Blume op. cit. 316-7. Cf. Meyer op. cit. 607. 146

P. 255 supra.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

725

(ix) Peto [A/S Teto] Petri . . . saeculorum in saecula. 11 stanzas. MS: Bk. of Ceme ff. 8I v -2. EDS: F. A. Paley Home and Foreign Review I (1862) 478. — Kuypers op. cil. 162-3. — Blume op. cil. 312-3. — Meyer op. cii. 1916 pp. 625-6. A prayer to the apostles. (x) Pro peccatis amare . . . requiescam in pace. 12 stanzas. f. 86. EDS: Kuypers op. cii. 171-2. — Blume op. cit. 351-2.

MS: Bk.of Ceme

(xi) Sancte Petre, apostole . . . in trinitate Dominus. 8 quatrains. MS: Bk.of Ceme ff. 79 T -8o. EDS: Kuypers op. cit. 158-9. — Blume op. cit. 349-50. This may not be of the Irish school. (xii) Sancte sator, suffragator . . . Sicque beo me ab eo. 29 11. MSS: Bk. of Ceme f. 66. — Cologne Kapitelsbibl. 106. — Munich Staatsbibl. 14447. — Carlsruhe Landesbibl. Cod. Augiensis C X X X V pt. ill f. 159. [ C f . no. i supra re these 3 MSS.] — Munich Staatsbibl. 19410 i IX. — BN 8779 s IX. — Cambridge Univ. Lib. Gg. 5. 35 5 X I . EDS: [Cf. Chevalier op. cit. no. 18506.] Mone op. cit. 365-6. — Miillenhoff and Scherer Denkmäler deutscher Poesie u. Prosa ' (Berlin 1892) I 221, I I 353-4. — Kuypers op. cit. 1 3 1 - 2 . — Blume op. cit. 299-301. (xiii) Te deprecamur Domine . . . in sempiterna secula. Nunnaminster f. 33*. ED: Birch op. cil. 83-4.

5 stanzas.

MS: Bk. of

(xiv) Te deprecor, Pater sancte . . . magni regis et potestas. 16 11. MS: BM Reg. 2 A. xx f. 4ÖV. EDS: Kuypers op. cit. 221. — Meyer op. cit. 1917 pp. 624-5."'

580. Scüap Chräbaid, or Broom of Devotion, of Colcu üa Duinechda [Part I] Ateoch frit, a Isu noib . . . 7 ina menmannaib I7 ina nindib]. . . . Poil apstail ro raide: Quis me liberauit, etc. Amen.

[Part I I ] A l s u noeb, a chara coera

MSS: YBL col. 336 (facs. p. 326) [this portion written by Murchad Ö Cuindlis in 1398-9], — LBr p. 74 [pt. I I and a frag, of pt. I]. — Brussels Bibl. roy. 2324 f. 71; 4190 f. 212; 5100 p. 9 [these 3 MSS are by Michael O'Clery; the ist and 3rd from the Lebar ruad Muimnech, " Red Book of Munster," which also was written byMurchad Ö Cuindlis, the 2nd f r o m a M S written by Giolla-glas Üa hUiginn in 1471]. EDS: B. Mac Carthy " On the Stowe Missal " Trans. RIA X X V I I Antiq. (1886) 178-81 [pt. I with trans.] — KM Otia Merseiana II (1900-1) 92-8, 100-3 [with trans.]. — C. Plummer Irish Litanies (London 1925) pp. xvii-xix, 30-45, 1 1 1 - 2 [with trans.]. TRANS: O'C IER I (1864) 4-12. Cf. O'C MS Mat. 379-80. The Scüap Chrdbaid, or " Broom of Devotion," of Colcu üa Duinechda of Clonmacnois (d. 796) " 7 seems to have been one of the most famous of old Irish prayers. T h e present t e x t 2 5 8 is identified with it by O'Clery, apparently on the authority of the " Red Book of Munster," written in the fourteenth century. O'Clery, however, copied another Vorlage in which our document was attributed, without title, to Aireran ind ecna, i.e. Aileran the Wise (d. 665).259 The language is not inconijf > T h e verses beginning Alius not of Irish origin. K7 C f . p. 534 supra.

auclor omnium,

which B l a m e publishes, op. cii. 3 0 2 , are, it seems clear,

It is not certain whether the two parts form one whole. are in immediate association in all the M S S . 159 C f . pp. 279 8 1 supra.

O'Clery apparently thought so, and they

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

726

sistent with Colcu's authorship, but if due to Aileran must have been carefully modernised. There is also some slight reason to believe that our texts are derived from Clonmacnois. In the " Notes on the Customs of Tallaght " , e o respectful reference is made several times to a Colcu. If, as is not improbable, he was Colcu úa Puinechda, evidence is thereby given that the latter was one of the leaders of the reform movement of the eighth century. The prayer, especially in its first part, has the form of a lorica.

681. Hymn in honor of St. Michael Archangelum rnirum magnum . . .

ÍD regali culmine.

23 stanzas.

M S : Carlsruhe Landesbibl. Cod. Augiensis C C X X I s V I I I / I X ff. 191-2. Blume An. hymn. L I (1908) 333-5.

ED:

A t the close of the hymn is a collect, followed b y : " Benedicat De[us] te et Michael for [ = says] Moilrum. Amen." The person intended is, doubtless, Máel-Rúain of Tallaght (d. 792) . , 6 1 That Máel-Rúain had special devotion for the archangel Michael is implied in the preface to the Martyrology of Oengus." 1 It is, therefore, a fair inference that this hymn was in use at Tallaght, and quite possible that it was composed there, but Blume's ascription of its composition to Máel-Rúain is hypothetical. I t is a good example of Hiberno-Latin versification.

582. Hymn ascribed to Coimán moccu Clúasaig Sén Dé donfé íordonté . . . sén Dé donfé fordonté. [19 quatrains] . . . ria slúag ndcmnac diar sénad. (3 i quatrains] . . . Crist ronsóera ronséna. (4 quatrains].

M S S : L H ( T ) ff. 4 V - S . — L H ( F ) pp. 28-30. EDS: W S Goidilica1 (Calcutta 1866)¡ Goidelica' (London 1872) 121 sqq. — B. M a c Carthy (?) IER I V (1868) 402-9. — LIP I I 122-36. — IT I 5, 321. — LH1 I 25-31,11 pp. xxxv-xl, 12-6, 113-22. — Thes. Pal. I I pp. xxxvi sq, 298-306. Trans, in all except IT. COMM: H . Gaidoz RC V 94-103 [with Fr. trans.]. This hymn is a prayer for protection against evil, resembling the loricae. It falls obviously into three parts, of which the first seems to have been based on a Latin prayer similar to the " Commendation of a soul in its last moments " in the Roman Breviary. The Irish introduction and notes ascribe the first two parts, which they treat as one, to Coimán moccu Clúasaig, called fer l(gtnd of Corcaige (Cork),*" or to him and his pupils, and the last to Diarmait úa Tigernáin, who was comarba of Patrick at Armagh, with interruptions, from 835 to 853, or to him and to Mugrón, comarba of Colum-cille from 964 to 98o.264 The Irish annotations say that the hymn was composed as a protection against the Yellow Plague of 664-5; but the annalists place the death of Coimán, whom they call úa Clúasaig, in 662, and the wording of the hymn does not 140 143

No. 264. Cf. p. 421 supra.

Cf. p. 469 supra. Cf. p. 727 infra.

162

FÜ. Ocng.1 12-3.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE suggest composition for such a special occasion. Moreover, it is generally agreed that the language forms demand a date not much before 800 nor, at least for the bulk of the piece, later than 8jo. , M

583. Sanctán's Hymn Ateoch rig namra naingel . . . ateoch in rig adróethach. . . . maoc rogénair i mBethil. 3 quatrains.

10 quatrains.

Epscop Sanctin sancta smith

MSS: LH(T) f. 19. — L H ( F ) p. 43. EDS: WS Goidilica1 (Calcutta 1866); Goidclica» (London 1872). — IT I 49-52, 324. — LWI 129-32, II pp. lvi sq, 47-8, 206-8. Trans, in all except I T . This is another of those old Irish hymns asking protection against dangers, physical and diabolical, which really belong to the same class of prayers as the loricae. The word lurech, Irish derivative from lorica, is used in the present text. Its author was, we are told, a Bishop Sanctán, who is commemorated in the calendars but of whom little else is known. According to the preface he was a Briton. The language seems to be of the ninth century.

684. Prayers attributed to Mugrón (i) Litany of the Trinity: [Rawl.: Mugrón comarba Coluim Cille haec verba composuit de Trinitate.l Airchis din a Dé athair . . . on ordnigther cech n-uasal. [Addit.: . . . onoir 7 inocbail in s. s. Axnen.l (ii) Mugrón's Lorica: Cros Crist tarsin gnúis-si . . . cros Crist tar mo gnúis-si. 12 quatrains, (iii) Coluro Cille cend Alban . . . trebhand treibhi Cuind Coluro. 3 quatrains.

(i) MSS: LBr p. 74 [frag.l. — Y B L col. 338, facs. p. 327. — Bodl. Rawl. B 512 f. 42. — B M Addit. 30512 s X V f. 37 [a longer recension], ED: K M Hibernica minora (Oxford 1894) 42-3 [text from LBr and Rawl., with trans.]. — C. Plummer Irish Litanies (London 1925) pp. xxi, 78-85 [with trans.], (ii) MSS: Bodl. Laud 615 p. 5 5 . — RIA 23 G 4 and 23 G 5. ED: K M ZCP X I I iii (1918) 387. TKANS: LH* II 212, 244 [partial], (iii) M S : Bodl. Laud 615 p. 105. ED: K M ZCP X (1915) 340. Mugrón, " comarba of Colum-cille in both Ireland and Scotland " since 964, died in 980."' Of the pieces ascribed to him, the first is a litany composed of three series of invocations addressed respectively to the three Persons of the Trinity; the second is a lorica in which the cross of Christ is invoked for protection; and the third a little poem in praise of Colum-cille. The second is also attributed to that saint," 7 but while Mugrón's authorship is linguistically possible, that of Columba is impossible.

686. Poems by Máel-ísu Úa Brolcháin (i) A aingil, beir, a Michil mórihertaig . . . a marbad Anchrist ainglig. 9 stanzas, (ii) A Choimdhe baidh . . . non-geibh fot oomml 4 quatrains, (iii) A Choimdiu, nom-chomét . . . nom-chomét, a Choimdiu. 13 quatrains, (iv) Búaidh crábuidh, búaidh n-ailithre . . . tuc d&mh na ceithre búadha. 4 quatrains, (v) Deus meus adiuua me Tuc dam do sheirc . . . Deus meus adiuua me. 7 stanzas, (vi) In spirut nóeb immun . . . ronsóera do spirut. (vii) Dia hiine nf longud . . . iiem ocus garseclae. 13 quatrains.

(i) MSS: Y B L col. 336. — B o d l . Laud 610 p. 118. EDS: WS Goiddica» (1872) 175 [2 stanzas], — K M The Cath Finntrdga or BaUle of Ventry (Oxford 1885) 88-9 [ Y B L MacN, however, apparently accepts Colmta's authorship, w AU. » Cf. p. 438 supra.

146

Cf. Studies Sept. 1932 p. 438.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

728

text, with variants from Laud]; Gaelic Journal I V (1890) 36-7 [ Y B L text, trans.]. — C . Plummer Irish Litanies (London 1925) pp. xxii sq, 88-9 [with trans.]. TRANS: K M Selections from ancient Irish poetry (London 1911) 41. (ii) M S : Brussels Bibl. roy. 2324 p. 56. ED: K M ACL I I I iii (1906) 231. (iii) M S : B M Egerton i n p. 1 5 ; Addit. 30512 f. 44. — T C D 1285 (H. 1. 11) f. 154* [copy of Addit.]. ED: K M ZCP V I (1908) 259-60. (iv) M S : Brussels Bibl. roy. 5100 »» p. 56. ED: K M ACL I I I iii (1906) 230-1. (v) M S : L B r p. 101. ED: Fil. Oeng.1 p. clxxxv [text, trans.]. — K M Selections from early Irish poetry [Dublin 1909] 8-9. TRANS: Geo. Sigerson Bards 0} the Gael and Gall 2nd ed. (London 1907) 207-8. (vi) M S : L H ( T ) f. 31* [this is in the later portion of the MS], EDS: W S Goidilica1 (1866), Goidelica1 (1872) [text, trans.].—LH 1 I 159, I I 52, 221 [text, t r a n s . ] . — Thes. Pal. I I pp. xl, 359 [text, trans.], (vii) M S : T C D 1285 (H. 1 . 1 1 ) A.D. 1752 f. 140. ED: K M ZCP X I I (1918) 296-7; cf- 454-"® Màel-Ìsu Oa Brolchàin died on Jan. 16, 1086, according to the Annals of Ulster, which describe him as " master of wisdom and of piety and in filidecht571 in both languages," i.e. Irish and Latin. His address to the archangel Michael, bilingual intercessory prayer, and invocation of the Holy Spirit are among the most famous of the religious poems of the later portion of our period.

586. Litany of Irish Saints [ P a r t I] S e c h t noeb e p s c o i p dèe a r secht c é t a ì b di aes. . . . [Part I I ] T r i choicait c u r a c h di ailithrib R o m a n . . . [ P a r t I I I ] S e c h t noeb epscoip D r o m m a Urchailii. . . .

M S S : L L p. 373 of facs. — Leabhar Ùi Maine f. 53 (formerly 109). — B M Addit. 30512 f. 23 [incomplete]. — T C D 1285 (H. 1. 11) f. 130 [incomplete]. — L B r p. 23 [pts. I I and III], EDS: B. M a c Carthy IER I I I (1867) 385-97, 468-77 [with trans.]. — C . Plummer Irish Litanies (London 1925) pp. xix sq, 54-75, 112-21 [with trans, and notes]. In this litany a vast number of Irish holy ones are invoked, some b y name, some b y place of origin, but the majority b y the name of the saint or the church with which they were associated. I t has the appearance of being an antiquarian rather than a devotional composition, but this is in part due to the incorporation of annotations into the text. T h e attribution of the authorship to Oengus " the Culdee " originated, in the opinion of Plummer, with Colgan. T h e earliest manuscript is of the middle of the twelfth century, and the document is probably a product of the ecclesiastical antiquarianism of the tenth and eleventh centuries. W e cannot be certain whether the three parts into which the litany falls should be regarded as separate texts or not: they are all of a similar type, and have much value for topography and hagiology.

587. Hymn in praise of Sts. Peter and Paul C h r i s t i p a t r i s in d e x t e r a . . . d o m i n a n t e m infinita.

M S : L H ( F ) f. 14.

50 II.

EDS: Dreves An. hymn. X I X 236 [cf. L I 350]. — LH21

19S-9, II

241-2. Probably of Irish composition.

T h e text may be imperfect.

268

Cf. C . P l u m m e r Irish Litanies

269

In B k . L i s . f . 5 2 v there is a p o e m b y him, in 66 q u a t r a i n s , on t h e e i g h t principal vic.-s. O c h t n-aerich

na n d u a l u c h . . . .

p. xxiii.

Cj. Lis. Livss p . xviii.

270

T h e n a m e m e a n s " T o n s u r e d (i.e., D e v o t e e ) of J e s u s . "

171

Cf. p p . 3 - 4

supra.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

588. Prayer of St. Brendan In nomine P. et F . et S. S. ternam gratiam. Amen.

Amen.

Per sane tarn Annunciationem . . . magnam misericordiam et sempi-

MSS: Rome Bibl. Sessoriana B. C X X V I I . — Munich Staatsbibl. 13067 s X I / X I I ff. 9-i6 v . — St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 321 j X I V . — BM Reg. 7. D. xxvi j XIV/XV. — Cambridge Corpus Christi Coll. 275 s X V . — Milan Bibl. Ambrosiana D. 158 inf. s X V ff. 37 v -8. — BM Addit. 37787 s X V f. 165. Ed: P. F. Moran Acta sancii Brendani (Dublin 1872) 27-44. Co MM: G. Schirmer Zur Brendanus-Legende (Leipsic 1888) 11-2.—D. O'Donoghue Brendaniana (Dublin 1893) 97-103. A of of of

long, litany-like prayer, addressed to God and the saints, containing a large number allusions to events of scriptural history. It probably should be classed as a lorica Irish origin, but its association with Brendan seems to be one of the developments his legend.

689. Prayer to the Saviour and the Saints lPart I] A Sliinicidh in ciniuda daona . . . i frecnarcus na Trinoti, in 3. s. Maire 7 Eoin macain . . . hi frecnarcus na Trinoite, in s. 5. Amen.

Amen.

|Part II] Impide

MSS: Bodl. Rawl. B 512 f. 41. — BM Addit. 30512 I X V f. 38. — BM Egerton 92 s X V f. 29 [pt. I].—Brussels Bibl. roy. 4190 f. 215 [copy by O'Clery of MS by Giolla-glas 0a hUiginn, 1471]. Eds: K M Otia Merseiana II (1900-1) 98-100, 103-5 [with trans.]. — C. Plummer Irish Lilanies (London 1925) pp. xvi sq, 20-7, 111 [with trans.]. Whether the two parts of this fine prayer are distinct texts is not certain. The manuscripts, except in the case of the fragmentary Egerton 92, unite them, but, as Plummer notices, the first part is composed in the singular number, the second part in the plural. This second part seems designed for a community of nuns. The two parts, however, appear to be complementary to each other. The language is not inconsistent with an Old Irish date.

590. Lorica of Virgins [No]m churim ar commairge . . . CO nilur a phian.

MS: LL p. 360 of facs. Ed: C. Plummer Irish Lilanies (London 1925) pp. xxiii, 92-3, 121-3 [with trans, and notes]. In this metrical lorica, of which the manuscript is of the twelfth century, protection is sought of the Trinity and of various classes of saints, and, by name, of Mary and of twenty-eight Irish virgin saints.

591. Lorica Ateoch friut an dechmad . . . atteoch friutsa a Athair. The original poem ended at 1. 50; there are two additions, of 28 and 14 II., respectively, with verbally similar endings.

MSS: RIA 23 N 10 p. 92. Eds: K M ZCP VIII (1912) 231-2; Selections from early Irish poetry [Dublin 1909] 3 [first part only], — C. Plummer Irish Litanies (London 1925) pp. xxiii sq, 102-7 [with trans.].

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

730

This piece seems to be modeled on the Scúap Chrábaid,'7t and, indeed, is itself so designated in the first set of additional stanzas. The author also imitates the older 7 loricae, such as Patrick's,* ' by naming many of the objects of nature, but the tone here is much more learned and academic.

592. Litany of the Blessed Virgin Mary A Muiré mór . . . ros aittrtbam, in s. s. Amen. LBr p. 74. EDS: Vit. Trip. I pp. dxv-ckviii [with trans.]. — C . Plummer (London 192s) 48-51 [with trans.]. TRANS: Moran Essays 224-5 [by O'C], Coioi: A. de Santi (Fr. trans. A. Boudinhon) Les litanies de la sainte Vierge (Paris [1900]) 105-7.

MSS: Irish

Litanies

Stokes assigned this litany, or litany-like prayer, to the twelfth century. It is an interesting document for the history of devotion to Mary." 4

693. The Penitential Litany of St. Ciarán Omne malum feci coram te. . . . A Athair, a Meic, a Spirat Noim, dilguid. . . . Afir-Dia,tibi soli peccaui. Dilaig, dilaig, dilaig. Amen. MSS: Bodl. Laud 610 f XV ff. $r~6v. — BM Addit. 30512 s XV f. 36. — Brussels Bibl. roy. 2324 f. 69; 5100 p. 6 [both copied by Michael O'Clery from " the Red Book of Munster " ] . E D : C . Plummer Irish Litanies (London 1925) pp. xvi, 2-17 [with trans.]. This litany, which is a lengthy confession of sins, is attributed in the O'Clery manuscripts to a Ciarán, and there is some slight reason to believe that it came from Clonmacnois. But it is far later than the time of Ciarán of Clúain; indeed, we cannot be quite certain that it is not later than our period. It is in Irish, but with some passages in Latin.

594. Poem asking three wishes of God Mo theora ucse forsin Rig . . in tan dobretha mo theora. 14 11. MSS: RIA Stowe B. IV. 2 [by Michael O'Clery], — TCD 1285 (H. 1. 11) A.D. 1752 f. 151. ED: KM Ériu VI (1911) 116 [with trans.]. Described by Meyer as an " undoubtedly Old-Irish poem."

595. Blessing the road before a journey Rop soraid in sét-sa . . . rop sóinraech, rop soraid. 3 quatrains. MS: Bodl. Laud 615 p. 55. 112 [with trans.].

EDS:

KM

ACL

III

III

(1906) 221;

Ériu

VI (1911)

A Middle-Irish poem which Meyer suggested might have been composed by MáelIsu Úa Brolcháin. «* No. 580. No. 101. n < In ZCP x n (1918) 379-83 KM has published a poem in honor of Mary from RIA 23 N 27 ' 23v — " Gabh ax h'ionchaibh mé, a Mhuire . . . bíodh 'sna dernannuibh derccá: 37 quatrains.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

731

696. A Prayer for tears Tue dam, a Dé móir . . eia dobéra acbt tu.

MS: BM Addit. 305x2 f. 30*. 113-4 [with trans.].

8 quatrains.

ED: K M ACL HI ili (1906) 232; Ériu VI (1911)

Another Middle-Irish poem which, Meyer suggests, may be by Màel-Ìsu Ùa Brolchàin.

697. A Prayer to Christ for help A Christ cobra, tair chucum . . . bi 'com chobair, a chride.

8 quatrains.

MSS: BM Addit. 30512 f. 44. — T C D 1285 (H. 1. 11) p. 155 [from preceding], K M Ériu VI (1911) 114-5.

ED:

Meyer described it as a " late Old-Irish or early Middle-Irish poem," which probably means that it was composed within, as outside limits, AJ>. 850 to 1050.

598. Prayer attributed to St. Fursa Robé mainrechta Dé forsind fhorrnna-sa . . . in duine-sea.

MS: BM Addit. 30512 * X V f. 35'.

ED: K M ACL III III (1906) 232.

A litany-like short prayer attributed, quite impossibly, to Fursa."*

699. Prayer to the seven archangels for the days of the week Gabriel lim i nDomhnaighibb . . . ar gach ngahud.

8 quatrains.

22T.

MSS: BM Addit. 30512 f. — RIA 23 P 3 f. 19. EDS: K M ACL II iii (1903) 138 [incomplete]. — Thos. P. O'Nolan Ériu II (1905) 92-4 [with trans.]. Cf. ibid. V 112. TRANS: Celtic Review Oct. 16, 1905, p. 200. — Ernest Rhys in Eleanor Hull Poem-Book of the Gael (London 1912) 134-5.

600. Comad Croiche Crist : Poem of the Cross of Christ Creldim-si Crist israeracht . . . a tudhacht cóir a creitim.

MS: RIA 23 N 10 p. 94.

7 quatrains.

ED: K M Ériu I (1904) 41-2 [with trans.].

A poetical act of faith in Christ.

601. A Hymn of praise to the Trinity Bennocht ocus édrochta. . . .

MSS: BM Addit. 30512 s X V f. 30. — T C D 1285 (H. 1. N) AJ>. 1752 f. 137 [copy of preceding], ED: R. I. Best Ériu IV (1908) 120 [with trans.].

The Litany of the Culdees of Dunkeld has been published by J. G. F. Gordon, from a Ratisbon MS, in Notes and Queries 3rd ser. I X 406-9; and reprinted in A. P. Forbes 176

Cf.

pp. 500

sqq.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

732

Kalendars of Scottish Saints (Edinburgh 1872) pp. xrziv sq, lvi-lxv, and H & S I I pt. I 278-85. I t is a Scottish litany of the late middle ages, which probably received its final form in the sixteenth century, but it may have its ultimate origin in an old Irish litany.

There are many short devotional pieces, in prose and in verse, of unknown authorship and uncertain date, the majority untranslated, which have been published in various periodicals and other collections, especially in ACL, ZCP, IER, RC, £riu, and the Gaelic Journal. These do not seem to be of sufficient importance to demand individual notice here; some of them are listed in R. I. Best's Bibliography of Irish philology and of printed Irish literature (Dublin 1913) and in his " Bibliography of the publications of Kuno Meyer " ZCP X V (1925) 1-65.

C. H O M I L E T I C A L ,

APOCRYPHAL

AND

IMAGINATIVE

Bibliography Georges Dottin " Notes bibliographiques sur l'ancienne littérature chrétienne de l'Irlande " Rev. d'hist. et de litt. religieuses V (1900) 162-7 Vf- P- 9 2 supra}', Manuel d'irlandais moyen 2 vols. (Paris 1913) [especially vol. I I ] , — Kuno Meyer and Alfred Nutt The Voyage of Bran son of Febal . . . with an essay upon the Irish vision of the happy otheraiorld and the Celtic doctrine of rebirth 2 vols. (Grimm Library I V , VI) (London 1895, 1897) [gives some consideration to the Christian eschatological literature of Ireland, which is treated more fully in the following work], — C. S. Boswell An Irish precursor of Dante (Grimm Library X V I I I ) (London 1908) [cf. p. 502 supra.]. — L. Gougaud Les chrétientés celtiques (Paris 1911) 260-6: " L e s Apocryphes." — St. John D. Seymour " The seven heavens in Irish literature " ZCP X I V (1923) 18-30; " The eschatology of the early Irish Church " ibid. 179-211. I n addition to the exegetical and scholastic, the liturgical and devot i o n a l , t h e r e is a c o n s i d e r a b l e a m o u n t of e x h o r t a t o r y , i m a g i n a t i v e miscellaneous

literature

of

a

religious

and

ecclesiastical

E a r l i e r w o r k s of t h i s k i n d , u p t o t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e e i g h t h h a v e b e e n n o t i c e d in c h a p t e r I I I .

T h e g r e a t b u l k of t h i s

h o w e v e r , is l a t e r t h a n t h e n i n t h c e n t u r y . the

tenth

century,

almost

and

character. century, literature,

I n f a c t , a b o u t t h e b e g i n n i n g of

contemporaneously

with

those

linguistic

c h a n g e s w h i c h m o d e r n philologists h a v e selected as m a r k i n g the transition f r o m O l d to M i d d l e Irish, a c h a n g e c a m e o v e r Irish ecclesiastical literature and culture.

T o the p r e d o m i n a n t l y L a t i n , or H i b e r n o - L a t i n ,

c u l t u r e of t h e e a r l i e r p e r i o d s u c c e e d e d t h e p r e d o m i n a n t l y G a e l i c of t h e later.276

T h e n e w a g e is d i s t i n g u i s h e d n o t o n l y b y p a r t i a l l y

original

w o r k s in I r i s h , b u t a l s o b y e x t e n s i v e t r a n s l a t i o n s f r o m L a t i n i n t o I r i s h . 176

CJ. p p . 10 sqq

supra.

LITERATURE

AND

CULTURE

733

A n d the greater part of this literature, although falling into several different classes, has its own common and distinctive note. Chief among the classes of this later literature are: ( i ) antiquarian compilations, especially annotations on ancient texts, compiled, doubtless, in the schools 2 7 7 and imitating the earlier Latin scholia, but composed chiefly of extraordinary stories culled from popular legend and folk-lore; 2 7 8 (2) L i v e s of the saints and other hagiographical matter, usually adaptations or translations from earlier Latin documents and showing the strong influence of secular literature: 2 7 9 many of these Lives are in the form of homilies; (3) connected with the preceding is the very considerable amount of semi-dramatic poetry put in the mouths of the famous ancient saints but embodying late ideas and legends; (4) the voyage and vision literature, which had its greatest development, within a religious setting, during this period; (5) homilies, chiefly translations, more or less modified, of well-known Latin texts; and (6), what sometimes can scarcely be distinguished from the homilies, imaginative expositions of biblical and church history, of cosmic and eschatological ideas, based partly on the scriptures but mainly on Latin apocrypha and legends of continental origin. Although little of it has been preserved in its original form through Irish media, 2 8 0 a vast amount of this Christian mythical lore must have been circulating in Ireland in the tenth, eleventh and twelfth centuries, some of it very curious and unusual and but little known elsewhere in Europe. It was all used freely and fully b y w h a t we may call popular writers in Irish on religious subjects. Indeed, all this later Irish ecclesiastical literature of which an outline has just been given is characterised by an intense interest in the supernatural and the eschatological, and a constant delight in the wonderful and the bizarre.

602. Latin poems of Irish composition (i) Vere nouo florebat humus, satus aethere sudo. . . Testentur fixum foedus thalamumque coroncnt. (Ends imperfect ] 92 11. (ii) Perge carina: Per mare longum. . . .Mille coronas Posce salutis. 78 11. (in) Rauco sonora Languida voce. . . . Psallere voto Larga potestas. 27 11. (iv) Incipit de signis et prodigiis et de quibusdam Hyberniae admirandis. Plurima mira malum signantia signa futurum. . . . Ends imperfect in the 133rd line. (i) ED: A . R i e s e Anihologia I p t . ii 3 6 1 .

Latina

I f a s c . ii (1870) 3 5 5 - 7 no. 9 4 1 ;

(ii) ED: P i t r a Spicilegium

Solesmense

2nd ed. (1906)

I I I (1855) 399-400.

Cf.

Traube

T h e work of one of these later schools is illustrated on pp. 68r-3 supra. Part of the texts there noticed are of the same character as those considered here. 179 As the notes to F i l . Oeng. and LH. Chaps. IV and V supra. 580 Certain apocalyptic fragments published by Dom De Bruyne in Rett. Btnliiclint X X I V U907) from Reichenau CCLIV s V I I I / I X were probably derived immediately from Ireland. Their signifiance for Irish literature is pointed out by M. R. James JTS X X 14 sqq- CJ. also ZCP XIV 22,181.

734

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

MGH Poet. lot. aevi Card, m 274 n. (in) MS: BN 8069 j X / X I f. i y [a Vergil, preceded by some epigrams from Martial], Eos: J. Quicherat Bibl. de l'École des Chartes 4th ser. I l l (Paris 1857) 352-3- — Riese op. cit. I ii 205-6 no. 739. Cf. Traube loc. cit. (iv) This is one of the sections added to Nennius: cf. pp. 152-5 supra. MSS: BN m o 8 s X H ; 4126 s X I I I f. 12. — B M Cotton. Titus D. xxiv j X I I I f. 74. EDS: Wright and Halliwell Reliquiae antiquae I I (1845) 103-7. — Riese op. cit. I ii 257-8 no. 791; 2nd ed. I ii 269 [the first 31 11.]. — Mommsen UGH Auct. antiq X l l l (Chron. min. I l l ) (1894, 1898) 219-22 [cf. p. 152 supra). COMM: M. Manitius Gesckichte der ckristlich-lateinischen Poesie bis zur Mitte des 8. Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart 1891) 240-1.—KM Ériu IV (1908) 3. — L. Gougaud RC XLI (1924) 355. — A version in Irish in BB f. 256 is published by Todd The Irish version of the Historia Britonum of Nennius 192 sqq; and another in Leabhar Hûi Maine f. 115* by KM ZCP V 23-4. These poems are of Irish origin but uncertain date. The first, second and fourth were ascribed to a Patricius who was commonly identified with St. Patrick. The second is a boat song, and the third, which is in the same Adonic metre, was classed by Traube as Irish, chiefly, it would seem, because of the character of the versification. The fourth poem consists of an opening section on wonders in general, followed by a particular account of the wonders of Ireland. Kuno Meyer would date it about A.D. 1000.

603. Old Irish Homily [Restored text] Atluchammar buidi do Dia . . . atarotbreborn in s. s. Amen. MSS: YBL coll. 397 sqq, facs. 15-6. — RIA 23 P 2 ff. i7 T -8 [written by William Mac an Legha in 1467]. EDS: KM ZCP IV (1903) 241-3 [text of 23 P 2]. — J. Strachan Ériu I I I (1907) 1-10 [text of YBL, restored text, and trans.]. A homily on the duties of thanksgiving to God and a life of virtue, which belongs to the later Old-Irish period, probably to about the middle of the ninth century.

604. Daniel ûa Liathaide's advice to a woman A ben, bennacht fort! ni réid . . . ni ro Hmur trfst, a ben. 7 quatrains. MS: LL 278. — TCD 1337 (H. 3. 18) p. 731. EDS: EW Berichte d. k. sticks. Gesellsch. d. Wissensch. XLII (1890) 86-8 [with Germ, trans.]. — AdeJ "Documents irlandais publiés par M. Windisch " RC X I I (1891) 158-60 [reprint of text, Fr. trans.]. — KM Ériu I (1904) 67-71 [with trans.]. This moral exhortation is attributed to a Daniel ûa Liathaide, airchinnech of Lissm6r. The Four Masters, who call him abbot of Corcaige (Cork) and Liss-m6r, say that he was mortally wounded in 861. In the opinion of Kuno Meyer the language may be of the ninth century.

605. Religious poems ascribed to Cormac mac Cuilennâin (i) Dia comalltis réiram ndligid. . . . (ïï) Eochair chéille coistecht. . . . (iii) In roghso, a RÏ na nin . . . (iv) Is imdha eccla ar mh'anmain. . . . (i) ED: KM Selections from early Irish poetry [Dublin 1909].

(ii) MSS: YBL p. 420.

— T C D 1 3 3 7 ( H . 3. 18) p . 37. — R I A 23 G 3 p . 37. — R I A 23 N 11 p . 1 7 9 .

EDS:

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

735

K M ZCP VI (1908) 270-1. — T. P. O'Nolan IER 4th ser. X X I V (1908) 395-7, 500-1 [with trans.], (iii) MS: RIA 23 N 10 p. 17. ED: K M ZCP X (1915) 45-7. (iv) M S : Brussels Bibl. roy. 2324 p. 47. Ed: K M ACL III (1906) 216. Cormac mac Cuilenniin, bishop-king of Munster, was slain in 908. If his episcopal character was in anything more than the name he might be pointed to as marking the transition from the predominantly Latinist culture of the Irish Church in the earlier part of our period to the predominantly Gaelic in the later. He is best known by his secular compositions, Cormac's Glossary and the Book of Rights, but several religious poems are attributed to him. It is doubtful if any of the attributions are correct, although the third text noted above was an old and famous poem which was quoted in several of the treatises on grammar and metrics." 1

606. Poem to Crinog A Chrinfc, cuboid do chrol . . . tan ragat iar clin 6n chriaid. 11 quatrains. MSS: Dublin Franciscan Convent A (9) s X V p. 4 0 — T C D 1363 (H. 4. 22) s X V . Eds: K M ZCP VI 266; Silzungsb. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. Philos.-hist. KL. 1918 pp. 362-71 [with Germ, trans.]. Tkans: K M Selections from ancient Irish poetry (London 1911) 37-8. This tenth-century poem seems to be an address to one of those virgines subintroductae or conhospitae who, we have reason to believe, existed in the primitive Irish as well as continental Church.'" But if this poem is not purely a work of historical imagination it leads to the remarkable conclusion that the custom persisted in Ireland till the tenth century.

607. Thanksgiving hymn of a sick man Atlochar duit, a mo RJ . . . m6r lemm a fot, at int at.

n quatrains.

MS: Dublin Franciscan Convent A (9) j X V p. 40. Eds: K M ZCP VI (1908) 263; Sitzungsb. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. Philos.-hist. Kl. 1918 pp. 371-4 (with Germ, trans.]. Kuno Meyer believed that this tenth-century poem by a northern man who was sick in Munster was by the same author as the address to Crin6g.

608. Poem on the flightiness of thought Is mebul dom imridud . . . ni hinand is ra£. 12 quatrains. M S : LBr 262. Ed: K M ¿riu HI 13-5 [with trans.]. ancient Irish poetry (London 1911) 35-6.

Teaks:

K M Selections from

A religious poem assigned by its editor to the tenth century. Ml Two quatrains from LL, attributed to Cormac, are published in O'C ilfrC III 388 and translated by K M Selections from ancient Irish poetry 94. 181C/.

p. 479 supra.

736

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

609. The Saltair na Rann MSS: Bodl. Rawl. B 502 ff. 19-40. — LBr p. 111 [poem no. x; also has, at p. 109, a prose paraphrase of parts of poems ii, iv, vi, viii, ix, xi], — RIA 23 G 25 [corrupt modernised copies of poems iv-vi], EDS: WS Saltair na Rann (Anec. Ozon. Mediaeval and modem ser. I iii) (Oxford 1883) ¡text only but with a précis of poems i, xi, xii. Cf. his emendations in Academy XXIV (1883) 31-2, and note, ibid. 114. Also RTh RC VI (1883) 96-109]. — B . MacCarthy The Codex Palalino-Vaticanus no. 830 (RIA Todd Lect. Ser. I l l ) (Dublin 1892) [text, trans, of the LBr paraphrase; cf. RC XXIV 243 ÎÇF], TRANS: Eleanor Hull The Poem-Book of the Gael (London 1912) 1-50 [parts of poems i, ii, vii, viii, xi, xii], COMM: J. Strachan " The verbal system of the Saltair na Rann " Philological Soc. Trans. 1895 pp. 1-76 [cf. RTh ZCP I (1897) 342-56; KM Silzungsb. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. 1914 pp. 947-52; Miscellanea Hibernica (Urbana, 111, 1916) 37-8]. — KM " Zur Metrik von Saltair na Rann " Sitzungsb. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. philos.-hist. Kl. 1918 pp. 874-87. — St. John D. Seymour " The Book of Adam and Eve in Ireland " Proc. RIA XXXVI (1922) C 121-33; " The Signs of Doomsday in the Saltair na Rann " ibid. (1923) 154-63.

The Saltair na Rann, "Psalter of the Staves, or Quatrains," is a poetical composition in 162 cantos, of which the first 150 formed the original work — hence the name — and the last twelve are an addition, though probably of not much later date. In the edition by Stokes there are in all 8393 lines. The subject is sacred history from the creation, based on the Scriptures and, in some parts, on apocrypha. The first poem gives a description of the universe; and, of the additions, nos. cli and clii express repentance and ignorance of God, and the others, in which the sacrifice of sense to metre makes interpretation difficult, set forth the signs and events of the nine days leading up to the last judgment. Seymour points out that for the story of Adam and Eve the author uses not only the apocryphon Vita Adae et Evaeni but also the Greek Apocalypsis Mosis,n> probably in a Latin version. He also shows that for the signs of Doomsday use was made of one of the Anglo-Saxon Blickling Homilies,ss* or of the matter on which it was based, and of the Apocalypse of Thomas. 1 " In 1. 8009 the author professes to give his name: " I am Oengus elle Dé." If by this is meant the Oengus mac Oengobann to whom is J83 A legend giving the eight things from which A d a m was created is in B M Addit. 4783: pub. with trans, b y W S Three Irish glossaries (London etc. 1862) pp. xl sq. He gives a metrical trans, in Academy X X V I (1884) 236; f/. Brooke and Rolleston Treasury of Irish poetry (London 1900) 348-50. For the Latin original see M a x Forster Archiv J. Religionswissensch. X I (1008) 479 sqq; ZCP Y 1 1 ( 1 9 1 0 ) 5 r i , X I I ( 1 9 1 9 ) 47-8. — In the margins of V a t . Palat. 830 (no. 443) are several poems relating to Old Testament history. One, " Cenn ard Adaim . . . naming the diiierent countries from which God took earth to make A d a m ' s body, has been published by W S Zs f . tergl. Spraehforschung X X X I (1890) 249-50, and by B . M a c C a r t h y The Codex Palalino-Vaticanus No. Sjo (Dublin 1892) 24; another " Cethror coic [fh]ichit . . . giving the number of the children of Adam, by M a c C a r t h y , ibid. 26. — Another version of Peannaid Adaim, " T h e Penance of A d a m , " is in Y B L f a c s . pp. 1 5 8 - 9 and Edinburgh N a t . Lib. X L pp. 4 5 - 8 . I t has been published b y A. O. Anderson RC X X I V (1903) 2 4 3 - 5 3 , with trans. 2M W . M e y e r Abhandl. d. k. bay. Akad. pseudepigrapha of Old Testament II. 186

d. Wissensch.

1879 (Munich): trans. Chzr\ts

Apocrypha

and

Teschendorf Apocalypses Apocryphae; trans, in Ante-Xicene Library X V I . R . Morris Blickling Homilies (Early Eng. Texts Soc. Pub.) pp. v, 90. Bihlmeyer Rer. Bénédictine J u l y - O c t . 1 9 1 1 pp. 270-82. An Old-Irish poem on the end of the world, " Dofil aimser laithe m b r a t h a , " from Bodl. L a u d 6 1 5 pp. 1 3 2 - 4 , is published by K M ZCP V I I I ( 1 9 1 2 ) 195-6. î86

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

737

attributed the Filire Oengusso written about A.D. 800,"" the passage must be a falsifying interpolation. The linguistic forms are those of Middle Irish, and must be more than a century later than the time of Oengus mac Oengobann. Moreover in poem xii the author gives certain chronological records and allusions to contemporary rulers which make it fairly certain that he was writing in the year of " the cattle-plague," 987. With this date the philological and other evidence agrees.*" In Rawl. B 502 the Saltair na Rann is followed by some chronological matter with the heading " According to the Seventy." With this is a poem on Babylon: Babildin roclos hi cein . . . rocumthacht in Babil6in. 22 quatrains. All this is published by K M ZCP I I I (1901) 17-9.

610. Eve's Lament M£ Eba ben Adaim uill . . .

M S : R I A Stowe B. I V . 2 f. 146*. ED: K M £riu I I I (1907) 148 [with trans.; trans, also in Selections from ancient Irish poetry (1911) 34]. This dramatic monologue in verse is dated by Meyer as probably of the late tenth or early eleventh century.

611. Poem on the Day of Judgment B r i t h ni ba beg a brisim . . . tall i mbroscur in brdtha.

24 quatrains.

M S S : B k . Lis. f. 53. — Dublin Franciscan Convent A (9) p. 38. — R I A 23 G 27. ED: J. G. O'Keeffe £riu III (1907) 29-33 [with trans.]. According to its editor this text is " possibly as old as the tenth century."

612. Tenga Bith-nua: The evernew Tongue In principio fecit Deus caelum et terram et reliqua. Bithnua tosach in creidim.

Airdri domain as treisi cach righ . . .

in Tenga

M S S : B k . Lis. ff. 46-52. — There are several abridgments, none older than j X I V , and none of much value for the restoration of the corrupt Lismore text: Y B L cols. 700-7, facs. 8 1 - 6 . — B N Fonds celtique 1 ff. 24-7. — Cheltenham Phillipps M S 9754 ff. 7-9. — B M Egerton 171 s X V I I I 44-65. — Liber Flavus Fergusiorum.— Rennes Irish M S ff. 70-4*. EDS: G . Dottin RC X X I V (1903) 365-403 [Rennes text, with Fr. trans.; cf. X X V I I I (1907) 278-307, where a igth-cent. version is given]; AnnaJes de Bretagne X X X I V 190-207, 278-97 [the Paris text, with trans.].— W S Eriu II (1905) 96-162, I I I (1907) 34-5 [Lismore text, with trans.]. The story tells how the bishops and kings of the East held an assembly at Mount Sion, where the spirit of the Apostle Philip, called the Evemew Tongue, addressed them. He received the name because his tongue was nine times cut out by the heathen, and Cf. pp. 471, 480 supra. M a c C a r t h y argued that all this matter was a later accretion; but M a c C a r t h y , although possessing a good working knowledge of the Irish language, had little understanding of philological science. 188

289

738

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

nine times miraculously restored. " In answer to questions put by the sages, the Evernew Tongue tells them about the creation of the universe, and treats especially of the seven heavens; of the seas, wells, rivers, precious stones and trees of the earth; of the sun and stars; of birds, men and beasts. The order of the six days in Genesis, chap, i, is here followed. Lastly, the Evernew Tongue describes hell, doomsday, and heaven." It was composed, probably on the basis of a Latin original, in the tenth or eleventh century.

613. Scela Lai Bratha: Tidings of Doomsday Dia dobennachad nan&tidi uli. Tabrad . . . Athar 7 Maic 7 Spirta Niim. M S : L U 3 1 - 4 . EDS: WS RCIV (1880) 245-57, 479 [with trans.]. — P. Walsh Mil na mBeack (Dublin 1911) 62-8. COMM: Alfred Nutt in K M The voyage of Bran son of Febal I (London 1895) 223-8. — C. S. Boswell An Irish precursor of Dante (London 1908) 1 7 1 sqq. This description of the last judgment, set in the form of a homily, and composed, it seems probable, in the eleventh century, has considerable value as an exposition of contemporary Irish ideas on the other world.

614. Da Bron Flatha Nime: The two sorrows of the Kingdom of Heaven Cid a ran a par br6n in aim? Ninsa. Eli 7 En6c. . . . MSS: [Type I] L U 17-8 [wanting beginning], [Type II] L L 280-1. — Y B L 1 2 0 1 . — B N Fonds celtique 1 ff. 27*-8. — Bk.of Fermoy 1 1 4 - 5 . ED: G. Dottin RC X X I (1900) 349-87 [with Fr. trans.]. The two sorrows of the kingdom of heaven are the prophets Enoch and Elias, who have passed thither with their mortal bodies and are awaiting the end of time when they may die. The piece has much value as a source for the religious ideas of the time, especially the idea of Anti-Christ. As in the other writings of this class, the author worked from the basis of certain European Latin works: here probably the pseudo-Hippolyte De consummation« mundi, the pseudo-Augustine De Aniichristo, and the Libellus de Antichristo of Adso of Montifr-en-Der, sometimes attributed to Alcuin. The text, apparently, was written in the eleventh century.

616. Scela na hEsergi: Tidings of the Resurrection Tabrad cach dia airi . . . Athar 7 Maic 7 Spirta Niim. MS: L U 34-7. EDS: J . O'B. Crowe Sctia na Esfrgi A treatise on the resurrection (Dublin 1865) [with trans.; of little value]. — W S RC X X V (1904) 232-59 [with trans.]. — P. Walsh Mil na mBeach (Dublin 1911) 69-78. This account of the resurrection of the dead, written in the eleventh century and more probably in the second than in the first half, is, after the Vision of Adamnin and the Tidings of Doomsday, the most important source for mediaeval Irish eschatology.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

739

616. Biblical stories and legends in Leabhar Breac The early fifteenth-century codex Leabhar Breac (see p. 25 supra) contains chiefly religious matter. The contents are given in the introduction to the RIA fats, and, more briefly and usefully, in PH 36-40. Biblical history occupies ff. 109-60, 194-8. Part of this, ff. i33 T -4i, containing " Stories of the Gospels " and allied matter in Irish, has been edited, with trans., by Edmund Hogan The Irish Nennius from L. na Huidre and homilies and legends from L. Brecc (RIA Todd Lect. Ser. VI) (Dublin 1895). This contains the well-known Lament of the Mothers of Bethlehem, " Cid ima n-delige mo mac grádach frim . . . ," which Hogan had published in The Latin Lives of the saints as aids towards the translation of Irish texts and the production of an Irish dictionary (RIA Todd Lect. Ser. V) (1894). It was also published, with trans., by K M in Gaelic Journal IV (1891) 89-90. There are verse trans, in Geo. Sigerson Bards of the Gael and Gall. 2nd ed. (London 1907) 178-9; K M Selections from ancient Irish poetry (London 1911) 42-3; Eleanor Hull Poem-Book of the Gael (London 1912) 154-5 [by A. P. Graves], This piece has been ascribed to the eleventh century. The " Stories " as a whole are later, but most of the matter in LBr seems to go back at least to the twelfth century.'" — WS has published in RC VIII (1887) 360-1 certain notes on the Magi from LBr 137, 199, and ibid., with trans., a poem " Aurilius humilis árd . . . " from BM Harl. 1802 f. 5*. Another ed. of this poem, by O'C, was published by W. Reeves Proc. RIA 1st ser. V 47-50.—Notes on the apostles from LBr 180, with similar matter from Y B L col. 332, B B f. 14*, and BM Harl. 1802 f. 9 T , have been published by WS RC VIII 352 sqq, I X (1888) 364; and from Bodl. Laud 610 ff. 9",38, by K M ZCP VIII (1912) 107, X I I (1918) 397. "» — On pp. 221-36 LBr has an account of the true cross, its discovery, events at the crucifixion, etc. Part of this has been published, with German trans., by Gustav Schirmer Die Kreuzeslegenden im Leabhar Breac (St. Gallen 1886)."' — At p. 187 of LBr there is an account of the origin of All Saints' Day, the Irish Samain: it is published, with Germ, trans.,by EW IT II 215-6; and, from LBr and Maynooth MSS, by P. O'Neill and T . Roche Mil na mBeach (Dublin 1911) 57 sqq.

617. The Passions and the Homilies in Leabhar Breac A large portion of- Leabhar Breac is taken up with passions — accounts of the sufferings of Christ and the apostles and martyrs — and homilies, sermons. These seem to have been composed towards the end of our period: in the opinion of Tomás ó Máille, in the second half of the eleventh century. Cf. Ériu VI (1911) I. They are in Irish, but have passages in Latin, sometimes very extensive. As they are all based more or less closely on Latin texts received from the continent of Europe they are not sources of the first importance for Irish history, but have interest as witnesses to the kinds of Latin literature circulating in Ireland, to the ways in which that litera190 ID Leabhar Húi Maine ff. 115, 116 there are poems on the childhood of Jesus f 5 a ráiik-sea rucadk Muirt) and on the seventeeo wonders at his birth Inn-cidchi geini Christ catn: these have been published by K M ZCP V i n (191a) 561-3, V (1905) 24-5. Hogan, ibid, publishes from LBr 256 some notes on the creed, and from 357 instruction on the sacraments. M A poem on the mission of the apostles (ldail 6 rohairgidsom . . . brig anbfine cech idail, 24 quatrains) from RIA Stowe B. IV. 2 p. 140 and RIA 23 N 10 p. 90 is published by K M ZCP X I I I (1919) 15-6. *** In ZCP V H I (1912) 107 K M publishes two quatrains from T C D H. 3. 18 on the four woods in the cross.

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

740

tu re was assimilated and modified, and, in connection with both these aspects, to the Irish religious ideas of the time. These passions and homilies — with two exceptions noted below — have been published, with trans., by Robt. Atkinson, The passions and the homilies from Leabhar Breac ( R I A Todd Lect. Ser. II) (Dublin 1887) [cf. the criticisms and observations b y A d e J RC

I X (1888) 1 2 7 - 3 6 ; ' " H . G a i d o z RC X (1889) 4 6 3 - 7 0 ; W S Philol.

Soc.

Trans. 1890 pp. 203-4, reprinted, with additions, in Beiträge z. Kunde d. indogerm. Sprachen X V I (1890) 29-64]. The following is a list of these texts: P. 1 Passion of Christ's image; 4 history of Pope Sylvester [incomplete];*" 7 meeting of the monks Paphnutius and Onophrius [incomplete];"* 7 passion of Pope Marcellinus; 34 passion of Stephen, and finding of his body; 35 homily addressed to kings; 40 homily for Palm Sunday; 44 for Wednesday of the Betrayal; 45 on the fast of the Lord in the desert; 48 on the Lord's Supper; 52 for Pentecost; 56 on the circumcision of Christ; 59 on the Life of St. Martin [not published in PH, but by WS in RC I I 381-402, with trans.]; 66 on charity; 68 on alms; 72 on St. Michael and the orders of angels; 107 on the transfiguration; 107 on penance; 160 passion of Christ; 170 the descent of Christ into hell;" 7 172 passion of Peter and P a u l ; " * 175 of Bartholomew; 177 of James; 178 of Andrew; 179 of Philip; 181 of Longinus;"' 183 homily on the Macchabees; 187 passion of John the Baptist; 3 0 0 189 of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus; 190 of St. George; 194 homily on the manifestation to Thomas; 198 on the Epiphany; 201 a second on St. Michael; 243 on the Ten Commandments; 248 on the Lord's Prayer; 251 on death (the debate of body and soul); 258 on fasting; 278 passion of St. Christopher [not published in PH, but by J . Fräser from this and Liber Flavus Fergusiorum I f. 16 (68), in RC X X X I V (1913) 307-27, with trans.].

The L B r Lives of Patrick, Colum-cille and Brigit are in the form of homilies. have been noticed above, nos. 136, 215, 152.

618. The Voyage of the Üi Corra (Immram curaig hûa

They

COTTa)

Flaithbhrughaidh ceadach comramach . . . do Mo-Colm-oc mac Colmain i 11 Ar lain ], conid dc sin aspert in t-escop na blriatbra so:] Hua-Corro do Condachtuib . . . in clanna-sa hua-Corra. 16 II.

M S S : B k . F e r . f. 1 0 5 [cf. Proc. RIA A.D. 1 7 4 4 p p . 1 8 7 - 2 0 0 . — R I A

X I X pp. 158 sqq.

I r . M S ser. I pt. I ( 1 8 7 0 ) 4 4 - 5 ] . — R I A 23 M 50

2 3 N 1 5 A.D. 1 7 6 0 X 1 8 1 6 p p . i sqq. — R I A

ED: WS RC X I V (1893) 22-69 [with trans.].

23 C 19 5

TRANS: P. W.

He calls attention to the fact that the homilies on death, fasting, the Lord's Prayer, penance and the Lord's Supper are also in B N Fonds celtique 1 . î94 A poem on the legend of the curing of Constantine by Sylvester is in Fil. Oeng.l p. m v i , Fll. Oeng% 46. Another text on the same subject, from B M Harl. 5280 f. 2ÖV, is published by K M ZCP I I I (1900) 336-7. W There is another version of this and the following in B M Egerton g i f. 60; Bodl. Laud 6 1 0 f. 25: B N Fonds celt. 1 f. 1 1 2 * . 197 This and the preceding are based in part on the apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus. Another version of that Gospel is in Y B L 8 1 2 . A poem " Eiséirgi do éirigh D i a , " on the " Harrowing of Hell," is published by O. J . Bergin, Értu IV (1908) 1 1 2 - 9 , from B k . Fer. pp. 1 9 3 - 4 . 298 Also in B M Egerton 91 p. 14.

Imperfect versions in B M Eg. 9 1 f. 1 3 , and 136 p. 8s. 300 The same version is in Y B L 849, and another in B M E g . 91 p. 46.

Cf. pp. 751 iqq

infra.

LITERATURE

AND

CULTURE

741

Joyce Old Celtic romances 2nd ed. 1894; 3rd ed. 1907 pp. 400-26. COHM: O'C MS Mai. 289-94 — H Z Zs. f. deui. Alterthum X X X I I I (1889) 182-211. — C . S. Boswell An Irish precursor of Dante (London 1908) 157-62. T h e principal t e x t s which form the Christian " v o y a g e " literature of Ireland are the V o y a g e of Mael-duin (which is really a p a g a n legend g i v e n a slight C h r i s t i a n setting), the V o y a g e of B r e n d a n , 3 0 1 the V o y a g e of Snedgus and M a c R i a g l a , 3 0 2 a n d the V o y a g e of the tJi Corra.

This

last as we h a v e it is the latest of these romances, b u t the m a t t e r which enters into it is old, m u t h of it being used also in the V o y a g e of M a e l duin a n d the V o y a g e of Brendan.

Unlike the other compositions which

m a k e up the C h r i s t i a n v o y a g e a n d vision literature, it is not connected with a n y of the f a m o u s churches or saints. Conall derg na>manach (Kilnamanagh near Tallaght). T h e title is given in the list of tales in the twetfth-century L L : cf. O ' C MS Mai. 587. 106

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

742

(Halle 1869).— Albrecht Wagner Kisto Tnugdaii Lattinisch und altdeuisch (Erlangen 1882). Of the eds. of vernacular versions, see esp. V . H . Friedel and K M La vision de

Tondale

COHM:

(Tnudgal)

Textes

A . M u s s a f i a Sulla

franfais,

visione

di

anglo-normand Tundalo

et

(Sitzungsb.

irlandais d. k.

Akad.

(Paris

1907)."7

d.

Wissensch.

philos. hist. CI. L V I I ) (Vienna 1871). — Alessandro d'Ancona I Precursor-i di Dante (Florence 1874).— Emil Peters Die Vision des Tnugdalus, tin Beiirag z. Kulturgeschichtedes oj

Dante

MittelaJlers (London

( P r o g r a m m ) (Berlin 1895). — C . S . B o s w e l l An Irish

1908)

212-29. —

H . J . L a w l o r St.

Bernard

of

Clairvaux's

Precursor Life

of

St. Malachy of Armagh (London, New York 1920) notes passim. — St. John D . Seymour ZCP X I V (1923) 24, 182. — H . J. Lawlor " T h e biblical text in Tundal's Vision " Proc. RIA X X X V I (1924) 351-75. The Vision of Tundale (TnGthgal or Tntidgal) was written by a monk named Marcus according to some of the manuscripts at Ratisbon in southern Germany, where there was an Irish monastery. The historical data which the author provides indicate that the vision was seen in 1148 and that he wrote probably in 1149. He was evidently a Munster man, and a partisan of that ecclesiastical reform movement of which St. M a l a c h y , " * who died in 1148, was the leader. The theme was, no doubt, Irish. The story is another contribution to the Christian Irish vision literature, of which earlier examples were the Vision of Fursa and the Vision of AdamnAn.* 0 ' The setting also was Irish. Tundale, or Tnfidgal, was a soldier of Cashel who had served under Cormac Mac Carthaigh, king of Desmond (d. 1138). While on a visit to Cork he fell into a trance and was taken by an angel through the other world, where he saw, and in part experienced, the sufferings of the bad and the rewards of the good. T h e author anticipates Dante in making Tundale meet with many of his contemporaries and friends. Among those whom he encountered were St. Patrick, St. Ruadin, 1 1 0 St. Malachy, King Cormac, Donnchad, brother of Cormac (d. 1144), Conchobar Oa Briain, king of Munster (d. 1142), Celestine, or Cellach, archbishop of Armagh (d. 1129), 311 Christian t)a Morgair, bishop of Clogher and Louth (d. 1138), and Nehemiah Oa Moriertach, bishop of CWain-uama (Cloyne), who according to this text died in ii48. 3 1 i The eschatology of the piece resembles that of the first Vision of Adamnin, and there are many evidences of the influence of that apocryphal literature which was translated into Irish quite extensively in the eleventh century. But, apart from this, the description of the other world does not contain much that is peculiarly Irish. It is, in the main, an elaborate, but crude, compilation of cosmopolitan horrors. With the exception of the Voyage of St. Brendan 513 — to which, as a literary production, it is far inferior — the Vision of Tundale became the most widely popular of all the stories of mediaeval Ireland. It spread out over Europe from Ratisbon, and was translated into German, French, Italian, Anglo-Norman, Middle English, and Norse. Finally in the second decade of the sixteenth century Muirges mac Paidin ui MaoilChonaire, compiler of the Book of Fenagh, 3 " translated the tale into the language in which, it is pretended, Tundale originally told it to the monk M a r c u s . 3 " For other vernacular eds. see Potthast's Wtgvjeiser. >M CJ. no. 652. 3 " C/. pp. 765-6 infra. ' ® C / . nos. 296, 226. >io C/. no. 184. »»FMiuo. 313 Cf. pp. 414-7 supra. 3 U P. 401 supra. 1 1 5 Found in T C D 1337 (H. 3. 18) pp. 771-6, 792-809.

307

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

743

620. Story of Mfiel-Suthain tia Cerbhaill 10'C] Triar foglainntig tainicudar . . . in Innis Faithlenn isin eclais fos.

MS: RIA Liber Flavus Fergusiorum pt. i f. n . — B N Fonds celt, i f. 44". EDS: O'C MS Mat. 76-9, 529-31 [text, trans.; reprint in LHl 249-50], — J. Vendryes RC X X X V (1914) 203-11 [with Fr. trans.]. One of the objects to which the Irish story-teller turned his narrative of intercourse with the world beyond the grave was the exaltation of his favorite prayer. So we have supernatural testimony to the spiritual value of the Beati psalm and the hymn Hymnum

dicai.'1'

T h e p r e s e n t t a l e witnesses t o t h e i m p o r t a n c e of t h e Alius

Prosaior

hymn of Colum-cille." 7 It is attached to the figure of M&el-Suthain da Cerbhaill (d. ioio), who is identified with the anmchara or confessor to Brian bdroimhe.3"

621. Description of the two deaths Is c[oir] a fhis . . . thogus Dia neoch.

MS: Liber Flavus Fergusiorum I f. 25.

ED: Carl Marstrander ¿riu V 120-5.

It is a story of a holy monk who sees a vision of the death of the just man and of the wicked. In substance and style it resembles the homilies of Leabhar Breac. " The language gives evidence of considerable age."

622. Story of two young clerical students Dias macclerech batar . . . as dcch til ann.

MSS: LL 278. — Bodl. Rawl. B 512 f. 140*. — Bk. Lis. f. 43. ED: Lis. Lives pp. x-xii [with trans.]. The familiar theme of the compact by which the first who dies is to return with tidings from the other world. It is here used to exalt the merits of the recitation of the Beati

psalm.'"

623. Story of four young clerical students Cethrur macclerech. . . .

MS: LL 281.

ED: K M Gaelic Journal V (1894) 64, 79-80 [with trans.].

A story of four young clerics who went on a pilgrimage to Rome. 116

CJ. pp. 451, 419 supra.

117

Cf. no. gj (i).

Cf. no. 144. — In ZCP V (1905) 498 K M publishes from Bodl. Laud 6 1 0 f. 9 1 * a poem attributed to Miel-Suthain ua Cerbhaill: Cóictach, descipul, foglaintid . . . filed, fian for eòe [9 quatrains; the xoth, giving the author's name, ends:] bas certu a t i eòe. This gives lists of seven grades or divisions of various ecclesiastical and secular matters, but is more a secular than a religious text. "» Cf. no. 233. 118

744

LITERATURE AND CULTURE

624. Foscél ar Bannscail—Story

of the temptation of a confessor

Araile sruith noemda bòi. . . . M S S : L B r 242. — B o d l . R a w l . B 512 f. 140". — B M Egerton 92 f. 27. — B N F o n d s celtique 1 f. 28 T .

ED: H . G a i d o z KpvrriSia

I V (Heilbronn 1888) 262-81 [with F r .

trans.]. One of several stories, mostly incorporated into the vitae sanctorum, of the temptation of saints b y amorous women.

A s stated on p . 732 supra with regard to devotional pieces, m a n y other minor religious compositions have been passed over here without individual notice. — Consideration of a certain number of Irish poems on secular subjects, b u t written b y ecclesiastics or given an ecclesiastical setting, has been postponed in order that t h e y m a y be described in association with the purely secular p o e t r y to which t h e y are closely related.

Some

of these, such as " T h e monk and his pet c a t , " " T h e black-bird's song," " T h e hermit's s o n g , " throw an interesting and pleasing light on the ancient monastic life.

CHAPTER THE REFORM

MOVEMENT

VIII

OF T H E T W E L F T H

CENTURY

In the year 909 William, Duke of Aquitaine, founded the monastery of Cluny, in Burgundy, about fifteen miles north-west of Macon. It was designed to be an innovation in continental monasticism at a time when European religious life was in the ebb. The success of the project was extraordinary: Cluny itself became the most famous of abbeys, while by the twelfth century more than three hundred religious houses, scattered over Europe, were subject to its rule. On a principle well known to Irish monasticism but hitherto rejected by Benedictine, all these formed one congregation under the supreme dominion of the abbot of Cluny. The promotion of Cluniac ideals was almost equally successful, and the Cluniac reform movement became one of the greatest forces operating in western Europe in the eleventh century. Its influence extended far beyond the limits of the cloisters of the congregation, and when Lanfranc, first archbishop of Canterbury appointed after the Norman conquest of England, reorganised the English Church according to continental models, and his successor, St. Anselm, opposed William Rufus on the investiture question, they were merely applying the principles that Cluny had been teaching for nearly two hundred years. Finally, at the end of the eleventh and in the first half of the twelfth century, the ripples from the pebble that William of Aquitaine had dropped in Burgundy in 909 were lapping on the shores of Ireland. The Cluniac movement, while having as its object the advancement of morality and devotion, was more directly practical than perhaps the majority of similar religious movements in the middle ages, including some which may be said to have derived from it their origin. It sought its ends by increasing the efficiency of the ecclesiastical body, both secular and regular. Education, independence, organisation, discipline constituted its prescription for the ills which afflicted the Church in the dark days of the tenth century. In particular, the Cluniac reformers are remembered for the struggle they inaugurated to free 745

746

TWELFTH-CENTURY

REFORM

the clergy from the control, or even the influence, of secular society. One line of this struggle was against the marriage — the reformers called it concubinage — of the clergy. Another was against the absorption of the Church into the feudal system. From centuries of donations by the faithful to churches and monasteries it had resulted that abbots and bishops were holders of vast estates. With the evolution of feudalism it was natural that nobles and kings should claim and exercise similar rights over these as over other landed property, the right of investing the new incumbent and of exacting from him homage and service. From the right of investiture sprang inevitably the claim of appointment and from this the practice of using such appointments as gifts or rewards to relatives, favorites, partisans, servitors or, frequently, those who would pay the highest cash price, with little or no regard to the moral and ecclesiastical qualifications of the nominees. The cleansing of the Augaean stables which such conditions produced was a task that even Cluny, boldly though she undertook it, could scarcely accomplish. Ireland in the eleventh century must have presented to the eyes of a continental reformer a spectacle far worse than that of countries with which he was more familiar. Actually, there was a fundamental unity in the life of western Christendom, and religious conditions in Ireland in the eleventh century, on the eve of reform, did not differ very essentially from those of the Continent in the tenth. But the external forms and circumstances were different, and to those inspired by the Cluniac ideals of organisation, uniformity and discipline — such men as Lanfranc, St. Anselm and St. Bernard — these strange external forms were among the worst evidences of depravity. It must be remembered that what we call the Cluniac movement, like other similar developments in history, accomplished what it did because it found everywhere large numbers in a frame of mind prepared to act on its suggestions. So it was in Ireland. Inspiration, advice, example may have come from abroad, but the driving force which effected the ecclesiastical revolution of the twelfth century came from within the Irish Church. These Irish reformers had three tasks before them, the relative importance of which doubtless seemed different to different persons: the first was to bring the organisation and external form of the Church into uniformity with that of the Continent; the second was to abolish the abuses — evils from both the Irish and the foreign point of view — which had grown up; and the third was to improve the morality and spirituality of the people.

TWELFTH-CENTURY

REFORM

747

From at least the end of the sixth to the end of the eleventh century the most outstanding distinction between the Church in continental Europe and the Church in Ireland was, as has already been set forth, that the first was diocesan in organisation and episcopal in administration, the second monastic in organisation and abbatial in administration. There were, consequently, no archbishops in Ireland, and no primate, although the comarba of Patrick at Armagh exercised some jurisdiction over the whole island, based on the belief that the entire people owed their conversion from paganism to Patrick. Of the distinctive liturgy of the Irish Church and its gradual disappearance before that of Rome notice has been taken in the preceding chapter: it is evident from statements by Gilla-espuic of Limerick 1 and from other allusions that the old peculiarities still lingered to a greater or less degree in various local churches. T h e general evil afflicting the Church in Ireland, as elsewhere, was laicisation, the absorption of the ecclesiastical by the worldly. In Ireland it took the form of decay of the monastic churches until they became, under their monastic form, largely secular institutions. T h e marriage of ecclesiastics, both clergy and lay monks, and the attraction of the church property, were secularising forces at work in Ireland as on the Continent. Of the earlier stages of decline some notice has been given in connection with the reform movement of the eighth century. 2 There can be no doubt that this decline was greatly accentuated by the attacks of the Northmen in the following two hundred years. B y the eleventh century it would seem that in the average church the abbot, generally known as the comarba, " heir," of the saintly founder, or, if it were not the saint's principal establishment, the aircinnech, " head," had become a lay lord, whose family held the office and the church property from generation to generation; the monk, tnanach, had become a tenant of church-lands under the aircinnech; and the student, scolâg,3 had become a farm laborer. In some cases, apparently, all trace of a church-establishment had disappeared, except that the incumbent claimed for his lands, the termonn of the ancient monastery, those privileges and exemptions which had from of old been accorded to ecclesiastical property; but generally the comarba or aircinnech maintained a priest, and, in the more important churches, one or more bishops and several priests, to administer the sacraments and perform other sacerdotal duties. The larger churches were still extensive ecclesiastical institutions, with a numerous clergy, a school 1 1

Cf. no. 651. * Cf. pp. 468 sqq supra. Cf. Sitsungsb. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wissauch. philos.-hist. CI. 1914 pp. 044-5.

748

TWELFTH-CENTURY REFORM

presided over by a fer légind with his assistants and scribes, hospitals, sometimes attended by Céli Dê, who likewise had been secularised, and especially a hermitage or disert, where " pilgrims," deôraid, from other districts or churches lived in seclusion and maintained the ancient traditions of piety and asceticism. Moreover, these lay incumbents of the abbatial office seem to have been for the most part men of religion and learning who worked conscientiously for the good of the Church. But the exceptions must have been many and serious, and the whole situation, in which at least the greater part of the revenues and the greater part of the administrative power of the Church were in the hands of laymen who transmitted their positions by hereditary succession — of the Irish type — while the clergy were practically their hired servants, was obviously anomalous when not positively evil. The laïcisation of abbacies in Ireland and the feudalisation of bishoprics and abbacies in Europe had the same origin, the wish of the local ruling families to obtain and retain control of the rich property of the churches, and their manipulation of law and custom to effect that end. T h e established rule of succession to an Irish abbacy was that the abbot should be selected from the kindred of the founder; if they could not provide a qualified person, the selection was to be made from the kindred of the secular king or prince who had granted the land on which the monastery was built; next from among the monks of the church; and then in order from various other classes which were duly specified. But in practice the local ruling family usually got, sooner or later, complete control of the office and, by a lax interpretation of the qualifications required, converted it into their permanent possession. Another source of trouble for the Irish churches was the attempt of the kings to exact from them dues and services similar to those imposed on other property-holders, just as in continental Europe difficulties arose over the feudal obligations which it was sought to impose on church lands. From the time of our earliest sources we find the churchmen claiming exemption from such impositions, and, it would seem, having a guarantee of " freedom " attached to all grants of land made to them. But in the tenth and eleventh centuries the secular powers became increasingly insistent on these claims, particularly that of coitidmed — what English writers of a later age called " coigny " — the free billetting of troops and retainers for a certain period of time. In resistance to this " abuse " clerics and lay incumbents, reformers and anti-reformers alike were united. Foreign critics of the Irish, then and subsequently, have had much to say as to the immorality into which the people had sunk. The

TWELFTH-CENTURY

REFORM

749

chief specific charge w a s of looseness in sexual relations and disregard of the Christian law of m a t r i m o n y ;

and the Brehon law tracts offer

apparent testimony as to the justice of the indictment from the Christian point of view.

B u t whether conditions as a whole were really worse

than those of earlier times which h a v e been described as the golden age of saints and scholars, or even than those of other countries of E u r o p e , is undetermined.

T o estimate the morality of a people, either positively

or relatively, without extensive and t r u s t w o r t h y records, is impossible. T h a t religious sentiment, of a kind, w a s deeply planted in the Irish people is indicated b y the story of the panic of the y e a r 1096, an event that m a y , perhaps, be regarded as inaugurating the twelfth-century revival. In the ecclesiastical revolution which was effected in this century the decisive m o v e m e n t was that of the hitherto dependent bishops, w h o , under foreign inspiration and that of certain of their own number w h o held diocesan administrative powers in the Danish towns of

Dublin,

W e x f o r d , W a t e r f o r d and Limerick, m e t together, organised, and assumed executive power in disregard or defiance of the comarbai. dioceses

and

archiépiscopal

provinces,

selected

T h e y set up

cathedral

churches,

established diocesan chapters, and founded new monasteries occupied b y branches of foreign religious orders. comarba or aircinnech

Of the local a d j u s t m e n t s with

we k n o w b u t little: p r o b a b l y the reform obtained

important support here b y winning several of the new dynastic families who in this era of civil as well as ecclesiastical revolution were rising into prominence. Comarbai and aircintiig, however, retained their lands and persisted till the seventeenth century, forming, under the

designa-

tions " corbes " and " e r e n a g h s , " problems for English l a w y e r s historians.

By

and

customs doubtless dating from the arrangements of

the t w e l f t h century t h e y rendered fixed contributions and services to the dioceses and parishes.

I. THE " BROOM OUT OF FANAD " Bibliography O'C MS Mai. 399-430, and appendices. — R. A. S. Macalister " Temair Breg: a study of the remains and traditions of Tara 5. The Voice of F41 " Proc. RJA X X X I V (1919) C 344-61. — Kate Muller-Lisowski " Texte zur Mog Ruith Sage " ZCP XIV (1923) 145-^3S t u d e n t s of mediaeval history are familiar w i t h the " legend of the year 1000," the modern historians' m y t h of a panic which seized the

75°

TWELFTH-CENTURY REFORM

people of Europe as the year A . D . IOOO approached, drove them in vastly increased numbers on pilgrimage to the holy places of Palestine, and thereby had as an ultimate result the Crusades and all that followed in their wake. Like those of other European countries, the Irish records know of no peculiar alarm produced by the year iooo, but they have much to say about a panic of the year 1096. The Annals of Ulster read: " Great fear upon the men of Ireland before the feast of John of this year, until God spared [them] through the fastings of the comarba of Patrick and of the clergy of Ireland besides." The Annals of the Four Masters give more details: " The festival of John fell on Friday this year; the men of Ireland were seized with great fear, and the counsel taken by the clergy of Ireland, with the comarba of St. Patrick at their head, in order to save them from the mortality which had been predicted to them from a remote period, was to command all in general to observe a three days total fast, from Wednesday to Sunday, every month, and an [ordinary?] fast every day till the end of a year, except on Sundays and great festivals; and they also gave alms and many offerings to God, and many lands were granted to churches and the clergy by kings and princes. And so the men of Ireland were saved for that time from the fire of vengeance." The Annals of Clonmacnois add to the measures taken by the clergy " they also appointed certain prayers to be dayly said."

Obviously there can have been no occasion for such extraordinary alarm in the fact that in 1096 the feast of the decollation of John the Baptist, August 29, fell on a Friday. The production known as the Second Vision of Adamnan 4 informs us that the time of danger was when this occurred in a bissextile {i.e., leap) and embolismal (i.e., having an extra lunar month) year at the end of a cycle. The first two of these conditions were fulfilled in 1096, but as it was the fourteenth of the then universally used nineteen-year cycle the conjunction of the third is not so evident. Moreover, there seem to have been rival prognostications in which different chronological coincidences were given as the marks of the fatal year. But, no doubt, in 1096 men's nerves had been unstrung by a great epidemic which had raged from the first of the preceding August to the beginning of May. 5 Various names were given to this threatened visitation of death: " t h e fiery d r a g o n " ; the Roth Ramach, "paddle-wheel" or "rowing w h e e l " ; the Sciiap a Fdnait, " B r o o m from Fanad," i.e., from the north, for Fanad was a district on the northern coast, in the present Donegal. They were to come " in vengeance for the killing of John," 6 * No. 627. 6 See the annals. Those of Clonmacnois, which show pseudo-rationalistic editing, make no mention of the panic but represent the special religious measures as designed to stay the plague, • C/. Fti. Oeng., notes to Aug. 29.

TWELFTH-CENTURY

REFORM

751

and there is a whole cycle of stories which explain why this vengeance was to fall with peculiar force on Ireland. After the crucifixion of Christ the greatest horror in human history, to the mediaeval Irish mind, was the decapitation of John the Baptist. But whereas the Irish had no more than the common human responsibility for the former — and perhaps not even that, for legend said that their pagan king, Conchobar mac Nessa, had died in a fit of righteous indignation on receiving knowledge of the crucifixion — they did carry a special national guilt in connection with the second named event, for it was an Irish druid, Mog Ruith, who actually executed the sentence on the Baptist. Mog Ruith had the further culpability of being the chief assistant of Simon Magus in his contest with the apostles. 7 Evidently, as Macalister has indicated, we have here the remains of ancient pagan cult and myth, only half understood, or completely misunderstood, by Christians of the tenth and eleventh centuries, but adapted by them to the purposes of the apocalyptic and eschatological literature then in such vogue. Names of the form Mog Ruith, literally " Slave of Wheel," are pagan in significance: the second term is the name of a god or of something partaking of divinity. An ogam inscription at Drumloghan in Waterford, 8 and perhaps another at Lamogue in Kilkenny, 9 give, as the name of an eponymous and, doubtless, divine ancestor, " Rottais " (in a peculiar genitive form). The people represented were probably the Roithrige or Rothraige, a branch, it would seem, of the Dfei: 1 0 later notices represented them as sprung from Mog Roith 1 1 — which was to substitute the priest for the god. This primitive name Roll- is identical, so far as form goes, with the Irish word for " wheel." The interpretation proffered by Macalister for these particular echoes of heathenism is at least ingenious: The Roth, " wheel," or Roth Ramach, " paddle-wheel," was the bull-roarer,— in Ireland, on this hypothesis, as among certain other peoples a sacred instrument used at secret religious services — and Mog Ruith was the priest who used it. Precept and myth told of the calamities that would befall if the taboos connected with the sacred " wheel " were violated. Fragments of this lore it was that writers of the tenth century turned into Christian apocrypha and prophecy. T There may have been some connection between this invention and that of the seventh-century controversialists who declared that the Irish tonsure was the tonsure of Simon M a g u s . » No. 318 in Macalister's Studies in Irish epifrapky. • Cf. Proc. RIA X X X I V C 345. 1 1 Hogan Ommasticon 10 Ibid. X X I X C 74. Coedtiicum s. r.

TWELFTH-CENTURY REFORM

752

B e t h i s a s i t m a y , i t s e e m s c e r t a i n t h a t in t h e y e a r 1096 t h e a p o c a l y p t i c a n d s i m i l a r t e n d e n c i e s of e c c l e s i a s t i c a l t h o u g h t , n o t i c e d in t h e p r e c e d ing chapter, w h i c h h a d been d e v e l o p i n g for t w o centuries or so, secured for a time complete domination over the whole population.

From

r e c o r d s it m a y b e i n f e r r e d t h a t t h e r e s u l t w a s a n i n c r e a s e of

the

popular

p i e t y a n d of t h e i n f l u e n c e of t h e c l e r g y .

Certain secular texts, the general examination of which must be reserved for Part II of the present work, are in part involved in the aggregation of legends here being considered: (i) The genealogies: cj. ZCP V I I I 332, 334, X I V 162-3; Proc. RIA X X X I V C 349. (ii) The Dindsenchas ftrenn, " Antiquities of Ireland " : sections on Tlachtga: RC X V I 61; ZCP X I V 158-61; E . Gwynn The metrical Dindsenchas IV (RIA Todd Lecture Ser. X I ) (Dublin 1924) 186-91; and on Crotta Cliach: O'C MS Mat. 426-8, 632-4 (includes a metrical prophecy ascribed to Moling, beginning: A De mair — ] ; RC X V 440. (iii) Immacallam in dd Thuarad, " Colloquy of the Two Sages " : RC X X V I 47. Of these, the first two contain early matter related to the legend of Mog Ruith, the third an allusion which a gloss explains by reference to the Roth Ramach." (iv) Forbhuis Droma-Damkgaire: O'C M&C II 279-83 [extract];—professes to tell how Mog Ruith acquired the territory of Fir-Muige (Fermoy). Of the texts already noticed the Life of Adamnin (no. 224) has a brief statement that Adamnin foretold a calamity following St. John's day, supposed to have been fulfilled in his own death; while one of Colum-cille's prophecies (no. 220 xliv) and the Baile Moling (no. 251 iii) give accounts of the threatened disaster in considerable detail.

625. Imtheachta

Moighi Ruith: Adventures of Mog Ruith

Cacht ingen Catmaind do Breathnaib . . . oc forbus Droma Damgaire.

M S S : B B 265. — Y B L [with Germ, trans.].

190.

ED: K a t e Muller-Lisowski ZCP

X I V (1923) 154-6

This text tells of Mog Ruith's training under Scithach and Simon Magus.

626. Poems on the death of John the Baptist (i) [Macltinson] Apsalon baile in righ . . . Fa'n cenn toir an Apsolon. uli . . . do tsil Adhaim is da chland. 43 quatrains.

6 quatrains,

(ii) C l a i n a Israit

(i) M S S : L e a b h a r Ci M i i n e f. 152".— Edinburgh Nat. Lib. Scot. Gaelic I pp. 14-5 [has version in prose, with the poem added in an abbreviated form], ED: Mackinnon Celtic Review V I I I (Oct. 1912) 168-70; Descriptive catalogue of Gaelic manuscripts in Scotland (Edinburg 1912) 76-7. [the Edinburgh verse, with trans.]. C/. Proc. RIA X X X I V C 352. (ii) M S : Lcabhar Hui M i m e f. 123. ED: A. M . Scarre triu IV (1910) 173-81 [with trans.]. 12

144;

Mention is made of Mog Ruith in a twelfth-century poem by Gilla-in-Choimded ua Cormaic: L L X I V 157.

ZCP

TWELFTH-CENTURY

753

REFORM

These two poems are based on the passion of St. John the Baptist as given in Leabhar Breac,' 3 but the second has other apocryphal matter, and both relate that the headsman was the Irish M o g Ruith. T h e second is attributed, quite impossibly, to Flann FIna mac Ossu, i.e., Aldfrid, king of Northumbria, who died in 705.

627. The Second Vision of Adamnán (Jisio quam uidit Adamnanus. . . . Uae, uae, uae uiris Hiberaiae. . . .

M S : L B r 258-9. — Liber Flavus Fergusiorum vol. I I pt. ii f. 10. — T C D H . 2. 15 pt. ii p. 59. ED: W S RC X I I (1891) 420-42 [with trans.]. COMM: O ' C MS Mat. 424-5. — LH5 I pp. xxi-xxvi. T h e document known as the Second Vision of Adamnán 11 professes to be a prophetic vision seen by that saint, but in reality was, it would seem, composed in connection with the alarm of 1096. I t warns against the chronological peculiarities which made that year portentous, describes the sins of the people, and sets forth the conditions of penance, good works and prayers b y which the threatened calamity might be averted. Bernard has shown that the order of devotions here prescribed resembles very closely a liturgical office in the Book of Mulling. 1 1

II. THE

CHURCH OF C E N A N N A S TWELFTH

(KELLS)

IN THE E L E V E N T H

AND

CENTURIES

Bibliography O ' D " T h e Irish Charters in the Book of Kells " Miscellany I A S (Dublin 1846) 127-58 [gives text, trans., and commentary]. It has been noticed already

16

t h a t a t t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e

ninth

c e n t u r y t h e h e a d q u a r t e r s of t h e C o l u m b a n c o m m u n i t y w e r e t r a n s f e r r e d f r o m I o n a t o I r e l a n d a n d e s t a b l i s h e d in a n e w c h u r c h b u i l t a t

Cenannas

( K e l l s , in M e a t h ) b e t w e e n 804 a n d 8 1 4 .

remained

T h i s seems to h a v e

t h e m e t r o p o l i s of t h e C o l u m b a n m o n a s t e r i e s in I r e l a n d u n t i l s o m e in t h e t w e l f t h c e n t u r y , w h e n t h a t p o s i t i o n w a s t a k e n b y D o i r e

time

(Derry).

T o t h e c h u r c h of K e l l s b e l o n g e d t h e c e l e b r a t e d e v a n g e l i a r i u m k n o w n a s t h e B o o k of K e l l s .

O n blank spaces

17

in t h i s c o d e x t h e r e w a s c o p i e d ,

f o r s a f e - k e e p i n g , a s e r i e s of r e c o r d s r e g a r d i n g t h e p r o p e r t y of t h e c h u r c h w h i c h a r e u s u a l l y d e s i g n a t e d t h e C h a r t e r s of t h e B o o k o f K e l l s .

The

e n t r i e s w e r e a l l m a d e a t t h e s a m e t i m e — t h e s e c o n d h a l f of t h e t w e l f t h c e n t u r y , O ' D o n o v a n t h o u g h t — b u t i t is e v i d e n t t h a t t h e o r i g i n a l d o c u « Cf. no. 617. Cf. p. 7°3 '"Pra-

M

For the first vision cf. no. 226.

>« Cf. p. 445 supra.

17

Ff. 6, 7, 27.

754

TWELFTH-CENTURY

REFORM

ments were drawn up at dates separated by considerable intervals. T h e y are the chief records of this kind which have been preserved from the old Irish churches, though it can be inferred from many allusions in the acta sanctorum and other sources that similar registrations were made quite frequently. From these documents considerable information can be drawn as to the organisation and polity of one of the principal of the monastic churches at the time of the decline of the old monastic order and the rise of the new episcopal and diocesan system.

628. Charter No. IV A.D. 1033 x 1049 D o saire cille delga inso.

Fechtas tanic Conchobor . . .

is brathair hé do colum cille.

EDS: O ' D op. cil. 136-41. — Foes. Nal. MSS. Ire. I I (1878) pi. lx [facs., letterpress, trans.]. This is a record of the grant of a church to the Columban community, and of its exemption from secular dues. The circumstances leading to the grant are first related: Conchobar Úa Máel-Shechlaind (of whom we hear in the annals from 1033 to his death in 1073; he is the first king of the Southern Úi Néill, or of the central province of Mide, or Meath, to be designated by the chroniclers " king of Tara," that title having signified hitherto the árd ri of all Ireland) held a conference with a man who evidently had been his enemy, an otherwise unknown " Gilla-Coloim, grandson of Aed." This one was associated in some way with Cenannas — probably he had been fostered, or at least educated, there — and the meeting was held under the protection of the comarba of Columba, Máel-Muire Úa hUchtain (who held the office at least from 1025 to his death in 1040), 18 but Conchobor violated the guarantee, carried off the unfortunate Gilla-Coloim " from the altar of Colum-cille," and put out his eyes. In atonement for the outrage a grant was made of Cell Delga (now Kildalkey), a church about ten miles south of Kells. The character of the grant is briefly stated: " with its territory and lands " {co na chrich 7 co na ferund), " to God and to Colum-cille forever "

{do dia 7 do colum cille co broth: this type of formula continually recurs), " without tax, without tribute, without military service in battle or hosting, without billeting "

(cen cis cen chobach cen fecht cen [sh]luaged cen choinnim) " to king or prince " (rig na toisig). Next follows a list of the " sureties and guarantees " (commairche, sldna) for the observation of these conditions: of the clergy, Amalgaid comarba of Patrick " (his term was from 1020 to 1049) with the " Staff of Jesus " (bachall Isu); the comarba of Finnian [of Clúain-Iráird] (probably Cellach Úa Cleircein, who died in 1043 after succeeding, it would seem, in 1019, or Fer-domnach Úa Innascaidh, 1043-1048); and the comarba of Ciarán [of Clúain-maccu-Nóis] (probably Loingsech Úa Flaithen, 10301042, or Echtigern Úa hAghrain, 1042-1052) with his minna; and, of the laity, the kings Cf. Reeves Ad. 398-9. He was a married man who received and transmitted his position by hereditary succession, and may not have been in holy orders. T h e term " clergy " was used in a wide sense as applying to all connected officially with the Church. 18

19

TWELFTH-CENTURY REFORM

7SS

of four local tuatha in Mide, Oengus t?a Cainelbain 10 (O'Quinlan), king of Telach-4rdd (the name is represented by Tullyard, two miles north-east of Trim, but the principality approximately by the baronies of Upper and Lower Navan, extending south and southeast of Kells); Mdel-Isu Mac Coirthen, king of Telach-cail (location not known); Gilla-Griguir tja Dummaig, king of Mag-Lac ha (the name is preserved in Moylagh, in the barony of Fore, west of Kells); Laidgnen Mac Maelan, king of TGath Luigne (the barony of Lune, south-west of Kells, but the ancient territory was of greater extent); and Queen Mor, granddaughter of Conchobar." Thus the sureties were the heads of the chief church of Ireland and the two principal older churches of the midlands, and the rulers of the small states around Cenannas. Their guarantees were given " in the presence of the men of Mide, both laity and clergy " (i.e., doubtless, at a ddl, or assembly), and the whole matter was confirmed by all present giving their blessing to every king that should respect the exemptions granted, and their curse to any king by whom they should be violated. The document is thus a record of the most solemn kind of agreement known to Irish usage. The date must lie between 1033 and 1049.

629. Charter No. II A.D. 1073 x

I0

^4

Ro edpair ri Terahrach . . . ocus dia chraidbechaib.

E D S : O ' D op. cit. 130-3. — Facs. Nat. MSS.

Ire. I I p. I k .

Record of a grant made by the king of Tara, Miel-Sechnaill, son of Conchobar Oa Miil-Sechnaill, " and by the community of Kells, of the Disart of Colum-rille at Kells, to "pilgrims" (deirauT)." The comarba of Colum-cille was Domnall M a c 1 4 Robartaig, who ruled from 1062 to 1098, and for whom the cumdach of the Cathach of Colum-cille was made." Among the securities and witnesses were Donnchad son of Art tJa Ruairc, king of Connacht,who was killed in 1084, and Donnchad mac Carthaich, king of Cashel, who fell in 1093. The date of the grant would thus be between 1073 and 1 0 8 4 . "

630. Charter No. M c A.D. 1092 Ferand do rtiagell . . . iar na luaigh.

E D S : O'D op. cit. 132-7. — Facs. Nat. MSS.

Ire. I I pis. lix-lx.

Record of the purchase of land by the priest of Cenannas and his kinsmen. The boundaries are described, and a long list of the sureties given, among them " the four 10 He died in 1085, and the last preceding king of whom we hear in 1033 (AU). He was head of the Ci Loeghaire, the senior, but not the dominant, branch of the southern Ci Nlill. They were the descendants of Loeguire, king of Ireland in Patrick's time. si This cannot be the same man as the Conchobar who was making the grant. His granddaughter would hardly be accepted as a surety for him, even if such an one could have been of sufficient age at this time. 1 1 t., son of the king of the preceding document. He reigned, it would seem, from 1073 to 10S7 (AU). •» Cf. pp. 488, 748 supra. u Elsewhere also " 0 a . " u Cf. p. 629 supra. * At the end of the " charter " is a request for a prayer for the scribe, Mac Maras trig. This may be the " Mac Mania of Cairbre," whose death is recorded by AU in 1098.

756

TWELFTH-CENTURY

strangers from the four cardinal points." 1094"

REFORM

The date seems to have been shortly before

6 3 1 . C h a r t e r N o . V I I A.D. 1 1 1 4 X 1 1 1 7

(?)

DorogiU gilla crist m a c manchan . . . dfaon leitb aile.

EDS: O'D op. cit. 146-9. — Facs. Nat. MSS. Ire. I I pi. Lei. This is a record of a purchase of land for the community of Cenannas. The probability is that it dates from the rule of M4el-Brigte Mac Roniin, who was comarba f om 1 1 1 4 to 1 1 1 7 . "

6 3 2 . C h a r t e r N o . V A.D. 1 1 2 8 X 1 1 3 8

(?)

L a n d ro chennaig . . .

EDS: O'D op. cit. 140-1. — Facs. Nat. MSS. Ire. I I (1878) pi. be. This document, partly illegible, is a record of a purchase of property. It contains the names and dignities of several of the officials of Cenannas, in the first half of the twelfth century, perhaps c 1128 x 1 1 3 8 . "

6 3 3 . C h a r t e r N o . I A.D. M u i n t e r cennansa erraid

i.

1128X1140

L u i g n e connacht.

EDS: O'D op. cit. 128-9. — Facs. Nat. MSS. Ire. I I p. xliv n. A grant by the community of Cenannas of two townlands (baile) in Luigne to the Disert of Cenannas for the support of " pilgrims."

6 3 4 . C h a r t e r N o . V I A.D. Sochur arda brecan . . .

1157X1166

do cach midiuch ar chena.

EDS: O'D op. cit. 142-7. — Facs. Nat. MSS. Ire. I I pi. lxi. The Oi Loeghaire 30 claimed the right of one night's billeting (coinnmed) every quarter of a year from the church of Ard-Breciin." Muirchertach t)a Lochlaind, king of Ireland (about 1157-1166) and Diarmait Ca M4il-Sechlainn, king of Meath (1157-1169) induced Aed, son of C;itur Deo et hominibus . . . R e x regum, et Dominus dominancium, c. est V, . h., et i , in sempiternum. Amen. [Translation and canonisation:) Igitur cum per annos quinque . . . fuere presentata [includes the letter of Pope Honorius authorising the canonisation], [Epilogue to the miracles:] Hue usque miracula . . . perstringenda sunt. [Miracles:] F u i t autem apud Blangeium . . . ueritas iunita est.

(i. Panegyric by Jean Halgrin, or Jean d'Abbeville " ) : MSS: BN 14364 s X I I I . — Rouen Bibl. municipale A 575 ff. 288-92 [extracts]. ED: The Bollandists Catal. codd. hagiogr. lot. Bibl. not. I l l 236-48. (ii. Life by a canon of Eu): MS: Paris Bibl. Ste.Geneviève 1833 s X V I I I pp. 205 sqq [copied from a MS of Eu, since lost], (iii. New ed. of preceding, by another canon of Eu): MSS: Cod. K ff. n 6 v — 24. — TCD 175 (E. 3. 11) ff. 92V sqq. — Brussels Bibl. roy. 8943 ff. 2-26 v ; 11987 ff. 167-74. EDS. Surius Vitae SS. 14 Nov. VII 310-24, 2nd ed. 331. — Messingham Florilcgium (1624) 379-89. — Chas. Plummer An. Boll. X X X I I I ii (1914) 121-82. (iv) MSS: Bodl. Rawl. B 485 f. 124"; B. 503 f. 207". — For other MSS of the miracles see Plummer's ed. and Legris, op. cit. infra 133 sqq\ also Cod. S. f. 167. COMM: O'Hanlon The Life of St. Laurence O'Toole, archbishop of Dublin (Dublin 1877). — A. Legris Saint Laurent O'Toole (Saint Laurent d'Eu) Archevêque de Dublin (Rouen, Eu 1914) [valuable]. " P . 766. M Bishop of Besançon from 1 2 2 5 to his death in 1 2 3 7 .

TWELFTH-CENTURY

REFORM

771

Lorcan tJa Tuathail, best known of the men on whom fell the task, after the success of the ecclesiastical revolution, of making the new religious machinery work effectively, was the son of the head of one of the principal families of northern Leinster, at this time rulers of the southern part of what is now Kildare. He was born about 1128, and for a time as a child was a hostage with Diarmait Mac Murchadha. About 1140 he was placed in the monastery of Glenn-dà-locha, and about 1 1 5 3 became abbot. In 1162 he was consecrated archbishop of Dublin to succeed Gregory, who had died Oct. 8, 1 1 6 1 . Lorcan, who was above all a man of peace, became deeply involved in all the difficulties and horrors resulting from the Anglo-Norman invasion. While attempting to negotiate with Henry I I of England on behalf of Ruadri Ua Conchobair he died at Eu, in Normandy, on November 14, 1180. His tomb became a place of pilgrimage for many of the leading ecclesiastics of Ireland, his contemporaries. From them the canons of Eu must have learned much regarding Lorcan's history. In 1 1 9 1 application was made for his canonisation, an application which was finally granted on December u , 1225. All the Lives seem to have been written shortly after canonisation, and to have been based chiefly on material collected for that process.

ADDENDA PAGE

5 9 15 IS 22 24 25 25 25 25

]. 16. Cf. add. to p. 756 infra.—Anc. Laws Ire. V 450, 498, re juridical recogi tion of the written record (MacN). n. 9. Perhaps Stowe Missal. Cf. pp. 693-4 infra, and add. 1. 7. Probably a copy (MacN). n. 29. New ed. by Best and Gwynn in preparation. n. 57. Prefix may be hypocoristic do, not numeral dd. n. 72. B M Eg. 92 s X V , 32 ff., was part of Bk. Fer. (Flower Cat. 505-6). 1. 26. Cf. add. to p. 308 infra. n. 74. T C D 1319 (H.2.17) p. 172 has 9 leaves (Abbott and Gwynn Cat. . MSS TCD 112). Cf. Proc. RIA X X X V I I I (1928) C 31-50. n. 79. Maynooth College has other copies by the O'Longans. n. 80. Cf. ZCP X V I I (1928) 389-402.

30 n. 91. Cf. p. 37 n. 123. 37 n. 122. Cf. Sommervogel Bibliothèque des écrivains de la Compagnie de Jéi 10 vols. (Brussels 1890-1910). 52 1. 13. Cf. Coimisiun na Gaeltachta Report (Dublin 1926); RC X L I I I (19: 461-4. 56 1. 18. " Ö Cearbhallâin " : cf. Ô Mâille ITS X V I I (1916). 63-7 Cf. P. M . MacSweeney A group of nation-builders (Dublin 1913). 68 n. 281. London Times Lit. Supp. Oct. 29, 1915, p. 381. 72 1. 5. In 1926 the School amalgamated with R I A ; Ériu now pub. by R I A . 73 1. 14. E. Hogan Outlines of the grammar of Old-Irish (Dublin 1900). 74 1. 7. R T h , Pokomy and F. N. Robinson are preparing an O - I dictionary bas on published glossaries. 82 1. 9. Georges Dottin died Jan. 10/11, 1928. Cf. RC X L V 435-9. 83 1. 10. Charles Plummer died Sept. 8, 1927. Cf. ibid. 431-5. 87 1. 32. Cf. M . R. James EHR April 1927 pp. 261-7. 87 n. 367. Hist. MSS Commission Report on Franciscan MSS at the Conve Merchants' Quay, Dublin (Dublin 1906); T . A. O'Reilly "Franciscan M S S the Convent, Merchants' Quay, D u b l i n " Archivum Franciscanum Historici V I I I (1914) 749-59; Paul Grosjean " C a t . hag. lat. bibl. D u b l . " An. Bt X L V I i-ii (1928). 93 1. 41. Zs.f. vergl. Sprachf. now pub. at Göttingen. 94 sub-sect. (d). Scottish Gaelic Studies (Oxford, Aberdeen 1926- ). 94 1. 16. Table of contents, 1865-1922, by T . D . Shaw (London 1925). 95 I. 7. Trans: Vendryes Language (London 1925). 96 1. 37. Dinneen FoclAir new ed. (Dublin 1927). 97 sub-sect. (a). W . Wattenbach Anleitung zur lateinischen Palaeographie 4th < (Leipsic 1886). — W . M . Lindsay Contraction in early Latin minuscule M. 773

774

ADDENDA

PAGE

98 99 100

101

102 103 104 08

10

12

14

16

(St. Andrews Univ. pub. V) (Oxford 1908). — C. G. Crump. E. F. Jacob (eds.) The Legacy of the middle ages (Oxford 1926) 197-226: E. A. Lowe "Handwriting" [excellent brief introd.].— E. K . Rand " O n the symbols of abbreviations for -tur" Speculum Jan. 1927 pp. 52-65; " A nest of ancient nolae" ibid. April 1927 pp. 160-76. Sub-sect. (b). Fr. Steffens " Ü b e r die Abkurzungsmethoden der Schreibschule von Bobbio" M Hanges offerts à M. E. Chatelain (Paris 1910) 244-54. — Chas. Plummer " O n the colophons and marginalia of Irish scribes" Proc. Brit. Acad. 1926. sub-sect. (c). E. H. Zimmermann Vorkarolingische Miniaturen (Berlin 191618). — R. A. S. Macalister The Archaeology of Ireland (London 1928) 285-303. sect. 5. E. Cavaignac Chronologie (Paris 1925). sect. 6. M . Besnier Lexique de géographie ancienne (Paris 1914). — Lists of place-names in Irish census reports, esp. 1851, and in town-land index to ordnance maps. sub-sect. (a). E. Pittard Les races et l'histoire (Paris 1924); trans. Race and history (London 1925). Sub-sect. (b). M . Ebert (ed.) Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte (Berlin 1924- ) [to be completed in 15 vols.]. — V. Gordon Childe The dawn of European civilization (London 1925; 2nd ed. 1927). Sub-sect. (c). S. Feist Kultur, Ausbreitung und Herkunft der Indogermanen (Berlin 1913). — Childe The Aryans (London 1926). sub-sect. (d). R. A. S. Macalister op. cit. (add. to p. 98) [important]; Proc. RIA X X X V I I (1927) C 245-62. sub-sect. (e). H. S. Crawford Bandbook of carted ornament from Irish monuments of the Christian period ( R S A I : Dublin 1926). sub-sect. (b). O. Jones, E. Williams, W. O. Pughe The Myvyrian archaiology of Wales 3 vols. (London 1801-7), 2nd ed. 1 vol. (Denbigh 1870). sub-sect. (f). R. W. Chambers England before the Norman Conquest (London etc. 1926) [extracts from sources, with well-informed commentary]. Sub-sect, (g). Eleanor Hull A history of Ireland and her people to the close of the Tudor period (London etc. 1926) [treats pre-Norman period briefly]. sect. I. Bibliog. W. Bremer in Festschrift zu Feier des LXV-Jährigen Bestehens des römisch-germanischen Central-Museums (Mainz 1927); trans. Ireland in .. . Europe (Dublin 1928).—G. K r a f t Antiquity Mar. 1929 pp. 33-44. n. 4. J. Loth Mem. de la Soc. d'hist. et d'archéol. de Bretagne VI (1925) 137 sqq, V I I (1926) i sqq-, Bosch Gimpera " L a migration des types hispaniques à l'énéolithique et au début de bronze" Rev. archéologique 1925 ii 191 sqq. n. 8. Attention was called to the Mitani names first by Hugo Winckler, Mitteilungen d. deut. Orient-Gesellsch. X X X (Berlin 1907) 51. Some associated Hittite documents at Boghaz-Keui show Aryan affinities, and several petty rulers in Syria of the same epoch seem to have Aryan names. Cf. Childe The Aryans (London 1926) 16-30. n. 19. L. Siret Questions de chronologie et d'ethnographie ibériques (Paris 1913). — A. Schulten Numantia I (Munich 1914). — L. Pericot La prehistoria de la peninsida Ibérica (Barcelona 1923). — P. Bosch Gimpera " L o s Celtas y la arqueología céltica en la peninsula ibérica" Boletín de la Sociedad española de Excursiones X X I X (1923); " E n s a y o de una reconstruction de la etnologia prehistórica de la peninsula ibérica" Boletín de la biblioteca Mcnendez Pelayo (San-

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128 132 132 136 '37 143 147

148 150

151 155

166 168 171

172 175 178 179 180 180 187

tander 1923) ; " Die Vorgeschichte der iberischen Halbinsel seit dem NeoLitikum " Prähistorische Zs. 1924 pp. 81-130. n. 21. Recent discoveries tend to put the Celtic invasion of Spain and of Italy in Hallstatt II. Cf. supra-, H. Hubert RC XXXIV (1913) 424 m¡ XLIV (1927) 78-89. n. 37 I.4. After " (1924) ": pp. 166-79. Cf. H. Obermaier Boletín de la contision provincial de monumentos históricos t artísticos de Orense VII (1923) i sqq.—Bol. de la Real Acad, de la hist. LXVII 164 sqq. n. 51. Loth "Les Pietés d'après des travaux récents" Ann. de Bretagne VI 111-6. — J . Fraser History and Etymology (Oxford 1923); "The question of the Picts" Scottish Gaelic Studies II ii (Feb. 1928) 172-201. 1. 19. P. Charlesworth Trade routes and commerce of the Roman Empire (Cambridge 1924). no. 10. Proc. RIA XXXII C iii 41-57. — Dinse Cenlralblatt f . Bibliothekswesen XXX (1913) 379. n. 70. R. K. McElderry "Juvenal in Ireland" Classical Quarterly XVI151. I. 20. "Chronicon imperiale": Wrongly attributed to Prosper of Aquitaine; written in southern Gaul, perhaps at Marseilles, and completed A.D. 452. 1- 35- The Vulgate psalter is a revised text, not the translation. no. 20. D. Tardi ''Sur le vocabulaire de Virgile le Grammairien" Bulletin Du Cange 1927 i. 1. 21. R. E. M. Wheeler Prehistoric and Roman Wales (Oxford 1925). — MacN "The native place of St. Patrick" Proc. RIA XXXVII (1926) C 118-40.— M. Cary RH CLIX (Sept.-Oct. 1928) 1-22 [summary of recent work], n. 131. For the other side, Wheeler op. cit. no. 23. F. Lot " D e la valeur historique du 'De excidio et conquestu Britanniae' de Gildas" Medieval Studies in memory of Gertrude Schoepperle Loomis (New York, Paris 1927) 229-64. — 7.CP XVII (1925) 401-6. n. 140. Cf. G. H. Wheeler EHR Oct. 1926 pp. 497-503. n. 151. In 14th-century pedigrees ( F Cymmrodor VIII (1887) 83 sqq) his descent is: "Brachan [= Broccán] son of Chormuc [= Cormac] son of Eurbre [ = Coirbre] Gwydel 0 Iwerdon" [¿.«., " t h e Irishman from Ireland"]. 1. 40. MacN op. cit. (add. to p. 147). n. 53. MacN op. cit. 134 sqq. 1. 13. C. H. Slover "Early literary channels between Britain and Ireland" Univ. of Texas Bulletin no. 2648 (1926) (Studies in Eng. VI) 5-52; no. 2743 (1927) (ibid. VII) 5-111. n. 63. P. Grosjean "Cyngar S a n t " An. Boll. 1923. I.4. "of Wales": the Goidelic district Demet, or Dyfed. Cf. no. 35. no. 35. C O M M : Cf. add. to p. 475 infra.—RC XLV 141-72. 1. 4- See, however, Wade-Evans Life (1923) 57.—L. 21. Del. "to . . . siddi." 1.2. Scottish Gaelic Studies II i (June 1927) 1-12. no. 37 (1). G. H. Doble St. Carantoc (Cornish Saints XIV) (Shipston-on-Stour 1928). (7) St. Petroc (ibid. XI) (1927). 1. 4. Mériot "Colomban ou le Christianisme dans l ' E s t " Mém.de la Soc. d'Émulation de Montbéliard 1922-3 pp. 113-264. — S. B. Curti-Pasini II culto di San Colombano in San-Colombano al Gambro (Lodi 1923). — M. V. Hay A chain of

776

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192 194 197 199

201 20s 107 207 208 208 210

213

223 223

224 226

229 230 242 242 251

error in Scottish history (London etc. 1927) 78 sqq [controverts anti-papal interpretation], 1. 13. F. W. Kellett " P o p e Gregory the Great and his relations with G a u l " Cambridge Hist. Essays (Cambridge 1889). n. 107. In 594 Gregory sent a copy of his Liber regulae pastoralis (which Columbanus mentions here) to " t h e priest Columbus." — Epist. v 1 7 : MGH Epist. I 299. I.21. EDS: Hay op. cit. 208-31 [Gundlach's text, trans.]. no. 42 (ix). L . Traube Anzeiger f . deut. Altertum X V I I I (1892) 208 sq\ Vorlesungen u. Abhandlungen I I I (1920) 168-9. 1- 35- Krusch NA X L V I (1925) 148-57. n. 1 2 1 . Cf. H. Plenkers Untersuchungen zur Überlieferungsgeschichte der ältesten lateinischen Mönchsregeln (Quellen u. Untersuch, z. lat. Philol. d. Mittelalters I iii) (Munich 1906). 1. 12. G. Morin Rev. bénédictine X X X V I I I (1926) 164-77. no. 49. M. Baudot Le moyen âge X X I X (1928) 120-70. 1. 7. TRANS: Maud J o y n t The Life of St. Gall (S. P. C. K . : London 1927). 1. 36. Some think by Walahfrid himself, unrevised. I.24. After " 7 5 6 9 " : ff. 176-83 [by Bollandus from M S of Nicolas Belfort, date unknown]. 1. 3 1 . Said to be a brother of Gall. Bibliog. GEN: J . C. MacNaught The Celtic Church and the See of Peter (Oxford 1927). TIME RECKONING, etc.: A. Giry Manuel de diplomatique (Paris 1894; reprint 1925) bk. I I chap, iii sect. v. — R. Steele (ed.) Compotus (Opera inedita Rogeri Baconi VI) (Oxford 1926) introd. TONSURE: M. Joint Ériu X (1928) 130-4n. 142. The Julian was the true year based on the heliacal rising of Sirius; our " t r u e astronomical y e a r " is from mean equinox (or solstice) to mean equinox (or solstice). Cf. Fotheringham Ériu X i (1926) 66. 1. 3 1 . " S c o t i a " might include Iona {cf. Plummer Baedae op. hist. I I 186) or even the Irish settlements in north Britain. n. 193. L . Duchesne " L a question de la Pâque au Concile de Nicée" Rev. des quest, hist. X X V I I I (1880) 5-42; F. Daunoy Echos d'Orient X X V I I I (Paris 1925) 424-441. 6. H. Pierquin Les annales et conciles de l'église d'Angleterre pendant la période anglo-saxonne (Paris 1913). 1. 22. A. S. Cook "Sources of the biography of Aldhelm" Trans. Conn. Acad, of Arts and Sciences X X V I I I ; " W h o was the Ehfrid of Aldhelm's letter?" Speculum Oct. 1927 pp. 363-73. 1. 19. EDS: B. Colgrave (Cambridge 1927) [with trans.]. 1. 21. G. K . Fortescue Subject index of modern works added to the library of the British Museum içoô-io (London 1 9 1 1 ) 401-2. 1. 14. E . Gwynn The Rule of Tallaght (Hermathena xliv 2nd suppl. vol.) (Dublin, London 1927) pp. xvii-xx. 1. 34. Perhaps written at Tamlachta under Mâel-Rûain. 1. 4. F. J . E. Raby A history of Christian-Latin poetry from the beginnings to the close of the middle ages (Oxford 1927).

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253 263 264 267 275 276 277 282 285 286 286 286 288 289 290 290 290 291

303 305 306 306

307

308

309 313

n. 285. " T h e Pyrrhic accent and r h y t h m " Virginia Univ. Alumni Bulletin April 1923 [cf-ZCP XV (1925) 391-2]. 1. 41. Trenholme Story of Iona (Edinburgh 1909) 156-61 [Mitchell's trans.]. 1. 1. After " 4 3 4 " : W. M. Lindsay "Columba's Altus and the Abstrusa gloss a r y " Classical Quarterly XVII (1923) 175-99. 1. 35. After "323-6.": T. de R. [the Rev. Thos. Roche] Irisleabhar Muighe Nuadkad 1910 pp. 75-6. After 1. 3: No. 186 infra may be of s VII; it has affiliations with the loricae, and Hisperic reminiscences. n. 373. Perhaps the monasteries of St. Carthach (Latinised Carthagus), i.e., Rathan and Liss-m6r (Grosjean). Cf. p. 451. 1. 27. "sesquivoli": Grosjean suggests "squirrels." 1. 24. Possibly Irish, the name modified from one with Celtic root Catu. 1. 15. "gloss." Cf. Ilermathena xliv (1926) p. 67. no. 113. Cf. ZCP X V I I (1928) 371-2. I.33. After "472, 13": (6th ed.) 472, 9. n. 421. Middle-Irish version LBr pp. 157-9: ed. and trans. V. Hull ZCP X V I I (1928) 225-40. 1. 12. After " 1 9 2 1 " : 3rd ed. 1924. 1. 8. Vol. XLVI i-ii (1928) has the important "Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum latinorum bibliothecarum Dubliniensium," by Paul Grosjean. I.30. A f t e r " i 9 o 6 " : 3rd ed. 1927. 1. 38. After "no. 2 " : expanded as Sanclus Essai sur le culte des saints dans I'antiquite (Brussels 1927). I.45. After " (Paris 1912) ": Delehayc I.cs origines du culte des martyrs (Brussels 1912). 1. 4. Irene Snieders (posthum.) "L'influence de l'hagiographie irlandaise sur les vitae des saints irlandais de Belgique" RUE XXIV (July, Oct. 1928) 596627, 827-67. n. 48. Eng. trans. G. C. Bateman, additions by author (London 1927). 1. 30. Grosjean op. cit. (add. to p. 289) 98-100, 109-11. 1. 22. Grosjean loc. cit. 112-5. n. 56. Cf. Grosjean loc. cit. 116-8. Maynooth 3 G 1 belonged to the Chandos collection, and, later, to Charles O'Connor of Belanagare. Grosjean found passages where Colgan's texts agree with it rather than with either Marsh's or the T C D MS. — Among hagiologists these two MSS are commonly designated " M " and " T " respectively. But in the present work "Cod. K " designates Marsh's MS, without prejudice to the question whether it is actually the vol. originally so named. After 1. 29: Cambridge Corp. Christ. Coll. 405 (from the Hospitallers, Waterford: see M. R. James's Cat. II) has interesting lessons drawn from Lives of Irish saints. 1. 40. 77» 7S°- See Chronicles

1 This summary index to the sources and to a selected number of proper names and technical terms has been added for the assistance of the reader until more adequate aids can be provided at the end of Volume H .

791

792

INDEX

Annlanus, St., Ada of, 511-a (316) Anselm of Canterbury, 745-6, 758, 763; Letters from, 760 (639, 641), 761 (642-3, 646); Letten to, 760 (640), 761 (644-5) Ansoald of Poitiers, 497, 499 (295) Antiphonary: see Manuscripts Apgiiir Crdbaid (Alphabet of Devotion), 471-2 (265) Apocrypha, 264, 732 sqq, 736, 789; A c t s of Thomas, 682; Apocalypsis Mosis, 736; Apocalypse of T h o m a s , 736; Book of Henoch, 264; Gospel of James, son of Alphaeus, 705; Gospel of Nicodemus, 740 Apostles, Notes on, 739 (616) Apuleius, Lucius: De Mundo, 133 Aran, 180, 373-4; Columba in, 435 (219 ii), 437 (220 rvii) Arbois de Jubainville, Henri d', 74, 7 6 , 8 3 , 1 1 5 , 118, 123, 142, 535. 591 Archangels, Prayer to, 731 (599) Archiv für eel tische Lexicographie, 71, 73 Ârd-Macha (Armagh), 8, 9, 1 1 - 2 , 15, 18, 23, 38, 178, 181, 222, 260, 293, 3 ° 2 . 3 " . 3 3 3, 331, 33S-7, 349, 3S4, 358, 373, 424» 471, 527, 609, 645, 648, 680, 747, 765, 768, 770; Bishops and abbots of, 352-3 (143); Poem in praise of officials of, 354 (145); Book of: see Manuscripts Aristotle, Pseudo-: Concerning the World, 131 (8) Aristotelian categories, T r a c t on, 680 (539) Arno of Salzburg, 714, 724; Indiculus, Notifia, of, 534-5 (329 iii) Astronomy, 125, 133; Notes, 670-1 (525); Treatises on, 546 (353), 680 (539) Athanasius of Alexandria, Festal Letters, 214; Tractate on paschal reckoning, 217 (54 ii) Atkinson, Robert, 73-6, 80-1, 340 Attracta, St., Life of, 467 (262) Audomar, Omer, St., Life of, 209 Augustine, The Irish: De mirabilibus sac roe scripturae, 223, 275-7 (104), 278 Augustine of Canterbury, 153, 224, 328, 658, 715 Augustine of Hippo, 141, 162, 164, 249, 278, 282, 550, 576, 584, 619, 636, 666, 720; De civitaU Dei, 568; Dialectic and Rhetoric, 560; Letters, 674; Sermons, 667 (521); CarJsruhe M S of, 669 70 (524); Trêves M S of, 673 (S3*) Auxerre, 163, 593; History of the bishops of, 592-3 (406) Auxilius (Usaille), St., 169-70 (30), 221, 260, 337 Avienus, Rufius Festus: Ora maritima, 120-2 (i) Babylon, Poem on, 737 Bachiarius, 3 5 : ; Faith of, 667 (520) Bairre, St., of Cork, 299, 306-7Ç Life of, 401-2 (194); Poem in praise of, 402 (195) B i i t b i n (Baithene), St., 305, 307, 450; Life of, 443 (222) BâithÎn mac Cuanach, 437 (220 zx), 439 (220 Hv) Bamberg, 6 1 7 ; cryptogram, 556 (363) Bangor: see Bend-chor; Manuscripts, Antiphona r y ; Rules

Baptism, Order of, 698 Bartholomew, St., 740 (617) Basil, St., 249, 673 (53i) Beatus, abbot of Hönau, 528-9 (335 ì, ii) Bede, 153, *55. 173, i 7 7 , 217, 219-22, 224-6, 228-9, 233, 324, 347, 423, 425. 431, 463. 506, 524, 535, 553, 593, 648, 676, 719, 721; Writings of, 230-2 (67); De arte metrica, 671 (527); De natura rerum, 277; De psalmorum libro exegesis, 629, 666; De lemporum raiione, 671 (526); Historia ecclesiastica, 500, 502, 560; Lives of St. Cuthbert, 225-6 (61 ii-iii); Penetential, 232; Carlsruhe M S , 481, 670-1 (525). Su Martyrologies Bede, Pseudo-: Kollektaneum, Collectanea et (site) fiores, 282, 567, 680 (541), 721 Bend-chor (Bangor), 12, 187, 218, 222, 262, 39s sqq, 766; Verses and hymns of, 265 6 (92), 7 1 0 , 7 1 2 . See Manuscripts, Antiphonary; Rules Benedict of Aniane, 199, 544; Letter of, 537 (343) Benén, Benignus, St., 221, 274, 308, 337, 352, 607, 778; Life of, 350-1 (142 i) Berach, St., 307; Life of, 402-3 (196) Bernard of Clairvaux, 18, 703, 746, 767; Documents relating to Màel-Maedóc Oa Morgair (St. Malachy), 764 -7 (652) Bethlehem, Lament of the mothers of, 739 (616) Bible, The, 80, 151, 190, 241, 248-9, 264, 275 -8o, 397» 433» 531» 623 sqq, 711-2 — , Versions of: Greek, 625; Old Latin, 625; Vulgate, 137, 391, 626 — , Texts: 168, 625-7, 6 5 8 . — O l d T e s t a m e n t , 650 (488). — P s a l m s , 303, 557-8 (364 iii, i v ) , 629-30 (454), 637 (465), 645-7 {476, 478-80), 650 (489), 657 (508), 658. — N e w Testament, 642-4 (474), 655 (499)- — Gospels: 558 (364 v), 591, 627-8 (4SO-3), 630-4 (455 60), 636-42 (462-4, 466-8, 470-3), 644-59 (475, 477, 481-7, 490-2, 494-8, 501-6), 700 (557 i). — A c t s , 339, 628-9, 644, 658. — Epistles, 339, 639 (469), 657 (507), 659. — Pauline Epistles, 559 (364 vi), 618-9 (445), 635-6 (461), 643, 653 (493), 655 (500), 657-8 (509). — Apocalypse, 339. 659 — , Extracts and abridgements: Psalms, 718 (574), 721 (578). — G o s p e l s , 719-21 (S76-8) — , Commentaries on: 138. — Old T e s t a m e n t : j«« Johannes Eriugena. — Psalms: 664-6 (516), 682, 689 (553); by Cassiodorus, 666 (517); by Theodore of Mopsuestia, 201-2, 664-5 (515). See Columbanus. — Job, 278, 667 (518). — Isaias, 667 (519).—Gospels, 660-1 (510-2). See Johannes Eriugena; Sedulius Scottus. — Epistles of Paul, 661 sq, 663 (514). See Pe!aj?ius: Sedulius Scottus. — Catholic Epistles, 277-8 (105) — , Translation of: Psalms, 569 (376) Biblical stories and legends, 739 (616) Bishop, Edmund, 608, 692, 695, 705, 711, 721-2 Blathmac, Life of, 445-6 (227) Blessing of Ireland, by Patrick, 349 (141 v ) ; of the road, 730 (595)i of water, 701 (557 v )

INDEX Blume, Clemens, 254, 262, 265, 7x4-5, 726 B o a t so [ig, 733-4 (602 ii); of Columbanus, 195 (43i) Bobbio, 10, 40, 85-6, 188, 201, 204, 515-6, 564, 568, 602, 639, 649, 658, 665, 667-8, 671, 676-7, 690, 692, 7x3; Catalogues of library of, 5x6 (322); Verses b y a fugitive from, 604 (423 iv). Su Manuscripts, Bobbio Missal Body and Soul, Debate of, 740 (617) Boethius, 574, 584, 676,678; Opusada sacra. Commentary of Johannes Eriugena on, 585 (392)1 Life of, attributed to Johannes Eriugena, 585 C393) Boniface, St., of Germany, 227, 233, 248, 477, 509, 518, 522, S24; Correspondence of, 519-21 (324 »). 523, 524 (329 " ) ; Life of, S20-1 (324 ii). See Manuscripts, Fulda Boniface I V , Pope, Letters of Columbanus to,

192 3 (43 V, vi) B o o k : see Manuscripts Books, 86; Irish, in mediaeval libraries, 620-1 (449); of the mediaeval priest, 236 Bordeaux, Bordigala, Bordgal, 29, 44, 140-2, 158; Council of, 498-9 (294) Breaca, St., 181 (38), 184 Brehons (brithemin), 2, 20-1, 24, 33-6. Su Laws Brlnaind, Brendan, of Birr, 220, 410, 417 Br£naind, Brendan, of Cluain-ferta, 172,268,305 9, 374, 406 sqq, 421, 436 (220 i); Life (Vita) of, 295, 4 1 0 - 1 , 412-4 (202), 434; Poem on, 418 (207); Prayer of, 729 (588); Satirical verses on legend of, 417 (204); Stories of, 419-20 (208); Voyage (Navigoiio) of, 11, 4 1 0 - 1 , 414-7 (203) Breviary of Aberdeen, 224, 433, 446, 484 Briac, St., 181 (38} Brian böroimhe, 13, 339, 404; Confirmation of claims of Ard-Macha by, 353-4 (144) Bricfn, St.: Baile, 78a Brigit, S t . , 41, 174, 177, $02, 305, 307-?, 318, 337, 344» 351. 356 sqq, 387, 535, 560, 607, 706; Genealogy of, 208 (50 vi); Dialogue between Patrick and, 363 (154); Hymns in honor of, 267-8 (95), 360 (148), 363 (155); Life of, 361-3 (151 iii, 152); by Animosus, or Anmchad, 361-2 (151 ii); by Chilienus, or Coelan, 361-2 (151 i); by Cogitosus, 296, 324, 359-6o (147); by Laurence of Durham, 295, 362 (151 iv); Poem ascribed to, 363 (153); Poems in praise of, 360 (149), 778; Poems by Moling addressed to, 363. See Paruchia — , List of nuns of, 361 (150) Britain, 116 8, 123, 12s, 127, 129, 132, 135-7. 145, 147-9, 152, 155, 158, 163, 165, 170-1, 181-2 (38), 187, 224, 251, 427 Britons, Brytbons, 118, 127, 167, 171, 180-1 (37) B r i t t a n y , 10, 108, 122, 139, 150, 155, 171, 181-2 (38), 248, 364, 409 Bruno, St., Life of, 610 (430) Budoc, St., 181 (38) Buite mac Br6naigh, 172, 307, 372-3; Life of, 373 (163)

793

Burgundofaro, St., 490; Life of, 492-3 (281) Bury, J. B., 8 3 , 1 6 0 , 1 6 2 , 1 6 8 , 295, 3x0,328, 333-4. 340-x,359 Cadoc, St., 172, 182; Life of, 179-80 (36) Cadroe, St., 608, 613; Life of, 609-10 (428) Caesar, Caius Julius, 116, 118, 127; Notes on the Gallic War, 129-30 (4) Caesarea, A c t s of the Council of, 217 (54 i), 223 CaiiUn, St., 300, 302, 401, 440 (220 Ixii) C i i m i n , St., 385; Life of, 386 (178). Su M a n u scripts, Psalter Cditt, cdna, 237; D i i r e , 237. Su Adamnin; Patrick; Sunday Cainnech, St., 305-7, 409, 437-9 (220 xiv, r v , xxiii, Iii); Life of, 394-5 (187), 450; Story of, 395 (x88) Cairech derg&in, Story of, 467 (261) Cairnecb, St., 172, 180 (37), 351-2 (142 v) Caisel, Caissel (Casbel), 1 2 , 1 4 , 60, 314, 343-4. 527. 742, 765, 768. See Martyrologies Canons, 235 sqq, 244-5, 247, 250; Canorus Adornnani 245 (80); Canones Üibernenses, 228, 244 (78); Canoncs Wallict, 240; Collutio canonum Hibtrnensis, 14s, 177, 221, 237. 245, 347~5° (82), 282-3, 566, 662; of Eusebius, 280. Se$ Kanon Canterbury, 2x9, 221, 226, 228, 235, 645, 656, 658, 763; Professions of obedience to the archbishops of, 762 (649) Canticles, 645-7, 7°7 7X3, 7i7~9 Ca ran toe, St., 155, 180 (37) Carthach (Mo-Chuta), St., 216, 222, 261, 305-6, 45x sqq, 472; Expulsion of, 452 (235); Life of, 452 (234); Minor texts, 453 (236). See Rules Cassian, John, 164, 174, 240, 242, 249, 297, 619, 676, 687 Cassiodorus, 515, 636, 662, 666; Historia tripartita, 565; Commentary on the Psalms, 666 (517) Cast, St., 181 (38) Cathaldus, St., 185-6 (41) Clitinn, Seathrun (Geoffrey Keating), 44, 55, 60, 81, 768 Celchyth, Council of, 234-5 (71) Celestine, Pope, 165, 341-2, 673 (531) Ciii, 470; Cili Dt (Culdees), 343, 468 sqq, 477, 603. Su Rules Cell-Abbtin (Killabban), 318-9 Celi-achid-drommo-foto (Killeigh), 22, 475-6 Cell-Alaid (Killata), 456-7 Cell-Beraigh (Kilbarry), 402 Cell-Cainnig (Kilkenny), 28, 38, 62, 394 Cell-Cuanna (Kilcoona), 465 Cell-Da-Lüa (Killaloe), 395, 404-5 Cell-dara (Kildare), 8, 12, 293, 302, 356 sqq, 369-70 Cdl-Lainne (Killenny), Charter of, 769 (656) Cell-raaic-Düach (Kilmacduagh), 456 (241) Cell-Maignenn (Kilmainham), 465 Cell-na-manach (Kilnamanagh), 25, 74X Cell-Roniin (Kilronan), 34, 465-7 Cell-Släbhe-Cuiünn (Killeevy), 366 sqq

794

INDEX

Cellach of Ard-Macha, 353, 742, 762, 765 C d lach, of CdJ-Alaid, 456; l i f e of, 457 (242) C d U n u s o f Péronne, 227, 501, 507 (306), 508 Celtic RrvUw, 73 Cenannas, Cenondas (Keils), 8, 338, 435, 445-7, 640-1, 753 sqq\ Charters of, 754 sqq (638-34); Council of, 768 (653) C e n á u s the Chamberlain: Liber Cens**m, 768-9 Cenél Conaill, 284, 433, 629-30 Cenél nEogain, 344, 645, 765 Cenn-Etig (Kinnitty), 421-2 Ceolfrid, Abbot, 237-8 (64), 331 Chalcidius, 584, 679-80 (539) Chalons-sur-Saöne, Councils at, 191, 529 (337) Charity, 740 (617) Charles the Bald, 489, 532, 550, 554-5, 561-3, 571, 576,579-80,587-90,593,600,602,721; Capitulare of, 600 (418); Letters to, 581-2 (387-8); Poem to, 603-4 (423 ü). See Manuscripts, Paris B N lat. 2 Charles the Fat, 554, 596-7; Grants to St. Gall, 595 (409) Charles the Great, Charlemagne, 282, 477, 489, 513. 517, 526, 529 'W. 539» 541, 544, 547-8, 550, 686; Decree of, 528-9 (335 i), 785; History of, by the Monk of St. Gall, 533 (339); Legend of, 606; Letters of, 529 (336), 539 (345); Letter of Alcuin to, 535; Life of, by Einhard, 533-3 (338); Planctus Caroli, 531 Charms, 373-4, 360. 719-20 Charters, 5, 753 sqq (628-34)» 769-70 (654-7) Christ, Birth and childhood of, 739; Descent into hell, 740 (617); Fast of, 740 (617); Genealogy of, 379-80 (107 i); Image of, 740 (617); Letter of, that fell from heaven, 476-7 (370), 533; Passion of, 740 (617); Transfiguration of, 740 (617). See Abgarus Christopher, St., 740 (617) Chronicles: Anglo-Saxon, 335, 487; of Centula (Saint-Riquier), 492 (280 iii); of Ethelwerd, 607; of Fredegarius, 146, 205 (49); Chronicon imperiale, 136, 775; Chronicon monaster ii s. Michaelis Virdunensis, 543; Chronicon Virduncnse seit FUsviniacense, 612 (436); Chronicum Scottorum, 65. See Annals Ciarán, of Clúain-moccu-Nóis, 220, 305-7, 309, 374. 376 sqq, 423, 535; and Coirpre crom, 381 (169); Law of, 377; Life of, 378-80 (166); Litany attributed to, 730 (593); Miracle of hand of, 381 (168); Patrick's prophecy of, 380-1 (167); Poems attributed to, 381-2 (170); Verses in honor of, 380. See Rules Ciarán (Piran), of Saigir, 182, 305-8, 310-1, 379; Dialogue with Coemgen, 706; Life of, 316-7 (124)

Claudianus, Claudius, Poems of, 136 (14) Clemens, Clement: Letter to Tassilo II, 526-7

(330

Clemens Scottus, 145, S3*, 533, 535» 549; Texts relating to, 537-8 (344) Clerical students, Stories of, 743 (622-3)

CJochar (Gogher), 23, 89, 351, 387, 741 G00-, Goon-: see CluainCltiain-Br6naig (Clonbroney), 464-5 Guain-coirpthe (Kilbarry), 402 Gtuun-credal, C e l l - l u (Killleedy), 389-90 Guain-Dokain (Gondalkin), 279, 702 Gtiain-ednech (Clonenagh), 384 sqq, 471, 480 Cltiain-e6is, Cluain-auiss (Clones), 33, 386-7, 638, 706 Cluain-ferta-Brfoaind (Clonfert), 409, 420 Guain-ferta-Molua (Clonfertmulloe, K y l e ) , 397 sqq Cluain-fota-Baitan-Aba (Clonfad), 270 Cluain-Iriird (Clonard), t i , 222, 279, 374 sqq, 417 Cluain-moccu-N6is (Gonmacnois), 8, 9, i x - 2 , 15, 222, 276, 329, 376 sqq, 433, 534, 726; Poems on the cemetery of, 383 (172); Registry of, 383 (173); Stories of, 382 Coeman, Testimony of (Tetst Choem&in), 475-6 (269) Coemgen, St., 305-7, 360, 369; Dialogue with Ciarin of Saigir, 706; Life of, 403-4 (198) Cogitosus, 174, 277, 331, 356-8, 362. See Brigit, St. Coindire, Condere (Connor), 222, 352, 399, 766 Colcu, Colgu: (1) ua Duinechda, 534; Sctop Chrdbaid, 725-6 (580); (2) friend of Alcuin, 534, 722; (3) teacher in Ireland, Letter to, ss6 (363) Colgan, John, 37, 39-41, 43, 86, 182, 185, 289, 306, 309, 319. 332, 338, 341, 361-3, 434. 728 Collects, 646-7, 702 (560), 708 sqq, 713, 719 See Prayers Colmin, Verses by, to Colmin, 551 (359) Colmin, St., of Austria, Life of, 613-4 (440) Colmin (Mo-Cholm-6c), St., of Dniim-m6r (Dromore), 305, 307, 465; Life of, 466 (255) Colmin of Lindisfarne, 217, 224, 231, 463-4, 534 Colmin Elo, St., 305-7, 352, 456; Life of, 399-400 (192) Colmin mac Duach, 456; Story of, 456 (241) Colmin mac Luachiin, 453 sqq; Life of, 29s. 438, 454^5 (238) Colmin (Mo-Cholm-6c) moccu Biognae: Apgitir Crib aid (Alphabet of Devotion), 472 (265) Colmin moccu Cluasaig: Elegy for Cuimine fota, attributed to, 421 (210); Hymn of, 726-7 (582) Cologne, 86, 529, 544, 555, 606, 610, 615; Catalogue of abbots of St. Martin's, 613 (439) Colors, Liturgical, Tract on, 689 (S52) Columba, Colum-cillc, of Iona, 3, 9, 41, 9°. 153, 187,224, 231, 254,264-5, 284, 304~9, 324» 327-8, 334, 372-4, 384, 386, 391, 394. 396, 400-1, 409, 422 sqq, 487-8, 597, 616, 631, 6s6. 7I4"S, 7S2; Verses and hymns attributed to, 263-5 (91), 348-so (141 i), 379-80; Amra of, 366, 426-7 (2x2), 718 (574); Cause of pilgrimage of, 435; Death of, 718; in Aran, 435 (219 ii); Poems relating to, 436-41 (220), 727 (584 ii); Origin of name, 436 (219 iii); Simeon's verses on, 434 (216). See Manuscripts — Cathach and Bk. KeUs; Prayers; Rules

INDEX — Life of, b y Adamnán, 68, 225, 296, 301, 39s* 309, 409-10, 428-33 (214), 7*4-5; by Cuimíne atibe, 296, 428-9 (213), 432; by Manus O'Donnell, 442 (221); other Lives, 433-5 (215, 217-8) — Adventures oí the clerics of (Ecktra cUreck Ckúíutm-cUU), 447-8 (229); Disciples and relatives of, 435 (219 i) Columba, St., of Terrygiass, 305, 307, 779; Life of, 375. 38S-6 (176) Columbinos, St., 1 0 , 4 0 , 1 4 2 , 1 7 7 , 1 8 3 , 1 8 6 sqq, 205, 209, 217, 2x9, 357, 260, 277, 308, 324, 390, 396, 487, 492, 511, 535, 594-5, 597, 616, 628, 672, 688, 709; Commentaries on the Psalms, 200-3 (47), 637; Letters of, 187, 189-95 (43); Sermons of, 196-7 (44); Minor writings of, 195-6 (43). Su Penitentials; Rules — Life of, by Jonas, 187, 203-5 (48), 208, 296; by Flodoard, 204 Comatbai, 33, 292, 352-3 Comgall, St., 265-6 (92 i), 305-7. 409, 461, 535, 687; Life of, 396-7 (189); Story of, 397 (190). Su Rules Commendation of departing soul, 704 (565) Computus, 154-5» 323 (59), 277, 636, 671-2 (528-9); Computistical notes, 670-1 (525) Confessor, Story of the temptation of a, 744 (624) Conlaed, Bishop, 356-7, 360, 387 Consecration, of church, Tract on, 688 (551); of virgin, Order of, 704 (565) Corbinian, St., 521, 667; Life of, 514 (319) Corcacb (Cork), 28, 40, 50, 55, 401-2, 742 Corcu Loegde, 310, 317 Cormac mac Cuilennáin, 11, 13, 15, 155, 444 (225 iii, v), 460; Glossary of (5a«oi Cormaic), 11, 149, 357-8; Poems of, 734-5 (605). See Rules Cormac úa Liatháin, 409-10, 438 (220 xxvii, xxxiii) Cornwall, 122-3, 125, 149-50, 181, 216, 317, 352, 364, 389. 488 Craeb-Ghrelláin, Graeb-mór (Creeve), 465 Cranat, St., 405; Life of, 406 (200) Creed, Creeds, 722-3, 739; Apostles', 519, 669 (524), 719, 722-3; Athanasian, 667 (520-1), 718 (574); of Damasus, 667 (S20); Nicene, 557 Crínóg, Poem to, 735 (606) Cromm dubh, Legend of, 395 (188) Crónán, St., of Ros-eré, 305; Life of, 460 (246) Cróoán: see Mo-Chúa, M o C h u a r ó c Cross of Christ, Poem of (Comad Croiche Crist), 731 (600) Cross, True, Legend of, 739 (616) Cruindmel: On metre, 145, 552-3 (361) Cuanna, Cuannatheus, St., 304-5, 465; Acts of, 467 (259) Cuimíne atibe, 324, 391, 425, 434. Su Columba of lona Cuimíne foto, St., 241,420*0; Elegy for, 421 (210); Hymn of, 266 (93); and Mac-dá-cherda, Legends of, 420-1 (209) Cuimmin of Coindire, Poem attributed to, 303, 482 Ü74)

795

Culdees: see CUi Dt Cummean, 249. See Penitentials Cummian, 217, 277; Paschal epistle of, 220-1 (57), 324-5 Cummian, Cumianus, of Bobbio, Epitaph of, 516 (3") Cuthbert, St., 719; Lives of, 335-6 (61); b y Bede, 3 3 0 - 3 (67). Set Manuscripts, Gospels of Lindisfarne Cybi, Kebius, St., 180 C37) Cyran, Sigiramnus, St., 490; Life of, 493 (385) Cyril of Alexandria, Paschal letters of, J14; Forged epistle of, 217 (54 iv) Di brin fiatka nimt (The two sorrows of the Kingdom of Heaven), 738 (614) Daig mac Cairill, St., Life of, 383-4 ( m ) Dair-inis (Blackwater), 249, 468 D&ir-mag (Durrow), 330, 434, 790 Diire's Law: set Cdin Diire Daire-Calgaich, Daire-Coluim-cille, Doire ( D e n y ) , 9, 18, 424, 7S3, 75« D i l Araide, 322-3, 352, 366-7, 396, 399 D i l gCais, 353, 404 D i l Cuinn, 331-3, 329 D i l Riada, 323, 423, 425, 420, 431 Dallin Forgaill, 13, 366, 427 Dam-Inis (Devenish), 13, 33, 387 sqq Daniel ua Liathaide's advice, 734 (604) David, St., 172-3, 239-40, 36s, 376, 402, 449, 479! Life of, 178 -9 (35). See Penitentials David Scottus, 355, 619-20 (448) De duodtcim abiuivis saecvii, 281-2 (109) Dt sex aetaiibus mundi, 154 Dt iribus habitacvlis, 283 (110) Death: Description of the two deaths, 743 (621); Homily on, 740 (617) D i c l i n , St., 306, 3:0-1; Life of, 313 (121) Deicolus, Desle, Diey, St., of Lure, Life of, 308 (51) Dedrad, 488 Dermatius, Diarmait, Sermon by, 619 (447) Dfsi, 2t, 178, 218,312,331, 389, 7Si; Expulsion of, 149 Desiderius, Didier, G i r y , St., 490; Life of, 493 (384) Devenish: see Dam-Inis Dicuil, 531, 545 sqq\ Treatise on astronomy, 546 (353); Treatise on geography (Liier it mensura orbis terrae), 546-8 (354); De arte grammalias, 545-6 (353) Diodorus Siculus, 12s; Historical Library, 127 (3) Dionysius: Ptriegesis, 132, 683 Dionysius the Areopagite, 264, 583-5, Set Johannes Eriugena Dionysius Exiguus, 314-5, 333, 339, 347, 433; Cycles of, 670 (535); Paschal Arguments of, 672 (5J8-9) DUibod, St., Life of, 513-4 (318) Divine Office, Boots for, 706 sqq; Cursus for. 687-8 (548). See Hours

796

INDEX

Dom nail Üa hEnna, Letters to» 759-60 (636-9) Donatus, grammarian, 543-4 (351 v), 552-3 (362), 560, 564. 679 (538) Donatus of Fiesole, 363; Verses by, and Life of, 601-3 (421) Donatus, Donngus, of Dublin, 762 (649); Letter of Anselm to, 760 (639) Doomsday, Poems on, 736-7 (6x1); Signs of, 736; Tidings of, 738 (613); Tokens of, 788 Dottin, Georges, 73, 8 1 - 2 , 773 Druids, 2, 2i, 273, 302, 393, 464; Prophecy of Patrick, 344 Druim-cetta, 3, 442; M6r-d£l of, 427, 437 (220 xii, riii), 439 (220 xli) Druim-snechta (Drumsnat), 14, 397 sqq Dub-di-chrich, 508, 523, 526 (330) Dub-dA-leithe I, of Ard-Macha, 336 Dub-di-leithe H I , 12, 354 Dubduin, Verses by, 598 (414), 650 —, Trinity College, 47, 50, 55, 58-9, 64, 68, 74, 76, 83, 87-9 Dub-linn (Dublin), Ath-cliath, 7, 28, 54, 56, 58, 60-2, 66-7, 72, 78, 88-9, 326, 347. 404, 470, 528, 749, 757, 765, 768, 770; Letters to Canterbury, 758-9 (635). 762 (647) Dubthach (mac Miel-Tuile?), S5S, 5S7-60 Dunau (Donatus) of Dublin, 7sg Dun-Blesci, Duleng (Doon), 403 Dunchad, Dunchat, of Reims, 571, 753-4 (377), 593 Dunchad üa Braen, n , 382 Dungal, abbot, Verses addressed to, 542 (350) Dun gal, bishop, 535 Dungal, of Bobbio, 516 Dungal, of the Circle of Sedulius, 560, 563 (370) Dungal. of Pavia, 531, 533 540, 550 (357) Dungal of St.-Denis, 538 sqq, 580; Letters to and from, 539-40 (345-6); Verses by, 540-2 (348-9); Reply of, to Claudius of Turin, 540 (347) Dunkeld, 446; Litany of the Culdees of, 731-a Dunstan, St., 605; Lives of, 606-8 (424 ii, iii) Durrow: see Dair-mag Dympna, Damnat, St., Life of, 5 1 0 (314) Eadmer: Historic nenorum in Anglia, 762-3 (650) F.fflam, St., 181 (38) Einhard, 532-3 (338), 535, 537 Ekkehard IV, 10; Casus S. Gotli, 596-7 (411) Elect us Scottigena, 60 r Eligius, Eloi, St., 490; Life of, 493-4 (286) Eloquius, Cloque, of Lagny, 503 (297), 507 Emioe bän, Cdin, 4S9-60 (245) Emly: see ImbJech-ibair £nda, St., 172, 180, 307, 467; Life of, 374 (164) Eoghan. St., Life of, 172, 305, 400 (193) Eoghanacht, 314, 392, 397, 420 Epiphany, 740 (617) Erenagh: see Airchinncck Erhard, St., Legend of, 527 (332) £riu, 72, 78, 1 2 1 , 133 Ermenrich of EUwangen: Letter to Grimald, 59s (408)

Ethbin, Egbin, Ediunet, 180 (37) Ethel wulf, Poem by, 234 (70) Ethicus Ister: Cosmogropkia, 145-6 (21), 547 Etton, Zé, St., Life of, 506-7 (304) Eumenius: Panegyrics, 135 (12) Eusebia, St., Life of, 505 (300 ii) Eusebius, 1 2 - 3 , 138, 190, 280, 480, 566, 648 Eusebius, The Irish, 276, 596 Eutyches, 515, 552,677 (534); Commentary on, by Sedulius, 563-4 (371) Eve's Lament, 737 (610) Falbeus, Fai vi us, Fail be, 490, 404 Fomilia, 291-2 Farannin, Life of, 443 (223) Fasting, Homily on, 740 (617) Féchin, St., 307, 464; Life of, 458-9 (244) FUirt: set Martyrologies Fenagh: su Fidnacha Feock, St., 181 (38) Fer Itigin», 1 1 , 18 Fer-di-crich of Dair-inis, 352, 468-9 Fer-dorn nach, scribe, of Ard-Macha, 169,3 27,334-6, 338, 344, 644 Ferghii: set Virgili us Fermoy: set Fir-Muige Ferna (Ferns), 448-9, 461; Charter of, 769 (655) Flacc of Slébte, 268, 335, 340; Hymn of, 339-40 (132); Story of, 348 (141 iv) Fiacra, Fiacre, St., 308, 490; Life of, 493 (283) Fiadh-mac~nAenghusa, Synod of, 768 Fidnacha (Fenagh), 46, 400-1, 437 (220 xix) Fili, Filid, 2, 3, 6, 12-4, 16, 19, 21, 145, 258, 357, 421, 427, 441; Filidechi, 3, 4, 12, 19 Flnin cam, St., 305-7, 421 sqq; Life of, 42a ( a n ) Findan, Fintan, St., of Rheinau, Life of, 603-3 (422); Missal of, 704-5 Find-chù, St., 309; Life of, 457-8 (243) Fingar, Guigner, St., 181 (38) Fingen, St., 6 1 1 - 3 Finnian (Findio, Findén) moccu Telduib, of Cluain-lriird, 172, 177, 180, 240, 305, 307, 309, 374 sqq, 379, 387, 392, 741; Life of, 375-6 (165) Finnian of Druim-Finn, 391, 630 Finnian (Findio, Findén) moccu Fiatach, of MagBile, 172, 177, 185, 240, 263, 308, 368, 375, 390-1; Life of, 391 (183) Fintan, of Dun-Blesci, 305; Acts of, 403 (197) Fintan moccu Echdach, of Clüain-ednech, 305-7, 385; Life of, 386 (177) Fintan (Munnu) moccu Moie, 221, 305-7, 432, 449-50, 456; Life of, 450 (231) Fir Muighe (Fermoy), 405-6, 457-8, 752 Flanders, 500 sqq Flann Mat ni streck, 1 2 - 3 , 401 Flannan, St., 305-7, 404; Life of, 405 (199) Fleming, Patrick (Christopher), 39-41, 201, 306 Fleming, Thomas, 41 Flightiness of thought, Poem on, 735 (608) Flodoard: History of the Church of Reims, 183-4 (30)» S22 (326). See Annals; Columbanus

INDEX Floras of Lyons» 549; Book against Johannes Eriugena, 578 (383) Fobar (Fore), 458-0 Foillan, S t . , 331, 308, 501-4 (298), 507 Folcuin: History of the abbots of Lobbes, 522 (327) Forannan, S t . , 608; Life of, 610 (42g)

Foscil ar Bannscail, 744 (624) Fosses, 504, 528 Fothad na canöitu, 468,480; L a w of, 473. Su Rules Franciscans, 18, 29, 38, 42, 54, 6x, 86 Frediano, of Lucca, 391; Lives of, 184-5 (4°) Fridolin, S t . , 496, 5 1 1 ; Life of, 497-8 (292) Fulda, 397, 442, 515, 520, 532, 549-50, 576, 595, 615, 621, 681, 699, 722; Catalogue of the abbots of, 538 (344 ii) Fursa, St., 231, 296, 305, 307-8, 472, 491, 496, 500-3 (296), 506-7; Vision of, 231. Su Prayers

Gaelic Journal, 72, 74 Gaelic League, 79-81 Gaelic Society of Dublin, 60 Gaelic Union, 79 Gaidoz, Henri, 71, 76 Gall, St., 204, ¿ i i , 594-5, 597; Genealogy of, 208 (50 vi); Lives of, 206-8 (50), 639 G a l w a y , 28-9,45, 50, 62; College of St. Nicholas, 45 Gamier of Rouen, 613 (438) Gaudentius, 287, 676 Gaul, Gauls, 117, 126-8, 130, 139-41, 144, 146, 160, 163, 165, 183, 187, 247-8, 251, 257, 379 Gautbert: Succession of grammarians, 591-2 (404), 610 Gelasius, Gilasius: see Gilla-meic-Liag Genealogies, 42, 45, 304 Gennadi us, 249, 648, 667 (520) Geography, Geographers, 129, 546-8 (354), 682-3 (546) George, St., 740 (617) Gerald, St., 307; Life of, 464 (252) Gerard, St., of T o u l , Life of, 6x1 (431) Germ anus, of Auxerre, 1 5 3 - 4 , 1 6 3 - 4 (27), 165, 172, 184, 333, 687; Life of, b y Cons tan tius, 533; by Heine, 503 (407) Germany, 511, 605 sqq, 614-8 Gertrude, St., 501; Life of, 504-5 (200)

797

Glastonbury, 149, 178, 308, 446, 606-8 (424) Glenn-di-locho (Glendaloch), 8, 403-4, 461, 769, 771 Gloria in excelsts, 670 (525), 7x7-9, 721 Glossary, Connac's, 149; L e y den, 142 (19);

of

Munich, 678 (537); O'Clery's, 43 Glosses, 62, 70, 72, 85, 202, 258, 287, 635-7, 639, 646, 652, 660-1, 666-8, 670-8, 680 Goban, St., Life of, 505-6 (301) Goidels, 118, 148, 160, 162, 178 Gormgal of Àrd-oilén, 459, 482 Gospel Dice: see Alea Evangeli* Gothric (Godred?) of Dublin, Letter to, 750 (636) Gottschalk, 558-60, 576, 578 Gougaud, Louis, 83, 172 Gozbert of St. Gall, 206-7, 590Ì the Younger, 207 Grammar, Irish, 54, 60, 66, 73, 76; Latin and Greek, 143-4, 53*. S45, 551-3, 574. 680 (540) Greek, Glossaries of, 589-91 (400-1); Translation of, 569; Vocabulary and grammar, 678 (535) Gregory I, the Great, Pope, 1 5 3 , 1 7 4 , 1 7 7 , 1 9 0 , 219, 249, 264-5, 378, 297, 451, 619,636,648,658,666, 702 (560), 715, 720, 776; Columbanus to, 191 (42 i); Dialogues, 185,433, 673-4 (532); Moralia, 278-9 (106), 644; Life of, 789 Gregory I I , 221, 223, 521 Gregory ITI, 521 Gregory V I I , 768 Gregory of Dublin, 762 (649), 771 Gregory Naaanzene, St., 244, 249, 583, 673 Gregory, St., of Nyssa, 583, 585 Grellan, St., Life of, 465-6 (257) G rima Id of St. Gall, 596, 599-600; Letter to, 595 (408) Guaire Aidne, 386, 421, 438, 456-7, 467; Story of, 456 (241) Guénael, St., 180 (37) Guénolé: see Winwaloe Guido, king and emperor, Verses referring to, 604 (423 v ) Gunthar, Gonthar, of Cologne, 559, 562; Eulogy of, 562 (367); Poem in honor of, 675 G w y n n , John, 83,169, 331, 334, 339-40, 631, 643-4 Hegesippus, 136, 286, 433

Gesta regum Froncorum, 408 (203) H e i n e of Auxerre, 154, 163-4, 568, 587, 592; Life Ghent, 508; Fundaiio monaster ii Blandiniensis,of St. Gennanus, 593 (407) 507-8 (307) Gibrian, St., Life of, 183-4 (30) Gildas, 148, 1 5 1 - 2 , 154, 172, 190, 240, 249, 376,

Helias of Angouléme, 568, 571, 592-3 (405) Hell, Harrowing of, 740 Hennessy, W . M., 65-6, 68, 72 389, 479; De excidio et conquestu Britannia*, H e n r y I of England, 227, 416, 761; Letter of, 762 150-2 (23), 257; L i v e s of, 176-8 (34). Su (648) Loricae; Peoitentials; Prayer* Hi be ria, Hiberio, Hiberni, Hibernia, Hie m i , 121, Gilla-Coemtin, 13, 154-5 120, 133-5, 143 Gilla-e(a)spuk, Gillebert, of Limerick, 747, 758, 766-8; Dt statu Ecdesiae, 763-4 (651); L e t t e r from, 761 (645); L e t t e r to, 761 (646) Gilla-raeic-Liac (Gilasius) of Ard-M&cha, 353, 483, 766 Gi raid us Cambrensis, 355, 357-8 Glaber, Raoul: F i v e B o o k s of Histories, 418 (206)

"Hibernicus exul," Poems b y , 541 (348) Hii: see Iona Hilary of Poitiers, 158, 252, 311, 315. Su H y m n s ,

Bymnum dicoi Him ileo, Periplus of, 120-2 (1) Hincmar of Reims, 282, 560, 571, 576-8, 580, 587, 590, 600

INDEX

798 Hispcrica Famina,

Z43, 15z,

227, 251, 255-6

(84),

364, 2 7 1 , 433

Hogan, Edmund I., 8 4 ; Onomastico* Goedelicum, 84 Holder, Alfred, 84. 86, 2 7 8 , 7 0 1 ; AU-Cdtischer Sprackschats, 8 4 Homilies, 298, 7 3 2 sqq; in LBr, 7 3 9 - 4 0 ( 6 1 7 ) ; Cambiai, 283 (111); on Doomsday, 7 3 8 ( 6 1 3 ) ; Old Irish, 7 3 4 (603). See Johannes Eriugena Hönau, 5 2 8 - 9

(335),

784-5

Horace, 1 9 0 , 5 5 3 , 5 6 0 ; Porphyrio's Commentary on, 5 6 8 Hours, Canonical, 2 1 8 , 6 8 8 ; Orders for the celebration of, 6 8 7 - 8 ( 5 4 8 ) ; Poem naming, 6 8 8 ; Tract on, 6 8 8 ( 5 5 0 ) . See Divine Office Hraban Maur, 2 6 4 , 5 3 2 , 5 3 8 , 5 5 0 - 1 , 5 7 6 , 5 7 8 ; De Computo, 5 4 9 - 5 0 ( 3 5 6 i). See Martyrologies Hucbald of St-Amand, 5 0 5 ( 3 0 0 i), 5 9 2 Hugh of Flavigny, 6 1 2 ( 4 3 6 ) Hymns, 2 5 0 - 2 , 2 5 8 - 7 0 ( 8 5 - 9 9 ) , 303, 37i (16a), 597, 6 6 9 ( 5 2 4 ) , 6 7 2 ( 5 3 0 ) , 6 7 8 ( 5 3 5 ) , 707 sqq, 7 1 7 - 8 , 7 3 0 , 7 2 3 - 7 ; of the week, Cursus hymnorum, 2 6 5 , 7 1 4 - 5 ( 5 7 2 ) . See Manuscripts, Liber Hymnorum and Paris BN lat. 9 4 8 8 — (incipits): Abbas probatus omnino, 388-9 ( 1 8 1 ) , 7 1 8 ( 5 7 4 } ; Ad dominum clamaveram, 7 2 4 ( 5 7 9 i); Adelpktu odelpha meter, 2 5 7 , 2 5 8 (86); Alma fulget in cadesti, 7 2 0 ( 5 7 6 ) ; Alta audite rà ipya, 2 6 7 - 8 (95 i i ) , 7 1 3 ( s 7 i ) ; Alto et inejfabile, 3 8 0 , 7 1 8 ( 5 7 4 ) ; AUus prosaior, 2 5 7 , 2 6 3 - 5 (91 i ) , 7 1 7 ( 5 7 4 ) , 7 4 3 ; Ambulemutin prosperis, 7 2 4 ( 5 8 9 ii); Amici nobiles, 7 2 1 ( 5 7 8 ) , 7 2 4 (579 ¡ii); Archangelum mirum magnum, 7 2 6 ( 5 8 1 ) ; Ateoch rig (SanctAn's hymn), 7 1 8 ( 5 7 4 ) , 727 ( 5 8 3 ) ; AUochar duit, 7 3 5 ( 6 0 7 ) ; Audite bonum exemplum, 2 6 0 - 1 ( 8 8 ) , 7 0 8 ; Audite fratres, 3 7 1 ( 1 6 2 ii); Audite omnes amantes, 2 5 8 - 6 0 ( 8 7 ) , 2 6 2 , 3 2 4 , 3 3 4 , 708, 7 1 7 ( 5 7 4 ) ; Audite ir«KTft rà «pya, 2 6 5 - 6 ( 9 2 i), 7 0 8 ; Audite sancta studia, 3 7 1 ( 1 6 2 i); Benchuir bona regula, 2 6 5 - 6 (92 ii), 7 1 0 ; Benedictus in saecuia, 2 6 5 ; Bennock ocus idrochta, 7 3 1 ( 6 0 1 ) ; Brtgidae nomen habet, 3 6 3 ( 1 5 5 ii); Brigit bi, 2 6 7 - 8 ( 9 5 iii), 4 1 9 , 7 1 8 ( S 7 4 ) ; Cantemus in omni die (Hymn of Cu-chuimne), 2 6 9 - 7 0 (98), 6 7 0 ( 5 2 4 ) , 713 (571), 717 (574); Celebra Judo, 2 6 6 ( 9 3 ) , 7 1 7 ( 5 7 4 ) ; Chris te qui lux es, 7 1 8 ( 5 7 4 ) ; Christi pair is in desterà, 7 1 8 (574), 7 2 8 ( 5 8 7 ) ; Christus in nostra insula, 2 6 7 - 8 (95 0» 713 (57i), 717 (574); Christum peto, Christum preco, 7 2 4 (579 iv); Colum-cille co dia, 4 4 4 ( 2 2 5 i), 7 1 8 ( 5 7 4 ) ; Deus pater omnipotens, 7 2 4 ( 5 7 9 v); Domine deus, Jesu, 7 2 0 - 1 ( 5 7 7 - 8 ) , 7 2 4 (579 vi); Ecce fulget clarissima, 3 4 9 ( 1 4 1 vii), 7 x 8 ( 5 7 4 ) ; Genair P&traicc, 3 3 9 - 4 0 ( 1 3 2 ) , 7 1 8 ( 5 7 4 ) ; Beli, Beli, domine mi, 7 2 4 ( 5 7 9 vii); Bymnum dicat, 2 5 2 , 2 6 0 , 2 6 9 , 4 1 9 , 7 0 7 , 7 1 6 ( 5 7 3 ) . 7 2 1 - 2 ( 5 7 8 ) ; Ignis creator igneus, 253, 2 6 1 - 2 (89 i), 7 0 8 ; In pace Christi dormiam, 2 6 8 - 9 (96), 7 1 9 ( 5 7 5 ) ; In te Christe credentium, 2 6 3 - 5 (91 ii), 7 1 8 ( 5 7 4 ) ; In trinitate spes mea (Hymn of Colmin mac Murchon), 2 6 9 ( 9 7 ) , 7 1 7 ( 5 7 4 ) ; Luce videi Christum, 7 2 z ( 5 7 8 ) ; Martine te depre-

cor (Hymn of dengus mac Tipraite), 2 7 0 ( 9 9 ) , 7X7 ( 5 7 4 ) ; Mediae noctis tempus est, 7 0 8 ; Ni car Brigit (Broccan's hymn), 3 6 0 ( 1 4 8 ) , 4 Z 9 , 7 1 8 ( 5 7 4 ) ; N o l i P a t e r , 2 6 3 - 5 (91 iii), 7 1 8 ( 5 7 4 ) ; 0 rex, 0 rector regminis, 3 9 3 - 4 ( 1 8 6 ) ; Parce domine digna narranti, 2 5 8 ( 8 5 ) ; Parce, domine, Parce populo tuo (Mugint's hymn), 263 (90), 7 1 7 ( 5 7 4 ) ; Peto Petri, 7 2 5 (579«): Phoebi diem, 3 6 3 (i55 i), 718 (574); PUip opstai, 7 1 8 ( 5 7 4 ) ; Precamur pair em, 2 6 1 - 2 ( 8 9 iv), 7 0 7 - 8 ; Pro peccatis amare, 7 2 1 (s78), 725 (579 *); Sacratissimi martyres, 2 6 1 - 2 (89 iii), 7 0 8 ; Sancta sanctorum opera, 2 6 5 - 6 (92 iii), 7 1 0 , 7 1 2 ; Sancte Petre apostole, 7 2 5 ( 5 7 9 xi); Sancte sator, sujfragator, 7 2 5 ( 5 7 9 xii); Saudi venite, 2 6 1 - 2 (89 v), 7 0 8 ; Sanctus Petrus apostolus, 6 7 0 ( 5 2 4 ) ; Sin di, 7 1 7 ( 5 7 4 ) , 7 2 6 - 7 ( 5 8 2 ) ; Spiritus divinae lucis, 2 6 1 - 2 (89 ii), 708, 7 1 6 ( $ 7 3 ) ; Te deprecamur domine, 7 2 5 ( 5 7 9 xiii); Te deprecor, pater sancte, 7 2 5 ( 5 7 9 xiv); Te nunc peto, care, 7 2 4 ( 5 7 9 viii); Triur rig taink, 7 1 8 ( 5 7 4 ) Ibar, St., 3 1 0 - 1 , 3 1 5 Iberians, 1 1 5 - 6 Iceland, 8, 4 1 0 , 5 4 8 Imaid (Omey), 4 5 8 - 9 Imblech-ibair (Emly), 310, 313 Immrama, Imrama (Voyages), 4 0 9 - 1 1 . See M£elduin; Soedgus; Ci Corra Indrechtach, Indract, St., 3 0 8 , 6 0 7 ; Life of, 4 4 6 (228) Inis-C4in-Dego (Inishkeen), 3 8 3 Inis-Cathaig (Iniscathy, Scattery Island), 3 6 4 sqq Inis-Celtra, 384 sqq, 6 1 5 Inis-na-n^om (Saints' Island), 1 9 , 3 0 6 - 7 Inis-Pitraic, Synod of, 767 Iona, 220, 2 2 2 - 4 , 249. 2 8 4 - 5 , 3 3 8 . 4 * 8 , 4 2 3 - 5 , 43*» 434, 445-6. 4 6 3 , 5 4 5 , 6 4 1 , 7 7 6 Ireland, Descriptions of, 1 3 0 - 4 , 1 4 1 Irische Texte, 7 2 - 3 , 7 6 Irish Archaeological (and Celtic) Society, 6 4 - 5 , 7 4 Irish Texts Society, 7 3 , 8 1 Iscminus, St., 1 6 4 , 1 6 9 - 7 0 (30), 1 8 2 , 2 2 1 , 260, 3 3 5 Isidore of Charax, 1 3 0 Isidore of Seville, 1 3 , 1 3 4 , 1 4 3 , 1 4 6 - 7 (22), 2 4 9 , 282, 4 1 2 , 524, 548, 5 5 3 , 560, 6 6 6 , 6 7 4 , 6 7 6 , 6 7 9 (538), 681 Isidorus junior, 681; Chronicon, 670 (525) Israel, 610 Ita, Ite, of Cluain-credail, 2 9 6 , 3 0 6 - 8 , 389, 3 9 7 , 5 3 5 ; Poem of, 3 9 0 ; Life of, 3 9 0 ( 1 8 2 ) Ita, of Xivelles, 5 0 1 James, St., 7 4 0 ( 6 1 7 ) Jerome, St., 1 3 7 ( 1 7 ) , 1 4 5 , 1 6 1 , 1 7 4 , 1 9 0 , 1 9 7 , 2 0 1 , 249, 2 7 8 , 286, 2 9 7 , 4 8 0 , 5 6 6 , 5 8 4 , 6 0 4 , 6 1 9 , 6 3 4 , 6 3 6 - 7 , 6 4 8 , 6 5 8 , 6 6 6 - 7 , 6 7 3 ( 5 3 1 ) , 6 7 6 ; A ¿versus Rufinum, 568; Book of Hebrew Names, 2 8 0 ; Preface to the Psalter, 202; Prologus ad Sopronium, 202 Jerome, Pseudo-, 6 6 2 - 3

INDEX Jesus, The Infant, Poem addressed to, 390 Johannes Eriugena, 559-60, 569 sqq, 578, 5 8 1 - 2 , 5 8 8 - 9 0 , 5 9 2 - 3 , 6 7 9 ; De divisione (391);

On p r e d e s t i n a t i o n , 5 7 5 - 7

naturae,

583-5

(381);

Book

against, by Floras of Lyons, 578 (383); Reply to, by Prudentius, 577 (382); Poems of, 587-8 (397); Commentary on Boethius, 585 (392); l i f e of Boethius, 585 (393); Commentary on Dionysius, 582 (389); Translation of Dionysius, 5 7 8 - 8 1 (386); Commentary 00 Gospel of St. John, 586 (395); Homily on prologue of Gospel of St. John, 585-6 (394); Translation of Lydius Priscus, 575 (380); Extracts from M aerobi us, 574 (378); Commentary on Martian us Capella, 574-5 (379); Translation of Maximus Confessor, 583 (390); Commentary on Old Testament, 586-7 (396) John IV, Pope, Letter from, 2 2 1 - 3 (58) John the Baptist, 265, 269, 563, 740 (617); Feast of the decollation of, 703, 750 sqq; Poems on the death of, 752-3 (6a6) John Gorzien, St., Life of, 609 (427) John, Bishop, of Ireland, 614 (442) John of Tynexnouth, 607; Sancfilogium, 294,307-8 (117)

Joseph us Scot tua, 534-5, 722; Poems, 536 (341) Justus, Bishop, Letter from, 218-9 (56) Juvenal, 1 3 2 , 19z Juvencus, 1 9 1 , 433. See Manuscripts, Cambridge, Corp. Christ. Coll. 304, and Univ. l i b . Ff. iv. 42 Kanon Evangeliorum, 280-1 (107 ii) Keating: see Céitinn Keils: see Cenannas Kentigern, St., 153, 1 7 3 , 436 Kieff, 618, 787 Kil-, Kill-: see CellKilian, Killian, St., of Aubigny, 490, 492 (282); of Wllrzburg, 308, 5 1 1 , 5 1 2 - 3 (317), 658 Kiimoonc, Antiphonary of, 349 Krusch, Bruno, 146, 193-6, 199, 201, 206, 502, 514 Lactantius, 249, 676;

Divinae Institutiones,

557,

567 (374 * ) Lagio, T h e , 187, 3 " , 3*8, 3 2 1 - 2 , 346-7, 356, 358,

374, 384, 386-7, 400, 450,46z; Poem on,ascribed to Patrick, 349 (141 vi) Laid-cend, Lath, mac Baith Bannaig, Egloga de Mor ali bus Job, 2 7 8 - 9 (zo6).

See

Loricae

Laisrén of Cliiain, Vision of, 382 (17z) ÌAÌsrén (L&srian, Mo-L&ìsse) of Lcth-glenn, 221, 305, 45o; Life of, 451 (232); Story of, 451 (233) Laisrén, Lasrén (lAsrian), of Dam-inis: see MoLaisse Land-Elo, Lann-Ela (Lynally), 352, 399-400 Landévennec, Z73, 175-6, 180 Lanfranc, 745-6, 757, 76z; Lettera from, 759-60 (636-8); Letter to, 758-9 (635) ÌAngres, Council of, 578 (385) Laaigan, Dr. John, 60, 759-60 Lann (Lynn), 453 sqq

799

Laon, 209, 569 «Ni 592» 658. Set Annals I^sair, St., 465; l i f e of, 466-7 (258) Lattrculus Maiaiiamu, 5 1 8 Laurentius, Bishop, Letter from, 218-9 (56) Law, Laws, Brehon, 3 , 26, 35, 45, 60, 66, 238, 244, 292; Commission, 66-7. See Ciin; Adamnán; Patrick; Sunday Lawlor, H. J . , 83, 629, 6 3 1 - a , 703 Lebor, Leabkar, Brtaiknack, 1 5 3 - 4 ; Gabála, 14, 42, 154; na gCêart, 1 2 , 1 5 , 326; sockair, 300, 4 0 t . Set Manuscripts Leinster, Leinstermen: see Lagin Leo the Great, Pope, 2 1 4 , 6 7 0 (525) Leo m , 517 Lérins, 1 5 8 , 1 6 3 - 4 , 191. 293, 687 Leth-glenn (Leighlin), 450-1 Leutiem, St., 181 (38) Lhuyd, Lhwyd, Liwyd, Edward, 57, 70, 89, 339 Liath-Mochoemóc (Le&m&kevoge), 455 LibeUus de comcrsione Bagoariorum el Caranianorvm, 526 (329

viii)

Liber angeli: su Patrick Liber ex lege Moysi, 250 (83); kistortae Francomm, 4 9 8 ( 2 9 3 ) ; Pontifical is, 5 Z 5 . Su Manuscripts libraries, 1 0 , 6 z , 8 5 - 9 0 , 620-1 ( 4 4 9 ) . — Bobbio, 8 5 , 5z6 ( 3 2 2 ) . — Brussels, Bibl. roy., 8 7 . — Carlsruhe, Landesbibl., 86. — Dublin, Fran. Con. 8 7 ; RIA, 8 9 - 9 0 ; T C D , 8 7 - 9 . — Edinburgh, Nat. Lib. of Scotland, 90. — London, B M , 62, 88-90. — Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, 85. —Oxford, Bodl., 62, 87-8, 90. — Paris, B N , 86. — Reichenau, 8 6 . — Rome, Vat., 85. — S t . Gall,

Stiftsbibl.,

86,

599-600

(4Z6).— Turin,

Bibl. naz., 85.—Vienna, Nationalbibl., 86 Liège» 5 5 4 - 5 , 6 o z ; Letters, 6oz ( 4 2 0 ) Limerick, Luimnech, 7, 28, 3Z, 48, 55, 353, 749, 757 Lindisfarne, 9 , 2 2 4 - 5 , 2 3 4 , 7 1 9 . Su Manuscripts, Gospels Lindsay, W . M . , 9, 82, 272, 63Z-2, 6 3 4 - 5 , 6 5 0 - 2 , 6S9, 6 6 7 , 6 7 4 , 6 7 6 , 6 7 9 , 7Z4

Li&s-mór (Lismore), 8, 9, z8o, 185, 308, 3Z2, 4 5 1 - 2 , 454, 469, 472, 766 litanies, 4 8 5 , 7 Z 9 - 2 0 , 7 2 3 ; of B.V.M., 7 3 0 ( 5 9 2 ) ; of Ciarin, 7 3 0 ( 5 9 3 ) ; of Culdees of Dunkeld, 7 3 1 - 2 ; of saints, 7 2 8 ( 5 8 6 ) ; St. Gall, 7 0 0 ( 5 5 7 ii); Stowe, 695; of the Trinity, 727 (584 i) Liturgy, 73, 198, 337, 5 3 1 , 6 1 1 , 685; Offices and fragments, 2 5 9 , 2 6 5 - 6 , 2 6 8 - 9 , 5 5 8 , 6 2 5 , 6 8 3 sqq, 702-4

{560, 562, 565), 7 0 9 - 1 0 , 7 1 2 - 4

(569,

571),

7 z6, 753. See Baptism, Canticles, Collects, Colors, Consecration, Divine Office, Gloria in exceisis, Hours, Hymns, Martyrologes, Mass, Missals, Penance, Prayers, Visitation Livinus, Lié vin, St., Life of, 509 (310) Lobbes, 522; History of the abbots of, 522 (327) Loegaire, Loeguire, Loiguire, drd-ri, 274, 33Z, 333, 7551 Conversion and death of, 3 4 6 - 7 ( 1 3 8 ) , 3 5 2 ; Story of the wife and son of, 3 4 8 - 5 0 ( 1 4 1 ii) Longinus, 740 (6Z7) Lorcan Oa Tuathail (Laurence O'Toole), St., 305-7; l i f e and Miracles of, 770-x (659)

INDEX

8oo

Lorica», 254, »65, >7*» 304* 43&-0 (220 z z z ì t , Ivi), 720. 7 2 3 . 726-7

(S83, 584 ü), 7 2 9 - 3 0

(590-1);

Mac

(Mag)

Aedh

Uidhix

(MacGuire,

( H u g h ) , 34;

Brian

of Gildas, o r L a i d < e n d , 257, 270-2 (100), 720-1

M a c M a g h n u s a , 23

94; Lecan (Great Book), 25, S4, 63, 88, 90; Lccan (Yellow Book), 24, 6s, 75, 80, 89; Leinster (Leber Laignech),i2,xs, 65, Lismore,35,30& 9 (118); L l a n - D i v , 174; MacCarthy reagh, see Lismore; Monasterboice, i s , 2s, 308, 458; Mulling, 9, 89, 259, 265-6, 269, 625, 632-3 (4S6-7), 698, 703 (562), 710, 753; Munster (Red Book), 725; Nunnaminster, 255, 720 (577) (see PrayerBooks); O'Kelleys, see Leather Üi if dint; Rahan, 2s; Short Book, 15; Slane (Yellow Book), i s — " G o s p e l s " : Lindisfarne, 626, 631, 651-2 (490); mac Duman, 644-5 (475); mac R£gol, Rushworth, 641-2 (472); Miel-Brigte, 648 (483); Maeseyck, 658; Maihingen, 633-4 (459); St. Chad, Lichfield 6.19 (468); Willibrord (Cod. Epternacensis), 233, 634 (460) —"Lebor, Leabhar": Breac, 25, 63, 65, 73, 75, 90, 262, 272, 739 (616); Pidnacha, see Bk. of Fenagh; Laignech, see Bk. of Leinster; mär DünaDaighre, see Breac; na hVidre, 12,15, 65, 75,377; Üi Maine, 24 — "Liber": Ardmachanus, see Bk. of Armagh; Flatus Fergusiorum, 25, 90; Eymnorum, 88, 268-70, 274, 709-10, 716-8 (574) — Miscellaneous titles: Antiphonary of Bangor, 218, 261-2, 265-6, 706-13 (568), 721; Bobbio Missal, 689-92 (5S4), 699, 701-2; Cathack (psalter) of Cotum-cille, 9, 90, 616, 629-30 (454); Cin Dromma-snechta (Bk. of Drumanat), 14; Corpus Missal, 706 (567); Demnach Airgid M S , 9. 90, 638-9 (467); Drummond Missal, 705-6 (566); DHanaire of Flann mac Loniin, 15; Garland of Howth, see Dublin T C D A. 4. 6; Psalter of Ricemarch, 657 (508); Psalter of St. Ciimln, 646-7 (479); Psalter of Southampton, 645-6 (476), 665, 709, 713; SaJtair of Casbel, 12, i s , 25; Stowe Missal, 469, 485, 637-8 (466), 688, 692-9 (55s), 701, 709-10, 721, 788 — (by library shelf-marks): Amiens 6-7 (pentateuch): 787. — Angels 20 (gospels): 656 (503). — Basel A. vii. 3 (psalter): 268, 557-8 (364 iv), 713-4 (57i), 721; F. üi. i s (frags.): 681 (544), 703 (561). — Berlin, Hamilton 553 (psalter): 658; Von GArres 87 (Augustine): 673 (53i). — Beme A 73 (bible): 643; 207 (grammar): 679 (538); 363 (classics): 559-60 (364 vii), 563 (369); 671 (gospels): 659. — Boulogne, 63 and 64 (Augustine): 674. — Brussels 2324-40, 4190200 (acta SS.): 309 (119); 7672-4 (Cad. SalmatHkmfis): 19, 83, 294, 304-5 (114), 306-7.

801

— Cambrai 162-3, 164 (sacramentaries): 705. — Cambridge, Corp. Christ. Coll. 279 (sentences): 566; 297 (gospel fiag».): 658; 304 (Juvencus): 560; 405 (acta SS.): 777; Trinity Coll. B. 17. 1 (Cod. PaMitnus Augienjis): 655 (500); Univ. Lib. F f . iv. 42 (Juvencus): 257, 67* (53°); Kk- >• '4 (gospels): 636 (463); N n . ii. 41 (Cod. Betae): 628-9, 644, 700. — Carisruhe, Codd. Augienses C V I I (psalter): 629; C X I X (Pelagiuse/d/.): 643,663 (513); C X X X I I (Priscian): 67S-7 (533 iv); C L X V I I (Bede): 481, 670-1 (525); App. C L X V I I (frags, of sacramentary): 701-2 (558); C X C V (Augustine): 669-70 (534), 714-5 (572); C C X I (gospels): 655 (501). — Chur MS (Frag. Curiensia): 627 (450). — Cologne Stadt-Archiv G B - A nos. 82, 85 (Bede frags.): 671 (527). — Dresden Msc. A . 145. b (Cod. Bcernerianus): 5S9 (364 vi), 643, 655. — Dublin Fran. Con. A 24 (acta SS.): 306-7 (116); Marsh's Lib. Z . 3.1.5 (Cod. Armachanus, Cod. Kitkenniensis): 19, 294, 305-6 (115), 307; R I A A.4.1 (O'Dinneen coll.): 40, 309 (120); D.4.2 (secular): 24; TCD A-4.6 (Garland of Howth, Cod. Usserianus II): 9, 88, 62,5, 628, 636, 639, 646 (477); A.4.1S (Cod. Usserianus I): 9, 88, 62s, 627-8 (4S3), 700; E.3.11 (acta SS.): 305-6 ( u s ) . — D u r ham A. n . 16, 17 (gospels): 658. — Essen M S (gospels): 659. — Florence L X X V I H 19 (Boethius): 681 (543); Am. I (Cod. Amiatinus): 629, 631, 643, 651, 659. — Fulda Cod. Bomfatianus III (gospels): 652-3 (491). — Hohenfurt 71 (Gregory the Great): 673-4 (53') — Lao» 26 (Cassiodorus): 666; 55 (grammar): 680 (540); 444 (Greek glossaries): 5 8 9 9 1 (400). — Leningrad F.I.8 (Cod. Sangermanensis 108): 46a (473)- — Leyden F . 67 (Priscian): 556-7 (364 i), 562 (366). — London B M Add. 5463 (Cod. Beneventanus): 653 (492); Add. 30512 (Book of the O'Mulconrys, Book of Carrick) 25; Add. 37518 (gospel frag.): 630; Cotton. Galba A . v (psalter): 647 (480); Cotton. Otho v (gospel frags.): 637 (464); Cotton. Vitellius F . ri (psalter): 646 (478), 709; Eg. 180 (acta SS.): 777; Eg. 609 (Gospels of Mannoutier): 654 (496); Eg. 1782 (secular): 26; Harl. 1023 (gospels): 648 (482); Harl. 1772 (epistles, apocalypse): 659; Harl. 5280 (secular): 26; Harl. 7653 (prayer-book): 718-9 (57s); Reg. I. A . xviii (Gospels of Athelstan): 656 (504); Reg. I. E. vi (gospels): 658; R i g . I I A . n (prayer-book): 719-20 (576). — Maynooth 3. G 1 (acta SS.): 306, 777. — Milan A 138 sup. (Priscian): 675-7 (533 ¡¡¡); C 301 inf. (commentary on psalms): 200-3 (47), 665 (51s); E 26 inf., E S3 inf. (bible frags.): 658; F 60 sup. (patristics): 668 (522); H 78 sup. (Ambrose): 661 (SI2); I 61 sup. (gospels): 649 (484); O. 212 sup. (patristics): 667 ( 5 2 0 ) . — Munich 6298 (Augustine): 667 (521); 9545 (epistles): 657 (507); 14429 (glossary): 678

INDEX

8O2 (S37). — N a n c y

317

— Napfes I V . 51s;

(computus):

67»

A . 8 (Charisius, Lib.

(sag). ponti).)-.

former Vienna 16 and 17 (misc.):

— O x f o r d , Balliol Coll. 157 «43, 6 5 7 - 8 (sog);

515.

(Pauline epistles)

Bodl. A u c t . D . 3. 14, B o d l e y

M a r c i a n u s of H e r a c l e a :

M a r c u s of Soissons, 503 M a r c u s of the Historie Marianus Scottus

Laud.

lat.

103

(gospels):

656

misc. 6 1 0 (Saltair of M a c L a u d m i s c . 615 485, 505

(505);

Richard):

(Colum-cille): 436;

(Cod.

Laud, 15, 25;

Rawl.

B

Sea

M a r c u s of R a t i s b o n , 742