The Slave Soul of Russia: Moral Masochism and the Cult of Suffering 9780814769409

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T H E S L A V E SOC1 L O F R U S S I

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The Slave Soul of Russi a MORAL MASOCHIS M AND TH E CUL T O F SUFFERIN G

Daniel Rancour-Laferrier e

NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRES S New York and London

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k an d Londo n © 199 5 b y New Yor k Universit y

All rights reserve d

Library o f Congres s Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Rancour-Laferriere, Daniel . The slav e soul o f Russi a : moral masochis m an d th e cult of suffering / Daniel Rancour-Laferriere . p. cm . Includes bibliographica l reference s an d index . ISBN 0-8147-7458-X (alk . paper ) 1. Nationa l characteristics , Russian . 2 . Masochism—Russi a (Federation) 3 . Self-destructiv e behavior—Russi a (Federation ) 4. Russi a (Federation)—Civilization . I . Title . DK510.34.R36 199 5 947—dc20 94-3851 9 CIP New Yor k Universit y Press books ar e printed o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r bindin g material s ar e chosen fo r strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n the United State s of Americ a 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

rbcnoflH noMHjiyfi , Ka K MyHHTejibHo Tpyjmo 6wT b pyccKHM! H6o H H OOT H Hapoz i H e MyBCTByeT cTOJib rjiy6oKo Tar a 3eMHof t M HeT Ha 3eMJie 66jibiiiH x pa6o6 6ooicbvx, ne M MM , Pycb . Lord have mercy, how agonizingl y difficul t i t is to be Russian! For there is no other people which feel s the earth's pull so profoundly, an d there are no greater slaves of God o n this earth than we, Rus \ —Maksim Gor'ki i

Contents

Acknowledgments

xi

1. Introduction Masochism and the Slave Image What Is Russia?

1 6 15

2. Some Historical Highlight s Religious MasochismEarly Observers of Russian Masochism The Slavophiles Masochistic Tendencies among the Russian Intelligentsia Masochism and Antimasochism Recent Developments

18 18 28 37

3. Two Ke y Words i n the Vocabulary o f Russia n Masochis m Smirenie Sud'ba

66 66 69

4. Masochism i n Russia n Literatur e Selected Masochistic Characters Dmitrii Karamazov Tat'iana Larina Vasilii Grossman's Thousands'ear-Old Slave

78 78 84 86 89

5. Ontogeny an d th e Cultura l Contex t Clinical Developments since Freud

93 94

42 50 60

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viii CONTENT

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Is Masochism Gendered? 102 The Masochisms Questionable Self and Unquestionable Other 106 Normalcy and Cultural Variation 112 The Swaddling Hypothesis Revisited 116 6. Th e Russia n Foo l an d Hi s Mothe r 12 A Surplus of Fools 122 Ivan the Fool 127 The Fool and His Mother 129

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7. I s the Slave Soul o f Russi a a Gendered Object ? 13 Patriarchy Conceals Matrifocality 137 Ambivalence toward Mothers 140 Suffering Women 144 Suffering from Equality 159 The Double Burden and Masochism 163 The Male Ego and the Male Organ 168 The Guilt Factor 174 Late Soviet and Post-Soviet Developments 177

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8. Bor n i n a Bania: Th e Masochism o f Russia n Bathhouse Ritual s 18 Cleansing Body and Soul 182 Digression on Russian Birches 184 The Bania-Mother 189 The Prenuptial Bath 193 9. Masochis m an d th e Collectiv e 20 What It Means to Be a Zero 202 Sticking One's Neck Out in the Collective 206 A Post-Soviet Antimasochistic Trend? 210 Some Theoretical Considerations 211 Submission to the "Will" of the Commune in Tsarist Russia 215 Aleksei Losev: Masochism and Matriotism 225 Berdiaev's Prison Ecstasy 227

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CONTENTS ix A Blok Poem: Suffering Begins at the Breast 230 Dostoevsky's Maternal Collective 234 10. Conclusio n 24

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Notes 24

9

Bibliography 29

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Index 31

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Acknowledgments

This book owe s its title and chie f inspiratio n t o the Soviet Russian write r Vasilii Semenovic h Grossma n (1905—64) . In his pessimistic novella Forever Flowing Grossma n explain s Russia' s uniquenes s b y its "slav e soul. " Russia i s a lan d o f endles s suffering , accordin g t o Grossman , becaus e Russians typicall y canno t overcom e thei r self-defeatin g slavishness . If there was anythin g to what Grossma n wa s saying, I thought whe n I firs t rea d him , the n th e psychoanalyti c theor y o f mora l masochis m ought t o appl y t o th e Russians . Nearl y on e thousan d footnote s later , I have becom e convince d tha t Grossma n wa s correct , fo r I have bee n abl e to documen t th e widesprea d occurrenc e o f mora l maoschis m i n variou s spheres of Russia n culture . Work o n thi s boo k ha s bee n supporte d ove r th e year s b y Facult y Research Grant s (1988—93 ) fro m th e Universit y o f California , Davis . The boo k als o benefite d fro m a n Internationa l Researc h an d Exchange s Board trave l gran t t o th e Soviet Union i n 1990 . Portions o f th e boo k hav e bee n presente d orall y a t meeting s o f th e American Associatio n fo r th e Advancement o f Slavi c Studies (1992) , th e American Historica l Associatio n (1994) , an d th e U C Davi s Humanitie s Institute (1993) . Many individual s hav e offere d constructiv e criticis m o f my wor k a s it progressed . Barbar a Milma n listene d incredulousl y bu t patientl y a s I tried t o describ e fo r he r th e thing s Russian s do . Yur i Druzhniko v sa t with m e fo r hour s explainin g ho w t o interpre t certai n mysteriou s Rus sian proverbs . M y Mosco w friend s Ver a Loseva , Alekse i Lunkov , Svet lana Kapelush , Le v Tokarev, Konstanti n Pimkin , an d Gayan e Grigoria n XI

xii ACKNOWLEDGMENT

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showered m e wit h vivi d anecdote s abou t masochis m i n Russia . Other s who offere d valuabl e comment s include : Loi s Becker , Davi d Brodsky , Patricia Brodsky , Catherin e Chvany , Tob y Clyman , Rober t O . Crum mey, Joe l Friedman , Ji m Gallant , Musy a Giants , Be n Hart , Ken t Hart , Joanna Hubbs , Kathry n Jaeger , Gar y Jahn , D . Barto n Johnson , Lol a Komarova, Ronal d LeBlanc , Ann a Leibovich , Yur i Mamleev , Kar l Menges, Sidney Monas , Hug h Ragsdale , Steve n Rosen , Gar y Rosen shield, Charlott e Rosenthal , Ann a Wierzbicka , an d Elizabet h Wood . Helpful bibliographi c assistanc e wa s provide d b y Oprits a Popa , a s wel l as b y Donal d Beene , Fran k Goodwin , Andr e Janitzky , Shida n Lotfl , and Russe l Schwartz . Specia l thank s g o t o Jacki e DiClementin e fo r he r marvelous wordprocessin g skills . All translation s int o Englis h ar e min e unles s otherwis e noted . A Russian translatio n o f thi s book i s in preparation .

THE S L A V E S O U L O F R U S S I

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Introduction

Russian histor y offer s numerou s example s o f th e exploitatio n an d de basement o f huma n beings . After th e Mongol s invade d i n th e mid-thirteent h centur y the y ex tracted obeisance , financia l tribute , an d militar y assistanc e fro m th e princes o f Rus ' land s fo r a t leas t th e nex t centur y an d a half . A s th e Mongols los t thei r grip , the Muscovite stat e expanded , it s tsar enforcin g unrestricted despoti c rule over al l citizens. By degrees , startin g roughl y a t th e en d o f th e fifteent h century , Russian peasant s becam e mor e an d mor e oblige d t o thei r landownin g masters. From th e late sixteenth century , they—that is , the vast majorit y of th e rura l Russia n population—wer e boun d fro m cradl e t o grav e a s serfs to their masters (o r to the state directly), and the y were not release d from thi s for m o f involuntar y servitud e unti l 1861 . The Russia n Orthodo x Church , sinc e th e tim e o f Pete r th e Great , was unde r th e thumb o f tsaris t authority , an d afte r th e 191 7 Revolutio n has endured period s o f anti-religiou s persecution . Russian wome n o f al l historica l period s hav e bee n victimize d b y their men , whethe r the y wer e bein g beate n fo r disobedienc e i n accor dance wit h th e principle s o f th e sixteenth-centur y Domostroi, o r wer e holding dow n full-tim e job s while a t the same time being responsible fo r the bulk o f househol d labo r i n the twentieth-century Sovie t state . For nearly three decades durin g the Soviet period o f Russia n history , forced labo r wa s a wa y o f lif e fo r th e million s o f inhabitant s o f th e so called gula g or syste m o f concentratio n camps . Both Wester n an d Sovie t historians hav e acknowledge d tha t thi s wa s outrigh t slavery. 1 Wit h th e 1

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onset o f collectivizatio n i n th e 1930 s a n aspec t o f serfdo m wa s rein stated, fo r a larg e portio n o f th e Sovie t populatio n wa s restricte d b y means o f a n interna l passpor t syste m t o livin g in designate d agricultura l areas. To thi s da y ordinar y Russia n citizens , wh o ofte n hav e difficult y obtaining th e minimu m good s an d service s necessar y fo r subsistence , contribute t o the production o f certai n good s an d service s which onl y a n elite class, formerly know n a s the nomenklatura, ha s acces s to. These facts ar e ver y diverse , an d the y ar e o f cours e somewha t over simplified. Bu t a general picture emerge s which i s accurate—and appall ing. Th e shee r quantit y an d diversit y o f suffering tha t ha s gon e o n i n Russia, an d stil l goes on there , boggles the Western mind . The America n psychoanalys t Edmun d Bergle r treate d a clas s o f masochistic neurotic s who m h e terme d "injustic e collectors. " I know o f no natio n whic h ha s collected mor e injustices fo r itsel f tha n ha s Russia . What ar e th e cause s o f th e grea t suffering tha t goe s o n i n Russia ? Whence th e Russia n "nee d t o suffer " ("potrebnost ' stradaniia") 2 —as Dostoevsky pu t it ? Wh o i s t o blame?—t o as k th e perennia l Russia n question. Russia i s customarily characterize d a s a n "authoritarian " o r "patri archal" culture . This i s no doub t true , bu t th e ver y term s ten d t o attrac t blame towar d thos e exercisin g "authority, " an d dra w analyti c attentio n away fro m thos e over whom "authority " i s exercised, that is, away fro m those wh o d o th e sufferin g an d wh o migh t possibl y b e complicitou s i n the "authoritarianism. " In th e politica l an d historica l spheres , fo r example , thi s mean s (o r has mean t i n th e past ) undu e attentio n t o leader s an d inadequat e atten tion t o th e servil e psycholog y o f subordinate s an d ordinar y Russians . I a m incline d t o agre e wit h Nichola s Vakar : "historian s wh o hav e written tha t th e tyrann y o f th e Tsar s conditione d th e natio n t o accep t the tyrann y o f th e Communist s hav e misse d th e fac t tha t Russia n hab its o f obedienc e hav e bee n th e cause , no t th e result , o f politica l au tocracy. " 3 In the gende r spher e exaggerate d attentio n t o authorit y ha s mean t a certain kin d o f mal e chauvinism , eve n amon g thos e feminis t critic s o f Russia wh o ar e s o bus y blamin g th e pampere d Russia n mal e eg o fo r female oppressio n tha t th e female psych e goes unexamined . Analogous statement s coul d b e mad e fo r othe r sphere s o f Russia n

INTRODUCTION 3 life. Littl e effor t ha s bee n mad e t o understan d jus t ho w th e Russian s manage t o consistentl y ge t themselve s int o situation s wher e the y appea r to hav e n o choic e bu t t o submi t an d t o suffer . Ho w di d Russian s come t o acquir e thei r well-deserve d epithe t o f "long-sufferin g people " ("terpelivyi narod") ? Or , t o utiliz e a n alliterativ e epithe t recentl y in vented b y poe t Andre i Voznesenskii , wh y ha s Russi a alway s bee n a "country o f suffering " ("stran a stradan'ia")? 4 The Sovie t prose writer Vasili i Grossma n proffere d hi s controversia l notion tha t th e "Russia n soul " i s by natur e a "slave " ("raba"). 5 Thi s i s a metaphorica l characterizatio n o f th e phenomeno n i n question , no t a n explanation o f it . But , frankly , literar y artist s hav e exerte d mor e effor t in thi s are a tha n anyon e else , an d thei r exploration s hav e bee n ver y fruitful. Grossma n i s hardly alone . All of Dostoevsky' s majo r novels , fo r example, offe r insight s int o masochism . Th e poetr y o f Blo k i s fille d with sufferin g welcome d b y the sufferer . Muc h o f Solzhenitsyn' s writin g glorifies suffering behin d priso n walls . And s o on . The literar y imager y o f Russia n self-abnegatio n ca n b e wide-rang ing, even flamboyant . I t is hardly falsifiabl e (i n the Popperian sense) , bu t at th e sam e tim e i t i s highly interesting . Take , fo r example , th e Russia n Symbolist poe t Viachesla v Ivanov , wh o i n hi s essa y o n "th e Russia n Idea," declares : "ou r mos t attractive , mos t nobl e aspiration s ar e im printed wit h a thirst fo r self-destructio n [zapechatlen y zhazhdoi u samor azrusheniia]." "We " (Russians) , Ivano v says , ac t a s thoug h othe r peo ples ar e terribl y stingy , an d w e try t o prov e ourselve s a selfless people , a "self-immolating people, " a "butterfly-Psyche " longin g fo r a fiery death. 6 Ivano v use s th e imager y o f downwar d movemen t i n a n attemp t to conve y wha t h e means . Russian s hav e a "lov e fo r descent, " the y ar e inclined t o voluntar y subordinatio n o f th e wil l t o anothe r (a s i n th e religious practic e o f washin g another' s feet , o r i n th e sectarian' s utter ance "Yo u ar e greater tha n I") . The "la w o f descent " ("zako n niskhozh deniia") i s the essenc e o f "Russia n soul, " an d th e lowly, humiliated, bu t enlightening Chris t i s th e perfec t mode l fo r thi s Russia n tendency . I t i s as i f th e word s "imitatio n o f Christ " ("upodobleni e Khristu" ) wer e inscribed o n th e forehea d o f th e Russia n nation . I t is as if Russian s wer e born Christian : "Hi e populus natu s es t christianus." 7 These ver y heterogeneou s image s explai n nothing , bu t the y offe r a treasure trov e t o th e schola r seekin g explanations . The y mak e i t easie r to go about askin g blun t questions : How d o Russian s endur e their pain ?

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What mental processes permi t the m t o g o on livin g even as they perceiv e themselves a s victims ? Migh t ther e b e a widesprea d mentality whic h encourages thei r victimization ? D o the y hav e som e secre t need o r wish to suffer , o r eve n t o destro y themselves ? I f so , wha t i s th e ontogenetic background t o th e wis h i n individua l Russians ? Wh y i s th e wis h s o difficult t o dislodge ? These ar e psychological questions , an d the y have no t bee n answere d in an y substantiv e fashio n i n th e past . The y ar e o f particula r interes t t o the psychoanalyticall y oriente d scholar . O f cours e othe r scholars , too , have take n a n indirec t interest . Considerabl e historical , philosophical , political, anthropological , an d sociologica l researc h ha s bee n devote d t o patterns o f exploitation , subjugation , an d eve n self-destructio n i n Rus sia. Bu t psychological , an d i n particular , psychoanalyti c stud y ha s bee n very scarce . What I a m proposin g t o d o her e i s t o construc t a psychoanalyti c model o f th e mentalit y behin d bot h slavis h behavio r an d it s cultura l signification i n Russia . The socia l practice s an d cultura l phenomen a i n questio n exis t a t th e level o f th e collective , no t a t th e leve l o f th e individual . Tha t is , they ar e sociocultural facts . Bu t suc h facts depen d o n th e action s o f individuals , and individual s hav e feeling s abou t wha t the y ar e doin g collectively . A n individual wh o regularl y participate s i n a social practice ha s a persistin g attitude toward , a mentality concernin g what h e or sh e does (o r signifie s doing, or fantasizes doing ) i n his or her social environment. That mental ity, or aspect s o f it , may b e shared wit h othe r member s o f th e collective . To th e exten t tha t sharin g take s place , o r t o th e exten t tha t th e share d mentality contribute s t o socia l development s an d signifyin g practices , the mentalit y deserve s th e attentio n o f historians , literar y scholars , lin guists, sociologists, anthropologists, an d others who stud y human collec tives. But a mentalit y i s first an d foremos t a n objec t fo r psychologica l study. I t persists i n th e fac e o f historica l an d environmenta l change . Fo r example, whe n Alexande r I I liberate d th e peasant s fro m serfdom , th e psychology o f peasants di d not just suddenly change—a s Merezhkovski i understood whe n h e sai d tha t "th e libert y o f slave s i s a slavis h liberty , little bette r tha n voluntar y slavery." 8 Similarly , whe n Sovie t powe r dis integrated, Russian s di d no t suddenl y becom e differen t people. 9 What I a m goin g t o cal l a slav e mentality 10 i s somethin g tha t psy -

INTRODUCTION 5 chologists, an d i n particula r psychoanalysts , wil l b e interested in . If I go so fa r a s t o spea k o f th e Russian slav e mentality , the n I mea n fo r historians, literar y scholars , anthropologists , Slavist s generally , an d cul ture theorist s t o tak e a n interes t a s well . Bu t th e primar y focu s o f thi s study i s nonetheless psychoanalytic . One thin g shoul d b e emphasized : i n n o wa y i s th e ter m "Russia n slave mentality" (o r th e mor e poetic "slav e sou l o f Russia, " o r th e mor e clinical "Russia n masochism" ) mean t t o impl y tha t only Russian s hav e such a mentality, o r tha t all Russians hav e such a mentality, o r eve n tha t the slav e mentalit y i s th e mos t importan t psychologica l featur e share d by significant number s o f Russians . But ther e i s a consensu s amon g highl y divers e observers—nativ e Russians a s well a s foreign visitors , impressionistic literar y artist s a s well as rigorou s scholars , historian s a s wel l a s commentator s o n th e curren t scene—that ther e exist s a widespread attitud e o f submissivenes s towar d authority an d a tendenc y towar d self-defeatin g an d self-destructiv e be havior i n individua l Russians . Russian s d o no t merel y suffer . The y hav e concocted fo r themselve s a veritable cul t of suffering . It ma y b e objecte d tha t masochisti c attitude s an d behavior s hav e simply bee n unavoidabl e i n Russia , fo r reason s quit e outsid e o f th e individual's control , an d tha t i t i s therefore unfai r t o ta g the m wit h th e derogatory-sounding epithet s "slavish " o r "masochistic. " Wh y blam e the victim? Why require heroism fro m a n individual in an unbearable sit uation? This objectio n i s certainl y vali d whe n a victimize d individua l play s no rol e whatsoeve r i n hi s o r he r victimization . A n upstandin g Sovie t citizen wh o i s suddenl y an d unexpectedl y arreste d b y th e KGB , fo r example, i s no t necessaril y a masochist . Bu t eve n a socia l syste m whic h is oriente d towar d victimizin g individual s require s a certai n amoun t o f cooperation fro m thos e individuals , an d t o th e exten t tha t individual s do cooperat e the y ar e behavin g mor e o r les s masochistically . Russia n dissident V . Gorski i observed : "Th e rejectio n o f freedo m doe s no t leav e n man unpunished . I t turns hi m int o a slave of necessity. " 11 Bu t (an d I am sure Gorski i woul d agree ) a slav e o f necessit y i s no les s a slave. In othe r words, th e easies t o r mos t adaptiv e solutio n i n a specifi c situatio n ma y well be the masochistic one, but tha t doe s not mak e it any less masochistic. Medica l researche r V . D . Topolianski i emphasize s thi s importan t point i n a recent intervie w wit h Literaturnaia gazeta:

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In th e contex t o f a totalitaria n governmen t th e nontraditiona l choic e require s courage. Here a n essentia l questio n arises : what d o you cal l thos e people who attempted t o fight the system? Were they people who behaved self-destructivel y (after al l they knew they were in danger of being repressed), or were they persons who were trying to preserve their integrit y amids t the general collapse? Officia l [Soviet] psychiatry insiste d that the actions of Sakharov, Solzhenitsyn, and Grigorenko fel l unde r th e categor y o f paranoi a insofa r a s thes e individual s wer e characterized b y an inability t o make compromises. But I am strongly inclined , on the contrary, to label those who opted for compromise as the ones with selfdestructive behavior . For , in a situation o f unfreedom , compromis e is always a betrayal of the self [predatel'stv o samogo sebia]. It has always seemed to me that a readiness to compromise and , consequently, t o carry ou t assignments handed down from o n high, is itself self-destruction [samorazrushenie]. 12 This i s a n essentiall y psychoanalyti c insight . I f i n plac e o f ever y occur rence o f th e wor d "self-destructive " w e rea d instea d "masochistic, " then th e passag e woul d soun d lik e a straightforwar d psychoanalyti c interpretation o f individual s acquiescin g t o th e authoritarianis m o f th e Soviet regime. Masochism, lik e th e heroi c resistanc e Topolianski i speak s of , i s a n individual matter . Masochis m i s no t a phenomeno n o f th e faceles s masses—although th e self-destructiv e behavio r o f group s i s itsel f a n observable phenomeno n i n Russia , an d a legitimat e objec t o f sociologi cal study. Russian s ma y sometime s see m to resembl e a herd o f lemming s headed int o th e sea , bu t tha t doe s no t mak e th e individua l lemmin g an y less interesting. Psychoanalysis is , quit e literally , analysi s o f th e individual psyche . The collectiv e i s somethin g els e again . Man y Russian s fee l tha t th e collective is the most important thin g in the world, bu t in psychoanalysi s the individua l reign s supreme . Thi s i s certainl y on e reaso n wh y ther e was a long history o f hostilit y t o psychoanalysis i n Soviet Russia . In an y case , psychoanalysi s understand s tha t th e individua l wh o knuckles unde r t o th e collectiv e i s betrayin g himsel f o r herself . Th e psychoanalyst canno t bu t observ e that suc h submission , howeve r under standable i n context, i s a form o f masochism .

Masochism and the Slave Image It i s importan t t o defin e th e centra l concep t o f thi s boo k fro m th e very start . Masochism , i n th e broades t sens e (a s opposed t o th e original ,

INTRODUCTION 7 narrowly eroti c sense), 13 i s define d b y psychoanalys t Anit a Weinre b Katz a s follows : "an y behaviora l act , verbalization , o r fantas y that—b y unconscious design—i s physicall y o r psychicall y injuriou s t o oneself , self-defeating, humiliating , o r undul y self-sacrificing." 14 Thi s i s roughl y what Freu d mean t b y hi s ter m "mora l masochism." 15 Not e tha t enjoyment i s no t par t o f thi s particula r psychoanalyti c concept , althoug h th e masochist, lik e anyone else , does strive fo r pleasure , and sometime s eve n achieves it . I t shoul d als o b e pointe d ou t that , accordin g t o thi s defini tion, masochis m ca n exis t no t onl y a t a literal , behaviora l level , bu t a t other level s a s wel l (on e ma y wis h t o b e beate n i n reality , bu t on e ma y also wis h t o b e beate n onl y i n fantasy—whic h mean s tha t masochis m can occu r i n dreams , folklore , literar y works , politica l commentary , religious teachings , etc.) . Th e definitio n o f masochis m i s no t normall y extended s o far , however , a s t o includ e aggressio n directe d outward , away fro m th e self , for the n w e would b e dealing wit h wha t psychoana lysts ter m sadism , o r wit h th e fuzzie r an d mor e problematica l notio n o f the deat h instinct. 16 Th e definitio n o f masochis m utilize d her e als o doe s not requir e a sadisti c partne r t o participat e i n th e masochisti c act . Al though sadomasochisti c relationship s ar e common, i t is perfectly feasibl e to engag e i n masochisti c behavio r o r fantas y withou t th e participatio n of a sadist (e.g. , one can bea t oneself) . Similarly , it is quite feasible t o b e a sadis t withou t th e participatio n o f a masochis t (e.g. , on e ca n bea t others agains t thei r will). Note als o tha t n o clai m i s being mad e her e abou t whethe r masoch ism i s "pathological, " o r "abnormal, " o r a "disorder. " Wester n clini cians ma y us e thes e terms , whic h ar e appropriat e i n thei r ow n cultura l context. Bu t I wil l tr y t o avoi d suc h evaluativ e epithet s t o characteriz e behavior i n th e Russia n cultura l context , eve n thoug h th e behavio r in questio n ma y b e full y comparabl e t o wha t occur s i n th e Wester n clinic (and , b y th e way , i n man y area s o f everyda y lif e i n th e Wes t as well). I argu e tha t th e traditiona l submissivenes s an d self-destructivenes s of th e Russia n slav e mentalit y constitut e a for m o f masochism . T o sa y that th e Russia n sou l i s a slav e i s t o sa y tha t Russian s ten d t o injur e themselves, defea t themselves , humiliat e themselves , o r sacrific e them selves unduly—al l behavior s tha t characteriz e masochis m i n th e West ern clinica l sens e of th e term . And again , i t i s individua l Russian s wh o d o thes e things . On e ma y

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say tha t ther e i s a cultur e o f mora l masochis m i n Russia , bu t i t i s individuals wh o enac t tha t culture , wh o endo w i t wit h it s masochism . Russia offer s opportunitie s galor e fo r suffering , a s w e wil l see , but i t i s individuals (eve n i f fictitious individuals , suc h a s Stavrogi n o r Iva n th e fool) wh o tak e up the culture on it s offer t o suffer . I a m not goin g t o argu e tha t masochis m i s th e essenc e o f th e so called "Russia n nationa l character. " I f ther e i s eve n suc h a thin g a s "national character " (o r "moda l personality, " a s som e psychologica l anthropologists prefe r t o say) , i t ha s man y aspects . Th e slav e mentalit y is onl y on e aspect . Fo r persona l reason s I became intereste d specificall y in th e masochisti c featur e o f Russians . M y tas k i s no t s o muc h t o "characterize" Russian s a s t o examin e a particular characteristic, mas ochism, a s i t occur s i n individua l Russian s an d i n som e establishe d Russian sociocultura l practices . I want t o emphasiz e tha t i t i s Russian s wh o ar e bein g studie d here , not an y othe r Slav s suc h a s Poles , Ukrainians , Slovaks , Czechs , Croats , Serbs, o r Bulgarians . Th e term s "pan-Slavism " an d "Slavophilism " (which al l to o ofte n hav e mean t pan-Russis m an d Russophilism) 17 hav e led t o certai n misunderstanding s amon g non-Slavists . Som e scholars — including psychoanalyti c scholars—hav e tende d t o pla y fas t an d loos e with th e ver y ter m "Slavic, " treatin g th e highl y divers e Slavi c nationali ties a s i f the y wer e al l homogeneous . Bu t the y ar e not . A Russian i s no t the sam e as , say , a Slovak—linguistically , politically , geographically — and psychologically . Som e psychoanalyti c scholar s hav e eve n confuse d the wow-Slavic ethnic groups o f th e Sovie t Union wit h Russian s (a s when the act s o f th e Georgia n Iosi f Stali n ar e sai d t o exemplif y "Russian " behavior). Th e psychoanalyti c schola r o f Russia n cultur e i s jus t a s obliged t o lear n th e Russia n languag e an d surve y th e field o f Russia n studies a s the Slavist is obliged t o make a n in-depth stud y o f psychoanal ysis before applyin g psychoanalysis t o a Slavic topic. Another sociocultura l categor y tha t i s not bein g studie d her e i s th e so-called Homo sovieticus who , a s Mikhai l Helle r (Geller ) an d other s have argued , possesse s a relativel y coheren t se t o f (psychologica l an d other) traits. 18 I t i s true tha t grea t change s occurre d i n Russi a whe n th e Soviets cam e to power, an d tha t thes e changes coul d no t bu t b e reflecte d in th e psyche s o f individua l Russian s residin g there . Fea r becam e a particularly importan t psychologica l factor , especiall y durin g th e Stali n period. Bu t m y projec t i s tightl y focuse d o n Russia n masochism , whic h

INTRODUCTION 9

existed continuousl y before , during , an d afte r th e Soviet Union's sevent y or s o year s o f existence . Homo sovieticus ma y b e a legitimat e objec t o f psychological study , jus t a s "nationa l character " ma y be . In particular , it woul d b e interestin g t o find ou t whic h element s o f Homo sovieticus are ne w an d whic h merel y deriv e fro m th e ol d Homo russicus (o r th e old Homo ucrainicus o r Homo belarussicus, etc. , fo r tha t matter) . Bu t these question s would tak e u s far afield . I a m no t th e first t o appl y th e clinica l ter m "masochism " t o Rus sians. The mos t relevan t wor k i n thi s are a wa s don e b y Britis h psychia trist Henr y V . Dicks, a fluent speake r o f Russia n wh o interviewe d Sovie t soldiers wh o ende d u p i n th e Wes t afte r Worl d Wa r II . Dick s refer s t o the "mora l masochism, " "intra-punitiv e tendencies, " an d "self-directe d aggression" i n his subjects. 19 H e provides specifi c examples : Frequently describe d reaction s t o threat s b y superiors , e.g. , i n th e Army , ar e varying degrees of "self-immolation. " A man berated by someone against whom he i s powerles s wil l suddenly , a s i t were , thro w u p hi s hand s an d say , "Al l right—shoot me then if you like—what do I care?"20 Russians have long experience of "absorbing " without rejoinde r th e insults and indignities of their masters and social superiors. The impassive exterior conceals a reactio n whic h ca n b e verbalize d a s follows : "Yo u thin k m e a foo l an d a knave. You think I am a feelingless clo t an d dum b beast . All right then, that' s how I will act! " Fro m thi s ther e result , accordin g t o m y informants, countles s acts of calculated clumsiness , spoiling of output o r machinery, delays and muddles which ar e s o contrive d tha t whil e th e perpetrator s (ofte n actin g i n silen t collusion) are shown up as stupid and may be punished, they chiefly result in the vexation or heavy punishment of their superiors. 21 The rea l focu s o f thi s author' s researc h wa s no t masochism , however , but "nationa l character. " A s a result , hi s observation s o n Russia n mas ochism were somewhat parenthetica l an d unsystematic . Similarly, other s who hav e mad e assertion s abou t th e existenc e o f masochis m i n Russi a have not followe d throug h wit h a detailed examinatio n o f this phenomenon. 22 Thus , althoug h th e hypothesi s o f Russia n masochis m doe s no t originate with me , I do hope to contribute: (1 ) massive documentation o f evidence fo r th e hypothesi s fro m a wid e variet y o f spheres—historical , political, folkloric , literary , an d s o on , an d (2 ) systematic , in-dept h explorations i n severa l narrowl y define d areas , suc h a s th e folklor e o f Ivan th e fool , th e Russia n bathhous e culture , th e attitud e o f wome n toward men , an d th e attitud e o f Russian s towar d th e collective . Thes e

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explorations, i n turn , wil l lea d t o a genera l clai m abou t th e materna l nature o f th e objec t towar d whic h th e Russia n sel f take s a masochisti c stance. This boo k i s about bot h image s an d realities . At on e momen t I may call u p th e emble m o f th e long-sufferin g Russia n mothe r i n a poe m b y Aleksandr Blok , th e nex t I ma y cit e statistic s showin g tha t th e averag e Soviet woma n pu t i n nearl y twic e a s man y hour s pe r wee k o f labo r a s her husban d did . Th e poeti c imag e an d th e everyda y realit y ar e no t always directl y related , o f course , but I think bot h nee d to b e considere d if ther e i s t o b e a n adequatel y broa d psychologica l understandin g o f masochism i n Russia . The poetic versus the literal meaning s o f the very word "slave " offe r an instructiv e example . Ever y perso n i n traditiona l tsaris t Russi a wa s supposed t o b e a "slav e o f God " ("ra b bozhii, " a s i n th e ol d prover b "Vse my rab y Bozh' i [W e are al l slave s o f God]"). 23 This metapho r wa s very ancien t an d ver y ordinary . Th e Academ y dictionar y o f Russia n defines th e expressio n no t onl y a s " a Christian, " bu t als o a s " a huma n being generall y (fro m th e religiou s notio n o f th e tota l dependenc e o f a person o n God)." 2 4 Th e correspondin g feminin e form , "femal e slav e o f God" ("rab a bozhiia" ) referre d no t onl y t o a woman Christian , bu t t o a woman generally. 25 The anarchis t Mikhai l Bakuni n wa s thu s onl y expressin g a tautolo gous conclusio n fro m ordinar y Russia n linguisti c usag e whe n h e de clared: "I f Go d exists , th e huma n bein g i s a slav e [Esl i Bo g est' , chelo vek—rab]." 2 6 Maksi m Gor'kii , o n th e othe r hand , didn' t min d God' s existing as long as humans—Russian human s i n particular—didn't hav e to b e slave s int o th e bargain . Referrin g t o th e condescendin g generosit y of Go d describe d i n chapte r 4 0 o f th e boo k o f Job , Gor'ki i exclaims : "Whenever I rea d thi s chapter , I shou t ou t i n m y min d t o m y ow n fellow-Russians: jus t sto p bein g slaves of Go d [d a perestan'te zh e vy byt ' rabami bozh'imi]!" 27 The use of th e word "slave " i n these context s i s metaphorical an d i s intended t o conve y a certai n psychologica l attitud e o f dependenc e an d submissiveness befor e God . Th e metapho r i s presumably base d o n intu itions concernin g th e attitude s an d feeling s tha t rea l slave s experienc e with respec t t o thei r rea l masters . A s i t turn s out , thes e intuition s ar e quite accurate . Real slave s existe d i n Russi a wel l int o ou r ow n century . Ther e ha s

INTRODUCTION 11

been much variatio n ove r time and geographi c location, o f course , in th e extent t o whic h Russian s hav e bee n enslaved . Technically , Russi a ha s had bot h slaver y (unti l 1723 , then renewe d i n the Soviet period a s force d labor) an d serfdo m (unti l 1861) . Som e scholar s se e littl e differenc e be tween tru e slaver y an d serfdo m a s i t existe d i n Russi a afte r th e mid eighteenth century . Unde r differen t sociopolitica l condition s th e Russia n slave ha s bee n variousl y referre d t o a s "rab, " "kholop, " "krepostnoi " (serf), an d "zek " (convict , slav e laborer) . Curiously , th e first tw o o f these term s wer e als o applie d t o Russia n noble s i n thei r relationshi p t o the tsa r durin g certai n historica l periods . Th e multifariou s technica l ways i n whic h al l thes e term s diffe r fro m on e anothe r wil l no t b e a concern o f thi s book , no r wil l th e socioeconomic , political , an d demo graphic factor s contributin g t o variou s enslavemen t practice s i n Rus sia.28 Rather , m y concer n wil l b e th e masochis m o f Russian s generally , many o f whom happe n t o b e literal slaves . For th e most part th e Russia n slav e was indeed slavish . But the slav e could als o b e defiant . Thi s ca n b e seen , fo r example , i n variou s cultura l practices, suc h a s satirica l folklor e i n whic h th e peasan t turn s th e table s on th e landowner. 29 Defianc e coul d als o b e manifested i n criminal activ ity, suc h a s stealin g grai n o r timbe r fro m th e landowner . O r ther e wer e more serious manifestations, suc h a s the large uprisings (e.g. , the famou s one le d b y Emelia n Pugache v i n 1773-74) , o r smalle r disturbance s (so called "volneniia") , o r escapes . Sometime s rebelliou s peasant s proffere d the cunnin g excus e tha t th e "tsar-father " wa s o n thei r side. 30 But direc t resistance t o enslavemen t was , i n an y case , th e exception , no t th e rule . As Pete r Kolchi n ha s pointe d out , fo r example , most Russia n serf s di d not engag e in "volneniia, " otherwis e serfdo m coul d no t have been main tained. 31 Historians ar e understandably attracte d t o th e various uprising s an d rebellions whic h too k plac e ove r th e centurie s i n Russia . Thes e ar e "events" whic h lef t extensiv e pape r trails , whil e th e ordinary , everyda y slavishness o f Russian s constitute d a distinc t nonevent . Fro m a psycho analytic viewpoint , however , th e rul e i s n o les s interestin g tha n th e ex ception. 32 Much evidenc e i s available o n slavis h attitude s i n Russia , som e o f i t going bac k centuries . In th e mid-seventeent h centur y Ada m Olearius , who ha d travele d i n Russia , summe d u p hi s observation s o n Russia n servility a s follows :

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They ar e al l serf s an d slaves . I t i s thei r custo m an d manne r t o b e servil e an d t o make a sho w o f thei r slavis h disposition . The y bo w t o th e groun d t o notables , and eve n thro w themselve s a t thei r feet . The y giv e thank s fo r beating s an d punishments. All subjects , whethe r o f high o r lo w condition , cal l themselves an d must coun t themselve s th e Tsar' s kholopi, tha t i s slave s an d serfs . Jus t a s th e magnates an d noble s hav e thei r ow n slaves , serfs , an d peasants , th e prince s an d the magnates ar e obliged t o acknowledg e thei r slaver y an d thei r insignificanc e i n relation t o th e Tsar . The y sig n thei r letter s an d petition s wit h th e diminutiv e form, suc h a s Ivashk a instea d o f Ivan , o r "Petrushka, tvoi kholop [Petrushka , your slave]." 33 About hal f a centur y earlie r anothe r traveler , Gile s Fletcher , mad e rathe r similar observations : Into wha t seruil e conditio n thei r liberti e i s brought, no t onel y t o th e Prince , bu t to th e Nobles , an d Gentleme n o f th e Countri e (wh o themselue s als o ar e bu t seruile, speciall y o f lat e yeares ) i t ma y farthe r appear e b y thei r own e acknowl edgments i n thei r supplications , an d othe r writing s t o an y o f th e Noble s o r chiefe officer s o f th e Emperours . Wherei n the y nam e an d subscrib e themselue s Kolophey, tha t is , thei r villaines , o r bondslaues : a s the y o f th e Nobiliti e do o vnder th e Emperour . Thi s ma y truel y b e said e o f them , tha t ther e i s no seruan t nor bon d slau e mor e awe d b y hi s Maister , no r kep t down e i n mor e seruil e subjection, the n th e poore peopl e ar e & tha t vniuersally , no t onl y b y the Emper our, bu t b y hi s Nobilitie , chie f officers , an d souldiers . S o tha t whe n a poor e Moujick meetet h wit h an y o f the m upo n th e hig h way , h e mus t turn e himselfe about, a s no t darin g t o look e hi m o n th e face , an d fal l down e wit h knockin g o f his head t o the very ground, a s he dot h unt o hi s Idoll. 34 This behavio r obviousl y signifie s a masochisti c psychologica l attitud e i n the slav e w h o perform s it . Th e kowtowin g Fletche r describe s wa s calle d "chelobitie" i n Russian , literall y "beatin g th e forehead. " N o w a d a y s th e w o r d ha s acquire d th e metaphorica l meanin g o f "petition " o r "request. " But i t wa s originally—an d i n som e context s stil l i s — a literal , physica l bowing down , s o lo w tha t th e forehea d woul d strik e agains t th e groun d and possibl y b e injured . Othe r travelers ' account s fro m th e sixteent h century, a s Ronal d Hingle y point s out , repor t tha t Russian s "woul d happily exhibi t th e bump s o n thei r forehead s raise d throug h exces s o f zeal i n executin g th e k o w t o w . " 3 5 Durin g th e lat e Sovie t perio d I actuall y observed athleti c ol d w o m e n hammerin g a ston e floo r wit h thei r fore heads a s the y praye d befor e icon s i n on e o f th e churche s o f Zagorsk . The Russia n fool , accordin g t o a proverb , wil l g o t o extreme s i n thi s matter: " M a k e a foo l pra y t o God , an d h e wil l brea k hi s forehead " ("Zastav' durak a Bog u molit'sia , o n i lob razob'et"). 3 6

INTRODUCTION 13

A particularl y ric h sourc e o f evidenc e abou t th e masochisti c atti tudes o f rea l slave s come s fro m Russia n folklor e gathere d befor e 1861 , for muc h o f th e peasantry befor e tha t dat e belonge d t o the serf category . The proverb jus t mentioned , fo r example , come s fro m th e classi c collection o f Vladimir Dah l (1801-72) , published originall y i n 1862 . Here ar e some other lesson s in slavishnes s fro m tha t copiou s work : Say you ar e guilty an d bo w dow n (or : lie down) (Govor i vinovat, d a poklonis' [ili : da lozhis']) . He submitte d an d fel l a t hi s fee t a s wel l (Pokorilsi a d a v nozhk i poklonilsia). Keep you r hea d bowe d an d you r hear t submissiv e (Derzh i golov u uklonnu, a serdtse pokorno) . Beat wit h you r forehea d lower : th e sk y i s to o hig h an d th e fac e o f the eart h i s neare r (Be i chelo m nizhe : d o neb a vysoko , d o lits a zemli blizhe) . Be quiete r tha n water , an d lowe r tha n gras s (Tish e vody , nizh e travy). Crawl an d grove l fac e dow n befor e hi m (Polzko m pere d ni m d a nichkom). When the y bea t you , sa y than k yo u fo r th e lesso n (Pob'iut , ta k skazhi spasib o z a nauku) . Do th e work o f seven , but obe y on e (Dela i svo e delo za semerykh , a slushaisia odnogo). 37 These utterance s attemp t t o teac h th e peasan t a sens e o f absolut e sub missiveness befor e authority . In pre-emancipation Russi a thi s mean t no t only submissivenes s befor e th e peasant's landlor d ("barin") , bu t servilit y before anyon e powerfu l generally , suc h a s a governmen t bureaucrat , a military superior , an d s o on . Not e tha t som e o f th e item s ar e i n tw o parts, th e secon d par t bein g a reinforcemen t o f th e first . In effect : on e act o f submissio n ma y no t b e enough , tw o ar e neede d t o convinc e th e dominant part y o f the slave's true servility, a servility of the heart a s well as of gesture. Note als o the "vertical " orientation o f many of the sayings, the submissiv e part y bein g wel l "below " th e dominan t part y i n th e spatial configuration . Perhap s thi s i s what Ivano v ha d i n th e bac k o f hi s mind whe n h e spoke o f a Russian "la w o f descent. "

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Some of th e proverbs describ e masochism o f a slightly differen t sort , that is , outright self-destructiv e behavior : He offer s u p th e ro d t o b e use d agains t himsel f (O n sa m n a sebi a palku podaet) . He i s braidin g a whi p (or : a rope ) t o b e use d agains t himsel f (O n sam na sebi a plet' [ili : verevku] v'et). The slav e i s beating hersel f i f sh e doe s a poor jo b o f reapin g (Sam a sebia rab a b'et , kol i ne chisto zhnet) . He covere d hi s ow n bear d wit h hi s spittl e (Sa m svoi u borod u opleval). He steppe d o n th e teet h o f th e rak e an d hi t himsel f i n th e hea d (Nastupil n a zub'ia—grabliam i v lob). 38 Such evidenc e fo r masochisti c attitude s i n th e Russia n peasan t woul d o f course hav e t o b e matche d wit h evidenc e fo r sadistic inclination s ("It' s fun t o bea t someon e wh o i s crying" ) o r rebelliou s feeling s (" A judge' s pocket i s like a priest's belly" ) i n a balanced stud y o f Russia n proverbs . Indeed, masochis m i s no t th e onl y featur e o f psychologica l interes t in slaves . It is but on e item in a spectrum o f psychical phenomen a whic h can b e observe d i n th e rea l slave , includin g tha t typ e o f slav e wh o live s in extremit y i n th e force d labo r camp , an d wh o resort s t o a variet y o f defenses—especially infantilizatio n an d identificatio n wit h th e aggres sor—in orde r t o overcom e fea r an d surviv e physically. 39 Th e primar y concern o f thi s book, however , i s masochism. It shoul d b e grante d tha t som e aspect s o f masochism , suc h a s ex treme servility, may be appropriate i n the situation o f direc t contact wit h a powerfu l maste r wh o hold s th e ke y t o al l resources . Th e shuffling , obsequious muzhik , lik e th e America n Uncl e To m i n th e antebellu m south, ha d somethin g t o gai n fro m hi s servility—which , b y th e way , i s not t o sa y tha t al l muzhik i wer e docil e al l o f th e time , o r tha t al l southern blac k slave s were Uncle Toms i n al l contexts . In th e politica l real m servilit y ca n b e especiall y usefu l fo r obtainin g resources an d eve n power (an d hence, the possibility o f acting on sadisti c fantasies). Th e sycophan t use s a for m o f masochis m t o manipulat e a superior, an d a s a result can even appea r t o b e in control o f the superior . The relationshi p wit h th e superio r i s no t trul y reversed , however . Fo r example, all the tsar ha d t o do was kill or arres t a few importan t people ,

INTRODUCTION 15 or just withdraw resources , in order t o remin d hi s boyars why the y wer e sycophants. 40 Or , al l Stali n ha d t o d o wa s eliminat e a fe w hones t critic s for mos t o f th e actor s aroun d hi m t o turn servile . In an y case , masochis m i s n o les s masochis m whe n i t seem s appro priate o r adaptiv e i n a give n situation . I t i s importan t t o recogniz e masochism fo r wha t i t is , eve n a s w e neve r cease t o b e amaze d b y th e multifarious use s to which i t can b e put .

What Is Russia? Throughout thi s boo k Russia wil l b e use d no t onl y a s a metonymi c designation o f a geographi c are a occupie d largel y b y ethni c Russians, 41 but a s a collectiv e personificatio n o f th e Russia n peopl e a s well . Her e I simply follo w tradition . Russian s ten d t o thin k o f thei r countr y a s a collective representatio n o f themselves , a s a person. Numerou s commo n epithets indicat e tha t Russi a belong s t o thi s category : "Mothe r Russia " ("Rossiia mat', " "Matushk a Rus ' ") , "Hol y Russia " ("Sviatai a Rus ' ") , "Motherland" ("Rodina") , "Fatherland " ("Otechestvo") , an d man y others whic h wil l appea r i n th e followin g pages . Les s commo n epithet s are constantl y bein g invente d b y Russia n poets , bu t the y hav e th e sam e personifying effect , fo r example , Blok' s "Beggarl y Russia " ("Nishchai a Rossiia"), Belyi' s "Dea f Russia " ("Glukhai a Rossiia") , Andreev' s "Shabby Russia " ("Ubogai a Rus'") , an d s o forth. 42 Nowaday s espe cially "sic k Russia " i s frequently encountere d i n the post-Soviet media . The personificatio n o f Russi a i s a trop e tha t i s ofte n extended , as whe n Russia n soldier s ar e customaril y referre d t o a s "son s o f th e Fatherland," o r "tru e son s o f Russia. " Th e poets especiall y ar e prone t o take libertie s i n extendin g th e personification . Fo r example , Russi a i s a "female slave " ("raba" ) i n the following stanza s from a somewhat sadis tic poem title d "Russia " (1915 ) b y Maksimilian Voloshin : JIK)6JIIO Te6a B jinne pa6beM, Koraa B TMIDHHC nojiefi npMHHTaeiiib TOJIOCOM 6a6bH M

Haa TpynaMH cbiHOBefi.

Kan cepaue HHKHC T M GjiemeT , Koraa, CBjreaB no HoraM, Ha OTMauib XO3HHH xneijjeT Te6a n o KPOTKH M rjia3aM.

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I love you in the person of a slave, When in the quietness of fields You wail in a woman's voice Over the bodies of your sons. How the heart droops and shines When, having bound your feet, The master lashes wildly At your humble eyes.43 The poet s ar e no t alon e here . Respecte d scholar s to o wil l exten d th e personification o f Russi a to considerable lengths. Literary historian Dmi trii Likhachev , fo r example , like s t o dwel l o n th e generosit y an d good ness ("dobrota" ) o f a person calle d Russia : Russian cultur e di d not copy , but creativel y deal t with th e riches of worl d culture. This huge country was always in possession of a huge cultural heritage, and manage d i t wit h th e generosit y o f a fre e an d ric h perso n [ s shchedrost'i u svobodnoi i bogatoi lichnosti]. Yes, namely a person, for Russian culture and all of Russi a wit h i t constitut e a person , a n individua l [iavliaiutsi a lichnost'iu , individual'nost'iu] ,44 Some authors , especiall y thos e wit h a nationalisti c o r Slavophil e bent , extend th e personificatio n whil e a t th e sam e tim e refusin g t o recogniz e the poetic s o f th e extension . Vadi m Borisov , fo r example , speak s o f th e nation's perso n o r personalit y ("lichnost ' ") , which i s somehow distinc t from th e empirica l an d rationall y analyzabl e manifestation s o f nationa l life. In this view Russi a i s very much a literal human being : This sens e o f th e natio n a s a personality, which ha s bee n expresse d b y individuals, corresponds with and confirms the people's awareness of its identity as embodie d i n folklore . It s imag e covertl y govern s ou r speech , fo r whe n w e speak of the "dignity" of the people, its "duty," its "sins" or its "responsibility, " we ar e makin g concrete , tha t i s to say , unmetaphorical , us e o f term s tha t ar e applicable only to the moral life of a person.45 On th e contrary, suc h usage is highly metaphorical, or, to be rhetoricall y precise, suc h usag e constitute s th e devic e o f personificatio n (Gree k prosopopoeia, literall y "fac e making") . A nation i s not literall y a person. A population o f persons in a specific geographical are a is not itself a person or a personality . I t merel y acquire s som e attribute s o f a perso n i n th e minds o f it s citizen s (an d th e attribute s i t acquire s revea l muc h abou t these minds) . I n th e opinio n o f Russia n philosophe r Nikola i Berdiaev , anyone wh o actuall y fall s fo r th e ide a tha t a give n natio n i s a perso n

INTRODUCTION 17 ("lichnost'") i s a nationalist , an d i s i n som e sens e enslave d b y tha t nation. 46 The personificatio n o f a natio n occur s i n othe r countrie s beside s Russia, o f course , and i s generally familia r t o psychoanalysts : We ten d t o regar d ou r nativ e lan d a s a grea t mothe r wh o bring s int o being , nourishes, protects and cherishes her sons and daughters and inspires them with love and respect for hersel f an d her traditions, customs, beliefs and institutions; in retur n fo r whic h he r childre n ar e prepared t o wor k an d fight for her—an d above all to protect her from he r enemies; a good deal of the horror and disgust which i s inspire d b y th e ide a o f a n invasio n o f one' s nativ e lan d b y a hostil e army bein g du e t o a n unconsciou s tendenc y t o regar d suc h a n invasio n a s a desecration and violation of the mother. 47 There i s a fairl y extensiv e psychoanalyti c literatur e o n th e personifica tion o f countrie s an d othe r groups. 48 Th e (mostl y non-psychoanalytic ) literature specificall y o n "Mothe r Russia " i s trul y enormous , a s wil l b e seen belo w i n chapte r 7 . Give n th e importanc e o f parenta l imager y fo r characterizing Russia , i t i s no t surprisin g tha t ther e i s als o a substantia l (again, mostl y non-psychoanalytic ) literatur e characterizin g th e inhabit ants o f tha t countr y a s collectivel y childlike , infantile , juvenile , adoles cent, etc. 49 Ultimately i t i s th e rea l person s inhabitin g personifie d Russi a wh o are my quarry. Any personifying trope s these persons may creat e regard ing thei r collectiv e identit y wil l her e b e rea d a s projection s o r external izations. Th e locu s o f th e Russia n cultur e o f mora l masochis m i s th e mind o f th e individua l Russian . Fo r example , the unfortunat e suffering s of "Mothe r Russia " an d o f he r "tru e sons " canno t b e understood with out referenc e t o th e rea l suffering s o f rea l mother s an d rea l son s i n a place called Russia .

TWO

Some Historical Highlights

I d o no t wis h t o relat e th e histor y o f Russia n masochis m fro m th e beginning, becaus e th e beginnin g i s largely unknown . I also d o no t wis h to tel l thi s stor y i n grea t detail , becaus e i t woul d b e to o distastefu l fo r everyone involved , an d beside s ther e woul d no t b e nearl y enoug h spac e in on e volume . Nonetheles s i t i s worthwhil e a t leas t t o indicat e som e relevant hig h points , i n roughl y chronologica l sequence , befor e goin g into detai l abou t specific , selecte d masochisti c practices .

Religious Masochism From th e earl y day s o f Christia n Rus ' (a n Eas t Slavi c area occupie d not b y Russian s properl y speaking , bu t b y "Rusians, " t o us e Horac e Lunt's linguisti c neologism), 1 ther e com e report s o f sufferin g welcome d by th e sufferer . If , fo r example , th e hagiographi c account s ar e t o b e believed, th e prince s Bori s an d Gle b permitted , eve n invite d themselve s to b e murdere d i n 101 5 b y agent s o f thei r power-hungr y elde r brother , Sviatopolk. A variety o f commentator s hav e recognize d th e masochisti c nature o f this act (withou t usin g the psychoanalytic term) . Soviet schola r S. S . Averintsev , fo r example , say s tha t sufferin g wa s precisel y wha t Boris an d Gle b wer e u p t o ("Stradani e i est' ik h delo"). 2 Soviet semioti cian V . N . Toporo v term s th e ac t a "paire d sacrifice " an d a "voluntar y sacrifice."3 Philosophe r Nikola i Berdiae v call s i t a "fea t o f nonresis tance" i n which th e "ide a o f sacrifice " predominates. 4 Prince Iaropol k Isiaslavich , als o assassinate d b y political enemies , is

18

SOME HISTORICAL HIGHLIGHTS 19

supposed t o have uttered th e following words : " O Lor d my God! receive my praye r an d grant me a death from another's hand, lik e tha t o f m y kinsmen Bori s an d Gleb , s o tha t I ma y was h awa y al l m y sin s wit h my blood an d escap e thi s vai n an d trouble d worl d an d th e snare s o f th e devil." 5 T o Princ e Andre i Bogoliubskii , anothe r politica l murde r victim , are attribute d thes e las t words : " I than k Thee , Lord , tha t Tho u has t humbled my soul . . . . And now , O Lord , i f they she d m y blood , joi n m e to the choirs of Th y hol y martyrs." 6 Examples coul d b e multiplied . Thes e "passion-sufferers " ("strastot erptsy") ar e legio n i n th e chronicle s an d othe r document s fro m ancien t Rus'. Holines s ("sviatost'" ) wa s practicall y inseparabl e fro m sacrific e ("zhertva") o f som e kind. 7 Historia n Georg e Fedoto v suspect s tha t th e accounts ar e distorted , however : "Th e voluntar y characte r o f th e deat h is often contradicte d b y the circumstance s relate d b y the same author." 8 Many o f th e martyrdom s see m t o hav e bee n concocte d fo r politica l reasons. 9 Nevertheless , th e idea o f nonresistanc e t o evi l sprea d fa r an d wide, an d accordin g t o Fedoto v bega n t o b e take n a s a "nationa l Rus sian feature." 10 Ancient religious tracts ar e full o f advic e on the value of self-abnega tion an d suffering . Fo r example , th e Izmaragd (Emerald, whic h origi nated i n the fourteenth century ) characterize s humilit y a s "th e mother o f virtues," advise s childre n t o serv e thei r parent s "wit h fea r a s a slave, " and tell s wives to obe y thei r husband s "i n silence. " Misfortunes ar e sen t by a loving God t o give people a n opportunity t o save their soul s or eve n gain glory : "Sorrow s an d pain s mak e th e sufferer s glorious , a s gol d i n fire become s stil l brighter. " n The traditio n o f religiou s asceticism , whic h i n Slavi c lands bega n i n about th e tent h centur y an d continue s dow n t o th e presen t day , offer s numerous example s o f th e activ e ques t fo r suffering . Th e youn g Sain t Theodosius (ca . 1108-74 ) mortifie d hi s fles h wit h iro n chain s hidde n under hi s shirt , o r expose d hi s bod y t o stingin g gnats . H e wa s late r known t o sleep sitting, to eat a very meager diet , to bea t his head agains t the floor whil e praying, etc. 12 Fedotov say s that th e "relativel y moderat e ascetic exercises" (sic) of this saint were supplemented b y constant labor , such a s grinding wheat, cuttin g wood, o r hauling water. 13 Saint Serge i o f Radonez h (1314-92 ) wor e uncout h garb , practice d heavy manua l labor , woul d g o fo r day s withou t food , an d adamantl y

20 SOM

E HISTORICAL HIGHLIGHT S

refused t o b e elevate d i n th e ecclesiastica l hierarchy , accordin g t o hi s biographer Epiphaniu s th e Wise. His hol y idea l wa s poverty, an d i n thi s he "imitate d hi s Master Jesus Chris t ou r Lord." 1 4 Saint Irinarkh o f Rosto v (d . 1616 ) alway s walked barefoo t an d wor e chains an d a hair shirt . Bolshakof f says : "Afte r hi s deat h a collectio n o f iron an d coppe r chains , belts an d helmet s was foun d i n his cell." 15 Saint Seraphi m o f Saro v (1759-1833 ) wa s adep t a t fasting . On e report ha s i t tha t h e at e nothin g bu t gras s fo r thre e years. 16 Whe n consulted b y th e hol y woma n Anastasii a Logachev a (1809-75 ) h e rec ommended tha t sh e wea r chain s t o quel l he r carna l lust . Anastasii a evidently followe d thi s advice , fo r upo n he r deat h penitentia l chain s were foun d beneat h he r clothing. 17 The masochistic practices of many of the holy monks were accompa nied b y paranoid fantasie s o r hallucination s ("demonology " i s the theo logical euphemism fo r this) . Theodosius sai d he was haunted b y a "blac k dog" whil e praying . Th e reclus e Isaa c wa s pestere d b y demon s wh o tricked hi m b y takin g th e for m o f angels . Th e "much-suffering " Joh n went abou t i n nothin g bu t chain s an d onc e trie d t o reliev e hi s sufferin g by digging himself int o the earth, where he experienced a terrible halluci nation: "Ove r his-hea d h e sa w th e mout h o f a horrible serpen t belchin g flames. When th e paschal nigh t came , the serpen t too k th e recluse's hea d and arm s int o it s mout h an d scorche d hi s hair . Ou t o f th e serpent' s mouth John crie d t o God , an d th e fien d disappeared." 18 Perhaps th e example s o f religiou s sufferin g I have cite d ar e extreme , and i n som e case s not credible . Yet it is generally acknowledge d tha t th e East Slavi c hol y me n an d hol y wome n wer e indee d asceti c t o a greate r or lesse r extent . Perhap s no t al l o f the m wen t t o suc h grea t length s a t punishing themselve s a s the canonize d saint s wer e allege d t o hav e gone . On th e othe r hand , th e les s illustrious hol y person s ma y hav e gon e eve n further. Speakin g o f th e relativel y uneducate d monk s o f th e sixteent h century, Bolshakoff says : Contemplation, th e Praye r o f Jesu s an d seriou s meditatio n o n th e Scripture s were replaced by extreme rigorism in the observance of a multitude of rites and by an astonishing severity in bodily mortifications. Lon g vigils, endless services, countless prostrations , extraordinar y penance s an d fastin g wer e d e rigueur fo r every goo d monk , who , however , understoo d bu t littl e o f th e Scripture s an d the Fathers.19

SOME HISTORICAL HIGHLIGHTS 21

The populatio n o f thes e sufferer s i n ol d Russi a mus t hav e bee n substan tial durin g som e periods . Fo r example , i n 1700 , befor e Pete r th e Grea t imposed cutbacks , ther e wer e 1,20 0 monasterie s i n Russia . Th e figure for 190 0 i s 80 0 monasterie s (30 0 o f the m nunneries) , housin g 17,00 0 professed monk s an d nuns , and nearl y 30,00 0 novice s of bot h sexes. 20 If religious suffering ca n b e quantified (an d eve n allowin g fo r a decrease of asceticism ove r the centuries), these numbers ar e eloquent. They bespea k a religiou s masochis m o f massiv e proportions. 21 Not withou t reaso n doe s James Billingto n spea k o f "a n almos t mas ochistic doctrine of ascetic discipline" an d "th e almost masochistic desir e of th e . . . monk s t o humbl e themselves." 22 Actually , th e qualifie r "al most" i s quite unnecessary here . In similar fashio n Georg e Fedotov says : "The evaluatio n o f suffering a s a superior mora l good , a s almost a n en d in itself , i s on e o f th e mos t preciou s feature s o f th e Russia n religiou s mind." 23 Again , the "almost " ma y be deleted. Suffering is masochistic in nature, i t is a n en d i n itsel f fo r th e religiou s sufferers—whic h i s no t t o deny that othe r end s als o exist fo r suc h sufferers . I n the case of monasti c asceticism the most frequently mentione d end is of course spiritual perfec tion an d unio n wit h God , an d th e eloquen t writing s o f Ni l Sorsky , Sera phim o f Sarov , an d som e others testif y t o th e mystical ecstas y which ca n sometimes be induced (i n part) by self-denial an d self-punishment . There ar e sign s o f a reviva l o f monasticis m i n Russi a a t th e en d o f the twentiet h century. 24 Bu t i t is not ye t clea r t o wha t exten t thi s reviva l will involve specifically ascetic/masochisti c features . Related (psychologically ) t o monastic asceticism is the Russian tradi tion o f hol y foolishness . Th e hol y foo l o r foo l i n Chris t ("iurodivy i Khrista radi" ) wa s a familiar figure i n al l Russian town s u p until (an d i n some case s eve n after ) th e Bolshevi k Revolution . Russian s ha d a specia l fondness fo r th e hol y fools . A s Slavophil e philosophe r Iva n Kireevsk y said, "th e Russia n ha d a greater respec t fo r th e rags of the holy fool tha n the golden brocad e o f th e courtier." 25 Psychoanalytically viewed , th e hol y foo l wa s a sufferer , par t o f whose masochis m wa s specifically provocativ e o r exhibitionistic i n style. Giles Fletcher , Englis h ambassado r t o Russi a i n 1588—89 , describe s the phenomenon : They vse to g o stark e naked , sau e a clout abou t thei r middle , with thei r hair e hanging long and wildely about their shoulders, and many of them with an iron

22 SOM

E HISTORICAL HIGHLIGHT S

coller, o r chain e abou t thei r neckes , o r middes , eve n i n th e ver y extremit y o f winter. Thes e the y tak e a s Prophets , an d me n o f grea t holines , givin g the m a liberty to speak what they list without any controulment, thogh it be of the very highest himselfe. 26 Often th e "liberty " wa s pai d for , however . Onlooker s woul d verball y abuse o r physicall y attac k hol y fools , o r th e authoritie s migh t arres t them. Hol y fool s woul d resor t t o al l manne r o f scandalou s behavio r i n order t o provok e aggression : the y sa t o n dun g heaps , refuse d t o wash , wore littl e o r n o clothing ; the y woul d danc e about , shou t obscenitie s o r make incoheren t utterances , smas h objects , an d s o on . Th e sadisti c impulse i s unmistakabl e i n al l this , but th e provocative-masochisti c ten dency override s it . Kovalevski i demonstrate s hi s awarenes s o f thi s whe n he say s o f Pelagii a Ivanovna , th e nineteenth-centur y hol y foo l fro m th e Diveevo convent , tha t "sh e hersel f woul d provok e [vyzyvala ] everyon e in th e communit y t o insul t an d bea t her." 2 7 Sain t Procopi i o f Ustiug , who live d i n th e thirteent h century , thanke d onlooker s fo r thei r retalia tory jeer s an d blows . Vasili i Blazhenny i o f Mosco w (sixteent h century ) was sai d t o willingly accep t the curses of thos e he provoked . Maksim Gor'ki i beautifull y capture s th e exhibitionisti c aspec t o f the hol y fool' s masochism : "Don' t Yo u see , Lord , ho w I tormen t an d lower mysel f fo r th e sak e o f You r glory ? Don' t yo u see ? Don' t yo u see , people, ho w I tortur e mysel f fo r th e sak e o f you r salvation ? Don' t you see?" 28 Holy foolishnes s hel d a n appea l no t onl y for thos e wh o practice d it , but fo r man y o f thos e who witnesse d i t a s well. Sometimes larg e crowd s would gathe r aroun d hol y fools wh o were going through thei r masochis tic routines. Impressionable childre n coul d no t bu t b e influenced b y holy foolishness. Th e futur e narodni k write r Gle b Uspensk y an d hi s child hood friends , fo r example , admired an d eve n imitated a holy foo l name d Paramon: "Th e children bega n to believe in the possibility of redemptio n and th e happ y lif e tha t woul d com e i n th e nex t world . The y followe d Paramon aroun d town , fasted , pu t nail s i n thei r shoes , an d th e chil d whose shoe s first leake d bloo d becam e the env y of al l the others." 29 The depiction o f hol y foolishnes s i n variou s ar t form s ha s it s ow n attraction. Russia n literatur e feature s numerou s example s o f hol y fools , or character s wh o resembl e hol y fools , suc h a s Pushkin's Nikolka , Nek rasov's Vlas , Dostoevsky' s Princ e Myshki n an d Soni a Marmeladova , and Pasternak' s Docto r Zhivago. 30

SOME HISTORICAL HIGHLIGHTS 23 Quite understandably , Billingto n associate s hol y foolishnes s wit h "masochistic impulses." 31 Thi s is not t o den y that hol y fool s wer e doin g other thing s beside s bein g masochisti c (e.g. , the y sometime s offere d a form o f socia l protest , the y prophesized , som e suffere d fro m a n autisti c disorder, etc.) . Nor shoul d w e forge t tha t foll y fo r Christ' s sak e existe d in othe r branche s o f Christianity , suc h a s Gree k Orthodoxy . I t i s curi ous, however , tha t thirty-si x Russia n fool s hav e bee n canonized , whil e only si x Greek s have . Sawar d i s quite justifie d t o spea k o f th e "Russia n enthusiasm" fo r hol y foolishness. 32 In the middle of the seventeenth centur y a new catalyst for masochis tic practices develope d o n th e Russia n religiou s scene . It was a t this tim e that a schis m ("Raskol" ) aros e betwee n th e officia l Russia n Orthodo x Church an d a loosely affiliate d grou p whic h eventuall y cam e to b e called the Ol d Believer s o r Ol d Ritualist s ("staroobriadtsy"). 33 A t issu e wer e general question s o f th e growin g secularizatio n o f Russia n culture , th e hierarchicalization o f churc h authority , an d th e acceptabilit y o f foreig n models fo r religiou s behavior . Ther e wer e als o som e ver y specifi c issue s of ritual , especiall y th e questio n o f ho w t o mak e a prope r Sig n o f th e Cross. Th e Orthodo x Patriarc h Nikon , influence d b y contemporar y Greek Orthodoxy , issue d instruction s proscribin g th e ol d practic e o f using tw o fingers t o cros s onesel f an d requirin g tha t thi s gestur e b e performed wit h thre e fingers instead . Th e theologica l doctrin e behin d this chang e i s somewha t obscur e (apparentl y thre e fingers signif y th e Holy Trinity , tw o signif y th e dual , divine-huma n essenc e o f Christ) . Bu t the reactio n t o th e ne w rul e o n th e par t o f religiou s conservatives , such a s th e notoriou s Archpries t Avvaku m (1620-82) , wa s clea r an d categorical: "Tha t wol f Nikon , i n leagu e wit h th e devil , betraye d u s through thi s crossin g wit h thre e fingers." In particula r th e chang e in ritua l wa s viewe d b y Ol d Believer s a s an opportunity to become victims: In the instructio n Niko n wrote : "Yea r an d date . According t o th e traditio n of the Hol y Apostle s an d th e Hol y Father s i t i s no t you r bounde n dut y t o bo w down to the knee, but you are to bow to the waist; in addition, you are to cross yourself wit h thre e fingers." Having come together w e fell t o thinking; we saw that winte r wa s o n th e way—heart s froz e an d leg s bega n t o shake . Nerono v turned th e cathedral over to me and went himself int o seclusion a t the Chudovsky monastery; fo r a week he prayed i n a cell. And there a voice from th e icon spoke t o hi m durin g a prayer : "Th e tim e o f sufferin g hat h begun ; i t i s th y bounden duty to suffer withou t weakening!" 34

24 SOM

E HISTORICA L HIGHLIGHT S

And suffe r th e Ol d Believer s did . The Life of the Archpriest Avvakum Written by Himself i s fille d wit h grisl y scene s o f flogging, burning , mutilation, starvation , force d labor , an d othe r horrors—al l welcome d in the name o f Christ : Down cam e th e rai n an d snow , an d onl y a poor littl e kafta n ha d bee n tosse d across m y shoulders . The water poure d dow n m y belly an d back , terribl e wa s my need. They dragged me out of the boat, then dragged me in chains across the rocks and aroun d the rapids. Almighty miserable it was, but sweet for m y soul! I wasn't grumblin g a t God . . . . The words spoke n b y the Prophet an d Apostl e came to mind: "M y son , despise not thou th e chastening of the Lord, nor fain t when tho u ar t rebuke d o f him . Fo r who m Go d lovet h h e chasteneth , an d scourgeth ever y so n who m h e receiveth . I f y e endure chastening , Go d dealet h with yo u a s with sons . But if ye partake o f him without chastisement , then ar e ye bastards, and not sons." And with these words I comforted myself. 35 Fortunately fo r Avvakum' s reader , ther e is some occasional comi c relief. Avvakum i s capabl e o f makin g fu n o f himself , h e gentl y humiliate s himself (thi s is part o f his masochism) an d hi s tormentors. 36 H e is awar e of hi s ow n narcissism , fo r h e confesse s t o th e pride which move d hi m t o become self-appointe d leade r o f hi s schismati c religiou s movement . A s Priscilla Hun t observes , th e revelatio n o f thi s prid e " . . . wen t beyon d the conventiona l self-denigratio n o f th e humilit y topos." 3 7 Ther e i s a grandiose flair t o Avvakum' s masochism . Hi s "voluntar y suffering, " hi s "self-abnegation an d debasement" 38 entitle d hi m t o assum e leadershi p of wha t h e fel t wa s th e tru e spiritua l wa y fo r Russia . An d fo r thi s political prominenc e h e pai d precisel y wha t h e wante d t o pay : h e an d three o f hi s companion s wer e place d i n a pi t fille d wit h woo d an d burned t o death . Many live s cam e t o a violent en d durin g th e apocalypti c day s o f th e Russian schism . Avvaku m an d othe r leader s o f th e Ol d Believer s some times eve n glorifie d suicide . Chris t himself , afte r all , ha d welcome d th e cup o f death . Ther e ar e numerou s report s o f bot h individua l an d mas s suicides (usuall y b y burning , sometime s b y drowning ) i n th e Old-Be liever communities . A "derange d lov e affai r wit h death, " a s Brostro m calls it, sprea d acros s th e norther n forest s o f Russia. 39 Fo r example , in a village i n th e Ustiu g regio n o n Octobe r 8 , 1753 , 17 0 Ol d Believers — men, women, children—locke d themselve s i n a large hut an d woul d no t let two Orthodo x priest s approac h t o dissuade them fro m thei r intentio n to "suffe r i n th e nam e o f Chris t an d fo r th e two-fingere d sig n o f th e

SOME HISTORICA L HIGHLIGHTS 25

cross." Then , afte r shoutin g obscenitie s a t th e priests, they proceeded t o set fire t o th e hut, an d al l inside die d in torment. 40 D. I. Sapozhnikov, who has written a n entire book o n this horrifyin g subject, provide s a char t detailin g fifty-thre e recorde d incident s o f indi vidual o r mas s self-immolatio n i n th e seventeent h an d eighteent h centu ries. Th e char t indicate s a gran d tota l o f 10,56 7 victims , althoug h th e actual figur e i s undoubtedl y highe r becaus e i t wa s impossibl e t o recor d all incident s o f grou p suicid e i n th e far-flun g Old-Believe r commu nities.41 As historia n Rober t Crumme y observes , "th e Ol d Believer s wante d martyrdom an d wer e willin g t o g o t o grea t length s t o organiz e suitabl e circumstances." Thei r "urg e fo r passiv e suffering " provide s a strikin g illustration o f a specific , religiou s typ e o f masochism . Th e variou s in stances o f mas s suicid e amon g Ol d Believer s ha d "psychologica l rathe r than socia l roots." 4 2 A psychoanalys t ca n onl y agre e wit h thi s assess ment b y a professional historian . Old Believer communities exis t in remote parts of Russi a t o this day . The self-immolatio n practice d b y som e Ol d Believer s eventuall y becam e an emble m o f Russia' s dar k side . Mussorgsky' s grea t oper a Khovanshchina, fo r example , i s base d o n event s surroundin g th e Ol d Believe r schism, an d end s with a mass suicid e b y fire . Avvakum' s autobiograph y exerted a n enormou s influenc e o n th e Russia n radica l intelligentsia , an d on suc h literar y artist s a s Merezhkovskii , Voloshin , an d Nagibin. 43 There i s probabl y a n interestin g articl e waitin g t o b e writte n abou t th e similarities betwee n wha t Ziolkowsk i call s Avvakum' s "auto-hagiogra phy" an d Aleksand r Solzhenitsyn' s narcissisticall y charge d The Calf Butted the Oak. Christian Russi a wa s (an d i n som e respect s stil l is ) a land o f myria d schismatic an d sectaria n groups , mos t o f whic h aros e i n th e seventeent h and eighteent h centuries . In additio n t o th e Ol d Believer s (includin g th e numerous subgroup s withi n thi s group , suc h a s prieste d an d priestles s varieties, o r thos e wh o "wander " an d thos e wh o d o not ) ther e are , t o name a few : th e Dukhobor s o r "wrestler s fo r th e spirit, " wh o rejec t established churche s an d civi l authority ; th e Molokan s o r "mil k drink ers," whos e asceticis m i s moderat e an d wh o ea t dair y product s o n day s of fasting ; th e Khlyst y o r "Flagellants"/"Christs, " wh o attai n religiou s ecstasy ("radenie" ) b y variou s form s o f self-mortificatio n includin g pos sibly self-flagellatio n (dependin g o n whic h exper t yo u consult) ; the Post -

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niks o r "fasters; " an d th e Skopts y o r "castrators, " wh o (th e expert s agree) mutilat e themselve s b y removing their reproductiv e organs. 44 Again, Billingto n refer s explicitl y t o th e "masochistic " qualitie s o f Russian sectarianism. 45 Th e masochis m i s particularl y obviou s amon g the Skoptsy , althoug h i t doe s no t appea r t o b e erotogenic , eve n thoug h the sexua l organ s ar e involved . Tha t is , the mutilatio n doe s no t involv e sexual orgasm . Indeed , guil t ove r sexua l feeling s seem s t o b e th e caus e of th e mutilation , fo r suc h feeling s wer e perceive d a s a n obstacl e t o spiritual salvation . Amon g me n on e testicl e migh t b e remove d ("polu oskoplenie" [hal f castration]) , o r bot h ("malai a pechat' " [mino r seal]) , and sometime s th e peni s itsel f woul d b e remove d a s wel l ("bol'shai a pechat'" [majo r seal ] o r "tsarskai a pechat' " [th e tsar' s seal]) . Amon g women th e nipple(s ) o r th e entir e breast(s ) woul d b e removed . Th e clitoris and/o r labi a woul d b e cu t ou t i n som e cases . Many, perhap s th e majority o f th e Skoptsy , however , preferre d "spiritual " castration , tha t is, sexual abstinence , to actua l bodil y mutilation . As a resul t o f thei r extrem e practice s member s o f som e o f th e sect s imagined tha t the y becam e "Christs " (or , i f women , "Bogoroditsy " o r "Mothers o f God") . This ide a i s actually a logical extensio n o f a notio n prevalent amon g al l practicing Christian s i n Russia. The ideal suffere r i n the "Russia n religiou s mind " (t o us e Fedotov' s expression ) is , afte r all , Christ himself . Averintse v say s tha t Russia n saintlines s i s characterize d by th e mos t litera l possibl e imitatio n o f Christ , b y a tota l willingnes s t o "turn th e othe r cheek, " a s Chris t bot h practice d an d preached. 46 Fo r example, Sain t Bori s "imitated " Chris t (th e ver b i s "s"podobiti"). 47 Epiphanius say s of Serge i of Radonez h tha t "i n al l things and a t al l times he imitated hi s Master Jesus Chris t our Lord . . . ." 48 Professo r Brostro m has examine d Avvakum' s imitatio n o f Chris t i n som e detail. 49 Th e mo nastic directo r ("starets" ) Amvros y (1812—91 ) repeatedl y advise d hi s listeners and correspondent s t o imitate Christ, for example : "Yo u shoul d . . . tr y i n ever y wa y possibl e t o pul l ou t thi s roo t [o f evil] , throug h humility, obedience, and imitatin g the Lord Himsel f Wh o humbled Him self t o th e for m o f a servant an d wa s obedien t t o deat h o n th e Cros s an d crucifixion." 50 The poo r an d sufferin g peasantr y o f Russi a were , b y thei r ver y misery, ofte n though t t o b e perfec t imitator s o f Chris t (cf . th e traditio n of confusin g "krest'ianin " [peasant ] wit h "khristianin " [Christian]). 51 To thi s da y eve n no t particularl y religiou s Russian s will , in a ba d situa -

SOME HISTORICAL HIGHLIGHTS 2

7

tion, utte r th e proverb : "Bo g terpel , i na m velel " ("Go d [i.e. , Christ ] endured, an d ordere d u s t o [endure ] too"). 52 In suffering , a Russia n i s by definition imitatin g Christ . Imitation o f Chris t i s no t som e fuzzy , distan t idea l fo r th e religiou s Russian. I t mean s concrete , physica l and/o r menta l suffering . I t ca n even entai l a consciou s searc h fo r humiliation . Dunlo p say s tha t staret s Amvrosy "electe d t o spen d hi s lif e hangin g o n a cros s o f self-abnega tion." 53 Th e imag e o f th e cros s i s o f cours e th e Christia n imag e par excellence. Bu t here i s a concret e exampl e o f jus t wha t tha t "cross " wa s for Amvrosy . Th e scen e i s th e Optin a Pusty n monaster y i n 1841 , when Amvrosy wa s no t yet a starets an d wa s known a s Alexander : Once whe n . . . Alexander an d Staret z Le v were togethe r th e Staret z suddenl y intoned, "Blesse d is our God, now and ever and unto ages of ages." Alexander, thinking that th e staretz desire d t o commenc e th e evening rule began t o chant , "Amen. Glory to Thee, O God, Glory to Thee. O Heavenly King. . . ." Suddenl y the staretz brought him up short, "Wh o gave you the blessing to read?" Alexander immediately fell down on his knees, prostrated himself and asked for forgiveness. The staretz, however, continued his tirade, "How dared you do that?" And Alexander continue d hi s prostrations, murmuring , "Forgiv e m e for th e sake of God, Batiushka. Forgive me." By fighting dow n th e instinct o f self-justificatio n Alexander was able to crucify th e "old man" in him and put on the new.54 Such complet e self-abnegatio n i s the truest possible imitation o f Christ . Toward th e en d o f hi s unhapp y lif e th e Russia n write r Nikola i VasiPevich Gogo l (1809—52 ) becam e mor e an d mor e attracte d t o reli gious self-abnegation . Christia n humiliatio n becam e a goa l fo r him . A great admire r o f The Imitation of Christ, h e gav e advic e suc h a s th e following t o reader s o f hi s Selected Passages from Correspondence with Friends: "Pra y t o Go d . . . tha t someon e shoul d s o disgrac e yo u i n th e sight o f other s tha t yo u woul d no t kno w wher e t o hid e yoursel f fro m shame. . . . That ma n woul d b e your tru e brothe r an d deliverer." 55 Thi s advice Gogo l applie d t o himsel f a s well : " I mysel f als o nee d a sla p i n public and, perhaps, mor e tha n anybod y else." 56 If a sla p wa s wha t Gogo l wanted , a sla p i s wha t h e got , fo r eve n friends repudiate d Gogol' s boo k which , amon g othe r things , pretende d to giv e religiou s advic e t o th e tsar , requeste d tha t everyon e i n Russi a pray fo r hi m (Gogol) , advocate d floggin g fo r bot h th e offende r an d th e victim, an d claime d tha t th e commo n fol k wer e bette r of f illiterate . Th e publication o f Selected Passages wa s followe d b y furthe r masochisti c

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acts. Fo r example , Gogo l burne d th e manuscrip t o f a boo k o n whic h h e had bee n working fo r fiv e years, the second par t o f Dead Souls. H e gre w increasingly religious , visitin g Optyn a Pusty n o n severa l occasions , an d developing a clos e relationshi p wit h a n Orthodo x pries t b y th e nam e o f Matvei Konstantinovsky . Th e latte r recommende d fastin g an d incessan t prayer. Gogo l followe d thi s advic e wit h a vengeance , an d a s a resul t h e died o f starvatio n an d exhaustio n o n Februar y 10 , 1852 . There i s a rich an d ever-changin g terminolog y fo r th e various form s of religiou s masochis m i n Russia . Fo r example , i n th e Russia n theologi cal literatur e Christ' s voluntar y relinquishmen t o f divinit y i n orde r t o experience huma n suffering i s ofte n terme d "kenosis " (fro m th e Greek , meaning "self-emptying" ; cf . Philippian s 2:6-8) . Th e meanin g o f th e term expand s when scholar s characterize the imitation o f the self-humili ated Chris t a s "kenotic." 57 Th e meanin g expand s eve n furthe r when , i n her boo k The Humiliated Christ in Modern Russian Thought, Nadejd a Gorodetzky says : "meekness , self-abasement , voluntar y poverty , humil ity, obedience, 'non-resistance, ' acceptanc e o f suffering an d deat h woul d be th e expressio n o f th e 'kenoti c mood'." 5 8 Fedotov , althoug h resistin g the breadt h o f Gorodetzky' s conception , add s a spatia l dimension : "I t [kenoticism] i s a downward movemen t of love, a descending, self-humili ating love , whic h finds it s jo y i n bein g wit h th e rejected." 59 Eve n Mik hail Bakhtin , whos e dialogi c theorie s woul d appea r t o hav e nothin g t o do with religio n a t all , gave kenoticism a central role. 60 Kenoticism, asceticism , monasticism , hol y foolishness , self-immola tion, self-flagellation , an d self-castratio n ar e different, i f somewhat over lapping religiou s practices . Eac h i s worth y o f in-dept h psychoanalyti c study i n its own right . Although al l share the property o f mora l masoch ism, othe r psychoanalyti c propertie s ar e involve d i n varyin g degree s and combination s a s wel l (suc h a s paranoia , narcissism , exhibitionism , depression, an d intellectualization) , an d eac h practic e wil l fit slightl y differently int o the psychobiography o f an y give n religious masochist .

Early Observers of Russian Masochism Serfdom wa s on e of th e first social phenomena t o b e attacked b y th e fledgling Russia n intelligentsi a a t th e en d o f th e eighteent h century . Berdiaev goe s s o fa r a s t o sa y tha t th e intelligentsi a "wa s born " whe n Aleksandr Radishche v (1749-1802 ) expresse d hi s outrage over the crue l

SOME HISTORICAL HIGHLIGHTS 29

treatment o f Russia n serf s i n A Journey from Petersburg to Moscow (1790). 61 Accordin g t o Radishchev , th e peasan t wh o work s th e field i s the onl y on e wh o ha s a rea l righ t t o it , ye t "wit h us , h e wh o ha s th e natural righ t t o i t i s no t onl y completel y exclude d fro m it , but , whil e working another' s field, see s hi s sustenanc e dependen t o n another' s power!" 62 Th e enslavemen t o f th e Russia n peasan t no t onl y provoke s moral indignatio n i n Radishchev , bu t induce s hi m t o mak e interestin g psychological observations , suc h a s the following : It appear s tha t th e spiri t o f freedo m i s s o drie d u p i n th e slave s tha t the y no t only have no desir e t o en d thei r sufferings , bu t canno t bea r t o se e others free . They love their fetters, if it is possible for man to love his own ruination. 63 Not onl y th e litera l slave , however , behave s slavishly . Member s o f th e nobility ca n displa y extrem e servilit y i n thei r relation s wit h others . Rad ishchev wonder s whethe r thos e abuse d b y a certain hig h dignitar y kno w that he is ashamed to admit to whom he owes his high station; that in his soul he is a most vile creature; that deception, perfidy, treason , lechery, poisoning, robbery, extortion an d murder ar e no more to him than emptyin g a glass of water; tha t his cheeks have never blushed with shame , but often wit h ange r or fro m a box on th e ear ; tha t h e i s a frien d o f ever y Cour t stoke r an d th e slav e [rab ] o f everybody, eve n th e meanes t creature , a t Court ? Bu t he pretends t o b e a great lord an d is contemptuous o f thos e who are not aware of his base and crawlin g servility [nizkosti i polzushchestva].64 If the serf grow s t o lov e his chains, the nobleman wallow s i n servility . In both instance s Radishche v identifie s wha t appear , o n thei r fac e a t least , to be masochistic attitudes . Poet Aleksand r Pushki n (1799-1837 ) reacte d somewha t negativel y to Radishchev' s characterizatio n o f th e peasant' s pligh t i n Russia . Th e French peasant , o r th e Englis h factor y worke r i s worse off , opine s Push kin i n hi s 183 4 essa y o n Radishchev' s Journey. Thi s i s doubtful , how ever, an d i n an y cas e is irrelevant. A t on e point Pushki n declares : "Tak e a loo k a t th e Russia n peasant : i s ther e eve n th e shado w o f slavis h degradation [ten ' rabskog o unichizheniia ] i n hi s behavio r an d speech?" 65 Thi s rhetorica l questio n i s followed b y praise o f th e Russia n peasant's boldness , cleverness , imitativeness , generosity , etc.—non e o f which necessaril y preclud e slavishnes s a t all. 66 A particularl y shar p critiqu e o f serfdo m wa s mad e b y th e philoso -

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pher Pet r Iakovlevic h Chaadae v (1794-1856) . In th e firs t o f hi s famou s Philosophical Letters, writte n i n French i n 1829 , he said : Why . . . did the Russian people descend to slavery [Pesclavage ] only after the y became Christian, namely in the reigns of Godunov and Shuisky? Let the Orthodox Church explain this phenomenon. Let it say why it did not raise its maternal voice against thi s detestabl e usurpatio n o f on e part o f th e people by the other . And note, I pray you, how obscure we Russians are in spite of our power and all our greatness. Only today the Bosphorus and the Euphrates have simultaneously heard ou r canon thunder. Yet history, which a t this very hour is demonstrating that the abolition o f slavery is the work o f Christianity , does not suspect that a Christian people of forty million is in chains.67 Chaadaev clearl y disapprove s o f slavery , but he does not really direc t hi s disapproval a t th e origina l enslavers , tha t is , a t "ou r nationa l rulers " who h e believe s inherite d th e spiri t o f "crue l an d humiliatin g foreig n domination" fro m th e Mongols. Rather, h e criticizes the Russian Ortho dox Churc h fo r no t intervenin g o n behal f o f th e Russia n people . Fo r Chaadaev, officia l Russia n Christianit y i s despicable fo r it s failure t o act . It i s mor e backward , les s trul y Christia n tha n Christianit y i n th e Wes t (he forgets th e Christianit y o f th e American South) . He seem s to sugges t that th e Russia n Orthodo x Churc h wa s itsel f behavin g slavishl y when i t acceded t o slaver y in Russia . Chaadaev utilize s a n interestin g familia l imag e here : th e Russia n Orthodox Churc h di d not rais e its maternal voic e ("s a voi x maternelle" ) against serfdom . In effect, th e Russia n churc h is not as good a mother a s the Roma n Catholi c Churc h which , sinc e th e tim e o f Tertullian , ha d been known a s Domina mater ecclesia. Where there is a mother, a child cannot b e far behind . For Chaadae v that chil d i s Russia herself , or individual Russians : We live only i n the narrowest o f presents , without pas t an d withou t future , i n the midst of a flat calm. And if we happen to bestir ourselves from tim e to time, it is not in the hope, nor in the desire, of some common good, but in the childish frivolousness o f th e infant , wh o raise s himsel f an d stretche s hi s hand s towar d the rattle which his nurse presents to him.68 Chaadaev repeatedl y resort s t o th e imag e o f a child : "w e Russians , lik e illegitimate children , com e t o thi s worl d withou t patrimony" ; "W e ar e like children wh o hav e never bee n made to think fo r themselves." 69 Russian "children " lac k no t onl y a sufficiently materna l church , bu t

SOME HISTORICAL HIGHLIGHTS 31

a rea l lega l syste m a s well . A s a result , accordin g t o Chaadaev , childis h Russians com e t o expect , eve n welcom e punishmen t fro m th e paterna l figure o f th e tsar , traditionall y referre d t o a s "littl e fathe r tsar " ("tsar ' batiushka") b y Russians . Th e rul e o f la w i s utterl y alie n t o Russians : "For u s i t is no t th e la w whic h punishe s a citize n wh o ha s don e wrong , but a fathe r wh o punishe s a disobedien t child . Ou r tast e fo r famil y arrangements i s such tha t w e lavish th e rights of fatherhoo d o n anythin g that w e find ourselve s dependen t on . Th e ide a o f lawfulness , o f right , makes n o sens e to the Russia n people." 70 So, childish , inadequatel y mothere d Russian s liv e a n abominabl e life. The y willingl y subjec t themselve s t o paterna l authority . Incapabl e of assertin g thei r rights , the y onl y kno w ho w t o as k permission : "Nou s ne dison s pas , p. e., j'ai le droit d e fair e cela , nou s disons , telle chos e es t permise; telle autr e n e Test pas." 7 1 Russians als o enslav e on e another . Chaadaev , himsel f a n owne r o f serfs, i s racke d wit h guilt . H e ha s ideal s o f freedom , bu t h e canno t liv e up t o them , consequentl y hi s self-estee m i s lowered: "Weighe d dow n b y this fata l guilt , wha t sou l i s s o fine tha t i t wil l no t withe r unde r thi s unbearable burden ? Wha t ma n i s s o stron g that , alway s a t odd s wit h himself, alway s thinkin g on e wa y an d actin g another , h e doe s no t i n th e end find himsel f repulsive?" 72 Give n thi s attitude , i t i s no t surprisin g that Chaadae v wa s subjec t t o fits of depression . The First Philosophical Letter, recalle d Aleksand r Herzen , wa s " a shot tha t ran g ou t i n th e dar k night. " 73 I t provoke d a n uproa r whe n i t was publishe d i n Russi a i n 1836 . Th e tsa r go t win d o f th e scanda l an d the journa l i n whic h Chaadaev' s wor k ha d appeare d wa s close d down . Chaadaev himsel f wa s place d unde r hous e arres t and — mor e tha n a century befor e psychiatri c abus e wa s reinvente d i n th e Sovie t Union — Chaadaev wa s officiall y declare d insan e b y th e tsaris t authorities . Fo r over a year he endured dail y examination s b y a physician . An essay ironically title d The Apology of a Madman (1837 ) was on e result o f thi s ver y frustratin g situation . In i t Chaadaev , amon g othe r things, take s bac k som e o f th e criticis m h e ha d directe d a t Russia n Christianity. Th e Russia n Orthodo x Churc h i s no w praise d fo r it s hu mility rathe r tha n castigate d fo r it s servility. 74 Th e Russian s a s a whol e (not jus t serf s o r th e clergy ) ar e characterize d a s submissive , bu t thi s feature no w ha s a positive aura :

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Fashioned, moulded, created by our rulers and our climate, we have become a grea t natio n onl y b y din t o f submissio n [forc e d e soumission] . Sca n ou r chronicles from beginnin g to end: on each page you will find the profound effec t of authority , th e ceaseless actio n o f th e soil, and hardl y eve r that o f th e public will. However, it is also true that, in abdicating its power in favor of its masters, in yieldin g t o it s nativ e physica l climate , th e Russia n natio n gav e evidenc e of profound wisdom. 75 Just wha t thi s "wisdom " wa s Chaadae v doe s no t mak e clea r i n 1837 . But in his later years he changes his mind agai n an d criticize s the Russia n slave mentality : "Everythin g i n Russi a bear s th e stam p o f slaver y [l e cachet d e la servitude]—customs , aspirations , enlightenment , eve n free dom itself, if such ca n even exist in this environment." 76 I n 1854 , durin g the Crimea n War , h e says: Russia i s a whole separat e world , submissiv e t o th e will , caprice, fantas y o f a single man, whether his name be Peter or Ivan , no matter—in al l instances the common element is the embodiment of arbitrariness. Contrary to all the laws of the human community , Russi a move s only in the direction o f her own enslavement an d th e enslavemen t o f al l th e neighbourin g peoples . Fo r thi s reaso n i t would b e in the interest no t onl y o f othe r peoples , but als o in that o f he r own that she be compelled to take a new path. 77 It i s clea r fro m hi s change s o f opinio n tha t Chaadae v mus t hav e har bored contradictor y feeling s abou t th e submissivenes s o f Russians . A close readin g o f hi s work s demonstrate s tha t h e experience d a n intens e ambivalence towar d th e ide a o f submissivenes s generally . Hi s psych e harbored bot h masochisti c an d antimasochisti c impulses. 78 Native Russian s lik e Radishche v an d Chaadae v wer e no t th e onl y ones t o commen t o n th e subjec t o f Russia n slavishness . Foreig n visitor s could no t mis s i t either . A goo d exampl e i s th e Polis h poe t Ada m Mickiewicz (1798-1855) , wh o wa s i n Russi a fro m 182 4 t o 1829 . Th e "Digression" o f his Forefathers 3 Eve, Part HI (1832 ) offers , amon g othe r things, a satire of Russia n servility . Mickiewicz tell s an anecdot e abou t a peasant servan t foun d froze n t o deat h o n the field of Mar s in Petersburg . It seem s th e peasan t ha d bee n ordere d b y hi s master , a callou s youn g army officer , t o si t stil l an d guar d a fu r coat . Th e office r ha d no t com e back fo r hi s coat , an d th e servant , rathe r tha n disobeyin g order s b y donning th e war m coat , literall y froz e o n th e spot . Th e narrato r com ments:

SOME HISTORICAL HIGHLIGHTS 33 Oh, poor peasant! your heroism, a death like that, Is commendable for a dog, but an offense fo r a human being. How will they reward you? Your master will say with a smile That you were loyal unto death—like a dog. Oh, poor peasant! why do I shed a tear And why does my heart quiver thinking of your deed: Ah, I pity you, poor Slav!— Poor nation! I pity your fate, You know only one heroism—the heroism of slavery. 79 As David Brodsk y observes: "Th e anecdote shows the peasant's complic ity in his own exploitatio n b y a frivolous rulin g elite." 80 Another foreig n visito r t o Russia , Astolphe d e Custine (1790—1857 ) had muc h t o sa y o n th e subjec t o f Russia n slavishness . Custin e wa s a French marqui s who , havin g me t Mickiewic z beforehand, 81 spen t a summer travelin g i n Russia . Hi s book , La Russie en 1839, wa s a grea t success i n Franc e an d wa s ver y controversia l i n Russia , wher e i t wa s read b y many despit e the ba n o n i t there. 82 Custine visited variou s Russia n cities , including Petersbur g (the n th e capital), Moscow , Iaroslavl , an d th e grea t tradin g cente r o f Nizhni i Novgorod. H e als o staye d i n th e lice-infeste d roadsid e inn s o f man y small villages . N o matte r wher e h e travele d i n "th e empir e o f th e tsar " the overwhelmin g impressio n h e receive d wa s on e o f gloo m an d misery : "the lif e o f th e Russia n peopl e i s mor e gloom y [triste ] tha n tha t o f an y other o f th e Europea n nations ; an d whe n I say th e peopl e [l e peuple], I speak no t onl y o f th e peasant s attache d t o th e soil , bu t o f th e whol e empire." 83 Indeed , accordin g t o Custine , Russi a i s a societ y i n whic h "no happines s i s possible." 84 The primar y sourc e o f thi s unhappines s i s th e slavis h attitud e o f Russians towar d authorit y o f an y kind . Thi s applie s t o al l Russians, no t just serf s (compar e Olearius' s previou s declaration , "The y ar e al l serf s and slaves," 85 o r Chaadaev' s assertio n tha t ther e i s no visibl e differenc e between a ser f an d a fre e perso n i n Russia, 86 o r Masaryk' s late r state ment tha t "bot h slave s an d lord s have servile souls"). 87 Russian nobles , for example , are not like the cultivated, independen t aristocrats o f Franc e an d Germany , bu t ar e ambitious , fear-ridde n indi viduals wh o ar e alway s tryin g t o appeas e th e tsa r an d othe r highe r authorities. Thu s th e courtier s surroundin g th e Hereditar y Gran d Duk e impress Custin e wit h thei r hypocritica l behavior : "Wha t ha s chiefl y

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struck m e i n m y firs t vie w o f Russia n courtier s i s th e extraordinar y submissiveness wit h which , a s grandees , the y perfor m thei r devoirs. They seem , i n fact , t o b e onl y a highe r orde r o f slaves ; bu t th e momen t the Princ e ha s retired , a free , unrestrained , an d decide d manne r i s reas sumed, whic h contrast s unpleasantl y wit h tha t complet e abnegatio n o f self, affecte d onl y th e m o m e n t before;" 8 8 "ther e ar e slave s everywhere, " says Custine , " b u t t o fin d a natio n o f courtl y slave s i t i s necessar y t o visit R u s s i a . " 8 9 Custine wa s a n aristocra t whos e fathe r an d grandfathe r wer e guillo tined b y Frenc h revolutionaries , s o i t i s no t surprisin g tha t h e hope d t o find evidenc e i n Russi a t o suppor t th e ide a o f autocrati c rule . Bu t Russi a changed hi s mind : " I wen t t o Russi a t o see k fo r argument s agains t representative government , I retur n a partisa n o f constitutions." 9 0 Hav ing n o w experience d a "natio n o f slaves" 9 1 Custin e ca n declar e tha t " a peasant i n th e environ s o f Pari s i s free r tha n a Russia n lord. " 9 2 The ide a o f Russi a a s a "natio n o f slaves " seem s t o hav e bee n i n th e air b y th e lat e 1830s . Aroun d th e tim e th e firs t editio n o f Custine' s boo k appeared, th e poe t Mikhai l Lermonto v ( 1 8 1 4 - 4 1 ) wrot e a poem , n o w famous, abou t Russia n authoritarianism : ripomafi, HeMbrraf l POCCMH , CTpaHa pa6oB , cTpaHa rocnoa , H BW , MyHzwpbi rojiy6we , H Tbi, MM npeziaHHbiH Hapozi. BwTb Mo>KeT, 3a CTeHO H KaBKa3a Conpoiocb O T TBOH X naineft , OT H X BceBHflnmero rjia3a , OT M X BcecjibiiijaiijMx yiiieM. 1 Farewell, unwashed Russia , Land o f slaves , land o f masters , And you , blu e uniforms , And you, people, devoted t o them . Perhaps beyon d th e wall o f th e Caucasus , I will hide from you r pashas , From thei r all-seein g eye, From thei r all-hearin g ears. 94 Russia i s her e personified . Sh e i s " u n w a s h e d , " a s a perso n woul d be , sh e is spoke n t o ("Farewell") , a s on e woul d spea k t o a person . He r perso n i s multiplied b y th e man y w h o occup y h e r — t h e "slaves, " th e "masters, "

SOME HISTORICAL HIGHLIGHTS 35

and th e "pashas " (i.e. , the tsaris t gendarmes) . Sh e is despicable no t onl y for he r oppressors , bu t als o fo r he r oppresse d wh o see m t o welcom e their oppression , wh o appea r t o b e unite d i n thei r willingnes s a s on e collective peopl e ("narod" ) t o obe y th e oppressor s ("devote d people, " or, i n othe r variants , "obedien t [poslushnyj ] people " o r "submissiv e [pokornyj] people"). 95 Lermontov' s contemp t fo r th e "lan d o f slaves " is clearly ver y muc h i n th e spiri t o f Custine' s critiqu e o f th e "natio n of slaves. " Given tha t s o man y accomplishe d writers—Radishchev , Chaadaev , Mickiewicz, Custine , an d Lermontov 96 —had alread y deal t wit h th e phenomenon o f Russia n slavishnes s b y th e middl e o f th e nineteent h century, it is not difficul t t o understan d wh y th e definition o f Russi a a s a "land o f slaves " ha s stuck . I t i s now a topo s take n fo r grante d b y man y scholars o f Russia . Fo r example , writin g i n a 199 2 issu e o f The Times Literary Supplement Lesze k Kolakowsk i wa s able to spea k o f a "gloom y image o f th e eterna l Russia , countr y o f slaves," 97 withou t botherin g t o use quotatio n mark s o r t o mentio n hi s nineteenth-centur y predecessor s in this matter . Even th e "iro n tsar, " Nichola s I , with who m Custin e spok e person ally, admitte d t o th e sadomasochisti c natur e o f hi s government' s rela tionship wit h th e Russia n people : "Despotis m stil l exist s i n Russia : i t i s the essenc e o f my government , bu t it accords with the genius of the nation."98 Fo r thi s despoti c "essence " t o accor d wit h th e nation' s "ge nius" implie s tha t Nichola s wa s indee d dealin g wit h a "natio n o f slaves." Th e peopl e rule d b y Nichola s took , i n hi s ow n view , a specifi cally masochisti c stanc e wit h respec t t o hi s "despotism. " Psychoanalysi s offers a mor e straightforwar d terminolog y tha n th e euphemisti c phras e "genius o f th e natio n [l e geni e d e la nation] " uttere d i n Frenc h b y th e Russian tsar . So, th e Russia n peopl e hav e a geniu s fo r masochism . Thi s talent , i n Custine's estimatio n (althoug h no t i n hi s terminology) , applie s t o th e lower a s wel l a s t o th e highe r socia l orders , bu t i n th e forme r actua l physical violenc e is very ofte n involve d a s well: Here, among a thousand, is another example. The postillion who brought me to the post-house from whenc e I write, had incurred a t the stage where he set out, by I know not what fault, th e wrath of his comrade, the head hostler. The latter trampled him , chil d a s he is, under hi s feet , an d struc k hi m with blow s which must have been severe, for I heard them at some distance resounding against the

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breast o f th e sufferer . Whe n th e executione r wa s weary o f hi s task, th e victim rose, breathles s an d trembling , an d withou t profferin g a word , readjuste d hi s hair, salute d hi s superior , and , encourage d b y th e treatmen t h e ha d received , mounted lightl y th e bo x t o driv e m e a t a har d gallo p fou r an d a hal f o r fiv e leagues in one hour. " Custine seem s t o hav e witnesse d suc h violenc e o n a dail y basi s durin g his sta y i n Russia : " A man , a s soo n a s h e rise s a grad e abov e th e common level , acquires the right, and , furthermore , contract s the obliga tion t o maltrea t hi s inferiors , t o who m i t i s hi s dut y t o transmi t th e blows tha t h e receives fro m thos e abov e him." 10 ° The ide a abou t transmittin g blow s dow n a dominanc e hierarch y i s remarkable. In Fedo r Dostoevsky' s Diary of a Writer fo r th e yea r 187 6 the ide a i s expresse d i n a simila r context . Dostoevsk y a s a youn g ma n had onc e observe d ho w a governmen t courie r repeatedl y struc k hi s coachman o n th e back o f th e neck while the coachman, i n turn, whippe d his horse mercilessly : This little scene appeared to me, so to speak, as an emblem, as something which very graphicall y demonstrate d th e lin k betwee n caus e an d effect . Her e ever y blow dealt at the animal leaped out of each blow dealt at the man. 101 One could argu e that Dostoevsk y borrowe d hi s image from Custine . But a merel y literar y approac h woul d disregar d th e rea l contributio n thes e authors make : Custin e an d Dostoevsk y wer e depictin g th e same , objec tive socia l realit y i n Russia . Peopl e wer e beate n upo n i n ol d Russia , an d those who were beaten upo n tende d t o bea t others . Dostoevsky append s a furthe r insigh t t o hi s observation : "Oh , n o doubt, toda y th e situation i s not a s it used to be forty year s ago: courier s no longe r bea t th e people , bu t th e peopl e bea t themselve s [naro d uzh e sam sebi a b'et] , havin g retaine d th e rod s i n thei r ow n court." 102 Wha t Dostoevsky ha s i n min d her e i s th e alcoholis m prevalen t amon g th e common folk . H e clearl y understand s tha t i t i s masochisti c i n nature , otherwise h e would no t metaphoriz e i t as self-beating . If Dostoevsky's reactio n t o th e horrifying realit y o f Russian s beatin g themselves an d on e othe r wa s t o prais e "th e people " fo r it s Christlik e sufferings (se e below , 240) , Custine' s respons e wa s t o castigat e th e Russians fo r thei r essentiall y sadomasochisti c socia l order : Thus does the spirit of iniquity descend from stag e to stage down to the founda tions o f thi s unhapp y society , whic h subsist s onl y b y violence—a violence so great, that it forces the slave to falsify himself by thanking his tyrant; and this is

SOME HISTORICAL HIGHLIGHTS 3

7

what they here call public order; i n other words, a gloomy tranquility, a fearfu l peace, for i t resemble s tha t o f th e tomb . The Russians , however, ar e proud of this calm. So long as a man has not made up his mind to go on all fours, he must necessarily pride himself i n something, were it only to preserve hi s right to the title of a human creature. 103 I have italicize d tw o revealin g aspect s o f thi s passage . First , ther e i s a n underlying masochistic attitude without which the sadistic practice coul d not continue . Th e on e wh o i s beate n upo n "thanks " th e on e wh o beat s (there ar e Russia n proverb s o n thi s topic , a s we sa w earlier) , or a t leas t accepts th e beatin g withou t complaint . Second , th e beating , whic h fo r what Custin e woul d conside r a norma l perso n i n a Wester n societ y would injur e self-esteem , i s instea d consciousl y understoo d t o support self-esteem. Th e victi m pretend s n o damag e ha s bee n don e an d experi ences instead a special kind of pride. This compensatory o r reactive pride is encountered tim e an d agai n i n accounts of Russia n nationa l character .

The Slavophiles The notio n o f Russia n slavishnes s wa s als o take n u p b y th e so called Slavophile s ("slavianofily, " wh o migh t mor e accuratel y hav e bee n characterized a s Russophiles) . Fo r example , th e philosophe r Alekse i Khomiakov (1804—60 ) spok e o f th e "servilit y towar d foreig n peoples " ("rabolepstvo pere d inozemnym i narodami" ) characteristi c o f Rus sians. 104 Generall y th e Slavophile s wer e uncomfortabl e wit h Russia n slavishness. The y looke d forwar d t o th e liberatio n o f th e serfs , an d the y believed i n somethin g lik e fre e speech . A t time s the y woul d eve n tr y to den y th e existenc e o f slavis h attitude s i n Russia . Thi s le d t o som e convolutions o f though t whic h ar e quit e fascinatin g fo r a psychoanalys t to consider . It was asserted , fo r example , tha t Russian s coul d b e fre e eve n whe n enslaved (o r eve n whe n subjecte d t o wha t looke d lik e slaver y t o a Western observer) . Thu s th e ordinar y Russia n peasan t wa s fre e eve n while bein g submissiv e t o th e government . Konstanti n Aksako v (1817 — 60) expressed thi s paradox i n 185 5 a s follows : This attitud e o n th e par t o f th e Russia n i s th e attitud e o f a free man . B y recognizing the absolute authorit y o f th e state he retains his complete independence of spirit , conscience an d thought. In his awareness of this moral freedo m within himself the Russian is in truth not a slave, but a free man. 105

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According t o Aksakov , Russian s ar e essentiall y apolitica l peopl e wh o accede t o authoritaria n rul e onl y becaus e the y hav e bette r thing s t o do, namely, to develop thei r inne r spiritua l life : "An d so the Russian people , having renounce d politica l matter s an d having entruste d al l authority i n the politica l spher e t o th e government , reserve d fo r themselve s life — moral an d communa l freedom , th e highest ai m of whic h i s to achiev e a Christian society." 106 The ke y ide a fo r explainin g thi s paradox , I think , i s th e adjectiv e "communal" ("obshchestvennyi") , whic h appear s agai n an d agai n i n Aksakov's discourse , a s i n th e oxymoro n "inner , communa l freedom " ("vnutreniaia obshchestvennai a svoboda"). 107 The Slavophile s fel t tha t intens e communa l interaction , especiall y of a religiou s sort , wa s the way to avoi d enslavemen t b y external, govern mental power . Th e more Russian s wer e entice d awa y fro m thei r nativ e communal interactio n (e.g. , by the model o f popular government s i n the West, or by the westernizing reform s o f Peter th e Great), the more likel y they wer e t o b e turne d int o "slaves. " Onl y whe n Russian s wer e bein g true to their essentiall y communa l natur e wer e they reall y "free. " Before furthe r elucidatin g the peculiarly Slavophil e understanding of "freedom," i t i s necessary t o elaborat e o n th e vital importanc e o f com munal actio n fo r th e Slavophiles . I wil l begi n b y introducin g a ter m which i s frequently encountere d i n writings abou t Russia n Slavophilism . ' Sobornosf (fro m "sobor, " "council " o r "synod" ) ha s bee n variousl y defined a s "innat e strivin g towar d communality," 108 "voluntar y an d organic fellowship," 109 "sens e o f communalit y an d unit y freel y ac knowledged rathe r tha n externall y imposed," 110 an d s o on . Originall y the term wa s religious o r theological i n nature, tha t is , it was an attemp t to captur e th e idea o f the "principle o f conciliarism," o r even the idea of the "catholicity " o f Christ' s church . Bu t Aleksei Khomiako v an d som e of hi s Slavophil e an d neo-Slavophil e follower s broadene d th e notion , making i t appl y t o secula r collective s a s well . Fo r example , N . S . Arsen'ev utilize d th e ter m t o characteriz e th e congenia l grou p spiri t of th e variou s literar y salon s an d othe r socia l gathering s amon g th e intelligentsia i n Mosco w durin g th e nineteenth an d early twentiet h cen turies. 111 Or , as recently a s 1990 , Aleksandr Solzhenitsy n propose d tha t a consultativ e bod y ( a "Duma" ) b e formed i n Russia base d no t on mer e "mechanical" voting , but on sobornosf. 112 An exampl e i n Khomiakov' s ow n work i s an ope n lette r h e penne d

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in 186 0 t o th e peopl e o f Serbi a which , amon g othe r things , glorifie d th e communal decision-makin g proces s whic h allegedl y characterize d al l Orthodox countries : It is no accident that the commune, the sanctity of the communal verdict and the unquestioning submissio n o f eac h individua l t o th e unanimou s decisio n o f hi s brethren ar e preserve d onl y i n Orthodo x countries . Th e teaching s o f th e fait h cultivate th e sou l eve n i n socia l life . Th e Papis t seek s extraneous an d persona l authority, just a s he is used to submitting to such authority i n matters of faith ; the Protestant takes personal freedom t o the extreme of blind arrogance, just as in hi s sha m worship . Suc h i s th e spiri t o f thei r teaching . Onl y th e Orthodo x Christian, preservin g hi s freedom , ye t humbl y acknowledgin g hi s weakness , subordinates hi s freedo m t o th e unanimou s resolutio n o f th e collectiv e con science. It is for this reason that the local commune has not been able to preserve its law s outsid e Orthodo x countries . An d i t i s fo r thi s reaso n tha t th e Sla v cannot be fully a Slav without Orthodoxy. Even our brethren who have been led astray b y th e Wester n falsehood , b e the y Papist s o r Protestants , acknowledg e this with grief . This principle applie s to al l matters o f justic e and truth , an d t o all conceptions about society; for at the root of it lies brotherhood. 113 The passag e i s replet e wit h term s fo r th e collectiv e tha t Khomiako v and th e othe r Slavophile s wer e fon d o f using : commun e ("obshchina, " roughly equivalen t t o "mir, " anothe r Slavophil e favorite) , loca l (land ) commune ("zemskai a obshchina") , brethre n ("brat'ia") , brotherhoo d ("bratstvo"), an d societ y ("obshchestvo") . Wha t hold s th e Orthodo x collective together , accordin g t o Khomiakov , i s a n individual' s submis sive attitude towar d it . Eac h membe r accede s humbl y ("smirenno" ) an d with lov e t o som e mysteriou s spiri t o f th e collective , that is , to a unani mous resolution o f "th e collective conscience" ("soborno i sovesti") . This is sobornosf i' n action . Appropriately enough , th e documen t fro m whic h thi s passag e i s quoted wa s itsel f signe d b y a collectiv e o f eleve n individuals , includin g such well-know n Slavophile s a s Iuri i Samari n an d Konstanti n an d Iva n Aksakov. Ivan Kireevsk y (1806—56 ) wa s a Slavophil e wh o describe d th e al leged 114 communa l lif e o f ancien t Rus ' a s follows : You see an endles s number o f smal l commune s [obshchin ] sprea d ou t ove r the entire fac e o f th e Russia n earth , eac h havin g its own manage r o f it s laws, and each forming its own special accord [svo e osoboe soglasie] or its own small mir; these small mirs, or accords, fuse with other, large accords which, in turn, make up the regional accord s which, finally, comprise the tribal accords , from whic h are formed on e huge, general accord of the whole Russian land. 115

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There i s muc h erasur e o f boundarie s goin g o n i n thi s grandios e an d hopelessly idealize d picture . Not onl y is the communal mir equate d wit h the agreemen t o r accor d ("soglasie" ) whic h bring s i t int o existenc e an d maintains it , bu t th e smalle r mir merge s wit h ("slivaiutsia" ) th e large r mir t o which i t belongs. This merging process proceeds o n up the hierar chy o f collectives , until al l of ancien t Russi a i s seen a s one huge, harmo nious collective . Among th e Slavophiles , Konstanti n Aksako v was , a s Walick i says , "the mos t arden t an d uncritica l admire r o f th e rura l mir." 116 Aksako v was emphati c abou t th e dut y o f th e individua l t o submi t t o th e will o f this kind o f collective : The commune [obshchina] is that supreme principle which will find nothing superior to itself, but can only evolve, develop, purify, an d elevate itself. The commun e i s a n associatio n o f peopl e wh o hav e renounce d thei r per sonal egoism, their individuality [o t lichnosti svoei], and express common accord [soglasie]: this is an act of love, a noble Christian act which expresses itself more or less clearly in its various other manifestations. Thu s the commune is a moral choir [nravstvenny i khor ] an d just as each individual voic e in the chorus is not lost bu t onl y subordinate d t o th e overal l harmony , an d ca n b e heard togethe r with al l th e othe r voices—s o to o i n th e commun e th e individua l [lichnost' ] i s not lost but merely renounces his exclusivity in the name of general accord an d finds himsel f o n a higher and purer level, in mutual harmony with other individuals motivated by similar self-abnegation [ v soglasii ravnomerno samootverzhennykh lichnostei].117 The metapho r o f th e collectiv e a s a "mora l choir " i s quit e appropriat e in a context wher e th e word "soglasie " (etymologically , "con-sonance" ) keeps comin g up . Th e metapho r woul d late r b e picke d u p b y th e Sym bolist supporte r o f sobornosf Viachesla v Ivano v (se e Ivanov' s notio n ' of "khorovo e nachalo"). 118 Her e th e imag e i s elevated , sublim e (a s i s Kireevsky's us e o f th e ter m "soglasie") . Bu t th e correspondin g "self abnegation" o f th e individua l doe s no t reced e fro m sight . Ther e ma y b e free speec h i n th e Slavophili c commune , bu t whe n al l i s sai d an d don e there i s n o suc h thin g a s a minorit y opinion , o r a loya l opposition . Everyone ha s t o agree , th e decision s o f th e commun e hav e t o b e unanimous. On e mustn' t spoi l th e music . Ther e i s a n ever-presen t threa t that th e personalit y ("lichnost"' ) wil l asser t itself , "lik e a fals e not e i n a choir." 119 We ma y retur n no w t o th e Slavophil e notio n o f "freedom. " I t i s a remarkable fac t that , despit e al l thei r emphasi s o n submissio n t o th e

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collective, th e Slavophile s stil l believe d th e individua l membe r o f th e collective t o b e "free. " Fo r example , accordin g t o Khomiako v onl y th e individual Christia n ha s authority . Eve n Go d doe s no t hav e authority . Participation i n Christian lif e must come freely, fro m within . It can neve r be coerced i n any way. The true Christian i s not a slave, says Khomiako v repeatedly. The true Christia n i s free . Of cours e i f a n individua l Christia n decide d no t t o exercis e th e option t o submi t freel y t o the will of the collective, then a problem coul d conceivably arise . Tha t is , a n individual , withou t necessaril y becomin g the "slave " o f som e externa l authority , migh t stil l rejec t unanimit y an d sobornosf a' s well. Khomiakov doe s not consider thi s possibility. Indeed , there i s n o roo m fo r dissidenc e i n Khomiakov' s Christianity . Th e tru e Christian i s free only t o g o along with th e collective . This ca n b e bes t characterize d a s a masochist' s ide a o f freedom . I t fits i n wit h th e genera l Russia n tendenc y t o characteriz e freedo m i n a paradoxical way . Dostoevsky' s famou s characte r Kirilov , fo r example , asserts tha t th e highes t for m o f fre e wil l i s suicide. Or , ther e i s philoso pher Nikola i Fedorov' s ide a tha t th e Russia n traditio n o f obligator y state servic e actuall y foster s freedom . Georg e Youn g comments : "Whil e Westerners ma y loo k upo n th e Russian s a s a weak , slavis h peopl e wh o allow themselve s t o b e herde d lik e cattl e b y dictator s wh o fo r som e reason ar e bes t love d whe n mos t oppressive , Fedoro v interpret s th e Russian lac k o f self-assertio n a s a subtle r an d mor e advance d under standing o f freedom." 120 Anothe r exampl e i s th e bol d oxymoro n "free theocracy" ("svobodnai a teokratiia") , whic h i s how philosophe r Vladi mir Solov'e v characterize s hi s idea l o f socia l organization . A s Billingto n says, Solov'ev' s tas k wa s "t o reconcil e tota l freedo m wit h a recognitio n of th e authorit y o f God." 1 2 1 In th e twentiet h centur y w e have conserva tive thinke r Aleksand r Solzhenitsy n assertin g tha t "Freedo m i s self-restriction! Restrictio n o f th e sel f fo r th e sake of others!" 122 Examples coul d b e multiplied . Her e i t i s sufficien t t o indicat e tha t neo-Slavophile though t regardin g freedo m i s consisten t wit h th e incon sistent attitude s expresse d b y the Slavophiles o n th e same theme . Without a n understandin g o f th e masochisti c elemen t i n th e Sla vophile notio n o f freedo m on e migh t wel l argu e tha t th e Slavophile s either advocate d submissivenes s or advocate d freedom , bu t no t both . There hav e bee n endles s debate s o n whic h o f th e alternative s i s cor rect.123 In fact , becaus e o f th e underlyin g masochis m o f thei r ide -

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ology, Slavophile s wer e i n a positio n t o advocat e both wit h goo d con science. There wa s som e questio n a s t o whethe r th e freedo m advocate d b y Khomiakov wa s individua l o r wa s a propert y o f th e larger , supra-indi vidual collective. 124 Bu t th e proble m o f th e distinctio n betwee n individ ual an d collectiv e itsel f perfectl y reflect s th e poo r demarcatio n whic h typically result s whe n a n individua l take s a masochisti c stanc e wit h respect t o a n objec t (se e the clinica l discussio n below). 125 The questionabl e distinctio n betwee n individua l an d collectiv e i s also apparen t i n Iva n Kireevsky' s formulai c characterizatio n o f lif e i n a n idealized ancien t Rus' : "Th e perso n belonge d t o th e mir, th e mir be longed t o th e person." 126 In general , th e constan t reference s t o "inner " freedo m i n Slavophil e writings abou t th e (b y definitio n external ) collectiv e testif y t o a confu sion betwee n sel f an d collectiv e objec t i n th e Slavophil e imagination . There ca n o f cours e b e n o "inner " freedo m whe n th e only choic e i s t o go alon g wit h th e wishe s o f th e collective . O r rather , ther e ca n b e "inner" freedom , bu t onl y i f i t i s consistently masochisti c i n it s aims . In the Wes t thi s woul d no t normall y b e considere d t o b e "freedom, " al though i n Russi a i t i s ofte n wha t i s mean t b y "volia " o r "svoboda " — two word s ofte n unavoidabl y bu t misleadingl y translate d a s "freedom. "

Masochistic Tendencies among the Russian Intelligentsia Although man y i n th e Russia n intelligentsi a eve r sinc e the lat e eigh teenth centur y hav e commente d directl y o r indirectl y o n th e masochisti c tendencies o f Russians , ther e i s als o a masochisti c traditio n withi n th e intelligentsia itself . Thi s i s particularl y tru e o f thos e member s o f th e intelligentsia wh o wer e politicall y engaged , th e so-calle d radica l intelli gentsia. In 1851 , for example , the liberal emigre journalist Alexander Herze n characterized th e powerlessness o f th e "thinkin g Russian " i n th e fac e o f tsarist oppressio n a s follows : "Thi s i s th e sourc e o f ou r irony , o f tha t anguish whic h eat s awa y a t us , drive s u s t o fury , an d urge s u s o n unti l we reach Siberia , torture, exile, or untimely death . We sacrifice ourselve s without hope , fro m bitternes s an d boredo m [o t zhelchi ; o t skuki]." 1 2 7 This sound s lik e self-sacrific e fo r th e sak e o f self-sacrifice . I t i s really n o different fro m th e genera l Russia n masochis m Herze n wa s hintin g a t

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when h e spok e o f Russia n slavery : " A lon g perio d o f slaver y i s n o accident, fo r i t correspond s t o som e featur e o f nationa l character." 128 Yet Herze n di d no t wan t t o recogniz e th e masochisti c elemen t specifi cally i n traditiona l communa l life , preferrin g instea d t o vie w i t a s a native Russia n "communism " capabl e o f protectin g th e peasan t fro m exploitation b y landowners an d others. 129 Subsequen t populis t thinker s followed Herze n i n ascribing great potential t o the peasant commun e fo r the futur e o f Russian socialis m an d communism. 130 Nikolai Chernyshevsk y (1828-89 ) wa s a radica l journalis t wh o spent ninetee n year s i n Siberia—and coul d hav e spen t fewe r year s ther e if h e ha d bee n willin g t o petitio n fo r a pardo n afte r te n years . H e was apparently no t bein g ironi c whe n h e referre d t o hi s Siberia n perio d a s the happies t i n hi s lif e (th e "Bles s you , prison " them e reverberate s t o this da y i n Russia n literature , e.g. , i n th e work s o f Solzhenitsyn). 131 When Chernyshevsk y marrie d h e made i t clea r t o his wife tha t sh e was free t o commit adulter y (sh e obliged him) . The ideal revolutionary i n his novel What is to Be Done? (1863 ) sleep s o n a be d o f nails . Harvar d scholar Ada m Ula m say s tha t ther e wa s somethin g i n Chernyshevsky' s obstinate enduranc e o f sufferin g tha t "border s o n masochism." 132 No t so. This was masochism . Petr Kropotkin (1842-1921) , although bor n into the privileged Rus sian aristocracy , wa s a champio n o f th e exploite d peasantr y an d a revolutionary bes t know n fo r hi s theoretical writing s o n anarchism . A s a youn g ma n h e volunteere d fo r militar y servic e i n Siberia—whe n h e could hav e remaine d instea d i n the capital. Once , when languishin g i n a French jai l fo r hi s revolutionary activities , h e refused t o accep t a n offe r of bail from friends . Willia m H. Blanchard, in a very interesting study on revolutionary morality , i s explicit abou t Kropotkin' s mora l masochism : "Kropotkin i s difficul t t o understan d withou t th e assumptio n o f som e motive o f mora l masochism , a feelin g o f guil t tha t require s som e com pensatory behavior." 133 Accordin g to Blanchard, Kropotki n illustrate s a thesis that ma y be made abou t revolutionarie s generally : "Revolutionar ies mus t b e prepared t o suffe r i f the y ar e to advanc e thei r causes . The y must sho w th e governmen t the y canno t b e broken , eve n b y imprison ment. Perhap s th e onl y peopl e suite d fo r suc h lon g ordeal s o f sufferin g are thos e wh o derive som e satisfactio n fro m th e experience o f sufferin g itself."134 The intelligentsia's wil l to self-sacrifice foun d it s first full-scal e outle t

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in th e so-calle d "goin g t o th e people " ("khozhdeni e v narod" ) move ment which too k plac e startin g in th e mid-1870s. This was a joint effor t primarily b y upper-clas s youn g peopl e t o serv e their socia l inferiors , th e Russian peasan t fol k ("narod") . Som e o f thes e populist s (sometime s called "narodniki"—althoug h thi s ter m i s somewha t vagu e an d ha s a convoluted history) 135 wante d simpl y t o hel p th e peasant s b y educatin g them an d thei r children , giving them medica l treatment , an d s o on, whil e others (especiall y follower s o f th e sadisti c Bakunin ) wante d t o fomen t anti-tsarist revolution . A s it turned out , mos t o f th e peasants themselve s were not intereste d i n achieving the social progress intende d fo r them . In some case s they eve n turne d ove r th e agitator s t o th e police. There wer e mass trials. The populist movement , initiall y a t least, was a gross failure . Perhaps thi s failur e wa s no t itsel f a n unconsciousl y intende d self punishment, bu t th e origina l goa l o f politica l actio n b y th e Russia n intelligentsia di d involv e a for m o f self-sacrifice , eve n self-punishment . Billington say s thes e activists—especiall y durin g th e so-calle d "ma d summer" o f 1874—wer e "swep t awa y b y a spiri t o f self-renuncia tion." 1 3 6 Fedoto v see s "somethin g irrational " i n th e movement , addin g that "sometime s th e motiv e o f sacrific e wa s everythin g an d th e positiv e work ha d bu t a secondar y importance." 137 Tibo r Szamuel y says : "Atonement fo r serfdo m becam e th e collective missio n o f th e intelligen tsia." Szamuel y speak s o f "th e overpowerin g guilt-comple x o f th e Rus sian intelligentsia , it s obsession wit h th e ideas o f collectiv e si n and socia l redemption." 138 Nadejda Gorodetzk y translate s fro m th e memoir s o f a "ma n o f th e seventies," M. Frolenko : Youth brough t u p o n th e idea s o f th e 'sixtie s wa s imbue d b y th e ide a of serving the people and sacrificin g persona l caree r o r goods . Many had , in their childhood, sincer e [religious ] belief . The teaching o f Christ : t o la y dow n one' s soul, to give away one's possessions, to suffer fo r one' s faith an d ideal, to leave father an d mother for their sake, to give oneself wholly for the service of others, was a testament o f God . It was not difficul t wit h suc h a background t o take in the teachin g o f th e 'sixtie s abou t one' s deb t t o th e people an d th e necessity t o pay back for all the privileges received in their childhood. 139 The reasonin g her e i s no t a t al l unlik e tha t o f guilt-ridde n individual s who entere d monasteries . To the extent that som e narodniki, in additio n to dressin g a s peasants , actuall y manage d t o shar e th e unaccustome d miserable lif e o f th e peasant—t o wor k lon g hours , ea t poorly , liv e

SOME HISTORICAL HIGHLIGHTS 45

among vermin , an d s o forth—the y paradoxicall y achieve d fo r them selves th e ver y humiliatio n whic h the y longe d t o liberat e th e peasan t from. Accordin g t o Gorodetzky , th e "desir e fo r self-abasement " ex tended t o th e real m o f education , fo r man y o f th e narodnik i fel t tha t they di d no t deserv e t o becom e educate d of f th e back s o f th e starvin g peasants: "I f w e wait an d finish ou r studies , we ma y becom e bourgeois minded an d n o longe r wis h t o g o down amon g th e people." 140 Although som e o f th e narodnik i admire d Christ , Gorodetzk y doe s have difficult y fitting the m t o th e procrustea n be d o f Christianity . Th e psychoanalytic categor y o f masochis m i s more appropriat e a s an explan atory, o r a t leas t jus t a descriptiv e category . Similarly , Fedoto v ha s a hard tim e determinin g "wha t kin d o f Christianit y . . . dominate d th e subconscious min d o f th e Narodniks." 1 4 1 Christianit y i s not a n inheren t property o f th e "subconsciou s mind, " however . Again , masochism is . One doe s no t hav e t o b e a Christia n t o b e a mora l masochist . On e can b e a n atheisti c Russia n intelligent, fo r example . I t i s simpl y fals e t o attribute cover t Christianit y t o a declared atheist . Scholar s would no t b e so astonishe d tha t th e narodnik i resembl e Christia n monk s i f the y wer e willing to admi t masochis m a s a legitimate tertium comparationis. It goe s withou t sayin g tha t th e narodnik i wer e doin g man y othe r things beside s bein g masochistic : the y wer e reactin g t o odiou s tsaris t authoritarianism; the y wer e providin g som e educatio n a t leas t t o peas ants; the y wer e identifyin g wit h th e peasants ; the y wer e escapin g fro m their parents ; the y wer e preparin g th e wa y fo r large-scal e revolution s i n Russia, an d s o on . Th e identificatio n wit h th e peasantr y i s of particula r psychoanalytic interest , an d i s closel y associate d wit h masochism . Thi s identification ha s ofte n bee n expresse d i n Russia n a s "soedinenie " (union) o r "sliianie " (merging) . Richar d Wortma n (withou t mentionin g psychoanalysis) speak s o f a n "identificatio n wit h th e peasant " amon g the intelligentsia o f the fifties and sixties. 142 Paraphrasing th e "anthropo logical principle" of Chernyshevsky, Wortman explains : "T o understan d the peasant , on e ha d onl y t o understan d oneself." 143 Wortma n als o points t o Aleksand r Engel'gardt' s advic e t o fello w narodnik i t o acquir e peasant humilit y (fo r the n on e i s mor e likel y t o succee d i n livin g an d working wit h th e peasants). 144 Not al l th e Russia n intelligentsi a wen t a s fa r a s the narodnik i i n th e masochistic direction (an d even fewer wen t a s far a s the terrorists amon g them i n th e sadisti c direction , e.g. , thos e wh o assassinate d Tsa r Alexan -

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der I I i n 1881). 145 Bu t th e self-destructiv e o r humiliatin g ide a surface s again an d agai n i n th e literatur e abou t th e intelligentsia . Berdiaev , in hi s contribution t o th e controversia l Vekhi (Signposts) symposiu m o f 1909 , states paradoxically: "Th e bes t of the intelligentsia wa s fanatically read y for self-sacrific e [samopozhertvovanie]—an d n o les s fanaticall y preached a materialis m whic h negate d al l self-sacrifice. " G . P . Fedoto v says of th e intelligentsia tha t "heroi c deat h [was ] more importan t tha n a life ful l o f labor. " Joann a Hubb s believe s tha t "th e intelligentsi a as sumed th e rol e o f th e 'Humiliate d Christ, ' sacrificin g thei r persona l ambitions fo r th e salvatio n o f thei r motherland." 146 Particularly eloquen t o n th e subject o f th e intelligentsia's masochis m is Tibo r Szamuel y i n hi s boo k The Russian Tradition. Followin g i n th e footsteps o f Dostoevsky , Serge i Bulgakov, an d others , Szamuely see s th e Russian intelligentsi a a s a kind o f loosel y organize d religion : The intelligentsi a . . . represente d somethin g i n th e natur e o f a revolutionar y priesthood, a subversiv e monasti c order . It s wa y o f lif e wa s founde d o n a genuine asceticism , a n aversio n t o worldl y riches , a scor n fo r th e ordinar y "bourgeois" creature comforts. Self-abnegation becam e second nature; the Russian intelligent wa s easil y recognizabl e b y his utter an d un-selfconsciou s disre gard for material considerations, his fecklessness an d impracticality, his indiffer ence to appearances and cheerfully disorganize d existence. The intelligentsi a regarde d thi s hand-to-mout h existenc e a s a n admirabl e and highl y mora l condition . I n part i t reflected thei r voluntary renunciatio n o f conventional values—i t als o went a long way towards satisfyin g th e search fo r martyrdom which , whether consciously or not, underlay so much of their activity. In autocratic Russia martyrdom, in prison or exile, was not difficult t o come by; it was accepted no t merel y courageously, bu t often, i t seemed, eagerly. The cult of suffering, th e idea of the necessity of sacrifice—sacrifice o f oneself no less than o f others—forme d a vita l elemen t i n thei r ethos . Suffering cleanse d one , brought one nearer to the tormented people; the sacrifice of personal happiness, of the best years of one's life, and, if need be, of life itself, was the price that had to be paid for the achievement of a new Golden Age; only through suffering an d sacrifice could the guilt of privilege ever be expiated. 147 There i s considerabl e psychoanalyti c insigh t here . Withou t mentionin g Freud, Szamuel y no t onl y perceive s th e mora l masochis m o f th e Russia n intelligentsia (h e calls i t "searc h fo r martyrdom " o r "cul t o f suffering") , but grant s tha t i t migh t b e unconsciou s ("whethe r consciousl y o r not") . Szamuely als o detect s th e rol e o f guil t ("sufferin g cleanse d one, " "guil t of privilege" ) an d th e issu e o f separatio n from/mergin g wit h anothe r

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suffering objec t ("brough t on e nearer t o the tormented people") . Thes e are all topics that ar e familiar t o the clinician, as we will see in chapter 5. Speaking specificall y o f th e masochism o f th e literary intelligentsia , Vera Dunha m says : "Fictio n o f socia l concer n wa s incline d t o pain t a dark pictur e o f contemporar y society , muc h darke r tha n migh t hav e been realistically warranted . Th e black ton e was added b y the intelligentsia's need t o be tormented." 148 Some scholar s hav e bee n reluctan t t o accep t th e ide a o f a self lacerating, masochisti c Russia n intelligentsia . In his essay o n "Th e Birth of th e Russia n Intelligentsia, " Isaia h Berli n reject s "th e generall y hel d view o f th e Russian s a s a gloomy , mystical , self-lacerating , somewha t religious nation, " preferrin g t o regar d Russia n intellectuals , a t least , a s possessing "extremel y develope d power s of reasoning, extreme logic and lucidity." Th e proble m her e i s tha t thes e tw o thing s ar e i n n o wa y mutually exclusive , a s Berlin seem s t o thin k the y are . The gloomy, self punishing Stavrogin—t o tak e a well-known literar y example—certainl y possesses "extremel y develope d power s o f reasoning. " Ye t Stavrogi n is a col d calculato r and a guilt-ridde n masochis t al l wrappe d i n one. He eventuall y commit s suicide , whic h i s the mos t masochisti c ac t pos sible. Berlin says : "I f you study th e Russian 'ideologies ' o f the nineteent h and indee d th e twentiet h century , I thin k yo u wil l find, o n th e whole , that th e mor e difficult , th e mor e paradoxical , th e mor e unpalatabl e a conclusion is , the greater i s the degre e o f passio n an d enthusias m wit h which som e Russians , a t an y rate , ten d t o embrac e it." 1 4 9 In othe r words, th e Russia n intelligent i s capabl e o f actin g i n accordanc e wit h perceived logica l truthfulness , eve n if the logical conclusion harm s some one—including th e logica l Russia n wh o i s reasonin g s o well ! Berlin' s own Herze n offer s Siberia n exil e as an example, as we saw above. Berlin, too , offer s a n example , namely , th e od d behavio r o f th e social criti c Vissarion Belinsk y durin g his period (1839—40 ) o f Hegelia n resignation to the forces o f tsarist autocracy. Nothing was more contrar y to Belinsky' s ow n natura l inclinatio n t o resis t autocrati c powe r an d help th e downtrodden , whic h i s t o sa y nothin g coul d hav e bee n mor e masochistic fo r hi m personally: "Belinsk y glorie d i n the very weigh t of the chain s wit h whic h h e ha d chose n t o bin d hi s limbs , i n th e ver y narrowness an d darknes s whic h h e had willed t o suffer ; th e shock an d

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disgust o f hi s friends wa s itsel f evidenc e of th e vastness, and therefor e o f the grandeur an d th e mora l necessity , o f th e sacrifice." 150 Perhaps th e mos t eloquen t Russian spokesma n fo r th e ide a o f a masochistic Russia n intelligentsi a wa s th e writer an d criti c Dmitrii Mer ezhkovskii (1865-1941) . In tha t volum e o f hi s collecte d work s title d "Sick Russia, " Merezhkovski i repeatedl y assert s tha t Russians—espe cially member s o f th e intelligentsia—ar e slavis h b y nature . Russian s cannot b e "holy, " h e says , without bein g slavish , becaus e when the y ar e free the y ar e sinful : "I n freedo m the y ar e sinful , i n slaver y the y ar e holy"; "Hol y Russi a i s a lan d o f hol y slaves." 151 Merezhkovski i ad vances th e ide a tha t th e numerou s rebellion s i n Russia n histor y neve r amounted t o muc h becaus e th e rebel s (Pugache v an d hi s crew , th e Decembrists, etc. ) alway s wanted t o b e defeated . Th e lon g lin e o f Rus sian uprising s constitute s "a n eterna l rebellio n o f eterna l slaves." 152 Characterizing th e memoir s o f th e famou s serf-turned-censo r Aleksand r Nikitenko (1804-77) , Merezhkovski i says : " A slavis h boo k abou t a slavish life . Th e write r i s doubly a slave , both b y birt h an d b y calling — a ser f an d a censor." 153 Merezhkovskii, writin g unde r th e influenc e o f Viachesla v Ivano v (1866-1949), describe s Russian s i n a wa y tha t strongl y suggest s th e modern psychoanalyti c conceptio n o f moral masochism : "Self-denuncia tion an d self-humiliatio n [Samooblichenie—samooplevanie , literall y "spitting on th e self"] ar e generally characteristic of Russia n people." 154 Among Russian s ther e i s a "terribl e wil l to descent , t o disrobing , to self destruction, t o chaos." 1 5 5 Merezhkovski i (unlik e Ivanov ) actuall y use s the wor d "masochism " ("mazokhizm") . I t occur s i n referenc e t o th e suddenly repentan t attitud e o f som e o f th e intelligentsi a afte r th e event s of January 9 , 190 5 (so-calle d "Blood y Sunday, " whe n tsaris t police fire d on a crow d o f peacefu l demonstrator s i n Petersburg , killin g ove r a hundred people) . Here is how Merezhkovski i describe s a "forme r Marx ist" wh o wa s castigatin g th e "ignobl e Russia n revolution" : His eyes shone with tha t deligh t o f self-flagellation , self-destructio n [samoistre bleniia], that voluptuousness o f sham e which i n the moral realm correspond t o the physica l voluptuousnes s o f blows , t o masochis m [sootvetstvuiu t fizicheskomu sladostrastiiu poboev, mazokhizmu].156 These words , writte n i n 1909 , predat e Freud' s writing s o n mora l mas ochism b y som e fiftee n years. 157 Th e similarit y i s remarkable . Bot h

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Merezhkovskii an d Freu d tak e th e self-destructiv e elemen t i n (th e origi nal, erotogeni c sens e of ) th e ter m "masochism " a s a mode l fo r self defeating attitude s an d behavior s generally. Even more remarkable, however, i s the primordial materna l imager y Merezhkovskii utilize s t o depic t th e attitude s o f faile d revolutionaries . He refer s t o a passag e i n th e stor y "Th e Hol y Wanderer " b y Zinaid a Gippius. 158 A little chil d name d Vasiut a i s dying. Fo r severa l day s Vasiuta ha s bee n i n agony , an d i s s o wor n ou t h e canno t eve n cry . Hi s mother take s hi m int o he r arms . H e look s int o he r eyes , sh e ask s wha t she ca n giv e him . Hi s littl e hea d hangin g limp , h e replie s softly : "Yo u could giv e m e a bi t o f milk , Mamka , bu t I don' t fee l lik e i t [d a n e khotstsa]." 159 Th e chil d i s s o totally defeate d b y hi s illness tha t h e doe s not eve n want hi s favorite milk . The defeatis t forme r revolutionaries , say s Merezhkovskii , ar e lik e this little Vasiuta. The y han g thei r heads . There i s nothing lef t fo r them , their forme r desire s ar e meaningless . Th e attitud e o f a defeate d adul t i s like th e attitud e o f a defeate d child , a chil d tha t n o longe r eve n want s milk fro m it s dear mother . Th e imag e i s primal, it refers th e reade r bac k to a ver y earl y stag e i n th e child' s relationshi p wit h th e nurturin g mother. Psychoanalyticall y speaking , th e imag e i s pre-Oedipal. Merezh kovskii anticipate s wha t pos£-Freudia n analyst s wil l hav e t o sa y abou t the ontogenetic origin o f masochisti c attitude s (se e below, 94ff.) . Curiously, th e materna l imager y return s i n Merezhkovskii' s depic tion o f somethin g tha t woul d see m t o b e the ver y opposit e o f defeatism , namely, rebelliousness : "W e [Russians ] n o longe r believ e th e testimon y of Sain t Hippolytu s tha t T h e Antichris t wil l ascen d int o th e heavens. ' Yet we sucked this in with mother's milk; it' s in our blood, even amongs t nonbelievers: treachery , sinfulness , th e demonis m o f an y kin d o f escap e upward int o flight [kainstvo , okaianstvo, liutsiferianstvo vsiako i voobsh che vol i k voskhozhdeniiu , k poletu]." 1 6 0 Tolstoy' s philosoph y o f reductive simplification , Pisarev' s nihilism , an d Bakunin' s anarchis tic tendencie s ar e al l example s o f thi s upward-directe d defiance , say s Merezhkovskii. Rebellious Russian s di d indee d "suc k in " thei r rebelliousnes s "wit h mother's milk"—i f th e psychoanalyti c vie w i s t o b e believe d (below , 106, 119) . Th e prima l rebellio n wa s agains t th e controllin g mothe r i n Russian matrifoca l society . Bu t th e prima l submissio n wa s als o submis sion to that mother. Defianc e an d masochis m ar e the two necessary pole s

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of life' s earlies t ambivalence . Merezhkovski i senses this , even thoug h h e is not altogethe r explicit . Th e materna l imager y put s hi m jus t nex t doo r to psychoanalysis . According t o Merezhkovskii , wild , barbari c face s pee p ou t fro m behind th e asceti c mas k o f th e Russia n Christ . Whe n Chris t rise s fro m the dea d o n Easte r Sunda y Russian s customaril y proclai m thei r hol y joy to on e another , saying : "Chris t ha s arisen! " (Easte r i s a ver y specia l holiday—more importan t tha n Christmas—i n Russia n Christianity). 161 But Merezhkovski i tell s u s tha t h e ha s hear d drunke n Russian s mi x mother oaths wit h thei r ritualize d utterance s celebratin g Christ' s resur rection. 162 Again , materna l imager y accompanie s th e vertical motif . "What i f the Russia n ide a i s Russian insanity? " ask s Merezhkovskii . This i s not a very precis e diagnosis , clinicall y speaking . Bu t Merezhkov skii clearly want s u s to understan d tha t ther e is something wrong, some thing pathologica l i n th e slavis h attitud e o f Russia n intellectual s towar d authority. Russi a i s like a man bein g buried alive . He scream s i n protest , but th e dir t jus t pile s u p o n th e coffin , a cros s i s place d there , an d the grea t Russia n thinker s d o nothin g bu t find way s t o justif y wha t is happening : Dostoevsky write s o n th e cross : "Resig n yourself , prou d ma n [Smiris' , gordy i chelovek]!" L. Tolstoy writes: "non-resistance to evil [Neprotivlenie zlu]." Vladimir] Solovye v writes : "Thi s i s not th e point [Del o ne v etom]." Viach[eslav] Ivanov writes : "Throug h th e Hol y Spiri t w e ris e fro m th e dea d [Dukho m Sv . voskresaem]."163 A caricature , t o b e sure . Bu t Merezhkovski i ha s understoo d somethin g essential, somethin g masochisti c abou t th e ver y "Russian " worldview s of Dostoevsky , Tolstoy , Solovyev , and Ivanov .

Masochism and Antimasochism Vasilii Rozano v (1856—1919 ) wa s a contemporar y o f Merezhkov skii's who als o cultivate d hostil e sentiment s towar d Russia n masochism . His antimasochis m i s mos t clearl y expresse d i n hi s writing s abou t reli gion an d sexuality . Accordin g t o Rozanov , religiou s belie f an d eroti c feelings shoul d overla p wit h on e another . Ther e i s to o muc h asceticis m and glorificatio n o f sufferin g i n Christianity . Chris t essentiall y castrate d and mad e slave s ou t o f hi s followers. 164 Russian s shoul d hav e mor e reverence fo r thei r paga n roots . Th e Russia n Orthodo x churc h shoul d

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recognize tha t huma n being s ar e sexua l creatures . Withered , impoten t old monk s shoul d no t b e held u p a s shining example s fo r youn g people . The sexua l activit y o f a newl y marrie d coupl e shoul d b e encouraged . Indeed, i t shoul d begi n righ t i n th e churc h wher e th e weddin g take s place, and th e young coupl e shoul d liv e on th e church premise s unti l th e wife i s pregnant. 165 Rozanov i s fon d o f usin g materna l imager y t o conve y hi s ideas : "Christianity i s the sweat , pain, an d jo y of a mother wh o i s giving birth , it i s the cr y o f a newborn child. " Bu t her e Rozano v want s t o emphasiz e the jo y ("radost"') , no t th e pai n ("muki") : "On e canno t insis t enoug h on th e fact tha t Christianit y i s joy, only joy, and alway s joy." 1 6 6 In contras t t o hi s antimasochisti c religiou s stance , however , ar e Rozanov's equall y stron g masochisti c inclinations . Fo r example , eve n though th e Churc h refuse d hi m permission t o marry th e woman h e loved (and wit h who m h e ha d five children), Rozano v continue d t o prais e th e Church i n hi s writings , fo r example : "Th e Churc h i s the sou l o f societ y and o f th e people." 167 Rozanov' s servil e attitude towar d tsaris t power i s also wel l known , an d wa s essentia l t o hi s extrem e conservatism. 168 A s for Russi a herself , Rozano v neve r faile d t o se e her i n a ba d light , ye t h e never stoppe d lovin g he r either . Russi a wa s condemne d t o si n an d t o suffer immens e pai n fo r he r sin s (her e Rozano v is , as Lis a Cron e says , a "prophet o f doom"). 169 Because Mother-Russi a i s a sinner one is obliged to love her : It's n o grea t accomplishmen t t o lov e a fortunat e an d gran d motherland . I t i s when she is weak, small, humbled, even stupid, even depraved—that we should love her . Precisely , exactl y whe n ou r "mother " i s drunk , whe n sh e tell s lies , when she gets all tangled u p in sinfulness—tha t i s when we are obliged no t t o leave her. But this is not all : when finally she dies and i s picked a t by the Jews until nothing but her bones are left, the n that person who weeps by her useless, spat-upon skeleton will be a real Russian. 170 With thi s thoroughl y disgustin g imager y Rozano v no t onl y idealize s Russian masochism , bu t reveal s hi s ow n necrophili c an d anti-Semiti c tendencies. Another Russia n thinke r wh o straye d int o antimasochisti c terri tory—and whos e materna l imager y i s equall y interesting—i s th e reli gious philosophe r Nikola i Fedorovic h Fedoro v (1828—1903) . Fedoro v lived ascetically, but advocate d a view profoundly oppose d t o the fatalis tic attitudes normall y me t with i n Russia. Fedorov believe d tha t i t woul d

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one da y actuall y b e possible to restor e lif e t o people who hav e died , tha t is, t o al l thos e previou s generation s tha t hav e succumbe d t o wha t Fed orov terme d "th e blin d forc e o f nature. " The Philosophy of the Common Task, a posthumously publishe d treatis e tha t Fedoro v wa s writin g for mos t o f hi s life , ha s bee n calle d brillian t b y some , hal f craz y b y others. 171 Ther e ca n b e n o doubt , however , tha t th e theor y o f huma n resurrection advocate d i n this complex wor k i s fascinating . Death i s th e sourc e o f al l unhappiness . "Wh y doe s wha t i s livin g die?" Fedoro v repeatedl y asks . Or , t o personif y th e issue : "Wh y i s nature no t a mothe r t o us , bu t a stepmother , o r a nurs e wh o refuse s t o feed us?" 1 7 2 Natur e i s eve n a n "executioner " o f thos e wh o ar e willin g to sacrific e themselve s fo r th e sak e o f thei r fello w huma n beings . Bu t Fedorov resist s death , h e i s disguste d b y "altruists " wh o hav e a "pas sionate desir e t o b e martyrs, " tha t is , wh o i n psychoanalyti c term s engage in masochistic behavior . Fedorov' s "project " fo r th e resurrectio n of al l humankin d i s a rejectio n o f bot h th e masochisti c welcomin g o f death a s wel l a s th e no t particularl y masochisti c acceptanc e o f deat h that al l agin g huma n being s develop . Fo r Fedorov , deat h i s simpl y no t acceptable—not fo r one' s self , not fo r one' s fello w human s wit h who m one wants t o connec t ("rodstvennost"') , no t fo r previou s generation s o f humans t o whom on e is connected b y the all-important bond s of kinshi p ("rod"). "Blin d nature, " wh o deal s i n death , mus t b e conquered , mus t be "regulated " b y mean s o f scientifi c understanding . Sh e mus t b e give n eyes to see us with, an d onl y we humans, the highest an d most intelligen t form o f life , ca n giv e her thos e eyes . Thus, t o exten d Fedorov' s imager y to it s logica l conclusion , natur e wil l n o longe r b e th e mer e stepmothe r who tend s t o fai l i n lookin g afte r u s orphan s (cf . Russia n "besprizor nye"), bu t wil l b e th e idea l mothe r w e al l kne w befor e w e kne w death , the first organism w e deigned t o personify, t o give a face . In fact , however , Fedoro v tend s t o "patrify " rathe r tha n "matrify " the natura l univers e (h e invent s th e Russia n ter m "patrofikatsiia"). 173 The eart h tend s t o b e see n a s a graveyar d o f ou r father s ("kladbishch e ottsov") rathe r tha n ou r mother s (o r rather tha n both) . The fac e w e will confront whe n w e reach th e ultimate spiritua l summi t will b e the face o f God th e Father . Thes e ar e jus t a fe w o f th e man y side-effect s o f Fed orov's ordinar y Russia n sexis m (hi s insistenc e tha t a wife' s plac e i s i n the home , an d hi s frequen t reference s t o "feminin e caprice " requir e no comment) .

SOME HISTORICAL HIGHUGHTS 53 Particularly interestin g i s Fedorov' s denigratio n o f mothers—thi s despite hi s extensiv e an d life-affirmin g vocabular y o f word s base d o n the Russia n roo t meanin g "birth " ("rod" "rodstvo, " "rodstvennost', " "rodnoe ia, " etc.) . Onc e everyon e i s resuscitate d n o furthe r childbirth s will b e necessary. Mother s ar e amon g th e masochisti c "altruists " who m Fedorov disapprove s of . Chris t di d no t admonis h u s t o b e lik e mothers , but rathe r t o b e "lik e children." Contradictin g Sain t Anthony's ide a tha t the mode l o f Christia n lov e i s th e mother' s tota l devotio n t o he r child , Fedorov say s tha t th e son' s lov e fo r th e fathe r i s a bette r model . Eve n among animal s mother s ar e totall y devote d t o offspring , an d "th e hu man rac e . . . woul d b e n o highe r tha n animal s i f it s moralit y wer e limited t o materna l love." 174 Thus, eve n i f natur e were a mothe r rathe r tha n a stepmother , sh e would no t mee t Fedorov' s hig h standards . I t seem s tha t eve n rea l moth ers canno t protec t thei r childre n fro m eventua l death . Therefor e i t i s u p to childre n t o tak e matter s int o thei r ow n hands , t o wor k togethe r o n the "commo n task " o f eliminatin g deat h throug h educatio n an d science . Fedorov's grea t enmit y towar d deat h ma y see m exaggerated , bu t i t is als o ver y Russian . Othe r Russia n thinker s hav e trie d t o find way s t o resurrect th e dea d i n on e for m o r another , an d man y aspect s o f Russia n culture manifes t a preoccupatio n wit h resistanc e t o death . I n a ver y interesting 196 5 articl e Pete r Wile s viewe d suc h varie d phenomen a a s the Sovie t slogan s abou t Lenin' s immortalit y ("Leni n i s more aliv e tha n all th e living") , th e Orthodo x traditio n o f preservin g a saint' s remain s whole and intact , the Russian religiou s emphasi s on Christ' s resurrectio n from th e dead , th e folklori c figure o f Koshche i th e Deathless , th e hyper development o f gerontolog y i n Russia n medicine , Le v Tolstoy' s obses sion wit h death—an d o f cours e Fedorov' s philosophy—al l a s manifes tations o f th e Russian preoccupatio n wit h death . The Russia n fascinatio n wit h resurrectio n is , in essence , a preoccu pation wit h a specia l for m o f masochism : doe s on e o r doe s on e no t submit t o death ? Th e ultimat e enslavemen t fo r ever y Russia n i s enslavement to death . Of cours e fo r everyone—Russian s an d non-Russian s alike—deat h is a seriou s issue , to pu t i t mildly . Bu t fo r someon e livin g in a culture of moral masochis m deat h is , i n addition , viewe d throug h th e filter o f masochistic motivation . On e doe s no t onl y fee l anxiety , o r dread , o r eventual philosophica l acceptance . On e goe s further , on e welcomes

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death wit h ope n arms , or , o n th e contrary , on e denounces i t i n disgust . Fedorov's "project " ma y b e understoo d a s a n extende d denunciatio n of death . The polarit y o f attitude s towar d deat h ma y b e illustrate d b y a n aspect o f th e difficul t persona l relationshi p betwee n Fedoro v an d Le v Tolstoy. Th e grea t novelis t an d moralis t wa s alway s sayin g thing s tha t irritated Fedorov . Tolstoy' s "lov e o f death " wa s particularl y intolerabl e to Fedorov . O n on e occasio n Tolsto y expresse d hi s affectio n fo r th e human skul l lyin g o n a des k a t Fedorov' s house . O n anothe r occasio n Tolstoy sai d t o a colleagu e o f Fedorov's : "her e I a m standin g wit h on e foot i n th e grave , an d al l th e sam e I'll sa y tha t deat h i s no t a ba d thing." 175 A s Youn g point s out , thes e remark s apparentl y le d Fedoro v to brea k of f persona l relation s wit h Tolstoy . On hi s deathbe d Fedoro v di d no t admi t tha t h e wa s dying. 176 H e carried hi s antimasochism t o the ultimate extreme . Viacheslav Ivanov , apparentl y reactin g t o Fedorovia n idea s abou t death, ha d a mor e accepting , Tolstoya n attitude . In hi s philosophica l discussion o f th e inseparabilit y o f humanit y fro m natur e ("Priroda, " i n this cas e no t "blind" ) Ivano v quit e spontaneousl y lapse s int o materna l imagery: From the time that he is conscious of himself, Man remains true to himself in his secret wish : t o conque r Nature . " I a m alie n t o you, " h e say s t o her , bu t h e himself know s tha t h e doe s no t spea k th e truth , an d tha t she , welcoming th e future wit h a n inescapable embrace , answers: "Yo u ar e mine, for I am you [t y moi, ibo ty—ia]. " An d thus speak s the oracle: you will not b e victorious over the Mothe r [n e pobedish' Materi ] unti l yo u yoursel f tur n t o he r an d tak e he r into your arms, saying: "Yo u ar e mine, for yo u are I myself [t y moia, ibo ty— iasam]." 177 There i s a n antagonis m betwee n Mothe r Natur e an d Man , an d Ma n cannot wi n unti l h e admit s tha t h e an d Mothe r Natur e ar e on e an d th e same. Bu t th e victor y wil l b e Pyrrhic , onc e fusio n wit h thi s particula r mother i s achieved, fo r Ivano v i s clearly referrin g t o deat h a t he r hands . The dange r o f bein g dominate d b y her , o f welcomin g he r masochisti cally, i s no t escape d afte r all . Unlik e Fedorov , Ivano v i s willin g t o giv e up th e wis h t o conque r Nature , t o def y death . Ivanov' s masochis m i n this context contrast s wit h Fedorov' s antimasochism . Nikolai Berdiae v (1874-1948 ) wa s a Russian philosophe r s o preoccupied wit h masochisti c an d antimasochisti c idea s tha t h e cam e t o vie w

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practically th e entir e worl d a s a would-be slav e drive r o f th e individual . In his 193 9 boo k Slavery and Freedom h e argue s tha t a grea t variet y o f things—God, nature , the collective, civilization, individualism, th e state , the nation , war , money , revolution , sex , beauty , an d eve n "Being " it self—all ar e capabl e o f "enslaving " th e individual . Thi s vie w ma y b e characterized a s slightly paranoid . According t o Berdiaev , th e individua l huma n bein g i s incline d t o cooperate i n hi s o r he r ow n enslavement : "ma n like s bein g a slav e an d puts forwar d a clai m t o slaver y a s a right." 178 Bu t on e mus t resis t enslavement. Th e existenc e o f one' s ver y personalit y ("lichnost"' ) de pends o n a persisten t refusal t o b e enslaved . Thi s resistance , however , leads to suffering , fo r i n most cases , according t o Berdiaev, i t is easier t o go alon g wit h whateve r pressure s ar e exerte d o n th e personality tha n t o be assertiv e o r t o see k freedo m ("svoboda") . Th e trul y fre e personalit y therefore canno t avoi d suffering . Indeed , Berdiae v says , "i n a certai n sense personality i s suffering." 179 Berdiaev's advocac y o f "fre e personality " woul d thus , o n it s face , appear t o b e a n advocac y o f masochism . Thi s i s no t tru e a priori, however, fo r no t all sufferin g ha s t o b e self-destructiv e o r humiliatin g (e.g., temporary sufferin g i n orde r t o obtai n somethin g advantageou s t o the self woul d no t b e considered masochisti c b y the clinicians, as we will see below) . Besides , ther e ar e ver y fe w peopl e wh o g o i n fo r suc h suffering: "Fre e personalit y i s a flower tha t bloom s bu t rarel y i n th e lif e of th e world." 1 8 0 I t i s obviou s fro m readin g hi s book s tha t Berdiae v himself wa s on e of thos e rare flowers . All Russians have a talent for suffering , assert s Berdiaev. Our philos opher i s perhaps no t suc h a rar e flower afte r all . This i s evident fro m hi s discussion o f Dostoevsk y i n The Russian Idea, a boo k originall y pub lished i n 1946 : "Th e proble m o f suffering stand s a t th e cente r o f Dos toevsky's creation . And in this he is very Russian. The Russian i s capable of endurin g sufferin g [vynosit ' stradanie ] bette r tha n th e Westerne r is , and a t the same time he is exceptionally sensitiv e to suffering, h e is more compassionate [bole e sostradatelen] tha n th e Western person." 181 Suffering i s much to o importan t t o the Russian t o b e separated fro m what Berdiae v see s a s th e traditiona l slavishnes s o f th e Russian : "Th e understanding o f Christianit y wa s slavish, " h e say s o f th e Russia n Or thodox Church' s centuries-lon g subordination t o tsarist will. 182 Russian s are characterize d b y a "lov e o f freedom, " bu t the y als o demonstrat e a n

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"inclination t o slavery " ("sklonnost ' k rabstvu") ; "Russian s . . . eithe r riot agains t th e governmen t o r the y submissivel y bea r it s yoke." 1 8 3 Russians ar e thu s a contradictory , ambivalen t people , i n Berdiev' s vie w (and i n th e vie w o f man y other s o f course , fro m Merezhkovski i t o Freud, fro m Belinsk y t o Brodsky) . But the positive sid e of thi s particula r contradiction, th e strivin g fo r freedom , doe s no t eliminat e th e negativ e side, th e "inclinatio n t o slavery, " no r doe s i t eliminat e th e abilit y "t o endure suffering " entaile d b y both sides . There i s a curiou s famil y backgroun d t o Berdiaev' s obsessio n wit h freedom an d slavery . In his autobiography Berdiae v repeatedly speak s of his alienatio n fro m hi s family , especiall y hi s French-speakin g mother : "The expressio n 'boso m o f th e mothe r [materinsko e lono] ' sai d nothin g to me—neithe r tha t o f my ow n mothe r no r tha t o f mothe r earth." 184 Here Berdiaev , b y his own terms , is being very un-Russian fo r elsewher e he had said : "Th e Russia n people have always liked living in the warmt h of th e collective , i n a sor t o f dissolutio n i n th e earthl y element , i n th e bosom o f th e mother." 185 Berdiaev's sens e o f alienatio n ("chuzhdost"' ) extend s t o th e whol e world, ye t th e imager y h e use s i s persistentl y maternal , ofte n involvin g birth: " I canno t remembe r m y firs t scream , elicite d b y m y encounterin g a world alie n t o me . But I know fo r certai n tha t fro m th e very beginnin g I felt tha t I had falle n int o a n alie n world." 186 Th e positive resul t o f thi s perpetual alienatio n wa s a quest for freedo m ("svoboda") , a quest whic h is image d a s resistanc e t o th e familia r an d familial . Th e verba l roo t -rod-, meaning "birth, " occur s agai n an d again : Everything familia l [rodovoe ] i s oppose d t o freedom . M y repulsio n agains t familial lif e [rodovo i zhizni] , against anythin g connecte d wit h th e birthin g element [rozhdaiushche i stikhiei] , is mos t likel y explaine d b y m y insan e lov e of freedom an d o f th e sourc e o f personality . Metaphysicall y thi s i s mine mos t of all. Kin [Rod ] always struck m e as an enslave r o f th e personality. Ki n [Rod ] is the order o f necessity , not freedom . Therefor e th e fight for freedo m i s the fight against the power of the familial [rodovogo ] over the human being. The opposition of birth [rozhdeniia] to creativity was always very essential to my philosophical thinking. 187 The linguistic play her e i s striking, i t is a kind o f ba d poetry . Berdiae v i s too concerne d wit h notion s expresse d b y mean s o f th e roo t -rod-, tha t is, by the overall idea of birthing. He can barely brin g himself t o mentio n

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his mother , ye t a mothe r i s precisel y th e on e wh o give s birth . Th e las t sentence i s particularl y revealing , fo r i t suggest s tha t Berdiae v se t hi s own persona l independence , expresse d a s creativity, over an d agains t hi s mother's abilit y t o giv e birth . Ye t th e strengt h o f th e oppositio n onl y indicates th e exten t o f th e identificatio n wit h th e perso n opposed , tha t is, wit h th e "birther " wh o woul d "enslave " him . Berdiaev' s belove d freedom i s itsel f a mother : " I issue d fro m freedom , sh e i s my femal e parent [l a izoshel o t svobody , ona moi a roditel'nitsa]." 188 In hi s earl y writing s (durin g th e Firs t Worl d War ) Berdiae v wa s a s interested i n Russia n ambivalenc e abou t bein g enslave d a s i n hi s lat e works. Bu t th e earlie r writing s revea l a greate r preoccupatio n wit h th e Russian willingnes s t o b e enslaved , an d the y contai n a remarkabl e per sonification cum gendrificatio n o f Russia . Not onl y is Russia a slave, she is a femal e slave . Th e "slavish " ("rab'e" ) i n Russia n characte r ma y b e equated wit h th e "womanish " ("bab'e") . Writin g unde r th e direc t influ ence o f Rozanov , Berdiae v say s tha t ther e i s no t s o muc h a n "eterna l feminine" i n Russia a s an "eternall y womanish " ("vechno-bab'e") : The Russia n peopl e doe s no t wan t t o b e a masculin e builder , it s natur e ma y be define d a s feminine , passive , an d submissiv e [zhenstvennaia , passivnaia , i pokornaia] i n governmenta l matters , i t alway s await s it s bridegroom , it s husband, it s master . Russi a i s a submissive , feminin e land . A passive , receptiv e femininity with respect to governmental power is so characteristic of the Russian people and of Russian history. There is no limit to the humble endurance of the long-suffering Russia n peopl e [Ne t predelov smirennom u terpenii u mnogostra daPnogo russkogo naroda].189 This gendere d imager y o f Russia' s slavishnes s eventuall y becam e a com monplace i n Russia n cultura l commentary . Fo r example , writin g a t about th e sam e tim e a s Berdiaev, th e poet Maximilia n Voloshi n charac terized Russi a a s a "bride " an d a "femal e slave. " Unlik e Berdiaev , however, Voloshi n metaphorize d Russia' s self-destructivenes s specifi cally a s sexual promiscuity : rioflflajiacb jiHxoM y noaroBopy, OTflajiacb pa36ofiHHK y H Bopy , noflOHcnia nocaa u H xjie6a, Pa3opHjia apeBHe e >KHjiHifle H nouuia nopyraHHoft H HHijjefi M pa6o K nocjiejmero pa6a .

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So you listened to the evil counsel, Gave yourself to burglars, thieves and scoundrels, Burned your towns and crops and would not save This, your ancient home. And from this wasteland You went out—embarrassed an d a beggar As the least slave of the lowest slave.190 Approximately hal f a centur y late r Vasili i Grossman , i n hi s bitte r nove l Forever Flowing, woul d pic k u p o n thi s sexist metaphor an d woul d eve n specify Russia' s bridegroom , namely , Vladimi r Ilyc h Lenin : "Th e Grea t Slave [Velikai a raba ] reste d he r seeking , questioning , evaluatin g gaz e o n Lenin. He becam e her chose n one." 1 9 1 Lenin himsel f showe d som e appreciatio n o f th e Russia n slav e men tality. I n his 191 4 articl e "O n th e National Prid e of th e Great Russians " he say s tha t th e Russia n peopl e ar e oppresse d b y "tsaris t butchers , nobility, an d capitalists." 192 Thi s i s possible , i n part , becaus e o f th e Russian nation' s "grea t servilit y [veliko e rabolepstvo ] befor e priests , tsars, landowners , an d capitalists. " Leni n quotes , with approval , word s he attribute s t o Nikola i Chernyshevsky : " a pitifu l nation , a natio n o f slaves, all slaves from to p t o bottom." 1 9 3 True, admit s Lenin , Russi a als o produce d grea t liberal s an d revolu tionaries, suc h a s Radishchev , th e Decembrists , Chaadaev , an d other s (there wa s antimasochis m a s wel l a s masochism) . Russi a gav e ris e a s well t o a "powerfu l revolutionar y part y o f th e masses " i n 1905 . But , according t o Lenin , th e existenc e o f "over t an d cover t Grea t Russia n slaves," tha t is , "slave s i n relationshi p t o th e tsaris t monarchy " canno t be denied . Leni n i s particularl y incense d b y th e us e o f slavis h Russia n peasants t o stifl e freedo m i n neighboring countries : No on e who is born a slave can be held responsible fo r tha t fact . Bu t the slave who no t onl y avoid s strivin g fo r freedom , bu t justifie s an d embellishe s o n hi s slavery (for example, he calls the suffocation o f Poland, Ukraine, etc. a "defens e of th e fatherland " o f th e Grea t Russians) , suc h a slave is a lackey an d a boo r who elicits a legitimate feeling of indignation, contempt, and loathing. 194 For Lenin , i t i s the dut y o f Russia n socia l democrat s t o despis e Russia' s "slavish past " an d he r "slavis h present"—th e latte r mos t prominentl y exemplified, i n Lenin' s opinion , b y Russia' s rol e i n th e ongoin g Firs t World War . Th e bes t thin g i s fo r tsaris t Russi a t o b e defeated , becaus e tsarism enslave s Russian s an d othe r nationalities . Th e bes t wa y t o "de fend th e fatherland " i s to revol t agains t one' s own monarchy , landown -

SOME HISTORICAL HIGHLIGHTS 59 ers, an d capitalists . The y are , afte r all , the "worst enemie s o f ou r moth erland [khudshikh vrago v nashe i rodiny]." 195 One ca n o f cours e reac h one' s ow n conclusion s a s t o whethe r th e subsequent defea t o f Russia n monarchis m resulte d i n a lesse r o r greate r quantity o f "over t an d cover t Grea t Russia n slaves. " I think, however , that anyon e acquainte d wit h th e histor y o f th e Stali n perio d woul d estimate tha t th e sheer quantit y grew . Custine woul d hav e agreed . H e woul d hav e asserte d that , in principle, th e Bolshevi k seizur e o f powe r i n 191 7 coul d no t eradicat e th e Russian slav e mentality : Tomorrow, i n a n insurrection , i n th e mids t o f massacre , b y th e ligh t o f a conflagration, th e cry of freedom ma y spread to the frontiers o f Siberia; a blind and cruel people may murder thei r masters, may revolt against obscure tyrants, and dye the waters of th e Volga with blood ; but they will not be any the more free: barbarism is in itself a yoke. The bes t mean s o f emancipatin g me n i s not pompousl y t o proclai m thei r enfranchisement, bu t to render servitude impossible by developing the sentiment of humanity in the heart of nations: that sentiment is deficient in Russia. 196 Custine understoo d tha t politica l revolutio n i s no t enough . Ther e als o has t o b e a chang e i n th e wa y peopl e think , i n thei r ver y psychology . Otherwise politica l repressio n jus t come s back . Th e "iro n tsar, " Nicho las I clamped dow n (an d got away with it ) after th e Decembrist uprising . In ou r centur y i t wa s Stali n an d hi s henchme n wh o manage d t o re enslave the Russian natio n afte r th e bloodshed o f the late teens an d earl y twenties. In Georg e Kennan' s opinion , eve n i f w e gran t tha t Custine' s book i s not a very good characterizatio n o f Russi a in 1839 , it is nonetheless "a n excellen t book , probabl y i n fac t th e bes t o f books , abou t th e Russia o f Josep h Stalin." 197 Thi s statement , w e shoul d kee p i n mind , comes fro m a forme r ambassado r t o th e Sovie t Unio n wh o ha d exten sive dealing s wit h Stalin . Kenna n adds : "Whateve r els e ma y b e sai d about Custine , an d whicheve r o f hi s man y weaknesse s ma y b e hel d against him, his readers of the present ag e must concede that he detected , in th e glimps e h e ha d o f Russi a i n th e summe r o f 1839 , trait s i n th e mentality o f Russia n governmen t an d society , som e active , som e latent." 198 An external , politica l yok e wil l alway s b e possibl e a s lon g a s th e Russians ar e weighed dow n wit h thei r internal , psychological yoke , tha t is, their masochis m togethe r wit h an y reactiv e antimasochisti c strivings .

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Custine understoo d thi s implicitly . H e steppe d righ t u p t o th e brin k o f psychoanalysis.

Recent Developments During mos t o f th e Sovie t perio d i t wa s impossibl e t o discus s Rus sian masochis m openl y i n Russia . Abroad , however , discussio n wa s possible (e.g. , Berdiaev , Fedotov , an d som e others , a s w e hav e seen) . Particularly interestin g ar e th e publication s o f Russia n dissident s i n th e West fro m th e 1970s . Julia Brun-Zejmi s ha s recently analyze d th e work s of suc h thinker s a s Andre i Amal'rik , Igor ' Shafarevich , Iuri i Glazov , Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn , Dmitri i Dudko , Vasilii Grossman , an d other s i n light o f thei r highl y divers e view s o f "Russia n subservience " an d "Rus sia's martyrdo m unde r th e Sovie t regime." 199 Brun-Zejmi s finds fasci nating parallel s betwee n th e writing s o f thes e thinker s an d th e work s o f Chaadaev lon g befor e them . I will have more t o sa y about som e of thes e writers below . Her e i t i s sufficien t t o quot e on e o f th e dissident s Brun Zejmis discusses , namely, O . Altaev , who make s a very interestin g argu ment abou t th e "dua l consciousness " o f th e servil e Soviet intelligentsia : The intelligentsi a doe s no t accep t th e Sovie t regime , it tend s t o shu n i t an d a t times even despises it. Yet, on the other hand, there is a symbiosis between them. The intelligentsi a feed s th e regime , i t cherishe s i t an d foster s it . I t await s th e collapse of the Soviet regime and hopes this collapse will come sooner o r later , but i t als o co-operate s wit h it . The intelligentsia suffer s becaus e i t is forced t o live under Soviet rule, yet it strives toward prosperity. We have here a combination of the incombinable. It is not enough to call it conformism, fo r conformis m is a completel y lega l compromis e o f interest s b y mean s o f mutua l concession s accepted in human society everywhere. It is also not enough to call it opportunism. Tha t woul d b e a narro w interpretation , fo r opportunis m i s a resul t o f deeper processes. It is servility, but not of an ordinary kind, but an ostentatious servility with suffering, wit h " a Dostoevskian touch " t o it. Here we have at the same time a horror of the fall and enjoyment in it; no conformism, no opportunism knows of such refined torments. 200 Such suffering i s clearl y a n exampl e o f mora l masochism , althoug h Altaev o f cours e doe s no t us e th e psychoanalyti c ter m an d tend s t o emphasize it s collective aspect . Within Russi a i t became possible to consider the question o f Russia n masochism openl y onl y afte r th e mid-1980s . Th e reform s initiate d b y Mikhail Gorbache v wer e th e ke y t o thi s process . Whethe r Gorbache v

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intended t o o r not , hi s institutio n o f glasnos t stimulate d intellectual s t o grapple with th e issue of Russiannes s itself . One o f th e firs t t o publicl y recogniz e th e traditionall y slavis h atti tude towar d authorit y i n Russi a durin g thi s perio d wa s th e note d poe t Evgenii Evtushenko . Writin g i n a 198 8 issu e o f Literaturnaia gazeta, Evtushenko argue d tha t "slavis h blood " ha s accumulate d t o suc h a n extent i n hi s cultur e tha t " . . . toda y i t mus t no t b e squeeze d ou t dro p by drop bu t pumped ou t b y the bucketful." 201 In hi s articl e Evtushenk o attempt s t o explai n th e recen t Russia n coinage priterpelosf. Accordin g t o Evtushenko , priterpelosf —rendered as "servil e patience " b y th e resourcefu l Antonin a W . Bouis 202 —is a n attitude whic h ha s fo r man y decade s allowe d Russian s t o tolerat e chronic shortage s o f ordinar y consume r good s an d services : Priterpelosf i s capitulatio n befor e "infinit e humiliations " [Pasternak' s phrase]. First w e humiliat e ourselve s [unizhaemsia ] t o ge t a n apartment . W e humiliat e ourselves hunting in the jungles of commerce for wallpaper, faucets, toilet bowls, latches. Th e sigh t o f a Yugosla v lam p fixture or a Rumania n sof a be d bring s fireworks t o ou r eyes . When a chil d i s born, w e humiliate ourselve s t o obtai n day car e an d kindergartens , finding nipples, crawlers , disposabl e diapers , car riages, sleds, playpens. We humiliate ourselve s i n stores , beaut y parlors , tailo r shops, dry cleaners, car-repair garages , restaurants, hotels, box offices an d Aeroflot counters , repair shop s fo r TVs , refrigerators an d sewin g machines—stepping on ou r pride , moving fro m wheedlin g t o arguin g an d bac k t o wheedling. We spen d al l ou r tim e tryin g t o ge t something . It' s humiliatin g tha t w e stil l can't fee d ourselves , havin g t o bu y brea d an d butte r an d mea t an d frui t an d vegetables abroad. 203 Evtushenko wa s no t describin g a merely curren t o r temporar y situation . Seventy-one year s afte r th e Bolshevi k Revolution , an d forty-thre e year s after defeatin g a b y no w affluen t Germany , Evtushenko' s Russi a wa s still a countr y o f widesprea d consume r deficits . Sinc e th e fal l o f th e Soviet Union th e economic situatio n ha s only becom e worse, of course . How ha s i t bee n possibl e fo r Russian s t o endur e thei r economi c deprivation fo r s o long ? Th e answer , Evtushenk o seem s t o suggest , i s a chronically lo w self-esteem : "Ever y queue , ever y shortag e show s ou r society's disrespect for itsel f [neuvazheni e obshchestva k samomu sebe]. " Custine, too , ha d notice d th e lo w self-estee m o f th e Russian s whe n h e observed tha t livin g i n Russi a "render s character s melancholy , an d self love distrustfu l [le s amours-propre s defiants]." 204 A societ y tha t think s so little o f itself , say s Evtushenko , wil l tolerat e bein g victimized , o r wil l

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only grumbl e mildl y a t th e authoritie s an d avoi d rea l insigh t int o it s situation. Above all , it will not act . The authorities alon e ar e not respon sible, says Evtushenko, an d blamin g the m i s no excus e fo r inaction . Th e people ("narod" ) themselve s are , i n part , responsible . The y d o no t re spect themselve s enoug h t o protest , t o suppor t perestroika , t o tak e con crete actio n agains t "humiliatin g queues. " Anyone wh o ha s eve r stoo d i n a lin e fo r lon g know s th e feelin g o f frustration tha t come s wit h thi s experience . Bu t fo r Russian s ther e i s more tha n frustration . Ther e i s surrender , surrende r whic h become s chronically intertwine d wit h self-identit y an d self-respect . Evtushenko say s tha t Russian s passivel y accep t thei r ba d situatio n because they fee l they deserve a bad situation : "I f we put u p with it , then we deserv e it. " Anyon e wh o accept s humiliatio n deserve s humiliation . Russians as k fo r it , the y ge t it , an d i t i s appropriat e tha t the y ge t it . Evtushenko approve s o f th e punishment . Bu t h e say s "we deserv e it, " which i s t o sa y h e invite s i t fo r himsel f a s well . H e i s a Russian , h e knows himself , h e knows tha t ther e i s a part o f himsel f tha t want s t o b e humiliated. H e want s t o overcom e tha t par t o f himself , h e want s Rus sians t o overcom e tha t par t o f themselves . Bu t tha t masochisti c par t i s nonetheless stil l there , an d a s lon g a s i t i s there self-estee m will b e low : "most o f all , I want ou r countr y t o lik e itself"—which i s to sa y that, a t present, i t still does not lik e itself. Russians lov e thei r country , Evtushenk o says : "W e ar e prou d o f it s traditions. Bu t no t al l tradition s ar e good . An d priterpelosf i' s a ba d tradition tha t mus t b e rejected." 205 Nationa l self-estee m i s reduce d b y masochistic priterpelosf. I t i s onl y a rathe r perverse , tha t is , reactive , concept o f nationa l prid e that woul d includ e a traditional wis h t o be humiliated. During th e lat e Sovie t and , now , th e immediat e post-Sovie t perio d there hav e bee n abundan t discussion s o f th e self-destructiv e varian t o f masochism i n th e Russia n press . I t i s no t difficul t t o se e why . Man y political, economic , an d cultura l structure s hav e com e tumblin g down , as if on purpose, a s if their destructio n wer e someho w intended . An anonymou s 199 2 editoria l i n Nezavisimaia gazeta state s tha t society ("obshchestvo" ) i s in suc h extrem e disarra y tha t "i t is capable of only a mor e o r les s rapi d self-disintegratio n [samoraspadu]." 206 In a poem o n th e fron t pag e o f a 199 2 issu e o f Literaturnaia gazeta poe t Andrei Voznesenski i declare s tha t "Russi a i s a suicide " ("Rossiia —

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samoubiitsa"). 207 I n a January 199 1 issu e o f th e sam e newspape r Lidii a Grafova speak s o f "th e bacchanali a o f ou r self-destruction." 208 Perhaps th e mos t eloquen t portraya l o f self-destructivenes s wa s of fered b y th e forme r dissiden t Aleksand r Solzhenitsyn . I n a no w famou s essay predicting th e breaku p o f th e Soviet Union Solzhenitsy n says : We have forfeite d ou r earlie r abundance , destroye d th e peasan t clas s togethe r with it s settlements, deprive d th e raising of crop s of it s whole purpose an d th e soil of its ability to yield a harvest, while flooding th e land with man-made seas and swamps . Th e environ s o f ou r citie s ar e befoule d b y th e effluent s o f ou r primitive industry , w e have poisoned ou r rivers , lakes, and fish , an d toda y w e are obliteratin g ou r las t resource s o f clea n water , air , an d soil , speedin g th e process by the addition of nuclear death, further supplemente d by the storage of Western radioactive wastes for money. Depleting our natural wealth for the sake of grandios e futur e conquest s unde r a craze d leadership , w e hav e cu t dow n our luxurian t forest s an d plundere d ou r eart h o f it s incomparable riches—th e irreplaceable inheritanc e o f ou r great-grandchildren—i n orde r t o sel l them of f abroad wit h uncarin g hand . W e have saddle d ou r wome n wit h backbreaking , impossibly burdensom e labor , tor n the m fro m thei r children , an d hav e aban doned the children themselves to disease, brutishness, and a semblance of education. Ou r healt h car e is utterly neglected , ther e ar e no medicines, an d w e have even forgotte n th e meanin g o f a prope r diet . Million s lac k housing , an d a helplessness bred of the absence of personal rights permeates the entire country. And throughout al l this we cling to only one thing: that we not be deprived of our unlimited drunkenness. 209 So: we have don e this , we hav e don e that , th e destructio n i s our fault , i t is reall y se/^-destruction . Thi s sound s ver y muc h lik e masochism . Bu t there i s a catch . A societ y i s no t a person . Th e "we " i s no t a n "I " — however muc h th e Russia n imaginatio n strive s t o equat e th e tw o (se e below, chap . 9) . Real masochis m i s abou t individua l persons , no t socie ties. Russian societ y may b e falling apar t i n many respects , but th e locu s of masochis m i s i n it s self-destructiv e citizens—th e alcoholics , dru g addicts, suicides , overburdene d wives , enviou s peasants , unproductiv e workers, an d s o on . An d o f cours e ther e ar e othe r reason s fo r th e disintegration o f Sovie t Russi a beside s th e masochis m o f individuals . Indeed i t coul d b e argue d tha t individua l masochis m wa s greate r i n th e more stabl e period s o f Russia n histor y tha n durin g Russia' s trouble d times, for i t was then tha t individual s knuckle d unde r t o authority . The topi c o f masochis m ha s eve n becom e fashionable , an d some times eve n th e formerl y rar e Russia n wor d "mazohkizm " i s use d i n these discussions. In a recent intervie w i n Moskovskie novosti write r VI .

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Sorokin use s the word t o refer t o the fondness fo r th e camp them e in th e writings o f Solzhenitsy n an d Shalamov. 210 Mor e ofte n tha n no t th e Russian wor d i s used i n a metaphorica l sens e o f th e self-destructivenes s of a group rathe r tha n o f th e individual, a s in a n articl e whic h appeare d in Moskovskie novosti i n 1991 : "W e mus t oppos e th e masochisti c slo gan [mazokhistskom u lozungu ] abou t th e immediat e disintegratio n o f government wit h a sloga n abou t th e freedo m o f downtrodde n na tions." 2 1 1 Sometimes , althoug h th e word "mazokhizm " i s not used , tha t is nonetheles s wha t i s meant . Fo r example , a serie s o f article s o n "self destructiveness" ("samorazrushenie" ) appeare d i n Literaturnaia gazeta in 1992 . In on e articl e Vasili i Golovano v interview s medica l researche r V. D . Topolianskii , wh o argue s tha t Russia' s totalitaria n pas t fostere d self-destructive behavior : A totalitarian societ y need s th e self-destructiv e perso n [samorazrushaiushchii sia], meaning a person who can be controlled. Therefore totalitarianis m create s an unusuall y subtl e syste m fo r achievin g th e seduction , corruption , and , ulti mately, the self-destruction o f the personality. The final product is a person who has so lost track of himself, and has squandered his abilities and attachments to such an extent that he gains pleasure from th e fact that he is scum [podonok].212 Every norma l person , accordin g t o Topolianskii , ha s a nee d t o d o som e useful, eve n creativ e activity . I f thi s nee d i s represse d externall y th e individual ma y star t t o behav e i n a self-destructiv e way . A worker' s negative attitud e towar d wor k i s an example . The shodd y workmanshi p of Sovie t industria l product s harme d no t onl y consumers , bu t di d psy chological har m t o th e worker s themselves , o r induce d the m t o har m themselves. Tatian a Zaslavskaia , i n he r secre t "Novosibirs k Report " o f 1983, spok e o f th e "lo w valu e attache d t o labou r a s a mean s o f self realization" amon g Sovie t workers. 213 Anyon e wh o live d i n Russi a dur ing th e lat e Sovie t perio d know s th e proverb , "The y preten d t o pa y us , and w e pretend t o work." Bu t in behavin g accordin g to this proverb on e was reall y betrayin g oneself , one was actin g in a self-destructive fashion . The worker' s " I don' t care " attitude—whic h translate s Topolianskii' s very ora l Russia n expressio n "naplevatel'stvo, " literally , "spittin g o n [something]"—could onl y lower one's own opinio n o f oneself an d mak e one fee l lik e "scum. " On e migh t jus t a s wel l hav e bee n on e o f th e mos t extreme form s o f masochist , tha t is , an alcoholic , a s i n th e proverb : "I f vodka interfere s wit h you r work , giv e up work!" 2 1 4 Another recen t commentar y o n masochis m i n Russi a come s fro m

SOME HISTORICAL HIGHLIGHTS 65

the presiden t o f th e recentl y founde d Russia n Psychoanalyti c Society , psychiatrist Aro n Isaakovic h Belkin . In a n articl e tha t appeare d i n th e newspaper Sovetskaia kuVtura i n Jul y o f 1991 , Belki n discusse s th e negativism o f the contemporary Sovie t media ("Everythin g i s bad, every thing i s horrible , an d everythin g wil l becom e eve n mor e horrible!") , comparing i t t o th e attitud e o f a norma l adolescen t wh o i s tryin g t o break fre e fro m th e parent s b y constantl y finding faul t wit h them . H e points t o alcoholism , endemi c boorishnes s ("khamstvo") , an d th e wide spread I-don't-car e attitud e a s example s o f "self-destructio n o f th e per sonality" ("samodestruktsii a lichnosti"). 215 Curiously, Belki n doe s no t us e th e psychoanalyti c ter m "masoch ism," an d demonstrate s n o awarenes s o f th e recen t psychoanalyti c re search o n masochis m tha t ha s bee n goin g o n i n th e Wes t (se e chap . 5 , below). In th e newl y emergin g psychoanalyti c literature , o n th e othe r hand, masochis m i s explicitl y discusse d i n ligh t o f recen t Wester n re search. Thes e discussion s ar e fo r th e mos t par t confine d t o erotogeni c masochism, however. 216

T H R E E

Two Key Words in the Vocabulary of Russian Masochism

It woul d b e difficul t t o mov e an y furthe r i n thi s psychoanalyti c treatis e without a n explicatio n o f tw o item s whic h ar e ver y difficul t t o translat e into English . Indeed , I will no t translat e them , bu t wil l refe r t o the m i n transliterated for m fo r th e duration .

Smirenie The ethica l notio n o f smirenie fall s int o th e sam e semanti c ballpar k occupied b y suc h Englis h term s a s "humility, " "meekness, " an d "sub mission," bu t th e Russia n ter m i s mor e affectivel y loade d fo r Russian s than th e English terms ar e for mos t English speakers . Smirenie i s primarily a religiou s (specifically , Russia n Orthodox ) feeling . Typicall y on e submits onesel f t o a hig h dominanc e mal e calle d "God " ("Bog") , bu t other powerfu l figures, suc h a s th e peasan t commun e ("mir") , ma y als o elicit this emotion . Smirenie (togethe r wit h etymologicall y relate d items ) i s generall y evaluated i n a positiv e wa y b y traditiona l Russians . Fo r example , mos t of th e proverbs gathere d o n thi s topic by Dahl expres s approval : Smirenie i s pleasing t o God , i s enlightening t o th e mind , i s salvatio n for th e soul , i s a blessin g t o th e home , an d i s a comfor t t o peopl e (Smiren'e—Bogu ugozhden'e , um u prosveshchen'e , dush e spasen'e , domu blagosloven' e i liudiam uteshen'e) . Smirenie i s a girl' s necklac e t o a youn g ma n [i s becomin g t o her ] (Smiren'e devich' e [molodtsu ] ozherel'e) . 66

TWO KEY WORDS 67 The Lor d save s th e humbl e o f spiri t (Smirennyk h Gospod ' dukho m spasaet). Quietly i s not bad , th e mor e humbl y th e mor e profitabl y (Tikh o n e likho, a smirnee pribyl'nee) . God oppose s th e proud , bu t give s abundanc e t o th e humbl e (Gor dym Bo g protivitsia, a smirennym dae t blagodat'). 1 In he r semanti c analysi s o f smirenie linguis t Ann a Wierzbick a speak s o f "serene acceptanc e o f one' s fate , achieve d throug h mora l effort, throug h suffering, an d throug h realizatio n o f one' s tota l dependenc e o n God , a n acceptance resultin g no t onl y i n a n attitud e o f non-resistanc e t o evi l bu t also in profound peac e and a loving attitude towards one's fellow huma n beings." 2 Thus, although smirenie implie s a certain degre e of psycholog ical calm , i t i s no t th e sam e thin g a s passivit y o r inaction . I t i s attaine d only afte r grea t interna l effort , eve n struggle . Fro m a psychoanalyti c viewpoint, th e resolution o f th e struggl e ma y well b e self-abasing o r self destructive, that is , may b e masochistic in certai n situations . Some Russia n thinkers , sensin g th e masochisti c potentia l i n smirenie, take exception t o the majority's positiv e evaluation o f this phenomenon. Man y amon g th e intelligentsi a a t th e beginnin g o f ou r centur y rejected smirenie, a s Serge i Bulgako v indignantl y observe s i n hi s contri bution t o th e Vekhi symposium, 3 althoug h a s we sa w earlier , th e intelli gentsia wer e quite capable of finding othe r route s to masochism. Nikola i Berdiaev, a stron g advocat e o f individua l freedo m a s w e hav e seen , i s disgusted wit h th e "slavis h doctrin e o f smirenie [rab' e ucheni e o smire nii]." 4 H e feel s tha t Russian s us e smirenie a s a n excus e fo r disgracefu l behavior: "Th e Russia n i s accustomed t o thinkin g that dishono r i s not a great evil , a s lon g a s on e i s humble i n one' s sou l [smirene n v dushe] , is not proud , an d doe s no t pu t o n airs. " "Bette r t o si n humbl y [smirenn o greshit']," say s Berdiae v wit h tongu e i n cheek , "tha n proudl y t o see k self-perfection." Eve n fo r th e mos t horribl e crim e on e ma y "humbl y repent [smirenn o kaiat'sia]." 5 Berdiaev doe s no t mentio n an y specifi c crimina l here , bu t Freu d i n his essa y o n Dostoevsk y does , an d a t th e sam e tim e expresse s a vie w quite simila r t o Berdiaev's : A moral man is one who reacts to temptation a s soon as he feels it in his heart, without yielding to it. A man who alternately sins and then in his remorse erects high moral standards lays himself ope n to the reproach that he has made things

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too eas y fo r himself . H e ha s no t achieve d th e essenc e o f morality , renunciation , for th e moral conduc t o f lif e is a practical huma n interest . H e reminds one of th e barbarians o f th e grea t migrations , wh o murdere d an d di d penanc e fo r it , til l penance becam e a n actua l techniqu e fo r enablin g murde r t o b e done . Iva n th e Terrible behave d i n exactl y thi s way ; indee d thi s compromis e wit h moralit y i s a characteristic Russia n trait . No r wa s th e final outcom e o f Dostoevsky' s mora l strivings anythin g ver y glorious . After th e mos t violen t struggle s t o reconcil e th e instinctual demand s o f th e individua l wit h th e claim s o f th e community , h e landed i n th e retrograd e positio n o f submissio n bot h t o tempora l an d spiritua l authority, o f veneratio n bot h fo r th e Tsar an d fo r th e God o f th e Christians, an d of a narro w Russia n nationalism— a positio n whic h lesse r mind s hav e reache d with smalle r effort. 6 The "submission " Freu d speak s o f her e woul d ver y wel l rende r th e Russian smirenie. An d th e "lesse r m i n d s " Freu d refer s t o migh t wel l b e ordinary Russia n peasant s w h o hav e a t thei r fingertips s o man y proverb s about th e virtue s o f smirenie. O n e doe s no t hav e t o actuall y mentio n Go d o r th e tsa r t o ge t into th e spiri t o f smirenie. Fo r example , Slavophil e philosophe r Alekse i Khomiakov says : The reverenc e fel t b y th e Russia n wh o passe s throug h Europ e i s quit e under standable. Humbl y [smirenno ] an d wit h bowe d hea d h e visit s th e Wester n sanctuaries o f everythin g beautiful , i n ful l awarenes s o f hi s personal—an d ou r general—impotence. I woul d eve n sa y tha t ther e i s a kin d o f joyfu l feelin g i n this voluntary humilit y [ v etom dobrovoPno m smirenii]. 7 The on e befor e w h o m on e feel s smirenie doe s no t eve n hav e t o b e male . Khomiakov's grea t reverenc e fo r hi s powerfu l mothe r i s apparen t i n these word s h e wrot e shortl y afte r he r death : As fa r a s I a m concerned , I kno w that , howeve r usefu l I ma y be , I ow e t o he r both m y directio n an d m y steadfastnes s i n thi s direction , althoug h sh e di d no t intend this. Happy i s he who had suc h a mother an d suc h a mentor i n childhood , and a t th e sam e tim e wha t a lesson i n smirenie i s given b y thi s conviction ! Ho w little of wha t i s good i n a person belong s t o tha t person! 8 As w e sa w earlier , Khomiako v advocate d smirenie o f th e individua l primarily i n relatio n t o th e collective , b e tha t collectiv e religiou s o r secular (th e extende d notio n o f sobornosf). ' ') However , th e collective , I will argu e below , i s itsel f a n ico n o f th e mother . A curiou s thin g abou t smirenie i s tha t th e on e w h o achieve s i t i s often p r o u d o f it , o r i s a t leas t no t deprive d o f self-estee m becaus e o f it . One submits , ye t on e i s no t lowere d i n one' s ow n eyes . O n th e contrary ,

TWO KEY WORDS 69 one ma y b e elevated , on e ma y b e narcissisticall y gratified . Khomiako v even speak s o f a n undesirabl e "prou d smirenie" ("gordo e smirenie"). 9 In his book o n Dostoevsky Berdiae v say s that "ofte n Russian s tak e prid e in thei r specia l smirenie [gordiatsi a svoi m iskliuchitePny m smire niem]." 1 0 Dostoevsky' s personifyin g statemen t abou t Russia' s greatnes s (in The Brothers Karamazov) i s a perfec t example : "Russi a i s grea t i n her smirenie'" ("velik a Rossii a smirenie m svoim"). 11 But a peasant prov erb admonishes : "Self-abasemen t (excessiv e smirenie) i s wors e tha n pride" ("Unichizheni e [izlishne e smirenie] pache gordosti"). 12 The apparen t logica l anomal y indicate s tha t a reactive psychologica l process o f som e kin d i s takin g place . Custine , too , notice d this : "Con forming t o thi s socia l devotion , h e [th e typica l Russia n peasant ] live s without joy , bu t no t withou t pride ; fo r prid e i s th e mora l elemen t essential t o th e lif e o f th e intelligen t being . I t take s ever y kin d o f form , even the form of humility, —that religiou s modest y discovere d b y Chris tians." 1 3 Th e Frenc h wor d whic h Custin e use s her e i s "humilite," 14 which i n context seem s to be a reasonable translatio n o f smirenie. The proces s i s familia r t o psychoanalysis . Ott o Feniche l speak s o f the "prid e i n suffering " an d "asceti c pride " whic h accompan y certai n masochistic practices. 15 Th e extrem e for m i s what Charle s Sarnof f call s "masochistic braggadocio." 16 Not al l Russian s tak e prid e i n thei r smirenie. Bu t i t i s clea r tha t smirenie itsel f i s a psychologica l stat e widesprea d i n Russia , an d tha t this state offers abundan t opportunitie s fo r masochisti c enactment .

Sud'ba The mos t tota l for m o f resignatio n t o event s i n th e univers e i s fatalism. Suc h a n attitud e wa s endemi c amon g th e peasan t masse s o f Russia. Thi s i s recognized b y ver y differen t kind s o f scholars . Historia n Richard Pipe s says , fo r example : "Th e tru e religio n o f th e Russia n peasantry wa s fatalism . Th e peasant rarel y credite d an y event , especiall y a misfortune, t o his own volition. It was 'God' s will,' even where respon sibility coul d clearl y b e lai d a t hi s ow n doorstep , e.g . whe n carelessnes s caused a fire or th e death o f a n animal." 17 Compar e K . D. Kaveli n who , in his 188 2 polemic titled The Peasant Question, declared : "Th e peasan t may b e happy , o r sad , h e ma y complai n abou t hi s fat e [sud'bu] , o r h e may than k Go d fo r it , bu t h e accept s goo d an d evi l without s o muc h a s

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a though t tha t on e migh t b e abl e t o attrac t th e forme r o r fight agains t and defea t th e latter . Everythin g i n hi s lif e i s given , predetermined , preestablished." 18 It i s eas y t o se e th e relevanc e o f suc h attitude s t o masochism . A peasant wh o faile d t o ac t o n hi s o r he r ow n behal f becaus e o f fatalisti c ideas wa s mor e likel y t o b e victimize d tha n th e peasan t wh o di d not . The fatalisti c peasan t wa s mor e likel y t o b e behavin g self-destructivel y than th e realistic peasant . The relevan t lexica l ite m her e i s sud'ba. Mos t dictionarie s rende r this word a s "fate " o r "destiny, " bu t Wierzbicka show s that th e Russia n concept i s holistic, referrin g t o a person's entir e lif e whic h seem s utterl y predetermined, whil e th e Englis h word s refe r t o mor e limite d situation s and occup y a fairly mino r place in English-speaking cultures. Wierzbicka found that , i n comparabl e corpor a o f Russia n an d English , sud'ba oc curs muc h mor e frequentl y tha n fate an d destiny combined. 19 Sud'ba i s take n fo r granted . Th e philosophe r Vladimi r Solov'e v described i t a s a "fact " tha t i s "beyon d question." 20 I t i s als o unavoid able. One' s sud'ba i s somethin g on e mus t accep t wit h tota l resignatio n and passivity . "Yo u can' t wal k awa y fro m sud'ba" ("O t sud'b y n e uidesh'"), say s th e proverb. 21 I t i s a prover b al l Russian s know , no t just peasants . A person is , in a sense , sentenced foreve r t o a specifi c sud'ba. Ther e is n o choice . Ther e ca n neve r b e tw o o f them , ther e ca n b e onl y one : "Dvum sud'ba m n e byvat' , a odno i n e minovat' " ("Ther e i s n o suc h thing a s two sud'bas, an d on e ther e i s no escaping"). 22 The sam e ca n b e said o f death , a s i n Coun t Rostopchin' s word s t o Muscovite s abou t t o be invade d b y Napoleon : "Dvu m smertia m n e byvat' . Chem u byt ' tog o ne minovat' " ("On e canno t di e twice . Wha t i s t o b e canno t b e es caped"). 23 Wierzbicka make s a good argumen t fo r he r thesi s that th e phraseol ogy o f sud'ba stresse s "a n attitud e o f acceptanc e an d resignation." 24 Here ar e som e o f th e phrase s an d expression s sh e cull s fro m Aleksand r Zholkovskii's extensiv e entr y i n th e MePchuk-Zholkovski i combinato rial dictionary 25 an d fro m Dahl' s dictionary 26 o f peasant Russian : Chto sud'b a skazhet , khot ' pravosud , khot ' krivosud , a ta k i byt ' ("Whatever sud'ba decrees , be it just or unjust, wil l come to pass"). Sud'ba ruk i sviazhe t ("Sud'ba wil l tie your hands/arms") .

TWO KEY WORDS 71

neumolimaia sud'b a ("inexorabl e sud'ba"). v rukakh sud'b y ("i n th e hands o f sud'ba"). ruka/perst sud'b y ("th e hand/finge r o f sud'ba"). voleiu sudeb/sud'b y ("b y th e will o f sud'ba"). slepaia sud'b a ("blin d sud'ba"). These lexical collocation s (an d man y other s lik e them) hav e th e effec t o f personifying o r anthropomorphizin g sud'ba. Typicall y on e i s resigne d not t o som e impersonal force , bu t t o a quasi-human being . By personifyin g sud'ba i t i s easie r t o la y credi t o r blam e a t its — her—door. Personificatio n i s her e a setu p fo r psychologica l displace ment an d potentia l masochism . T o blam e som e event harmful t o th e self on "blin d sud'ba" i s a way o f no t havin g t o tak e responsibilit y fo r it . I n effect, " I a m no t th e cause , blin d sud'ba i s the cause. " I n some case s "I " may in fact no t b e the cause; in others, however, "I " may be responsible , but als o unconsciousl y unwilling—fo r whateve r reasons—t o admi t re sponsibility. I t i s i n th e latte r situatio n tha t th e individua l i s behavin g masochistically. Wierzbicka present s a n impressiv e arra y o f evidenc e t o suppor t he r thesis tha t "Russia n gramma r i s quit e unusuall y ric h i n construction s referring t o things that happen t o people agains t their will or irrespectiv e of thei r will. " Som e of th e grammatical construction s i n question reflect , in he r opinion , " a fol k philosoph y a t th e hear t o f whic h appea r t o li e a kind o f 'fatalism ' an d a kin d o f resignation." 27 I will no t repea t Wierz bicka's length y linguisti c analyse s here , bu t i t i s wort h notin g tha t th e infinitive for m o f a verb i s often involve d i n such constructions , a s in th e sequence type negation + infinitive + dative (person): Ne vidat ' teb e etik h podarko v ("Alas , you'l l neve r se e thes e presents"). Ne raskryt ' teb e svoi ochen'ki iasny e ("Alas , you'll neve r ope n thos e bright littl e eyes"—folkloric) . Ne vidat ' Egori u ottsa-mater i ("Ego r wasn' t fate d eve r t o se e hi s father o r mothe r again") . Ne byt ' teb e burzhuem / N e byt ' teb e Frantsuzo m ("Yo u ar e no t fated t o b e a bourgeois / Yo u ar e no t fate d t o b e a Frenchman " — Marina Tsvetaeva) .

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The infinitiv e o f th e verb "byt' " ("t o be," as in the last example ) ca n participate i n a variet y o f "fatalistic " constructions . Sometime s th e words suzhdeno o r sud'ba (o r both) ar e brought in , as when Tat'ian a surrenders hersel f t o Evgeni i Onegi n i n Pushkin' s famou s poem : "N o tak i byt'! Sud'bu moiu / Otnyn e ia tebe vruchaiu. " ("Bu t so be it! M y sud'bal Hencefort h I place in your hands."). 28 There i s somethin g childlik e abou t Russia n fatalism . Or , to put it another way , ther e i s somethin g motherl y abou t fat e itself . Joann a Hubbs says : "Amon g the Russian peasantry , ther e was a firm belief tha t a mothe r controlle d a child' s developmen t an d growth b y conferring a particular fat e upo n it." 2 9 Th e fatalisti c expressio n "n a rodu napisano, " literally "i t was inscribed a t birth" i s ancient and widespread in Russia. 30 The lullabie s a mother san g to her child were believe d capabl e of casting a spel l upo n th e child ("baiukat', " "t o sin g lullabie s to, " is related t o "baiat'," "t o charm," "t o cast a spell"). 31 Usually wha t th e mother wishe d fo r the child wa s positive—that i t grow up to be big and strong, for example. But Russian peasan t mother s sometimes wishe d a much wors e sud'ba upo n thei r child , namely, death . Folklorist Antonin a Martynov a foun d that , ou t o f a corpu s o f 1,80 0 lullabies collected , 8 0 expressed th e mother's wis h tha t th e child shoul d die. 32 An example ma y be taken fro m a recently publishe d collectio n of folklore abou t children : Baio, 6aio aa JIIOJIM ! XoTb Tenepb VMPH, 3aBTpa y MaTepn

Kncejib a a 6JIHH M — TO IIOMHHK H TBOH.

CaejiaeM rpo6o K H3 CeMHfleCHTH flOCOK, BwKonaeM MorwiK y Ha njieuiHBof i rope , Ha njieuiHBot f rope ,

Ha rocnozicKof t CTOPOH C

B jiec n o aroflbi noffaeM , K Te6e, AHTHTKO , 3aftaeM. 33 Baiu, Baiu da liuli! May yo u di e now , Tomorrow a t mother' s There will be kissel and pancakes, This—your funera l repast .

TWO KEY WORDS 73 We'll make a little casket Of seventy boards, We'll dig a little grave On bald hill, On bald hill, Where the Lord lives. When we go gathering berries, We'll drop by to see you, little child. It i s probabl y saf e t o sa y tha t th e majorit y o f peasan t mother s di d not feel thi s way , a t leas t consciously , an d tha t the y regarde d thei r littl e children instea d a s a preciou s blessing. 34 Bu t on e shoul d kee p i n min d that mothers, like anyone else, are capable of feeling consciou s or uncon scious ambivalenc e towar d thos e who m the y love : "Childre n ar e a joy , children ar e als o a sorrow, " say s a proverb. 35 I n an y case , ther e is substantial evidenc e tha t man y Russia n peasan t mothers , unde r certai n very tryin g conditions , actuall y wishe d thei r childre n woul d die . Bu t what wer e these conditions ? One o f th e prominen t demographi c feature s o f tsaris t Russi a wa s the extraordinaril y hig h childhoo d mortalit y rate s amon g th e peasantry . In th e eighteent h centur y Mikhai l Lomonoso v estimate d tha t hal f o f th e 500,000 infant s bor n annuall y die d befor e th e ag e o f three. 36 Davi d L . Ransel ha s gathere d statistic s demonstratin g tha t nearl y hal f o f th e children bor n i n lat e nineteenth-centur y Russi a die d befor e th e ag e o f five. T o explai n thi s appallin g figure , Ranse l point s t o th e unsanitar y conditions an d crue l practice s surroundin g childbirt h (se e below , 190 — 93). He als o observes that infant s wer e often pu t o n soli d foods fro m th e first day s o f life , tha t is , a t a tim e whe n thei r bodie s coul d no t possibl y handle th e pathogen s thereb y introduced . Infant s wer e ofte n fe d b y means o f a "soska, " a n unsanitar y ra g containin g foo d tha t ha d bee n partially chewe d b y anothe r membe r o f th e family . Wit h tim e th e "soska" woul d putrefy , an d eve n larger quantitie s of pathogenic bacteri a would ente r th e child's gastrointestina l tract . One reaso n wh y thi s wa s happenin g wa s tha t mother s wer e absen t all da y durin g th e summe r wor k season . Havin g a n infan t t o car e for — even a ver y sic k infant—wa s n o excus e t o sto p workin g i n th e fields (here a mother submitte d t o pressure fro m th e famil y an d commune) , s o someone els e i n th e famil y ha d t o loo k afte r th e child . Th e chil d wa s breast-fed onl y earl y i n th e mornin g an d lat e a t night—i f i t was breast fed a t all . I n th e daytim e th e deadl y "soska " wa s i n th e child' s mout h

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almost continuously . Eve n whe n th e mothe r wa s mor e ofte n availabl e for breas t feeding , th e "soska " wa s stil l use d a s a sourc e o f foo d an d a s a pacifier . The sud'ba o f ver y man y o f thes e childre n wa s earl y death . I n som e areas during the summer month s up to 8 0 percent of children bor n faile d to survive . They die d largel y fro m th e extreme dehydratio n produce d b y "summer diarrhea." 37 Ransel note s th e understandabl e guil t whic h som e mother s fel t about thei r neglect . H e als o discusse s th e resigned , fatalisti c attitud e which parent s develope d a s a resul t o f th e "carnage " tha t wa s goin g o n around them . Som e proverb s expresse d th e psychica l distanc e tha t par ents trie d t o gai n fro m thei r horribl e experiences , fo r instance , "It' s a good da y whe n a chil d dies, " o r "Th e deat h o f a child i s a mere chip of f your knif e blade , but tha t o f a mom o r da d leave s a gaping hole." 38 Th e death-wish lullabie s woul d hav e to b e included wit h thi s kind o f lore . What abou t th e childre n wh o survive d th e high childhoo d mortalit y rates? They , a s the y becam e ol d enoug h t o understand , mus t hav e bee n deeply disturbe d b y th e death s o f sibling s an d othe r childre n aroun d them. The y mus t hav e realize d tha t the y to o wer e potentia l victims , an d that thei r parent s wer e someho w responsible . The y als o mus t hav e sensed tha t thei r parent s wer e tryin g no t t o becom e to o attache d t o them, o r wishin g fo r thei r deat h outright . A s w e wil l se e i n th e clinica l discussion belo w (chap . 5), a child who perceive s a parent (especiall y th e mother) a s hostile , withdrawn , o r otherwis e inadequat e ma y develo p i n a masochistic direction . Certainl y a child whose mother openl y expresse s a deat h wis h agains t th e chil d wil l b e adversel y affected . On e ca n easil y imagine a masochisti c fantas y arisin g ou t o f thi s situation , an d perhap s persisting int o adulthood , i n effect : "ver y well , then , my mothe r want s me t o die , s o I will die—o r commi t som e self-destructiv e act. " Suc h a person migh t needlessly get into dangerous, suicidal situations. But when something ba d actuall y happened , sud'ba woul d b e blamed. I t would b e too painfu l t o think badl y o f one' s ow n mother . The peasan t chil d wh o die d lef t it s nata l mothe r an d wen t bac k t o "mother earth. " Everyon e wh o live s mus t die . Everyone' s fat e i s death . But i t i s no t immediatel y obviou s wh y deat h shoul d b e image d b y th e survivors a s a retur n t o th e mother . Wh y no t th e father—o r a secon d cousin fo r tha t matter ? Wh y an y perso n a t all ? One' s lifeles s bod y goe s into th e earth, bu t why personif y th e earth i n this context ?

TWO KEY WORDS 75 That Russian s di d (an d stil l do ) personif y th e eart h a s a mothe r i s well known . Th e peasan t topo s "mothe r mois t earth " ("mat ' syr a zem lia") refer s t o th e mothe r specificall y a s a plac e on e goe s t o afte r dying , or i n orde r t o di e (a s oppose d t o a fertil e plac e whic h give s birt h t o a harvest—for whic h ther e ar e othe r topoi) . Ranse l speak s o f peasan t beliefs abou t th e eart h pullin g th e chil d bac k t o itself , invitin g death . A child bor n fac e dow n wa s expecte d t o di e soon. 39 Ther e ar e severa l proverbs o f th e typ e "W e ar e bor n no t fo r life , bu t fo r deat h [N e n a zhivot rozhdaemsia , a na smert']." 4 0 To resis t deat h to o muc h i s t o resis t "mothe r mois t earth. " Jesu s Christ wa s th e onl y on e t o succee d a t this , fo r h e underwen t a resurrec tion ("voskresenie" ) whic h i s celebrate d o n Easte r Sunday , th e mos t important holida y i n the Russia n Orthodo x Church . I n view of this , is it surprising tha t Merezhkovski i hear d mother-cursing mixe d i n wit h th e happier utterance s o f a n Easter celebration ? (se e above, 50). An eloquen t religious prover b capture s th e contrast : "Fo r som e it' s 'Chris t ha s arisen!,' bu t fo r u s it' s 'D o no t wee p fo r me , mother!' " ("Komu : 'Khristos voskrese!' , a nam : 'N e ryda i mene , mati!"'). 41 Th e word s i n the firs t hal f o f th e prover b ar e traditionall y spoke n b y Orthodo x Rus sians t o on e anothe r o n Easte r Sunday . The y signif y grea t joy . Th e words i n th e secon d half , whic h deriv e fro m portion s o f th e Russia n Orthodox liturg y an d fro m th e folklori c spiritua l songs , were spoke n b y Christ t o hi s Blesse d Mothe r a s he was dyin g o n th e cross. 42 They mea n utter misery . Th e alternative s expresse d b y th e prover b ar e thus : aris e and liv e versu s di e i n th e presenc e o f th e mother . Resurrectio n i s no t only oppose d t o death , bu t i s in som e sens e contraste d wit h th e mother . In risin g fro m th e dea d on e emerge s fro m th e mother , i n dyin g on e re enters th e mother . I n th e spiritua l songs , fo r example , th e Mothe r o f God experience s a quickening of her womb ("Utroboi u svoe i razgoraiu chi") 4 3 a s she sees her so n dyin g on th e cross. Psychoanalyst Theodo r Rei k offers , I think, th e cleares t explanatio n for th e fatefu l associatio n o f deat h wit h th e mother , althoug h h e i s no t speaking specificall y abou t Russians : For all of u s the mother i s the woman o f destiny . She is the femme fatale in its most literal sense, because she brought us into the world, she taught us to love, and i t i s sh e upo n who m w e cal l i n ou r las t hour . Th e mothe r a s a death dealing figur e becam e alie n t o ou r consciou s thinking . Bu t sh e ma y becom e comprehensible i n thi s functio n whe n deat h appear s a s th e onl y releas e fro m

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suffering, a s th e on e ai m desired , th e final peace. I t i s in thi s sens e that dyin g soldiers call for their mothers. I can never forget a little boy who, in the agonies of a painful illness , cried: "Mother , yo u hav e brought m e into th e world, why can't you make me dead now?" 44 Mothers brin g childre n int o th e world. Therefor e th e possibility o f leav ing th e world , o f death , ough t als o t o b e associate d wit h th e mother . One's inescapabl e fat e i s personified a s a mother everywhere , no t jus t i n Russia. A mothe r wh o i s neglectful , o r outrigh t infanticidal, 45 onl y intensifies a personificatio n whic h alread y exist s i n th e mind s o f thos e who observ e her . Som e Russia n peasant s n o doub t understoo d tha t children wer e dyin g all around the m i n part becaus e of materna l neglect . But, a s childre n themselves , the y ha d alread y understoo d tha t thei r mothers ha d give n the m life , an d tha t the y therefor e "owe d Mothe r Nature a death" (t o use Freud's expression) . When peopl e di e i n droves , o r fo r n o apparen t reason , lif e doe s no t seem t o b e wort h much . Tha t is , whe n sud'ba i s behavin g i n "stupid " fashion, a n individual' s lif e hold s littl e value, a s i n the proverb: "Sud'ba is a turkey , an d lif e i s a kopek " ("Sud'ba—indeika , zhizn'—ko peika"). 46 Whe n on e feel s mistreate d generally , fat e ma y b e represente d as a bad mother , tha t is , a stepmother , a s i n song s abou t "sud'bastepmother, bitte r lot " ("sud'ba-machekha , gor'kai a doliushka"). 47 Nikolai Nekrasov' s poe m "Mother " feature s a "martyr-mother " who say s to her children : «HecHacTHwe! 3ane M pojuuiHCb BH ? rioftaeTe B W floporoionpaMoio M BaM cyflb6b i cBoef i H e H36e>KaTb! » Unfortunate ones ! What were you born for ? You will set off alon g the straight road, And you will not be able to escape your sud'ba!48 It i s a s i f thi s poo r mothe r wer e predeterminin g th e sud'ba o f he r poo r children b y he r ver y utterance . Th e line s hav e a distinctl y performativ e ring. Nadezhda Durov a (1783-1866) , th e famou s noblewoma n wh o dressed a s a man an d fough t i n the Russian arm y agains t the Napoleoni c invaders, als o hear d abou t th e unhapp y sud'ba i n stor e fo r he r specifi cally fro m he r mother : "Sh e spok e t o m e i n th e mos t horribl e term s about th e sud'ba o f thi s [i.e. , female ] sex [ o sud'b e etog o pola] : a woman, i n he r opinion , i s oblige d t o b e born , t o live , an d t o di e i n

TWO KEY WORDS 77 slavery [ v rabstve]; eterna l bondag e [nevolia] , burdensome dependence , and al l sort s o f oppressio n ar e he r lo t [dolia ] fro m th e cradl e t o th e grave." 49 Onl y Durova , unlik e mos t Russia n wome n o f he r day , re belled. Sh e wa s on e o f th e notabl e Russia n antimasochists . Slaver y wa s no sud'ba fo r her . Soviet socia l psychologist V . V. Boiko say s that th e immense burde n on moder n mother s consists , in part, o f " a larg e moral responsibilit y fo r the sud'ba o f he r children. " 50 I hop e thes e divers e example s sufficientl y indicat e tha t th e ide a o f sud'ba i s very often associate d wit h th e mother. I n the clinical discussio n of masochis m belo w (chap . 5) I hope to sho w tha t thi s associatio n i s not an accident .

F O U R

Masochism in Russian Literature

Dmitrii Merezhkovski i onc e observe d tha t th e bes t Russia n writers , however rebelliou s the y ma y hav e bee n i n thei r youth , repented . The y ended u p preaching smirenie t o thei r readers . Pushkin turne d awa y fro m his Decembris t friend s t o writ e a n od e t o Nichola s I , Gogo l blesse d Russian serfdom , Dostoevsk y declared , "Humbl e thyself , prou d man ! [Smiris', gordyi chelovek!] " in his famous Pushki n speech , Tolstoy advo cated "nonresistanc e t o evil, " an d s o on . Th e onl y exception , accordin g to Merezhkovskii , wa s Lermontov. 1 Perhap s tha t wa s becaus e Lermon tov die d s o young.

Selected Masochistic Characters Whether o r no t Russia n writer s themselve s wer e advocate s o f mora l masochism, i t ma y trul y b e sai d tha t Russia n literatur e i s filled wit h characters wh o welcom e thei r unhapp y fate—suffering , punishment , humiliation, eve n death . Bu t literary scholar s hav e no t pai d muc h atten tion t o masochisti c literar y character s a s a category . On e ha s t o g o t o the chapte r o n Russia n fiction i n Nadejd a Gorodetzky' s opinionate d theological treatis e The Humiliated Christ in Modern Russian Thought (1973 [1938] ) t o find somethin g lik e a survey. 2 Gorodetzky' s boo k i s not psychoanalytic a t all. But her theme—the humiliate d Christ—draw s her precisel y t o character s wh o ar e interestin g fo r th e psychoanalyti c scholar o f masochism . Not al l masochists i n Russian literatur e ar e Christian, of course , but al l truly Christia n character s ar e moral masochists . Also ver y helpfu l i s Margare t Ziolkowski' s Hagiography and Mod78

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em Russian Literature, a literaril y mor e sophisticate d stud y whic h pay s particular attentio n t o "kenoti c characters " i n nineteenth-centur y Rus sian fiction. 3 I n he r insightfu l discussion s o f character s i n th e fiction o f Dostoevsky, Leskov , Uspenskii , an d other s Ziolkowsk i ofte n use s th e term "kenoticism " i n a wa y tha t psychoanalyst s woul d immediatel y recognize a s meaning moral masochism . Here I wish merel y t o poin t t o som e o f th e mor e obviousl y masoch istic character s i n nineteenth - an d twentieth-centur y Russia n fiction, without repeatin g to o muc h o f wha t th e theologicall y oriente d scholar s have said already . Turgenev's peasants , fo r example , ar e ofte n ver y humbl e an d ac cepting o f thei r sa d fate , an d the y usuall y explai n thei r situatio n i n Christian terms . "Th e beginnin g of fait h i s self-abasement, humiliation, " says the heroine of " A Strange Story." 4 Beautifu l Lukeri a i n "Th e Livin g Relic," paralyze d b y a fal l fro m a porch, accept s he r lo t wholeheartedl y and ask s n o favor s fro m God : "Wh y shoul d I worr y th e Lor d God ? What ca n I ask o f Him ? H e know s bette r tha n I do what I need. H e ha s sent m e a cros s whic h signifie s tha t H e love s me." 5 Gorodetzk y cite s numerous othe r instance s o f thi s kin d o f thinkin g fro m Turgenev . Eac h of Turgenev' s masochisti c character s i s unique , however , an d man y o f them constitute comple x an d fascinatin g subject s fo r potentia l psychoan alytic case histories. Tolstoy to o depicte d man y Christia n sufferers . On e think s o f th e rich merchan t i n "Go d See s the Trut h bu t Waits " wh o i s falsely accuse d of murde r an d i s sen t t o Siberia , wher e h e learn s t o accep t hi s sa d fat e with Christia n humilit y an d gratitude , eve n afte r th e tru e murdere r ha s been found . O r ther e i s the mon k Sergi i who , when sexuall y arouse d b y the presenc e o f a seductiv e woma n i n hi s cell , chop s of f on e o f hi s ow n fingers with a n ax e (late r h e become s a wandering begga r wit h n o nam e other tha n "slav e of God") . Platon Karataev , th e famous peasan t i n War and Peace, sit s beneat h a birc h tre e wit h a loo k o f joyfu l solemnit y o n his fac e a s h e wait s fo r a Frenc h soldie r t o shoo t hi m (cf . Vasili i Shuks hin's characte r Ego r i n Snowball Berry Red, wh o obligingl y permit s a gang leader t o shoo t hi m i n a grove of hi s beloved birches) . There ar e som e no t particularl y Christia n masochist s i n Tolsto y a s well, suc h a s Princ e Andrei , wh o seem s determine d t o di e befor e hi s time, o r Ann a Karenina , whos e behavio r become s increasingl y self-de structive a s th e nove l name d afte r he r progresses . O f cours e al l thes e

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characters, eve n th e one s i n th e storie s writte n fo r peasants , ar e mor e interesting an d comple x tha n th e simplifyin g labe l "masochist " woul d suggest. Eac h o f the m deserve s in-dept h psychologica l study . Indee d on e of them , Pierr e Bezukho v o f War and Peace, wh o occasionall y behave s in self-destructive fashion , struc k m e as deserving a n entire book. 6 Dostoevsky i s o f cours e the maste r whe n i t come s t o depictin g masochism i n literature—Russia n o r otherwise . Hi s novel s ar e fille d with character s wh o wallo w i n guilt , crav e punishment , o r see k injur y or humiliatio n o f on e kin d o r another . Fo r example , i n Crime and Punishment Raskolnikov , afte r protracte d agonizin g ove r hi s murde r o f the pawnbroke r woman , confesse s t o hi s crime , i s exile d t o a Siberia n prison, an d eventuall y welcome s hi s priso n suffering s a s th e roa d t o spiritual regeneration . Alekse i Ivanovich , her o o f The Gambler, like s t o humiliate himsel f fo r th e sak e o f women , an d repeatedl y punishe s him self b y losin g a t roulette . Th e undergroun d ma n i n Notes from Underground manage s t o b e insulte d an d humiliate d b y practicall y anythin g anyone aroun d hi m does . Nastasia Filippovn a o f The Idiot run s of f wit h Rogozhin, a ma n sh e know s wil l abus e he r (an d wh o i n fac t eventuall y murders her). The Christlike Prince Myshkin o f the same novel invites all sorts o f aggressio n an d cruelt y fro m thos e aroun d him . I n The Possessed Stavrogin withstand s a physica l blo w fro m Shato v withou t responding . And s o on . Welcomed injur y o r humiliatio n i n Dostoevsky' s work s i s aug mented b y bod y languag e whic h seem s t o prim e th e character s fo r outright masochisti c acts . Fo r example , Dostoevsky' s character s hav e a strong tendenc y t o bow down befor e others . Psychoanalytic criti c Steven Rosen count s seventy-fiv e bows , kneelings , earth-kissings , an d othe r gestural abasement s i n The Brothers Karamazov. 7 To b e sure , ther e i s mor e t o Dostoevsky' s character s tha n thei r masochism. Stavrogin , fo r example , i s a highl y intelligen t an d comple x sado-masochist. Ther e ar e als o majo r psychologica l difference s i n wha t these character s do , eve n withi n th e masochisti c sphere . Bot h Stavrogi n and Myshki n ar e capable o f acceptin g a physical blow , fo r example , bu t the motivation i s quite different i n each case . Yet the self-destructivenes s is als o ther e a s a commo n feature . Ther e i s a n underlyin g psychologica l similarity t o man y o f Dostoevsky' s characters , whic h ma y b e character ized a s a nee d t o b e injure d i n som e way . A s criti c Edwar d Wasiole k says: "Th e Dostoevskia n her o no t onl y pays back fo r th e hurt h e suffers ,

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but h e looks fo r hur t t o suffer . H e like s being hurt. When h e cannot fin d it, h e imagine s it , s o tha t i t wil l stin g i n hi s bloo d wit h th e pungenc y o f real hurt . H e ha s a stak e i n bein g hurt : h e seek s it , pursue s it , an d needs it." 8 Th e hur t ver y ofte n take s th e for m o f narcissisti c woundin g ("obida" i s a key Dostoevskia n word , a s in th e cas e of th e undergroun d man). Bu t i t ca n manifes t itsel f i n variou s othe r way s a s well , suc h a s gross physica l punishment , guil t feelings , humiliation , an d o f cours e th e most self-destructiv e ac t possible , tha t is , suicid e (Dostoevsky' s novel s are littered wit h suicides) . Dostoevsky i s thu s remarkabl y inventiv e a t finding way s fo r hi s characters t o attrac t punishmen t o r t o ge t int o humiliatin g situations . Both conventiona l an d psychoanalytic critic s have observed this. 9 Moreover, Dostoevsk y himsel f wa s perfectl y awar e o f wha t h e was doing . O f Stavrogin's decisio n t o publiciz e i n writin g th e fac t tha t h e ha d sexuall y abused a littl e girl , th e narrato r says : "Th e fundamenta l ide a o f th e document i s a grim , nake d nee d fo r punishment , fo r a cross , fo r publi c execution." Fathe r Tikhon , t o who m Stavrogi n confesses , als o detect s Stavrogin's masochisti c motive : "Yes , i t i s a penanc e an d you r natura l need fo r i t has overcom e you. The suffering o f th e creature you wronge d has s o shattered yo u tha t i t has brough t hom e t o yo u th e problem o f lif e and death , s o ther e i s stil l a hop e tha t yo u ar e no w o n th e great , still untrodden pat h o f callin g disgrac e an d universa l scor n dow n upo n yourself." 10 Tikhon, wh o i s a perceptiv e (bu t intrusive ) psychoanalyst , see s tha t Stavrogin's i s not a straightforward Christia n masochism , bu t a masoch ism tha t i s heavil y lace d wit h narcissisti c an d exhibitionisti c elements : "your intentio n t o do this great penance is ridiculous in itself." Stavrogi n must no t onl y mak e a spectacl e o f himself , h e mus t als o b e sincerel y humble i n consequence . "Yo u wil l triumph, " say s Tikhon , "a s lon g a s you sincerel y accep t thei r spittin g a t yo u an d tramplin g upo n you—i f u you can endure it!" 11 A s it turns out, he cannot endur e such humiliation , and opt s fo r suicide , a different sor t of masochisti c act . Less religiou s i n orientatio n tha n th e writer s I have mentione d thu s far i s th e bitte r satiris t Mikhai l Saltykov-Shchedrin , whos e novel s ar e strewn wit h masochists . Th e inhabitant s o f Glupo v ("stupidville") , fo r example, are moved b y an "arden t lov e of authorit y [siloi u nachal'stvoli ubiia]." 12 The y inven t al l kind s o f way s t o har m themselves . Fo r exam ple, the y refrai n fro m fighting a fire which i s burnin g dow n thei r town ,

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and instea d ran t an d rav e a t thei r governo r fo r wha t i s happening . A later governo r o f th e tow n i s confronte d wit h a crow d o f protesters , al l of who m ar e o n thei r knee s however . Th e ancestor s o f th e Glupovite s are characterized a s follows : There was in olden times a people called the Headbeaters [golovotiapami] , and they lived in the far north, in that region where the Greek and Roman historians thought th e Hyperborea n Se a t o be . Thes e peopl e wer e calle d Headbeaters , because it was their habit to beat their heads against anything that came in their way. If the y cam e to a wall, they bea t thei r head s agains t it ; i f they wishe d t o pray, they beat their heads against the floor.13 The History of a Town (1869-70) , fro m whic h thes e passage s ar e quoted, i s als o ful l o f sadisti c fantasie s t o matc h th e masochisti c one s (e.g., unde r a certai n governo r Borodavki n "ther e wa s no t a singl e Glupovite wh o coul d poin t t o an y par t o f hi s bod y whic h ha d no t bee n flogged"; th e governo r Ugrium-Burchee v "bea t himsel f no t feigning, " although h e i s otherwis e th e arch-sadis t o f th e novel). 14 Th e laughte r which Saltykov-Shchedri n elicit s fro m hi s reade r i s itsel f sadisti c i n na ture, bein g a for m o f aggressio n agains t th e Glupovites . Bu t t o th e extent tha t Russian s recogniz e themselves i n the Glupovites (jus t a s they recognize themselve s i n th e figur e o f Iva n th e Fool—se e below , chap . 6) they ar e laughin g a t themselves , tha t is , the y ar e engagin g i n a mildl y masochistic fantas y o f thei r own . In th e twentiet h centur y Russia n writer s continue d t o inven t mas ochistic characters . Th e her o o f Vladimi r Mayakovsky' s lon g poe m "Cloud i n Trousers " mock s himself , nail s himsel f t o a cross , an d com pares himsel f t o a do g whic h lick s th e han d tha t beat s it . D-503 , th e hero-number o f Evgeni i Zamiatin' s futuristi c nove l We, explicitl y wel comes th e pai n an d punishmen t dole d ou t b y th e dominatrix-numbe r I 330. Boris Pasternak's Dokto r Zhivag o neve r fail s t o infuriate my American student s wit h hi s willing abandonmen t o f hi s beloved Lara , an d hi s subsequent self-wille d goin g t o see d a t th e en d o f th e novel . Andre i Platonov's work s ar e full o f mildl y depressed , slightl y childish character s who see m t o welcom e thei r abasement , fo r example , Nikit a Fir s o f "Potudan River, " wh o descend s t o beggin g an d cleanin g latrines . Lo s Angeles Slavis t Thoma s Seifri d ha s writte n a fascinatin g analysi s o f Platonov's late r works , which h e terms "literatur e fo r th e masochist." 15 Igor Smirno v explicitl y deal s wit h th e "masochisti c culture, " "mas ochistic ideals, " an d "kenosis " promote d b y Sovie t socialis t realis t fie-

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tion. Man y heroe s i n thi s genr e effac e themselve s totall y i n orde r t o carry ou t instruction s fro m o n hig h o r t o fulfil l "th e plan " dictate d b y revolutionary authority . Fo r example , th e fanati c Pave l Korchagi n (i n Nikolai Ostrovsky' s How the Steel Was Tempered, 1935 ) repeatedl y puts himsel f i n grea t danger , o r subject s himsel f t o grea t deprivatio n fo r the sak e o f th e Party . H e emerge s fro m th e Civi l Wa r disable d an d incapable o f norma l physica l activity , bu t doggedl y searche s fo r ne w ways to serv e the Bolshevik cause. 16 Slavist Katerina Clar k ha s also written o n masochis m i n the Stalinis t novel, althoug h sh e prefer s t o us e anthropologica l imager y rathe r tha n psychoanalytic terminology . Man y socialis t realis t heroe s g o throug h what Clar k call s a "traditiona l rit e o f passage " involvin g som e sor t o f mutilation, ordeal , o r sacrifice . Litera l o r metaphorica l deat h ma y occu r in th e rite , an d th e resul t i s fusio n wit h som e highe r collective : "whe n the her o shed s hi s individualisti c sel f a t th e momen t o f passage , h e die s as an individua l an d i s reborn a s a function o f th e collective." 17 Aleksandr Solzhenitsy n ha s create d som e masochisti c character s i n his fiction. Man y o f Solzhenitsyn' s wome n ar e slavishl y devote d t o thei r husbands, fo r instance , Alina Vorotyntseva , Irin a Tomchak , an d Nadez hda Krupskay a i n August 1914. Gle b Nerzhi n o f The First Circle i s n o slave, bu t h e doe s somethin g which , althoug h perhap s noble , i s ver y dangerous an d potentiall y self-destructive : h e spurn s a cush y jo b i n a special cam p fo r mathematician s an d scientists , an d decide s t o plung e instead int o th e horribl e depth s o f th e gulag . Anothe r o f Solzhenitsyn' s characters, th e quintessentiall y Russia n Genera l Samsono v o f August 1914, marche s submissivel y towar d deat h whe n h e realizes hi s army ha s been defeated : The commander's voice was kindly, and equally friendly wer e the looks that followed him as he rode on after thanking the men and wishing them well. There was no t a hostil e glar e t o b e seen . Th e bare d hea d an d th e solem n grief , th e unmistakable Russianness, the unalloyed Russianness of his face [opoznavaemo russkoe, nesmeshanno-russkoe volosato e litso] , with it s bushy blac k bear d an d its homel y features—bi g ears , bi g nose—th e heroi c shoulder s bowe d b y a n invisible burden , th e slow , majesti c progress , lik e tha t o f som e ol d Muscovit e Tsar, disarmed those who might have cursed him. Only now did Vorotyntsev notice . . . the doomed look imprinted on Samsonov's face from birt h [otrodnui u obrechennost'] : this was a seven-pud sacrificia l lamb le d t o th e slaughter . H e kep t raisin g hi s eye s t o somethin g slightly , jus t slightly abov e his head a s though h e were expecting a great club to descend on

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his meekly upturned bulgin g brow. All his life, perhaps, he had bee n expectin g this, without knowing it. Now he was resigned to it. 18 This characterizatio n o f Samsono v a s a n "unmistakabl y Russian " mas ochist is quite appropriate , historically. The real Samsonov le d a Russia n army t o sur e defea t a t th e hand s o f th e German s i n Eas t Prussi a durin g the opening weeks o f th e First World War . Nearl y a quarter o f a millio n Russian soldier s wer e lost . Supposedl y th e ide a wa s t o hel p th e Frenc h by forcin g th e German s t o withdra w troop s fro m th e Wester n front . Historian Richar d Pipe s quote s a statemen t mad e b y th e Gran d Duk e Nikolai Nikolaevic h t o a Frenc h militar y representativ e a t Russia n Headquarters: "W e ar e happy t o mak e suc h sacrifice s fo r ou r allies." 19 A lis t o f masochisti c character s i n Russia n literatur e woul d b e lon g indeed. I hav e onl y begu n t o scratc h th e surface . Rathe r tha n continu e with a list , however , I woul d lik e t o loo k closel y a t som e specifi c (bu t diverse) literar y passage s whic h offe r interestin g hint s abou t th e dee p structure o f Russia n masochism .

Dmitrii Karamazov Readers o f Dostoevsky' s Brothers Karamazov assum e tha t ol d ma n Karamazov wa s kille d b y hi s illegitimat e so n Smerdiakov . Bu t Dmitri i (Mitya) Karamazo v i s unjustl y accuse d o f th e crim e instead . Ther e i s a long investigation, an d th e authoritie s decid e to try Dmitrii . At first he is rebellious, bu t then , a s h e i s abou t t o b e le d awa y t o prison , h e make s an abjec t speec h i n which h e welcomes hi s sad sud'ba: I understan d no w tha t suc h me n a s I nee d a blow , a blo w o f destin y [uda r sud'by] to catch them a s with a noose, and bind them by a force fro m without . Never, neve r shoul d I hav e rise n o f myself ! But th e thunderbol t ha s fallen . J accept the torture of accusation, and my public shame, I want to suffer and by suffering I shall be purified.20 In order t o understand thi s clearly masochisti c declaration , a psychoana lyst woul d wan t t o kno w somethin g abou t th e event s leadin g u p t o it . As i t turn s out , Dmitri i ha d take n a na p befor e hi s speec h becaus e h e was s o exhauste d b y th e lon g interrogatio n o f th e investigator s int o hi s alleged crime . While aslee p he had a vivid dream , an d thi s dream tells us much abou t Dmitrii' s motivation . In th e drea m Dmitri i see s depressin g sights— a cold , Novembe r steppe, a village in which hal f o f the huts ar e gutted b y fire, poor peasan t

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women standin g about , cold , thi n an d wan . Particularl y strikin g i s th e image of a mother wit h he r extremel y unhapp y child : In her arm s was a little bab y crying . An d he r breast s seeme d s o dried u p tha t there was not a drop o f mil k i n them . And th e chil d crie d an d cried , an d held out its little bare arms, with its little fists blue from cold . "Why are they crying? Why are they crying?" Mitya asked , as they [Mity a and his driver] dashed gaily by. "It's the babe [dite]," answered the driver, "the babe weeping." And Mitya was struck by his saying, in his peasant way, "the babe," and he liked th e peasant' s callin g i t a "babe. " Ther e seeme d mor e pit y i n i t [zhalost i budto bol'she]. "But why is it weeping," Mity a persiste d stupidly , "wh y ar e its little arms bare? Why don't they wrap it up?" "The babe's cold, its little clothes are frozen an d don't warm it" "But why is it? Why?" foolish Mity a still persisted. "Why don' t the y fee d th e babe? " Dmitri i ask s desperately . Feelin g " a passion o f pit y [umilenie] , such a s h e ha d neve r know n before " Dmitri i wants t o cry , h e want s t o d o somethin g "s o tha t th e bab e shoul d wee p no more , s o tha t th e dark-faced , dried-u p mothe r shoul d no t weep , s o that n o on e shoul d she d tear s agai n fro m tha t moment." 21 The n h e hears th e reassurin g voic e o f hi s belove d Grushenka , wh o promise s t o remain wit h hi m fo r th e res t o f hi s lif e (implicitly , eve n i n Siberia) . H e wakes up , a radiant smil e on hi s face . Given that Dmitrii has just had suc h a dream, it is not surprising tha t he immediately begin s his speech with th e following words : "Gentlemen , we're al l crue l [vs e my zhestoki] , we're al l monsters, we al l make peopl e weep, including mothers, and babes at the breast." 22 Bu t wha t ha s thi s persisting imag e o f a n unhapp y bab e a t th e breas t go t t o d o wit h Dmitrii's ow n curren t unhappiness ? H e continues : "bu t o f all , le t i t b e settled here , now , o f al l I a m th e lowes t reptile ! Ever y da y o f m y life , beating my breast, I'v e swor n t o amend , an d ever y da y I'v e don e th e same filthy things . I understand no w tha t suc h me n a s I need a blo w o f destiny." 2 3—that is , a blow o f sud'ba, an d s o on, a s we saw above . The breas t imager y thu s carrie s ove r int o Dmitrii' s castigatio n o f himself. He beats his own breas t ("bii a sebi a v grud' " ) right afte r sayin g that h e i s guilt y o f makin g wome n an d babe s a t th e breas t ("grudnyk h detei") cry , whic h i n tur n i s righ t afte r hi s drea m abou t a n extremel y unhappy bab y cryin g a t it s mother' s inadequat e breas t ("grudi-t o . . . takie issokhshie") .

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All o f thi s busines s abou t breast s constitute s extraordinaril y prima l psychical material . Dmitrii' s drea m seem s t o hav e carrie d hi m ver y fa r back i n time . Dmitrii i s miserable i n his presen t situation , jus t a s a chil d at th e breas t i s miserabl e whe n th e breast/mothe r doe s no t fee d it . Previous psychoanalyti c reader s o f th e drea m agre e tha t th e mothe r an d child i n th e drea m represen t Dmitrii' s dead , abandonin g mothe r an d Dmitrii himsel f a s a child. 24 Whethe r o r no t on e agree s wit h suc h a n interpretation, i t has t o b e admitte d tha t som e kin d o f connectio n exist s between Dmitrii' s masochisti c welcomin g o f a blo w o f sud'ba an d th e mother/breast imager y o f th e immediatel y precedin g dream . Thi s con nection wil l b e explore d below , afte r th e relevan t clinica l consideration s have bee n raised .

Tat'iana Larina If Dmitri i Karamazov' s sud'ba i s to suffe r i n priso n fo r a parricid e he desire d t o commi t bu t in fac t di d n ot commit, th e sud'ba o f Tat'ian a Larina, heroin e o f Aleksand r Pushkin' s vers e nove l Eugene Onegin, i s simpler. I t i s to suffe r rejectio n b y the m an she loves. Bu t she welcome s his rejectio n o f he r an d he r subsequen t sufferin g quit e a s muc h a s Dmitrii welcome s th e opportunit y t o purif y himsel f i n prison . Vasili i Rozanov classifie s he r as a "passio n sufferer " ("Strastoterpitsa"). 2 5 True, Tat'ian a doe s n o t initially wis h t o be rejected, t o be punished . T h a t wa s n ot the enterprise sh e originally h a d in mind . Rather , sh e h ad wished t o b e sexuall y unite d wit h th e m a n w h o has swep t he r of f he r feet. Bu t s o profoun d i s th e attractio n t o Onegin , s o totall y doe s sh e commit hersel f t o him, that sh e is prepared t o accep t anythin g h e deem s appropriate a s a response , includin g rejection . Sh e hands ove r contro l o f her sud'ba t o Onegin , a s w e sa w earlie r i n a passag e quote d fro m he r love lette r t o him . Other passage s a s wel l i n th e letter depic t th e exten t of he r surrender : flpyrofi!.. HeT , HHKOM Y Ha CBeT e He oiriaji a 6 w cepjma a ! To B BbiuiHeM cy>KaeHo coBeTe... To BOJI H He6a: a TBOH ;

BCH >KH3Hb MOfl 6bIJia 3aJTOrOM CBimaHbfl BepHor o c TO6OH ; 51 3Haio,TW MH e nocjiaH 6oroM , flo rpo6 a T W xpaHHTejib MOH... 3

MASOCHISM I N RUSSIAN LITERATUR E 87

Another! . . . No, to nobody on earth would I have given my heart away! That has been destined in a higher council, that is the will of heaven: I am thine; my entire life has been the gage of a sure tryst with you; I know, you're sent to me by God, You are my guardian to the tomb.27 The sympatheti c narrato r tell s u s tha t poo r Tat'iana' s sud'ba i s i n th e hands o f a "fashionabl e tyrant." Bu t afte r a whil e w e begi n t o ge t th e impression tha t Tat'iana , who m Dostoevsk y calle d "th e apotheosi s o f the Russia n woman," 2 8 likes t o b e tyrannized . Sh e feel s tha t sh e wil l "perish" becaus e o f Onegin , bu t als o tha t "perishin g fro m hi m i s lovely." 29 He r soul , "avi d o f sadness " ("pechal i zhadnoi" ) afte r bein g rejected b y Onegin , continue s t o ach e fo r him. 30 Sh e suffer s much , an d her suffering i s very Russian. 31 Her s i s the sam e soul, the same "dusha, " that th e narrato r ha d previousl y characterize d a s Russian : "Tat'ian a (being Russian , i n he r sou l [russkai a dushoiu]." 32 The critic s agre e tha t Tat'iana's folks y Russiannes s i s one of he r essentia l features. 33 In Tat'iana' s dream , on e o f th e mos t famou s i n Russia n literature , Onegin take s th e for m o f a bear , chase s he r acros s a snow y landscape , then appear s a s th e "master " ("khoziain" ) o f a gan g o f grotesqu e wil d animals whic h terrif y her . Onegi n i s a t thi s momen t bot h dea r an d frightful t o Tat'ian a ("mi l i strashen ei")—a n indicatio n o f he r ambiva lence. Sh e desire s him , bu t fear s terribl e consequences . Sh e i s laborin g under wha t psychoanalyst s woul d recogniz e a s th e infantil e conceptio n of se x a s a terribl e ac t o f violence. 34 Ye t sh e the n permit s th e "master " to tak e he r t o a bench , deposi t he r there , an d star t t o mak e lov e t o her , and woul d withou t objectio n hav e allowe d hi m t o tak e awa y he r virgin ity were it not fo r th e fact tha t tw o othe r character s suddenl y ente r upo n the scene. 35 From th e drea m i t i s clear tha t Tat'ian a want s Onegi n t o maste r he r sexually. Bu t in realit y h e i s the maste r o f he r fate . B y means o f th e lov e letter sh e throw s hersel f a t him , an d i t i s then u p t o hi m t o decid e wha t will become of her. Because he rejects her, her sud'ba i s to marry anothe r man, a n honorabl e man , ye t a ma n sh e doe s no t love , a ma n b y who m (as Rozano v observes ) sh e apparentl y ha s n o children . I t i s a s i f Onegi n were he r fathe r who , i n th e venerabl e Russia n tradition , marrie s of f hi s daughter t o som e stranger .

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Indeed, Onegi n i s mor e o f a parenta l figur e tha n hi s Byronic , worldly-wise imag e woul d suggest . Tat'ian a makes hi m a parent b y her insistently childlik e stance. 36 He r lov e i s no t tha t o f a sophisticate d coquette, i t is no game. Rather , i t is innocent, trusting . I n love Tat'ian a is a s dependent a s a child : "Tatian a . . . unconditionally yields / to lov e like a dear chil d [ka k milo e ditia]." 3 7 When sh e tries, naively, to explain her feeling s fo r Onegin t o her old nurse, sh e fails. The nurse think s tha t she i s ill. Repeatedly referrin g t o Tat'iana a s "my child" ("diti a moe") , the nurs e trie s t o tak e car e o f her , as a solicitou s mothe r woul d (th e office o f nurse o r "niania " wa s the typical mean s o f parent-surrogatio n among the nineteenth-century Russia n nobility) . In frustration Tat'ian a sharpl y order s the nurse out of the room, and commences t o writ e th e love lette r alread y quote d above . I f th e nurs e does no t understand , perhap s Onegi n will . On e parental figur e i s replaced b y another. But, althoug h Tat'ian a i s willing t o play th e child, Onegi n play s a t best a ver y distan t an d inadequate parent . Afte r receivin g th e letter h e comes t o he r i n th e famil y garde n an d commence s t o delive r a cold , standoffish sermon . Tat'iana , a "humbl e littl e girl " ("smirenno i de vochki") "humbly " ("smirenno" ) hear s out the lesson of Pushkin's pseu domature, narcissisti c hero. 38 She is in tears as he escorts her back to her mother. Sh e will b e unhappy fo r th e rest o f th e novel, indee d sh e will cherish her secret unhappines s fo r the rest of her life. That i s her sud'ba, and it is Onegin—she believes—wh o ha s determined tha t sud'ba. Even when Onegi n come s crawling bac k to Tat'iana i n the end there is no change i n her attitude. Sh e admits tha t sh e still love s him , bu t she is no w properly marrie d (t o a ma n she does no t love) an d will no t be unfaithful. Mor e important , her sud'ba ha d been decided by his response to he r initial, abjec t declaratio n o f love to him. She now is even grateful to him for the way he behaved: B TO T CTpaiUHbl H HaC

Bw nocTynHjiH 6jiaropoflHo ,

Bw 6HJI H npaBb i npea o MHOM .

H 6jiaroaapHa Bee n ayiiioM... 4

at that terribl e hou r you acte d nobly , you in regard to me were right , to you with al l my soul I'm grateful. 40

MASOCHISM IN RUSSIAN LITERATURE 89 Again, i t i s he r soul , he r Russia n "dusha " whic h accept s th e abjection . What i s more , sh e woul d stil l prefe r tha t h e b e th e stric t disciplinaria n with her : KOJIKOCTb BailieM 6paHH , XojioziHbitf, cTporH H pa3roBop, Kor\aa 6 B Moefi jiHuib 6WJIO BjTacTH, fl npezinoHJia 6 O6HZIHO M cTpacT H

H 3TH M nHCbMa M H CJie3aM. 5

the sharpness of your scolding, cold, stern discourse, if it were only in my power I'd have preferred t o an offensive passion , and to these letters and tears.42 How ca n h e be the slave ("Byt ' chuvstv a melkog o rabom" ) whe n sud'ba has alread y determine d tha t she b e th e slave ? No , sh e wil l remai n severed fro m him , a s he had originall y decide d ("Yo u must , /1 pray you , leave me") . Sh e woul d rathe r b e enslave d b y th e memor y o f a lost , inadequate objec t tha n gai n a presen t object . Sh e woul d prefe r tha t Onegin b e dea d fo r her , a s i s he r poo r nurs e ("niania") , th e mother surrogate who m h e ha d replaced , an d wh o no w sleep s i n th e "humbl e churchyard" nea r he r childhoo d home .

Vasilii Grossman's Thousand-Year-Old Slave Vasilii Grossma n (1905—64 ) wa s a write r ver y muc h preoccupie d with th e notio n o f fat e (sud'ba, rok). Hi s nove l Life and Fate (Zhizn* i sud'ba, 1980 ) offer s a panorami c vie w o f th e sometime s intersecting , sometimes paralle l fates o f it s countles s characters—Russian s an d Ger mans, Jews an d Gentiles , soldier s an d civilians , the livin g an d th e dead . Grossman ha s bee n calle d th e Sovie t Tolstoy , an d Life and Fate i s regarded b y some as the War and Feace of th e twentieth century . But it is Grossman's incomparabl y pessimisti c novella Forever Flowing (Vse techet, first publishe d abroa d i n 1970 ) tha t i s relevant here . I n this wor k Grossma n explicitl y connect s th e ide a o f fat e t o Russia n mas ochism. In several chapters toward th e end of the work the reader encounter s Grossman's somewha t loos e but fascinatin g these s concerning "th e myt h of Russia n nationa l character " an d "th e fat e [rok ] an d characte r o f

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Russian history." 43 Accordin g t o Grossman' s narrator , "inexorabl e re pression o f th e individua l personality " an d "slavis h subjugatio n [kho lopskoe podchinenie ] o f th e individua l personalit y t o th e sovereig n an d to th e state " accompanie d th e "thousand-yea r histor y o f th e Russians. " This externa l forc e produce d a Christia n strengt h an d purit y o f nationa l character tha t wa s unlik e anythin g i n th e West . Russia n observers , suc h as Chaadaev , Gogol , an d Dostoevsky , ha d understoo d this , an d ha d honestly believe d tha t Russi a woul d eventuall y hav e somethin g ver y special t o offer t o the West. But they had no t understood somethin g else, namely, tha t "th e characteristic s o f th e Russia n sou l wer e bor n no t o f freedom, tha t th e Russia n sou l i s a thousand-year-ol d slave . An d wha t could a thousand-year-old slav e give to the world . . . ?" 44 Grossman's idea s o f "Russia n soul " an d "thousand-year-ol d slave " are personification s o f th e Russia n people . The y ar e no t persons , prop erly speaking , bu t the y resembl e persons . The y ar e metaphor s fo r th e many submissiv e person s i n Russia , o r fo r th e submissiv e character s i n Grossman's novel . Fo r example , th e "thousand-year-ol d slave " i s lik e the characte r Nikola i Andreevich , a Sovie t scientis t whos e "entir e lif e consisted o f on e long act of obedience , with n o trace of disobedience." 45 Grossman ha s clearl y bee n influence d b y Chaadaev , Custine , Ler montov, Berdiaev , an d othe r writer s o n th e slav e sou l o f Russia . Hi s contribution i s t o wiel d th e notio n o f Russia n masochis m a s a weapo n against Bolshevism , an d agains t Leni n i n particular . Grossman repeat s an d extend s hi s personification o f th e "thousand year-old slave. " A t on e poin t sh e i s a "grea t slave " ("Velikai a raba" ) who, havin g recentl y cas t of f th e chain s o f tsarism , marrie s Lenin . Sh e follows afte r hi m wit h obedien t step . Seeing that sh e i s so pliable, Leni n begins to lor d i t ove r her . Graduall y h e becomes alarme d an d frustrate d by her "sof t Russia n submissivenes s an d suggestibility." 46 Lenin coul d no t chang e Russia' s age-ol d slavis h essence . Fo r thi s reason, accordin g t o Grossman , h e was no t a true revolutionary : "Onl y those wh o encroac h o n th e ver y foundatio n o f ol d Russia—he r slav e soul [e e rabskuiu dushu]—ar e revolutionaries." 47 Lenin wa s victorious , yes , bu t th e Russia n sou l remaine d a slave . The narrato r say s tha t ther e i s nothin g mysteriou s abou t th e "Russia n soul," fo r slavishnes s i s no mystery . Th e rea l riddl e i s why Russi a seem s fated t o b e slavish :

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What i s this, really, a n exclusively Russia n la w of development ? Ca n i t be that the Russian soul, and only the Russian soul, is fated to develop not in direct proportion to the growth of freedom, but in proportion to the growth of slavery? Do we have here, after all , the destiny [rok ] of the Russian soul? 48 "Of cours e not, " retort s th e narrato r t o himself . Ther e ar e othe r coun tries whic h hav e slavis h traditions , too . Bu t still , fo r Russi a ther e i s indeed n o hope . Russia' s slavishnes s i s predestined . Suc h i s th e fat e o f history ("ro k istorii") . Eve n Lenin , wh o valiantl y attempte d t o absor b Western idea s o f freedom , faile d t o liberat e Russians . Lenin—wit h hi s fanatic Marxis t faith , hi s iro n will , his intoleranc e o f dissent , hi s cruelt y toward hi s enemies—wa s himsel f a product o f th e slavis h Russia n men tality. Leni n onl y manage d t o re-enslav e th e peasants , th e proletariat , the intelligentsia. H e coul d no t overcom e Russia n slavishnes s becaus e h e was a part o f it. He, like Dostoevsky an d the other "prophet s o f Russia, " "was bor n o f ou r unfreedom. " In Grossman' s view , ther e simpl y i s n o possibility fo r Russian s t o escape their enslavement . It is difficult t o imagin e a mor e pessimistic , fatalistic , and , fo r some , even offensiv e attitude . Many o f Grossman' s reader s were disturbed . H e was doin g something muc h mor e radica l tha n criticizin g the great Lenin . When i t wa s publishe d i n th e West , hi s novell a offende d Russia n chau vinists of both th e pro-Soviet an d anti-Sovie t bent. 49 When mor e recentl y it wa s publishe d i n Russia , som e writer s accuse d Grossma n o f "Russo phobia." 50 Anatoli i Anan'ev , wh o wa s responsibl e fo r publishin g i t i n the journa l Oktiabr', defende d Grossman : "th e phras e abou t Russia n soul bein g a thousand-year-ol d slav e provoke d fury . Bu t i f w e ar e no t slaves, then wh y hav e w e bee n submissivel y standin g i n lines fo r sevent y years, wh y hav e w e bee n applaudin g an y dogm a tha t happen s t o b e spoken fro m th e rostrum?" 5 1 What th e psychoanalys t i s likely t o notic e i n Grossman' s tex t i s th e association o f masochis m ("sof t Russia n submissivenes s an d suggestibil ity," "slav e soul" ) wit h th e notio n o f fat e (her e rok). In Grossman' s formulation, ther e is a predestined qualit y t o Russia n masochism . The analys t als o canno t mis s th e repeate d image s o f birth i n Gross man's text: "th e characteristics o f the Russian sou l were born [rozhdeny ] not o f freedom" ; "th e birt h [rozhdenie ] o f th e Russia n stat e system" ; Lenin wa s "bor n [rozhden ] o f ou r unfreedom; " "anywher e slaver y ex ists, suc h soul s ar e bor n [rozhdaiutsia], " etc. 52 Thi s kin d o f imager y

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suggests tha t th e fatednes s o f Russia' s slav e sou l originate s specificall y from birth. The on e wh o give s birt h is , of course , th e mother . Wha t Grossma n seems t o b e sayin g i n thes e philosophica l passage s i s tha t the very earliest relationship with a mother of some kind is what predetermines Russian slavishness. Three things , then , ar e connecte d fo r Grossman : masochism , fate , and th e mother. Thi s triple connection , a s we saw earlier, als o applies t o Dostoevsky's characte r Dmitri i Karamazo v (an d t o som e exten t i t ap plies t o Tat'ian a Larina , wit h Onegi n a mother-surrogat e rathe r tha n a literal mother) . Why shoul d masochisti c inclination s b e connecte d t o bot h fat e an d the imag e o f th e mother ? Thi s i s a questio n tha t canno t b e answere d without a detaile d consideratio n o f th e unconsciou s psychodynamic s of masochism . For tha t matter , man y othe r aspect s o f th e slav e sou l o f Russi a will remai n a myster y until—a t last—w e delv e int o th e psychoanalyti c literature o n masochism .

FIVE

Ontogeny and the Cultural Context

From a psychoanalytic perspective, the slave soul of Russi a i s best under stood a s an example of something Freud called moral masochism . Unlik e erotogenic masochisti c practice s (sometime s calle d perversio n masoch ism) i n whic h a n individua l ma y nee d t o b e bound, beaten , o r otherwis e mistreated i n orde r t o achiev e sexua l orgasm , an d unlik e sever e self destructive an d self-mutilativ e behavio r base d o n a pervasiv e disin tegration o f psychi c structures , mora l masochis m i s a relativel y mil d disturbance i n whic h th e otherwis e health y individua l searche s fo r opportunities t o suffer , t o b e humiliated, o r t o b e defeated . It doe s no t matter , accordin g t o Freud , wh o i t i s tha t satisfie s th e "need fo r punishment" : "Th e suffering itsel f i s what matters ; whether i t is decreed b y someon e wh o i s loved o r b y someon e wh o i s indifferent i s of n o importance . I t ma y eve n b e cause d b y impersona l power s o r b y circumstances; th e tru e masochis t alway s turn s hi s chee k wheneve r h e has a chance of receivin g a blow." 1 Karen Horne y say s tha t th e masochis t ma y b e overwhelme d b y a "feeling tha t goo d an d evi l com e fro m outside , tha t on e i s entirel y helpless toward fate, appearin g negatively in a sense of impending doom , positively i n a n expectatio n o f som e miracl e happenin g withou t one' s moving a ringer." 2 The idea s o f "impersona l powers, " "circumstances, " o r "fate " i n these formulation s soun d remarkabl y lik e th e Russia n idea s o f sud'ba and rok. Freu d discusse s huma n acceptanc e o f "th e dar k powe r o f Destiny" elsewher e in his essay on masochism , an d i n his New Introduc93

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tory Lectures on Psychoanalysis h e dwell s furthe r o n th e predestine d quality o f som e forms o f mora l masochism : There are people in whose lives the same reactions are perpetually being repeated uncorrected, t o thei r ow n detriment , o r other s wh o see m t o b e pursue d b y a relentless fat e [Schicksal] , though close r investigatio n teache s u s tha t the y ar e unwittingly bringin g thi s fat e o n themselves. In suc h case s we attribute a 'daemonic' character to the compulsion to repeat. 3 Ultimately, say s Freud , th e sens e o f unavoidabl e fat e i n suc h case s i s determined b y previou s experienc e o f th e parents , whic h i s t o sa y tha t fate i s no t s o impersona l afte r all : "Th e las t figur e i n th e serie s tha t began wit h th e parent s i s th e dar k powe r o f Destin y whic h onl y th e fewest o f u s ar e abl e t o loo k upo n a s impersonal"; "al l who transfe r th e guidance o f th e worl d t o Providence , t o God , o r t o Go d an d Nature , arouse a suspicio n tha t the y stil l loo k upo n thes e ultimat e an d remotes t powers a s a parental couple." 4 If th e powe r whic h threaten s th e masochis t ultimatel y emanate s from th e "parenta l couple, " the n th e ontogeneti c origi n o f masochis m must li e in childhood . A s Loewenstein says , "masochis m seem s to b e th e weapon o f th e weak—i.e. , o f ever y child—face d wit h th e dange r o f human aggression." 5

Clinical Developments since Freud Although Freu d speak s o f th e "parenta l couple " a s th e ultimat e source o f an y interna l nee d fo r sufferin g an d punishment , h e more ofte n than no t specifie s th e father a s th e mode l fo r th e psyche' s interna l disciplinarian (superego , conscience) , an d i n hi s articl e o n Dostoevsk y he declare s outrigh t tha t "Fat e is , in th e las t resort , onl y a late r projec tion o f th e Father." 6 Freud als o tends to focus o n the Oedipal dimensio n of interna l need s fo r suffering (e.g. , "throug h mora l masochis m moralit y becomes sexualize d onc e more , th e Oedipu s comple x i s revived an d th e way i s open fo r a regression fro m moralit y t o the Oedipu s complex"). 7 These tw o tendencie s o f Freud' s are , i n m y opinio n an d i n th e opinion o f man y othe r moder n psychoanalyst s an d psychologists , mis taken. Th e mother ha s a crucia l rol e t o pla y i n th e originatio n o f th e child's masochisti c tendencies , an d sh e play s he r rol e specificall y i n th e pre-Oedipal period . Thes e consideration s d o no t exclude , bu t comple ment th e later rol e of th e fathe r an d o f Oedipa l dynamics .

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The importanc e o f th e mothe r i n earl y developmen t ha s bee n em phasized i n man y post-Freudia n theorie s o f huma n ontogeny . Th e chil d begins its existence in a sort of symbiosi s with th e mother. Ther e follow s what som e psychoanalyst s ter m a separation-individuatio n process , which take s plac e very roughl y fro m abou t th e fourt h t o th e thirty-sixt h month o f age . Th e chil d acquire s th e fundamental s o f it s "mothe r tongue" specificall y i n th e contex t o f it s earl y relationshi p wit h th e mother. I t i s i n thi s contex t tha t th e chil d als o learn s th e elementar y moves o f giv e and tak e required fo r al l subsequent reciproca l interactio n with persons . The chil d ha s its first erotic experiences i n the pre-Oedipa l situation. An d s o on . In man y respect s th e mother-chil d dya d i s th e prototype o f al l significan t socia l interactio n th e chil d wil l eve r have . There i s an enormou s literatur e (no t onl y psychoanalytic ) o n th e funda mental importanc e o f th e mother i n early chil d development. 8 How doe s this literature contribut e t o our understandin g o f masoch istic practices? Wha t rol e does the pre-Oedipal mothe r pla y in the child' s acquisition o f masochistic tendencies? Th e existing theories on pre-Oedi pal mother-chil d relation s ar e ver y heterogeneous , an d the y d o no t always dea l wit h th e proble m o f masochism . Bu t fro m thos e whic h do , it i s possibl e t o teas e ou t a threa d o f commo n concern s a s regard s th e ontogenetic origi n an d adul t manifestation s o f masochism . Many psychoanalyst s hol d tha t th e adul t masochis t ha s suffere d some for m o f deprivatio n o r traum a a t th e hand s o f th e pre-Oedipa l mother. Th e mothe r ma y no t hav e bee n sensitiv e enoug h t o th e child' s need fo r milk , sh e ma y hav e bee n emotionall y unresponsiv e (o r re sponded inappropriately ) i n dyadi c interactio n wit h th e child , o r sh e may hav e physicall y abuse d th e child . Suc h a mothe r has , i n a sense , defeated he r child , an d th e child , havin g ha d n o adequat e experienc e o f what i t mean s t o b e victorious , grow s u p t o b e someon e wh o tend s t o engage i n self-defeatin g behavior . Th e masochis t repeats prio r defeats . In effect : " I shal l repea t th e masochisti c wis h o f bein g deprive d b y my mother, b y creatin g o r misusin g situation s i n whic h som e substitut e o f my pre-Oedipal mother-imag e shal l refus e m y wishes." 9 Masochism shoul d no t b e blame d entirel y o n mothers , however . Life i s no t eas y eve n fo r th e infan t whos e mothe r i s doin g everythin g humanly possibl e t o car e fo r it . Anxiety i s unavoidable i n infancy . Also , some infant s ma y simpl y b e constitutionall y incapabl e o f withstandin g the treatmen t the y receiv e fro m perfectl y norma l mothers. 10 Ther e ar e

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defective infant s a s wel l a s defectiv e mothers . I want t o avoi d th e kin d of stigmatizatio n o f mother s tha t resulte d fro m th e once-popula r ter m "schizophrenogenic mother. " Psychoanalyst s d o no t alway s see m t o b e aware o f ho w muc h the y blam e their patients ' mothers . In an y case , i t i s th e psychoanalyti c consensu s tha t something wen t wrong i n th e masochist' s earl y interactio n wit h hi s o r he r mother — regardless o f wh o wa s "a t fault. " A s Kerr y Kell y Novic k an d Jac k Novick assert , "th e first laye r o f masochis m mus t b e sough t i n earl y infancy, i n the child' s adaptatio n t o a situation wher e safet y reside s onl y in a painful relationshi p wit h th e mother." n Something ma y late r g o wrong i n the relationshi p wit h th e fathe r a s well, of course , o r wit h othe r individuals . Bu t usuall y masochisti c prob lems originate i n interaction wit h th e mother, i f only because the mothe r is usually the child's primary caretaker—i n Russia , as elsewhere—in th e crucial earl y phases o f development . Indeed, b y virtu e o f he r uniquel y powerfu l positio n i n th e youn g child's life , th e mothe r enormousl y influence s al l o f th e child' s subse quent thinkin g an d fantasizin g abou t dominanc e an d submission . Th e pre-Oedipal mothe r i s the prototypica l "master, " th e chil d i s the proto typical "slave. " Psychologis t Doroth y Dinnerstei n ha s writte n o n thi s topic: In our first real contests of will, we find ourselves, more often tha n not, defeated : The defeat is always intimately carnal; and the victor is always female. Through woman's jurisdictio n ove r child' s passionat e body , throug h he r contro l ove r what goe s int o i t an d wha t come s ou t o f it , throug h he r righ t t o restric t it s movements an d invad e it s orifices , t o withhol d pleasur e o r inflic t pai n unti l i t obeys her wishes, each huma n bein g first discovers the peculiarly angry , bitter sweet experience of conscious surrender to conscious, determined outside rule.12 When th e child—fo r whateve r reason—ha s thi s "bitterswee t experi ence" mor e ofte n tha n i t ca n bear , the n i t i s in som e sens e permanentl y injured. It s sense of itsel f (a s distinct fro m others) , its evaluation o f itsel f (narcissism) i s affected . Th e masochis t is , amon g othe r things , foreve r trying to repair ol d injur y t o th e self. Only the repair fails . What i s more, this failure seem s to b e planned . The masochis t seek s ou t failure , sometime s eve n seem s to enjo y it . Ho w can thi s be ? Paradox lie s a t th e hear t o f masochism . Th e masochis t achieve s what Thoedor e Rei k call s "victor y throug h defeat." 13 Arnol d Coope r

ONTOGENY AND TH E CULTURAL CONTEXT 97 speaks o f "th e p a r a d o x o f pleasure-in-unpleasure." 1 4 Anit a Kat z finds i t paradoxical tha t "th e masochisti c perso n contradict s himsel f o r herself , speaking an d actin g agains t self-striving s an d self-fulfillmen t i n a seem ingly absur d m a n n e r . " A strikin g clinica l exampl e i s offere d b y Katz : After severa l year s o f ou r work , sh e [ a self-deprecating , self-defeatin g patient ] said: " I want yo u t o b e my mother. " Whe n I asked he r wha t tha t woul d b e like, she startle d bot h o f u s b y beginnin g t o hi t hersel f o n he r fac e an d head . Sh e screamed, "D o yo u se e wha t I did ? I bea t mysel f whe n I thin k o f bein g mothered." On anothe r occasion , whe n th e patien t wa s agai n beatin g herself , th e analyst tol d he r t o si t u p an d sto p it . Th e patien t the n asked , i n complet e innocence: "That' s no t goo d fo r me , i s it—beatin g m y s e l f ? " 1 5 Masoch ists ca n b e surprisingl y ignoran t o f th e h a r m the y d o t o themselves . Various attempt s hav e bee n mad e t o explai n th e p a r a d o x o f masoch ism. Danie l Stern , i n hi s discussio n o f th e "paradoxica l stimulation " offered t o infant s b y relativel y unresponsiv e an d neglectin g mothers , offers a behavioris t rathe r tha n a psychoanalyti c model . Accordin g t o Stern, ther e i s a clas s o f mother s w h o see m abl e t o reinforc e onl y th e self-hurtful behavio r o f thei r infants : All infant s hav e a "repertoire " o f commo n self-hurtfu l o r discomfortin g mishaps, suc h a s losin g thei r balanc e i n th e chai r an d fallin g "slo w motion " t o one side; or missing their mout h wit h a spoonful an d landin g the stuff i n the eye, ear, o r chin ; o r misjudgin g a reac h fo r somethin g an d fallin g forwar d o n thei r face; o r miscalculatin g th e trajector y o f a n objec t the y ar e bringin g towar d thei r face an d bumpin g i t agains t thei r forehead . Man y o f thes e misoccurrence s ar e i n fact funn y i n th e wa y tha t slapstic k i s funny , an d mos t caregiver s ma y laug h (i f there is no rea l injury) an d als o give some soothing "there-there " behaviors . What i s unusual abou t thi s group o f mother s i s that onl y whe n on e of thes e mishaps befall s th e infan t d o the y com e alive . Onl y whe n inspire d b y th e "funny" circumstance s o f th e infant's discomfor t doe s th e mother perfor m livel y infant-elicited socia l behaviors . A t thos e moment s sh e shift s fro m he r deadpa n uninvolvement an d become s a n effectiv e socia l partner . A t that point , th e infan t usually rapidl y recover s fro m hi s misha p i n respons e t o hi s "transformed " mother, an d the y the n shar e on e o f thei r rar e moment s o f mutuall y pleasurabl e and excitin g stimulation . Th e proble m o f cours e i s tha t th e infant' s mai n mo ments o f interactiv e deligh t an d livelines s wit h hi s mothe r ar e dependen t upo n and perhap s becom e associate d wit h a n immediatel y precedin g unpleasurabl e feeling. A mor e idea l learnin g paradig m coul d hardl y b e devise d fo r acquirin g the basis of masochism : pai n a s the condition an d prerequisit e fo r pleasure . (Th e maternal behavio r o f thes e mothers i s not without obviou s sadism.) 16

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Stern doe s no t sugges t tha t thi s i s th e onl y rout e t o masochism , bu t clearly thi s particular rout e i s in som e sense the "fault " o f th e mother . Another—more psychoanalytic—ide a i s tha t masochisti c practice s derive fro m th e child' s defiant , sadisti c feeling s initiall y directe d towar d an externa l objec t suc h a s a parent, bu t whic h hav e the n bee n redirecte d inward a s a resul t o f identificatio n wit h th e object. 17 In thi s view , mas ochism i s sadis m turne d inwards . A n exampl e woul d b e th e littl e bo y who become s enrage d an d bite s himsel f instea d o f th e paren t whe n th e parent impose s som e restriction. 18 Another approac h focuse s o n th e individual' s nee d t o control th e people wh o administe r pain . Irvin g Biebe r describe s a three-and-a-half year-old gir l wh o attempte d t o contro l he r mother' s punishin g behavio r by punishing herself : During the preceding year, whenever one parent, especially the mother, punished the gir l physically , th e chil d woul d inflic t o r threate n t o inflic t self-injury . Sh e would strike her hands or head on solid objects with sufficient forc e to produce hematomata; o r sh e would bur n he r han d o n a radiator , o r ove r a n ope n ga s flame i f sh e coul d ge t t o it . B y these maneuver s sh e wa s largel y successfu l i n preventing physical punishment. 19 To b e mor e precise : sh e was successfu l i n preventing punishmen t by the parent, fo r sh e di d nonetheles s punis h herself . Sh e gaine d a measur e o f control ove r th e situatio n b y takin g tha t contro l awa y fro m th e parent . Her masochisti c action s constitute d a narcissisti c assertion , i n effect : " I did it. " Contro l require s a self wh o controls . Related t o contro l i s the notion o f mastery. Ott o Fenichel , for exam ple, discusse s "repetition s o f traumati c event s fo r th e purpose o f achiev ing a belate d mastery." 20 I n Beyond the Pleasure Principle Freu d de scribes a littl e bo y wh o wa s tryin g t o overcom e th e anxiet y o f bein g separated fro m hi s mother. The boy developed a game in which he thre w objects awa y an d then , wit h grea t pleasure , "found " the m again . Th e game wa s repeate d agai n an d again . Th e apparentl y compulsiv e natur e of the play led Freud t o his concept o f the repetition compulsio n ("Wied erholungszwang"). 21 No t al l suc h repetitio n i s necessaril y masochistic , although mos t analyst s agre e tha t masochisti c practice s d o ten d t o b e repetitive i n nature . According t o Edmun d Bergler , th e future masochis t initiall y master s the painful aspect s o f th e pre-Oedipal situatio n b y "sugarcoating " them , that is , b y reversin g thei r rea l significance : "N o on e frustrate d m e

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against m y wishes ; I frustrate d mysel f becaus e I lik e it." 2 2 Again , th e shift o f contro l i s awa y fro m a n outsid e agen t t o th e assertin g self . Thi s shift i s base d o n a n illusion , o f course , fo r i t woul d neve r hav e ha d t o take plac e i f th e sel f wer e really i n control . Bu t i t doe s giv e th e devel oping chil d a mean s t o reduc e anxiety , a s wel l a s a potentia l sourc e o f pleasure. Th e chil d activel y trie s t o obtai n pleasure , eve n i f th e condi tions ar e inappropriate an d succes s is unlikely. 23 A s Cooper put s it : "th e infant claim s a s its own, an d endow s wit h a s much pleasur e a s possible , whatever i s familiar , whethe r painfu l experience s o r unempathi c mothers." 24 Masochistic behavio r i n adult s i s not alway s obviou s t o th e outsid e observer. I t ma y eve n appea r a s a norma l strivin g fo r goals . Bu t a littl e free associatio n o n th e couc h reveal s wha t i s goin g on , a t leas t t o th e attentive analyst . Her e i s one o f th e numerou s clinica l example s offere d by Bergler : A young man ha d develope d a n amorou s attachmen t fo r a girl outside his financial and socia l sphere , an d wa s ver y consciou s o f th e obstacles . He constantly reiterated the hopelessness of the situation and stated that the inevitable day must come when the family would convince the girl to give him up. On e evening th e gir l tol d hi m tha t a n ol d frien d o f her s wa s goin g t o b e i n tow n shortly an d aske d hi m whethe r h e woul d objec t t o he r seein g him . Thi s tria l balloon, testin g hi s "notorious " jealousy , wa s immediatel y use d b y th e youn g man fo r a violen t scene , with whic h h e unconsciousl y hastene d th e inevitabl e end.25 The youn g man , i n effect , planne d th e unhapp y endin g o f a n affai r tha t might actuall y hav e turne d ou t wel l (o r migh t hav e turne d ou t wel l i f a different gir l ha d bee n chosen) . Othe r psychoanalyst s hav e observe d other kind s o f pathologica l infatuatio n an d masochisti c pattern s o f fall ing i n love . Ott o Kernberg , fo r example , describe s patient s wh o receiv e "narcissistic gratificatio n an d fulfillmen t i n th e enslavemen t t o a n un available object." 26 Th e gratificatio n i s narcissisti c i n th e sens e tha t th e patient i s rewarde d wit h a n implici t feelin g o f grandiosit y o r mora l superiority ove r th e rejectin g object . I n effect: " I am the greatest suffere r of th e world." 2 7 This is also a somewhat exhibitionistic (Rei k would sa y "demonstra tive") idea . Th e masochis t i s alway s posturing . Psychoanalyst s hav e noted the theatricality o f masochism, the masochist's need for a "public " of som e sort . I t i s unusual fo r a masochisti c ac t t o tak e plac e withou t a

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witness, a t leas t a n imaginar y witness . In th e deepes t layer s o f th e masochist's psyche this witness i s always the pre-Oedipal mother . In the immediate clinica l situation , however, th e witness is the thera pist. Masochist s lov e t o perfor m self-destructiv e act s i n th e presenc e o f the perso n wh o i s tryin g t o preven t the m fro m performin g suc h acts . One o f Bergler' s patients , a depressed , unemploye d woma n o f mean s who regarde d workin g wome n a s "sill y slaves, " consistentl y showe d u p late fo r he r psychoanalyti c sessions . Ye t sh e wa s alway s disappointe d that th e analys t coul d no t devot e mor e tim e t o her . Sometime s sh e wa s so late tha t onl y five minutes o f th e sessio n remained , ye t she insisted o n having a ful l sessio n o f treatment . Sh e coul d no t understan d tha t th e doctor ha d t o sen d her away , eve n though sh e knew anothe r patien t wa s waiting. Sh e perceived th e docto r a s a n unjus t tyrant , whe n i n fac t sh e was punishing herself . She was als o incapable o f makin g an y connectio n between he r feeling s abou t th e analys t an d he r hatre d o f he r mother , whom sh e regarded a s some kind o f monster. 28 Masochistic behavio r i s ofte n accompanie d b y feeling s o f self-righ teousness o r self-pity . "Poo r me, " the patient seem s to say, " I am alway s getting mistreated. " Ye t the patient someho w alway s manages t o en d u p in a situatio n tha t result s i n suffering . Th e patien t wallow s i n suffering , even while complaining constantl y abou t it . Such patient s becom e wha t Bergle r call s "injustic e collectors. " The y go abou t th e worl d searchin g fo r ever-ne w way s t o b e "kicke d i n th e jaw." O n th e surfac e the y appea r t o b e aggressive , the y see m t o hav e a "chip o n th e shoulder, " bu t the y ar e onl y tryin g t o provok e aggressio n from other s b y their behavior—an d the y often succeed . Many masochist s ar e desperatel y i n nee d o f love . They use sufferin g to obtai n sympath y an d lov e fro m others . Thi s i s evident , fo r example , in on e subtyp e o f wha t Ott o Kernber g call s "depressive-masochisti c personality disorder " i n whic h ther e ar e "trait s reflectin g overdepen dency o n support , love , and acceptanc e fro m others. " These traits revea l "a tendenc y t o excessiv e guil t feeling s towar d other s becaus e o f uncon scious ambivalenc e towar d love d an d neede d objects , an d a n excessiv e reaction o f frustratio n whe n thei r expectation s ar e no t met. " Fo r thes e patients th e "sens e o f bein g rejecte d an d mistreate d a s a reactio n t o relatively mino r slight s ma y lea d the m t o unconsciou s behavior s geare d to makin g th e objects o f thei r lov e feel guilty." 29 As Bernhard Berline r put s it , suc h patient s tr y t o "extor t love " fro m

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others. 30 Ott o Feniche l speak s o f th e "accusing , blackmailin g tone " o f the masochist. 31 Or , t o us e a n America n slan g expression , masochist s like t o "la y guil t trips " o n th e peopl e aroun d them , an d ofte n suffe r (o r rather, tr y t o enjoy ) rejectio n a s a result . The lov e whic h th e masochis t ultimatel y seek s i s a mother' s love — often metonymicall y represente d a s th e pre-Oedipa l mother' s breast . One self-pitying , self-deprecatin g masochis t wrot e th e followin g i n a note to her analyst : I was about to say that I think I over-love my mother, and am afraid o f this, also afraid o f he r love because there i s something disgustin g abou t it . I don't kno w why it should be disgusting, but it is . .. I would say large, flopping breasts come into the picture, over-earthiness.32 To "over-love " th e floppy-breasted mothe r i s to need her love too much , and th e feelin g o f disgus t i n thi s cas e i s clearly a compensatory reactio n (the technica l ter m i s reactio n formation) . Bernhar d Berline r say s tha t "the masochis t hang s on , s o to speak , t o a breast whic h i s not ther e an d which h e ha s t o repudiat e whe n i t coul d b e there , symbolically." 33 Esther Menake r als o emphasize s th e backgroun d o f fel t ora l deprivatio n by the mothe r i n masochistic behavior : The normal development of the ego is as directly dependent on getting love from the mother at the earliest infantile level, as is the physical development on getting milk. I f mothe r lov e o n th e ora l leve l i s absen t o r insufficient , th e individua l suffers a psychic trauma whic h mus t eventuate in a malformation an d malfunc tion of the ego. The masochistic reaction i s one form o f an attempt on the part of the ego to deal with this trauma. It sacrifices itself, that is, its own independent development an d th e sens e o f it s own worth , t o sustai n th e illusio n o f mothe r love—an idealized mother image—without which life itself is impossible.34 This ide a i s illustrated b y th e cas e o f a masochisti c woma n patien t wh o was literall y deprive d o f he r mothe r an d care d fo r b y a bus y uncl e fo r the first fou r o r five month s o f he r life . Thi s masochis t certainl y ha d inadequate motherin g durin g the crucia l pre-Oedipa l period . An eve n mor e graphi c exampl e i s the drea m Dmitri i Karamazo v ha s shortly befor e hi s masochistic declaratio n o f guil t (se e above, 84) . Recall that th e mothe r i n th e drea m i s unabl e t o fee d he r child . He r breast s are drie d out , an d th e chil d i s cryin g pitifully . Dmitri i i s very move d b y this. H e want s t o cr y himself . H e identifie s wit h th e child , h e under stands ho w th e chil d mus t feel , sinc e he himself ha d bee n abandone d b y his mothe r whe n h e wa s thre e year s old . H e mus t fee l th e child' s ow n

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rage agains t th e mothe r fo r no t providin g nourishment . Bu t hostilit y against th e belove d mothe r i s boun d t o produc e guilt , whic h i s to say that th e hostility i s redirecte d bac k agains t th e self. Guil t feelin g is , by psychoanalytic definition , a n imagined experienc e o f aggression directe d against th e self: " . . . the self-reproaches ar e reproaches agains t a loved object whic h hav e bee n shifte d awa y fro m i t o n t o th e patient' s ow n ego." 3 5 Not fo r nothing, then, doe s Dmitrii guiltil y bea t his own breas t afte r the dream , fo r his unhappy drea m chil d (i.e. , he himself a s a child) had raged agains t th e mother's dried-ou t breasts . Th e masochisti c declara tion o f guil t ("o f al l I am the lowest reptile, " " I need a blow, a blow of sud'ba" etc. ) is this rage , redirecte d awa y fro m th e inadequate mothe r and towar d th e self. When late r Dmitri i repeatedl y say s "It' s for that bab e I am going to Siberia now," 3 6 h e is rationalizing hi s guilt feelings , explainin g t o him self an d t o thos e aroun d hi m wh y h e welcome s th e punishmen t o f Siberia. I f ther e weren' t an y childre n deprive d o f th e mother' s breast , there wouldn' t hav e t o b e any sought-for Siberia . I f mother s wer e (per ceived as) adequate, there wouldn't b e any masochism. Here Dostoevsk y achieves a n essentiall y psychoanalyti c insigh t b y mean s o f literar y images.

Is Masochism Gendered? As is evident fro m th e variety of clinical example s I have given, bot h males an d females ma y engage i n masochistic practices . I t is not clear a priori, then , whethe r th e slav e sou l o f Russi a migh t o r migh t no t b e a gendered object . Ther e i s reaso n t o believe , however , tha t certai n o f these practice s unde r certai n condition s ar e mor e prevalen t i n on e sex than i n the other. Fighting wars, for example, is an arguably masochisti c activit y practiced almos t exclusivel y b y male s i n all cultures. On e may debate wha t constitutes a reasonable caus e for taking the extreme ris k of charging an enemy position—th e motherlan d an d Stalin, freedo m an d justice, oil in the Persia n Gulf , or whatever—but on e cannot doub t tha t men do these things mor e ofte n tha n wome n do , and tha t the y ofte n di e as a result . Perhaps thi s masochisti c aspec t o f warfar e ha s bee n neglecte d becaus e the sadisti c aspec t i s s o obvious . Th e feudin g prince s o f ancien t Rus '

ONTOGENY AND THE CULTURAL CONTEXT 103 understood i t quit e well, however, fo r the y interprete d deat h i n battl e a s a deserve d punishment. In effect : " I believ e I a m right ; i f I a m wron g God wil l punish me. " 37 Sexual masochis m i s also mor e commo n amon g male s than females . Morton Hun t found , fo r example , tha t nearl y twic e a s man y male s a s females i n hi s sampl e obtaine d sexua l pleasur e fro m receivin g pain. 38 Males, incidentally , ar e als o mor e likel y tha n female s t o b e sexua l sa dists. 39 Curiously, i t i s almos t alway s mal e sexua l masochist s wh o do n th e clothes o f th e opposit e sex . Thi s make s sens e i n ligh t o f th e fac t tha t women generall y hav e a lowe r socia l statu s tha n me n do. 40 I f on e (whether mal e o r female ) need s t o b e spanked , o r bound , o r otherwis e humiliated i n orde r t o achiev e orgasm , on e ma y a s wel l choos e gende r signs tha t "go " wit h th e occasio n (e.g. , a n apro n rathe r tha n a joc k strap). 41 In som e nonsexua l context s wome n appea r t o b e mor e masochisti c than men . Psychotherapist s ar e familia r wit h a patter n o f victimizatio n that man y wome n see m to gravitat e toward . A s Lynn Chance r observes , if suc h a pattern di d no t reall y exist , i t would b e difficul t t o explai n th e popularity o f suc h self-hel p title s a s Women Who Love Too Much o r Men Who Hate Women and the Women Who Love Them. 42 The notio n tha t wome n ar e inherentl y masochistic , however , ha s been controversial , t o sa y the least , an d Freu d di d no t hel p matter s wit h his unclea r idea s abou t "femal e masochism." 43 Withi n th e psychoana lytic community ther e have been conflicting view s on the extent to whic h women ar e masochistic. 44 Som e feminis t psychologist s hav e vigorousl y attacked "th e myt h o f women's masochism." 45 There ar e som e empirica l dat a t o g o on . Fo r example , Frederi c Kass, i n a stud y o f wha t i s nowaday s calle d "self-defeatin g personalit y disorder" b y man y i n th e America n psychiatri c community , foun d tha t the followin g "masochisti c personalit y criteria " wer e significantl y mor e frequent i n female patient s tha n i n male patients: Remains i n relationship s i n whic h other s exploit , abuse , o r tak e advantage o f hi m o r her, despit e opportunities t o alte r the situation . Believes tha t h e o r sh e almos t alway s sacrifice s ow n interest s fo r those o f others . Rejects help , gifts, o r favor s s o as not t o b e a burden o n others .

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Responds t o succes s o r positiv e event s b y feelin g undeservin g o r worrying excessivel y abou t no t bein g abl e t o measur e u p t o ne w responsibilities. Thinks onl y abou t hi s or her worst feature s an d ignore s positive fea tures. 46 It i s possible , however , tha t man y o f th e wome n i n Kass' s sampl e wer e living in abusiv e home situations . After all , when spous e abus e occurs, it is women, no t men , wh o ar e usuall y th e victims . Th e highe r figure s fo r self-defeating attitude s in women coul d reflect, i n part, a natural reactio n to bein g traumatize d o r t o havin g bee n traumatized : "Ther e i s n o justi fication fo r labelin g a s a cor e par t o f someone' s personalit y patter n the reactiv e behavio r whic h victim s develop, " say s feminis t therapis t Lynne Rosewater. 47 When Rosewate r assesse d a grou p o f battere d wome n usin g th e Minnesota Multiphasi c Personalit y Inventor y (MMPI) , sh e foun d re markably hig h score s fo r ange r directed inward. Thi s anger , moreover , was "ofte n experience d a s guilt—a feelin g o f bein g personally responsi ble for th e ba d thing s tha t happen." 48 Suc h findings ar e i n keepin g wit h the genera l tendenc y fo r wome n t o direc t feeling s inwar d an d t o blam e themselves (wherea s me n ten d t o direc t feeling s outwar d an d blam e others). 49 Battered wome n wh o direc t ange r inward s clearl y exhibi t masoch ism (i n Freud's sens e of sadis m directe d inwards) . But feminist psycholo gists prefe r t o avoi d bot h th e ter m "masochism " an d th e expressio n "self-defeating personalit y disorder " i n makin g a diagnosis : "T o labe l victims a s self-defeatin g personalit y disorder s i s simpl y t o revictimiz e them." 5 0 "T o perpetuat e victimizatio n i n th e nam e o f nosolog y i s un conscionable." 51 I doub t tha t mos t masochist s rea d diagnosti c manual s o r ar e give n access t o thei r diagnosi s b y thei r therapists , an d therefor e the y ar e no t likely t o b e harme d b y th e diagnosi s itself . I t i s possible , however , tha t some therapist s ar e s o insensitiv e a s t o allo w th e diagnosi s o f "masoch ism" o r "self-defeatin g personalit y disorder " t o adversel y influenc e th e way the y trea t thei r wome n patients . Tha t is , som e therapist s ma y b e tempted t o blam e th e patien t rathe r tha n hel p th e patien t ge t ou t o f a traumatic situation . Fo r suc h therapists—and ther e ar e many o f them, if

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the feminist s ar e t o b e believed—i t i s probabl y bette r t o spea k o f bat tered woma n syndrome, 52 learne d helplessness, 53 o r som e othe r ter m that doe s not in any way lead the therapist to make a negative evaluatio n of th e victim . Suc h a n approac h shoul d als o b e take n t o judge s an d juries, for the y ar e in a position t o d o legal harm t o women. 54 For purpose s o f thi s book , however , i t i s possibl e t o cal l a spad e a spade. Battere d wome n d o ten d t o sta y i n thei r abusiv e relationships , that is , the y behav e i n accordanc e wit h th e definitio n o f masochis m given a t th e beginnin g o f thi s boo k (p . 7) . Bu t n o therap y i s bein g proposed here , no r i s an y exper t opinio n bein g offere d t o a court . I a m doing applie d psychoanalysis , no t therapeuti c o r forensi c psycho analysis. In any case, I am quite awar e that victims are not necessarily respon sible fo r thei r victimization . Iosi f Stalin , fo r example , i s at leas t partiall y responsible fo r th e terrible thing s that befel l th e Sovie t people (includin g his secon d wife) , a s I hav e argue d elsewhere. 55 On e ma y legitimatel y study ho w som e victim s (abuse d women , slavis h Russians , etc. ) allo w themselves t o b e victimize d withou t denyin g tha t (1 ) sadist s an d othe r victimizers d o exist , an d (2 ) som e victims pla y n o welcoming rol e what soever i n thei r victimization , tha t is , some victim s ar e no t masochist s a t all. Also , havin g a n inferio r socia l statu s (e.g. , femal e o r serf ) doe s no t necessarily mea n tha t on e i s a masochist . Masochis m ma y hel p on e endure lo w status , bu t toleratin g lo w socia l statu s doe s no t necessaril y mean on e is masochistic, or masochisti c al l of the time . Even whe n victim s ar e behavin g masochisticall y the y ar e no t neces sarily suffering fro m a "personalit y disorder " (thi s is * why I prefe r th e simple ter m "masochism " t o th e gratuitousl y evaluativ e "self-defeatin g personality disorder'''). Masochisti c behavior s ca n b e adaptive , bot h i n the clinical an d Darwinia n sense s of th e word. Fo r example, initiation o f dangerous physica l comba t ma y lea d t o self-destruction , ye t i t ma y b e the only reasonable thing to do in certain situations . It may both enhanc e the probabilit y o f surviva l an d eliminat e th e unbearabl e emotiona l ten sion o f waitin g fo r th e enem y t o attack . Similarly , a battere d woma n may i n effec t welcom e furthe r injur y b y stayin g wit h he r abusiv e mate , but sh e ma y als o b e gainin g th e advantag e o f som e fatherin g fo r he r children, an d th e abusiv e situatio n ma y satisf y emotiona l need s o f he r own tha t othe r situation s cannot .

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The Masochisms Questionable Self and Unquestionable Other Masochists ca n b e extremel y resistan t t o psychotherapy . I n thi s connection Freu d spok e o f a "negativ e therapeuti c reaction. " Stuar t Asch describe s wha t h e (afte r Bergler ) call s th e "malignant " masochist : "These masochisti c character s ar e extremel y resistan t t o analyzin g be havior an d attitude s that the y maintain i n order t o perpetuate a primitive attachment t o a n interna l object , a preoedipa l conflict . Th e attachmen t is a residual o f incomplete separation-individuatio n fro m th e early moth ering object." 56 Accordin g t o Asch , thes e patient s ar e stil l s o influence d by th e interna l representatio n o f a "devouring , sadisti c mother " tha t they tr y t o appease tha t imag e by sabotaging th e therapy : The gratificatio n i n failure , wit h it s associate d ai m t o mak e th e therapis t o r parent or surrogate helpless to stop the patient, is often tie d to a specific fantasy . The primary lov e object, usuall y th e preoedipal mother , i s somehow awar e of this joustin g an d i s watchin g an d approvin g o f th e defea t o f th e analyst . Th e patient experience s i t as reuniting him with his preoedipal object. Th e negative therapeutic reaction i n these instances is intended t o defeat th e analyst's aim of disengaging the masochist from hi s death embrace with the internalized preoedipal, engulfing mother figure.57 Sometimes thes e patient s d o succee d i n bringin g th e therap y t o a com plete halt . Th e analys t simpl y ha s t o giv e up , an d th e patien t ma y wal k out, neve r t o return . Helen Meyer s take s a somewha t mor e optimisti c attitud e towar d malignant masochists . She , lik e man y othe r analysts , recognize s th e importance o f th e pre-Oedipa l mother : "Unconsciously , th e masochis t continues to 'seduce ' his internalized, critical, maternal objec t an d repeti tively reenacts , i n curren t relationship s an d i n th e transference , th e ol d scenario learne d a t hi s mother' s knee." 58 Bu t Meyer s als o pay s particu lar attentio n t o the important rol e that masochis m ca n play in the child' s attainment o f self-definitio n an d separatenes s fro m th e mother , an d thi s leads her t o b e tolerant o f th e masochist's nee d to b e negativistic: The "no " o f th e two-year-ol d toddle r help s hi m defin e himself , eve n whe n i t involves getting into trouble. Unpleasure is experienced as a necessary accompaniment or condition for the pleasure in and drive for separateness and individuation. Th e adul t masochist' s " I will , too , b e self-destructiv e an d yo u can't sto p me" assert s his control, but also defines hi m as an independent agent , separate,

ONTOGENY AND THE CULTURAL CONTEXT 107 autonomous, and individuated. "I am the sufferer" define s his identity, though a negative one.59 "As difficul t a s thi s ma y b e fo r th e therapist, " say s Meyers , "i t ma y b e necessary fo r th e patien t t o fai l o n hi s own , befor e h e ca n giv e u p thi s masochistic stanc e without fea r o f merger. " 60 This "fea r o f merger, " whic h derive s fro m a n insufficien t sens e o f separateness an d individuality , i s important i n certai n form s o f masoch ism. I t i s a s i f th e masochis t doe s no t hav e a separat e identit y unles s h e or sh e i s suffering: Doleo ergo sum, I suffer, therefor e I am—to quot e a Cartesian neologis m tha t ha s appeare d mor e than onc e in the psycholog ical literature o n masochism. 61 An insufficient sens e of individual identit y i s as much the masochist' s narcissistic proble m a s i s lo w self-esteem . Whe n th e masochisti c ac t i s designed t o sho w tha t " J a m i n control , no t someon e else" (se e above , 98), then ther e i s an implici t dange r tha t th e "I " might b e confused wit h the "someon e else. " Similarly , whe n th e masochisti c ac t i s aime d a t mastery o f a previou s traum a (above , 98) , th e implicatio n i s tha t th e trauma ha s threatene d th e ver y bein g o f th e masochist . Th e boundarie s of th e sel f wh o master s ar e cleare r tha n thos e o f th e sel f wh o i s trauma tized. Daniel Kriegma n an d Malcol m Slavi n (1989 ) sugges t tha t repeti tively self-defeatin g behavio r i n th e clinica l situatio n i s aime d a t th e completion o f a previousl y interrupte d constructio n o f th e self . I n thi s Darwinian vie w th e sel f i s a n "organ " whic h ha s bee n produce d b y natural selection , an d whic h reflect s th e inclusiv e geneti c interest s o f the individual . Robert Stoloro w believe s that "masochisti c activities , as one o f thei r multiple functions , ma y serv e a s abortiv e effort s t o restore , repair , but tress an d sustai n a self-representatio n tha t ha d bee n damage d an d ren dered precariou s b y injuriou s experience s durin g th e earl y pre-oedipa l era, when th e self-representatio n i s developmentally mos t vulnerable." 62 To illustrat e thi s thesis , Stoloro w point s ou t tha t som e masochist s ar e relieved o f anxiet y whe n the y experienc e ski n contac t wit h a belove d person, o r whe n thei r ski n i s stimulate d i n som e unusua l way : "th e structurally deficien t masochist . . . seeks erotic stimulation an d warmin g of th e ski n surface , becaus e i t highlight s th e outline s o f hi s precariou s body imag e an d restore s hi s sens e o f self-cohesion." 63 Stoloro w argue s that th e well-know n exhibitionisti c tendencie s o f masochist s (e.g. , con -

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cern wit h martyrdom ) als o serv e t o shor e u p a failin g self-image . Som e masochists fee l the y d o not even exist unless they are observed. Roy Baumeiste r ha s offere d a theor y o f (erotogenic ) masochis m that seem s t o b e th e opposit e o f Stolorow's . Accordin g t o Baumeister , masochistic practice s d o no t facilitat e cohesio n o f th e self, bu t provid e an avenu e of escape fro m it : Masochism ma y appeal to psychologically norma l peopl e as a way of escaping from the self. That is, masochism divests the person of awareness of self in highlevel, symbolic , meaningfu l terms , extendin g int o th e pas t an d future . I n its place, masochis m focuse s awarenes s o n the self a t extremel y lo w levels; a s a physical entit y existin g i n the immediate present , passivel y experiencin g sensa tions and simple movements. Masochism deconstructs the self, providing escape from identit y into body. 64 If on e needs t o escap e fro m th e self, however , ther e mus t b e a proble m with tha t self . I t doe s no t naturall y cohere , i t woul d fal l apar t withou t periodic relie f o f som e kin d (Baumeiste r focuse s o n powerful politician s and responsibl e corporat e executive s wh o periodically com e t o a domi nator o r a dominatri x fo r a beating) . I suspect , moreover , tha t th e "elaborate self-concept " whic h need s t o b e "deconstructed " i n th e scene o f humiliatio n i s originall y forme d i n earl y interactio n wit h th e mother, althoug h Baumeiste r himsel f say s almos t nothin g abou t ontog eny. At least something wen t wron g i n the formation o f the masochist' s self.65 Before Baumeister , som e psychoanalysts ha d also viewed masochis m as a n attempt t o escape fro m th e self. Kare n Horne y i s an example. She made i t clea r tha t th e sel f t o b e escape d fro m i s highl y problematical : "The obtainin g o f satisfactio n b y submersion i n misery i s an expressio n of th e genera l principl e o f findin g satisfactio n b y losin g th e sel f i n something greater , b y dissolvin g th e individuality, b y getting ri d of the self wit h it s doubts, conflicts, pains , limitations an d isolation." 66 Another exampl e i s Erich Fromm . I n his important treatis e Escape from Freedom (196 5 [1941]), written i n response to the rise of mass fas cism in Germany, Fromm expresse s the idea that individual responsibilit y and freedo m ar e frightening . Th e sel f i s insignifican t an d alon e i n th e world. Consequentl y ther e is an inclination to "escape" from o r "forget " the self, to fall into submissive dependence on some larger, controlling social entity such as a mass religious or ideological movemen t (e.g. , Calvin-

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ism, Nazism) . On e componen t o f thi s proces s i s masochisti c i n nature . "Escape" from th e self is very likely to be self-destructive. 67 It should b e clear b y now that , withi n th e psychoanalytic field, ther e are divers e an d sometime s contradictor y view s o n th e relationshi p o f masochism t o th e self . Th e majo r contradictio n ha s t o d o wit h th e direction th e masochis t seem s t o b e movin g wit h respec t t o th e pre Oedipal mother . Som e analyst s (e.g. , Meyers, Stolorow ) se e masochisti c behavior a s a n attemp t t o achiev e a separat e identit y o r self-definitio n with respec t t o a n external , maternall y significan t reality . Other s (e.g. , Asch) vie w masochis m a s a way not t o b e separate d fro m th e engulfing , pre-Oedipal mother , a s eve n a mean s o f achievin g merge r wit h her . Th e "escape" theorie s see m t o fit the latte r category , a s they involv e submer sion in a larger othe r tha t i s implicitly maternal (e.g. , the highly idealize d and ideologize d group) . Perhaps thes e tw o apparentl y conflictin g view s ca n b e resolve d b y positing tw o differen t grade s o f masochism , o r tw o differen t extreme s of the masochisti c spectru m (muc h a s manic-depressiv e illnes s i s no w re garded a s a unitar y phenomeno n i n th e psychiatri c community) . A t on e extreme th e sel f revive s th e ol d delusio n o f independenc e fro m th e pre Oedipal mother , a t th e othe r extrem e i t entertain s th e eve n olde r delu sion of fusio n wit h her . The closes t thin g t o a synthesi s o f thes e extreme s tha t I hav e bee n able t o find i n th e psychoanalyti c literatur e i s mad e b y Lane , Hull , and Foehrenbach . Speakin g o f behaviora l negativit y generall y (whic h includes masochism) , thes e author s say : "On e o f th e mos t importan t functions o f negativit y i n late r lif e i s t o simultaneously express and defend against unconsciou s symbioti c longings , wishe s t o retur n t o th e earliest relationshi p wit h th e mother , a relationshi p tha t bor e th e stam p of negativity. " 68 Adducin g specifi c example s suc h a s self-mutilation an d headbanging, Lan e e t al. state: "Thes e action s . . . may represen t uncon scious enactment s o f a primitive fantas y o f mergin g wit h th e destructiv e mother. Th e ensuin g physica l sensation s restabiliz e th e patient' s uncer tain bod y imag e and provide assurance against the underlying fantasy. " 69 I n othe r words , the masochis t simultaneousl y expresse s longin g for symbioti c merge r wit h th e mothe r and defend s himsel f o r her self agains t suc h longing . Th e fantas y o f fusio n i s there , bu t s o als o i s the self-definin g defens e agains t th e fantasy—bot h wrappe d u p i n th e

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one masochisti c act . In som e act s th e fantas y ma y appea r mor e ob vious, whil e i n other s th e defens e agains t th e fantas y seem s t o tak e center stage . In an y case , i t i s clea r tha t th e self—whethe r aimin g fo r furthe r individuation an d coherence , o r heade d bac k towar d th e old symbioti c union wit h th e mother—is wha t is at issue in masochism. The masochist has a questionabl e sens e o f self , n o matte r wha t for m th e attemp t t o resolve that questio n takes . Also, whateve r th e ultimat e theoretica l solutio n turn s ou t t o be , Russian masochis m ca n tur n u p a t eithe r en d o f th e spectrum . Th e exhibitionistic holy fool, for example, seems to utilize suffering primaril y to achiev e self-definition , whil e th e submissiv e membe r o f th e tsaris t peasant commun e apparentl y lose s hi s o r he r sel f i n tha t commune , which ha s many materna l feature s a s we will see below. With th e masochist's ver y identit y o r sens e o f sel f a majo r issue , it should no t b e surprisin g tha t masochisti c habit s ar e no t easil y extir pated. T o sto p bein g masochisti c i s to b e a differen t person , a differen t self. I f Russian s wer e t o emerg e fro m thei r pas t shor n o f thei r masoch ism, they woul d no t be Russians anymore . They would b e someone else . As Virgini a Warre n says , "masochist s could chang e thei r identity , s o that i n th e futur e the y coul d cas t of f thei r self-inflicte d pai n an d stil l have a (different ) sens e of self." 70 But traditionalis t Russians , a t least , hav e no t wante d t o becom e someone else . Slavophil e Konstanti n Aksako v wrote : "Russian s shoul d be Russians , shoul d tak e th e Russian path , th e path o f faith , meekness , and th e inner life." 71 Fo r Aksakov, t o take th e path o f "meekness " i s to be Russian . Or , sinc e th e self i s confused wit h Mothe r Russi a anyway , to tak e thi s pat h i s to be Russia: "Yes , Russia's onl y dange r i s that she will cease to be Russia, an d thi s i s where th e present Petrin e syste m i s leading us." 7 2 Similarly, th e right-wing , anti-Semiti c nationalis t Igor ' Shafarevic h (1923-) fear s tha t Russia' s essentia l identit y wil l chang e i f Russian s accept wha t h e call s "russophobic " attitudes , suc h a s the ide a (amon g others) tha t Russi a i s " a natio n o f slave s [naro d rabov ] alway s bowin g down befor e cruelt y an d grovellin g befor e stron g power. " Shafarevic h declares: " a peopl e [narod ] tha t evaluate s it s histor y this way ca n n o longer exist. " 73 This is perfectly correct , althoug h Shafarevic h woul d n o doubt b e perturbe d t o realiz e tha t h e ha s achieve d a psychoanalyti c

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insight: fo r Russian s t o evaluat e themselve s a s masochisti c is , indeed, t o stop bein g Russians . Th e self-awar e masochis t i s alread y a differen t sel f from th e unconsciou s masochis t (includin g th e masochis t wh o denie s masochism). If th e sel f o f th e masochis t i s problematical an d fragile , th e masoch ist's other i s ofte n unquestionable , solid , an d grand—fo r example , th e incomparable, eterna l Mothe r Russia . Accordin g t o psychoanalysis , thi s other i s th e paren t (usuall y th e mother ) returned , bu t impossibl y ideal ized, transforme d int o wha t Hein z Kohu t woul d cal l a n "idealize d par ent imago. " 74 Sh e may i n fac t hav e bee n abusive , bu t i n the min d o f th e masochist sh e i s no w a n angel . Stolorow , summarizin g th e wor k o f several othe r psychoanalyti c scholars , says , "Th e masochisti c characte r stunts hi s ow n independen t eg o development , sacrifice s hi s competence , and create s a debase d an d depreciate d perceptio n o f hi s ow n sel f i n order t o sustai n th e imag e o f a n idealized , all-good , all-powerfu l mater nal objec t o n who m h e ca n depen d fo r nurtur e an d protection." 75 Many masochisti c patient s periodicall y trea t thei r analyst s thi s way , fo r example. Highl y religiou s individual s behav e i n a simila r manner . Th e famous Ad maiorem Dei gloriam o f th e Jesuits i s an essentiall y masoch istic proposition. 76 Th e grea t Russia n masochis t Avvaku m wa s con stantly seekin g t o displac e glor y fro m himsel f ont o divin e figures: "Speak, seekin g glor y no t fo r yoursel f bu t fo r Chris t an d th e Mothe r of God." 7 7 Here i t i s importan t t o remembe r tha t th e aggrandizemen t o f th e other towar d who m on e take s a masochistic stanc e i s entirely projectiv e in nature , tha t is , no t base d o n th e rea l statu s o f tha t other . Nyde s describes on e patient wh o sought t o assuag e his guilt fo r havin g divorce d a devoted bu t dominatin g wif e by constantl y beratin g himsel f fo r hi s ingratitude . Hi s tearfu l self-flagellatio n reached its height just a few weeks before his marriage to what seemed to him to be a much more desirable woman. One day in the midst of the painful experienc e of hi s self-inflicte d suffering , i t suddenl y occurre d t o hi m tha t hi s sadnes s wa s really quite useless since his former wife could not possibly know anything about it. That simple reality fact served to remind him that it was his infantile superego and not his former wife whom he was really attempting to appease. 78 Today's Russia , lik e thi s self-flagellatin g patient , i s a countr y goin g through a sor t o f divorc e an d remarriage . Muc h o f th e masochisti c posturing see n i n the recen t Sovie t an d post-Sovie t medi a reflect s no t th e

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reality o f th e situation , bu t personall y archai c attitude s towar d a pre viously idealized, domineerin g mother .

Normalcy and Cultural Variation Ordinary, "normal " individual s may sometimes behav e in masochistic ways . Almos t al l th e recen t psychoanalyti c scholar s o f masochis m assert, a t on e poin t o r another , tha t masochis m i s ubiquitous i n huma n fantasy an d behavior . Patient s wh o com e i n fo r treatmen t o f thei r mas ochistic practice s o r wh o en d u p i n hospita l emergenc y ward s ar e jus t the extrem e en d o f a continuou s spectrum . A s Charle s Brenne r says , "the differenc e betwee n th e norma l an d th e masochisti c characte r i s on e of degre e rathe r tha n o f kind." 7 9 Everyon e i s a potentia l masochis t because everyon e ha s ha d som e masochisti c experienc e i n earl y devel opment. Indeed, anyon e wh o i s capabl e o f feelin g guilt , o f inducin g guil t i n others, o f delayin g gratification , o f bein g devote d t o a child , o f workin g hard t o achiev e a goal, of subsumin g personal interest s to a larger cause , is b y definitio n fulfillin g som e nee d for—o r gainin g som e degre e o f satisfaction from—th e experienc e o f pain . Consider, fo r example , the completel y norma l phenomeno n o f guilt . Having committed—i n imaginatio n o r i n reality— a transgression , on e may punis h onesel f inwardly , tha t is , fee l guilty . Th e feelin g i s no t necessarily conscious , and i s induced b y a relatively autonomou s interna l agency traditionall y terme d th e superego. 80 Th e feelin g o f guil t ca n lea d to correctiv e externa l actio n (e.g. , a n apolog y o r restitution) , maladap tive externa l actio n (e.g. , committin g a crim e i n orde r t o experienc e th e relief o f punishment) , o r t o interna l maneuverin g o f som e kin d (e.g. , rationalization o r repentance) . Whe n guil t feeling s persis t the y ma y de velop int o a kind o f masochis m i n stat u nascendi . For example, a perso n with a lingerin g sens e o f guil t ma y develo p a tendenc y t o welcom e misfortune. I n certain religious attitude s this is even explicit. Interpretin g the scriptura l admonitio n t o tur n th e othe r cheek , tha t is , t o actuall y welcome misfortune , th e nineteenth-centur y Russia n elde r ("starets" ) Ambrose wrote : If anyone begins to tell lies about you or molests you without provocation, this is a blow to the right cheek. Do not murmur but endure this blow with patience, turning the left cheek , that is, remember your own unjust deeds [= fee l guilty].

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And eve n i f a t th e momen t yo u ar e faultless , yo u hav e sinne d muc h i n th e past. Yo u wil l quickl y realiz e tha t you merit this punishment [i.e. , fee l guilt y some more].81 This rationalizatio n o f misfortun e b y means o f guilt , i f habitualized, ca n obviously hav e self-destructiv e effects . I n isolate d instances , however , i t may b e a perfectly adaptiv e an d norma l response . The Archpries t Avva kum, wh o ofte n utilize d suc h rationalizatio n i n hi s autobiography , wa s also ofte n th e victi m o f beating s an d eventuall y wa s burne d t o death , while Aleksand r Solzhenitsyn , wh o onl y rarel y resort s t o i t (namely , i n his Gulag Archipelago) 82 wa s actuall y quit e adep t a t escapin g victim ization. Avvakum an d Solzhenitsy n wer e tw o differen t individual s wit h dif fering degree s o f masochis m i n (roughly ) th e sam e culture . I n additio n to individua l variatio n i n masochisti c behavior , however , ther e i s als o cultural variation . Differen t culture s offe r quantitativel y an d qualita tively differen t opportunitie s t o fee l guilt y an d t o b e victimized. Ther e i s precious littl e discussio n o f thi s cultural dimensio n i n the psychoanalyti c literature proper. 83 No tw o culture s hav e identica l expectation s regardin g guilt . I n lat e twentieth-century America , fo r example , th e typica l individua l earn s a relatively hones t living , obtain s good s an d service s fo r th e price s adver tised, lose s o r gain s wealt h i n reasonabl y understandabl e an d orderl y fashion, etc . True , thi s ma y soun d lik e a n idealize d caricatur e t o a n American law-enforcemen t office r wh o i s bus y chasin g criminals . Bu t anyone wh o ha s eve r live d in , say , Sovie t Russia—an d wh o conse quently ha s experience d th e pressin g nee d t o b e illegall y employe d i n order t o make a n adequat e living , to give bribes in order to obtain good s and services , t o engag e i n variou s form s o f falsificatio n an d corruptio n in order t o accomplis h th e simples t o f life's tasks—wil l understan d ho w much mor e commo n th e experienc e o f guil t mus t hav e bee n unde r th e Soviet regime . A s Nanc y Conde e an d Vladimi r Paduno v pu t it : "Fro m the lowes t menia l worke r t o th e highes t part y official , everyon e survive s because everyon e break s th e rules . Bein g aliv e i s proof o f guilt." 84 Thi s insight, whic h i s of considerabl e psychoanalyti c value , was apparentl y a commonplace amon g th e Muscovit e intelligentsi a durin g th e lat e Sovie t period. The Soviets , however, di d no t inven t Russia n guilt . Guil t has alway s been a hallmar k o f Russia n culture . Consider , fo r example , th e wa y

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Russians sa y goodbye . On e expression , "D o svidaniia, " i s fairly superfi cial and rathe r lik e English "Se e you," o r Frenc h "A u revoir. " Th e mor e traditional "Proshchai, " however , expresse s dee p emotion . Ther e i s n o English equivalent . Etymologically , th e wor d i s a request t o b e forgiven , an exhortatio n tha t th e addresse e reliev e th e addresse r o f a n accumu lated burde n o f guilt . Th e on e wh o say s "Proshchai " ma y o r ma y no t have committe d certai n sins , but nonetheles s act s a s though th e sin s ar e there, an d hope s tha t th e othe r perso n wil l nonetheles s no t thin k badl y of hi m o r her . Thi s guilt y attitud e inheren t i n utterin g "Proshchai " ha s been analyze d i n a ver y interestin g articl e b y th e philologis t V. N. Toporov. 85 "Proshchai" fitte d int o a general pattern o f asking forgiveness ("pro sit' proshcheniia" ) o n certai n threshol d occasion s amon g th e peasantry . Ethnographer M . M . Gromyk o devote s a n entir e chapte r t o this practic e in he r recen t book . Sh e observes , fo r example , tha t whe n a peasan t se t out o n a lon g journey , h e customaril y gathere d togethe r al l wh o wer e close to him and , bowin g dow n befor e them , aske d eac h on e for forgive ness. At the end of the Maslenitsa holiday s (whic h often include d consid erable sexua l licentiousness) , individual s wer e suppose d t o be g eac h other's forgiveness . Thi s usuall y occurre d o n th e las t Sunda y befor e Lent, a da y whic h wa s terme d "proshcheny i den' " (forgivin g day ) i n many areas. 86 "Only Go d i s without sin, " accordin g t o traditiona l peasan t belief , and everyon e els e i s guilt y o f som e si n o r other . "Ther e i s n o gettin g away fro m guilt, " asserte d th e peasant . Numerou s suc h proverb s ma y be found i n Dahl's collection , an d i n other collections : Even th e righteou s on e falls/sin s seve n time s pe r da y ( I pravedni k semidzdy v den' padae t [Hi: sogreshaet]) . The da y (spent ) i n sinning , th e nigh t i n tear s (Den ' v o grekhakh , noch' v o slezakh) . Unintended si n lives in everyone (Nevol'ny i grek h zhive t na vsekh) . Everything i n th e worl d happen s becaus e o f ou r sin s (Vs e n a svet e po grekha m nashi m deetsia). 87 If indee d everythin g happen s becaus e o f one' s sinfu l nature , the n on e i s motivated t o welcome , o r eve n provok e misfortune , tha t is , one i s mor e

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likely t o behav e masochisticall y tha n i f thi s guilt-ridde n attitud e wer e absent. 88 These interna l psychologica l attitude s ar e important , bu t externa l social structur e ca n als o foste r masochisti c events . Chroni c guil t seek s an object . I n mos t Wester n countries , fo r example , th e averag e middle class masochis t ha s t o exercis e som e ingenuity , shor t o f hirin g a domi natrix, steppin g ou t ont o a bus y freeway , o r committin g a crim e out right, i n orde r t o find punishment . In Russia , o n th e othe r hand , yo u don't hav e t o b e ver y provocativ e a t all . There' s alway s a lin e t o stan d in, a restauran t t o refus e yo u admission , a bureaucra t t o abus e you , a n icon t o bo w before , a si n t o repen t for , a bathhous e t o bea t yoursel f in , an informe r t o repor t o n you , a n officia l wh o demand s a bribe , an d s o on. Indeed , unles s yo u ar e a privilege d membe r o f Russia n societ y (e.g. , you ar e include d i n th e Sovie t nomenklatura o r it s post-Sovie t deriva tives), i t i s ver y difficul t t o g o abou t dail y lif e without experiencin g considerable pain. On e might almos t say that, in such a cultural environ ment, i t helps to b e a masochist . This i s precisely my point . I n a countr y wher e th e opportunitie s fo r experiencing guil t an d suffering ar e legio n ther e i s stron g psychologica l pressure o n individual s t o choos e masochisti c solution s t o everyda y problems. Th e Russia n sou l i s a slav e no t onl y becaus e certai n psycho logical dynamic s i n earl y ontogen y universall y favo r th e developmen t o f masochistic attitude s (the y do) , bu t als o becaus e cultura l expectation s and socia l organizatio n i n th e adul t worl d pus h th e individua l towar d masochism. Americans wh o g o t o Russi a (eithe r Sovie t o r post-Soviet ) fo r a n extended perio d o f tim e lik e t o sa y the y ar e ther e "fo r th e lon g haul. " Whatever thei r motive s fo r bein g there , the y d o recogniz e tha t the y ar e going to experience hardship an d deprivation . Russian s who com e to th e West, o n th e othe r hand , expres s n o suc h sentimen t abou t th e West . They ma y mis s thei r homeland , the y ma y eve n disapprov e o f man y aspects o f lif e i n th e West , bu t I hav e neve r hear d a Russia n visito r o r emigre sa y that lif e i n the West i s a hardship, o r that the y ar e in "fo r th e long haul. " Ergo, Russia n societ y an d cultur e mus t offe r a n overal l greate r opportunity fo r suffering tha n doe s th e West . Thi s i s tru e regardles s o f whether an y given individual wh o happens t o be living in Russia actuall y

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takes advantag e o f th e opportunity . Mora l masochis m ma y b e a phe nomenon intrinsi c to the individual psyche, but it can also be encourage d or discourage d b y th e sociocultura l milieu . Mora l masochis m i s a n individual matter , bu t a cultur e o f mora l masochis m i s constitute d b y individuals i n thei r interactio n wit h a n environmen t tha t encourage s specific token s o f tha t masochism .

The Swaddling Hypothesis Revisited There i s a featur e o f early ontogen y i n Russi a that , althoug h no t unique t o Russia , i s no t ofte n encountere d (anymore ) i n th e develope d countries o f th e West . I hav e i n min d anothe r potentia l sourc e o f mas ochism, the traditional Russia n practic e o f swaddlin g infants . Among the peasantry sinc e time immemorial, an d eve n today amon g most urba n dwellers , mother s customaril y wra p u p thei r infant s i n nar row strip s o f clot h ("pelenki" ) fro m birth . Thes e swaddlin g band s serv e both t o contai n th e child' s excretion s an d t o severel y restric t bodil y motion. Th e arm s an d leg s o f a swaddle d chil d ar e rendere d immobile . When full y swaddle d th e entir e chil d (excep t fo r it s face ) i s tightl y embraced i n a kind o f womb-substitute . Lev Tolstoy , i n a n autobiographica l fragmen t o f 1878 , tells u s ho w this ca n feel : I am boun d [i a sviazan] , I want t o stic k m y hands ou t an d I cannot. I cry and weep, and my cry is disagreeable even to me, but I cannot stop. Some people are standing bent over me, above me . .. I remember that there are two of them, and [crossed out : the y fee l sorr y fo r me , bu t becaus e o f som e strang e misunder standing they] my cries have an effect o n them: they are alarmed by my cries but do no t unti e m e [n e razviazyvaiut menia] , which I wish the y would, an d I cry still louder. To them this seems necessary (that is, that I be bound), while I know it is not an d I want t o prove this to them [crosse d out: an d it is this misunderstanding that tortures me most of all and forces me] so I let forth a cry repellent to mysel f bu t irrepressible . I fee l th e unfairnes s an d cruelt y no t o f people , because they feel sorry for me, but of sud'ba and I feel sorry for myself. 89 Tolstoy ma y no t actuall y b e remembering th e experience o f bein g swad dled, that is , he may b e having what psychoanalyst s woul d ter m a scree n memory. 90 Nonetheless , thi s descriptio n i s writte n b y on e o f Russia' s greatest authors , a n acknowledge d maste r i n th e depictio n o f huma n emotions. I t i s no t unreasonabl e t o assum e tha t a swaddle d chil d feel s much th e way Tolstoy say s it feels .

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There i s an enormou s anthropological , psychoanalytic , an d medica l literature on swaddlin g practices worldwide. 91 In Russia medical special ists an d journalist s hav e denounce d swaddlin g eve r sinc e th e middl e o f the eighteent h century—bu t largel y i n vain. 92 Psychoanalys t Geoffre y Gorer mad e th e Russia n versio n famou s whe n h e advance d hi s "swad dling hypothesis" i n 1949 : When human infant s ar e not constrained the y move their limbs and bodies a grea t deal , especially durin g th e secon d si x months o f life ; i t seem s probable that muc h o f thi s movemen t i s physiologicall y determined , a s a n aspec t o f biological maturation . Infant s ten d t o expres s emotio n wit h thei r whol e bod y and not merely their face, for exampl e arching their back or thrashing about or hugging. They also explore their own bod y and the universe around the m with their hand s an d thei r mouth , graduall y discoverin g wha t i s edibl e an d wha t inedible, wha t m e an d wha t not-me . Whil e the y ar e swaddle d i n th e Russia n manner, Russian infants ca n do none of these things; and it is assumed that this inhibition o f movemen t i s fel t t o b e extremel y painfu l an d frustratin g an d i s responded t o wit h intens e an d destructiv e rage , whic h canno t b e adequatel y expressed physically. Tolstoy's remembere d experienc e certainl y confirm s thi s ide a tha t swad dling generates rag e in the child. Gore r goe s on t o say : These feelings of rage and fear are probably made endurable, but also given emphasis, by the fact tha t th e baby i s periodically loose d fro m th e constraints, and suckled and petted while unswaddled. This alternation of complete restraint without gratifications, and of complete gratifications without restraint, continues for a t least the first nine months of life. It is the argument of this study that the situation outline d in the preceding paragraphs is one of the major determinant s in the development of the character of the adult Great Russians. 93 According t o Gorer , swaddlin g contribute s t o suc h supposedl y Russia n adult characteristic s as : the nee d fo r authoritaria n constrain t alternatin g with tota l gratificatio n o f impulse s (e.g. , orgiasti c feasts , prolonge d drinking bouts) ; th e abilit y t o endur e pai n an d deprivatio n fo r lon g periods; a generall y inwar d orientatio n an d grea t concer n wit h matter s of th e soul ; persisting guil t feeling s whic h requir e periodi c absolutio n o r purging; an d others . Unfortunately i t i s no t alway s clea r jus t wha t th e connectio n i s between swaddlin g an d whatever psychologica l phenomeno n Gore r hap pens t o b e discussing . No r doe s Gore r alway s ge t his facts abou t Russi a right. But it does not see m unreasonable , o n th e face o f it , to expec t tha t

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swaddling would hav e some effect o n the child's (particularl y emotional ) development, o r tha t i t b e one o f th e determinant s o f th e characte r o f adult Russians . Subsequent empirica l studie s hav e show n tha t swaddlin g doe s no t usually retar d moto r o r cognitiv e development , an d tha t i t doe s no t necessarily provok e a rag e reactio n i n th e child . Indeed , onc e th e swad dling band s ar e i n plac e (afte r som e initia l fussin g b y th e child) , an d a s long a s th e infan t i s no t to o ol d o r ha s ha d n o experienc e o f thi s treatment, the n swaddlin g seem s t o hav e a t leas t a temporar y calmin g effect.94 Thi s is clearly a boon t o a n overworke d mother . I onc e ra n int o a coupl e wit h thei r swaddle d chil d i n a Mosco w elevator. I aske d th e mothe r i f th e chil d wa s swaddle d tightly . Sh e replied: "Yes , he is such a little bandit! " Ninety-six o f Kluckhohn' s sampl e o f 17 2 Russian s state d tha t the y had bee n swaddled . Twenty-two sai d the y di d no t know , an d twenty-si x reported tha t the y definitel y ha d no t bee n swaddled . Th e remainin g subjects evade d th e question o r equivocated . Kluckhoh n note d tha t mos t subjects tende d t o fee l ver y uncomfortabl e abou t discussin g thi s topic. 95 I hav e notice d th e sam e discomfor t i n conversation s wit h Russia n col leagues an d friends . From m y ow n casua l observation s o f swaddle d childre n i n Russi a over th e las t fiftee n year s o r so , an d fro m conversation s wit h urba n Russians wh o hav e children , i t woul d appea r tha t swaddlin g i s stil l a widespread practice . Th e Russia n mothe r i s still mor e likel y tha n no t t o swaddle he r infant . Th e severit y o f swaddlin g seem s t o hav e decreased , however. Ofte n th e arm s ar e lef t free , an d th e band s ar e no t tigh t ("tugo"). Swaddlin g als o seem s t o b e terminate d earl y i n urba n areas , that is , after tw o o r three months . Highly educate d Russian s stil l giv e th e sam e old , peasant-styl e an swers whe n aske d wh y th e chil d i s swaddle d i n th e first place : "s o tha t his leg s wil l no t gro w crooked" ; "s o tha t h e wil l no t scratc h hi s eyes" ; "so tha t h e wil l no t tea r of f hi s ears " ( a chil d whos e arm s ar e no t swaddled ma y hav e t o wea r specia l littl e mittens) . These statement s ar e absurd, bu t psychologicall y revealing . Sinc e the y ar e manifestl y untrue , they probabl y appl y t o th e adult s wh o mak e the m rathe r tha n t o th e infants. I n declarin g tha t infant s wil l harm themselves unles s swaddled , that is , in declarin g tha t thei r infant s ar e natura l masochists , adult s ar e

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revealing tha t the y themselve s ar e preoccupie d wit h masochisti c ideas . The sam e goes, incidentally, fo r grown-up s wh o ar e generally oversolici tous an d overprotectiv e o f childre n (Uri e Bronfenbrenne r ha s note d th e extreme solicitousnes s o f adult s towar d childre n durin g th e hig h Sovie t period). 96 Indeed , th e sam e applie s t o intrusiv e altruist s i n Russi a gener ally, fo r example , th e complet e strange r wh o approache s yo u o n th e street an d tell s you t o butto n u p your coat . Fathers, it should b e noted, d o no t swaddle . Mothers do . The swad dling scene is pre-Oedipal, o r a t least a-Oedipal . Swaddling i s an aspec t o f th e pre-Oedipal mother' s contro l ove r th e child. Althoug h swaddlin g ma y cal m th e chil d fo r a time , initiall y th e child fusses , an d later , whe n th e chil d become s hungr y o r otherwis e agitated, ther e i s obviou s discomfor t wit h th e swaddlin g bands . Onl y a prompt unswaddlin g b y the mothe r ca n preven t a full-fledged rag e reac tion. Bu t wha t i f th e mothe r doe s no t react , o r i s not abl e t o reac t soo n enough, o r i s no t availabl e t o react ? I t seem s unlikel y tha t rag e an d defiant feeling s ca n b e averted , eve n wit h good-enoug h mothering . O r more precisely : i t seem s unlikel y tha t rag e an d defianc e o f th e mothe r herself ca n b e averted . If, i n addition , th e infan t i s regularl y "steamed " b y it s mothe r i n a bathhouse (includin g whippin g wit h birc h switches—se e below , chap . 8), the n i t i s difficul t t o imagin e ho w th e chil d coul d avoi d rag e a t it s mother. Also , i f th e chil d i s late r (a s a toddler ) tie d fo r severa l hour s with a rop e t o a tabl e o r a shel f fo r misbehavior—a s wa s know n t o happen amon g th e peasantry 97 —then agai n i t seem s very likel y that th e child mus t becom e enrage d a t it s mother . Finally , i n time s an d place s where ther e were high childhoo d mortalit y rates , surviving childre n ma y have develope d ambivalen t an d problematica l attitude s towar d thei r mothers (se e above discussio n o f sud'ba, 74) . While mother s i n al l culture s exercis e considerabl e contro l ove r th e movement an d action s of their infants, mother s who i n addition swaddl e their infant s exercis e considerabl y mor e control . Initiall y thi s contro l may see m rathe r impersonal , bot h becaus e th e infan t ha s littl e ide a o f what a perso n is , an d becaus e th e contro l i s exercise d "a t a distance " from th e mother . Th e mothe r doe s no t directl y hinde r th e child' s move ments, th e swaddlin g band s do . Th e band s ar e inexorable . Perhap s a t first th e chil d i s incapabl e o f makin g a menta l connectio n betwee n th e

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bands an d th e mother . Bu t th e repeate d experienc e o f bein g unboun d and boun d u p b y th e mother , especiall y i f thi s extend s wel l beyon d th e commencement o f th e separation-individuatio n proces s (i.e. , aroun d four months) , mus t eventuall y mak e i t eviden t t o th e chil d tha t th e mother i s the one who doe s the hateful restraining . With swaddling , then, there is an enhanced potentia l fo r th e mother child relationshi p t o becom e problematical , an d a problematica l rela tionship wit h th e pre-Oedipal mothe r itsel f offer s a n opportunit y fo r th e development o f masochisti c feeling s an d behaviors , a s w e sa w above . From th e child' s viewpoint , ther e i s pai n an d ange r (a s i f ther e weren' t already enoug h pai n an d ange r whe n swaddlin g i s absent!) . Th e mother's contro l an d authorit y mus t see m utterl y absolute . A t th e sam e time the chil d mus t fee l abandone d b y the mother , al l alone with power ful emotion s that , initiall y directe d agains t th e mother , ma y the n b e directed agains t mother-substitute s (e.g. , defian t rebellio n agains t Mother Russia) , o r turne d aroun d agains t th e sel f (givin g ris e t o guilt , as Gore r argued) . Her e i t i s rag e turne d agains t th e sel f whic h i s o f primary interest . Swaddling ma y b e sai d t o encourag e masochis m i n th e sens e tha t i t stimulates th e chil d t o "giv e up " an y resistanc e t o constrain t b y th e swaddling band s (thi s is in fac t th e physiological respons e i n very youn g infants—they ten d t o g o limp) . Bu t swaddlin g als o foster s masochisti c feelings. Tolsto y say s that h e fel t extremel y sorr y fo r himself , tha t h e le t out a screa m tha t wa s repellen t eve n t o himsel f (ye t he kep t screaming) . He di d not blam e thos e wh o swaddle d hi m (possibl y hi s mothe r an d nurse together)—which wa s alread y a first ste p toward blamin g himself. But eve n i f h e di d no t blam e himself , h e blame d sud'ba —that is , a mental construc t which , as we saw earlier, is ripe with masochisti c possibilities. It appears , then , tha t swaddling—especiall y whe n sever e ("tugo" ) and prolonged—contribute s t o masochis m i n Russia . Whether i t contri butes t o othe r adul t psychologica l characteristic s i s anothe r questio n which I will not dea l with here . According t o psychoanalyti c theory , masochis m ha s it s root s i n th e pre Oedipal period o f early childhood . This is probably tru e cross-culturally , although ther e is great sociocultural variatio n i n the quantity an d qualit y of opportunitie s fo r adult s t o behav e o r t o fantasiz e i n masochisti c

ONTOGENY AND THE CULTURAL CONTEXT 121 fashion. In Russi a ther e ar e opportunitie s galore . I n addition , ther e i s a climate o f guil t which pushe s adul t individual s towar d masochisti c solu tions t o life's problems . Ad d t o thi s th e traditiona l Russia n abus e o f infants b y swaddling an d associate d practices , and i t becomes difficul t t o imagine how masochis m ca n b e avoided i n Russia .

SI X

The Russian Fool and His Mother

The fool (masculin e "durak, " feminin e "dura" ) i s a species of masochist . He o r sh e deliberatel y doe s thing s whic h d o no t see m t o mak e goo d sense, a t leas t fro m th e viewpoin t o f a n outsid e observer . In particular , the "stupid " thing s a foo l doe s ar e harmfu l to the fool. Observer s laugh—sometimes eve n the fool laughs—becaus e th e fool's act s are selfdestructive, self-defeating , an d humiliating . Wha t th e foo l doe s thu s fits the clinica l definitio n o f masochis m give n a t the beginnin g of thi s book .

A Surplus of Fools Foolishness i s a universal phenomenon . Man y Russian s claim , how ever, tha t Russi a ha s mor e tha n he r shar e o f fools . Russi a ha s s o man y fools, accordin g t o a n ol d proverb , tha t th e suppl y shoul d las t fo r th e next on e hundre d year s ("N a Rusi , slav a Bogu , durako v le t n a st o pripaseno"). 1 Althoug h thi s prover b i s itself mor e tha n a hundred year s old, there i s no indicatio n tha t th e attitud e reflecte d i n it has changed . I n the late Soviet press, for example , the phrase "countr y o f fools " ("stran a durakov") wa s ver y ofte n encountered , an d n o on e bu t extrem e right wingers (e.g. , Igor ' Shafarevich) 2 seeme d t o min d it . Conside r th e fol lowing item fro m a 199 1 issue of Moscow News: An organizing committe e fo r th e formation o f th e Russia n Foolis h Part y [Org komitet p o formirovanii u Duratsko i parti i Rossii ] has been create d i n Tiumen. Its chair, Iu. Alekseev, declared tha t onl y his party ca n count on success in this "country o f fools. " I n th e upcomin g mayora l electio n h e i s challengin g th e current head of the city soviet. 3 122

THE RUSSIAN FOOL AND HIS MOTHER 123 There was som e hope tha t thing s would chang e afte r th e coup o f Augus t 1991 wa s foile d b y democraticall y minde d forces . O n th e fron t pag e o f an issu e o f Literaturnaia gazeta publishe d o n 2 1 Augus t o f tha t year , poet Evgeni i Evtushenko declared : Mw cero^Hfl — Hapcxa, a He KeM-To o6MaHyTbie aypaHKH.4 Today we are a people,

and not fools deceived by someone.

Finally, i t seemed , Russian s wer e no t bein g submissive , self-destructiv e fools, bu t wer e resisting harmful order s handed dow n fro m above . One yea r later , however , i n a n issu e of Moskovskie novosti, w e find Russian journalist-playwrigh t Aleksand r Gel'ma n assertin g tha t foolish ness i s aliv e an d wel l i n Russia . Engagin g i n a playfu l masochis m o f hi s own, Gel'ma n call s himsel f a "fool " an d declares : "Stupidit y [glupost' ] is a larg e socia l forc e whic h ha s bee n neglecte d fo r a lon g time . W e stupid ones , after all , are in the majority." Gel'ma n goe s on t o say : Oh, tha t stupidit y o f ours ! It is not hug e o r measureless , but i t i s inescapable. Once in a while it seems like we might just be saved from it, we might just shake it out of our heads after all—bu t then we wake up the next day (next year, next century) and there it is, the little mother is right there in her place [matushka na svoem meste].5 There i s n o escape , fo r "w e ar e i n lov e wit h ou r stupidity , an d lov e i s blind," say s Gel'man . Stupidit y i s thu s personified , sh e i s a belove d "matushka," an d n o othe r "dama " ca n possibl y substitut e fo r her . Thi s "matushka," t o judg e fro m ou r earlie r discussio n o f th e importan t rol e of th e mothe r i n th e ontogen y o f masochism , i s a n utterl y appropriat e personification. Foolishness has historical roots dee p in medieval Russia. 6 Synchroni cally speaking , th e Russia n ide a o f th e foo l i s a peasan t idea . In ever y village ther e wa s suppose d t o b e a "derevenski i durachok " 7 (cf . Englis h "village idiot") . Russia n peasan t lor e i s rich wit h th e imager y o f stupid ity. To selec t jus t a fe w item s fro m th e folktal e motif-inde x compile d b y Barag et al. in 1979 : They attemp t t o mil k chickens . He cut s the branc h ou t fro m underneat h himsel f an d falls .

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They pull o n a log in order t o mak e i t longer . A simpleton kill s his own horse . A fool i s afraid o f hi s own shadow , throw s thing s a t it . A fool trap s an d accidentall y kill s his mother . Foma an d Erem a d o everythin g wrong—the y rui n a hous e the y are building , fai l t o plo w a field , catc h n o fish , an d eventuall y both drown. 8 These ideas , howeve r gruesom e som e o f the m ma y seem , elici t laughte r in th e appreciativ e Russia n listener . Th e Russia n peasan t laugh s at th e fool, tha t is , permit s a momentar y an d merel y symboli c outburs t o f violence directe d agains t him . Th e foo l ma y d o somethin g actuall y vio lent agains t himsel f (o r sometime s agains t someon e els e as well), but th e listener remain s i n effectiv e contro l whil e th e foo l doe s hi s thing . Th e listener's laughte r i s violenc e contained . In psychoanalyti c terms , th e laughing listene r expresse s sadisti c feeling s whe n confronte d wit h th e fool's masochisti c behavior . Th e interactio n o f foo l an d listene r i s thu s sadomasochistic i n essence . Sadistic attitude s towar d th e foo l ar e ver y commo n i n Russia . In general, it is assumed tha t a fool i s someone who i s beaten often , o r wh o ought t o b e beate n o r otherwis e abused : "Bea t a fool , d o no t spar e th e fist!"; "Yo u can' t sav e up enoug h fist s fo r al l the fools" ; "They'l l bea t a fool eve n i n church." 9 Althoug h th e foo l canno t b e taugh t anythin g b y beatings ("Teachin g a foo l i s lik e curin g th e dead"), 10 ther e i s none theless a powerfu l contradictor y assumptio n a s well , tha t is , tha t th e fool (o r anyon e else , fo r tha t matter ) need s t o b e "taught " b y violen t means: In orde r t o teac h fools , d o no t spar e fists (Uchit ' durakov—n e zhalet' kulakov) . He's grow n t o th e siz e o f th e devil , bu t h e hasn' t bee n beate n wit h a knou t (i.e. , h e i s stupid ) ( S chert a vyros , a knuto m n e bi t [t. e., glup]). I'll smarte n yo u up . Let' s b e humbl y thankfu l fo r brain s (said after punishment) (l a teb e da m uma . Blagodari m pokorn o z a u m [govoriat posle nakazaniia]) . u

THE RUSSIAN FOOL AND HIS MOTHER 125 The knout i s not torture , bu t knowledg e i n advanc e (Knu t n e muka , a vpred' nauka) . The ro d i s dumb , bu t i t wil l giv e intelligenc e (Palk a nema , a das t uma). 12 Violence i s thu s a n essentia l "pedagogical " techniqu e i n th e peasan t imagination (an d i n socia l realit y a s well , t o judg e fro m th e abundan t evidence fo r corpora l punishmen t i n traditional Russia). 13 There i s a stron g temptatio n t o bea t th e foo l (sadism) , whil e a t th e same tim e ther e i s a n urg e t o ge t th e foolishnes s beate n ou t o f onesel f (masochism). In both processe s ther e seem s to b e a fear o f actuall y being a fool , tha t is , of crossin g som e dangerou s boundar y separatin g th e sel f from th e fool . Th e fac t tha t ther e ar e so many proverbs advisin g one no t to ge t involve d wit h fool s suggest s tha t ther e wa s a rea l possibilit y tha t one might regar d onesel f a s a fool ( I quote just a few here from th e man y in the Dahl collection) : God forbi d tha t yo u ge t mixe d u p wit h a foo l (N e da i Bo g s dura kom sviazat'sia) . Get mixe d u p wit h a fool , an d ma y you r sou l res t i n peac e ( S durakom sviazat'sia—vechnai a pamiat') . You ca n ward of f th e devil with a cross an d a bear with a pestle, bu t there i s no wa y t o ge t ri d o f a foo l (O t chert a krestom , o t medvedi a pestom, a ot duraka—nichem). 14 The foo l i s suc h a threa t tha t on e i s i n dange r o f becoming on e jus t b y having som e relationshi p wit h one . T o observ e tw o fool s fighting , fo r example, mean s tha t yo u ar e a fool . T o accus e someon e o f bein g a foo l is t o ris k bein g calle d a foo l i n retur n ("T y durak " ca n provok e "O t duraka slyshu"). 15 Th e dange r i s general : "H e wh o get s mixe d u p wit h a foo l i s a fool" ("Durak , kt o s durakom sviazhetsia"). 16 Among Sovie t intellectual s th e issu e o f whethe r on e wa s a "smart " person o r a foo l wa s stil l important . Bula t Okudzhav a wrot e a famou s song o n thi s subject , title d "Son g abou t Fools. " I t seem s tha t on e da y the fool s (read : stupi d bureaucrats , ploddin g hacks , neandertha l polic e agents, etc. ) bega n t o ge t embarrasse d abou t bein g fools , s o the y ha d special tag s attache d t o the m whic h rea d "smart. " Th e son g end s wit h the following quatrain :

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flaBHO B o6Hxo;ie y Hac HPJIHKH, no yHTy Ha rpouiHK Ha MeaHwfi. M yMHbiM KpHHan "flypaKH , aypaKH!" A BOT ziypaKH He3aMeTHw . Long, long ago we got used to these tags, They aren't worth a penny a pound. Now they shout at the smart men, "You fools, oh you fools!" And so the fools go unnoticed. 17 One hesitates here, because for a moment i t is not clear what Okudzhav a now mean s b y "smart " an d b y "fool. " Bu t that i s precisely th e message . It i s eas y t o confus e a "smart " perso n wit h a "fool. " Th e boundar y i s not clear . A s with th e nineteenth-centur y peasant , th e twentieth-centur y intellectual i s very concerne d abou t ho w t o distinguis h th e two. There i s always a dange r tha t th e "smart " perso n wil l b e mistake n fo r a fool , o r vice versa . For the "smart " perso n a fool i s someone who endangers the bound ary betwee n sel f an d other . A foo l i s a sel f wh o threaten s fusio n wit h other selves . The ridiculed objec t jus t might b e a subject, especiall y i f th e subject i s (a s mos t Russian s are ) i n th e habi t o f fightin g of f masochisti c impulses. There, but fo r resistanc e t o masochism, g o I. It i s easier t o liv e with th e ide a tha t fool s exis t i f on e think s the y d o not reall y min d thei r situatio n i n life . Th e foo l i s a masochist , afte r all . One shoul d no t fee l guilt y abou t mistreatin g th e foo l becaus e h e likes o r enjoys abuse : Spit/piss i n th e eye s o f a fool , an d he'l l thin k it' s heavenl y de w (Duraku knot ' pliui/sts y v glaza, a on: bozh'i a rosa) . A foo l i s please d a t th e hol e i n hi s sid e (Liub o duraku , cht o chiri i [dyra] n a boku). 18 Were i t no t fo r th e fool' s apparen t "stupidity, " thes e latte r proverb s would b e a straightforward characterizatio n o f the fool' s masochism . A s for thos e wh o ar e incline d t o bea t o n fools , the y hav e n o nee d fo r a "stupidity" t o concea l thei r sadism . Apparentl y concealmen t i s not nec essary i n the cas e of sadism . This suggests that masochis m i s psychologically more disturbin g t o Russian s tha n i s sadism.

THE RUSSIAN FOOL AND HIS MOTHER 12

7

Ivan the Fool All Russian s kno w abou t th e folktal e ("skazka" ) characte r Iva n th e fool ("Iva n durak " o r "Ivanushk a durachok, " sometime s jus t "Ivan " o r just "durak " o r "duren ' "). 1 9 As Andre i Siniavski i ha s recentl y pointe d out, Iva n th e foo l i s the favorit e o f al l Russia n folktal e heroes. 20 H e i s a "low" her o wh o i s always gettin g int o scrape s fo r doin g somethin g tha t appears foolis h o r stupid . Folkloris t Eleaza r Meletinski i asserte d tha t Ivan the foo l i s remarkably deep , psychologically, an d tha t th e humor o f this fool' s action s i s much mor e develope d tha n i n correspondin g West ern tale s (e.g. , German , Norwegian ) o r Easter n tale s (e.g. , Turkic). 21 Already a t th e beginnin g o f ou r centur y A . M . Smirno v argue d tha t th e great appea l o f Iva n th e foo l throughou t Russi a ove r man y generation s indicates tha t a profound psychologica l trut h i s tapped b y this figure. 22 The psychology o f Iva n th e foo l i s revealed b y the variety o f way s i n which h e manage s t o ge t punished . In on e tale , fo r example , h e i s supposed t o delive r dumpling s t o his brothers. But on the way h e notice s his shado w followin g hi m and , thinkin g th e shado w i s hungry , throw s the dumpling s a t it . As a result, his brothers bea t th e living daylights ou t of him . In anothe r tal e h e take s th e creakin g sound s mad e b y a birc h tree fo r spoke n words , an d i s late r ridicule d b y hi s "smart " brothers . Sometimes hi s foolis h ac t bring s punishmen t withou t eve n th e interven tion o f anothe r person , a s whe n h e cut s th e tre e lim b h e i s perched on . In some of th e tales the fool gain s no reward fo r hi s troubles, and merel y moves fro m on e punishin g situatio n t o another . In othe r storie s h e doe s attain a worth y goal , suc h a s gol d o r a beautifu l wife . Iva n th e foo l sometimes turn s ou t t o b e Iva n th e prince. 23 In th e meantime , whateve r the outcome , th e foo l i s alway s punishe d i n som e direc t o r indirec t fashion fo r hi s manifestly stupi d actions . The description s o f th e punish ments ar e remarkabl y detailed , the y ten d t o b e repetitious , an d the y ar e clearly intende d t o elici t sadistic outbursts o f laughte r fro m th e listener . Russians laug h a t thei r folklori c fool . H e seem s t o deliberatel y pro voke punishment (eve n though, logicall y speaking , he is not responsible , for h e is retarded, i.e. , too "stupid " t o understand wha t h e is doing). His apparent masochis m canno t bu t gratif y th e addressee's sadisti c impulses. But th e laughte r als o reveal s a kin d o f recognition . Som e previousl y repressed informatio n abou t th e self is released b y the fool. 24 I n laughin g

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at thei r folklori c fool , Russian s ar e laughin g a t themselves . H e is , afte r all, ofte n name d Ivan— a favorit e nam e amon g Russians, 25 a nam e that ma y eve n b e considere d metonymi c fo r Russians. 26 Whe n Ol'g a Semenova-Tian-Shanskaia title d he r ethnographi c monograp h "Th e Lif e of 'Ivan, ' " sh e wa s countin g o n thi s metonymy. 27 A s Maksi m Gor'ki i argued, Iva n th e foo l represent s th e Russia n peasant' s ow n willingnes s to tak e a beating, t o b e passively resigne d i n th e face o f whateve r sud'ba has t o offer. 28 The listener' s laughte r i s thu s a doubl y masochisti c phenomenon . Ivan th e foo l doe s thing s whic h provok e ridicul e upo n himself , an d laughing Russian s ar e i n effec t ridiculin g themselves . Ivan' s provocativ e style o f masochis m finds resonanc e i n th e Russians ' habi t o f laughin g at themselves . The folklori c foo l eithe r doe s no t kno w hi s act s wil l ge t hi m int o trouble becaus e h e is too retarde d t o understan d wha t i s going on, o r h e does kno w bu t i s slyl y bidin g hi s tim e ("seb e n a ume, " a s th e Russian s say). Scholar s hav e tende d t o focu s o n th e latter . Th e masochis m i s easier t o ignor e tha t way , an d emphasi s ca n b e put o n th e tales in whic h Ivan i s covertl y clever , an d i n whic h ther e i s a happ y endin g (althoug h sometimes th e happ y endin g i s jus t a matte r o f luck , wit h th e foo l remaining trul y naive) . I t i s i n an y cas e importan t t o kee p i n min d tha t tales abou t th e foo l d o no t alway s hav e a happ y endin g (i n suc h in stances th e foo l i s likel y t o b e nameless) . I n thes e tale s th e listene r i s treated t o nothin g bu t a serie s o f masochisti c incidents . Eve n whe n th e ending i s happ y (e.g. , th e foo l get s th e princes s an d th e gold) , wha t comes befor e th e endin g i s i n an y cas e overtl y self-destructiv e fo r th e fool. The apparen t masochis m o f th e Russia n folklori c foo l sometime s shades ove r int o altruism . A s Smirno v observes , Iva n i s "read y fo r an y self-sacrifice."29 Dmitri i Likhache v consider s th e foo l specificall y i n th e context o f hi s discussio n o f Russia n kindnes s ("dobrota"). 30 Th e foo l can b e ver y kind—t o animals , t o th e poor , t o hi s family . Fo r example , he permits a swarm o f mosquitoe s t o suck his blood. O r h e gives alms t o beggars. In suc h behavior , a s Meletinski i observes , th e foo l i s "th e embodiment o f th e grea t potentialitie s inheren t i n th e simpl e ma n o f the people." 31 In his altruisti c functio n Iva n th e foo l seem s almos t holy . Likhache v uses th e term s "durak " an d "iurodivyi " almos t interchangeably. 32 Th e

THE RUSSIAN FOOL AND HIS MOTHER 129 fool i s capabl e o f lovin g hi s enemie s i n a curiousl y Christ-lik e fashion . He ca n be , a s th e Russian s say , stupi d t o th e poin t o f saintlines s ("glu p do sviatosti"). 33

The Fool and His Mother Joanna Hubb s prefer s t o vie w th e fool' s altruisti c behavio r a s "motherly." 34 A quit e explici t exampl e i s th e foolis h genera l wh o sit s naked o n som e eggs in order t o hatch ou t th e chicks—a he n is a mother , after all. 35 In a n earl y Sovie t literar y varian t title d "Van'k a Dobroi " ("Van'ka th e Good ) th e foo l live s happily eve r after wit h hi s mother an d two o f th e animal s h e has saved. 36 The Russia n folklori c foo l tend s t o b e strongl y attache d t o hi s family, especiall y hi s mother. Altruis m i n Russia, a s everywhere else, 37 is learned o n mother' s knee . Bu t th e foolishnes s a s wel l a s th e altruis m should b e characterize d a s "motherly, " o r a t leas t a s havin g t o d o wit h the mother . In man y variant s th e proble m i s tha t th e foo l canno t see m to mak e a break wit h hi s mother . H e i s often th e younges t child , whic h means h e i s th e las t on e t o hav e emerge d fro m hi s mother' s body , an d no on e els e has sinc e occupied hi s position a s mother's littl e boy. 38 H e is very passive an d dependen t o n his mother. Hi s closenes s to her is part of what make s hi m laughable . H e i s a n adult , bu t i s developmentall y retarded. Sometime s h e is speechless, like a n infant . H e i s a lazybones, a stay-at-home, usuall y remainin g i n hi s mother' s hu t an d lyin g o n (o r behind) th e stove . Sometime s eve n hi s nam e suggest s th e stov e t o whic h he i s s o attached : "Iva n Zapechnik " ("Iva n Behind-the-Stove" ) o r "Kniaz' Pechurinskii " ("Princ e Stovish"). 39 Th e imag e o f th e stov e ("pech'," a feminine noun ) i s decidedly maternal , an d reinforce s th e ide a of th e fool' s continuin g dependenc e o n hi s mothe r ("Th e stov e i s ou r dear mother, " say s a peasan t proverb). 40 Lik e a littl e child , th e foo l i s often withou t britches , he i s dirty, 41 doe s no t clea n himself , ha s a runn y nose, an d s o forth . Hi s mothe r i s mor e o r les s force d t o tak e car e o f him. 42 Whe n h e doe s ge t u p th e energ y t o g o ou t an d d o som e daring , stupid deed , h e ofte n follow s thi s wit h a retur n hom e t o hi s mothe r an d a reversio n t o hi s forme r passivit y an d nearl y symbioti c unio n wit h hi s mother. Th e behavio r o f th e Russia n folklori c foo l thu s exemplifie s tha t grade o f masochis m i n whic h th e individual , whe n behavin g masochisti cally, i s attemptin g t o mov e away fro m th e mothe r (se e clinica l discus -

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sion, above , 109) . I n an y case , th e boundar y o f th e foolis h sel f wit h th e mother i s at issue. Russian proverb s ofte n implicat e th e mothe r (bu t no t th e father ) i n the fool' s foolishness . Ther e ar e man y ways , fo r example , t o excus e a fool b y sayin g he was born tha t wa y (e.g. , "N e durak , a rodom tak, " o r "Kak rozheny, ta k i zamorozheny"). 43 Thes e ar e hint s tha t th e mothe r somehow gav e birth badly , or mad e some kind o f mistake in giving birth to th e fool . Sh e compensate s fo r thi s b y takin g pity , b y devotin g specia l attention t o he r defectiv e chil d (i n th e tale s h e i s often th e favore d thir d child). Bu t sometime s sh e wil l neglec t o r abus e th e child. 44 Sometime s she wil l admi t tha t he r chil d i s a fool. 45 On e prover b ha s he r formerl y speechless so n cal l her a foo l ("Tr i god a n e bai l parnishko , da : 'dur a mat"").46 Here w e shoul d not e th e traditiona l sexis t attitud e whic h portray s women a s no t to o bright : "Lon g o n hair , bu t shor t o n brains " ("Volo s dolog, d a u m korotok"). 47 Ther e ar e quit e a fe w suc h proverbs , an d Russia i s indeed a male chauvinis t natio n i n the extrem e (a s will becom e clear i n th e discussio n belo w o n th e slav e sou l o f Russi a a s a gendere d object). Bu t th e quintessentia l Russia n foo l i s nonetheles s a man , no t a woman, a "durak, " no t a "dura. " Ther e i s man y a n "Iva n durak, " bu t no "Tatian a dura. " I f i n th e folklori c imaginatio n ther e i s some foolish ness i n wome n (includin g mothers) , nonetheles s i t i s me n wh o g o t o extremes i n this matter. 48 Laughter i s essentia l t o th e fool' s appeal , bu t thi s laughte r ca n become rathe r gruesom e b y Wester n standards . Th e grown-u p fool' s closeness t o hi s mothe r i s mildl y funny , bu t non-Russian s ar e likel y t o be shocke d whe n th e foo l insist s o n keepin g hi s mother' s corps e nearb y because h e canno t par t wit h it. 49 Russian s laug h whe n th e foo l mistak enly take s hi s mothe r fo r a thie f an d kill s he r wit h a club. 50 They laug h when th e foo l (i n severa l variants ) use s hi s mother' s corps e t o forc e various peopl e t o pa y hi m fo r allegedl y murderin g her. 51 The y ar e de lighted whe n th e foo l throw s th e mother-figur e o f Iaga-Bab a int o a n oven an d cook s her. 52 It i s difficul t t o avoi d th e impressio n tha t th e foo l feel s hostil e toward hi s mothe r i n man y o f th e tale s (despite , o r perhap s becaus e o f his dependenc e o n her) , an d tha t sympatheti c (laughing ) Russian s ar e finding a n outlet fo r archaic , childish hostilit y they once felt towar d thei r

THE RUSSIAN FOO L AND HI S MOTHER 131 own mothers . Thei r laughte r a t th e foo l implie s approva l o f w h a t th e fool i s doin g t o hi s mother. 5 3 Consider a n exampl e o f th e ver y a b u n d a n t motif-typ e k n o w n a s th e " a r r a n t f o o l , " 5 4 w h o test s hi s mother' s patienc e rathe r severely : In a certai n famil y ther e wa s a n arran t fool . No t a da y passe d o n whic h people di d no t complai n abou t him ; ever y da y h e woul d eithe r insul t someon e or injur e someone . Th e fool' s mothe r pitie d hi m an d looke d afte r hi m a s i f h e were a littl e child ; wheneve r th e foo l mad e read y t o g o somewhere , sh e woul d explain t o him fo r hal f a n hour wha t h e should d o and ho w he should d o it. On e day th e foo l wen t b y th e threshin g bar n an d sa w th e peasant s threshin g peas , and crie d t o them : "Ma y yo u thres h pea s fo r thre e day s an d ge t thre e pea s threshed!" Becaus e h e sai d thi s th e peasants belabore d hi m wit h thei r flails . Th e fool cam e bac k t o hi s mother an d crie d out : "Mother , mother , the y hav e beate n up a fellow! " "Wa s i t you , m y child? " "Yes. " "Wha t for? " "Becaus e I went b y Dormidoshkin's bar n an d hi s people were threshin g pea s there. " "An d then , m y child?" "An d I said t o them : 'Ma y yo u thres h pea s fo r thre e day s an d ge t thre e peas threshed. ' That' s wh y the y bea t m e up. " "Oh , m y child , yo u shoul d hav e said: 'Ma y yo u hav e suc h a n abundanc e tha t yo u hav e t o b e haulin g i t fo r eve r and ever. ' " The foo l wa s overjoyed . Th e nex t da y h e wen t t o wal k i n th e villag e an d met som e peopl e carryin g a coffi n wit h a dea d ma n i n it . Rememberin g yester day's advice , he roare d i n a loud voice : "Ma y yo u hav e t o hau l thi s for eve r an d ever!" Agai n h e was soundl y thrashed . Th e foo l returne d t o hi s mother an d tol d her why he had bee n beaten up . "Ah , my child," sh e said, "yo u shoul d have said : 'May h e res t i n peac e eternal! ' " Thes e word s san k dee p int o th e fool' s mind . Next da y h e went wanderin g agai n i n th e village an d h e me t a gay weddin g procession. Th e foo l cleare d hi s throat , an d a s soo n a s h e cam e u p t o th e procession, h e cried : "Ma y yo u res t i n peac e eternal! " Th e drunke n peasant s jumped dow n fro m th e car t an d bea t hi m u p cruelly . Th e foo l wen t hom e an d cried: "O h m y dear mother." 5 5 This goe s o n fo r t w o mor e identicall y sill y episodes . Finall y th e mothe r gets fe d u p an d forbid s he r foo l t o g o t o th e villag e an y more , an d th e tale ends . I n othe r variant s ther e i s eithe r n o resolutio n (th e tal e end s in medias res), o r th e foo l eventuall y die s fro m hi s man y w o u n d s . W h a t i s th e poin t o f suc h a narrative ? W h a t i s funn y abou t it , an d why doe s i t strik e h o m e fo r Russians ? The t w o chie f player s ar e mothe r an d child . Thei r back-and-fort h interaction i s w h a t i s importan t (th e endin g varies , an d i s largel y irrele vant). Th e mothe r seem s normal , whil e th e grown-u p so n i s a foo l tha t she look s afte r "a s i f h e wer e a littl e child " ("ka k z a maly m r e b e n k o m " ) .

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Indeed th e fool' s behavio r i s childlike—comparabl e t o tha t o f a two year-old, t o b e precise. Mother s i n al l culture s kno w abou t th e "terribl e twos," a n ag e when th e chil d i s first asserting it s independence fro m he r by constantl y gettin g int o scrapes , alway s sayin g "no, " ofte n endin g a n adventure i n tears . Thi s i s a n importan t stag e i n th e formatio n o f th e self. Often th e chil d know s perfectl y wel l whe n somethin g i s wron g o r harmful, bu t pretend s no t t o an d get s int o troubl e anyway . O f a chil d that i s behavin g i n thi s obstreperou s fashio n Russian s wil l us e th e sam e expression a s the y us e fo r characterizin g a fool : "H e i s o n hi s min d t o himself" ("O n seb e n a ume"). 56 Mother s d o no t necessaril y lov e thei r children an y les s a s a resul t o f suc h behavior , however . Th e narratin g mother i n Natal'ia Baranskaia' s A Week Like Any Other declare s o f he r children: " I lov e our littl e fool s s o much." 5 7 Thi s is generally i n keepin g with th e affectionat e attitud e Russian s hav e towar d th e foo l figure ("Akh t y moi glupen'kii, " o r "Ak h t y moi durachok"). 58 What i s going on i n the Afanas'ev tal e is very much lik e a misbehav ing toddler' s interactio n wit h th e mother . Jus t a s th e rebellin g chil d repeatedly run s of f an d hurt s itself , th e foo l her e keep s goin g int o tow n and doin g somethin g tha t elicit s abus e fro m others . And jus t a s the littl e child alway s run s bac k t o it s momm y fo r comfort , th e foo l her e run s back repeatedly t o his "matushka. " From th e viewpoin t o f th e tale' s addressee , a s I observed above , th e fool appear s t o b e invitin g abuse , tha t is , h e appear s t o b e behavin g masochistically. Thi s impressio n i s difficul t t o shak e i n thi s particula r tale becaus e th e foo l i s thrashe d s o man y times—no t jus t th e magica l number three , but five times. In another variant , th e mistreatment occur s nine time s i n a row. 59 I n a literar y varian t b y Le v Tolsto i th e beating s occur seve n times , wit h th e foo l bein g beate n t o deat h th e las t time. 60 Note als o th e fool's epithet , "nabityi durak, " translate d a s "arrant fool " by Guterman , bu t etymologicall y bette r rendere d a s "very beaten fool, " or mor e colloquiall y a s "stuffe d full, " a s i n "nabity i meshok " (" a ba g stuffed full"). 61 Anothe r wa y t o conve y thi s fool' s foolishnes s i s t o sa y that, n o matte r ho w muc h h e get s beaten , th e foolishnes s doe s no t get beaten ou t o f him . The repetitivenes s o f th e beating s i s suggestive . Th e foo l i s bein g particularly rebellious . H e i s not onl y punishin g himself , h e seem s t o b e punishing hi s mother a s well (sh e becomes quit e frustrated) . I f he canno t do anythin g t o pleas e her , h e wil l punis h her . Hi s willfulnes s i s directe d

THE RUSSIAN FOOL AND HIS MOTHER 133 at her a s well a s at himself—or would b e if he were not s o "stupid. " Hi s foolishness i s a cove r tha t permit s th e Russia n addresse e t o indulg e i n both self-destructiv e an d mother-destructiv e fantasies . Punishin g th e self and punishing the mother ar e not very different whe n ther e is a lingerin g boundary proble m betwee n mothe r an d child . And th e attemp t ma y fail . A t the deepes t level , the Russia n folklori c fool invite s th e addresse e t o indulg e i n a disturbing fantas y o f remainin g merged o r fuse d wit h th e mother . Whe n th e foo l doe s tr y t o mak e th e break, hi s mothe r usuall y encourage s him . Bu t hi s effort s ar e i n vain , a t least initially, and i n many variants th e fool neve r does succeed. He mus t remain wit h hi s mothe r till th e en d o f hi s days . Nothin g coul d b e mor e humiliating. Th e unseparate d sel f i s th e lowes t for m o f self . I t deserve s all the punishment i t gets from funn y storyteller s an d laughin g listeners .

S E V E N

Is the Slave Soul of Russia a Gendered Object? I am a slave. —Soviet housewife 1

The "slav e sou l o f Russia " i s a metaphorica l characterizatio n o f a men tality tha t pervade s Russi a o n al l cultural levels . But in th e depth s o f th e individual Russia n psyche , this "slav e soul" is a specific, personified, an d gendered entity : i t i s a woman , mos t commonl y th e first an d foremos t woman i n every Russian's life , namely, the mother. A t the national level , as w e sa w earlier , th e "grea t [female ] slave " (Grossman ) i s "Mothe r Russia" herself . Any responsibl e mothe r i s i n som e sens e enslave d b y he r children , especially b y ver y smal l childre n wh o requir e constan t attention . Vasili i Rozanov characterize d a mothe r a s a slav e ("sluzhi t rabyneiu" ) i n a touching vignett e abou t a sic k chil d an d it s attentiv e mother. 2 Bu t ther e is nothing particularl y Russia n abou t sacrificin g onesel f t o the needs an d whims o f what Freu d like d to cal l sa majeste Venfant. In Russia , however , ther e ha s alway s bee n a gros s inequalit y o f th e sexes whic h serve d t o intensif y a woman' s enslavement . A traditiona l Russian woma n was , i n effect , th e slav e o f he r man . Amon g th e peas antry, fo r example , a daughter wa s expected t o b e obedient t o her fathe r until h e marrie d he r off , whereupo n sh e wa s require d t o submi t t o the wil l o f he r husband . Th e husban d becam e he r "father " withi n th e patriarchal peasan t culture , a s i n th e prover b " A husban d i s th e wife' s father, a wif e i s th e husband' s crownin g glory " ("Muz h zhen e otets , zhena muzh u venets"). 3 Amon g th e gentr y th e situatio n wa s no t ver y different, a s can be seen from Professo r Stites' s discussion o f "th e subser vience o f marrie d wome n t o thei r husband s i n nineteenth-centur y Rus sia." Stite s goe s s o fa r a s t o mak e a n analog y wit h th e institutio n o f 134

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 135 serfdom: "I n man y ways , the wife-daughter' s statu s unde r th e husband father wa s analogou s t o that o f th e landlord's serf. " 4 Among th e peasantr y th e husban d himsel f wa s likel y t o b e a slav e (literally unti l 1861 , metaphoricall y bot h befor e an d after) . Ther e i s a famous passag e abou t th e complexitie s o f th e ser f wife' s enslavemen t i n Nikolai Nekrasov' s folkloristi c poe m Red-Nose Frost: TpHTH>KKMe ZIOJI H MMeJia cy/u>6a, H nepBaa now. c pa6oM noBeHHaTbca, BTopafl — 6wTb MaTepbio cbiHa pa6a, A TpeTbH — no rpo6a pa6 y noKopHTbca, M Be e 3TH rpo3Hbie .aojiH jierjiM Ha >KeHijjHHy pyccKow 3eMjiH. Fate held three heavy parts: The first was to be married to a slave, The second was to be the mother of a slave's son, The third was to submit to a slave to the grave. All of these terrible lots fell upon The woman of the Russian land. Here Nekraso v sympathize s wit h th e downtrodde n Russia n woman , and understandabl y so . Bu t th e pictur e wa s reall y mor e complicated . The inequalit y o f th e sexe s wa s affecte d i n importan t way s b y th e fac t that bot h spous e abus e an d chil d abus e wer e commo n i n th e peasan t family. When a peasant wif e di d no t submi t t o th e will o f he r husband, tha t is, di d no t behav e i n accordanc e wit h th e ethica l principl e o f smirenie, she could expec t t o b e beaten b y him. When he r childre n di d no t submi t to hi s will , the y to o coul d b e beate n b y him . The y coul d als o b e beate n by thei r mother , althoug h mother s tende d t o bea t thei r childre n fo r different reason s tha n father s did. 5 Nevertheless , bot h parent s wer e abusive. The abus e was accomplishe d i n a variety o f ways: the child wa s whipped wit h a rope , hi t wit h a fist , a stick , o r a nettl e switch , dragge d by the ea r o r th e hair, o r kicked. 6 Although fro m a small child's viewpoint th e mother i s a dominating , enslaving figur e i n an y cultur e (above , 96) , as the Russia n chil d grow s i t becomes increasingl y clea r tha t th e fathe r i s th e famil y slav e driver . Among th e Russia n peasantr y th e father' s abus e o f th e mothe r woul d often tak e place right in front o f the children. For example, ethnographe r Ol'ga Semenova-Tian-Shanskai a report s o n on e muzhi k who , whe n

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drunk, use d t o threate n hi s wif e wit h a n axe , o r bea t he r o n th e hea d with a threshing-flail a s the children crie d an d screame d nearby. 7 It mus t b e quit e a n epiphan y fo r th e growin g Russia n chil d t o discover tha t it s maste r ha s a maste r (especiall y i f thi s occur s i n th e context o f th e prima l scene—se e below) . Th e origina l enslave r is , afte r all, a slave . An y hostil e wishe s tha t th e chil d ma y hav e ha d agains t th e mother—and eve n childre n wh o hav e no t bee n swaddle d Russian-styl e have hate d thei r mother s a t on e poin t o r another—mus t b e reactivate d by a male adult who himself lord s it over the child's mother. A t the sam e time, havin g bee n lorde d ove r i n th e past, th e chil d mus t als o b e abl e t o identify wit h a mother wh o no w appear s t o b e a victim. In othe r words , the chil d mus t b e torn . A t som e momen t i n developmen t th e chil d ha s the affectiv e making s o f bot h maste r an d slave , bot h sadis t an d mas ochist. Within th e traditional peasan t famil y th e father wa s a harsh discipli narian wh o ha d a right to bea t hi s children, t o decid e who the y married , to determin e wher e the y woul d live , etc . Christin e Worobe c provide s a very typica l exampl e i n he r excellen t recen t boo k o n post-emancipatio n peasants: On 1 2 September 1871 , in Ivanovo canton, Shuia district, Vladimir province, a father charge d hi s so n wit h leavin g hom e an d no t bein g respectful o f parenta l authority. When th e so n defende d hi s action b y accusing hi s father o f severel y beating him, the father replied that it was a parent's right to punish a disobedient son. The father reasone d tha t suc h beatings were merely instructive; they could not lead to maiming. The cantonal court sided with the father, sentenced the son to twenty lashes, and ordered that he return to his parents' home.8 Such familia l authorit y ha s alway s ha d it s politica l analogu e i n Russia . Political authoritarianis m i s expresse d wit h specificall y paterna l meta phors. The Russian tsars , for example , had sinc e the seventeenth centur y been affectionatel y referre d t o b y th e naivel y monarchisti c peasantr y as "littl e father " ("Batiushka") . Pete r th e Grea t wa s "Fathe r o f th e Fatherland" ("Otet s Otechestva"). 9 Iosi f Stalin , who fa r outstrippe d th e tsars in the degree to which h e enslaved Russi a (an d the rest of the Sovie t Union), wa s calle d "Father, " "Fathe r o f th e Peoples, " "Wis e Father, " "Beloved Father, " an d s o forth. 10 In th e religiou s realm , a s i n th e political , th e paterna l metapho r reigned, an d continue s t o reign . Fo r example , a nineteenth-century Rus sian mon k writes : "W e mus t no t tr y t o find ou t wh y thi s happene d i n

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 13

7

this way, and no t in that, but with childlike obedience w e must surrende r ourselves t o th e holy will o f our heavenly Father an d sa y from th e dept h u of ou r soul : 'Our Father, Th y wil l b e done. ' " 11 Th e Russia n Orthodo x "God" i s most definitel y a father, no t a mother . The childlik e qualit y o f Russia n obedienc e i s manifested i n th e ver y pronouns Russian s use d i n addressin g th e authorities . Russia n ha s tw o second perso n pronouns , th e familia r ty an d th e polit e vy (cf . Frenc h tu and vous, Germa n Du an d Sie). Initiall y th e Russia n chil d use s onl y ty, whether th e interactio n i s wit h adult s o r wit h peers . Th e familia r pro noun i s th e pronou n o f childhood . Amon g peasant s thi s pronou n re mained predominan t i n adulthoo d a s well , however . Vy wa s use d o n certain forma l occasion s (e.g. , matchmaking) , o r i n situation s wher e deliberate distanc e wa s desired , o r i n addressin g som e member s o f th e gentry (e.g. , th e landlord' s wife) . Bu t ty wa s use d towar d thos e i n authority, a s Paul Friedric h ha s pointed out : The household chief, the landlord, Tsar, and God were all addressed with ty and the quasi-kinshi p term , batjushka ("littl e father") . Thu s a strikin g featur e o f authority i n Russi a a s agains t th e Wes t wa s tha t vy generall y di d symboliz e greater power , bu t tha t whe n th e greatnes s passe d a certai n poin t th e speake r switched bac k t o wha t migh t b e calle d th e ty o f tota l subordinatio n o r o f a n intimacy that could not be jeopardized. From another point of view, ty to God, Tsar, and squire emphasized the fatherly aspec t of their jural authority. 12 In the Sovie t period childis h familiarit y wit h authorit y figure s decreased , of course . Bu t th e paterna l metapho r continue d t o reign . A Sovie t woman physicia n an d hospital sectio n hea d writin g a letter to sociologis t Larisa Kuznetsova , describe s a confrontatio n sh e had wit h anothe r phy sician wh o wa s suppose d t o b e workin g under her : "Onc e I permitte d myself t o mak e a joke: 'Whic h o f u s in this section i s the Mama—me o r you?' Pedanticall y h e raise d hi s inde x finge r an d replie d harshly : 'Re member tha t I am everywher e th e Papa.' " 1 3 Eventuall y thi s woman qui t her jo b a s sectio n hea d an d wen t bac k t o bein g a n ordinar y physician . As anothe r Mosco w woma n said : "Inequitie s don' t alway s giv e ris e t o anger. Sometime s the y mak e you subservient." 14

Patriarchy Conceals Matrifocality Despite th e over t patriarcha l orientatio n o f adul t Russia n culture , the child' s early viewpoin t shoul d no t b e neglected . Smal l childre n ar e

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preoccupied wit h thei r mothers , no t thei r fathers . The y canno t eat , drink, cloth e themselves , clea n themselves , o r mov e abou t withou t th e mother's assistanc e and/o r permission . Th e "barin " ma y no t allo w yo u to leav e th e border s o f hi s estate , an d th e paternalisti c Russia n bureau crat ma y no t permi t yo u t o leav e th e border s o f th e Sovie t Union , bu t your mothe r di d no t eve n le t yo u ou t o f he r arms , o r th e swaddlin g bands, or th e cradle , or th e hut . To a traditiona l Russia n chil d th e worl d mus t see m ver y "matriar chal" (an d eve n mor e s o if the fathe r i s absent o r indifferent) . Patriarch s do no t mother . The y ca n tak e neithe r credi t fo r carin g fo r th e infan t no r blame fo r subjugatin g it . Indeed , mother s i n al l culture s ar e i n charg e of their childre n unti l the y ar e weaned. 15 Actually, a muc h bette r ter m tha n "matriarchal " her e woul d b e matrifocal, meanin g tha t th e emphasi s i n Russi a i s o n th e mother-chil d relationship a t th e expens e o f th e father-chil d o r father-mothe r relation ships. 16 Ther e i s i n fac t n o suc h thin g a s a "matriarchal " societ y any where o n ou r planet , an d ther e probabl y neve r ha s bee n one. 17 Bu t i t i s possible fo r a society , suc h a s Russia , t o b e intensely matrifoca l whil e a t the sam e tim e bein g patriarcha l t o varyin g degree s a t variou s tim e pe riods. Even afte r th e Russia n chil d ha s grow n up , th e mothe r remain s extremely important . Iva n Petrovic h Sakharov , writin g i n th e middl e o f the nineteent h century , quote s a lon g peasan t incantatio n designe d t o neutralize th e effect s o f a mother' s ange r agains t he r grown-u p son. 18 Referring t o interview s wit h Sovie t Russia n soldiers , Henr y Dick s says : "On th e whol e th e impressio n wa s gaine d tha t a Russia n man' s mothe r remained hi s mos t importan t love-objec t eve n thoug h h e wa s married." 19 In Russia , accordin g t o philosophe r Nikola i Berdiaev , "th e funda mental categor y i s motherhood." 20 Thi s statemen t i s no t jus t abou t individual Russian s an d thei r mothers . Th e matrifocalit y o f th e Russia n family ha s spille d ou t int o th e cultur e a s a whole . Materna l imager y permeates al l level s o f Russia n societ y an d culture . T o th e Westerner , there seems to b e an exces s of significatio n abou t mother s i n Russia, an d this exces s indicate s tha t th e averag e Russia n need s t o continu e dealing , even in adulthood , wit h th e experience o f havin g been mothered . For example , mothe r eart h i s the plac e where , i n th e nativ e lore , al l crops gro w ("mat ' zemlia-kormilitsa" ) an d al l Russian s ar e eventuall y

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 13

9

buried ("mat ' syr a zemlia") . Russians spea k o f the "boso m o f th e earth " ("lono zemli") . More tha n on e Dostoevsky characte r ha s been known t o flop dow n upo n th e earth , kis s i t a s i f i t wer e a person , an d moiste n i t with tear s o f jo y o r grief . O n variou s ceremonia l occasion s amon g th e peasantry th e eart h wa s kissed . Russia n peasant s sometime s swor e oath s by swallowin g a handfu l o f earth . Lan d dispute s wer e decide d b y peas ants wh o pace d boundarie s wit h a clum p o f eart h o n thei r head . I n th e absence o f a priest , peasant s woul d sometime s confes s thei r sin s t o mother earth . The Volga , th e Oka , an d variou s othe r Russia n rivers , Moscow an d some othe r cities , plant s suc h a s ry e ("rozh ' ")—al l hav e "mother " o r the pleonasti c "nata l mother " ("mat ' rodnaia" ) a s thei r epithet . "Mother Russia " ("matushk a Rus', " "Rossii a mat ' " ) i s a ver y norma l way fo r th e Russia n t o personify hi s or her country , while "Fatherland, " that is , "otechestvo " i s les s commo n an d les s significan t (excep t i n contexts o f extrem e nationalis m o r war) . Som e line s fro m Nikola i Nek rasov provid e a famous example : Tw M y6ora« , Tw H o6HjibHaa, TbI H 3a6HTaH , Tw M BcecHjibHaa , MaTyuiKa Pycb!.. Thou pitiable, Thou prosperous, Thou downtrodden, Thou almighty Mother Russia. 21 "Motherland" ("Rodina, " literall y "Birthland" ) i s anothe r widesprea d designation, a s i n th e famou s recruitmen t poste r fro m Worl d Wa r II , "The Motherlan d Mothe r Calls " ("Rodin a mat ' zovet") ; thi s ter m ca n also refer t o th e village or genera l local e one was bor n in . The "Mothe r o f God " ("Bogoroditsa " o r "Bogomater', " unlik e th e "Blessed Virgi n Mary " o f Wester n Christianity ) i s quite a s importan t a s the mal e divinitie s i n Russia n Orthodox y an d popula r Russia n Chris tianity. Sh e pitie s thos e wh o suffe r an d wh o sin , sh e i s a protector , sh e works miracles , sh e aid s wome n i n labor , churche s ar e consecrate d i n her name , sh e wa s th e guaranto r o f militar y pacts , he r ico n wa s wor shipped b y soldier s befor e battle , an d s o on . Mar y i s no t onl y Christ' s

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mother, sh e is the metaphorica l mothe r o f al l religious Russians , even of all humankind . Historically , sh e seem s t o hav e inherite d som e feature s of th e old Slavic fertility goddes s Makosh', th e "mothe r o f th e harvest. " In the religiou s lore , there ar e repeated allusion s t o the "thre e moth ers" i n every person's life : th e Mother o f God , Mothe r Mois t Earth , an d the natal mother . I t is as if one mother were not enough , o r not adequat e enough. Mothe r cults , bot h Christia n an d pagan , ca n b e traced bac k t o earliest Russia . A centra l figure o f Russia n folktale s i s the materna l ha g Baba Yaga , who threaten s t o ea t little children . The Sovie t governmen t traditionall y rewarde d prolifi c mother s wit h the titl e o f "Heroin e Mother " (423,00 0 Sovie t mother s ha d receive d this awar d b y 1990) . Th e Communis t Part y itsel f ("partiia" ) wa s ofte n characterized a s th e "mother " o f Sovie t citizen s i n bot h officia l an d unofficial lore. 22

Ambivalence toward Mothers There ar e widesprea d hostile , eve n sadisti c attitude s towar d th e maternal imag e i n Russia n culture . Thes e attitude s ar e al l to o ofte n neglected b y scholars o f Mothe r Russia . The mos t commo n wa y t o swea r i n Russian , fo r example , i s t o make a nasty sexua l referenc e abou t someone' s mother . Thi s language is colloquially referre d t o a s "mat " (whic h i s related b y folk-etymolog y t o the Russia n wor d fo r "mother, " i.e. , "mat ' ") . The most widespread an d ancient expletiv e i n th e vocabulary o f ma t i s "e b tvoi u mat', " whic h ha s many nuance s o f meanin g an d considerabl e linguisti c peculiarity , an d which ma y b e ver y loosel y translate d a s "g o t o hell! " o r "goddam n it!" 23 Bu t th e phras e literall y mean s "[I ] fucke d you r mother, " an d i t i s obviously thi s underlyin g meanin g whic h stir s emotio n i n bot h th e ad dresser an d addressee—s o muc h emotio n that , unti l onl y recently , th e phrase wa s tabo o i n th e Russia n press , eve n fo r purpose s o f quotatio n or linguisti c analysis . The attitud e o f Sovie t authoritie s towar d ma t wa s essentially th e sam e a s tha t hel d b y th e Russia n Orthodo x Churc h an d the tsarist censorship . The Oedipa l dimensio n o f ma t i s not fa r belo w th e surface , becaus e it i s usuall y spoke n b y a mal e t o anothe r male , an d th e thir d part y i s somebody's mother . I n effect , th e mos t commo n mothe r oat h ma y b e translated as : " I fucked you r mother , an d therefor e I might eve n be your

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 141 father." Suc h a n expressio n automaticall y create s a n Oedipa l triangle , with antagonis m betwee n th e father an d chil d figures, a s well a s hostilit y toward th e mother . A varian t form , "Fuc k you r mother! " ("Eb i tvoi u mat'!") admonishe s th e addressee to commit incest—also a clearly Oedi pal idea . The Oedipa l suggestivenes s o f ma t i s expresse d b y a n explicitl y Oedipal legen d fro m th e Smolens k are a abou t it s origin : Every person has three mothers: his natal mother an d two great mothers, moist mother eart h an d th e Mothe r o f God . The devi l "disturbed " on e person. This person killed his father an d married hi s mother. Fro m that time on humankin d has been swearing, mentioning the name of the mother in curses, and from tha t time this evil has spread about the earth. 24 Boris Uspenski i cite s numerou s religiou s folklori c text s i n whic h one' s own mother , mothe r earth , o r th e Mother o f Go d i s horrified an d suffer s greatly upo n hearin g ma t spoken. 25 A n inescapabl e consequenc e o f mat—at leas t i n th e fantas y lif e o f th e religiou s Russian—i s materna l suffering. Al l o f thes e text s ar e o f cours e designe d t o induc e guil t i n th e addressee. On e should , lik e one's mother , suffer . This bring s u s t o th e pre-Oedipa l aspec t o f Russia n obscenities . When ma t i s used aggressively , th e direc t targe t (give n i n th e accusativ e case) i s th e mother . Bu t ma t i s alway s understood a s bein g directe d a t the mother' s chil d a s well. That is , to insul t a person's mothe r usin g ma t is th e sam e a s t o insul t th e person . Th e person' s hono r depend s o n th e mother's honor . Wh y thi s shoul d b e s o makes sense , psychoanalytically . After all , th e person' s self-estee m o r cor e narcissis m itsel f derive s fro m pre-Oedipal interactio n wit h th e mother . Indeed , i t was durin g a perio d when th e sel f wa s no t ye t clearl y distinguishe d fro m th e mother , whe n the boundar y wit h he r wa s no t ye t clearl y established , tha t th e child' s narcissistic cor e wa s formed . Th e insul t " I fucke d you r mother " injure s self-definition a s much a s it injures self-esteem . A commo n variatio n o n " I fucke d you r mother " i s " I fucke d you r soul-mother" ("E b tvoi u dush u mat ' ") . This add s a sacra l o r religiou s tone, a s Uspenski i observes. 26 Bu t th e extensio n i s psychoanalyticall y revealing a s well. The wor d "soul " stand s i n grammatica l appositio n t o "mother" (the y ar e both i n th e accusativ e case) . Thus th e sou l a s well a s the mothe r ar e "fucked. " Bu t th e "soul " i n questio n i s tha t o f th e addressee, s o th e expletive' s targe t i s equall y th e mothe r an d th e

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mother's child . Fro m th e viewpoin t o f th e addresse e th e sel f an d th e self's mothe r ar e equall y insulted . Again , mothe r an d sel f ar e difficul t t o distinguish—which i s a specifically pre-Oedipa l problem . Writer Andre i Siniavskii , whe n aske d recentl y fo r a definitio n o f freedom b y a corresponden t o f Literaturnaia gazeta, replied : "Freedo m is when someon e tell s you t o g o to hell [lit. , go to your fucke d mother — k edrenno i materi] , bu t yo u g o wher e yo u please." 27 Thi s definitio n i s perhaps no t s o whimsica l a s i t seems . Th e insul t call s o n th e addresse e to retur n (psychoanalytically , regress ) t o th e mothe r h e o r sh e was onc e bound to , but th e addresse e instea d reject s tha t mother . Apart fro m mat , ther e i s muc h othe r evidenc e fo r hostilit y towar d mothers i n Russia n culture . Russia n autobiographer s (e.g. , Andrei Bely i in Kotik Letaev, Gork'i i i n hi s Childhood) hav e a tendenc y t o portra y their mother s a s psychologically treacherous , a s has bee n establishe d b y the lat e Richar d Coe. 28 Matricida l fantasie s aboun d i n Russia n litera ture, especiall y i n Dostoevsky' s novels. 29 Variou s Russia n writer s hav e expressed thei r extrem e disillusionmen t wit h "Mothe r Russia, " includ ing Dmitri i Merezhkovskii , wh o wrot e a n articl e characterizin g Russi a as "Th e Pi g Mother " ("Svin'i a Matushka"), 30 an d Andre i Siniavskii , who castigate d Sovie t Russi a fo r drivin g ou t it s Jews: "Mothe r Russia , Bitch Russi a [Rossiia-Suka] , yo u wil l answe r fo r thi s chil d too , raise d and the n shamefull y dumpe d b y you." 3 1 Maksimilia n Voloshi n charac terized Russi a a s a "crue l infanticide " ("gor'kai a detoubiitsa" ) fo r th e way sh e treate d Pushki n an d Dostoevsky. 32 Aleksand r Solzhenitsy n quotes anti-Russia n line s tha t wer e supposedl y popula r i n th e earl y Soviet period : MM paccTpejiHjiM TOJicT03aziyi o 6a6y Poccwo, MTO6H no Tejiy e e npMiuej i KoMMyHH3M-MeccnH. We shot fat-assed, old-lad y Russia So that messianic Communism could climb onto her. 33 Similarly, Aleksand r Blok' s marchin g revolutionarie s i n hi s famou s poem "Th e Twelve" shoo t "Hol y Russia " i n her fa t rea r end. 34 More example s coul d b e adduced. O f thos e given, mother-cursing i s probably th e mos t important , becaus e (mostly ) me n o f al l socia l catego ries everywher e i n Russi a d o it . Wha t i s more , the y d o i t fro m a n earl y age, whe n interactio n wit h th e mothe r i s stil l intense . Accordin g t o

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 143 OPga Semenova-Tian-Shanskaia , fo r example , the Russia n peasan t chil d learned ho w t o swea r befor e i t wa s eve n capabl e o f speakin g complet e sentences. Suc h behavio r wa s no t onl y no t discourage d i n th e peasan t family, i t wa s activel y fostered . Whe n th e mothe r refuse d th e chil d something, the child might call her a "bitch " ("suka" ) righ t to her face — and the mother hersel f migh t then bra g to her friends abou t her energeti c little "ataman. " I f a chil d bea t o n it s mother' s apro n wit h a switch , grown-ups woul d expres s thei r approval. 35 A chil d migh t b e beate n fo r many reasons , bu t swearin g wa s no t on e o f the m ("Z a skverny e slov a ne bili"). 36 Expressions o f hostilit y towar d th e mothe r shoul d no t b e separate d from th e adoratio n o f Mothe r Russia—an d o f Russia n mother s gener ally—that i s mor e commonl y an d mor e openl y discusse d i n th e litera ture o n Russia n nationa l attitudes . I t ca n a t leas t b e sai d tha t ambivalence characterize s th e Russia n fascinatio n wit h materna l imagery . Th e image o f th e mothe r ca n arous e feeling s o f bot h lov e an d hate , submis sion an d rebellion . Wha t thi s ambivalenc e spring s fro m i n individua l ontogeny i s mos t probabl y th e overwhelmin g contro l exercise d b y th e person o n who m on e is totally dependen t i n early development . The matrifocalit y o f Russia n experienc e i s what make s wome n suc h a threa t t o me n i n Russia . Ther e i s a whol e serie s o f proverb s whic h indicate that th e peasant mal e felt inescapabl y tie d dow n o r restricted b y his wife, yet a t th e sam e time he fatalistically accepte d suc h restriction : A wife i s no t a boo t (no t a bas t shoe) , fo r sh e canno t b e kicke d of f (Zhena n e sapog [n e lapot'], s nogi n e skinesh'). A wif e i s no t a mitten , fo r sh e canno t b e throw n of f (Zhen a n e rukavitsa, s ruki n e sbrosish') . A wife i s not a gusli : havin g played , yo u canno t han g he r u p o n th e wall (Zhen a n e gusli: poigrav, n a stenk u n e povesish'). A wife i s not a saddle, for sh e cannot b e taken of f you r bac k (Zhen a ne sedlo: s o spiny n e symesh'). 37 A wif e i s no t this , a wif e i s no t that , bu t mos t importan t a wif e i s no t your mother: A wife i s not a mother, whos e bod y shoul d no t b e beaten (Zhen a n e mat', n e bit' e i stat'). 38

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The wif e an d mothe r thu s for m a kin d o f equivalenc e class , wit h th e wife functionin g a s a stand-i n fo r th e mor e forbiddin g an d dangerou s mother. Semioticall y speaking , a man' s wif e i s a materna l icon. 39 On e may wis h (hav e wished ) t o bea t th e mother , bu t i n fac t on e i s onl y allowed t o bea t the iconic signifier o f the mother . Here w e ar e dealin g wit h phenomen a whic h ar e familia r t o th e psychoanalytic anthropologist . Mother-cursing , wife-beating , heav y drinking, an d generall y hypermasculin e behavio r ar e characteristi c o f men i n matrifoca l culture s everywhere. 40 Referrin g specificall y t o th e Russian culture , psychiatrist Henr y Dick s say s that Russia n me n repres s the "mother' s boy " insid e themselve s i n favo r o f "rugged , swaggering , 'masculine' behavior." 41 The traditiona l Russia n patriarc h ma y fro m tim e t o tim e exercis e abusive forc e ove r hi s wif e (especiall y whe n unde r th e influenc e o f alcohol), bu t h e tend s t o sli p bac k int o a submissivenes s an d passivit y that characterize d hi s earl y experienc e wit h hi s mother. 42 Hi s wif e i s then i n a position t o ru n hi s life fo r him , a s if sh e owned hi m alon g wit h their children . In thes e period s sh e wil l see m a "matriarch " t o th e outside observer. But in reality she is enslaved b y her husband, fo r takin g care o f bot h hi s physica l an d psychologica l need s i s a considerabl e burden. Sh e pay s fo r he r imagine d contro l wit h labor , an d besides , th e illusion o f contro l i s itsel f shattere d ever y tim e h e flie s int o a rag e an d beats he r up , o r step s i n t o mak e a n importan t famil y decision , o r an y time sh e tries to exercis e power outsid e o f th e family .

Suffering Women Whether th e Russia n mothe r i s love d o r hated , worshippe d o r beaten (o r both) , controls o r i s controlled b y her spouse , she suffers. I t is important tha t sh e suffer . Th e Russia n mothe r i s almos t b y definitio n a sufferer, wherea s ther e i s n o notio n o f a sufferin g father. 43 Mother s sacrifice themselve s with their endurin g patience, they redeem themselve s and other s wit h thei r misery . Sometimes—no t always—thei r sufferin g is masochisti c i n nature . Sometime s als o th e representation o f thei r suffering seem s exaggerated , a s thoug h th e sufferin g o f thei r childre n were bein g projected upo n them . Mother Russi a hersel f suffers , a s i n thes e line s fro m Nikola i Nek rasov:

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 145 B MHHVTb l VHblHbfl , 0 pOflHHa-MaTb !

51 MbicjibK ) Bnepea yjieTaio . Eme cy>KneHo Te6e MHoro crpaziaTb, Ho Tbi He norM6Heuib, a 3Haio. In moments of dejection, O motherland-mother, I fly forward i n my thoughts. You are still fated to suffer much , But I know you will not perish. 44

Similarly, write r Aleksand r Solzhenitsy n utilize s i n hi s novel s wha t Ew a Thompson term s th e "topo s o f Russia-as-victim." 45 I n Boris Pasternak' s Doktor Zbivago Mothe r Russi a i s characterized a s a marty r ("muchen itsa"). 46 Ordinar y Russians , too , perceiv e Russi a a s suffering . I n hi s psychoanalytic stud y Dick s says : "I t wa s remarkabl e ho w ofte n my interviewees expresse d th e postwa r stat e o f Russi a i n term s o f thei r 'starving, neglecte d mother. ' " 4 7 Mother Russia' s suffering i s so great tha t sh e needs to be "saved " — especially i f on e i s a Russia n nationalist . Henc e th e anti-Semiti c com monplace: "Bea t th e Jew s an d sav e Russia! " ("Be i zhidov , spasa i Ros siiu!"). Th e conservativ e tsaris t censo r Aleksand r Nikitenk o lamented : "Poor Russia , the y insul t yo u s o cruelly ! Go d sav e u s fro m revolu tion!" 48 Eve n th e libera l newspaper s i n today' s poverty-ridde n post Soviet Russi a constantl y spea k o f "saving " Russia . Becaus e he r custom ary epithe t actuall y i s "Mother, " Russi a offer s a particularl y direc t example o f Richar d Koenigsberg' s thesi s tha t "th e wis h t o 'sav e th e nation' i s th e projectiv e equivalen t o f th e wis h t o restore the omnipotence of the mother." 49 Billington say s o f ancien t Russia : "Wome n quietl y encourage d th e trend i n Russia n spiritualit y whic h glorifie d non-resistanc e t o evi l an d voluntary suffering." 50 I n hi s Diary of a Writer Dostoevsk y heape d praise upo n th e Russia n woman , "tha t self-renouncin g marty r fo r th e Russian man." 5 1 Nikola i Nekraso v praise s sufferin g mother s through out hi s poetry , fo r example , th e "marty r mother " ("muchenitsa-mat ' " ) in a poem title d "Mother." 5 2 Contemporar y fashio n designe r Viachesla v Zaitsev attribute s par t o f hi s succes s t o hi s "sainte d mother, " t o he r "heroic patience, and a saintly capacit y fo r self-sacrifice." 53 The Russia n mothe r doe s no t necessaril y suffe r for he r child . Th e important thin g i s t o suffer . A n overworke d Sovie t mothe r interviewe d by Hansson an d Lide n said : "Sh e [ a mother] ha s to suffe r th e sorrows of

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her people . The n he r chil d wil l tur n ou t well . I' m quit e convince d of that." 5 4 In the religious folklor e th e maternal imag e is a suffering image . The Russian Madonn a tend s t o b e ver y somber . Sh e is , a s Siniavski i says , "suffering incarnate." 55 Icon s o f he r ar e sai d t o she d tear s o r blood . Mary's chie f sorro w i s o f cours e th e sufferin g an d deat h o f he r son , Jesus. Thi s i s not a particularly Russia n idea , bu t ther e ar e som e associ ated idea s whic h migh t see m odd t o Western Christians . For example , Christ' s ow n sufferin g tend s t o b e viewe d primaril y through th e pris m o f hi s mother' s suffering. 56 Indeed , a s Strotman n points out , i t i s icons o f th e Mothe r o f Go d tha t ar e th e mos t venerate d in Russia. 57 Icon s o f Chris t d o no t ge t a s much attentio n a s those o f hi s mother. Ye t icons o f th e Hol y Mothe r ten d t o includ e Chris t anyway , i n the for m o f a child . Th e divin e chil d is , i n effect , inseparabl e fro m hi s mother, i s practically implied b y th e mother : "i l n e fau t pa s oublie r qu e l'icone d e la Vierg e es t toujour s cell e d e la Mer e e t d u Fils , unis pa r u n lien indestructible." 58 In Russia n Orthodo x theolog y Jesu s an d hi s mothe r ar e extremel y close. They ar e clos e i n th e sens e tha t the y ar e ver y ofte n together , wit h Mary showin g specia l sympath y fo r everythin g tha t he r so n undergoes . They ar e als o clos e in th e sens e that the y ar e similar . Fathe r Isaii a o f th e Troitse-Sergieva Lavr a says , for example : Just a s He r Divin e So n did , Sh e [th e Mothe r o f God ] carrie d He r cros s He r entire life. This cross consisted of the scandalous discrepancy between the greatness befittin g He r a s th e Mothe r o f God , an d th e conditio n o f humiliatio n i n which She lived right up until Her death. 59 At th e foo t o f th e cros s o n Moun t Golgoth a thi s woma n suffere d in tensely wit h he r son . Afte r thre e day s h e ros e fro m th e dead . Similarly , according t o tradition , sh e hersel f ros e u p int o heave n thre e day s afte r she died . Thi s event , th e Assumptio n ("Uspenie" ) i s the greates t churc h holiday associate d wit h Mary, 60 jus t a s Easte r (celebratin g Christ' s "voskresenie") i s the greates t festiva l fo r Chris t i n Russia . The similarit y betwee n th e Mothe r o f Go d an d Go d th e So n ca n give rise to situation s wher e on e might be confused wit h th e other. I n his 1898 essay o n th e ide a o f humanit y i n August e Comte , philosophe r Vladimir Solov'e v describe s th e remarkabl e ico n o f Sophia , or th e divin e Wisdom, i n Novgorod . Sh e sit s o n a thron e a t th e cente r o f th e icon ,

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT?147 with a Mothe r o f Go d i n th e Byzantin e styl e o n he r right , Joh n th e Baptist o n he r left , an d Chris t risin g abov e he r wit h uplifte d arms . According to Solov'ev, this central, feminine figur e canno t be the Mothe r of God , no r ca n sh e b e Christ : "I f thi s wer e Christ , the n i t coul d no t b e the Mothe r o f God , bu t i f i t wer e th e Mothe r o f God , the n i t coul d no t be Christ." 61 Thi s ver y jumpin g bac k an d fort h betwee n alternatives , however, suggest s som e highe r semanti c equivalenc e betwee n th e two , as i f th e Sophi a represente d som e principl e o f unit y betwee n th e divin e Mother an d he r Child . Christ i s s o simila r t o hi s mothe r tha t h e sometime s "mothers " her . Andrei Siniavski i refer s t o a n ico n o f th e Assumptio n i n whic h Christ , standing befor e hi s mother' s body , take s he r sou l int o hi s hand s i n th e form o f a swaddled child. 62 There may be a revenge fantasy lurkin g here. Another aspec t o f Russia n religiosit y tha t wil l no t b e familia r t o Western Christian s i s a tendenc y towar d blendin g th e paga n mothe r earth wit h th e Christia n Mothe r o f God . Bot h o f thes e materna l image s suffer becaus e o f th e sinfulnes s o f Russia n people . Bori s Uspenski i quotes a spiritual son g fro m th e mid-nineteent h century : Kan pacnjianeTCfl H pacTy>KHTCfl MaTb cbipa-3eMjia nepe a TocncaoM: Tfl>KeJ10-TO MHe , TocnOflH , UOJX JIK>flbM H CTOHTb ,

Tflwejiefi Tor o — jnoaeH aep>KaTb, Jlioaefi rpeiiiHbiHx , 6e33aK0HHbiHx, KOH TBOpH T rpeXM TfDKKHC...

Thus mother moist-earth cries out And laments before the Lord: It is hard for me, Lord, to stand under the people, It is harder still to hold up the people, Sinful people, lawless people, Who commit grave sins.63 According t o th e religiou s lore , bot h mothe r eart h an d th e Mothe r of Go d suffe r terribl y wheneve r peopl e swea r usin g mother-oath s (so called "mat"). 6 4 The suffering Mothe r o f Go d i s supposed t o come to the aid of thos e in need , tha t is , thos e who , lik e her , ar e suffering . Sh e ha s grea t powe r as a n "intercesso r an d protector, " accordin g t o Joanna Hubbs . Bu t jus t how "powerful " i s she i n fact ? Sh e is powerless t o protec t he r so n fro m being crucified , an d th e perpetua l sorro w o f he r expressio n encourage s

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the worshipe r t o accept th e trial s an d tribulation s o f life . Hubb s says : "Mary i s th e Tre e o f Lif e upo n whic h he r so n hangs." 6 5 Thi s i s a pro tector? Closely relate d t o th e Christia n cul t o f th e Mothe r o f Go d i n Russi a is th e ol d Slavi c cul t o f Paraskeva-Piatnitsa . Thi s cul t appeale d eve n more directl y t o masochisti c impulses . Worshiper s (women) , amon g their othe r activities , would bea t themselve s violently. 66 Russian proverb s attes t t o th e abundan t sufferin g o f mother s (an d women generally) . I n Vladimi r DahP s classi c collectio n on e ca n fin d such item s a s the following : A young wif e crie s til l th e mornin g de w comes , a siste r crie s til l sh e gets a golden ring , but a mother crie s till the en d o f he r lif e (Molod a zhena plache t d o ros y utrennei , sestrits a d o zolot a kol'tsa , mat ' do veku). A mother' s cryin g i s lik e a flowin g river , a wife' s cryin g i s lik e a running brook , a bride' s cryin g i s lik e fallin g dew—a s soo n a s th e sun come s up, it dries the de w awa y (Mat ' plachet , cht o rek a Petsia ; zhena plachet , cht o ruche i techet ; nevest a plachet—ka k ros a padet ; vzoidet solntse—ros u vysushit) . A mothe r crie s abou t he r ow n handfu l (child) , no t someon e else' s (Mat' plache t [p o detishchu ] n e na d gorstochkoi , a na d prigor shnei). 67 It is a woman's habi t to help out matters b y means of tears (Zhenski i obychai—slezami bed e pomogat'). 68 Some o f th e proverbs—evidentl y spoke n b y men—sugges t tha t wome n cry mor e tha n i s reall y necessar y (e.g. , "I n wome n an d drunkard s tear s are cheap"). Still, on th e face o f it , more tears d o sugges t more suffering . Russian literatur e i s ric h wit h th e imager y o f suffering an d self sacrificing women , som e o f who m ar e masochistic , som e o f who m ar e not. Pushkin' s Tat'ian a Larin a ha s alread y bee n mentioned . Nikola i Nekrasov's lon g poe m Russian Women (1872 ) feature s a noblewoma n who follow s he r husban d t o a Siberia n min e and , a t th e poem' s climax , falls o n he r knee s t o kis s her husband' s chains. 69 Man y o f Dostoevsky' s female character s suffe r o n behal f o f their men. Barbara Held t character izes on e o f Dostoevsky' s best-know n heroine s a s follows : "Nastasi a Filippovna allow s Rogozhi n t o murde r her" ; "sh e i s give n a multitud e

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 149 of opportunitie s t o cas t asid e he r rol e a s femm e fatal e o r falle n woman ; she is shown t o b e capable o f livin g quietly; bu t sh e is ultimately unwill ing to live." 70 In Lermontov' s Hero of Our Time Ver a declare s t o Pechorin : " I am you r slav e [i a tvoi a raba]" 7 1 —and afte r sufferin g grea t emotiona l torments ove r Pechorin , ha s th e goo d sens e t o leav e him . Tolstoy' s Natasha i n War and Peace give s u p he r aggressiv e char m entirel y whe n she marrie s Pierr e Bezukhov , degeneratin g int o a n unkemp t "fertil e female" an d "slav e t o he r husband." 72 Pasternak' s lecherou s ol d Ko marovsky seduce s th e youn g gir l Lara , makin g he r hi s slav e ("nevol'nitsa") an d causin g her great suffering. Sh e then imagine s hersel f to b e among th e "poo r i n spirit" wh o ar e blessed b y Christ. 73 Anna Akhmatova , autho r o f th e lon g poem Requiem, whic h depict s the terribl e suffering s o f th e wive s o f thos e arreste d durin g th e 1930s , takes prid e i n havin g bee n "wit h th e people, " "unprotecte d b y foreig n wings." 74 Solzhenitsyn' s Matrion a lose s her lif e whil e helping rapaciou s relatives hau l awa y a portion o f he r house . These ar e al l very differen t examples , of course , but women's suffer ing i s see n a s someho w exemplar y i n al l o f them . Me n sacrific e them selves i n literar y ar t too , bu t thei r sufferin g lack s a certai n emblemati c quality. The righteous Matriona ca n stand fo r al l of Russia , but Nerzhin , or Kostoglotov , o r eve n Ivan Denisovic h cannot . Women's folklor e i s a particularl y ric h sourc e o f informatio n o n women's suffering . Fo r example , an y self-respectin g peasan t woma n i n tsarist Russi a kne w ho w t o keen . Men , o n th e othe r hand , di d not . Al l of th e variou s form s o f lament s ("plach, " "prichitanie, " "prichet, " "voi") wer e sun g exclusivel y b y women . I n man y area s o f Russi a a woman wh o di d no t posses s th e "ar t o f th e lament " wa s hel d i n re proach. 75 Does thi s mea n tha t wome n ha d mor e t o lamen t abou t tha n me n did? O r wer e men just more restraine d emotionally ? The answe r i s yes to bot h questions . Men wer e not suppose d t o wai l on thos e occasion s whe n wailin g b y women wa s calle d for : th e deat h o f a love d one , th e draftin g o f a loved on e int o th e tsaris t army , th e los s of livestock o r property , etc . These events , theoretically , shoul d hav e bee n just a s upsettin g t o me n a s to women . O n th e othe r hand , mother s wer e closer t o thei r childre n tha n me n were , daughter s wer e close r t o thei r parents tha n son s were , an d s o on . A correspondingl y greate r degre e o f

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suffering a t th e los s o f love d one s coul d therefor e b e expecte d fro m women. In addition , ther e was on e even t i n life whic h wa s muc h mor e tragi c for wome n tha n fo r men , namely , marriage . Wit h goo d reaso n Pushki n declared tha t "ou r weddin g song s ar e melancholy , lik e a funerea l howl." 7 6 Her e a woman , unlik e a man , wa s bein g tor n fro m he r famil y and wa s enterin g int o a for m o f virtua l enslavemen t b y th e spous e an d in-laws. Sh e ha d ever y reaso n t o lamen t thi s fate—althoug h normall y she als o accepte d it . Indeed , th e weddin g lament s assiste d he r i n ac cepting it . The y serve d a s a n instrumen t fo r gainin g master y ove r th e idea tha t sh e n o longe r ha d freedo m ("volia") , tha t sh e mus t no w obe y everyone i n th e new , patriloca l househol d (fo r detaile d consideratio n o f the prenuptial bathhous e laments , see below, 195—99) . For th e traditiona l peasan t woma n t o marr y wa s trul y t o embar k upon a life o f suffering . Th e remarkabl e nineteenth-centur y anthropolo gist Aleksandr a Efimenk o write s tha t th e Slavi c (includin g th e Russian ) peasant woma n i s "wor n dow n b y slaver y an d heav y labor, " an d tha t she "b y he r ow n admissio n sanction s thi s abnorma l relationshi p [wit h the husband]." 7 7 Efimenk o quote s a fol k son g i n whic h a Russia n woman sing s "I , o f m y ow n will , a m a n eterna l servan t [vekovechnoi u slugoiu] t o my dearly beloved." 78 Soviet sociologis t Laris a Kuznetsov a say s tha t a Russia n woman' s willingness t o "ben d he r back " i s a habi t tha t ha s "becom e overgrow n with it s ow n psycholog y ove r th e centurie s [privychk a gnut ' spin u obrosla v vekak h svoe i psikhologiei]." 79 Sh e say s tha t wome n i n som e parts o f Russi a befor e th e revolutio n were , fo r al l intent s an d purposes , "house slave s an d concubines " wh o ha d t o b e dragge d ou t o f th e abys s of ignoranc e an d servilit y "ofte n agains t thei r ow n will." 80 Kuznetsov a characterizes th e ol d patriarcha l ide a o f femininit y a s "concer n fo r a man, submissivenes s t o him , obligingness." 81 Soviet sociologis t A . Kharche v refer s t o th e alienatio n whic h oc curred betwee n th e proverbia l "enslaver-ma n an d enslave d woman " i n the Russia n famil y o f tsaris t times. 82 Marriage fo r lov e was rar e in thos e days, say s anothe r Sovie t sociologis t V . A . Sysenko , who als o speak s o f the "humbled " ("prinizhennoe" ) positio n o f th e woma n i n th e old , patriarchal Russia n family. 83 Among contemporar y Wester n scholars , Christin e Worobe c ha s

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 151 gone fa r i n th e directio n o f recognizin g tha t Russia n peasan t wome n were complicitou s i n thei r ow n oppression . Sh e characterize s th e posi tion o f th e post-emancipatio n peasan t woma n a s follow s i n he r recen t book Peasant Russia: Despite thei r positio n a s second-clas s citizens , Russia n peasan t wome n sup ported or , a t least , accommodate d themselve s t o th e patriarchy . Th e isolate d individual might resist her subjugation, bu t peasant women did not stand up as a group t o protest thei r oppression. Thi s accommodation ma y be explained by the natur e o f th e patriarch y itself , whic h wa s carefu l t o giv e wome n som e rewards, power, an d safeguards . Russia n peasant s honore d wome n a s mothers and diligent workers. Because men were dependent on their wives' labors in the household an d its environs, they gave women a good deal of latitude in managing thei r affairs . Th e patriarch y als o place d grea t stor e i n women' s honor , s o intricately tie d t o famil y an d mal e honor . I t protecte d women' s reputations , rigorously punishin g those who falsely slandered a woman.84 Recognizing tha t "accommodation " di d tak e place , Worobe c doe s not , however, conside r th e possibilit y tha t a psychologica l facto r suc h a s masochism migh t have facilitated it . It is true that peasant women gaine d "some rewards , power , an d safeguards " fo r "accommodating " t o thei r abject position , bu t thes e d o no t hav e t o b e th e onl y feature s tha t contributed t o a n acceptanc e o f tha t position. 85 Worobe c hersel f pro vides numerou s example s o f femal e abjectio n whic h mus t surel y hav e had a psychologica l basis . Thus, durin g a typica l peasan t weddin g cere mony th e brid e wa s a t on e poin t oblige d t o thro w hersel f a t th e fee t o f the groo m a s a sig n of submissio n an d obedience . Later i n the ceremon y she wa s oblige d t o remov e hi s boot s fo r him . Sh e wa s no t suppose d t o get into th e nuptial be d with hi m unti l sh e obtained hi s permission t o d o so 86 (thes e secula r ritual s corresponde d perfectl y wit h th e bride' s legal obligation "t o obe y he r husban d a s th e hea d o f th e family " an d rende r "unlimited obedience " t o him). 87 Certainly a masochistic attitud e woul d make suc h behavior s easie r fo r th e brid e t o perform . Eve n i f th e groo m threw i n som e symboli c economi c incentive , suc h a s placin g mone y i n the boo t remove d b y th e bride, 88 th e bride' s masochis m shoul d no t b e ruled out . Indeed , i f suc h a gif t wer e perceive d a s humiliating , the n accepting i t would als o be masochistic . Worobec als o point s t o th e deferentia l attitud e o f th e peasan t wif e toward he r husband . Whil e a wife migh t addres s he r husban d usin g th e

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respectful first nam e an d patronymic , o r sometime s cal l hi m "father, " the husban d woul d typicall y us e jus t th e first nam e o r suc h derogator y terms a s "baba " (woman ) o r "starukha " (ol d lady). 89 Worobec observe s tha t a husban d ha d th e righ t t o bea t hi s wif e (even publicly), an d quote s proverb s suc h as : " A husban d i s the la w fo r his wife" ; "Bea t you r wif e lik e a fu r coat , the n ther e wil l b e les s noise" ; "The mor e yo u bea t th e ol d woman , th e tastie r th e sou p wil l be" ; "There i s n o cour t fo r wome n an d cattle." 90 Suc h proverb s have , a s Worobec says , " a decidedl y mal e voice," an d ther e ar e many o f them . A few fro m th e Dahl collectio n ma y b e added here : The on e I love is the one I beat (Kog o liubliu, tog o i b'iu). Beat you r wif e befor e dinner , an d agai n befor e suppe r (don' t si t a t the tabl e withou t beating ) (Be i zhen u k obedu , a k uzhin u opiat ' [bez boia z a stol ne siad']). If yo u le t a woma n off , you'l l becom e a woma n yoursel f (Bab e spustish'—sam bab a budesh') . Freedom spoil s eve n a good woma n (Voli a i dobruiu zhen u portit) . A chicke n i s no t suppose d t o cro w lik e a rooster , a woma n i s no t supposed t o b e i n charg e o f a husban d (N e pet' kur e petukhom , n e vladet' bab e muzhikom) . A wif e i s alway s guilt y befor e he r husban d ( U muzh a [pere d muz hem] zhen a vsegd a vinovata) . Cry, youn g wife , bu t tel l you r sorro w t o n o on e (Plach' , molod a zhena, d a pro svo e gore nikomu n e skazyvai). 91 These proverb s ar e perhap s mor e indicativ e o f mal e sadis m tha n femal e masochism. A wif e di d no t necessaril y want t o b e beaten , eve n i f ther e was pressur e t o accep t suc h behavior . Indeed , ther e i s evidence o f som e resistance t o bein g beaten . A s Worobe c point s out , wome n chante d incantations t o safeguar d agains t beatings . Sometime s the y woul d ru n away fro m husband s wh o wer e prone t o "excessiv e violence." 92 Yet ther e wa s generall y a n attitud e o f smirenie. Violenc e tha t wa s not considere d "excessive " wa s nonetheles s tolerated . Efimenk o tell s u s that "wive s lodg e complaints [i n court] onl y fo r sever e beatings," mean ing tha t "th e lighte r one s thu s pas s withou t an y actio n bein g taken." 9 3

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 1

S3

These word s ough t t o b e seriousl y considere d b y thos e scholar s wh o think tha t litigatio n records , however detailed , ar e an indicatio n o f wha t was typical i n ol d Russia . Her e on e proverb i s worth man y cour t cases . Worobec point s t o the general socia l approva l o f wife beating : Russian peasant societ y did not countenanc e a woman's fligh t t o her parents as a justifiabl e respons e t o wif e beating . I n directl y challengin g he r husband' s authority, she threatened the entire power structure of the village. The display of a man' s strengt h vis-a-vi s hi s wif e wa s importan t bot h insid e an d outsid e th e household. I t maintaine d hi s propriet y a s a n uprigh t communit y membe r an d brought honor upon his household. 94 Worobec cite s cantona l cour t case s los t b y wome n wh o attempte d t o run awa y fro m thei r violen t husbands . Onl y wome n whos e husband s were completel y irresponsibl e abou t managin g th e househol d econom y or payin g taxe s wer e grante d an y lega l relief—an d eve n the n thes e women wer e expecte d t o continu e livin g with thei r dangerou s husbands . Nancy Shield s Kollmann , writin g o f a n earlie r perio d i n Russia n history (fourteenth - throug h seventeenth-centur y Muscovy) , observe s that "wome n coul d see k defens e agains t abusiv e husband s an d othe r male kin. " However , husband s wer e abusiv e nonetheless , an d wive s tolerated th e abuse , a s w e mus t conclud e fro m th e immediatel y follow ing sentences i n Kollmann's article : Although me n were allowed to discipline their wives, Orthodox teachin g urged them to inflict only just and moderate beatings. Litigant s declared that excessive beating invalidated a husband's conjugal authorit y over his wife.95 Here I have take n th e libert y o f italicizin g som e item s i n orde r t o poin t up th e obvious . All scholars o f peasant Russi a i n tsarist times agree that wife beatin g was common . Ol'g a Semenova-Tian-Shanskai a asks , for example , "ho w often" a husban d woul d bea t hi s wife , no t whether h e bea t he r (th e answer: ofte n i f h e wa s drunk , rarel y i f h e wa s sober) . Semenova-Tian Shanskaia goe s o n t o observ e that , afte r takin g a beating, a peasant wif e was mor e likel y t o b e concerne d abou t whethe r th e objec t th e husban d had use d t o bea t he r wa s broke n tha n abou t th e conditio n o f he r own body. 96 The absenc e o f wif e beatin g wa s considere d abnormal . Th e fac t that mos t wome n remaine d marrie d nonetheles s (an d onl y uncommonl y

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sought recours e wit h th e villag e assembl y o r cantona l court ) strongl y suggests tha t wome n accepte d a ba d situation . Som e o f DahP s proverb s bear thi s out : This ha s nothin g t o d o wit h me , whateve r my husban d say s i s correct (Mo e delo—storona , a muzh mo i prav). My Usti m i s bad , bu t it' s bette r bein g wit h hi m (Khu d mo i Ustim , da luchsh e s nim). With hi m ther e i s sorrow , bu t withou t hi m it' s twic e a s ba d ( S nim gore, a bez nego vdvoe). He (m y husband ) won' t bea t me , bu t h e won' t leav e eithe r (O n [Muzh] bit ' n e b'et i proch' neidet). 97 The las t ite m suggest s a n unclea r domesti c situation . A man wh o i s no t beating hi s wif e woul d normall y b e expecte d t o leave , fo r h e mus t no t love he r anymore . Ther e wer e som e women , i n othe r words , wh o fel t unloved i f the y wer e no t beaten . Apparentl y thi s wa s no t just a mal e fantasy. Efimenko , a woma n wit h enlightene d view s wh o ha d plent y o f experience livin g wit h peasants , state s tha t "Russia n [peasant ] wome n regard th e blow s o f th e husban d a s proo f o f hi s love." 98 Thi s doe s no t mean tha t the y wer e enjoyin g th e blows , bu t tha t the y wer e semiotizin g them i n a certain way . Sexologist Krafft-Ebing , citin g a seventeenth-centur y Germa n source, tell s o f a certai n Germa n visito r t o Russi a wh o too k a Russia n wife an d settle d wit h he r there . Th e Germa n notice d tha t hi s ne w wif e was unhappy , an d aske d he r wha t wa s wrong : " ' I wan t nothing, ' wa s the answer , 'bu t wha t i s customar y i n ou r country—th e whip , th e rea l sign o f love. ' Whe n [he ] adopte d th e custo m hi s wif e bega n t o lov e him dearly." 99 Maxime Kovalevsky , i n hi s lecture s delivere d a t Oxfor d i n 1889 — 90, writes : "I n mor e tha n on e popula r son g th e wif e i s represente d a s bitterly complainin g o f th e indifferenc e o f a husban d wh o neve r o n an y occasion give s he r a goo d beating." 100 Earlier , i n hi s 187 2 boo k Songs of the Russian People W.R.S . Ralsto n translate s a serie s o f lyric s sun g by a youn g ma n an d a gir l (o r mor e frequently , b y tw o girls ) o n th e subject o f " A Wife' s Love. " Firs t on e o f th e singer s (representin g th e husband) declare s tha t h e i s goin g t o th e bazaa r t o ge t som e fine clot h for hi s wife . Th e othe r (representin g th e wife ) reject s thi s present , how -

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 155 ever. The n th e husban d sing s tha t h e i s goin g t o ge t a golde n ring , bu t the wife reject s thi s too. Finally the husband come s back fro m th e bazaa r with a "silke n whip " an d proceed s t o delive r a blo w t o th e wif e wit h it . The wife' s attitud e change s completely . Sh e no w look s upo n he r hus band wit h affectio n a s the choru s sings : Good people, only see! How well she loves her Lord! Always agrees with him, always bows down to him, Gives him kisses.101 He ha s won he r lov e by abusing her . To repeat : Russia n peasan t wome n di d no t necessaril y ge t pleasur e from bein g mistreated . O n th e othe r hand , a s wa s mad e clea r a t th e beginning o f thi s book , pleasure i s not a necessary ingredien t o f masoch ism in the first place. I think, therefore , i t is best to interpret th e evidenc e as supportin g th e existenc e o f masochis m amon g peasan t women . Thi s is not t o sa y that th e Russia n peasan t woma n wa s continuall y masochis tic i n al l contexts , bu t tha t sh e wa s a t leas t capabl e o f on-again , off again masochis m t o dea l wit h he r mate' s intensel y ambivalen t feeling s toward her , a s well a s to dea l with he r ow n emotiona l needs . To rea d beating s a s a sig n o f lov e indicate s a nee d fo r love . Th e ethnographer o r anthropologis t migh t objec t tha t Russia n peasan t women di d no t marr y "fo r love " i n th e firs t place . Eve n grantin g tha t this migh t b e tru e (an d keepin g i n min d tha t thes e wome n ofte n di d no t have muc h sa y i n th e matter) , i t ha s nonetheles s neve r bee n demon strated b y an y ethnographe r tha t peasan t wome n ha d n o nee d fo r love . Certainly an y chrestomath y o f Russia n fol k song s will contain love lyrics sung by women. To assum e that peasant women ha d no emotional need s would b e condescending indeed . O n th e othe r hand , t o assum e that the y had a need t o lov e or to b e loved (a s is the cas e with norma l wome n an d men i n th e twentieth-centur y West ) i s t o rais e th e possibilit y tha t the y might hav e accepte d abus e a s a next-bes t substitut e fo r th e lov e the y needed. The ide a tha t beatin g signifie s lov e may see m strang e t o th e Wester n mind, bu t i f w e conside r th e connection s whic h Russia n cultur e make s between violenc e an d sexua l intercours e (whic h i n turn ca n b e related t o love), the idea will not see m s o strange . It wa s Freud' s Russia n patien t Serge i Pankeev , bette r know n a s th e

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Wolf Man , wh o inspire d th e famou s linkag e o f se x an d violenc e no w known i n th e psychoanalyti c literatur e a s the primal scene. B y this ter m is meant th e "scen e o f sexua l intercours e betwee n th e parents whic h th e child observes , or infer s o n th e basi s of certai n indications , an d phantas ies. I t i s generall y interprete d b y th e chil d a s a n ac t o f violenc e o n th e part o f th e father." 102 Accordin g t o Freud, Pankee v b y chance witnesse d parental intercours e a t th e ag e o f on e an d a hal f (o r tw o an d a half ) years, an d mistakenl y interprete d wha t wa s goin g on a s something terri ble fo r hi s mother . Ye t th e mothe r di d no t reac t a s i f sh e wer e bein g mistreated a t all : "H e assume d t o begi n with , h e said , tha t th e even t o f which h e wa s a witnes s wa s a n ac t o f violence , bu t th e expressio n o f enjoyment whic h h e sa w o n hi s mother' s fac e di d no t fi t i n with this ; h e was oblige d t o recogniz e tha t th e experienc e wa s on e o f gratifica tion." 1 0 3 Pankeev' s mothe r thu s seemed t o b e behavin g masochisti cally—not becaus e sh e wa s apparentl y enjoyin g sex , bu t becaus e sh e was welcomin g wha t appeare d t o th e Wol f Ma n t o b e violence directe d against her . When on e consider s th e extremel y crowde d livin g condition s o f th e typical Russia n peasan t hut , i t i s difficul t t o avoi d th e conclusio n tha t the prima l scen e mus t hav e bee n a bana l occurrenc e fo r ever y peasan t child, no t jus t Freud' s Russia n aristocrati c patient . Parent s an d childre n did no t hav e th e luxur y o f sleepin g i n separat e room s o f th e peasant' s log hut . Rather , sleepin g wa s a communa l matter . Th e whol e extende d family typicall y slep t togethe r o n th e "polati, " whic h wa s a larg e raise d platform. Normall y thi s sleepin g benc h extende d ove r th e stove , whic h provided warmt h fo r th e sleepers in winter . The crowde d communa l apartment s o f th e Sovie t perio d mus t als o have bee n conduciv e t o prima l scen e experiences . Eve n apar t fro m th e "kommunalka," livin g arrangement s i n th e Sovie t perio d fostere d th e primal scen e experience . Accordin g t o psychotherapis t Valeri i Maksi menko i t wa s recommende d tha t th e chil d no t b e take n ou t o f th e parents' bedroo m unti l the ag e of thre e years, while a Western childrear ing manual suggeste d si x months. 104 Living condition s i n Russi a hav e generall y fostere d a sexualizatio n of th e child' s discover y that , a s I put i t earlier , th e maste r ha s a master . That is , sleeping arrangement s hav e encourage d a sadomasochisti c ide a of parental sexuality . At on e poin t i n hi s discussio n Freu d say s o f Pankeev : "H e under -

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 157 stood no w tha t activ e wa s th e sam e a s masculine , whil e passiv e wa s th e same a s feminine. " 10 5 Thi s i s not a particularly psychoanalyti c idea , bu t is traceable a t least a s far bac k a s Aristotle an d othe r ancien t thinkers, 106 and ma y b e foun d i n Russia n theoretica l writin g abou t sexualit y a s well. Thus th e earl y Sovie t gynecologis t A . V . Nemilov , i n hi s ver y popula r book The Biological Tragedy of Woman, states : "I n th e specializatio n of th e reproductiv e proces s ma n ha s bee n give n th e activ e par t (jus t a s the male gamete o r sper m cel l is active an d mobile) , while to woman ha s been allotte d a more passiv e role. " 107 Certainly thi s dichotom y i s biologicall y vali d i n th e narro w sens e that a mal e ha s t o hav e a n erectio n an d a n ejaculatio n i n orde r fo r intercourse t o tak e plac e (whil e th e femal e doe s no t eve n nee d t o hav e an orgasm) . But , i n a Russia n contex t a t least , th e male' s sexua l "ac tiveness" ma y b e though t o f mor e broadly , i n par t becaus e o f th e wide spread prima l scen e experience , an d i n par t becaus e o f th e overal l hig h level o f violenc e agains t women . Tha t is , th e "activeness " o f th e mal e encompasses bot h notion s o f sexualit y an d violence . Linguistic example s o f thi s associatio n ma y b e adduced . Ther e i s a Russian verb , "trakhat ' " (perfectiv e "trakhnut ' " ) whic h mean s "t o bang," "t o strike. " Thi s origina l meanin g o f th e ver b clearl y refer s t o violence. Bu t th e ver b als o ha s a slan g meaning , "t o fuck." 108 Onl y a man ca n perfor m thi s action , howeve r (cf . Englis h "Bil l bange d Jane, " but "Jan e bange d Bill " i s impossibl e i n th e sexua l sense) . Strikin g a woman i s her e th e lexica l equivalen t o f havin g sexua l intercours e wit h her. The commo n Russia n ver b "ebat ' " (t o fuck ) als o ha s ver y aggres sive overtones , an d canno t normall y hav e a feminin e subject. 109 A ma n does i t t o a woman , bu t a woma n doe s no t d o i t t o a man . A woma n who utter s th e ordinar y Russia n insul t "E b tvoi u mat ' " i s usin g th e masculine form , eve n thoug h sh e i s a woman , fo r sh e literall y say s "I , a man, fucke d you r mother. " These linguistic examples ar e in consonance with the overall cultura l expectation tha t wif e beatin g i s normal. Th e connectio n o f mal e sexual ity wit h violenc e i s embedde d i n th e Russia n cultur e o n mor e tha n on e level. Fro m th e viewpoin t o f a Russia n woma n trappe d i n thi s cultur e i t is very eas y to interpre t th e connectio n masochistically , tha t is , to accep t it a s a n invitatio n t o masochism . A Russia n woma n i s prepare d b y he r cultural experienc e (includin g possibl y witnessin g th e prima l scene ) t o

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expect a certain amoun t o f violenc e t o g o alon g with sexua l intercourse , or mor e generally , t o g o alon g wit h livin g wit h a man . I f sh e want s sexual intercours e wit h a man (and , apar t fro m potentia l autoeroti c an d lesbian inclinations , w e hav e t o assum e sh e doe s a t leas t o n occasion) , she ma y fee l tha t sh e ha s t o endur e som e pai n int o th e bargain . I f sh e wants lov e fro m a ma n a s wel l (an d agai n w e hav e t o assum e sh e i s perfectly capabl e o f fallin g i n love) , sh e ma y fee l tha t th e onl y wa y sh e can ge t love is to b e on th e receiving end o f the man's hatre d too , that is, she ma y reconcil e hersel f wit h hi s explosiv e ambivalence . Finally , i f sh e lives wit h th e chronic , low-leve l guil t experience d b y mos t Russian s (a s we sa w earlier) , she may accep t spousa l violenc e a s a form o f expiation . In thi s masochisti c reasonin g se x an d lov e mean violence , bu t th e direction o f th e semiosi s ca n als o b e reversed , s o tha t violenc e means love an d sex . Thu s a Russia n woma n ma y eve n com e t o assum e tha t a man wh o doe s no t bea t he r doe s no t lov e her, an d tha t a man wh o doe s not hav e a n underlyin g contemp t fo r he r (an d al l othe r women ) i s sexually impoten t (se e below, 174) . Impotence wa s indee d a problem amon g th e Russia n peasantry . I t is a well-know n medica l fac t tha t excessiv e intak e o f alcoho l render s a man temporaril y incapabl e o f sexua l intercourse . A peasan t returnin g home afte r a spre e i n th e loca l taver n migh t hav e wanted t o hav e se x with hi s wife , bu t h e coul d no t i f h e wa s to o drunk. 110 S o instea d h e might bea t he r (recal l Tian-Shanskaia's observatio n tha t th e peasant wa s most likel y t o bea t hi s wif e whe n drunk) . Fro m th e wife' s viewpoin t there woul d hav e bee n a n understandabl e inclinatio n t o interpre t he r husband's disgracefu l behavio r i n som e positiv e light , especiall y i f sh e loved him . Whe n drun k h e wa s incapabl e o f expressin g lov e fo r he r i n the norma l way , tha t is , b y havin g sexua l intercours e wit h her . S o h e only di d wha t h e coul d instead , h e bea t her . Se x an d violenc e wer e already i n a kin d o f equivalenc e clas s fo r her , s o wh y no t interpre t hi s violent behavio r i n a positive way ? Suc h a n interpretatio n wa s o f cours e masochistic i n nature, bu t i n some respects i t made lif e easie r fo r her . There i s a revealing expressio n i n Russian : "slav e o f love. " This ca n only appl y t o a woman , howeve r (i t i s "rab a liubvi"—a s i n th e titl e o f Nikita Mikhalkov' s 197 6 film—not "ra b liubvi") . Similarly , th e phras e "slave o f th e husband " ("rab a muzha" ) i s a commonplace , whil e "slav e of th e wife " ("ra b zheny"? ) doe s no t occur. 111 I n Russi a i t i s women ,

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 159 not me n wh o ar e though t o f a s bein g enslave d whe n lovin g someon e o f the opposite sex .

Suffering from Equality In he r pape r o n "Th e Proble m o f Feminin e Masochism " (1935 ) psychoanalyst Kare n Horne y make s a curiou s statemen t abou t wome n in Russia . Reactin g t o othe r psychoanalyst s (Helen e Deutsch , Sando r Rado) wh o ha d mad e exaggerate d claim s abou t th e universa l presenc e of masochis m i n women, Horne y emphasize s th e rol e o f cultura l factor s in determinin g th e prevalenc e o f masochism . Unde r th e tsars , sh e says , women tende d t o b e masochistic , bu t the n a majo r socia l upheava l completely altere d thi s attitude : Masochistic phenomen a i n wome n ca n b e detecte d a s a result o f directe d an d sharpened observation, where they might otherwise have passed unnoticed, as in social rencontres with wome n (entirel y outside the field of psychoanalytic practice), in feminine characte r portrayals in literature, or in examination o f women of somewha t foreig n mores , such a s the Russia n peasan t woman wh o does not feel she is loved by her husband unles s he beats her. In the face of this evidence, the psychoanalys t conclude s tha t h e i s her e confronte d wit h a n ubiquitou s phenomenon, functionin g o n a psychobiologica l basi s wit h th e regularit y o f a law of nature. The onesidednes s o r positiv e error s i n th e result s obtaine d b y a partia l examination o f the picture are due to a neglect of cultural or social factors—a n exclusion fro m th e pictur e o f wome n livin g unde r civilization s wit h differen t customs. Th e Russia n peasan t woma n o f th e Tsaristi c an d patriarcha l regim e was invariably cite d i n discussion s aime d a t provin g ho w deepl y masochis m i s ingrained i n femal e nature . Yet this peasant woma n ha s emerge d int o th e selfassertive Soviet woman o f today who would doubtless be astonished if beatings were administere d a s a toke n o f affection . Th e chang e ha s occurre d i n th e patterns of culture rather than in the particular women. 112 There ca n b e no doub t tha t a n immens e sociocultura l chang e too k plac e in Russi a i n th e earl y decade s o f th e twentiet h century . Bu t thi s doe s not necessaril y mea n tha t masochis m disappeare d (o r eve n lessened ) i n Russian women . Perhap s wif e beatin g pe r s e di d becom e les s accepted , especially a s wome n move d t o urba n area s an d becam e mor e educate d than thei r mother s an d grandmother s were . Bu t th e Sovietizatio n o f Russia als o brought vast new opportunities fo r wome n t o suffer. Wome n achieved som e degre e o f equalit y wit h me n but , a s on e Sovie t woma n

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interviewed i n Mosco w said , "i t seem s t o m e tha t ou r wome n suffer from equality." 113 Ho w i s this possible ? Lynne Attwoo d explains : "th e emancipatio n [Sovie t women ] hav e supposedly enjoye d fo r th e pas t 7 0 year s ha s saddle d the m wit h a heft y double burde n o f wor k insid e an d outsid e th e home , unassiste d b y husbands o r b y many o f th e labour-savin g devices of th e West." 114 Thi s "double burden " ("dvoinai a nosha, " "dvoinai a nagruzka" ) whic h mos t Soviet Russia n wome n bor e i s well known . Eve n th e conservativ e Sovie t leader Leoni d Brezhne v recognize d i t in a 197 7 speech i n which h e aske d the member s o f hi s audienc e t o expres s thei r gratitud e fo r th e "self sacrificing labor " o f thei r femal e comrades. 115 Th e typica l Sovie t Rus sian woma n handle d th e bul k o f domestic-relate d task s (cooking , clean ing, laundry , shopping ) and hel d dow n a full-time job . I n th e word s o f the same Muscovite woman quote d above , "it' s obviou s that th e woma n suffers th e most." 1 1 6 What drov e Sovie t wome n t o increas e thei r labo r b y enterin g th e workforce? Th e answe r t o thi s question i s complex, an d depend s i n par t on historica l context . In th e trouble d earl y decade s o f Sovie t powe r many wome n simpl y ha d t o wor k becaus e ther e wa s a sever e defici t o f males (man y women los t their me n durin g th e First World War, th e civil war, th e purges , an d th e Secon d Worl d War). 117 Wome n wer e als o encouraged t o wor k b y a n ideolog y o f emancipatio n tha t glorifie d thos e women wh o worke d side-by-sid e with me n i n building Communis m (th e ideology itsel f wa s fueled , i n part , b y labo r shortages) . Mor e recentl y two primar y factors , accordin g t o Gai l Lapidu s (o n th e basi s o f Sovie t data), motivate d wome n t o b e employed : economi c pressur e t o mak e adequate provisio n fo r th e family , an d th e attractio n o f enhance d statu s and independenc e fo r thos e wh o coul d clai m t o b e gainfull y em ployed. 118 Th e salar y o f on e spous e wa s simpl y no t enoug h t o mee t expected livin g standard s fo r a famil y o f dependents , an d besides , a jo b was itsel f o f intrinsi c value . Thi s las t facto r wa s particularl y important , as som e studie s showe d tha t mos t wome n woul d continu e working eve n if it became economicall y feasibl e fo r the m no t to , or a t least they woul d continue in part-time employment. 119 A very typical statemen t was mad e by a Mosco w woma n name d Natasha : " I thin k it' s essentia l fo r a woman t o work. I f I don't wor k fo r a period o f time, I lose my feeling of self-esteem." 120

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 161 Although a Sovie t woman' s employmen t brough t he r positiv e feel ings abou t herself , sh e wa s no t necessaril y treate d equall y wit h me n i n the workplace . Wome n wer e generall y pai d les s tha n me n wh o ha d th e same amoun t o f education , the y hel d job s o f lesse r status , an d wer e underrepresented i n manageria l positions . Thi s i s documented b y a variety o f Sovie t statistica l sources. 121 Russians lik e t o refe r t o wome n a s "th e wea k sex " ("slaby i pol") . But in some areas , such a s agriculture, Soviet women wer e not permitte d to operat e heav y machiner y an d ha d t o d o th e bul k o f th e manua l labo r instead (9 8 percen t o f th e field worker s i n agricultur e wer e women). 122 More tha n on e quarte r o f constructio n worker s an d abou t a thir d o f road worker s wer e women. 123 Overall , mor e tha n hal f o f al l the manua l laborers i n th e Sovie t Unio n wer e women. 124 L . T . Shinelev a wrote : "Our pai n an d ou r sham e i s women pourin g asphal t an d layin g railwa y cross ties." 1 2 5 If wome n wer e a s activ e a s me n i n th e workforce , the y wer e eve n more activ e than me n i n the household. Lapidu s summarize s som e of th e Soviet sociologica l studies : "Althoug h me n an d wome n devot e roughl y equal tim e t o pai d employmen t an d physiologica l needs , workin g women devot e o n averag e 2 8 hour s pe r wee k t o housewor k compare d to abou t 1 2 hours pe r wee k fo r men ; me n enjo y 50 % mor e leisur e tim e than women. " 12 6 Th e differences ma y eve n hav e bee n greate r tha n this , especially i n rura l areas. 127 To som e extent th e difference s extende d int o grandparenthood: th e Sovie t Russia n grandmothe r ("babushka" ) wa s much mor e likel y t o b e involve d i n th e car e o f he r children' s offsprin g than wa s the grandfather . The imbalanc e betwee n hour s spen t b y me n an d hour s spen t b y women o n househol d task s wa s ver y roughl y simila r acros s develope d countries, suc h a s the United States , the Soviet Union, France , Germany , and Grea t Britain. 128 Wha t wa s differen t abou t Sovie t wome n i s tha t they endure d th e imbalance and typicall y worke d full-time . I n a time-use study comparin g th e resident s o f Jackson , Michigan , wit h thos e o f Pskov, USSR , i t wa s foun d tha t 8 0 percen t o f th e Psko v wome n wer e employed, whil e onl y 55 percen t o f th e Jackso n wome n were . I n addi tion, whil e employe d wome n i n Psko v worke d forty-eigh t hour s pe r week o n average , employe d Jackso n wome n worke d onl y forty-on e hours. 129

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As Vladimi r Shlapentok h an d other s hav e pointe d out , th e mai n concern i n a Sovie t woman' s lif e wa s lac k o f tim e t o d o al l the task s sh e expected o f herself. It is no wonder tha t sh e fell ill much mor e often tha n her mal e counterpart. 130 There wer e o f cours e othe r thing s i n lif e tha t weighe d heavil y o n Soviet wome n beside s thei r doubl e burden . Wome n menstruate , get pregnant, hav e abortions , giv e birth , an d g o throug h menopause . No t for nothin g di d Dr . Nemilo v spea k o f "th e biologica l traged y o f woman." Russia n men , Sovie t o r otherwise , d o no t hav e t o d o an y o f these things. True, neither d o me n fro m othe r cultures , but Russia n me n seem t o ben d ove r backwar d t o avoi d gettin g involved , o r ar e prevente d in one way o r anothe r fro m gettin g involved. Fo r example , a man woul d never hav e bee n see n i n a Sovie t abortio n clini c where , becaus e o f inadequate educationa l an d contraceptiv e practices , the averag e sexuall y active Sovie t woman wen t tw o t o fou r time s b y the end o f he r reproduc tive cycle. 131 A s fo r childbirth , i t wa s a lonely , frightening , an d painfu l experience fo r th e Sovie t woman . Sh e wa s oblige d t o giv e birt h i n a special, unhygieni c plac e calle d a birthin g hous e ("roddom") . Ther e sh e was typicall y no t give n anesthesia , wa s ofte n treate d rudel y b y th e personnel, an d wa s forbidde n visit s b y he r husband . Postpartu m sepsi s was no t uncommon , an d materna l mortalit y an d infan t mortalit y oc cured a t rate s u p t o seve n time s greate r tha n i n th e develope d countrie s of th e West. 132 As fa r a s thei r "female " physiologica l function s wer e concerned , then, Sovie t wome n bor e a heavy , risk y burde n alone , withou t th e hel p of thei r men . I t i s no t surprisin g that , i n th e contex t o f a questionnair e about childbirt h practices , a sampl e o f ex-Sovie t wome n wer e muc h more likel y tha n America n wome n t o agre e wit h th e statemen t tha t "women mus t b e stron g an d accep t th e fac t tha t the y carr y mos t o f life's burdens." 133 Of th e variou s "female " physiologica l functions , childbirt h wa s th e one mos t directl y relate d t o th e doubl e burden . A woma n withou t children di d no t reall y hav e a doubl e burde n yet . A sudden increas e i n a woman's task s cam e with th e birt h o f he r first child . As Iankova pointe d out, althoug h a wife's househol d burden s multiplie d enormousl y a t thi s stage, the husband's schedul e change d relativel y little. 134

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 163

The Double Burden and Masochism Who imposed th e double burde n o n Soviet women? To speak merel y of "dua l roles " i s t o avoi d th e questio n o f wh o assigne d o r accepte d those roles . Generally ther e wa s a reluctanc e t o blam e anyon e personally , in cluding th e wome n wh o too k o n th e doubl e burden . Rather , i t wa s th e fault o f th e "system, " a s in thi s statemen t b y Leningrad feminis t Ekater ina Aleksandrova : "b y attractin g wome n t o th e work plac e an d simulta neously preservin g th e traditiona l family , th e syste m deliberatel y con demned wome n t o dua l exploitation , a t hom e an d a t work." 1 3 5 Jus t how a "system " migh t "deliberatel y condemn " wome n t o thei r doubl e burden i s a personification tha t Aleksandrov a doe s no t explain . Late r i n her pape r sh e blame s th e "superpatriarchy " create d b y th e Sovie t gov ernment. In similar fashio n Bonni e Marshall says : "Unfortunately , th e wome n interviewed [i n a boo k abou t Sovie t women ] hav e bee n programme d b y the societ y t o whic h the y belong , s o tha t the y tak e par t i n thei r ow n denigration." Her e "society " i s th e victimizer , althoug h Marshal l i s granting tha t wome n participate d i n thei r victimizatio n a s well . Indeed , women eve n thrive d unde r th e patriarch y tha t oppresse d them : "A s second clas s citizen s withi n a patriarchy , wome n hav e becom e accus tomed t o ba d treatment . The y hav e learne d t o dea l wit h oppressio n an d to thriv e unde r it . Thei r spirit s fai l t o wither." 136 Th e wome n Marshal l refers t o see m almos t prou d o f wha t the y endure . Thi s come s ver y clos e to wha t psychoanalys t Charle s Sarnof f call s "masochisti c bragga docio." 1 3 7 One o f th e effect s o f women' s willingnes s t o wor k s o hard a t house hold-related chore s wa s tha t me n profite d i n th e workplace . Lapidu s says: "B y freein g male s fro m th e performanc e o f routin e househol d an d child-care chores , whic h woul d otherwis e diver t tim e an d energ y fro m educational, professional , an d politica l pursuits , wome n worker s i n ef fect advanc e th e occupationa l mobilit y o f male s a t th e cos t o f thei r own." 1 3 8 Th e phrasin g her e suggest s tha t wome n wer e th e agent s o f th e behavior whic h ende d u p defeatin g the m ("wome n worker s . . . ad vance"), tha t is , the y wer e no t force d b y me n t o d o wha t the y did . I n other words , women engage d i n self-defeatin g behavior , behavio r whic h is masochistic b y definition .

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Commenting o n som e o f th e availabl e statistics , feminis t demogra pher J o Peer s said : "Women' s hug e contributio n t o Sovie t power , bot h in th e workforc e an d i n servicin g th e populatio n a t home , bring s he r unequal reward s i n term s o f money , time , statu s an d politica l power. " The Sovie t man , meantime , gaine d greate r reward s whil e remainin g " a relative parasit e withi n th e home." 1 3 9 Again , t o loo k a t th e language : one who "services " a "parasite " woul d see m t o b e someone wh o i s very close to a willing slave . How di d Sovie t wome n fee l abou t thei r doubl e burden ? The y cer tainly notice d it , an d man y admitte d t o feelin g oppresse d b y it . T o th e question o f whether i t was easy to combine professional an d famil y role s addressed t o a group o f Mosco w workin g women , 1 0 percent sai d "I t i s very hard, " 1 0 percen t sai d "I t i s hard, " an d 5 2 percen t sai d "I t i s bearable" 140 —which i s t o sa y tha t a tota l o f 7 2 percen t o f th e wome n questioned recognize d th e difficult y o f thei r doubl e task . I n anothe r sample, roughl y hal f t o two-third s o f workin g mother s reporte d feelin g "extremely tired " towar d th e en d o f a wor k day , dependin g o n ho w many childre n the y had. 141 Today thes e figures woul d n o doub t b e larger , give n th e economi c deterioration tha t ha s bee n goin g o n i n wha t use d t o b e th e Sovie t Union. On e estimat e ha s i t that, wherea s a fe w year s ag o women ha d t o stand i n lin e for basi c goods a n averag e o f ninet y minute s per day , mor e recently the y hav e t o stan d i n lin e fo r thre e hour s pe r day. 142 An d o f course i t is primaril y wome n wh o stan d i n line . A s Kuznetsov a point s out, th e only lin e in which me n predominate i s the line for vodka. 143 Yet, unti l rathe r recently , wome n hav e bee n reluctan t t o complai n about thei r unfai r lot . Old-fashione d smirenie prevailed . True , som e resentment wa s expresse d i n th e Sovie t press, even in those medi a aime d at rura l women , tha t is , a t wome n wh o ha d traditionall y bee n mos t accepting o f traditiona l values. 144 But , b y Wester n standards , Sovie t Russian wome n wer e ver y acceptin g o f thei r lot , thei r sud'ba o r dolia. For example , a woman' s marita l satisfactio n wa s onl y ver y weakl y correlated wit h th e exten t o f he r husband' s participatio n i n everyda y household activities , accordin g t o S . I. Golod' s surve y o f 50 0 Leningra d couples. 145 I n a sampl e o f 1,34 3 marrie d Mosco w wome n wit h tw o children, 85. 3 percent actuall y approve d o f th e extent o f their husbands ' participation i n shopping , 74. 8 percen t approve d o f thei r husbands '

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 165 participation i n cookin g an d washin g dishes , and 85. 9 percen t approve d of thei r husbands ' participatio n i n takin g car e o f th e childre n (fro m these an d simila r dat a Vikto r Sysenk o dre w th e entirel y fallaciou s con clusion tha t urba n me n wer e rather activ e in domesti c work). 146 Speaking o f a grou p o f wome n interviewe d i n Mosco w i n 1978 , Carola Hansso n an d Kare n Lide n sa y this: Even if the women rarely explained why their situation was unfair, the y agreed, almost withou t exception , tha t i t was. But when w e looke d fo r th e desir e fo r change, suggestions fo r solutions , a unified stan d amon g women an d a fighting spirit—what di d we find? Almost none of these. It may seem callous to ask fo r struggle and protest in a country where the opportunities for suc h action ar e so much more restricted than in ours. But we seldom found eve n indignation. 147 "Their attitud e wa s on e o f resignation, " th e author s add . Th e mos t common approac h thes e women too k t o their doubl e burden wa s "bein g able to endure. " The relevan t Russia n wor d her e i s "terpenie " (patience) . Sovie t op era singe r Galin a Vishnevskaia , afte r livin g abroa d fo r som e years , ob served: "N o othe r woma n i n th e worl d woul d agre e [soglasilas ' by ] t o live th e wa y ou r Russia n wome n live . Endles s patienc e [beskonechno e terpenie] an d enduranc e fo r draggin g everythin g o n t o onesel f an d still , if necessary, forgettin g an d forgivin g everything—that' s wha t a Russia n woman is!" 1 4 8 "Terpenie" ha s alway s bee n a n importan t lexica l ite m i n th e min d of th e Russia n masochist . Tsaris t censo r an d forme r ser f Aleksand r Nikitenko onc e wrote: "Patience , patience, patience. Wisdom i s patience [Mudrost' est ' terpenie] . There i s no evi l whic h peopl e canno t bear . It' s all a matter o f gettin g used t o it." 1 4 9 A curiousl y positiv e attitud e towar d th e doubl e burde n wa s some times expressed : "O f cours e we'r e grossl y overburdened, " sai d on e So viet woman interviewe d b y Francine d u Plessi x Gray . "Bu t we're s o used to i t w e wouldn' t giv e i t u p fo r th e world . W e tak e suc h pride i n surviving it." 1 5 0 Thi s declaratio n falls , again , int o th e categor y o f mas ochistic braggadocio . Gra y quote s a prover b tha t capture s thi s attitud e very well : "Wome n ca n d o everything ; me n ca n d o th e rest." 151 Her e the ver y servitud e o f wome n i s flaunte d a s omnipotence . Ther e i s a slightly sadisti c ja b a t men , bu t me n ca n appreciat e th e jok e too . Bot h

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men an d wome n ca n smil e a t thi s prover b because , fro m a n ontogeneti c viewpoint, i t allow s the m t o acces s th e threatenin g memor y o f th e mother's omnipotence , whil e a t th e sam e tim e cancelin g tha t memor y with th e reality o f th e mother's slavery . The aspec t o f th e doubl e burde n whic h Sovie t women considere d t o be the mos t difficul t wa s routin e domesti c labo r suc h a s cleaning, wash ing, an d cooking . On e despairin g woma n interviewe d i n Mosco w sai d that "housewor k wil l continu e t o imped e an d hinde r women' s progres s m for th e nex t hundred years. " 1 Yet, howeve r muc h wome n claime d t o dislik e thi s work , the y stil l did i t (i f th e statistic s ar e t o b e believed) . A s Zoi a Iankov a emphasizes , women too k o n eve n thei r difficul t task s voluntarily : "Th e Sovie t woman's choic e o f activitie s i s mad e freely , consciously , o n th e basi s o f her interna l motive s an d needs." 153 There i s of cours e no explicit discus sion of whether an y of the motives and need s in question were masochis tic i n nature . Bu t th e expressio n thi s sociologis t use s t o describ e a woman's domesti c chore s i s psychologically revealing : "domashni i tru d po obsluzhivanii u sem'i, " literally , "domesti c labo r fo r servicin g th e family." 154 Th e somewha t slavis h overton e i n Iankova' s oft-repeate d "obsluzhivanie" (servicing ) i s evidentl y intended , fo r a t on e poin t sh e quotes Lenin' s writing s o f 191 9 o n th e topic : "housekeepin g is , i n th e majority o f cases , the mos t unproductive , th e most preposterou s [sami m dikim] an d th e mos t onerou s wor k [sami m tiazhki m trudom ] tha t a woman performs." 155 " A woma n continue s t o remai n a domestic slave [domashnei rabynei], despit e al l th e emancipatin g laws , fo r trivial housekeeping tasks pres s upo n her , stifl e her , stupef y an d humiliat e her." 1 5 6 Leni n complaine d tha t no t enoug h effort s ha d bee n mad e i n th e new Sovie t Russi a t o releas e women fro m thei r "conditio n o f a domesti c slave." 157 Th e expression s "domesti c slave " ("domashniai a rabynia" ) and "domesti c slavery" ("domashne e rabstvo" ) see m to have been favor ites of Lenin's. 158 Suc h words were o f cours e spoke n b y a connoisseur o f Russian slav e soul . Leni n seems , however , t o hav e gotte n hi s ide a fro m Friedrich Engels , who ha d expounde d o n "th e open o r conceale d domes tic slaver y o f th e wife " whic h supposedl y characterize d th e bourgeois family.159 A woma n interviewe d i n th e lat e 1970 s i n Mosco w declare d tha t "some wa y ha s t o b e foun d t o lighte n women' s househol d tasks. " Ye t this sam e woman passivel y accepte d he r husband' s idleness :

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 167 Of course my husband has more free time. After dinne r when I'm busy with the baby and other things he sits and reads and rests. But we never argue about that. Sinc e I have to tak e car e of th e baby I might a s well do the other chore s as well.160 From a Western viewpoin t thi s admissio n read s somewha t lik e a Jewish mother joke . Bu t i t i s n o jok e a t all . I t i s a factua l descriptio n o f a Russian woman' s masochisti c attitude . A similar attitud e wa s expresse d by the wife o f a Stakhanovite fitter i n 1936 : I help my husband i n every possible way. I try t o be cheerful an d d o not make him worry abou t takin g care of th e home. I assume most of th e chores myself. At the same time I try to help my husband by advising him. 161 In thi s cas e th e husban d wa s n o idler , bu t a n accomplishe d shoc k worker. Fo r th e husban d t o sacrific e himsel f t o th e state , however , doe s not lesse n the sacrific e th e woman wa s herself makin g t o the husband . The increase d participatio n o f wome n i n th e workforc e durin g th e Soviet perio d clearl y wa s no t matche d b y a n increase d contributio n o f men i n th e domesti c area . Th e sociologis t N . G . Iurkevic h expresse d some indignation a t thi s stat e o f affairs : If women had remained within the family, in order to produce the same quantity of materia l wealt h i t would hav e been necessary fo r me n to work almos t twice as much. From this point of view it is possible to say that women liberated men from hal f o f thei r heav y work. Why, then, shoul d som e men not wish , in their turn, to take upon themselves half of "light " women's work? 162 A possible answer : becaus e me n ar e no t a s masochisti c a s women. I a m sure tha t Iurkevic h woul d no t hav e anticipate d suc h a n answe r t o wha t was n o doub t intende d a s merel y a rhetorica l questio n (th e rhetori c being accomplishe d wit h a gentl e laug h a t men' s allege d physica l prow ess). But th e ver y possibilit y o f lesse r masochis m o f me n i n th e relation s between th e sexe s (o r it s logica l equivalent , greate r masochis m o f women i n such relations) wa s never given serious consideration b y eithe r Soviet or Western scholars . To characteriz e Sovie t Russia n wome n a s masochisti c becaus e they , for th e most part, accepte d thei r doubl e burden , is not t o deny that othe r factors contribute d t o thei r doubl e burden . A t th e economi c level , a history o f labo r shortage s i n th e Sovie t Unio n ha s t o b e take n int o account. A t th e ideologica l level , there wa s a n ongoin g doubl e glorifica tion, a s it were, o f femal e participatio n i n th e workforce an d herois m i n

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the domesti c sphere , pushin g ever y Sovie t woma n t o b e a super woman. 163 An d o f cours e feminis t scholar s hav e pointe d t o th e sexis t male psyche.

The Male Ego and the Male Organ Russian wome n hav e alway s understoo d th e potentiall y harmfu l consequences o f underminin g mal e authority . Muc h o f Russia n femal e masochism i s in th e servic e of pamperin g th e Russia n mal e ego, and thi s pampering, i n turn , ca n hel p elici t altruis m fro m th e ma n wh o i s likel y to b e th e biologica l fathe r o f a woman' s children . Fo r a variet y o f reasons—all o f the m ultimatel y derivin g fro m a n underlyin g biological Darwinian cause—th e norma l heterosexua l woma n anywher e doe s no t want t o b e a singl e mother. 164 Eve n Murph y Brow n woul d lik e t o hav e a goo d man . Th e majorit y o f adult s i n Russia , a s everywher e else , ar e married. Othe r thing s bein g equal , th e woma n wh o receive s assistanc e in rearin g offsprin g wil l b e mor e successfu l a t replicatin g gene s tha n th e woman wh o doe s not . Assuming tha t th e stabilit y o f a marriag e i s wort h somethin g t o a woman, i t should no t b e altogether surprisin g tha t sh e takes step s aime d at maintainin g tha t stability . On e ste p sh e ca n tak e i s t o avoi d at tempting t o pu t constraint s o n he r husband' s freedo m o f actio n an d independence (on e Leningra d stud y showe d tha t me n ar e significantl y more likel y t o valu e freedo m o f actio n tha n women). 165 Anothe r ste p a woman ca n tak e i s to avoi d bein g dominant. Iankov a foun d tha t wome n were dominan t (i.e. , made th e majo r decision s an d acte d a s hea d o f th e family) i n 33. 3 percen t o f th e unstabl e marriage s i n a Mosco w sample , but tha t the y wer e dominan t i n onl y 7. 4 percen t o f th e mos t stabl e marriages. 166 Iankov a als o foun d tha t 7 5 percen t o f marita l conflict s broke ou t i n familie s wher e th e wif e wa s th e "leader." 167 Psychologis t Valerii Maksimenk o foun d that , i n "familie s i n crisis " i n Sovie t urba n areas, it was usually th e wife wh o hel d th e purse strings. 168 Male, not femal e dominanc e wa s considered th e norm, especiall y b y men. Th e typica l Sovie t Russia n male , althoug h h e ma y no t hav e bee n the despot tha t rule d th e pre-Bolshevik extende d peasan t family , like d t o think tha t h e was i n charg e o f hi s wife an d children . H e ma y no t i n fac t have bee n i n charge , an d ther e ma y hav e bee n rea l equality , o r divisio n of authorit y int o variou s sphere s o f action . Bu t hi s sens e o f mora l

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 169 authority ("vlast', " "glavenstvo" ) i n the family wa s important t o him. 169 As a result , Sovie t wome n ofte n foun d themselve s walkin g wha t Susa n Allott calle d "th e tightrop e betwee n thei r ow n self-respec t an d th e de mands o f th e male ego." 1 7 0 Vera Dunham , i n he r ver y interestin g articl e o n th e "strong-woma n motif" i n Russia n literature , demonstrate s tha t literar y work s o f th e Soviet period reflec t thes e concerns : The woman's succes s must not threate n th e mal e ego. She saved the economy o f th e countr y durin g th e war . However , he r armo r ha d t o b e laid dow n when the man returned. She did not always have to give up her status-gratifyin g job, bu t he r attitud e ha d t o becom e mor e humble . I n thi s doubl e posture , sh e spurs him on should he show a trace of indolence. He must do the same for her. But here, the woman more than the man must know where to stop. The woman must kee p decidin g betwee n occupationa l drive s an d sacrifice s fo r th e sak e of mellowing marital strains. 171 Whether i t was i n the lyrics of Margarit a Aliger , o r th e postwar kolkho z prose o f Grigor y Medynsky , Serge i Voronin , an d others , the wife wa s the on e wh o ha d t o mak e th e "sacrifices. " An d th e ultimat e "sacrifice, " the on e a husban d wa s physicall y incapabl e o f making , wa s t o bea r children. Dunham quote s th e words o f a high-ranking agronomis t t o he r underling husban d i n a 195 0 stor y b y Yur i Kapusto : "Com e along , hel p me out, catc h up . I can't b e the bos s forever . I'l l b e having children." 172 A Soviet Russia n ma n wh o wishe d t o hav e powe r i n th e famil y wa s not incline d t o tak e o n househol d task s tha t ha d bee n traditionall y performed b y women . I n my opinio n thi s wa s no t s o muc h du e t o th e actual energeti c expenditur e tha t woul d hav e bee n require d b y suc h labor a s to the meaning suc h labo r ha d i n the Russia n cultura l context . In Russi a domesti c labo r suc h a s cleanin g an d cookin g i s semioti cally loaded. I t signifies femininit y an d lo w status . It is therefore a threat to masculinit y an d t o mal e authorit y withi n th e family . A traditiona l Russian ma n feel s tha t i t i s beneat h hi s dignit y t o coo k an d clea n an d shop: " a ma n ofte n feel s embarrasse d t o d o househol d o r household related chores, " sai d on e woma n interviewe d i n Moscow. 173 Bot h me n and wome n ten d t o sa y tha t suc h wor k i s fo r th e "weak, " an d a ma n i s supposed t o b e "strong"—no t merel y i n th e physica l sens e (for , again , then h e coul d perfectl y wel l d o th e work) , bu t i n th e sens e o f havin g power an d responsibility , tha t is , in what som e Sovie t Russia n commen tators calle d th e mora l ("nravstvennyi" ) sense. 174

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It i s on e thin g fo r th e "strong " ma n t o ced e hi s sea t i n th e metr o t o a pregnan t woman . I t i s quit e anothe r t o coo k an d clean . Whe n th e Russian husban d doe s housework , i t i s typicall y a grudgin g service , almost enslavemen t t o hi s wife . On e mal e respondent , wh o regarde d liberated Sovie t wome n a s "cowboys, " wrot e i n Literaturnaia gazeta that "man y self-respectin g me n d o no t aspir e t o absolut e rul e i n th e family, bu t th e rol e o f th e wife' s orderl y [ro P denshchiko v pr i supru gakh] doe s not sui t the m either." 175 Zoia Iankov a say s that, althoug h wome n shoul d no t b e restricted t o the domesti c role , the y ar e nonetheles s i n dange r o f becomin g overl y masculinized i f the y begi n t o thin k tha t equalit y wit h me n mean s bein g identical t o them : " . . . wome n . . . becom e coars e [grubeiut ] an d ac quire masculin e pattern s o f behavio r [muzhski e maner y povedeniia] , including masculin e pattern s o f resolvin g famil y conflicts . The y los e a preference fo r th e kin d o f domesti c behavio r an d interpersona l relation s that ha s bee n teste d b y the centuries." 176 The modern Sovie t woman becam e a serious threat to the traditiona l Russian mal e ego . In on e stud y o f tw o hundre d Leningrader s th e major ity o f bot h mal e an d femal e respondent s agree d tha t "masculinization " and a "domineerin g effect " ("effek t dominirovaniia" ) coul d b e observe d in women employe d i n the workforce. 177 Igor' Kon , i n hi s articl e o n th e "masculinizatio n o f women " an d the "feminizatio n o f men " whic h too k plac e i n th e wak e o f massiv e participation b y women i n the Soviet workforce, pointe d t o the "styl e of thinking, self-assurance , manne r o f conduct , smoking , etc. " whic h be came mor e commo n i n women. 178 Actres s Laris a Malevannaia , at tempting t o explai n wh y Sovie t me n wer e havin g a har d tim e finding wives, said , "We'r e al l th e same—trousers , boots , cigarettes , a profes sion." 179 Th e pedagogues A . G . Khripkov a an d D . V. Koleso v sai d tha t smoking, lou d speech , an d othe r behavior s perceive d a s masculin e wer e appropriate fo r wome n wh o sough t a merel y comradel y relationshi p with men , but that suc h behavior s were harmful t o love and marriage. 180 The playwrigh t Leoni d Zhukhovitskii , i n a feist y articl e tha t aske d "Where ar e th e rea l me n disappearin g to? " sai d tha t a "strong " wif e injures a man' s self-estee m (an d tha t a woma n reall y "want s t o b e weak" anyway). 181 One o f th e mos t intimidatin g "strengths " o f th e moder n Sovie t woman wa s financial. A femal e responden t t o Zhukhovitskii' s article ,

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 171 after describin g ho w sh e ben t ove r backward s t o pleas e he r recentl y alcoholic husband , mentione d i n passin g tha t he r salar y i s nearl y twic e her husband's. 182 Tamar a Afanas'ev a wrote : "Th e titl e o f famil y bread winner—an honourabl e an d responsibl e title—ha s alway s helpe d th e man t o realiz e hi s significanc e an d hi s essentialness t o th e peopl e closes t to him . Withou t thi s rol e th e ver y eart h slip s fro m beneat h hi s feet." 183 The traditiona l mal e rol e o f father-provide r ("otets-kormilets" ) woul d not di e easily. The Sovie t Russia n mal e di d no t jus t wan t t o dominate . H e als o wanted t o b e i n a positio n t o render altruism t o a woma n an d he r offspring. Whe n h e wa s displace d fro m thi s positio n h e fel t threatened . Kon says : "Howeve r offensiv e thi s ma y b e t o th e stron g an d prou d sex , the man , n o longe r th e sol e provider an d regulato r o f th e famil y budget , is fallin g mor e an d mor e under th e influenc e o f th e woma n [vs e bol'sh e podpadaet pod vliiani e zhenshchiny]." 184 I emphasize th e origina l Russia n o f th e final claus e here because it is so suggestiv e o f th e traditiona l Russia n fea r o f dominanc e b y a woman , for example , "H e i s under he r shoe " ("O n pod bashmako m u nee") , roughly equivalen t t o Englis h "Sh e wear s th e pant s i n th e family. " Compare Zhukhovitskii' s vocabular y o f degradation : "Afte r a serie s o f fights, an d havin g wit h difficult y drive n he r spous e under he r hee l [zag nav suprug a pod kabluk] , a woma n suddenl y an d wit h despai r an d irritation realize s tha t sh e i s th e wif e o f a wim p [osoznae t sebi a zheno i podkabluchnika]."185 Unfortunately , eve n th e Englis h wor d "wimp " cannot begi n t o conve y th e contemp t a "rea l man " feel s towar d a husband wh o ha s turne d int o a "podkabluchnik, " literally , "on e unde r the heel." Arkadii Vaksberg , offende d b y a cal l fo r greate r participatio n o f men i n domesti c labor , believe d tha t me n shoul d no t b e mobilize d t o "wash floors " ("mobilizui a muzhchi n n a myt' e polov") . Accordin g t o Vaksberg, "Th e emancipatio n [raskreposhchenie ] o f th e woma n fro m housework i s no t achieve d b y th e 'enserfmen t [zakreposhcheniem ] o f the man. ' " 1 8 6 N . G . Iurkevic h quit e justifiabl y criticize d Vaksber g fo r reacting thi s way , assertin g tha t i t woul d b e a lon g tim e befor e labor saving devices were sufficientl y develope d t o hel p Sovie t women i n thei r domestic work , an d tha t me n shoul d therefor e no t si t idl y b y bu t d o their fai r shar e o f work i n the household too. 187 But Vaksberg's reactio n was nonetheles s indicativ e o f typica l masculin e feelings : participatio n i n

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domestic labo r wa s no t onl y a for m o f slavery , i t wa s someho w "low" , on th e level of th e very floor whic h ha d t o b e washed . There wa s somethin g distinctl y sexua l i n th e humiliatio n a ma n could fee l befor e a powerfu l woman . Literar y schola r Ver a Dunham , referring t o passage s i n Sovie t prose work s fro m th e 1940s , says that "i t does no t see m righ t tha t th e ma n b e emasculated" \ "Sh e offer s t o sup port hi s research ou t o f he r ow n savings . He stand s u p t o thi s castrating assault." 188 Dunham i s speaking metaphoricall y here , but i t is worth mentionin g that castratio n literally occur s i n many o f the obscene folktale s tha t hav e been gathere d i n Russia . A goo d exampl e i s th e tal e " A Ma n Doe s Woman's Work, " whic h wa s gathere d b y Afanasi i Afanas'e v i n th e middle o f th e nineteent h century. 189 I n thi s disturbin g littl e masterpiec e a mal e peasan t i s depicte d a s stayin g hom e i n th e hu t t o d o hi s wife' s work on e day , whil e th e wif e goe s ou t int o th e fields t o harves t th e crops. Th e husban d o f cours e proceed s t o mak e a mes s o f everythin g i n the household . The n h e lose s al l hi s clothe s i n th e rive r wher e h e wa s going t o d o a wash , s o h e cover s hi s peni s wit h gras s t o hid e hi s embarrassment. A mar e standin g nearb y see s th e gras s an d chomp s of f the penis in one bite. The moral i s unstated, bu t clea r nonetheless: a man should no t d o a woman's work, otherwis e he will be castrated. Or , mor e generally: a ma n shoul d no t tr y t o be a woma n (cf . th e prover b "H e who get s mixe d u p wit h wome n wil l b e a woman [Kt o s baboi sviazhet sia—sam bab a budet]"). 190 I n the sexis t mal e imagination th e dange r i n becoming a woman i s castration . Nikita, th e simpl e peasan t her o o f Andre i Platonov' s 193 7 stor y Potudan River, suffer s a somewha t les s crue l fat e tha n litera l castra tion. 191 H e doesn' t min d doin g housewor k fo r th e highl y educate d woman h e eventuall y marries . H e especiall y like s t o was h th e floor . Bu t he i s impotent wit h th e woman . Tha t is , he suffer s a metaphorica l for m of castration , fo r a peni s tha t doe s no t functio n i s a s goo d a s n o peni s at all . Kon come s clos e t o bein g sexuall y explici t abou t th e feelin g o f humiliation a "strong " woma n ca n elici t i n a man : "Wome n o n thei r part d o no t alway s tak e int o consideratio n th e heightene d sensitivit y of me n toward s anythin g whic h i s connecte d wit h thei r idea s abou t masculinity: a to o energeti c an d push y woma n (especiall y i n love ) i s involuntarily perceive d a s an infringer o f mal e 'sovereignty. ' " 1 9 2

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 173 Lynne Attwood' s commen t o n thi s statemen t i s rathe r blunt : "Thi s does no t offe r muc h hop e t o th e caus e o f women' s equality." 193 Bu t women's equalit y doe s no t depen d intrinsicall y o n wha t goe s o n i n th e bedroom. T o teac h wome n t o b e sensitiv e t o th e possibilit y o f mal e sexual impotenc e i s no t necessaril y t o ba r thei r wa y t o equalit y i n th e outside world. Perhaps Attwood doe s not understan d tha t Ko n is talking about wha t sexologist s cal l psychogeni c impotence—thoug h Ko n him self di d no t wis h t o b e absolutel y explici t abou t thi s i n a Sovie t publica tion tha t appeare d i n 1980. 194 Leningrad sexologis t Le v Shcheglo v pu t i t thi s way : "I' m findin g increasing mal e impotenc e amon g thos e couple s i n which wome n domi nate. . . . Th e powerfu l wome n wh o say , ' I wan t this , I wan t that , d o it thi s way'—me n deepl y fea r them . They'r e afrai d o f stil l anothe r oppressor." 195 The greates t threa t t o a man' s masculinit y i s a threa t t o hi s penis , and a "strong " woma n i n th e bedroo m i s precisel y suc h a threat . Th e trouble wit h th e typica l Russia n male , however , i s tha t eve n outsid e o f the bedroo m h e ofte n canno t handl e a "strong " woman , o r eve n jus t a n "equal" one . H e behave s a s thoug h a woman wer e a sexua l threa t eve n when the interaction i s not sexua l (e.g. , at the workplace, in the kitchen). Although ther e i s muc h evidenc e tha t a Russia n ma n fear s domina tion b y a woman , ther e i s littl e indicatio n tha t a Russia n woma n fears domination b y a man . Perhap s th e reaso n fo r thi s i s precisely th e sexua l element: a man' s sexualit y i s threatene d b y a powerfu l woman , bu t a woman's sexualit y i s no t necessaril y threatene d b y a powerfu l ma n (indeed, i t ma y b e enhanced). 196 A psychologis t i s no t likel y t o b e surprised b y this , bu t fo r som e reaso n othe r scholar s alway s see m t o b e surprised a t th e ide a tha t i t i s sexualit y whic h lie s a t th e hear t o f th e relationship betwee n th e sexes. From thi s ver y fundamenta l biologica l dichotom y w e ma y thu s per ceive ye t anothe r reaso n wh y th e slav e sou l o f Russi a i s a gendered — that is , a female—object: acceptanc e o f dominatio n b y a powerful part ner is easier fo r th e sex that doe s not hav e a penis to preserve . This easie r acceptanc e b y wome n i s no t intrinsicall y masochisti c i n nature, but it can quickly become masochistic—and al l too often does — if i t spread s beyon d th e bedroo m an d take s o n self-destructiv e qualitie s in interaction wit h men . Russia n men , meantime, are no less masochisti c in their worl d o f primarily male-male interaction . Bu t to as k whether th e

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slave sou l o f Russi a i s a gendere d objec t i s t o focu s o n wha t goe s o n between th e sexes . Ther e i s n o gende r withou t gende r difference , an d there i s n o gende r differenc e withou t differences betwee n th e sexes . I n relations betwee n th e sexe s in Russia , i t is the woman wh o i s most likel y to b e th e mora l masochis t (despit e th e fac t tha t i t i s th e ma n wh o i s likely to b e the erotogenic masochist). What Dr . Nemilov sai d more tha n half a century ag o stil l applies : The condescensio n an d contemp t marke d i n th e attitud e towar d woma n i s so general tha t ofte n w e even fai l t o notice it. Moreover, wome n themselve s have become s o thoroughl y inure d t o i t tha t the y ar e pron e t o regar d a radicall y different attitud e a s somethin g unworth y o f th e mal e o r eve n a s evidenc e o f weakness and perhaps impotence on his part.197 A woman wh o think s a man mus t hav e a low opinio n o f he r i n orde r t o have a n erectio n ha s a lo w opinio n o f hersel f withou t eve n realizin g it . Without knowing , however, how sh e feels abou t herself, she will inevita bly ac t ou t he r feeling s instead , tha t is , she will behav e i n a self-destruc tive or masochisti c fashion .

The Guilt Factor In additio n t o bearin g thei r doubl e burde n o f domesti c an d extra domestic work , Sovie t wome n endure d th e resultin g psychologica l strain. Attwoo d say s that , "Jus t a s t n e g r a f t m g o f professiona l wor k o n to thei r forme r domesti c role s ha s resulte d i n a doubl e work-load , th e grafting o f a range of hitherto 'masculine ' psychological trait s on to thei r traditional 'feminine ' personalitie s ha s resulted i n a psychological doubl e burden." 198 Lapidu s speak s o f th e "extrem e degre e o f nervou s strai n and fatigue " whic h wa s sometime s damagin g to health, an d which coul d hinder a woman' s functionin g bot h o n th e jo b an d i n th e famil y situa tion. 199 Th e "strain, " "tension, " "contradictions, " an d "conflict " be tween women' s tw o role s wer e ofte n mentione d i n th e literatur e o n women i n th e Sovie t Union , thoug h usuall y thes e phenomen a wer e no t treated i n an y psychological depth. 200 The psychologica l strai n wa s no t simpl y a matte r o f playin g tw o roles instead o f one. Guilt was als o involved. Alix Holt, who interviewe d several Sovie t wome n i n 1978 , say s tha t workin g wome n wit h youn g children fel t " a certai n amoun t o f guilt." 201 In he r introductio n t o th e

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 175 collection o f interview s title d Moscow Women, Lapidu s say s tha t "a n undercurrent o f guilt " run s throug h man y o f th e interviews, that is , guilt over no t bein g abl e t o devot e enoug h tim e an d energ y t o children. 202 Susan Bridger points t o article s aime d a t rural wome n whic h encourage d self-denial i n th e famil y an d fostere d guil t feeling s i f th e prope r attitud e of self-sacrific e wa s no t maintained. 203 The Sovie t workin g woman' s guil t wa s double . In tryin g t o d o tw o jobs sh e felt tha t sh e never di d eithe r jo b quit e right . Th e doubl e burde n meant doubl e guilt . Bu t guil t feeling s towar d th e famil y cam e first. Thi s is true no t onl y historically, bu t psychologically. Guil t toward th e famil y was primary an d weighe d mor e heavil y o n th e working mother . Olga, th e protagonis t o f Natal'i a Baranskaia' s insightfu l novell a A Week Like Any Other (1969 ) i s repeatedl y lat e fo r work , doe s no t ge t enough wor k don e whe n sh e i s a t work , i s reprimande d b y he r boss , is scolded b y her colleagues , etc. All this makes her fee l guilty , but sh e feel s even mor e guilt y abou t th e fac t tha t sh e sometime s neglect s he r childre n in orde r t o accommodat e wor k demands . A t a politica l trainin g sessio n she canno t contai n he r frustratio n an d declares : " I hav e a degre e i n chemical engineering , I love m y work , I want t o wor k better . Bu t I fee l sorry fo r th e children. " Th e nex t day , eve n whil e apologizin g t o he r colleagues fo r makin g lif e difficul t fo r them , sh e canno t sto p thinkin g about he r children : " A mysl i mo i v'iutsi a vokru g rebiat." 204 Sh e i s especially upse t tha t he r sic k daughte r i s i n daycar e tha t da y whe n sh e should reall y b e a t home—bu t the n she woul d hav e t o b e a t hom e t o look afte r th e child . The novell a end s with Olg a wakin g u p i n th e middl e o f th e nigh t i n a stat e o f inexplicabl e anxiety . Sh e goe s t o he r tw o peacefull y sleepin g children, rearrange s th e bedding , stroke s thei r littl e heads . Everything i s quiet. Sh e doe s no t kno w wh y sh e i s anxious : "Cht o zh e trevozhi t menia?" This is a serious question. It indicates anxiety an d guilt. Such feeling s are the lot of mother s everywhere . A child, from a Darwinian viewpoint , is a guilt-inducing machine . This i s one way th e chil d elicit s the altruis m it require s t o survive . Whe n a mother , fo r whateve r reason , withhold s care and attentio n fro m th e child, sh e may b e expected t o fee l eve n mor e guilty tha n usual . Workin g full-tim e outsid e o f th e domesti c spher e i s one way , fro m th e (especiall y preschool ) child' s viewpoint , t o withhol d care an d attention . A sensitive mothe r canno t avoi d feelin g guil t i n suc h

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a situatio n (thi s i s quit e apar t fro m th e ideologica l questio n o f whethe r mothers shoul d o r shoul d no t ente r th e workplace) . What i s of psychoanalyti c consequenc e i s this: holding dow n a full time job outsid e o f th e home i s difficult, especiall y i f one continues t o d o the majorit y o f domesti c chore s a s well. This difficulty , however , i s itself quite handy, fo r i t ca n mak e on e fee l virtuous , that is , it can assuag e th e guilt fel t abou t withholdin g car e fro m th e childre n (an d fro m th e child like spouse). It would thu s appea r tha t th e extradomesti c burde n carrie d by Sovie t (an d no w man y post-Soviet ) wome n represent s no t onl y a n increase i n neede d financial resources , an d no t onl y a n enhance r o f self esteem, bu t i s also a means o f expiatin g th e very guilt it produces. Muc h of th e "tension " an d "strain " reporte d i n th e literatur e o n th e doubl e burden point s t o th e ever-changin g psychologica l dialecti c betwee n guil t and punishment . As we saw above, Soviet women who bore the double burden tende d to approv e o f th e exten t o f th e involvemen t o f thei r husband s i n domes tic wor k (Baranskaia' s Olg a rebels , bu t onl y briefl y an d superficially) . Yet w e als o sa w tha t thes e wome n recognize d th e inequality , eve n th e unfairness o f thei r situation . If , then , the y wer e no t blamin g thei r hus bands, who were the y blaming ? Who , indeed, i f not themselves ? Women wh o accepte d th e doubl e burde n accepte d responsibilit y fo r what the y wer e doing . The y wer e not , i n fact , responsible , o r a t leas t were onl y partially responsible , becaus e their husband s wer e responsibl e as well. Yet stil l the y accepte d th e responsibility fo r themselves , an d thi s acceptance wa s a n ongoin g ac t o f masochism . Ever y woma n wh o ac cepted her double burden wa s reasoning a s Dmitrii Karamazov di d whe n he accepted Siberi a on behalf of others, for the "babe." An overworke d Sovie t woma n interviewe d b y Hansso n an d Lide n declared: "I' m a disgusting mother ! I bring up my son o n th e run. " Thi s is ver y typical . Obviousl y thi s mothe r fel t guilty , ye t sh e manage d als o to reliev e herself o f guilt : Naturally, a good mother has to take care of her baby, take it out for walks and make sur e i t develop s physically . Bu t sh e shoul d als o giv e th e chil d mora l guidance—a feelin g tha t lif e ha s a spiritua l dimension . A mother wh o i s concerned onl y with th e child's healt h an d safet y i s not a good mother . O f cours e she has to be a social being as well—she has to suffer th e sorrows of her people. Then her child will turn out well. I'm quite convinced of that. 205

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 177 This i s a marvelous exampl e o f magica l thinking . A s long a s th e mothe r suffers in some way, the n th e chil d wil l someho w b e alright . In thi s particular cas e th e mothe r ha s t o "suffe r th e sorrow s o f he r people, " which i s a very Russia n wa y o f describin g a mother's doubl e burde n (se e the discussion belo w o n masochis m an d th e collective) .

Late Soviet and Post-Soviet Developments Toward th e en d o f th e Sovie t period ther e were growin g indication s of resistanc e t o sufferin g o n th e par t o f Sovie t wome n (thes e bega n t o appear wel l befor e th e onse t o f politica l an d economi c deterioratio n i n the lat e 1980s) . Fo r example , nearl y a quarte r o f th e wome n i n a Moscow sampl e disapprove d o f th e exten t o f thei r husbands ' participa tion i n housework. 206 Som e studie s indicate d a correlatio n o f marita l instability wit h unfai r workloa d o n th e wife. 207 Attwood , basin g hersel f on statistic s provide d b y Laris a Kuznetsova , aske d a quit e sensibl e rhe torical question : "I f wome n ar e naturall y s o suited t o famil y life , wh y i s it tha t the y initiat e 7 0 t o 8 0 percen t o f divorces , an d ar e muc h les s inclined tha n me n t o ris k marriag e a secon d time?" 208 Again , t o suppl y a psychoanalytic answe r t o th e kin d o f rhetorica l questio n tha t feminist s so ofte n ask : man y wome n wer e divorcin g thei r me n becaus e the y wer e beginning t o understan d ho w self-destructiv e an d self-defeating , tha t is , how masochisti c i t would hav e bee n to remai n wit h them . In particular , som e Sovie t wome n wer e comin g t o understan d ho w undesirable lif e wit h a n alcoholi c coul d be : mal e alcoholis m wa s th e single mos t importan t caus e o f divorc e i n th e lat e Sovie t period. 209 Th e overworked woma n wh o tolerate d a n idl e husban d wa s les s likel y t o tolerate hi m whe n h e became a violent drunkar d a s well. One o f Francin e d u Plessi x Gray' s Mosco w wome n nicel y summe d up th e reason s fo r gettin g rid o f a man: "An y youn g woman i n her righ t mind i s bette r of f livin g alon e wit h he r chil d tha n sittin g hom e wit h a man wh o constrain s he r b y neve r wantin g t o g o ou t anywhere , an d doesn't lif t a finger a t home , an d create s scandal s wit h hi s drinking . . . . Why shoul d an y woman b e stuck wit h two children?" 210 This latte r imag e o f th e husban d a s a mere chil d occurre d agai n an d again i n th e literatur e o n gende r role s i n lat e Sovie t Russia. 211 Th e popular medi a i n th e lat e Sovie t perio d als o presente d image s o f th e

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husband a s a child. 212 Th e phras e "infantil e husbands " becam e a com monplace. 213 Eve n whe n th e husban d wa s presen t i n th e family , h e wa s often absen t a s an active , responsible adult . H e became , in effect, a child in the Russia n matrifoca l world . Many lat e Sovie t wome n explicitl y rejecte d traditiona l femal e mas ochism: "A t las t we're fe d u p wit h bein g martyrs an d heroines , we wan t fairness, justice, " sai d on e Leningra d woma n interviewe d b y Gray. 214 Irma Mamaladz e declare d that , "i n a societ y o f equa l responsibilitie s women ar e no t u p t o sacrificiality , compliance , an d softness." 215 Women wer e rightl y throwin g awa y thei r "traditiona l virtues. " The y became tougher , mor e authoritaria n eve n ("avtoritarnee") , bu t me n should no t b e intimidated b y this, she said . There were als o call s to subsidiz e women' s househol d labo r i n som e way. On e ide a wa s t o allo w wome n mor e tim e a t home fo r childbearin g and childrearing , withou t cuttin g thei r pay. 216 Th e ide a o f part-tim e employment (fo r women , no t men! ) als o becam e attractive, 217 althoug h women's employer s wer e usually reluctan t t o mak e the necessary adjust ments. Relieving wome n o f par t o f thei r heav y burde n wa s no t necessaril y an en d i n itself, however . Sociologis t Tatian a Zaslavskaya , fo r example , was concerne d abou t th e children o f workin g mothers : "W e hav e a generation o f childre n wh o hav e bee n raised without mothers , who wer e all out working—an abandone d generation . These children hav e a lot of problems, includin g a shar p dro p i n moralit y amon g them . N o on e ca n replace a mother." 218 A n anthropologis t migh t interpre t thi s as a plea t o retain traditiona l Russia n matrifocality . Zaslavskaya sai d tha t "man y Sovie t wome n woul d lik e t o leav e th e workforce i f thei r husband' s salar y wer e larg e enough." 219 Thi s state ment reveal s a concer n no t onl y wit h a marrie d couple' s financial total , but wit h th e relativ e mal e versu s femal e contribution s t o th e tota l a s well. Elsewher e Zaslavskay a refere d t o sociologica l researc h showin g that 4 0 percen t o f wome n woul d prefe r t o wor k part-time . Sh e adde d that, "t o mak e thi s possible, however, men' s wages mus t b e raised." 220 Men's wages ? Zaslavskay a wante d t o aggravat e th e alread y existin g wage differentia l betwee n th e sexes . The ide a struc k som e Sovie t schol ars a s retrograde i n the extreme. 221 Besides, it did no t eve n make mathe matical sense . Fo r example , assum e tha t th e saving s accrue d fro m women cuttin g bac k t o one-half-tim e i s availabl e fo r increasin g wages .

IS THE SLAVE SOUL OF RUSSIA A GENDERED OBJECT? 179 It turns ou t that , i f male an d femal e wage s are roughly equa l a t the start , then equall y increasin g both women' s an d men' s wage s woul d resul t i n nearly th e sam e income fo r a couple a s increasing only men's salaries. 222 Why th e sophisticate d sociologis t Zaslavskay a di d no t thin k o f thi s ca n only b e explained b y her respec t fo r th e delicate male ego and/or he r lo w opinion o f th e valu e o f woman' s labor . Ther e i s n o intrinsic nee d t o devalue woman' s (o r overvalu e men's ) labo r i n th e workforc e jus t be cause man y wome n wis h t o work part-time . There wer e indication s o f politica l actio n a s well. An ope n airin g of women's dissatisfactio n wit h thei r undu e domesti c burde n wa s mad e a t the 198 7 All-Unio n Conferenc e o f Women , an d a declaration wa s mad e by the Conference : "W e striv e to achiev e the situation i n which husban d and wif e carr y ou t househol d chore s equall y an d tak e responsibilit y fo r childrearing." 223 Th e concludin g documen t o f th e Firs t Independen t Women's Foru m hel d i n Dubn a i n Marc h o f 199 1 supporte d " a famil y founded o n partnershi p relations , wit h equa l participatio n o f bot h par ents i n raisin g children , performin g everyda y tasks , an d maintainin g a good emotiona l climate." 224 As th e Russia n econom y i s bein g transforme d downwar d i n th e post-Soviet 1990s , an d a s wome n ar e losin g thei r job s i n droves , ther e are conflictin g report s o n whethe r an d t o wha t exten t wome n want t o retreat t o th e domesti c sphere . Ther e i s a so-calle d "G o home " ("Id i domoi") movemen t bein g supporte d b y antifeminis t women' s group s such a s Rossiia. 225 A recen t pol l reporte d i n th e New York Times indicates tha t onl y 2 0 percen t o f Russia n wome n wis h t o remai n a t home. 226 A recen t volum e edite d b y Iu . V . Arutiunia n report s tha t a third o f Russia n me n an d les s tha n hal f o f Russia n wome n thin k tha t wives should continu e working when th e famil y i s financially secure. 227 Of cours e financial securit y i s no w uncommon , t o pu t i t mildly . Many wome n hav e n o choic e bu t t o loo k fo r work . Unemploymen t lines, like most othe r line s in Russia, consis t mostl y o f women. Approxi mately 75 t o 8 0 percen t o f th e peopl e signe d u p i n th e unemploymen t offices ar e women . Man y wome n ar e losin g job s o r finding i t extremel y difficult t o find ne w job s becaus e the y hav e smal l children , an d employ ers d o no t wan t t o dea l wit h childbirt h leav e an d day s los t t o sic k children. Wome n ove r ag e fort y ar e havin g difficult y becaus e the y ar e considered to o ol d to work efficiently. 228 Already overburdene d durin g th e relativel y affluen t Brezhne v era ,

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women i n th e post-Sovie t depressio n ar e unde r eve n mor e pressur e t o bring i n mor e incom e fo r thei r families . Som e succee d i n doin g thi s b y engaging i n "unofficial " wor k rangin g fro m productio n o f handmad e arts an d craft s t o prostitution. 229 A poo r econom y i s no t goo d fo r women . I t i s no t goo d fo r me n either, but men control resource s and ar e in a position t o demand greate r control ove r those to whom the y allocate scarce r resources. It remains t o be see n whethe r th e sligh t antimasochisti c drif t i n Russia n wome n dur ing th e lat e Sovie t perio d wil l b e cancele d b y thes e economi c develop ments.

E I G H T

Born in a Bania: The Masochism of Russian Bathhouse Rituals

A favorit e theate r o f pai n i n Russi a i s th e communa l bathhous e ("bania"). Thi s ide a ma y see m strang e t o th e Westerne r wh o i s accus tomed t o th e lonel y pleasur e o f a tepi d bathtub , o r th e bracin g spra y o f a shower . A prope r Russia n bath , however , i s no t jus t relaxing , o r bracing. I t trul y hurts . Th e Russia n doe s no t merel y soa p u p an d rins e off, bu t endure s additiona l quota s o f suffering . Th e wate r (o r beer , o r kvass) throw n o n t o th e stone s o r brick s ato p a specia l bathhous e stov e (termed "kamenka " i n th e countryside ) produce s stea m whic h i s s o ho t as t o brin g ou t a profus e swea t i n th e bathers . Th e eye s an d nostril s sting fro m th e heat . Moreover , th e nake d bather s flail on e anothe r (o r themselves) wit h a bundl e o f leaf y birc h twig s (terme d a "venik") . Thi s mild flagellatio n supposedl y assist s the steam i n flushing ou t the pores of the skin , an d leave s behin d th e pleasan t fragranc e o f th e birch . Some times th e ho t portio n o f th e bat h i s followed u p wit h a roll i n th e snow , or a di p i n a nearb y rive r o r lake , o r a col d shower . Th e ho t bat h ma y then b e repeated. 1 Russians o f al l socia l strat a perfor m th e bathhous e ritua l willingly , and ofte n follo w i t u p wit h a heart y mea l an d drinks . Russian s wh o d o not kno w ho w t o perfor m th e ritua l ar e rare . A crimina l characte r i n Vasilii Shukshin' s novell a Snowball Berry Red ha s spen t s o muc h o f hi s time eithe r i n priso n o r o n th e ru n tha t h e doe s no t kno w ho w t o mak e proper us e o f a bania : instea d o f pourin g mor e wate r o n th e kamenka , he pour s i t o n a fellow-bather , scaldin g him . H e i s calle d a "halfwit " ("poludurok") fo r suc h incredibl e ignorance. 2

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Cleansing Body and Soul Pain is essential t o th e bania. I n the Primary Chronicle i t was said of ancient Novgorodia n bather s tha t "the y mak e o f th e ac t no t a mer e washing bu t a veritabl e torment." 3 Ada m Olearius , wh o partoo k o f a bania i n Astrakha n i n th e middl e o f th e seventeent h century , declare d that the combined heatin g and beating was "unbearabl e fo r me." 4 Sovie t writer V . Kabano v conjure s u p th e crie s o f pain/deligh t uttere d b y peasant bather s a s the y woul d las h on e anothe r i n th e traditiona l bania : "Gradually, wit h growin g excitement , th e bather s woul d pas s th e veni k from han d t o hand , no t lettin g a momen t g o b y withou t usin g it . Th e sweaters would cry out rapturously, "okh!, " "akh!, " "ukh!, " an d woul d ask those dow n belo w t o put o n mor e steam. " 5 It doesn' t tak e a clinicia n t o recogniz e th e masochisti c elemen t i n this practice . Journalis t Hedric k Smith , wh o visite d th e famou s Sandu nov Bath s i n Moscow , refer s t o th e "specia l twis t o f Russia n masoch ism" i n Russia n publi c bathing . H e adds : "Th e banya i s suppose d t o produce a sens e o f well-bein g bu t i n m y experienc e Russian s d o no t really enjoy tha t withou t a preliminary das h o f masochism. " 6 Russians themselves , though the y ma y enjo y it , think o f th e bania a s a kin d o f punishmen t a s well . Th e colloquialis m "zadat ' baniu " (liter ally, "t o giv e a bath" ) mean s "t o giv e i t (t o someone ) hot, " "t o le t 'e m have it, " a s i n a reprimand . Earlier , accordin g t o Dahl' s dictionary , thi s expression mean t "t o flog" ("vysech ' ") , a s in : "Da m baniu , cht o d o novykh veniko v n e zabudesh ' " (lit. , "I'l l giv e you suc h a bat h tha t yo u won't forge t i t befor e th e nex t veniki"). 7 Elsewhere , i n hi s collectio n o f proverbs, Dahl provides som e related expressions : They gav e hi m suc h a bat h tha t h e wa s scare d ou t o f hi s wit s (or : that th e ver y devil s wer e sickened ) (Takui u bani u zadali , cht o neb o s ovchinku pokazalos ' [ili : chto chertia m toshn o stalo]) . You'll remembe r (or : yo u won' t forget ) thi s bat h til l the nex t venik i (Budesh' bani u et u pomnit' [ili : ne zabudesh'] d o novykh venikov) . Don't mentio n banias , fo r ther e ar e venik i fo r yo u a s wel l (N e pominai bani : est ' veniki i pro tebia). 8 The las t item i s paradoxical. I t refers t o someon e who live s well an d ha s so muc h leisur e tim e a s t o b e abl e t o tak e a bani a often . Bu t thi s perso n

BORN IN A BANIA 183 should no t brag , that is , should no t mentio n th e bania , fo r h e or sh e will encounter misfortun e i n th e futur e a s well , wil l b e punishe d b y venik i just a s everyone els e is. The bani a clean s not onl y th e body , bu t th e soul. That is , it remove s guilt: "Bani a vs e grekhi smoet" 9 ("Th e bani a wil l wash awa y al l sins") . Were there n o pai n involve d i n going to the bania , thi s would no t b e th e case. A n America n ho t showe r doe s no t was h awa y sins , bu t a Russia n bania does . Guil t i s remove d b y mean s o f punishment . A bani a i s a handy devic e fo r periodicall y dealin g wit h th e chronic , low-leve l guil t feelings o f mos t Russians . "The essence of the steam bath, " say s ethnographer Dmitri i Zelenin , "is t o b e beate n ove r th e bod y wit h a ho t venik. " 10 Th e venik i ar e understood t o b e th e chie f instrument s o f punishmen t i n th e bania . Th e organ the y stimulat e i s the skin , whic h become s re d wit h irritation . Th e process migh t b e terme d ski n masochis m o f a non-erotogeni c type . Apparently ther e i s n o rea l damag e t o th e skin , althoug h ther e ar e fantasies o f sever e damage , suc h a s th e narration s abou t bathhous e demons wh o pee l awa y a person's skin. 11 I n a hellish scen e i n Dostoev sky's House of the Dead th e prisoners ' scar s fro m previou s floggings turn a bright, glistenin g re d in the bathhous e steam. 12 When we t th e venik i ar e sof t an d d o no t hur t ver y much . Wer e someone t o b e beate n ("steamed" ) wit h a dr y veni k th e pai n woul d b e much greate r ("Poparit ' sukhi m venikom"). 13 Th e veni k ca n als o b e personified: "Veni k v ban e vsek h ( i tsaria ) starshe " ("Th e veni k i n th e bania i s olde r tha n everybody , includin g th e tsar, " i.e. , i s th e highes t authority). Ther e i s also : "Veni k v ban e vse m gospodin/nachal'nik," 14 literally, "Th e veni k i n th e bani a i s everybody' s master/boss. " Thi s expression migh t b e used i n a context where, in English, someone woul d say "I' m th e bos s here! " Bu t th e veni k ha s it s limits : "Be z pereviasl a i venik rassypalsia " 15 ("Withou t it s binding the venik would fal l apart") . In Mikhai l Zoshchenko' s famou s 192 4 shor t stor y Bania th e cus tomary venik i ar e neve r onc e mentioned . However , th e narrato r man ages t o "bea t himself " throughou t th e cours e o f th e stor y b y mean s o f laughter. I t take s a n hou r fo r hi m jus t t o find a tu b t o us e fo r washin g himself. He then ha s to wash standin g up, and h e is so irritated b y noisy, soap-splattering fello w bather s tha t h e decide s t o g o hom e t o finish bathing. Upon leavin g he discovers that on e of hi s claim checks has bee n lost, an d someon e else' s trouser s ar e returne d t o him . Th e jok e i s o n

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him—or o n urba n Sovie t bathhouse s generally , whic h d o no t measur e up t o (fantasized ) America n bathhouses. 16 There i s a serie s o f delightfu l painting s b y th e contemporar y artis t Sima Vasil'ev a depictin g th e bania . On e pai r fro m thi s serie s i s repro duced i n a volum e o f th e Biblioteka russkogo fol'klora. 17 Thes e tw o pictures illustrate , amon g man y othe r things , contrastin g attitude s to ward th e venik . I n th e first picture , title d "Ban'ka, " th e interio r o f a normal Russia n villag e bani a i s represented. Th e me n an d wome n insid e are naked, an d ar e flailing themselve s wit h veniki . A woman o n th e roo f of th e bani a i s sittin g astrid e a venik , abou t t o fly off . In th e othe r picture, title d "Alternativ e Bania, " sit s a grou p o f staid , full y dresse d Soviet officials . Som e venik i ar e hun g u p o n th e wall , other s ar e bein g held a s i f the y wer e rifle s b y tw o policemen , on e o n eac h sid e o f th e bania. Th e venik i connot e punishmen t i n bot h pictures , bu t wherea s i n the first the y ar e instrument s o f a n eroticall y charge d masochism , i n th e second the y wil l be wielded sadisticall y b y the policemen agains t anyon e who migh t dar e approac h th e bania .

Digression on Russian Birches Normally th e venik i use d i n a bani a ar e prepare d fro m smal l branches cu t fro m a birc h tre e ("bereza") . Thi s i s don e i n th e sprin g when th e leave s ar e just comin g ou t o n th e twigs , and birc h fragranc e i s at a maximum . Appropriatel y enough , th e birc h itsel f ha s connotation s of punishment an d pain . The birc h make s on e smarter , about the rod (Berez a um a daet , o rozgakb). Sent awa y t o coun t birches , sent off to Siberia, along the great road (Uslan berezk i schitat' , soslan v Sibir\ po boVsboi doroge). To fee d somebod y birc h kasha , to whip (Nakormit ' kog o berezovo i kashei, postegaf). 18 These expression s ar e a s comprehensibl e t o Russian s toda y a s they wer e over a centur y ago , whe n th e birc h switc h wa s commonl y use d a s a means of administering corpora l punishment. 19 The y might be compare d with th e somewha t pal e Englis h ver b "t o birch, " tha t is , to whi p wit h a birch rod . A s for th e "birc h kasha, " i t refer s t o th e greenis h mes s that a

BORNINABANIA 185 venik turn s int o whe n i t ha s bee n use d t o hi t someon e ove r an d ove r again. The image is curiously oral , suggesting that eatin g is a punishmen t (cf. Englis h "ea t crow") . A threat t o punish someon e migh t b e stated as : "You'll find ou t what birc h kasha taste s like" ("Uznaesh ' vku s berezovo i kashi"). 20 Ther e i s als o a denial tha t th e birc h i s dangerous: "Th e birc h is n o threat—i t rustle s bu t can' t move " ("Berez a n e ugroza : gd e stoit , tarn i shumit"). 21 Th e Englis h equivalen t migh t be : "Al l bar k an d n o bite" (macaroni c pun unintended) . The birc h i s o f cours e th e favorit e tre e o f Russia n peasan t culture . This n o doub t ha s somethin g t o d o wit h th e fac t tha t variou s specie s o f the birc h genu s (Betula) ar e commo n throughou t vas t stretche s o f Euro pean an d Asia n Russia . Dah l report s that , i n th e Sain t Petersbur g area , "bereza" wa s simpl y th e generi c ter m fo r an y deciduou s tree. 22 In th e spring th e birc h tre e provide s a tast y an d healthfu l sa p (fro m whic h a birch kva s migh t als o b e made) . Th e birch' s freshl y gree n branches , i n addition t o bein g cu t fo r makin g bathhous e veniki , wer e formerl y use d to decorat e th e interio r o f th e peasan t hut . Durin g Semi k wee k (sevent h after Easter ) an d o n Whitsu n (Troitsa ) youn g girl s would danc e aroun d a specia l birc h tree , som e o f whos e branche s the y ha d "curled " ("zavi vali"), tha t is , twisted int o th e for m o f wreaths . The to p branche s o f th e tree would b e bent ove r an d tie d t o th e ground , o r tw o birche s standin g side b y sid e migh t b e tie d togethe r a t th e top . Girl s wh o kisse d throug h the wreaths ("kumit'sia" ) wer e sai d t o b e friends fo r life . Sometime s th e girls decorated th e birc h wreaths wit h flowers o r ribbon s an d wor e the m on thei r heads . The birc h migh t b e cut down , dresse d i n human (usuall y a woman's ) clothing , an d late r abandone d i n a ry e field (t o promot e crop growth ) o r throw n int o a river . Birc h wreaths , too , wer e throw n into wate r i n fortunetellin g rituals . Birc h bud s wer e suppose d t o hav e special curativ e an d protectiv e powers . Mermaid s ("rusalki" ) migh t choose t o liv e i n th e branche s o f th e birc h tree . Patrioti c Sovie t films almost invariabl y feature d birc h imagery . Durin g th e lat e Sovie t perio d an earl y summe r holiday , terme d "Russkai a berezka, " wa s celebrate d i n some areas . A s Russia n nationa l self-awarenes s intensifie d durin g th e late Soviet period, birc h reference s becam e common i n such conservativ e journals a s Sovetskaia Rossiia, wher e on e coul d find suc h slogan s as : "the birc h i s the symbol o f th e Russia n land. " 2 3 Clearly th e birc h wa s an d stil l i s a n importan t cultura l objec t fo r Russians, especiall y fo r women . It s importanc e i n women' s agricultura l

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rituals o f growt h wa s establishe d b y Sovie t folkloris t Vladimi r Propp . To thi s da y th e birc h i s regarded a s somethin g lik e the Russia n nationa l tree. Whe n i n 199 2 Bula t Okudzhav a opene d a n articl e wit h th e word s "There i s n o peac e unde r th e birches " ("Ne t mir a po d berezami") , hi s readers automaticall y understoo d tha t h e wa s referrin g t o unres t goin g on specificall y i n Russia. 24 The fac t tha t th e birc h wa s traditionall y personifie d i n som e wa y i s what i s of psychoanalyti c interest . I t was dresse d i n a woman's clothing , for example . Durin g th e Semik-Troits a ritual s girl s woul d sin g lou d songs t o it . They woul d addres s thei r wishe s an d request s t o it . I t woul d be dragge d int o peasan t hut s an d offere d food . In som e weddin g song s it was force d t o submi t t o th e win d b y "bowin g down " i n th e directio n the win d blows. 25 In th e lyri c song s generall y i t was associate d wit h th e sadness, suffering , an d overal l miserabl e lo t o f women. 26 Bu t precisel y which person , whic h woma n migh t sh e ("bereza " i s a feminin e noun ) have represented ? Here Prop p unknowingl y lend s th e analys t a han d whe n h e inter prets th e belie f tha t a birc h tre e throw n int o a pon d insure s adequat e rainfall fo r th e summer : "Th e harves t [urozhai ] depende d o n eart h an d water, an d o n thei r union . Th e sam e littl e birc h tha t wa s suppose d t o provide th e fields with th e earth' s birthin g strengt h [rozhdaiushche i silo i zemli] wa s oblige d t o provid e the m wit h th e moisture , withou t whic h the earth wil l not giv e birth [rodit ' n e budet]." 2 7 Who, i f no t a mother , coul d thi s imager y possibl y refe r to ? I f th e birch wa s no t a mother herself , the n a t leas t sh e was a midwife who , b y some contagiou s fertility , assiste d "mothe r earth " i n producin g a cro p ("urozhai") o f ry e ("rozh ' ") , itsel f ofte n image d a s a mothe r ("ma tushka rozh', " "rzhitsa-matushka") . Before th e Sovie t period wome n praye d t o birc h tree s i n th e are a o f Svetloiar (nea r Nizhnii-Novgorod) , addressin g th e tree s a s "birc h mother" ("berez a matushka"). 28 A topo s i n som e o f th e Russia n spell s placed th e Mother o f Go d besid e a birch tree : " U beloi berez y sidi t mat ' presviataia bogoroditsa." 29 Th e materna l suggestivenes s o f th e birc h i s also mor e recent . Tat'ian a Tolstai a quote s a Sovie t popula r son g fro m the 1970s : "An d th e motherlan d generousl y fe d m e birc h juice , birc h juice" (" I rodin a shchedr o poil a meni a berezovy m sokom , berezovy m sokom"). 30 On th e othe r hand , th e birc h i n th e girls ' song s coul d als o refe r t o

BORNINABANIA 187 the girl s themselve s wh o participate d i n th e sprin g rituals , fo r i t bor e such name s a s "devushka " (girl) , "krasota " (beauty) , "nevesta " (bride) , and "kuma " (girlfriend) . Accordin g t o folkloris t Tat'ian a Bernshta m th e decorated birc h i s a "maidenl y symbol " ("devichi i simvol"). 31 Philolo gist Pau l Friedric h speculate s tha t th e birc h i s a n ancien t symbo l o f "young, virginal femininity " tha t goes back to the Proto-Indo-European s of five thousand year s ago. 32 The psychoanalyti c consequenc e o f thi s doubl e semanti c potentia l of the birch i s most interesting. During the Semik-Troitsa ritual s the girls treated th e birc h tote m i n a rather violen t fashion . The y twisted an d tie d the birc h branche s i n variou s ways , the y rippe d branche s of f th e tre e ("zalomati"), the y cu t th e tre e down , sometime s the y strippe d of f th e bark ("obdirai a ka k belochku") , an d the y choppe d i t u p int o littl e pieces, o r se t i t afire , o r the y hurle d i t int o a bod y o f wate r t o th e accompaniment o f funeral-lik e song s ("otpevani e berezki"). 33 If th e birc h is , indeed, a materna l icon , the n i s this an y wa y t o trea t a mother ? If , o n th e othe r hand , th e birc h i s a maidenl y symbol , a s Bernshtam say s i t is , then i s this an y wa y fo r a gir l t o trea t herself? I s it sadism o r i s it masochism tha t i s being signified ? True, th e girl s woul d sin g sa d song s t o th e littl e birc h a s the y conducted i t t o it s place o f destruction . Bu t suc h behavio r doe s see m t o be a ritualize d for m o f ange r an d rejection . Eac h gir l wh o activel y participated i n the Semik-Troitsa destructio n ritua l wa s either actin g ou t a sadisti c fantas y agains t he r mother , o r sh e wa s playin g a masochisti c fantasy agains t herself . Possibl y sh e wa s doin g both , give n th e tas k of breakin g wit h th e mothe r tha t adolescen t girl s normall y hav e t o work through . The participant s i n th e ritual s apparentl y di d fee l som e guil t ove r what the y di d t o th e birc h tree . Shei n report s that , i n th e villag e o f Kornilovka i n Muroms k uyezd , th e "curling " ("zavivanie" ) o f th e birc h was considere d t o b e a sin ("grekh") , an d tha t th e girl s tried t o hid e thi s ceremony fro m th e olde r member s o f th e collective. 34 I t i s worth notin g that, i n man y area s o f Russia , durin g mos t time s o f th e year ther e wa s a taboo o n fellin g tree s or cuttin g of f tre e branches. 35 In th e villag e o f Mstera , accordin g t o Shein , girl s shoute d "Toni , semik, top i serdityk h muzhei " ("Sink , Semik , drow n angr y husbands!" ) as the y thre w th e littl e birc h int o a river . Thi s woul d see m t o indicat e anxiety abou t th e wa y tha t thei r futur e husband s wer e goin g t o trea t

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them, o r th e wa y thei r father s wer e treatin g thei r mothers . A son g they san g earlie r aroun d th e birc h reveal s rathe r stron g emotion s abou t wife beating : TeH Tbi 6epe3Ka, 6ejian, KyapHBafl , B nojie H a aojiHHe croajia ; Mbi Te6a cpy6MjiH, MM Te6a cry6HjiM, Cry6M H TW My)Ka ,

CJIOMH eMy rojioBy ,

Ha npaByio CTopoHy, C npaBofi fla Ha jieByio. Hi, you little white curly birch, In a fieldin the valley you stood. We cut you down, We ruined you, So you, too, ruin your husband, Cut his head off , On the right side, From the right to the left! 36 The rathe r sudde n transitio n i n lin e five suggests tha t th e birc h tre e wa s an objec t o n whic h th e girl s woul d ven t thei r frustratio n concernin g th e violent relationshi p o f spouses . I f th e spouse s i n questio n wer e thei r parents, the n th e girl s seeme d t o b e blamin g mother s wh o allowe d themselves t o b e mistreate d b y thei r husbands . In effect : i f yo u allo w your husban d t o ruin you , we will ruin you too , so you ruin him instead . If, o n th e othe r hand , th e husban d t o b e ruined wa s thei r own , tha t is, i f the y wer e thinkin g abou t th e future , the n th e girl s seeme d t o b e directing thei r ange r bot h a t themselve s an d thei r abusiv e husbands : w e will ruin an y husbands wh o rui n us . Whatever th e meanin g o f th e ritualize d birch-abuse , th e son g doe s indicate a hig h degre e o f sadomasochisti c ideation . I f th e birc h i s a mother, the n th e fantas y basi s o f th e abus e i s sadistic. I f th e birc h i s th e singer hersel f (e.g. , a s future , marrie d woman) , the n th e fantas y basi s is masochistic. More folklori c example s o f th e associatio n o f th e birc h tre e wit h sadomasochistic idea s coul d b e adduced . A t thi s poin t i t i s enoug h t o observe tha t suc h a n associatio n exists , an d tha t th e "birching " whic h goes o n i n a Russia n bathhous e i s therefor e consisten t wit h th e overal l

BORNINABANIA 189 picture. Tha t is , th e us e o f birc h venik i i n th e bathhous e flagellation ritual seem s t o fi t int o a n overal l sadomasochisti c comple x o f attitude s concerning th e birch tree. 37

The Bania-Mother As observe d earlier , clinician s lin k masochisti c behavior s an d atti tudes t o earl y interactio n wit h th e mother . W e hav e jus t see n tha t th e birch ha s unmistakabl e materna l attributes . Bu t wha t abou t th e bani a itself ? There coul d hardl y b e a mor e materna l imag e i n Russi a tha n th e bania. On e enjoy s th e bani a i n th e nude , tha t is , i n th e equivalen t o f what w e woul d cal l a birthda y sui t (" v che m mat ' rodila") . In hi s dictionary Dah l quote s thes e peasan t sayings : "Th e bani a i s a secon d mother" o r "Th e bani a i s one' s ow n mother " ("Bani a mat ' vtorai a Hi mat' rodnaia") 3 8 (recal l tha t th e sam e assertio n i s made abou t th e stov e in a peasan t hut ; th e bania , lik e th e hut , contain s th e essentia l stove) . There ar e som e ver y goo d reason s wh y th e peasan t woul d mak e thi s blatant equation . First o f all , the bani a i s perceived a s a place on e goe s to cur e al l ills: "The bani a fixes u p everything " ("Bani a vs e pravit") ; "I f i t weren' t fo r the bani a w e woul d al l b e don e for " ("Kol i b n e bania , vs e b m y propali"). These saying s ar e liste d righ t afte r th e "secon d mother " refer ence i n Dahl' s dictionary , an d the y reflec t a typica l childis h attitude , t o the effec t tha t "mothe r wil l tak e car e o f everything. " I n Illiustrov' s dictionary o f proverb s th e connectio n i s direct : "Th e bani a i s ou r mother, i t wil l straighte n th e bone s an d fix u p th e whol e body " ("Bania—mat' nasha , kost i raspravit , i vse telo popravit"). 39 Second, th e insid e o f a bani a i s very wet . Water i s thrown upo n ho t bricks o r stone s t o produc e steam , whic h condense s everywher e withi n the bania . Th e whol e interio r become s drippin g wet , warm , womblike . Francine d u Plessi x Gra y describe s he r experienc e i n th e "mother-ho t darkness" o f th e Siberian varian t o f a bania : Coddled i n that dar k materna l warmth , inhaling the dry, hot smell of pine and eucalyptus and birch leaves and of the smoldering stove, the perfume o f the tea and jam in the room next door, I was transported to the arms of the Russian women wh o ha d care d fo r m e s o wel l whe n I wa s a smal l child , m y great grandmother, m y great-aunt ; t o th e fragran t intimac y o f th e tin y icon-fille d rooms o f thei r Pari s exile, to memorie s o f thei r ow n nurturin g warmth , cheer ,

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gentleness, selflessness, stoi c patience—qualities whic h have given me whatever strength I've had in life. 40 The associatio n o f wate r wit h th e mother i s of cours e well established i n Russian lore . "Mothe r earth " i s specificall y "moist " ("mat ' syra zem lia"). River s are often calle d "mother. " On e must not spi t into a body of water, becaus e tha t woul d b e th e sam e thin g a s spittin g int o one' s ow n mother's eye s ("Plevat ' n a vodu , vs e odno , cht o mater i v glaza"). 41 Th e plural for m "vody " i n Russian , lik e th e Englis h plura l "waters, " refer s specifically t o th e amnioti c flui d i n th e mother' s womb. 42 A s Joann a Hubbs point s out , peasant s i n man y part s o f Russi a simpl y addresse d water a s "mother." 4 3 The materna l connotation s o f wate r ar e no t onl y Russian . In th e dreams, folklore , mythology , etc . o f man y people s wate r imager y i s associated wit h childbirth . Psychoanalys t Ott o Ran k devote s muc h at tention t o thi s connectio n i n hi s classi c 190 9 stud y The Myth of the Birth of the Hero. Fo r example , while the Persia n Kin g Cyrus was bein g born hi s mother dream t tha t "s o muc h wate r passe d awa y fro m he r tha t it becam e a s a larg e stream , inundatin g al l Asia , an d flowin g a s fa r a s the sea." 44 Othe r psychoanalyti c scholar s have also studied th e materna l significance o f wate r imagery. 45 The bani a itsel f wa s traditionally buil t near a body o f water, suc h a s a lak e o r a river . A n illustratio n t o Kabanov' s articl e show s tw o ban i actually in the water o f a large lake. 46 Even mor e maternall y significan t tha n th e aquati c association s i s the fact that , well into the Soviet period, childbirt h itsel f typicall y took plac e right i n th e bania. 47 A dialecta l meanin g o f th e ver b "banit ' " ("t o wash," relate d t o "bania" ) i s "t o perfor m midwifery." 48 Th e "bat h prayer" ("bannai a molitva" ) referre d specificall y t o a praye r a pries t would recit e on behal f o f the woman abou t t o give birth. 49 O f a stillbor n child, o r o f a newbor n chil d tha t quickl y died , i t wa s said : "Righ t fro m the bani a an d int o the pit" ("I z ban'k i d a v iamku"). 50 If th e wetnes s o f th e bani a make s i t a metapho r fo r th e .mother, it s physical contiguit y t o he r durin g th e parturitio n proces s mad e i t a me tonymy fo r her . The connectio n o f th e bania wit h th e mother wa s thus a semantic doubl e whammy i n the peasant imagination . The bani a wa s a goo d plac e t o giv e birt h becaus e i t wa s usuall y located som e distanc e awa y fro m th e res t o f th e population , an d ho t

BORNINABANIA 191 water wa s readily availabl e there. This is not t o say , however, tha t eithe r privacy o r cleanlines s wer e o f an y concern . Indeed, th e notion o f privac y has neve r ha d muc h currenc y i n Russia , an d today' s notion s o f hygieni c medical practic e wer e no t know n t o th e peasants. A mother givin g birt h was considere d bot h unclea n ("nechistaia" ) i n th e ritualisti c sens e an d vulnerable t o possible evil wishes of others . It was therefore bes t that sh e be isolate d fro m mos t o f th e peopl e sh e kne w durin g childbirt h (al though a t leas t a midwif e wa s likel y t o b e present). 51 A s fo r hygiene , David Ranse l point s ou t that , "unti l ver y lat e i n th e imperia l er a i t wa s rare t o find a villag e midwif e wh o bothere d t o was h he r hand s befor e testing cervica l dilation." 52 Apparently i t wa s a widesprea d practic e fo r th e midwif e ("povi tukha," "povival'nai a babka" ) t o actuall y administe r a stea m bat h t o a woman durin g labo r and/o r afte r delivery . In som e area s thi s include d a beating abou t th e mother's abdome n wit h th e standard veniki . A treatise on midwifer y publishe d i n 178 4 b y the physician Nesto r Ambodi k state s that peasant midwives , "disregardin g th e fact tha t they [wome n in labor ] are sweatin g enormously , mercilessl y ru b thei r bellie s with coars e venik i and trea t the m t o irritatin g drinks , wit h th e inten t o f speedin g u p th e process o f childbirth." 53 I n difficul t o r prolonge d labo r rathe r extrem e measures wer e taken . Variou s way s o f shakin g th e woman, hangin g he r upside down , rubbin g he r abdomen , an d givin g he r drink s t o induc e vomiting ar e described b y Professor Rei n in his 188 9 paper . Even mor e horrifyin g wa s th e treatmen t accorde d th e newbor n child. Antoni o Sanches , i n a treatis e publishe d i n 1779 , report s tha t i t was commo n fo r th e mother t o stea m th e child alon g with hersel f withi n hours afte r birth. 54 Ambodi k say s that, whe n th e infant wa s taken t o th e bania t o b e washed, i t was place d o n a shelf hig h up , near th e ceiling , s o as t o receiv e th e maximu m amoun t o f stea m an d heat . I n addition , i t was scourge d wit h veniki , then douse d wit h col d water. 55 Anothe r medi cal doctor , E . A . Pokrovski i writin g i n 1884 , report s tha t steamin g o f the newborn chil d was standar d practic e i n northern an d centra l region s of Russia , an d amon g Russian s livin g i n Siberia . Th e ter m "steaming " ("parenie") refer s bot h t o heatin g b y mean s o f stea m an d floggin g wit h birch venik i (e.g. , "pareni e venikami"). 56 Pokrovski i refer s t o infant s developing a special typ e o f ras h fro m thi s treatment. 57 The mothe r an d newbor n child , whil e recoverin g fro m th e traum a of parturition , wer e treate d t o mor e tha n on e roun d o f steamin g an d

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flagellation wit h venik i i n th e bania . Variou s lullabie s sun g t o th e new born infan t (b y th e midwif e o r th e mother) , an d variou s spell s pro nounced b y th e midwife , refe r t o "steaming " ("parit ' " ) th e infant. 58 According t o T . A . Listova , on e o f th e mai n reason s fo r th e midwif e t o stay o n a fe w day s afte r th e birt h too k plac e (secon d hal f o f th e nine teenth century ) wa s t o administe r stea m bath s t o mothe r an d child . Sh e quotes th e "widespread " rul e tha t "th e midwif e ma y leav e onl y afte r three baths " ("povitukh a dolzhn a uit i toPk o posl e trek h ban ' "). 5 9 Again, th e us e o f th e wor d "bania " her e suggest s th e usua l applicatio n of bot h stea m an d veniki . Listov a als o quote s Zeleni n t o th e effec t tha t the village midwife woul d "steam " ("poparit" ) mothe r an d child. 60 An illustratio n i n Pokrovskii' s boo k show s a n exhauste d youn g mother lyin g o n a be d o f stra w i n a bathhouse . Severa l wome n ar e shown enterin g th e doorway o f th e bathhouse, bringin g foo d wit h them . Barely visibl e i n th e steam y uppe r lef t corne r i s th e midwife . Sh e i s beating a naked newbor n chil d with veniki. 61 From da, y one, then , th e Russia n peasan t chil d wa s subjecte d t o th e intense therma l an d tactua l stimulatio n o f th e bania . Thi s postpartu m treatment wa s repeate d o n a n almos t dail y basi s fo r severa l weeks. 62 When th e midwif e left , th e (b y definitio n pre-Oedipal ) mothe r wa s th e one wh o woul d "steam " he r child . A s th e chil d grew , i t becam e quit e accustomed t o th e bania experience . Images of the bania mus t have bee n among th e early memories o f ever y adult peasant . Typically th e peasan t woul d g o t o th e bani a onc e a week, o n Satur day. Thi s wa s ofte n a famil y affair . No t onl y wa s ther e ofte n a mixin g of th e sexe s i n bot h th e peasan t an d commercia l bath s o f tsaris t times , there wa s als o a mixin g o f th e generations . Severa l o f th e illustration s provided b y Professo r Cros s i n hi s excellen t articl e bea r thi s out . A drawing b y Jean-Baptiste L e Prince, who ha d spen t som e years in Russi a in th e secon d hal f o f th e eighteent h century , depict s a bani a ful l o f children an d adults , includin g a woma n pourin g wate r ove r a child . A drawing don e b y on e P . I w (Ivanov? ) i n th e mid-nineteent h centur y shows a woman wit h a child o n he r lap . An etchin g b y Mikhail Kozlov skii (lat e eighteenth century ) show s an assortment o f children an d adults , including an infant a t its mother's breast . All of the mothers an d childre n in thes e work s ar e o f cours e naked. 63 A n eighteenth-centur y popula r print ("lubok" ) show s severa l nake d wome n i n a bathhouse , includin g

BORN IN A BANIA 193 one holdin g a nake d child. 64 A mor e recen t wor k b y A . A . Plasto v shows a naked mothe r adjustin g he r youn g daughter' s scar f jus t outsid e a bathhouse. 65 Charles Masson , i n hi s somewha t hostil e memoi r o f Russi a unde r Catherine, says: In the country, the baths are still on the old footing; that is to say, persons of all ages an d bot h sexe s us e the m together , an d a famil y consistin g o f a fathe r o f forty, a mother o f thirty-five, a son of twenty, and a daughter o f fifteen, appear together in a state of innocence, and mutually rub down each other. 66 According t o Masson , th e Russia n peasan t i s no t excite d a t th e sigh t of other s unclad , fo r "fro m hi s infanc y h e ha s see n an d examine d everything." 67 The tw o occasion s wher e mixin g o f th e sexe s di d not occu r wer e postpartum bathin g (discusse d above ) an d th e prenuptia l bath . Th e latter i s nearly a s important a s the former fo r understandin g th e Russia n bathhouse culture .

The Prenuptial Bath The bani a playe d a n essentia l rol e i n th e traditiona l peasan t mar riage ceremonial s ("svad'ba" ) i n rura l areas . Th e brid e underwen t a n emotionally charge d prenuptia l bat h wit h he r girlfriends . Sometime s th e groom woul d bath e wit h hi s mal e friend s too . Typicall y th e brid e an d groom bathe d togethe r afte r consummatio n o f th e marriage . Of thes e variou s weddin g bath s th e bride' s prenuptia l bat h wa s o f particular significance . A n anthropologis t woul d classif y i t a s a rit e o f passage, o r mor e specifically , a rit e o f separation. 68 No t th e weddin g itself, but th e prenuptial bat h severe d th e bride from he r family . A t som e point, usuall y th e da y befor e th e actua l weddin g too k place , th e brid e was accompanie d b y he r girlfriend s t o th e bania . Male s wer e usuall y not allowed. 69 Ethnographi c description s o f th e prenuptia l bat h var y enormously, i n par t becaus e ther e wa s considerabl e regiona l variation , and i n par t becaus e som e scholar s ar e mor e willin g tha n other s t o g o into detail . Mos t authoritie s o n thi s subjec t agre e tha t th e girlfriend s i n fact washe d th e brid e an d rearrange d he r hai r i n som e way. 70 The y als o agree tha t thi s bat h symbolize d a washin g awa y o f maidenl y "beauty "

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("krasota") and/o r "freedom " ("volia") . Th e "krasota " wa s no t jus t a n abstract idea , bu t wa s normall y represente d b y som e concret e physica l object wor n o n th e head , suc h a s a ribbo n se t i n bead s an d plaite d i n with th e braid , o r a headband . Thi s headgea r migh t reluctantl y b e cas t off an d entruste d t o a girlfrien d o r siste r durin g th e prenuptia l bath , o r before o r afte r i t a t a gatherin g terme d th e "devichnik. " A t som e poin t the bride' s brai d woul d b e unplaite d an d the n replaite d int o a singl e braid fo r th e las t tim e (late r i t woul d b e spli t int o th e doubl e brai d traditionally wor n b y married women). 71 The los s o f th e "krasota " o r th e "volia " coul d conceivabl y b e inter preted a s los s o f virginity . A brid e wa s "officially " expecte d t o b e a virgin, a s i s clea r fro m th e ritualize d examinatio n o f he r shif t fo r trace s of bloo d afte r consummatio n o f th e marriage . Th e groo m wa s regarde d as "th e on e wh o drov e awa y maidenl y beauty " ("otgonitel ' dev'e i krasoty"). 72 However, ther e i s evidenc e fo r premarita l sexua l activit y amon g Russian peasan t girls , particularly a t thos e traditiona l mixed-se x gather ings terme d "posidelki," 73 s o th e virginit y tes t mus t ofte n hav e bee n faked. Also , femal e virginit y becam e les s o f a n issu e a s rura l Russi a became industrialized an d youn g women gaine d som e degree of freedo m from thei r familie s b y goin g of f t o wor k i n factories. 74 Certainl y th e value o f premarita l virginit y decline d amon g rura l wome n i n th e Sovie t period. In addition , ther e ar e other , mor e iconi c signifier s o f th e los s o f virginity, suc h a s th e variou s fruit s an d berrie s whic h pervad e th e lov e songs an d weddin g songs, 75 o r th e traditiona l splittin g o f th e tightl y woven, hair y brai d ("kosa" ) int o tw o parts . Th e litera l meanin g o f th e loss o f "krasota " an d "volia " i s actuall y mor e suggestiv e o f bondag e than o f sexuality . True , th e brid e wa s no w suppose d t o hav e sex wit h her husband , an d h e supposedl y "drov e away " he r virginity . Bu t afte r that sh e n o longe r ha d sexua l choice. Fo r he r t o los e he r "krasota " and "volia " suggest s tha t sh e literall y gaine d thei r opposites , tha t is , "nekrasota" an d "nevolia " (uglines s an d slavery). 76 A gir l o f cours e di d no t literall y los e he r beaut y jus t becaus e sh e took a ritual bat h an d go t married , an d sh e did no t literall y do n a set of chains. But the cultura l expectation s wer e such tha t i t was as if the brid e were no w ugl y an d enslaved . He r beaut y wa s n o longe r relevant , i t n o

BORN IN A BANIA 195 longer empowere d her , fo r sh e wa s no t suppose d t o b e attractin g male s the way sh e had bee n durin g he r premarita l romp s wit h th e loca l villag e boys. Sh e n o longe r wa s i n charg e o f he r beaut y fo r th e purpos e o f exercising sexual choice . There was no choic e if she was sexually bonde d with, an d thereb y boun d b y her husband . As pointed ou t earlier , th e brid e ha d t o emi t sign s o f submissio n t o her husban d a t th e weddin g itself , suc h a s bowin g dow n t o hi m an d pulling of f hi s boots . Late r th e husban d woul d b e fre e t o disciplin e he r with beatings . Naturally , sh e hope d he r husban d woul d no t d o suc h a thing. I n Luzhsko i uezd , fo r example , th e girl s woul d no t brin g a veni k to th e prenuptial bath , fo r otherwis e "Th e husban d wil l bea t you." 7 7 I n many areas , however , no t onl y wa s a decorate d veni k brough t alon g t o the prenuptia l bath , bu t th e roa d take n b y th e girl s t o th e bani a wa s itself marke d wit h veniki . The brid e ha d t o endur e wha t migh t b e calle d stations o f th e venik . I n Vetluzhski i kra i th e girl s woul d flagellate th e bride with venik i an d woul d no t le t her dow n fro m a n uppe r shel f o f th e bania unti l sh e uttered th e first name an d patronymi c o f her husband-to be. Th e longe r a brid e coul d bea r thi s punishmen t withou t utterin g th e name, the mor e highl y respected sh e was amon g her girlfriends. 78 Even if the bride had participate d i n choosing her husband, an d eve n if she happened t o b e in love with him , that di d not mea n he would late r refrain fro m exercisin g hi s taci t righ t t o abus e her . A t th e bathhous e ritual i n som e area s sh e an d he r girlfriend s ha d trie d no t t o distur b th e smoldering brand s i n th e fire, fo r a quie t fire portended a home lif e fre e of beating s b y th e husband. 79 Ye t a t thi s ver y ritua l th e veni k sh e used t o bea t hersel f ha d previousl y bee n obtaine d fro m th e groo m i n a ceremonial exchang e o f veniki . Smirenie towar d he r husban d wa s wha t she anticipated . The song s sun g abou t th e ritua l bat h giv e a bette r indicatio n o f how th e brid e actuall y fel t a t tha t momen t tha n d o th e ethnographi c descriptions. The y ar e terme d lament s ("prichitaniia, " "prichety") , o r sometimes jus t plai n howlin g ("voi") . The y wer e sun g b y th e bride , b y her friends , o r sometime s eve n b y a professional waile r (whic h doe s no t lessen thei r psychologica l value , an y mor e tha n well-playe d orga n musi c at a funera l lessen s th e sadnes s o f th e mourner s there) . The y expres s agony, an d a t th e sam e tim e a submissio n t o tha t agon y (smirenie). Th e line " I will bea t [m y forehead] , I will bo w dow n low " occur s repeatedl y

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in th e weddin g laments . Ofte n th e brid e wil l sin g " T h a n k y o u " fo r horrible thing s tha t ar e bein g don e t o her . Th e followin g excerpt s from Kolpakova' s marvelou s chrestomath y o f weddin g lyrics : He y6oHca , wapn a 6aeHKa ! MTO He Tyna noaHHMaeTca , He cojmaTO B vmeT apMHH, He rocyaap b Hfle T c o apMHeii : H nay c o jieBHuaMH, CO ZieBHUaMH CO KpaCHblMH . 51 rpy3HWM miy rpy3HexoHbKo , T«)KejibiM a a TH)KejiexoHbKo ! Don't b e afraid, ho t bathhouse ! It's not a cloud risin g up , It's not a n arm y o f soldier s walking along , It's not th e sovereign wit h hi s army : It's just m e and th e girls, The beautifu l girls . I walk alon g weighted down , And with o h s o heavy heart . H Heaojiro B 6aHe napwiacb , fla y> K H MHoro c ce6 « cnapHjia : fla y> K H cMbijia, MOJioaeiiieHbKa , C ce6 a zieBbi o m KpacoTy ! I did no t stea m i n the bath fo r long , But much I steamed awa y fro m myself : For I , young one , washed awa y From mysel f m y maidenly beauty ! He Morji a a TOCK H cMbiTb, He Morji a cjie 3 ,a a cnojiocKaTb... . I was no t abl e to wash awa y th e anguish , I was no t abl e to rinse awa y th e tears. . . . PacnaTMCb, KapKa napH a 6aeHKa , Ho eflHHOM y aa 6peBeuiKy ! He Morji a a TOCK H CMMTH ,

He Morji a a jxa cnojiocKaTH, — BjiBoe, BTpoe zia TOCK H npH6w.no!.. Roll away , hot stea m bath , One log after another ! I could no t was h awa y th e anguish ,

the are

BORN IN A BANIA 197 I could not rinse it away. Twice, three times greater the anguish grew! 80 Although th e brid e goe s willingl y wit h he r girlfriend s t o th e bania , he r emotional pai n i s obviousl y great . I t i s eviden t that , withi n hersel f a t least, sh e is putting u p a fight. Sh e wants tim e to stop , she does not wan t to g o forwar d int o a threatenin g future. 81 Sh e eve n want s th e bani a t o dismantle itself , a s i f tim e coul d g o backward . In anothe r son g sh e wishes tha t th e log s retur n t o th e stump s o f th e tree s fro m whic h the y were cut: "Uz h vy stan'te, eti brevnyshki, / Chto n a stary e na penushki. " She goes on t o sing : Tu nocToft , a a >Kapn a 6aeHKa, fljiH npecrapejior o na. Bcxoaca cojiHwuiKa, fljiH acejiaHHof t Moef t MaMyuiKH, JJjlH pOflHMW XMOHX 6paTejlKOB! You stop, hot little bath, For the sake of the aged, rising sun, For the sake of my dear mamushka, For the sake of my dear brothers. 82 The brid e i s expressing intens e ambivalenc e abou t he r mothe r here . Sh e tears apar t th e bania , he r "secon d mother " i n fantas y (cf . th e nast y treatment accorde d th e birch tree during Semik ceremonies). Yet she also wants t o maintai n th e relationshi p wit h th e lovin g mother . Sh e want s everything sh e i s goin g throug h t o sto p ("T y postoi") , s o tha t th e rela tionship wit h th e mothe r ca n b e preserve d a s is : "Fo r th e sak e o f m y dear mamushka. " The brea k wit h th e mothe r wa s ver y important . In anothe r son g the "krasota " t o b e washe d awa y i n th e bani a i s th e mothe r herself : "Matushka—div'ia krasota." 83 The futur e wa s indee d blea k fo r th e bride . Sh e wa s abou t t o b e separated fro m th e ver y friend s wh o wer e bathin g her . Sh e wa s als o about t o b e separate d fro m he r parents , t o acquir e a n "alie n mother " ("chuzhaia matushka" ) an d a n "alie n father " ("chuzho i batiushka") 84 in he r new , patriloca l domicile . What i s more, sh e was abou t t o becom e the lowest-rankin g individua l i n th e ne w household , wit h onl y he r (pos sibly abusive ) husban d t o protec t her . Th e groo m suffere d n o compara ble trauma , an d i t i s hardl y surprisin g tha t ther e ar e practicall y n o wedding lament s fo r men , or sun g by men .

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The ne w restriction s bein g place d o n th e brid e adde d u p t o a los s o f her forme r "volia. " Thi s los s wa s sustaine d no t a t th e weddin g itself , bu t earlier, a t th e prenuptia l bath : KaK 3aiiuia a B Tenji y napH y 3BT y 6aeHKy,— Moa BOJiiouiK a c rojioByuiK H KHflajiace... . As I stepped int o thi s warm bat h My freedo m flew awa y fro m m y little head. 85 Kolpakova quit e rightl y pay s clos e attentio n t o thos e brida l lament s which depic t th e los s o f th e "volia. " I n he r desperatio n th e brid e give s the "volia " man y forms : " . . . i t throw s itsel f ont o th e wall s an d ceilin g in th e for m o f a whit e swan , i t turn s int o whit e steam , i n th e wash-tu b i t ends u p bein g a littl e duck , i t transform s itsel f firs t int o a venik , the n soap, the n fire, unti l finally i t turn s int o a bir d an d flie s ou t th e w i n d o w or doo r o f th e b a n i a . " 8 6 Th e bride' s "volia " doe s no t sta y i n on e place , it doe s no t remai n on e thing , i t i s a ver y slipper y creature . Accordin g to Kolpakov a i t i s a kin d o f werewol f o r shapeshifte r ("oboroten ' " ) . Sometimes i t i s a girlfrien d o f th e bride , sometime s eve n th e bride' s double. It s abilit y t o metamorphos e i s remarkable . I n it s ver y slipperi ness i t i s th e epitom e o f freedom , "volia. " T o par t wit h i t i s ver y painfu l for th e bride , fo r th e nex t stag e o f he r lif e wil l b e th e epitom e o f unfreedom, tha t is , bondage , "nevolia. " Bu t par t wit h i t sh e does , an d voluntarily. Th e prenuptia l bat h sh e submit s hersel f t o i s emblemati c o f the masochis m whic h wil l characteriz e th e res t o f he r life . N o t pullin g off th e boo t o f he r new , paterna l husband , bu t losin g he r "volia " i n th e maternal bani a represent s he r tru e sud'ba. If th e bani a i s indee d a "secon d mother, " a s Dahl' s informan t says , then i t i s als o possibl e t o vie w th e prenuptia l bat h a s a "secon d birth, " that is , a rebirth . Th e brid e migh t i n fac t hav e bee n bor n i n th e ver y bania wher e he r prenuptia l ritua l wa s takin g place. 8 7 O n e son g i n th e Propp collectio n make s a n explici t referenc e t o birth : fl nouijia , MOJiofleuieHbKa , Bo Tenjiyio 6aeHK y Co MHjihiM a co noflpyacKaM w noMNTbCH-nonapHTbCH,— He cMHT b 6w MH e zieBbio Kpacy, Orpofly MH e He B O nepBbie, A B O aeBbefi Kpac e B nocnejiHHe.

BORN I N A BANIA 199 I set off, youn g one , For the warm bani a With m y dea r girlfriend s To was h myself , to stea m myself . I cannot /don' t wan t t o wash awa y m y maidenly beauty , Not fo r th e firs t tim e since birth , But for th e last time in my maidenly beauty. 88 This gir l ha s bee n t o th e bani a man y time s sinc e sh e wa s bor n ("otrodu"), bu t thi s tim e i s special , fo r i t i s her las t tim e a s a maiden . Al l subsequent time s wil l b e i n a new , marrie d life . B y bathin g rituall y th e girl become s a ne w person , th e ol d perso n bein g take n awa y i n met onymized f o r m — t h e " k r a s o t a " — a n d hun g u p o n a birc h tre e (bu t th e birch wil l b e choppe d down) , o r t h r o w n int o a field amon g flower s (bu t the flower s wil l b e m o w n down). 8 9 Or , th e ol d perso n migh t b e drie d from th e ski n o f th e newly-washed , newly-bor n perso n an d wrappe d i n a t o w e l — r a t h e r lik e a n infan t wrappe d i n swaddlin g clothes : Mbi noiujiM, 6ejiH e Jie6eflH , B )Kapny napH y 6aem< y n o TBOK ) aa jxeBhio KpacoTy . OTBOPHJIH flBepH y3exoHbKo, 3aXOflHJTH nOTHXOXOHbKO; B3HJIM TBOK) fleBbio KpacoTy, 3aBepHyjiH B nojiOTeHyuiKo. Off w e went, whit e swans , To the hot stea m bat h After you r maidenl y beauty . We opened th e door a little, We went i n very quietly . We took you r maidenl y beaut y And wrappe d i t in a little towel. 90 In som e case s wate r w r u n g ou t o f th e towe l use d t o was h th e brid e wa s utilized t o bak e dumpling s ("pirogi") , whic h th e groo m woul d late r eat . In som e areas , mil k wa s poure d o n th e bride , the n drie d fro m he r bod y with doug h t o b e use d i n th e dumplings . Th e mil k poure d ove r th e bride's bod y migh t eve n b e fe d directl y t o th e groom. 9 1 Thes e practice s were suppose d t o increas e th e groom' s lov e fo r th e bride . Va n Genne p would ter m thes e rite s o f union. 9 2 Psychoanalyticall y viewed , the y repre sent a n ora l destructio n o f th e " o l d " person , s o tha t th e " n e w , " rebor n masochist ca n function .

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Despite a fe w indications , th e ide a o f rebirt h doe s no t pla y a ver y important rol e i n th e brida l rites . The lif e a brid e coul d loo k forwar d t o was no t brigh t enough . I f anything , indeed , he r ne w lif e migh t bette r b e characterized a s death . In on e son g th e brid e describe s hersel f a s havin g died durin g th e prenuptia l bat h ( " . . . umerla-de krasn a devushk a / V o toi, v o ban e zharkoi"). 93 Scholar s hav e i n fac t notice d th e considerabl e similarity betwee n brida l rite s an d funera l practice s i n Russia. 94 A s Natalie Moyl e says , "I n man y senses , Russian wome n ar e considere d t o die a t marriage." 95 Moyl e notes , for example , that th e ritual washin g i n the bani a resemble s th e washin g o f a corpse . I n som e area s th e brid e i s removed fro m he r hom e th e wa y a corps e i s removed, tha t is , through a window rathe r tha n throug h a door . The symbolis m her e i s important , bu t th e brid e di d i n fac t remai n alive afte r th e wedding . Withou t he r n o famil y coul d form , n o childre n could com e int o th e world . Sh e ma y hav e bee n "dead " i n som e sense , but sh e wa s ver y muc h aliv e an d woul d becom e th e centra l masochis t around whic h he r famil y woul d grow . The bania , then , i s no t jus t a physica l facilit y wher e on e ma y was h oneself. It is a cultura l practic e permeatin g man y aspect s o f Russia n life , it i s a n archai c institutio n o f pai n distribute d ove r a divers e geographi c space. Fo r an y individua l Russia n i t extend s (o r extended ) acros s th e entire lif e span , fro m birt h t o death. 96 The masochis m o f th e bani a i s both physica l an d moral . O n th e on e hand ther e i s th e welcome d hea t an d flagellation . Thi s intens e physica l stimulation i s apparently pleasurabl e fo r mos t Russians , an d fo r som e i t may eve n b e eroticall y gratifyin g (althoug h i t woul d b e a mistake , de spite Vasil'eva' s paintings , t o clai m tha t th e bani a i s normall y a theate r of erotogeni c masochism , properly speaking) . On th e othe r hand , th e bani a offer s a scen e fo r playin g ou t mora l masochism. Thi s i s especiall y eviden t i n th e bride' s prenuptia l bath , where freedo m ("volia" ) i s definitively relinquished , an d futur e bondag e to a parental substitut e i s implied. Th e prenuptia l bat h wa s a n opportu nity t o maste r anxiet y abou t futur e abnegation . I t was itsel f a n anticipa tory abnegatio n o f self . The bani a i s a particularl y clea r instanc e o f th e psychoanalyti c no tion tha t masochis m originate s i n painful interactio n wit h th e early (pre Oedipal) mother . No t onl y wa s th e bani a traditionall y referre d t o a s a

BORN IN A BANIA 201 "second mother, " i t wa s on e plac e wher e earl y interactio n wit h th e mother wa s painful , fo r th e chil d mus t initiall y hav e experience d th e "steaming" an d flagellatio n b y th e midwife , an d late r b y th e mothe r herself, a s painful . A s th e chil d developed , thi s manne r o f abusin g th e child wa s incorporate d int o th e child' s ow n repertoir e o f activities , tha t is, th e chil d learne d t o abus e himsel f o r hersel f withi n th e bod y o f tha t famous materna l icon , the Russian bania .

N I N E

Masochism and the Collective

In Russia , a s in mos t othe r larg e culture s outsid e o f th e Western worl d (Japan, China , India , etc.) , emphasi s i s place d o n th e collective . Wha t cross-cultural socia l psychologist s cal l collectivis m predominate s ove r individualism. T o oversimplif y somewhat : th e beliefs, needs , an d goal s of th e "in-group " ar e accepte d a s bein g mor e importan t tha n thos e o f the privat e self , an d to som e exten t ar e not distinguished fro m thos e of the self ; mutua l cooperatio n i s expected withi n th e collective; the interests of others com e before one' s ow n interests. 1

What It Means to Be a Zero Masochism, a s has been observe d mor e tha n onc e i n this book , i s a phenomenon o f th e individual . Individual s d o exis t i n collectivis t cul tures, even if their interest s ar e de-emphasized. Indeed , such de-emphasi s serves to encourage masochism . Much individua l masochis m i n Russi a i s enacte d i n relatio n t o the collective, a s oppose d t o anothe r concret e person . Th e collectiv e doe s act on the individual, bu t the individual i s an actor a s well—in context s ranging al l the way from Slavophili c sobornosf t' o Stalinist totalitarian ism.2 The collective canno t itsel f ac t without som e cooperatio n fro m th e individual. In Russia suc h cooperatio n ofte n take s th e form o f sacrifice , suffering, o r humiliation . For example , th e individual Russia n peasan t i n tsarist Russi a woul d on som e occasions be obliged literally to bow down befor e the collective. Here i s th e ritualize d utteranc e o f a youn g brid e newl y arrive d i n th e 202

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village o f Podzovalovo , Orlo v province , i n 1898 , a s sh e repeatedl y bowed i n al l four direction s t o th e crow d surroundin g her , first fro m th e waist, th e second tim e a little lower, th e third tim e almost to the ground : "I bo w lo w t o th e beautifu l girls , t o th e youn g marrie d women , t o th e bachelor fellows , to the grandfathers, t o the uncles, to the grandmothers , to th e aunties ! To th e matchmaker me n an d th e matchmaker women , t o all i n on e swoop ! I be g yo u t o accep t m e int o you r fold , an d i f not , t o drive m e away! " Th e first an d secon d tim e aroun d thi s servil e ac t wa s met wit h silenc e b y th e collective , th e thir d tim e around , tha t is , after a grand tota l o f twelv e bows , it was greete d wit h a n enthusiasti c choru s of song, followe d b y mor e servil e utterance s b y th e youn g woman . Thos e dissatisfied wit h th e woman' s performanc e heckle d her : "Littl e mother , submit an d bo w lower!" 3 My concer n her e wil l no t b e t o judg e wha t constitute s to o muc h o r too littl e exercis e o f powe r b y th e collective , o r t o estimat e t o wha t degree the individua l shoul d o r shoul d no t ac t i n servil e fashion toward , or sacrific e himsel f o r hersel f t o th e collective . Rather , I wil l simpl y attempt t o examin e th e underlyin g psychodynamic s o f individual s wh o characteristically welcom e humiliation , suffering , o r defea t specificall y at the hands o f th e collective i n Russia . By collectiv e I mea n an y grou p o f psychologica l importanc e t o th e individual, b e i t th e nuclea r family , th e extende d peasan t family , th e artel o r othe r wor k collective , th e tsaris t rura l commun e ("obshchina " or "mir") , th e Orthodo x churc h congregation , temporar y get-together s (e.g., "posidelka, " "khorovod") , th e schoolroom , th e Soviet Komsomol , the militar y unit , th e Sovie t villag e o r collectiv e farm , th e Party , th e tsar's court , th e Motherland , an d s o on. There ar e (o r were) man y kind s of collective s i n Russia , an d an y on e individua l coul d belon g t o severa l collectives simultaneously . Her e I will b e concerne d wit h variou s collec tives within Russia , a s well a s with Russi a herself . The famil y i s of cours e th e mos t basi c typ e o f collective , th e funda mental "cell " ("iacheika" ) o f society , a s th e Sovie t sociologist s use d t o say. Tha t thi s i s s o ca n b e see n i n th e directionalit y certai n metaphor s take. Th e Russia n tsa r wa s customaril y referre d t o a s "littl e father " ("batiushka"), bu t th e fathe r i n th e traditiona l peasan t famil y wa s no t normally calle d "tsar. " Similarly , Russi a itsel f i s calle d "mother, " bu t mothers ar e not calle d "Russia. " Thi s directionalit y ma y see m extremel y obvious, yet it is usually neglected .

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One reaso n wh y th e mora l masochis m o f th e individua l i n Russi a has no t bee n overl y visibl e i s becaus e Russian s prefe r t o emphasiz e th e collective rathe r tha n de-emphasiz e th e individual . Sometime s th e de emphasis o f th e individua l i s eve n denied , a s i n thi s statemen t b y th e Soviet writer A . Ivanov: "Th e chie f featur e whic h th e Slavophiles value d in th e Russia n peopl e wa s no t smirenie a t all , bu t th e communa l spirit , or a s we would pu t i t today, th e feeling o f collectivis m a s opposed t o th e individualism an d egois m o f th e bourgeois West." 4 I n fact, however , th e "communal spirit " implie s smirenie, collectivis m entail s masochis m o f the individual . Th e tw o ar e logicall y connected , eve n i f consciou s atten tion i s directe d towar d on e a t th e expens e o f th e other . Th e brid e who bowe d dow n twelv e time s befor e he r collectiv e wa s expressin g "communal spirit " and wa s behaving masochistically . Russians lik e to emphasiz e thei r collectivis m b y makin g a grandios e metaphor o f th e ordinar y pronou n "we " (Russia n "my") . Late i n 1991, as th e Sovie t Unio n wa s disintegrating , write r an d criti c Viktor Erofee v commented: "Wha t wa s importe d i n Wester n Marxis m wil l vanish . . . . But Communis m wil l no t disappear , inasmuc h a s th e spiri t o f collectiv ism i s a t th e hear t o f thi s nation . Th e natio n wil l alway s sa y 'we ' rathe r than th e Anglo-Saxon T . " 5 Erofeev's metapho r ma y see m hackneye d t o th e Westerner, bu t i t i s both tru e an d affectivel y loade d fo r th e ordinary Russian . Russian s hav e always emphasized th e "we " a t the expense of the "I. " Evgenii Zamiati n satirized thi s emphasi s i n hi s distopia n nove l We, Vladimi r Kirillo v glorified i t i n hi s revolutionar y poe m "We, " an d Alekse i Pesko v at tempted t o analyz e it historically i n his 199 2 essay "We. " 6 The Russian s love a titl e wit h thi s wor d i n it : "Tim e an d We " (a n emigr e journal) ; "The Worl d an d We " (th e internationa l pag e i n Moskovskie novosti); "Hellenism an d We" ( a chapter titl e in Viacheslav Ivanov) ; "Dostoevsk y and We " ( a chapte r o f Berdiaev' s boo k o n Dostoevsky) ; / and We {la i my, th e titl e o f a 196 9 boo k b y psychiatrist Vladimi r Levi) ; "Brea d an d We" ( a title o n th e fron t pag e o f Literaturnaia gazeta, 1 1 August 1993) , and s o on . Durin g th e "liquidatio n o f illiteracy " ("likbez" ) campaig n i n the earl y Sovie t perio d a favorit e sloga n wa s th e pu n "Raby—n e my " (either "Slave s ar e no t us " o r "Slave s ar e mute") . A s i t turne d out , o f course, education di d no t eliminat e slavishness . Russian collectivis m ca n tak e gigantic proportions. Fo r example, fo r many million s o f Sovie t individual s th e Communis t Part y wa s every -

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thing. I t wa s a n enormou s machine , an d individual s wer e mer e "cogs " ("vintiki," t o us e Mikhai l Heller' s metaphor) . Peopl e actuall y believe d such slogan s a s "Th e Part y i s ou r steerin g wheel " ("Partiia—nas h ru levoi"), or "Th e Part y i s the mind , honor , an d conscienc e o f ou r epoch " ("Partiia—um, chest ' i sovest ' nashe i epokhi") 7 —as i f individual s di d not have their ow n mind s an d conscience s to guid e them . Indeed i t wa s considere d bes t i f the y di d not . I f th e part y wa s everything, then th e individual wa s nothing , morally . To quot e Vladimi r Mayakovsky's lon g poem deifyin g th e Party wit h Leni n a t its head : EflHHHUa — B3flOp , eflHHHUa — HOJlb .

The individual is nonsense, The individual is zero.8 Although Mayakovsk y proclaim s tha t ther e wil l b e n o mor e slave s an d masters i n hi s countr y ("be z rabo v i gospod"), hi s utte r self-abnegatio n as a "zero, " o r a t bes t a tin y particl e ("chastitsa" ) withi n th e collective , is a most effectiv e propagand a fo r slavishness . Any Westerne r wh o ha s visite d Russi a fo r a n appreciabl e lengt h o f time know s ho w i t feel s t o b e treate d a s a "zero " b y th e collective . Consider, fo r example , th e abus e accorde d t o individual s i n crowds . O n a bus , i n a train , o r i n a crowde d subway , on e ha s t o expec t a certai n amount o f pushing , elbowing , eve n punchin g fro m other s a s they strug gle to ge t whereve r the y ar e going . Th e remarkabl e thing , fro m a West ern viewpoint , i s that n o on e seem s t o mind . Th e abus e i s just accepte d by Russian s a s normal . Furthermore , i t i s no t individual s wh o ar e per ceived a s pushin g an d shovin g othe r individuals . Wrigh t Mille r ha s captured thi s phenomenon : The secret of it all seems to be that the crowd pushes, but no one person pushes, so that ther e i s no on e t o ge t angr y with . Unles s perhaps i t i s a foreigne r lik e myself, who was made to feel mortally ashamed once when I lost my temper and lashed out back, sides, and front a t my neighbours to get some breathing-space. "To have to travel with such people!" they said with indignant scorn. 9 "Such people " mean s i n thi s cas e a Britishe r wh o wa s no t s o acceptin g of abuse , not s o masochistic a s Russians are . The individual' s insignificanc e als o becomes apparen t i n attempt s t o obtain th e mos t rudimentar y good s an d service s in Russia. I recall how I

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approached a restauran t alon g Moscow' s Arba t o n a da y i n Septembe r of 1991 . I t wa s dinnertime , an d I wa s hungry . Bu t o n th e doo r wa s posted th e followin g notice : "CLOSE D FO R DINNER. " A fe w restauran t workers were eating inside of th e mostly empt y restaurant . Even worker s i n th e recentl y forme d cooperativ e restaurant s ofte n behave a s i f the y d o no t kno w wha t i s good fo r them . In on e instanc e I waited forty-fiv e minute s jus t to orde r a meal. The waiter wa s surly , an d the foo d turne d ou t t o b e mediocre . Naturall y I lef t a on e kopec k tip . But I am no t a Russian . There ar e anecdote s galor e o n thi s topi c i n Hedric k Smith' s boo k The New Russians an d i n othe r account s b y Westerners. 10 Eve n Rus sians hav e writte n abou t th e problem , whic h i s to sa y tha t certainl y no t all Russian s find tha t abus e o f th e individua l b y th e "system " i s accept able. A n exampl e i s Vladimi r Voinovich' s Anti-Soviet Soviet Union (1985), a compendiu m o f painful , satirica l essay s th e very titl e o f whic h suggests a collective kin d o f masochism .

Sticking One's Neck Out in the Collective I a m hardl y th e first t o notic e th e masochisti c ting e t o Russia n collectivism. Jeffr y Klugma n says , fo r example , tha t Sovie t Russian s grew u p i n familie s an d wen t t o school s whic h fostere d "th e tota l warmth o f submissive belonging." 11 Earlie r i n thi s centur y Berdiae v wrote tha t "th e Russia n peopl e ha s a publi c gif t o f submissiveness , o f smirenie o f th e perso n t o th e collective." 12 Writin g i n 1898 , A . Ni kol'skii asserte d tha t "i n th e overal l socia l lif e o f th e peasantry , th e personal elemen t i s sacrifice d t o th e communa l element." 13 Nikol'ski i makes i t clea r tha t suc h sacrific e i s unnecessar y an d excessive , tha t is , masochistic i n nature . H e refer s t o th e "passivity " an d "profoun d quiet ism" o f th e communa l peasant , an d h e expresse s admiratio n fo r th e enterprising peasan t wh o act s out o f self-interest , o r who move s awa y t o the city and thereb y cast s off th e "yok e o f communa l life." 14 To tak e a n exampl e fro m th e immediat e post-Sovie t period , w e have Bula t Okudzhav a talkin g abou t th e collectiv e talen t o f Russian s t o accomplish grea t deeds , but onl y when unde r threa t o f the stick ("iz-po d palki"). Emergin g fro m thei r "recen t enslavement, " Russian s ar e stil l plagued by their tendency t o submit unnecessarily t o the collective: "Ou r

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misfortune reside s i n th e fac t tha t w e ar e al l on e societ y [vs e m y odn o obshchestvo] wit h a poorly develope d abilit y t o thin k independently , a n enviable capabilit y fo r submissio n [podchiniat'sia] , an d a n inabilit y t o take individual risk s or responsibility." 15 When someon e doe s tak e individua l ris k o r initiative , th e collectiv e (or a representative o f th e collective) i s likely to express disapproval and , more importan t fo r th e them e o f thi s book , th e individua l i s likel y t o give in. In 199 1 Moscow psychoanalyst Ver a Losev a related a n anecdot e to m e which graphicall y capture s thi s situation : Two beggars are sitting on a street corner. A third beggar arrives, sits down, and starts playin g th e harmonica. On e o f th e othe r beggar s get s up, comes over t o the harmonica player and starts hitting him on the head, saying: "Yo u can't do that, yo u hav e t o be g the sam e way th e res t o f u s beggars do! " The would-be musician puts away his harmonica and apologizes profusely . The begga r wh o strike s th e harmonic a playe r i s enforcin g th e sadisti c will o f th e collectiv e (howeve r small , i n thi s cas e a gran d tota l o f thre e beggars). Th e begga r wh o complies , o n th e othe r hand , i s a mora l masochist. H e willingly accept s the harm don e to him, that is , he accede s to bot h th e blow s an d th e reduction o f hi s efficiency a s a beggar . If i n Americ a th e invento r o f a bette r mousetra p i s rewarded , i n Russia th e mor e efficien t begga r i s punished . Of cours e th e harmonic a playe r coul d resist , an d thi s migh t brin g even more punishment. S o hasn't h e chosen th e less masochistic solutio n by complying ? Perhap s ye s i n th e shor t run , bu t tha t doe s no t mak e hi s original solutio n non-masochistic . An d besides , withou t a masochisti c mind-set h e (an d other s i n hi s position) migh t think o f way s o f resistin g the pressures o f th e collective, such a s striking bac k a t the other beggars , avoiding streetcorners where other beggar s are present, o r hiring beggar s as bodyguards wit h th e profits mad e fro m beggin g by harmonica . But, "don' t stic k out! " ("N e vysovyvaites'!") , say s the proverb. Th e tallest blad e o f grass , after all , is the one to get cut down. Hedric k Smit h points t o th e masochisti c essenc e o f thi s attitud e towar d th e collective : "The Russian s ar e long-sufferin g peopl e wh o ca n bea r th e pai n o f thei r misery, s o lon g a s the y se e tha t other s ar e sharin g it . Th e collectiv e jealousy ca n b e fierce agains t thos e wh o ris e abov e th e crowd." 16 I n other words , masochisti c conformit y ca n hav e a sadisti c side-effect . Among Smith' s numerou s example s o f thi s mentality ar e the following :

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Valentin Berezhkov, a former Sovie t diplomat, told me of a farmer he knew in a town outside of Moscow whose horse and few cows were set free and whose barn was set afire by neighboring farm worker s who were jealous of his modest prosperity. Th e Sovie t press i s full o f storie s abou t attack s o n privately owne d cooperative restaurant s an d othe r smal l servic e shops , the perpetrator s peopl e who resent seeing others do well. In the debates at the Supreme Soviet, the most potent arguments , th e one s wit h th e stronges t resonanc e amon g th e populace , are the passionate accusations that the free market will yield speculators getting rich from profiteering an d exploiting the working class.17 In a n articl e tha t appeare d i n a 199 2 issu e o f Literaturnaia gazeta, N . Zenova refuse s t o nam e th e locatio n o f collectiv e far m propert y take n over b y a n enterprisin g grou p o f peopl e fo r semi-privat e development . The reaso n i s clear : som e enviou s reader s migh t d o physica l har m t o the developers. 18 If in America miser y love s company , i n Russi a miser y ofte n requires company. In effect : "I f I a m goin g t o liv e poorly , le t them liv e poorl y too." 1 9 An y attemp t t o improv e onesel f wil l mee t wit h resistance . T o quote a saying that wa s widely applie d i n late Soviet Russia: "Sobak a n a sene" (" A do g [lying ] o n th e hay") . Eve n i f a do g ha s n o us e fo r hay , i t will not le t anyone else get at it. 20 The member s o f th e collectiv e al l hav e t o b e equall y miserable — otherwise i t become s to o obviou s tha t one' s ow n persona l miser y i s not reall y necessary , tha t is , i s masochisti c i n essence . Th e happ y non masochist i s quit e correctl y perceive d a s alie n ("chuzhoi") , no t par t o f "us" ("svoi" ) an y more. 21 Not al l members o f th e collectiv e will necessarily fee l hostil e towar d another's success , indeed i n mos t case s not eve n th e majorit y wil l necessarily fee l thi s way . Bu t th e spitefu l proportio n o f th e populatio n i s nonetheless significant , a s recen t sociologica l survey s hav e shown . Fo r example, when a jewelry cooperative i n a town i n the Crimea wa s close d down becaus e th e authoritie s though t th e worker s ther e wer e makin g too muc h money , a n opinio n pol l showe d tha t 3 0 percen t o f th e publi c agreed wit h th e closur e (1 4 percen t though t th e closur e wa s no t i n th e spirit o f glasnost , an d 56 percen t though t i t was wrong). 22 A century earlie r env y wa s als o common . Amon g th e peasantry , fo r example, ther e wer e thos e enterprisin g individual s ("predpriimchivy e liudi") wh o manage d t o acquir e larg e amount s o f lan d and/o r othe r property, 23 bu t no t withou t provokin g resentmen t amon g neighbors . The communa l env y portraye d i n th e classi c ethnographi c description s

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confirm Smith' s assertion 24 tha t today' s attitude s ar e pre-Sovie t i n his torical origin . Semenova-Tian-Shanskaia , fo r example , describe s th e envy which riche r peasant s ha d t o dea l with i n the late tsarist period : Those who are somewhat richer complain bitterly about their fellow-villag ers' attitude toward them . "The y hate you (env y you) constantly, saying: 'wha t makes you thin k you'r e bette r tha n w e are , hold on , aren' t yo u gettin g a little uppity, taking it into your head to plant a little apple tree? Ha! You've decided to plant a garden, thin k you'r e a landlord, eh ? We sit hungry, an d h e plants a garden, an d eve n fence s i t off!' " The n the y smas h th e fenc e an d dra g of f th e apple tre e tha t ha s bee n planted . O r i f th e appl e tre e grow s u p an d produce s apples, they feel obliged to make raids on it. 25 Such env y mus t hav e bee n very common , t o judg e fro m jus t som e o f th e numerous proverb s gathere d o n th e subjec t b y Dahl : The neighbo r interfere s wit h slee p becaus e h e live s well (Sose d spat ' ne daet: khorosh o zhivet) . It's no t offensiv e tha t th e win e i s expensive , bu t it' s offensiv e tha t the inn-keepe r i s gettin g ric h (N e t o obida , cht o vin o dorogo , a t o obida, cht o tseloval'ni k bogateet) . Beat t o deat h th e on e wh o live s bette r tha n w e d o (Ube i tog o d o smerti, kto luchsh e nashego zhivet) . The enviou s on e wil l no t spar e hi s own tw o eye s (Zavistlivy i svoik h dvukh gla z ne pozhaleet). 26 Not onl y th e on e wh o submit s t o suc h enviou s attitude s i s behavin g masochistically, bu t sometimes , a s th e las t ite m indicates , th e enviou s person himsel f o r hersel f ca n b e engage d i n a masochisti c enterpris e a s well. I f th e enviou s peasan t se t fire t o hi s neighbor' s hut , fo r example , his ow n wa s likel y t o bur n dow n too , sinc e th e peasants ' woode n hut s were built exceedingl y clos e to on e another . A masochistic attitud e toward th e collective is of cours e not th e onl y thing tha t prevent s th e individua l fro m "stickin g out " i n Russia . Ther e are likel y t o b e othe r reason s a s well , dependin g o n th e situation . A would-be famil y farme r i n th e lat e Sovie t an d post-Sovie t period , fo r example, i s thwarte d b y a hos t o f dauntin g problems . Wher e wil l th e fertilizer, seeds , tractors , an d othe r item s necessar y fo r farmin g b e ob tained? Ho w muc h shoul d b e investe d i n livestock ? Wha t crop s woul d bring a profit , wha t crop s shoul d b e avoided ? Wil l governmen t policie s

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change i n th e mids t o f farmin g operations?—An d s o on, t o nam e a fe w of th e issue s cogentl y discusse d b y Hedric k Smith. 27 Bu t th e existenc e of non-psychologica l factor s doe s no t rul e ou t psychologica l factors , including masochism . Whe n Smit h aske d stat e far m directo r Dmitri i Starodubtsev i n 198 9 wh y th e ne w opportunitie s fo r leasin g lan d wer e not catchin g on , the reply took a curiously psychologica l form : "You see, " he said, "th e land was confiscated fro m th e peasants in the thirties, even i n th e twenties . Sixt y year s ago . S o the ne w generatio n neve r owne d th e land. They are not used to the land. They are afraid o f it. It has become alien to them. The livestoc k the y ar e willing to take . To breed animals , that's OK . But the land, they're afraid o f it. Our people have lost the feeling of being masters of the land." 28 With th e imag e o f "master s o f th e land " Starodubtse v raises , perhap s unintentionally, a sadomasochistic issue : if the peasants ar e not "master s of th e land," perhap s the y ar e its slaves instead? An d give n th e materna l significance o f "land " ("zemlia, " e.g. , "matushk a zemlia" ) whic h i s s o prevalent i n Russia n tradition , perhap s Starodubtse v i s suggestin g tha t would-be farmer s fea r havin g t o dea l wit h a n ol d materna l image . I will have more t o sa y about suc h imagery .

A Post-Soviet Antimasochistic Trend? It i s tru e tha t effort s ar e no w bein g mad e i n Russi a t o reduc e th e importance o f the collective and to emphasize the value of the individual . Psychoanalyst Aro n Belki n observe s tha t perestroik a encourage d peopl e to emerg e fro m thei r previou s "inhibited , infantil e state, " t o "thin k independently, t o ge t t o kno w themselve s an d thei r environment , t o evaluate fo r themselve s thei r attitud e t o th e historica l pas t an d t o thei r native land." 2 9 Belki n believe s tha t psychoanalyti c therap y itsel f ca n help individuals who have suffered unde r a totalitarian syste m gain som e sense o f thei r ow n freedo m an d autonomy . T o ge t ri d o f one' s "slav e psychology" (par t o f whic h i s masochism— a ter m Belki n avoids) , on e might tr y som e free association . In the lat e Soviet an d post-Sovie t Russia n medi a ther e ar e numerou s references t o somethin g calle d "sovereignt y o f th e person " ("suverenite t lichnosti"). Thi s represent s a majo r chang e o f approac h t o huma n rela tions amon g Russians . Th e ver y phrase , however , i s a metapho r base d on th e ide a o f a collective: "sovereignty " i s (i n Russian a s in English ) a n

MASOCHISM AND THE COLLECTIVE 211 attribute o f a state . Lidii a Grafova , i n a fascinatin g articl e unde r thi s rubric, introduce s furthe r collectiv e metaphor s i n he r attemp t t o conve y her disgus t a t th e masochism i n an individual : " I don't kno w abou t you , reader, bu t I personall y discove r wit h sham e somethin g totalitaria n i n myself." Or : "Ca n w e b e fre e fro m ou r interna l slaver y an d fear? " Again, "somethin g totalitarian " an d "slavery " ar e collective , no t indi vidual phenomena . Bu t i t i s clea r tha t Grafov a ha s persona l freedo m i n mind, a s whe n sh e deconstruct s th e metapho r o f "sovereignt y o f th e person": "th e secre t wish o f Sovie t people [liudei ] (no t only republics ) i s to gain independence." 30 Soviet psychologis t Bori s Kochube i mad e a particularly explici t an d eloquent statemen t o f th e importanc e o f th e individua l i n a n articl e tha t appeared a t th e en d o f 1990 . According t o Kochubei , socialis m faile d i n Russia becaus e i t intensifie d th e alread y nativ e collectivis t mentalit y o f Russians: "Fro m a n underdevelope d T i n Russia n cultur e w e move d t o a complet e repressio n o f the T i n the name o f the 'we.' " After lamentin g the "primitiv e collectivism " an d th e tendenc y towar d "identificatio n o f the sel f wit h th e group " amon g hi s fello w citizens , Kochube i declares : "It's hig h tim e to understan d tha t ther e i s nothing apar t fro m th e single , private perso n (th e ver y on e tha t peopl e cal l a philistin e an d a clod) , with hi s smal l happines s an d hi s bi g sorrow. " Everythin g else—th e Party, th e class , the nationality , th e government , th e Motherland , al l o f society itself—exist s onl y fo r th e individual . Onl y i n a societ y whic h places th e individua l abov e al l els e i s ther e a chanc e tha t "reaso n an d conscience" wil l prevail. 31

Some Theoretical Considerations What i s a collective , fro m th e viewpoin t o f th e individual ? Ho w d o psychoanalysts characteriz e th e individual' s consciou s an d unconsciou s attitudes towar d th e collective ? For on e thing , th e collectiv e i s itsel f like a n individual , an d a ver y special individua l a t that. I t tends t o ge t personified, an d th e personifica tion i s usually materna l i n nature. Semiotically speaking , the collectiv e is an icon o f th e mother . Russian cultur e richl y exemplifie s thi s analyti c view : "Mothe r Rus sia," "Mothe r Moscow, " an d "th e mothe r Party " ar e obvious examples . Sometimes thi s materna l metapho r i s displace d beyon d th e collectiv e

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itself an d o n to som e abstrac t entit y which i n turn govern s the collective , for example , th e "mothe r ideology " whic h guide s th e Part y o r th e "mother history " fro m whic h lesson s mus t b e learned . Sometime s th e maternal metapho r i s extende d i n th e rhetorica l sense , a s whe n Dmitri i Likhachev trie s t o represen t bot h positiv e an d negativ e feeling s towar d Russia: To divid e u p th e territor y o f Russi a th e wa y th e newl y forme d "independen t governments" ar e no w dividin g he r ca n onl y b e accomplishe d b y eliminatin g memory, cultura l an d historica l memory , memor y indee d o f th e motherlan d [pamiat' rodiny]—regardles s o f what valu e one may place on this motherland . Perhaps sh e wa s a stepmothe r [machekhoi ] fo r many , rathe r tha n a mothe r [mater'iu], but still, she did exist. 32 Another exampl e i s offere d b y Nin a Katerl i an d Iuri i Shmid t i n thei r extension o f th e materna l personificatio n o f th e Party . Writin g i n a recent issu e o f Literaturnaia gazeta, the y asser t tha t th e enemie s o f democracy hav e mastere d th e ar t o f provocation : "The y hav e sucke d i n this ar t wit h th e mil k o f th e mothe r KPS S [Communis t Part y o f th e Soviet Union]." 3 3 Here i s ho w psychiatris t Aro n Belki n depict s th e child' s acquisitio n of a submissive attitud e towar d th e collective in Russia : Having barely learne d t o distinguish word s from on e another, we find ou t tha t "I" [ia ] i s th e las t wor d o f th e [Russian ] alphabet . We have taken in with mother's milk the conviction tha t whateve r valu e or meanin g each of u s might have is only as a particle of the collective, inseparable from th e overall mass.34 In thi s indirec t fashio n Belki n recognize s tha t a masochisti c attitud e toward th e collective derive s fro m earl y interactio n wit h th e mother . If th e collectiv e i s maternal , the n it s member s ar e children . We Are All Children of Russia (Vse my —deti Rossii) —proclaims th e titl e o f a recent boo k b y conservativ e literar y criti c Iuri i Prokushev. 35 Th e phras e "children o f Russia " ha s als o com e t o refe r t o Russian s livin g i n non Russian, formerl y Sovie t republics , an d wh o ma y fee l endangere d an d isolated fro m thei r tru e motherland . Sinc e th e breaku p o f th e Sovie t Union a colum n title d "Th e Childre n o f Russia " ha s bee n runnin g i n Literaturnaia gazeta. A recen t instanc e i s introduce d wit h thes e words : "We ar e al l your children , Russia , bot h thos e o f u s living on th e lan d o f our ancestors , an d thos e livin g beyon d he r borders . W e hav e th e sam e

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roots, w e hav e ha d th e sam e fate . An d no w ther e i s pain , desperation , anxiety." 36 Sometimes th e materna l personificatio n o f th e collectiv e i s slightl y less obvious , a s i n th e term s "rodina" ' ("motherland, " literall y "birthland") an d "narod " ("th e people " o r "th e folk")—bot h o f whic h are relate d t o th e ver b "rodit" ' ("t o giv e birth" ) an d "rod " ("birth, " a s in "o t rodu, " "fro m birth") , and thereb y indirectl y sugges t the mother . Usually, however , collective s ar e no t personifie d o r characterize d i n explicitly materna l term s a t all , eve n i n Russia . Bu t ther e i s evidenc e from psychoanalyti c theory , an d ther e ar e passage s fro m som e o f Rus sia's grea t philosopher s an d literar y artists—whic h indicat e tha t th e collective t o whic h on e submit s i s alway s materna l a t th e leve l o f dee p fantasy. Belo w I will examine key passages i n Losev, Berdiaev, Blok, an d Dostoevsky t o suppor t thi s idea . Her e I wish t o offe r a fe w psychoana lytic considerations . Surprisingly littl e psychoanalyti c wor k ha s bee n don e o n attitude s toward th e collective . Perhap s thi s i s becaus e psychoanalysis , fo r th e most part , develope d i n th e West , wher e individualis m rathe r tha n col lectivism flourishes. Nonetheless , ther e ar e som e studie s whic h ough t t o be mentioned . Didier Anzieu , reportin g o n hi s psychoanalyti c wor k wit h larg e groups (u p t o eight y persons) , say s tha t significan t anxiet y i s provoke d by th e impersona l natur e o f suc h a collective . I t i s impossibl e t o kno w most o f th e other s i n th e group , an d thi s i s threatening . No t knowin g who th e "other " i s actuall y raise s th e questio n o f wh o th e sel f is : "Th e group situatio n i n whic h I don' t kno w wh o 'they ' ar e an d the y don' t know wh o T a m is , a s such , a sourc e o f anxiety." 37 Ther e i s thu s a "danger o f losin g one' s eg o identity." 38 Th e questio n "Wh o a m I? " is , as Anzie u says , "th e mos t difficul t questio n tha t th e grou p situatio n forces o n it s members." 39 This question , however , i s precisely th e questio n bein g addresse d b y the chil d tha t i s i n th e proces s o f differentiatin g itsel f fro m th e mothe r and formin g itsel f int o a unit y tha t coheres : "Th e grou p draw s th e individual fa r int o hi s past, t o earl y childhoo d wher e h e did not ye t hav e consciousness o f himsel f a s subject, wher e he felt incoherent." 40 Fragmentation i s a persistent concer n o f bot h th e pre-Oedipa l chil d and th e grou p member . In th e cas e o f th e grou p membe r th e concer n i s

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dealt wit h b y mean s o f a n "illusion " (Anzieu ) whereb y th e grou p itsel f coheres a s a person o f som e kind. Attention i s thus defensivel y displace d from th e narcissisti c problem s o f a n individua l perso n t o th e grou p a s person. In other words , the collectiv e is defensively personified . Another wa y t o vie w th e proble m face d b y th e individua l i n a collective i s i n term s o f th e individual' s eg o ideal . Thi s Freudia n con struct i s suppose d t o hav e develope d i n th e earl y interactio n o f ever y individual wit h th e parents . I t i s a n interna l mode l t o whic h th e eg o seeks t o conform . Bu t th e mode l ca n b e replace d i n intens e interactio n with th e collectiv e b y som e fictive group eg o or grou p eg o ideal. That is , the individua l ca n project certai n desire d qualitie s o f th e ego on t o som e aspect o f th e group. 41 The individua l i n a collectiv e i s alway s confronte d wit h th e issu e of boundaries: wher e doe s th e individua l sel f leav e of f an d th e collectiv e begin? Again , th e issu e i s a n ol d one , tha t is , a pre-Oedipa l one . Th e most regressiv e solutio n i s t o avoi d a boundar y altogether , t o fantasiz e fusion o r mergin g wit h th e collectiv e other . Psychoanalys t Janin e Chas seguet-Smirgel (influence d b y Anzieu ) says : "I t i s a s i f th e grou p forma tion represente d o f itsel f th e hallucinatory realizatio n o f the wish t o tak e possession o f th e mothe r b y the sibship , through a very regressive mode , that o f fusion. " If th e grou p i s fel t t o b e unquestionable , all-powerful , ideal , then , says Chasseguet-Smirgel , i t "i s itsel f a n omnipoten t mother." 42 I f th e group palliate s th e narcissisti c wound s o f individual s withi n it , i t i s serving a s a n idealize d "breast-mother"—t o quot e Ott o Kernberg' s dis cussion o f Anzieu. 43 All o f thes e issues—coherenc e o f th e sel f i n relatio n t o th e "other, " self-definition o r boundar y i n relation t o the "other, " an d idealizatio n o f the materna l "other"—ar e als o paramoun t fo r masochism , a s w e sa w earlier i n th e clinica l chapter . Fo r som e reason , however , Anzieu , Chas seguet-Smirgel, an d thei r Kleinia n predecessor s pa y littl e attentio n t o masochism i n thei r discussion s o f th e psycholog y o f individual s i n th e collective. Again , thi s probabl y testifie s t o a cultura l differenc e betwee n Western Europea n an d Russia n attitude s towar d th e collective . There i s no a prior i reaso n t o believ e tha t th e sophisticate d psychotherapeuti c trainees i n Anzieu' s larg e groups , fo r example , shoul d reac t th e sam e way ordinar y Russian s woul d i n a simila r situation . Bu t th e issue s deal t with—in particula r th e identit y o f th e sel f i n contiguit y wit h th e collec -

MASOCHISM AND THE COLLECTIVE 215 tive—are intrinsicall y th e sam e i n an y culture . Anzieu' s Frenc h subject s appear t o b e mor e individualisti c an d t o resis t submissio n i n situation s where Russia n subject s woul d mor e likel y behave masochistically .

Submission to the "Will" of the Commune in Tsarist Russia The typica l Russia n peasan t i n th e imperia l perio d wa s no t onl y under th e thum b o f th e gentr y landlor d an d th e famil y patriarc h ("bol'shak"), bu t wa s als o beholde n t o a collectiv e o f fello w peasant s known a s th e commun e ("obshchina " or , mor e commonl y amon g th e peasants, "mir") , th e administrativ e action s o f whic h wer e usuall y car ried ou t b y a n all-mal e villag e assembl y ("sel'ski i skhod") . Th e com mune playe d a ver y importan t rol e i n th e emotiona l lif e o f th e peasant . It was als o a n importan t politica l an d economi c structure , o f course , bu t here I am concerne d wit h ho w th e peasant felt abou t th e commune . I t is possible t o addres s thi s psychologica l issu e without gettin g entangle d i n complex economi c questions , an d i n particula r withou t pretendin g t o settle th e hotl y dispute d issue s o f jus t ho w ancien t o r ho w genuinel y Russian th e peasant commun e was. 44 The commun e seem s t o hav e gaine d eve n mor e contro l ove r th e lives o f individua l peasant s afte r th e emancipatio n o f 186 1 tha n i t hel d previously. Th e emancipate d peasan t i n mos t case s stil l wa s no t abl e t o own arabl e land , bu t depende d o n th e commune t o parcel i t out periodi cally. The commun e di d no t assig n land , moreover , t o th e peasan t a s a n individual, bu t t o th e extende d peasan t househol d o n th e basi s o f th e number o f "tiagla " pe r household . A "tiaglo " wa s usuall y a marrie d couple betwee n th e age s o f eightee n an d sixt y (sometime s lan d wa s assigned instea d o n th e basi s o f th e numbe r o f adul t male s pe r house hold, o r th e numbe r o f mouth s t o b e fed) . Thi s economi c disregar d fo r the individual peasan t coul d no t bu t hav e psychological consequences . Although th e peasan t worke d th e land , i t was no t i n mos t case s hi s or her s t o sel l o r t o pas s o n t o offspring . Ther e wa s n o trul y privat e property, othe r tha n th e hut an d th e immediately surroundin g farmstea d land an d buildings , and, fo r women , th e dowry. The typical peasant wa s at bes t a temporar y landholder , no t a landowner . I n addition , th e post emancipation peasan t wa s require d t o wor k th e exclusivel y collectiv e portions o f th e commune' s land , tha t is , th e arabl e lan d fro m whic h

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funds wer e earne d t o pa y assistanc e t o landles s widows , herders , teach ers, doctors, etc., as well a s to pay fo r road , bridge , and churc h repair . The commun e di d hav e it s advantages . Th e members , fo r example , might collectivel y com e t o th e ai d o f a family i n distres s (e.g. , rebuildin g a hu t destroye d b y fire , helpin g a famil y stricke n b y disease , etc. ; thi s practice wa s calle d "pomoch'"). 4 5 Successfu l agricultura l innovatio n initiated b y on e membe r migh t en d u p benefitin g al l member s (i f th e majority wen t alon g wit h th e innovation) . Th e peasan t commun e als o offered th e psychologica l advantag e o f comfortabl e grou p identit y an d solidarity (thi s solidarit y wa s maintaine d eve n b y member s wh o lef t th e commune fo r varyin g periods o f tim e in orde r t o ear n mone y elsewhere : "zemliaki," individual s fro m th e sam e village—literall y fro m th e sam e "zemlia" o r "land"—tende d t o liv e together i n the working-class neigh borhoods o f larg e cities) . Anothe r psychologica l advantag e t o th e indi vidual membe r o f th e peasan t collectiv e wa s a n optio n i n som e context s to shif t blam e o r responsibilit y fo r morall y questionabl e action s o n t o the collective (se e below, 237) . The commun e retaine d enormou s powe r ove r it s member s i n ex change fo r th e advantage s i t offered , however . Some , indeed , hav e ar gued tha t th e commun e enslave d th e individua l peasan t t o a greate r extent than di d the serf-ownin g landlord. 46 Certainl y th e typical peasan t felt a muc h greate r sens e o f devotio n t o th e commun e tha n t o th e landowner. Her e w e may cit e a typical respons e b y a serf whe n aske d b y a provincia l governo r whethe r h e woul d obe y hi s master : "A s th e mi r goes, so will I." Afte r twenty-fiv e blow s with a birch switch , the ser f stil l gave the sam e response. 47 The commune' s powe r wa s manifeste d i n a wide variet y o f spheres . With goo d reaso n Leroy-Beaulie u speak s o f "communa l despotism." 48 The commun e determine d lan d allotment s fo r eac h household . I t deter mined ho w muc h eac h househol d wa s t o pa y i n taxe s (ther e wa s muc h grumbling b y individual s wh o ha d t o pa y highe r taxe s whe n othe r individuals i n th e househol d slacke d off , e.g. , ou t o f drunkenness). 49 I t determined whic h youn g male s woul d b e recruite d int o th e military . I n many case s th e commun e coul d preven t a n individua l fro m settin g u p a separate household . B y variou s mean s i t coul d pressur e individual s t o participate i n a "pomoch'." 5 0 I t coul d forc e a n individua l membe r t o participate i n a new agricultura l project , suc h a s draining a swamp, or i t could preven t a n individua l membe r fro m introducin g a n agricultura l

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17

innovation. 51 I t coul d arrang e fo r th e publi c shamin g o r othe r disciplin ing o f an y membe r wh o steppe d ou t o f line . I t dictate d whethe r a n individual peasan t coul d receiv e th e passpor t neede d t o resid e elsewher e than o n th e commun e (th e internal passpor t requiremen t late r becam e a fact o f Sovie t lif e a s well) . The commun e coul d eve n interfer e i n famil y matters. Fo r example , th e powerfu l hea d ("bol'shak" ) o f a multipl e family househol d coul d b e depose d b y the commun e i f h e di d no t se e t o it tha t hi s househol d fulfille d it s communa l obligation s (e.g. , i f h e be came a drunkard an d squandere d patrimonia l property). 52 The abilit y o f th e traditiona l peasan t collectiv e t o formall y sham e a member i s striking evidence of th e collective's power ove r the individual . Among th e numerou s example s adduce d b y Christin e Worobe c i s th e following: In 1887, in the hamlet of Iazykova in Petrov district, Saratov province, the gates to tw o home s i n whic h marriageabl e girl s live d ha d bee n tarre d [signifyin g premarital sexua l activit y o n th e part o f th e girls] . The girls' parents informe d the villag e assembl y tha t the y suspecte d thre e villag e girl s wit h who m thei r daughters had quarreled over suitors. Since the quarrel was common knowledge in the community, the assembly held the parents of the accused party responsible for their daughters' actions and ordered the m to treat the assembly members to fifteen rubles ' wort h o f vodka . Moreover , eac h o f th e guilt y girl s was shame d publicly by having a tarred piece of string tied round her neck. A crowd then led them to the tarred gate s and force d th e girls to kiss them. Such public humiliation weakened the offenders' chance s for making ideal marriage matches. 53 Two layer s o f collectiv e coercio n o f th e individua l ar e eviden t i n thi s charivari. First , th e collectiv e too k i t upo n itsel f t o regulat e women' s sexuality. I t i s clea r tha t a woman' s sexua l behavio r wa s no t he r ow n business. She and he r entir e famil y migh t b e humiliated i n the eyes of th e larger collectiv e by a premarital sexua l adventur e (whil e the man an d hi s family wer e not , althoug h ther e wer e case s where th e collectiv e force d a man t o marr y a woma n h e ha d impregnated) . Second , th e collectiv e could punis h thos e wh o falsel y accuse d a woma n o f no t conformin g t o the collective' s demand s o n he r sexuality . In effect , i t coul d humiliat e attempted humiliators , an d thereb y adversel y affec t thei r futur e live s i n the collective . Apparently i t was quit e rar e fo r th e individua l t o resis t o r openly repudiat e humiliatio n bein g meted ou t b y the collective . Charivaris wer e apparentl y mos t frequentl y directe d agains t sus pected pett y thieves . Ver y ofte n th e victi m wa s force d t o trea t thos e

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assembled t o vodk a o r wine , whic h wa s suppose d t o effec t a kin d o f reconciliation wit h th e collective . In case s o f mor e seriou s crimes , suc h as hors e thievery , th e suspecte d crimina l migh t b e torture d an d beate n to deat h b y a mob . Individual s accuse d o f witchcraf t o r sorcer y migh t also be murdered b y a communal mob. 54 Numerous proverb s attes t t o th e psychologica l powe r whic h th e traditional peasan t collectiv e wielde d ove r th e individual , o r mor e accu rately, t o th e powe r th e individua l felt th e collectiv e wielded . In effect , these proverb s expres s smirenie, a n acceptanc e tha t on e mus t submit, however reluctantly , t o a n omnipoten t collective : What th e mi r ha s ordaine d i s wha t Go d ha s decide d (Cht o mi r poriadil, to Bog rassudil). As th e mi r wishes , judges , ordains , establishes , wants , sentences , decides; th e wil l o f th e mi r (Ka k mi r zakhochet , rassudit , poriadit , postavit, povolit, prigovorit, polozhit ; mirskai a volia) . When th e mir roars, the forests groa n / the forest bow s (Mi r zarevet , tak les y stonyt [le s klonitsia]). Wherever th e han d o f th e mi r is , my hea d i s [i n agreement ] (Gd e u mira ruka , tar n moi a golova) . The mi r canno t b e judged , bu t it s member s ca n b e beate n (Mi r nesudim, a mirian b'iut) . If th e mi r goe s crazy , stil l yo u can' t pu t i t i n chain s (Mi r s um a soidet—na tsep ' ne posadish'). Who woul d b e greate r tha n th e mir ? Yo u don' t argu e wit h th e mi r (Kto bol'she mir a budet ? S mirom n e posporish'). The nec k o f th e mi r i s tough : i t stretche s bu t doe s no t brea k (Mir skaia shei a tuga : tianetsia , d a n e rvetsia). No membe r o f th e mi r ca n b e opposed t o th e mir (Nikako i miriani n ot mira n e proch'). The people' s voic e betraye d / crucifie d Chris t (Gla s narod a Khrist a predal [raspial]). 55 Language is used in a personifying fashio n i n most of these sayings. That is, i t i s clea r tha t th e collectiv e i s understoo d t o b e a person . I t ha s a "will" o f it s own . I t ha s bod y parts , suc h a s a "hand " tha t directs , o r a

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"neck" tha t i s strong . I t i s capabl e o f doin g thing s person s do : i t "wishes," "judges, " "ordains, " "decides, " "passe s sentenc e on, " "roars," "goe s crazy, " an d s o on . I n effect , th e proverb s giv e th e com mune a human face . The proverb s ma y stat e outrigh t tha t th e commun e i s a person. In a positive vei n w e have : "Th e mi r i s a grea t person " ("Mir—veli k chelo vek"). O n th e negativ e side , however, ther e i s "Th e mi r i s an aggressor / destroyer" ("Mir—nasil'nik-razoriteP"). 56 Fro m thes e contrastin g ex amples provided b y A. A. Rittikh i t is clear that th e peasant ha d ambiva lent feelings abou t th e personified commune . What th e commune-perso n doe s i s requir e submissio n fro m rea l persons, it s members . An d th e member s g o along , the y submit . Ther e i s a certai n passivit y an d fatalis m t o th e proverbs . Th e commun e i s not t o be questioned . Th e imager y fo r it s member s i s abject . A fores t "bows " to it , a membe r i s powerles s t o "argue " o r b e "opposed " t o it , one' s "head" i s i n automati c agreemen t wit h it . On e ca n b e "beaten " b y it , one ca n eve n b e "crucified " b y it , a s wa s th e cas e wit h Christ , th e ultimate willin g victi m fo r a Russia n ("Gla s narod a Khrist a raspial") . Here i t i s worth mentionin g tha t th e sayin g abou t Christ' s crucifixio n i s the on e whic h conclude s th e sectio n o f Dahl' s handboo k whic h I hav e been quoting from , whil e another on e with a very similar wording begin s the sam e section : "Th e people' s voic e i s God' s voice " ("Gla s naroda — glas bozhii") . Evidentl y Dah l intende d t o conve y a messag e wit h thi s symmetrical construction , namely : th e voice of the commune i s the voice of Go d th e father , wh o demand s th e sacrific e o f hi s so n Christ . Th e commune membe r i s thu s a child , whil e th e personifie d commun e i s a parent . The commun e membe r sometimes resist s th e commune , especiall y if its collective activit y doe s not see m very intelligent : The mi r wa s i n sessio n fo r days , smoke d u p th e sk y [accomplishe d nothing], an d the n disperse d (Mi r sutk i stoial , neb o podkopti l i ra zoshelsia). The peopl e i s stupid—it gather s itsel f int o a hea p (Naro d glup : vs e v kuchu lezet) . The peasan t i s smart , bu t th e mi r i s a foo l (Muzhi k umen , d a mir durak). 57

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These particula r saying s sugges t a certai n degre e o f "dissidence " fro m the wil l o f th e collective , bu t i t mus t b e admitte d tha t the y ar e fe w an d far between . Th e grea t majorit y o f expression s Dah l collecte d o n thi s topic favo r submissio n ove r resistance . Psychoanalyticall y speaking , th e masochistic solutio n i s to b e preferred . The submissio n i s particularly eviden t i n th e advic e t o conform . T o live in the commune i s to accep t being lowered t o th e level of a dog : If yo u liv e wit h wolves , how l lik e a wol f ( S volkam i zhit'—po volch'i vyt') . You've lande d i n a pack , s o whethe r yo u bar k o r no t you' d bette r wag you r tai l (otherwis e you'l l b e eaten ) (Popa l v staiu, la i n e lai , a khvostom vilia i [ a to zaediat]) . Don't ru n ahead , bu t don' t la g behin d you r ow n eithe r (Vpere d n e zabegai, a ot svoik h n e otstavai!) . Though yo u ma y b e i n th e rear , you'r e stil l i n th e sam e herd. I f yo u lag behind, you becom e a n orpha n (Khot ' n a zade . . ., d a v torn zh e stade. Otstal—sirotoi u stal). 58 The implicatio n o f th e las t ite m i s tha t th e individua l i s a child , th e commune a parent . T o fai l t o g o alon g wit h th e commun e i s t o los e a parent, t o becom e a n orpha n (i n Russia n on e become s a "sirota " wit h the los s o f eithe r o r bot h parents) . Th e onl y elemen t missin g i n thi s practically psychoanalyti c characterizatio n o f masochisti c conformit y t o the collectiv e i s a specificatio n o f whic h parent—mothe r o r father—th e commune represents . The communa l mentalit y o n mora l matter s migh t thu s b e para phrased as : wheneve r ther e i s an y doubt , th e commun e i s righ t an d th e individual i s wrong . Or , th e commun e i s innocen t an d th e individua l i s guilty. Or , t o quot e th e poeti c formulatio n mad e b y on e o f m y Russia n informants t o explai n thi s whol e serie s o f proverbs : "th e commun e i s God an d th e individua l i s shi t [govno]. " The masochisti c orientatio n o f anyone wh o actuall y accept s thi s ide a o f himsel f o r hersel f shoul d b e self-evident. Even deat h i s no t s o bad , a s lon g a s i t occur s i n th e contex t o f th e commune (o r amon g peopl e generally) : "Eve n deat h i s beautifu l whe n you hav e go t peopl e roun d you " ("N a mir u [N a liudiakh , S liud'mi] i smert' krasna"). 59 Perhap s th e attitud e expresse d b y thi s prover b wa s

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not share d b y al l Russia n collectivists , jus t a s th e comparabl e "Miser y loves company " doe s no t necessaril y reflec t th e attitud e o f mos t Englis h speakers. Ye t ther e i s somethin g strikin g abou t th e wa y th e Russia n proverb expresse s fondnes s fo r company . Th e Englis h prover b doe s no t suggest tha t on e welcome s misery , whil e th e Russia n prover b suggest s an actua l welcomin g o f deat h i n th e contex t o f a collectiv e (Fedoto v speaks o f a "zhazhd a unichtozhenii a v kollektive"). 60 An individual ma y be mortal , bu t tha t i s trivia l becaus e th e collectiv e wit h whic h on e merges i s immortal. I t is even a n hono r t o di e in public. As normall y happen s i n masochism , th e individua l experience s a n unclear psychica l boundar y wit h th e object , i n thi s case , wit h th e com mune. Numerous proverb s attes t t o th e experienc e o f identificatio n wit h the group o r it s members : I am suc h a s those with who m I am ( S kem ia , tern ia). You ar e know n b y th e compan y yo u kee p ( S ke m zhivesh' , ter n i slyvesh'). Tell m e wh o yo u ar e acquainte d with , an d I wil l tel l yo u wha t kind o f perso n yo u ar e (Skazhi , s kem t y znakom , i ia skazhu , kt o ty takov). You bea r a resemblanc e t o th e on e wit h who m yo u brea k brea d ( S kem khleb-sol ' vodish' , n a tog o i pokhodish'). 61 The Sovie t historia n Bori s Mirono v seem s t o hav e thes e proverb s (an d others cite d earlier ) i n min d whe n h e discusse s th e individual' s plac e i n the post-emancipation commune : Although a n individua l peasant' s rol e depende d o n hi s persona l qualitie s and immediat e circumstances , th e socializatio n proces s an d th e stron g socia l control exercise d b y th e commun e di d no t allo w a distinctio n betwee n th e individual an d th e group : th e peasant' s "I " merge d wit h th e communa l "we. " The result , thoug h imperceptibl e an d unnotice d b y th e peasan t himself , wa s a far-reaching regulatio n o f th e peasant' s whol e lif e an d th e observanc e (mor e often unconsciousl y tha n consciously ) o f thos e stereotype s an d model s existing in the commune. It is important t o note that the peasant did not perceive his fusion wit h the commune as a violation of his individual rights, that he did not feel enslaved by the commune. Because the feeling o f "I " was onl y inadequatel y developed , the individual peasan t voluntaril y sough t t o immers e himsel f i n th e "we " o f th e commune. The most striking exampl e of thi s was the fact tha t decision s in the

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assembly wer e ordinaril y expecte d t o b e unanimous , an d i f tha t unanimit y was wanting , th e commun e mad e long , stubbor n effort s t o achiev e i t throug h compromise and suasion. Although the fusion o f the individual peasant with the commune coul d hav e mean t th e forcibl e subordinatio n o f th e minorit y t o th e majority, thi s wa s rarel y th e cas e . . , an d th e peasant s regarde d involuntar y subordination a s both extraordinar y an d undesirable. The relationship betwee n peasant an d commune may be called organic, voluntary conformism . Thi s conformism wa s political, intellectual, moral, and social, and it made for standard ization of the peasants' needs and interests. 62 The conformis m wa s als o psychological , o f course , a s Mironov' s ow n metaphors indicate : th e peasant' s "I " achieve d "fusion " wit h th e com munal "we " — "more ofte n unconsciousl y tha n consciously, " a s Miro nov says . Part s o f Mironov' s articl e actuall y rea d lik e a psychoanalyti c study o f larg e grou p processe s (cf . psychoanalys t Geoffre y Gorer' s dis cussion o f th e "feelin g o f bein g merge d int o a large r group " whic h occurs i n member s o f bot h tsaris t an d post-tsaris t collectives, 63 o r Mar garet Mead' s assertio n tha t th e mir stresse d "mergin g o f th e individua l in th e group"). 64 Bu t Mironov doe s not specif y (1 ) who th e "we " migh t be a personificatio n o f i n earl y ontogeny , an d (2 ) h e doe s no t explicitl y grant tha t th e individual' s attitud e t o th e grou p wa s masochistic . Th e masochism i s implicit, however, i n Mironov's formulatio n (jus t a s it was implicit i n Slavophil e writing s abou t th e commun e ove r a centur y ear lier): th e individua l commun e membe r di d no t feel enslaved , ther e wa s not a forcible subordinatio n o f th e individual—erg o th e subordinatio n was voluntary, wa s welcomed, eve n i f "unconsciously " so . The subordi nation wa s thus masochisti c b y definition . It was Pet r Arkad'evich Stolypi n (1863-1911) , Russia' s premier an d interior ministe r unde r th e las t tsar , wh o initiate d a serie s o f agraria n reforms aime d a t improvin g productivit y an d eliminatin g th e peasant' s slavish dependanc e o n th e commune . Stolypi n an d hi s fello w reformer s made i t possibl e fo r th e peasan t actuall y t o ow n lan d privately . Thei r proposals wer e attractiv e enoug h t o induc e man y peasant s t o overcom e not onl y th e fea r o f losin g th e securit y o f th e commune, 65 bu t relate d masochistic attitude s towar d th e commun e a s well . However , althoug h almost two-third s o f peasan t household s obtaine d titl e t o lan d b y th e end o f th e perio d 1906—17, 66 the refor m di d no t stick . Afte r th e event s of 191 7 massiv e re-communalizatio n too k place . A s Michae l Confin o and other s have pointed out , 95 percent of peasant lan d i n Russia durin g

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the 1920 s wa s hel d o n communa l tenure. 67 Afte r force d collectivizatio n of agricultur e occurre d unde r Stali n i n th e earl y 1930s , privat e owner ship o f cours e remaine d totall y ou t o f th e question . No t unti l th e lat e 1980s an d earl y 1990 s wer e ther e an y sign s tha t individual s migh t get out fro m unde r th e thumb o f statewid e collectiv e contro l o f arabl e land . In th e meantime , however , psychologica l attitude s towar d th e lan d had no t changed . I n Decembe r o f 1990 , whe n th e Russia n Parliamen t was takin g step s fo r th e privatizatio n o f farmland , Presiden t Bori s Yelt sin mad e th e followin g remark s t o foreig n correspondents : "Yo u woul d never understan d th e spiri t o f Russian s wh o neve r hav e becom e accus tomed t o th e terminolog y an d eve n mor e t o th e practic e o f sellin g an d buying land—th e motherland , a s w e cal l it. " Yeltsi n added : "A s som e legislators use d t o say , 'On e ca n no t sel l hi s o r he r mother.' " "I t i s a psychological issue, " declare d th e Russia n leader. 68 Th e traditiona l ide a of th e Russia n "land " a s mothe r wa s thu s aliv e an d wel l lat e i n th e twentieth century . "Yo u pic k u p th e soi l an d it' s lik e holdin g you r mother's hand, " sai d a collectiv e far m worke r t o a reporte r i n 1988. 69 This i s an extremel y commo n sentimen t i n the Russia n countryside . To understan d jus t ho w restrictiv e th e Russia n Parliamen t wa s o n "selling th e mother, " on e nee d onl y conside r som e o f th e detail s o f it s legislation: a n individua l wh o obtaine d lan d fro m th e governmen t wa s required t o kee p i t fo r a minimu m o f te n years , an d the n coul d sel l i t only bac k t o th e government—no t t o othe r individual s i n Russia , an d not to foreigners. Suc h limitations on acces s to the agricultural "mother " would certainl y b e unacceptable t o farmer s i n the West . State ownershi p o f lan d i n th e Sovie t perio d fostere d th e sam e psychology a s di d communa l ownershi p i n previou s times , tha t is , a masochistic attitud e towar d collectiv e authority. 70 Onl y privat e owner ship, free o f collectiv e control an d individua l submissiveness , profoundl y motivates farmer s t o produce. True , self-interes t ca n resul t i n abuse s to o (e.g., the owner' s gree d ca n b e harmful t o hire d hands) . But self-interes t is generall y bette r tha n self-harm , eve n fo r th e large r collective . Fo r example, o n th e ev e o f th e Firs t Worl d War , a s a resul t o f th e Stolypi n reforms, Russi a becam e th e world' s second-larges t exporte r o f grain. 71 The smal l privat e plot s tha t wer e permitte d durin g th e Sovie t perio d made a disproportionatel y larg e contributio n t o overal l Sovie t agricul tural productivity b y comparison wit h collectivize d agriculture. 72

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The ide a tha t Stolypin' s agricultura l reform s countere d a previousl y masochistic (no t merel y repressive ) arrangemen t betwee n th e peasan t and th e commun e i s not entirel y new . There i s a very interesting passag e in Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn' s August 1914 whic h demonstrate s a n aware ness of the psychological essenc e of agraria n refor m i n Russia. Solzhenit syn begin s b y succinctly characterizin g Stolypin' s project : Stolypin's ide a wa s on e o f shinin g simplicity—ye t to o complicate d t o b e grasped or accepted. The repartitional commune reduced the fertility of the land, took fro m natur e wha t i t did no t return , an d denie d the peasant bot h freedo m and prosperity. The peasant's allotment must become his permanent property. Solzhenitsyn the n pause s t o conside r th e psychologica l consequence s o f this momentous change , wondering whether th e proposed reform s migh t deprive th e peasan t o f a traditiona l outle t fo r mora l masochism . Solz henitsyn doe s not expres s himself i n psychoanalytic terms, of course . But his neo-Slavophili c terminolog y clearl y refer s t o wha t psychoanalyst s mean b y moral masochism : Perhaps, though, in this self-denial, this harmonization of the will of the individual with that of the commune [ v etom umeren'i , soglasi i svoe i voli s mirskoi], this mutua l ai d an d curbin g o f wil d willfulness , ther e la y somethin g mor e valuable tha n harvest s an d materia l well-being ? Perhap s th e people could loo k forward t o something better than th e development of private property? Perhap s the commun e wa s no t jus t a syste m o f paternalisti c constraints , crampin g th e freedom o f the individual, perhaps it reflected th e people's philosophy of life, its faith? Perhap s ther e wa s a parado x her e whic h wen t beyon d th e commune , indeed beyon d Russi a itself : freedo m o f actio n an d prosperit y ar e necessar y if man is to stand up to his full heigh t on this earth, but spiritual greatness dwells in eternal subordination, in awareness of oneself as an insignificant particle [n o v izvechnoi sviazannosti , v soznanii sebi a lish ' krokho i obshcheg o blag a vitae t dukhovnaia vysota]. This littl e masochisti c fantas y i s the n dispelle d b y Solzhenitsyn , wh o i s trying t o captur e Stolypin' s though t processes : "Thinkin g tha t wa y makes actio n impossible . Stolypi n wa s alway s a realist." 73 I n the mean time, however , Solzhenitsy n ha s give n th e reade r a ver y effectiv e sum mary o f the broad psychologica l issue s ("beyon d Russi a itself" ) involve d in a n individual' s willin g submission t o a collective .

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Aleksei Losev: Masochism and Matriotism The mos t extrem e Russia n patriot s ar e matriot s a t heart . B y thi s I mean tha t thei r devotio n t o " M o t h e r Russia " i s s o intens e tha t th e underlying materna l fantas y basi s o f patriotis m come s t o th e surfac e a s maternal imagery , whil e paterna l imager y fade s away . A t th e sam e tim e there i s a willingnes s t o indulg e i n o r ac t ou t masochisti c fantasie s wit h respect t o th e materna l image . For th e Russia n matrio t Russi a i s nothin g i f no t a sufferin g collec tive, a materna l ico n i n pain . Bu t sh e doe s no t suffe r alone , sh e call s o n her o w n t o suffe r a s w e l l — o r a t leas t sh e seem s t o fo r thos e w h o emulate he r o r find i t difficul t t o distinguis h themselve s fro m her . The philosophe r Alekse i Fedorovic h Lose v ( 1 8 9 3 - 1 9 8 8 ) , w h o ha d served tim e i n a Sovie t labo r cam p durin g th e 1930 s an d los t love d one s during th e Germa n bombin g o f M o s c o w i n 1 9 4 1 , expresse d w h a t i t meant t o suffe r willingl y " o n th e materna l boso m o f th e Motherlan d [na materinsko m lon e svoe i R o d i n y ] . " A s Naz i troop s presse d clos e t o Moscow, h e wrote : The ver y concep t an d appellatio n o f "sacrific e [zhertva] " sound s elevate d and exciting , ennoblin g an d heroic . Thi s i s becaus e w e ar e bor n no t jus t b y "being," no t jus t b y "matter, " no t jus t b y "reality " o r "life"—al l thi s i s non human an d supra-human , impersona l an d speculative—bu t w e ar e bor n b y ou r Motherland [rozhdae t na s Rodina] , b y tha t mothe r an d tha t famil y whic h ar e already worth y o f existence , alread y somethin g grea t an d bright , somethin g sacred an d pure . Th e dictate s o f thi s Motherlan d [Velenii a eto i Mater i Rodiny ] are indisputable . Sacrifice s fo r th e sak e o f thi s Motherlan d ar e inevitable . A sacrifice t o a faceles s an d unseein g forc e o f a communit y i s meaningless . How ever, thi s i s no t a sacrifice , either . I t i s simpl y a meaningless , unnecessar y an d absurd conglomeratio n o f birth s an d deaths , tediu m an d bustl e o f a universal , but a t th e sam e tim e bestia l womb . A sacrific e fo r th e sak e o f th e glor y o f ou r Motherland i s swee t an d holy . Thi s sacrific e i s th e onl y thin g tha t make s lif e meaningful. . . . eithe r ther e i s somethin g abov e u s tha t i s ou r ow n [rodnoe] , great, bright , commo n fo r u s all , intimatel y an d innatel y ours , essentiall y an d eternally ours , namely , ou r Motherland , o r ou r lif e i s meaningless, ou r sufferin g irredeemable, an d huma n tear s interminable. 74 Losev's desir e t o suffe r i s explicit , tha t is , th e masochisti c attitud e i s no t even unconscious : "suffering , struggle , an d deat h itsel f ar e nothin g bu t desirable an d ful l o f m e a n i n g . " 7 5 Bu t th e masochis m i s no t a gratu -

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itously individualisti c enterprise . I t i s i n th e servic e o f unio n wit h a collective materna l figure . A tru e "so n o f th e Motherland " doe s no t distinguish hi s ow n interest s fro m thos e o f th e Motherland. Indee d h e is one with her . This is the meanin g o f matriotism : We kno w th e thorn y path traverse d b y ou r country ; w e kno w th e lon g an d agonizing years of struggle, shortages, and suffering. Bu t to a son of his Motherland [dli a syn a svoe i Rodiny] , this i s all his own [svoe] , inalienably par t o f his flesh an d blood [rodnoe] . He lives and dies with it; he is it, and it is him.76 The virtua l synonym y o f mothe r an d chil d i s als o clea r fro m th e eas e with whic h Lose v move s bac k an d fort h betwee n child-imager y an d mother-imagery. A t on e poin t h e say s tha t wha t draw s u s on , wha t i s worth sacrificin g ourselve s fo r i s "you , Motherland-Mother, " whil e tw o paragraphs late r h e assert s tha t wha t i s wort h dyin g fo r i s "somethin g dear [rodnoe ] an d lovely , something child-like , even infant-like. " I t is as if Losev were looking into his suffering mother' s eye s and seein g himself, as child , reflected . Th e sacrificia l deat h i s itsel f a fusio n o f mothe r and child : He wh o love s die s peacefully . H e wh o ha s a Motherlan d die s i n comfor t [ui utno], if no t fo r her , the n a t leas t in her, lik e a baby falling aslee p in its warm and soft cradle—whethe r tha t b e death i n combat, or the death o f a pilot who has falle n thousand s o f meter s t o th e rock y earth . Onl y ou r Motherlan d i s capable of giving internal comfort [uiut ] because everything that is of the Motherland [rodnoe ] i s comforting , an d comfor t alon e i s triump h ove r fat e an d death.77 The "comfort " Losev' s Motherlan d offer s is , to sa y the least , severe . T o an outsid e observe r i t look s mor e lik e punishment . A violen t deat h for th e Motherlan d ca n b e characterize d a s "comforting " onl y becaus e mothers typicall y comfor t childre n i n distress . Bu t a chil d ma y get int o trouble precisel y i n orde r t o b e comforte d b y a mothe r wit h who m i t i s having a problematica l relationship . I t may , i n othe r words , behav e masochistically. Lose v i s i n a positio n t o recommen d masochis m o n behalf o f th e all-importan t Motherlan d becaus e ever y chil d ha s experi enced moment s o f masochis m i n dealin g wit h th e all-importan t mother . This i s no t t o mak e a mora l judgmen t o f Losev' s recommendation , bu t to poin t t o th e ontogeneti c origi n o f it s appeal . Indeed , th e extrem e patriotism, tha t is , matriotis m o f Sovie t citizen s ma y hav e save d th e world fro m Germa n Fascism .

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7

Berdiaev's Prison Ecstasy Nikolai Berdiae v wa s a ver y differen t kin d o f philosophe r fro m Losev. He would hav e rejected Losev' s extreme Russophilia . H e was no t a particularl y masochisti c individua l b y Russia n standards . Ye t masoch istic episodes di d occur b y his own admission . They were connected wit h the term s h e serve d i n bot h tsaris t an d Sovie t jails , an d the y revea l something o f hi s attitud e towar d th e collective : "durin g arres t an d a t interrogations, a s i n al l th e catastrophi c event s i n m y life , I was charac teristically disincline d t o experienc e depression . O n th e contrary , I wa s always animate d an d i n a bellicos e mood. " "Wit h n o exaggeration, " Berdiaev declares , " I ca n sa y tha t priso n fel t ver y pleasan t t o me. " Th e "near ecstasy " tha t Berdiae v experience d upo n bein g arrested , tha t is , his masochisti c ebullience , wa s i n par t determine d b y hi s escap e fro m himself o r hi s merge r wit h th e collective : " I neve r experience d s o full y such a feelin g o f onenes s wit h th e communaute, I was i n a less individu alistic mood tha n ever." 78 Here i t i s curiou s tha t Russia' s greates t philosophica l advocat e o f freedom ("svoboda" ) shoul d b e claimin g t o achiev e happines s precisel y at those moments whe n h e was deprive d o f hi s freedom, tha t is , when h e was masochisticall y welcomin g imprisonment . The profoun d contradictio n betwee n th e individua l an d th e collec tive wa s o f lastin g concer n t o Berdiaev . Sovie t communis m an d West European fascism , fo r example , constitute d unacceptabl e dominatio n o f the individua l b y th e collective , fo r the y treate d th e individua l a s a mer e object, no t a subject , no t a perso n ("lichnost"') . But , a s w e hav e jus t seen, Berdiae v wa s als o ver y intereste d i n th e potentia l fusio n o f th e individual wit h th e collective . Hi s prim e exampl e o f thi s wa s th e phe ' r wha t h e sometime s calle d "kommiunotar nomenon o f sobornosf (o nost'," i.e. , "communitarianism, " no t t o b e confuse d wit h "commu nism" o r "collectivism"—bot h negative , authoritaria n phenomen a fo r Berdiaev). Sobornosf, ' i n th e origina l sens e o f Khomiakov, 79 wa s fo r Berdiaev a n acceptable , eve n desirabl e wa y fo r th e individua l t o com e under th e complete swa y o f th e collective . According t o Berdiaev , n o domination , force , o r violenc e i s entaile d ' , lik e Khomiakov , convenientl y disregard s dominanc e by sobornosf (he of, o r violenc e agains t th e self). To experienc e sobornosf i' s to retai n th e sense o f one' s ow n perso n whil e a t th e sam e tim e experiencin g unio n

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with othe r person s i n th e collective , o r wit h th e collectiv e a s a whole . Sobornosf 'is , moreover , a divin e experience , fo r Go d mediate s i n th e union o f individua l an d collective : "th e sobornosf o' f th e churc h i s no t some sor t o f authority , b e it authorit y o f a council o f bishop s o r eve n of ecumenical councils , bu t i s a n immersio n i n interactio n an d i n lov e o f the churc h fol k an d o f th e Hol y Spirit." 80 Ther e ar e no externa l sign s of this process, there are only internal, spiritual vicissitudes: "communitari anism i s th e unmediate d relationshi p o f a perso n wit h anothe r perso n through God , wh o i s th e interna l foundatio n o f life." 81 Thu s onl y Go d can eras e boundarie s betwee n individuals . I f Go d i s absent , sobornosf or communitarianis m degenerate s int o mer e communism , o r fascism , that is , authoritarian dominatio n o f the collective over the individual. 82 God (th e Father, Christ , o r th e Holy Spirit ) i s important t o Berdiae v as a n erase r o f boundaries . Fo r example , Go d an d th e huma n bein g (o r to translat e mor e traditionally , Go d an d Man ) ar e "inseparabl y con nected t o on e another." 83 "Humanit y i s the basi c attribut e o f God . Th e human bein g is rooted i n God , a s God i s rooted i n the human being." 84 Berdiaev's favorit e perso n o f th e Hol y Trinit y i s o f cours e Christ , the on e wh o mos t blend s wit h humankind . Berdiaev' s designatio n "Christ th e God-man " ("Khris t Bogochelovek" ) itsel f question s bound aries betwee n persons. 85 Chris t i s th e on e perso n o f th e Trinit y t o become huma n ("sta l chelovekom" ) a s well a s to b e God . Chris t i s als o precisely th e perso n wh o suffers , o r rather , th e on e wh o welcome s suffering. Chris t i s the masochistic person o f God : One ca n believ e i n Go d onl y i f ther e exist s Go d th e Son , th e Redeeme r an d Liberator, the God of sacrifice an d love. The redeeming sufferings o f the Son of God do not constitute a reconciliation o f God with the human being, but rather a reconciliation o f the human bein g with God. Only a suffering Go d can reconcile [one] with the sufferings o f creation. 86 Note tha t th e word "reconciliation " her e i s applied bot h t o th e relation ship o f Go d an d th e huma n perso n ("primireni e chelovek a s Bogom" ) and t o th e relationshi p o f th e huma n perso n wit h sufferin g ("primiriae t so stradaniiam i tvoreniia") . T o welcom e suffering i s reall y th e sam e thing a s t o blu r th e boundar y betwee n persons . Berdiae v ca n believ e i n God th e So n because, i n suffering , Go d th e So n erase s th e boundar y between Go d an d humans .

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Berdiaev admit s tha t h e i s a n admire r o f The Imitation of Christ* 7 To imitat e Chris t i s to accep t sufferin g freely . N o Christianit y worth y o f that designatio n ca n eve r b e force d upo n anyone . Indeed , t o believ e i n God is t o b e free : "Go d i s m y freedom." 88 Bu t t o b e fre e i s t o b e fre e to suffer . A s I alread y observe d i n connectio n wit h th e discussio n o f Khomiakov earlie r i n thi s book , thi s i s a rathe r masochisti c notio n of freedom . ' Berdiaev welcome s th e communitarianis m o f sobornosf becaus eit brings on e close r t o God . Tha t is , immersio n i n th e collectiv e (whic h was very difficul t fo r Berdiaev , personally) ca n brin g one to th e very fee t of Chris t o n th e cross . But neithe r th e collectiv e no r th e suffering Chris t is a particularl y materna l ico n (wherea s Losev' s motherlan d i s starkly , almost parodisticall y maternal) . Bu t thi s doe s no t mea n tha t Berdiaev' s ideal i s no t materna l nonetheless . Becaus e Berdiae v i s trappe d i n gen derless imager y o f th e collective , or i n the traditionall y sexis t imager y o f God an d th e Hol y Trinit y (Father , Son , Hol y Ghost) , ther e ca n b y definition b e little hint o f th e maternal i n his discourse o n thes e matters . However, i t i s clear fro m hi s persona l religious-philosophica l devel opment tha t Berdiae v originall y conceive d o f the collective a s a materna l icon. Th e earl y Berdiaev , i n hi s characterizatio n o f th e "inadequat e development o f th e personal facto r i n Russia n life, " says , "Th e Russia n people has alway s love d t o liv e in the warmth o f th e collective , in a kin d of dissolutio n i n th e earth y element , i n th e boso m o f th e mothe r [ v kakoi-to rastvorennost i v stikhi i zemli , v lon e materi]." 8 9 Russia n reli gion is an exampl e o f this , according to young Berdiaev : The universal spirit of Christ, the masculine universal logos is imprisoned by the feminine national element, by the Russian earth in her pagan primevalness. Thus was formed th e religion of dissolution in mother-earth, in the collective national element, in animal warmth. 90 From a psychoanalytic viewpoint , th e materna l imager y her e i s striking . Berdiaev attribute s no t merel y feminine , bu t specificall y materna l quali ties t o th e enslavin g ("plenen" ) Russia n collective . Religio n i n Russi a i s " . . . no t s o muc h a religio n o f Chris t a s a religio n o f th e Mothe r o f God, a religio n o f mother-earth , o f a feminin e deit y illuminatin g fleshly being." 91 Her e Berdiae v i s bein g historicall y accurat e a s wel l a s self-re vealing.

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Even Berdiaev' s late r writing s wil l sometime s characteriz e unio n with Go d i n materna l terms . Describin g th e creativ e potentia l o f th e God-human, Berdiae v says : God's ide a o f th e huma n bein g i s infinitel y highe r tha n traditional , orthodo x notions of the human being born [porozhdennykh ] of a depressed and narrowed consciousness. Th e ide a o f Go d i s th e greates t huma n idea . Th e ide a o f th e human bein g i s the greates t divin e idea . Th e huma n bein g await s th e birt h o f God within . Go d await s th e birt h o f th e huma n bein g within [Chelove k zhde t rozhdeniia v nem Boga. Bog zhdet rozhdeniia v Nem cheloveka].92 With s o muc h birthin g goin g on , i t i s difficul t t o escap e th e conclusio n that Go d i s a mother afte r all—o r tha t God-ma n i s really God-woman . One wonder s whethe r Berdiae v though t abou t hi s mothe r i n thos e ecstatic moment s whe n h e himsel f wa s throw n int o prison . Certainl y h e experienced a sens e o f merge r o r fusio n wit h hi s social-democrati c col lective ("onenes s wit h th e communaute"), a s w e hav e seen . Bu t i n th e context he does not defin e tha t collectiv e as maternal. Yet, the only thin g he remember s a n importan t officia l sayin g t o hi m an d hi s fellow prison ers th e tim e h e wa s arreste d i n Kie v doe s bea r a strikingl y materna l image: "You r erro r i s tha t yo u d o no t se e tha t th e socia l proces s i s organic rathe r tha n logical , an d tha t a chil d canno t b e bor n an y earlie r than i n the ninth month. " 93

A Blok Poem: Suffering Begins at the Breast The poe t Aleksand r Blo k (1880-1921) , move d b y th e suffering s o f his fellow Russian s durin g the First World War , produce d a poem whic h very explicitly depict s a mother's inculcatio n o f masochis m i n her child : KOPUIYH MepTH 3a KpyroM njiaBHbifi Kpyr , Hzm COHHHM jiyroM KopuiyH Kpyaorr M CMOTPHT Ha nycTHHHwf i jryr.— B H36yuiKe MaTb Ha a CWHOM Ty>KHT: «Ha xne6a, Ha, Ha rpyflb, COCH, PacTH, noKopcTByii, KpecT HecH». WjxyT Bena, uiyMHT BOHHa, BcTaeT MHTOK, ropflT aepeBHH, A TW Bee Ta >K, MOH CTpaHa ,

MASOCHISM AND THE COLLECTIVE 231 B Kpace 3anjiaKaHHoff H apeBHeH.— flOKOJie MaTep H TV>KHTb? floKOJie KopmyH y Kpy>KHTb? A buzzard flies the drowsy field, Smooth circle after circl e weaving. He scans bare lands. A shack's revealed; A mother for her son is grieving. 'Here, take this bread and suck this tit. Mind! Grow! Here's your cross; carry it!' Centuries pass, the war's at hand. Rebellion came; each village sears. And you are still the same, my land, In your old beauty, stained with tears. 0 ho w long must the mother grieve? How long—the circling buzzard weave? 94 Misfortune i n th e for m o f a buzzard 95 circle s ("kruzhit" ) ove r a meadow, jus t a s a mothe r grieve s ("tuzhit" ) ove r he r child . Th e strikin g parallel betwee n th e menacin g buzzar d an d th e breast-feedin g mothe r i s repeated i n th e fina l couple t b y mean s o f a grammatica l parallelis m involving th e archai c "dokole " ("ho w long" ) plu s a dative-infinitiv e construction. Thi s suggest s tha t th e paralle l action s ar e bot h reall y un avoidable, i n effect : ho w lon g i s the mothe r fated t o grieve , how lon g i s the buzzard fated t o circle ? But ho w doe s a mothe r resembl e a dangerou s bir d o f prey ? On e historical explanatio n recentl y offere d b y E . Obukhov a run s a s follows : Blok wa s acquainte d wit h Dmitri i Merezhkovskii' s novelisti c biograph y of Leonard o d a Vinc i i n whic h d a Vinci , i n a drea m o f himsel f a s a n infant, i s approache d fro m abov e b y a buzzar d ("korshun" ) whic h pro ceeds t o strok e hi s lip s wit h it s wings. Blok wa s probabl y als o awar e o f the fac t (possibl y fro m Freud' s ow n biograph y o f Leonardo ) tha t a buzzard wa s use d t o represen t th e mothe r i n ancien t Egyptia n hiero glyphs.96 1 would ad d tha t th e them e o f mothe r addressin g chil d i s commo n in th e poetr y o f Blok' s predecessor , Nikola i Nekrasov . I n particula r Nekrasov's mothe r figure s ar e exemplar y sufferer s wh o ofte n teac h thei r children t o endure . In on e poe m a mother , takin g a brea k durin g th e hard wor k o f th e harves t tim e ("strada, " th e "sufferin g time") , stand s over he r chil d i n a n ope n field :

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Flofi eMy necHio o BCHHO M TepneHHH, riott, TepnejiHBafl MaTb!.. 97 Sing him [the child] a song of eternal endurance, Sing, enduring mother! So ofte n Nekrasov' s messag e i s this : yo u mus t suffe r a s al l Russia n mothers suffer , a s Mother Russi a hersel f suffers . This historical background , whic h th e typical reade r o f Blok' s poe m may o r ma y no t b e awar e of , ca n onl y suppor t a n intuitio n tha t th e hovering buzzar d represent s somethin g maternal . Ye t a buzzar d aggres sively attack s wha t i t i s abou t t o eat , whil e th e mothe r depicte d her e encourages he r chil d t o eat . Sh e foist s foo d upo n th e child , force-feed s the chil d eve n (accente d "na " occur s three times in one line). A buzzar d eat s it s prey , whil e a chil d "eats " it s mother . Thi s i s a curious symmetry . In psychoanalyti c experience, 98 a child' s devourin g attitude towar d th e mother's breas t ca n result in compensatory paranoi d fears abou t being devoure d b y th e mothe r (cf . th e well-know n folktal e figure o f Bab a Iaga , wh o like s t o devou r littl e children , o r th e char m against a mother wh o drink s her son' s blood). 99 By offerin g th e breas t s o insistently , th e mothe r i n Blok' s poe m seems t o b e saying : "it' s alright , yo u ca n ea t me , I won't ea t you—bu t the buzzar d might. " Tha t is , th e mother' s contextua l poeti c equivalen t may d o the damage . What migh t th e damag e be ? This questio n i s answered i n the secon d stanza. Th e childre n gro w up , wa r an d revolutio n come . Th e children , in other words , start killin g each other . Thei r dea d bodie s would proba bly make fine food fo r th e buzzar d circlin g overhead . Not tha t th e mothe r i s pleased wit h thi s outcome . Sh e grieves, afte r all, jus t a s th e buzzar d weave s circle s i n th e sky . Ye t th e terribl e thing s which ar e happenin g ar e he r faul t a t som e level . Sh e it wa s wh o taugh t her childre n t o suffer : "Grow , b e submissive , carr y you r cross!"—thi s would b e a litera l translatio n o f he r word s uttere d i n th e sixt h line . There coul d hardl y b e a mor e explici t instructio n t o behav e masochisti cally.100 Wha t i s more , th e masochis m i s encourage d ami d over t breas t imagery ("suc k thi s tit!") . A commo n Russia n metaphor , "t o tak e i n with mother' s milk " ("vpityvat ' s moloko m materi" ) i s realized , a s i t were: masochism i s taken i n with mother' s milk . The scen e i s strictl y pre-Oedipa l (o r perhap s a-Oedipa l woul d b e a

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better ter m here) . Not only is the child a t the mother's breast , there is no competing paterna l figur e t o fil l ou t a n Oedipa l triangle . Blo k thu s demonstrates a n intuitiv e knowledg e o f wha t psychoanalyst s regar d a s the ontogeneti c origi n o f mora l masochism . On e migh t eve n sa y tha t Blok's knowledg e i s deeper tha n Freud' s her e becaus e he avoids Oedipa l imagery, goin g directl y t o th e child' s primal , pre-Oedipa l interactio n with th e mother . Freud , a s w e sa w earlier , wa s reluctan t t o giv e th e mother he r due in his account o f the origin o f moral masochism . In th e poem's secon d stanz a th e scene shift s fro m mothe r an d chil d to (Mother ) Russi a an d th e poet . Th e poe t addresse s hi s countr y ("strana") wit h th e familia r "ty, " muc h a s a bo y woul d addres s hi s mother. Th e countr y i s in tears , muc h a s th e mothe r i n th e firs t stanz a was. How lon g mus t Mothe r Russi a griev e ove r he r sons?—th e poe t seems t o b e askin g i n th e las t couplet . A psychoanalyti c answe r t o th e question woul d be : a s lon g a s Russia n mother s imbu e masochis m i n their sons . I f th e mother s ha d no t instille d masochis m i n them , the y would no t fee l oblige d t o g o of f an d destro y themselve s i n warfare , o r destroy each othe r in revolution. If villages were not burning, if uprising s were not taking place, mothers woul d b e spared thei r grief . Curiously, then , mother s ar e th e caus e o f thei r ow n grief . Or , Mother Russi a i s the cause of her own grief (b y the end of the poem i t is no longe r possibl e t o distinguish th e personal mothe r fro m th e materna l country, the "Rodina" whic h serve s as title of the cycle which thi s poe m culminates). Bot h son s an d mother s suffer , o f course , bu t th e mother / Mother Russi a i s ultimately t o blame for the suffering overall . This i s of cours e a sexist idea , an d the implicit imag e o f th e mothe r as a bird of prey who might gobble up her sons seems to place inordinat e blame o n women fo r the male masochis m o f warfare. Ye t behind Blok' s sexism i s an insigh t familia r t o psychoanalysts—includin g wome n psy choanalysts wh o plac e th e origi n o f masochis m i n th e pre-Oedipa l mother-infant scene . Perhaps i f the Russian fathe r go t more involve d i n "mothering " hi s mate's infant , ther e woul d b e less reaso n t o thin k tha t Russia n masoch ism originate d i n th e mother-infan t relationship . Thi s alternativ e i s not present in Blok's poem, however, nor is it a likely prospect in Russian reality. Blok's very graphic allusio n t o the maternal breast , which effectivel y

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becomes th e breas t o f Mothe r Russi a b y th e en d o f th e poem , i s no t altogether original . In 183 5 th e Slavophil e Alekse i Khomiako v wrot e a poem abou t th e bounteousnes s o f Russia : B TBoefi rpyzw, MO H POCCHH , EcTb TaiOKe TMXMK, CBeTJibii! KJIIOH ; OH TaiOKe BO^W jibeT >KHBbie , COKPHT, 6e3BecTeH, HO Moryn . In your breast, my Russia, There is also a quiet, bright spring; It too, hidden, unknown, but powerful , Pours forth livin g waters.101 This breast , however , i s rathe r abstrac t an d idealize d b y compariso n t o the one in Blok's poem . There i s a sequenc e i n Blok' s unfinishe d lon g poe m "Retribution " ("Vozmezdie") wher e anothe r bir d o f prey , thi s tim e a hawk , circle s over a meado w i n searc h o f a victim . Suddenl y th e haw k plunge s dow n and capture s a bab y bir d i n it s claws . Ther e i s a sa d squeakin g o f littl e chicks, feathers fly , an d agai n a maternal imag e appears : PoCCHH-MaTb, Ka K nTHUa , TJOKH T

O aeTHx; HO — ee cy^b6a, MTO6 H X Tep3anH acTpe6a.

Mother Russia, like a bird, grieves Over her children; but her sud'ba Is that hawks tear them to pieces.102 In thi s cas e i t i s Mothe r Russi a hersel f wh o ha s t o lear n t o accep t suffering, tha t is , the repeate d victimizatio n o f he r offspring . Thi s i s he r fate (sud'ba) —a notio n s o ofte n associate d wit h th e mother , a s we sa w earlier. Mothe r Russi a ha s n o choice , her childre n hav e no choic e but t o suffer. Here , however, sh e is not s o much t o blam e as in the other poem , for sh e doe s no t admonis h he r offsprin g t o submissivel y carr y a cross . The hawk i s th e sourc e o f an y resultin g masochism . Th e passag e i s no t sexist, bu t i t is also less insightful psychoanalytically , tha n "Korshun. "

Dostoevsky's Maternal Collective We sa w earlie r tha t Dmitri i Karamazo v welcome s th e punishmen t about t o b e mete d ou t t o hi m b y th e collectiv e whic h arreste d an d

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imprisoned him : " I accep t th e tortur e o f accusation , an d my publi c shame, I want t o suffe r an d b y suffering I shall be purified." Th e motiva tion fo r this , as we saw, ha d somethin g t o d o with th e dream-imag e o f a babe a t th e dried-ou t breas t o f it s mother: "It' s fo r tha t bab e I am goin g to Siberi a now. " Bu t Dmitri i i s no t satisfie d t o limi t th e psychologica l problem t o himself . H e need s t o involv e th e collectiv e a s well . A t hi s pretrial hearin g h e declares : "Gentlemen , we'r e al l cruel , we're al l mon sters, w e al l mak e me n weep , an d mothers , an d babe s a t th e breast . .... »103 No t o n jy fa e individua l Dmitrii , then , bu t al l of societ y aroun d him i s guilty . Ho w Dmitri i shoul d happe n t o kno w s o muc h abou t th e moral characte r o f thos e individual s aroun d hi m i s unexplained. Indee d he doe s no t "know " whethe r other s ar e actuall y guilt y monsters , h e surmises tha t the y are , h e projects hi s ow n guil t o n t o others . Th e boundary betwee n himsel f an d th e collectiv e break s dow n eve n furthe r when h e declares: 55

One ma y tha w an d reviv e a froze n hear t i n [the ] convict , on e ma y wai t upo n him for years , and a t last bring up from th e dark depth s a lofty soul , a feeling, suffering creature ; on e ma y brin g fort h a n angel , creat e a hero ! There ar e s o many of them, hundreds of them, and we are all to blame for them. Why was it I dreamed of that "babe " at such a moment? "Wh y is the babe so poor?" That was a sign to me at that moment. It's for the babe Pm going. Because we are all responsible for al l [vse za vsekh vinovaty]. For all the "babes," for ther e are big children a s well as little children. All are "babes. " I go for al l because someone must go for all. 104 We ma y gathe r fro m thi s somewha t incoheren t discours e tha t Dmitri i i s taking o n th e guil t o f others , tha t is , o f th e collectiv e whic h h e ca n hardly distinguis h himsel f fro m an y more . I n hi s masochisti c ecstas y h e feels tha t h e ca n withstan d th e Siberi a other s deserv e fo r their sins , because th e boundar y betwee n thes e other s an d himsel f n o longe r ob tains. When "al l are responsible fo r all, " or to translate mor e accurately , "all ar e guilt y fo r all," 1 0 5 individual s hardl y matte r anymore . Dmitri i loses himsel f i n somethin g greate r tha n himself , h e merge s wit h th e collective, fuse s wit h i t an d thi s make s hi s suffering tolerable , eve n welcome. The ide a o f "al l guilt y fo r all " occur s agai n an d agai n i n th e novel . The monasti c elde r Zosim a goe s so far a s to as k th e birds i n the heaven s for forgiveness . A t one point Zosim a bow s dow n befor e Dmitri i becaus e be feel s responsibl e fo r another man' s patricida l impulse . Hi s advic e

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on th e obligatio n t o suffe r fo r other s i s practicall y psychoanalyti c i n its explicitness : If th e evi l doin g o f me n move s yo u t o indignatio n an d overwhelmin g distress, even t o a desire fo r vengeanc e o n th e evildoers , shun abov e al l things that feeling. Go at once and seek suffering fo r yourself [id i i ishchi sebe muk], as though yo u were yourself guilt y fo r tha t wrong. Accept that sufferin g an d bear it an d you r hear t wil l find comfort , an d yo u wil l understan d tha t yo u to o are guilty. 106 If norma l guil t feeling s ove r one' s ow n transgression s hav e a slightl y masochistic tinge , guil t ove r th e sin s o f other s i s certainl y masochistic , involving as it does a gratuitous disregar d fo r th e boundaries betwee n in dividuals. It is curious tha t Zosim a acquire d thi s masochisti c philosoph y fro m his brothe r Marke l who , i n turn , develope d i t specificall y i n th e contex t of tryin g t o pleas e hi s mother. Marke l wa s originall y a n atheist , bu t when h e learne d tha t h e wa s dyin g o f consumptio n h e deliberatel y started goin g t o churc h fo r hi s mother' s sake . In hi s conversation s wit h her shortl y befor e h e die d h e woul d sa y suc h thing s as : "Mother , littl e heart o f min e . . . m y joy , believ e me , everyon e i s reall y responsibl e [vinovat] t o al l me n fo r al l me n an d fo r everything." 107 B y thi s tim e he i s sincer e abou t hi s masochism , an d hi s mothe r weep s wit h jo y and grief. 108 The idea o f "al l guilt y fo r all " is not origina l with Dostoevsky . Gar y L. Brownin g ha s pointe d t o source s i n th e Russia n Orthodo x liturgy , in th e philosophe r Nikola i Fedorov , i n Frenc h Utopia n socialism , an d elsewhere.109 The idea accords well with the typically Russia n attitude — especially amon g th e peasantry—abou t th e displaceabilit y o f responsi bility betwee n individuals , o r betwee n th e individua l an d th e collective . For example , Dahl' s 186 2 collectio n o f proverb s contain s th e followin g items: Dump [everything ] o n t o th e mir : th e mi r wil l bea r anythin g (Val i na mir : mi r vse sneset). A hatefu l tiagl o ha s falle n upo n th e mi r (durin g apportionment ; a tiaglo whic h n o on e woul d tak e on ) (Postylo e tiagl o n a mi r polegl o [pri raskladke; tiaglo, kotoroe nikt o n a sebi a n e prinimaet]). In th e mi r n o on e i s guilty . Yo u can' t find th e culpri t i n a mi r ( V miru vinovatog o net . V miru vinovatog o n e syshchesh').

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All for one , and on e for all . Mutual responsibilit y (Vs e za odnogo, a odin z a vsekh. Krugovaia poruka). 110 In mos t o f thes e example s responsibilit y i s bein g shifte d awa y fro m th e individual an d o n t o th e collective— a decidedl y non-masochisti c move , but on e i n which boundarie s ar e questione d nonetheless . In the last ite m the directio n o f th e shif t ca n b e projective ("al l fo r one" ) o r introjectiv e and masochisti c ("on e fo r all"—Dmitri i Karamazov' s positio n pre cisely). As for th e curious expressio n "krugovai a poruka, " i t has taken o n a derogatory meanin g simila r t o Englis h "passin g th e buck. " In English , however, "th e buc k stops " (e.g. , Presiden t Truman' s famou s phrase , "The buc k stop s here") . In Russi a th e buc k tend s no t t o sto p (o r th e attitude i s tha t i t doe s no t stop) . Rather , i t goe s o n i n endles s circle s ("krugovaia"), s o tha t no on e individua l eve r ha s t o en d u p takin g th e blame fo r a morall y questionabl e act . Th e collectiv e answer s fo r th e irresponsible actio n o f a n individual. 111 This i s an exaggeration, o f course , for i n Russi a ther e have bee n an d there ar e individual s wh o tak e persona l responsibility . Indeed , ther e ar e those Dostoevskia n masochist s wh o tak e more responsibilit y tha n i s really thei r due—ye t anothe r manifestatio n o f th e fuzzines s o f Russia n interpersonal boundaries . The notoriousl y Russia n questio n "Wh o i s t o blame? " ("Kt o vino vat?," a s i n th e titl e o f Herzen' s novel ) woul d no t com e u p s o ofte n i n Russia i f the answe r were not s o elusive. But the answer woul d no t b e so elusive i f th e individua l perso n wer e mor e distinctl y delineate d fro m other person s o r fro m th e collective . In th e secon d hal f o f th e twentiet h centur y th e guilt y individua l continues t o b e elusive . When th e post-Sovie t Russia n governmen t trie d to identif y a culpri t fo r som e o f th e atrocitie s perpetrate d durin g th e Soviet period, th e defendant i n the courtroom wa s not a n individual, bu t a collective , tha t is , th e Communis t Part y o f th e Sovie t Unio n (imagin e trying th e Republica n Part y rathe r than , say , Caspa r Weinberge r o r Oliver Nort h fo r th e Iran-Contr a affair!) . Whe n o n th e fron t pag e o f Moskovskie novosti i n lat e 199 0 Aleksand r Kabako v describe d a reli gious gatherin g o n th e notoriou s Lubiank a Square , h e referre d t o th e location a s a "symbo l o f ou r general inescapabl e guilt, " an d declare d that spiritua l cleansin g entail s "th e sou l o f th e peopl e [dush a narod -

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naia]," an d no t "jus t ou r individua l souls." 112 Whe n journalis t Ole g Moroz criticize d th e Russia n congres s fo r no t permittin g a referendu m early in 1993 , he castigated everyone fo r havin g brought suc h a congres s into existence . Hi s rhetoric , moreover , wa s rathe r picturesque : "I n th e last analysis, we are all guilty of the fact that we are sitting up to our ear s in shi t [m y vs e sam i povinn y v torn , cht o sidi m p o ush i v der'me]." 1 1 3 In hi s 197 3 essay "Repentanc e an d Self-Limitatio n i n th e Lif e o f Nations" Aleksand r Solzhenitsy n urge d hi s countryme n t o repen t fo r their sin s unde r Sovie t rule . Bu t i n thi s wor k Solzhenitsy n di d no t s o much nam e name s a s blame everyon e generally , including himself : No country in the twentieth century has suffered lik e ours, which within its own borders has destroyed a s many as seventy million people over an d abov e those lost in the world wars—no one in modern history has experienced such destruction. And it is true: it is painful t o chide where one must pity. But repentance is always painful, otherwis e it would have no moral value. These people were not the victim s o f floo d o r earthquake . Ther e wer e innocen t victim s an d guilt y victims, bu t the y woul d neve r hav e reache d suc h a terrifyin g tota l i f the y ha d suffered onl y a t th e hand s o f others : we, all of us, Russi a herself , wer e th e necessary accomplices. 114 Solzhenitsyn's articl e i s nothing les s than a call for "genera l repentance " among Russians . Anticipating protests that certai n individual s o r group s of individual s (e.g. , members o f th e secre t police) migh t b e more blame worthy tha n others , Solzhenitsy n hold s hi s ground : "Bu t w e mus t al l answer fo r everythin g [vse—z a vse]." 1 1 5 Dostoevsk y woul d certainl y have agree d wit h thi s conflatio n o f th e innocen t wit h th e guilty . Bette r that everyon e b e slightl y guilt y tha n separat e th e trul y guilt y fro m th e truly innocent . Tha t wa y n o on e ha s t o b e very guilty . Bette r tha t everyone engag e i n the mil d masochis m o f breast-beatin g tha n engag e in sadistic revenge agains t real , specific criminals . In this essay Solzhenitsy n does no t see m t o understan d tha t genera l repentanc e preclude s rea l justice. On e canno t hol d a Nuremberg-styl e trial , on e canno t brin g genuine, individua l criminal s t o justic e b y operatin g i n a n impractica l fantasy worl d whic h blur s distinction s betwee n individual s an d th e col lective.116 But to return t o Dostoevsky. When Dmitri i Karamazo v asserte d tha t "all ar e guilt y fo r all, " he was failin g t o se e boundaries withi n a Russia n context. Bu t suc h a failur e nee d no t happe n onl y i n suc h a context . In The Diary of a Writer, fo r exampl e (particularl y i n th e so-calle d "Push -

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kin Speech"), the ideal Russian i s characterized a s some kind of universa l human bein g ("vsechelovek") . Th e boundar y betwee n Russia n an d non Russian i s itself questioned . In grandiose fashio n Dostoevsk y assert s tha t "among al l nation s th e Russia n sou l [russkai a dusha] , the geniu s o f th e Russian peopl e is, perhaps, most ap t to embrace the idea of the universa l fellowship o f man , o f brotherl y love." 117 According t o Dostoevsky , th e Russia n nationa l poe t Aleksand r Pushkin i s s o grea t tha t h e possesse s "th e facult y o f completel y reincar nating i n himsel f a n alie n nationality. " Pushkin' s versio n o f Don Juan seems utterl y Spanish , A Feast During the Plague i s perfectl y i n tun e with "th e geniu s o f England, " an d th e Imitations of the Koran capture s the ver y spiri t o f Mohammedanis m (wherea s Shakespeare' s Italian s ar e "invariably Englishmen"). 118 Thi s allege d qualit y o f Pushkin' s is , how ever, specifically Russian : It is exactly in this that his national, Russian strength reveale d itself most—th e national characte r [narodnost' ] o f his poetry, the national spiri t [narodnost' ] in its future development , and the national spirit [narodnost' ] in our future, which is concealed i n tha t whic h i s already present—an d thi s has bee n propheticall y revealed b y Pushkin. For what else is the strength o f the Russian nationa l spiri t [sila dukh a russko i narodnosti ] tha n th e aspiration , i n it s ultimat e goal , fo r universality an d all-embracin g humanitarianis m [k o vsemirnosti i ko vsechelovechnosti]?119 I hav e ha d t o docto r u p th e translatio n a bi t i n orde r t o captur e th e striking repetitio n o f th e Russia n wor d "narodnost" ' (whic h derive s from "narod, " "people " o r "folk, " an d i s cognat e wit h suc h word s a s "rodina," "motherland " an d "rodit'sia, " "t o b e born") . Dostoevsky' s grandiose ide a o f Pushki n seem s inseparable fro m th e Russian fol k idea . A littl e late r i n th e sam e essa y grandiosit y take s th e for m o f a reaching ou t t o al l of humankind b y the Russia n people : Yes, the Russian' s destin y i s incontestabl y all-Europea n an d universal . T o become a genuin e an d all-roun d Russia n means , perhap s (an d thi s yo u shoul d remember), to becom e brother o f al l men, a universal man [vsechelovekom], i f you please . Oh , al l thi s Slavophilis m an d thi s Westernis m i s a great, althoug h historically inevitable , misunderstanding. To a genuine Russian, Europe and the destiny o f th e grea t Aryan rac e ar e a s dear a s Russi a herself , a s the fat e o f his native land [svoe i rodnoi zemli], because our destiny is universality acquired not by th e swor d bu t b y th e forc e o f brotherhoo d an d ou r brotherl y longin g fo r fellowship of men.

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I am speaking merely of the brotherhood of men and of the fact that the Russian heart i s more adapte d t o universal , all-humanitaria n brotherl y fellowshi p tha n any other nation [i z vsekh narodov]. I perceive this in our history, in our gifte d men, in the creative genius of Pushkin . Let our land b e poor, bu t this destitut e land "Christ , i n a slave's garb , has traversed , t o an d fro , wit h blessing. " Why shouldn't we embrace His ultimate word? Wasn't He Himself bor n [rodilsia ] in a manger? I repeat: a t least we are already in a position t o point to Pushkin, to the universality an d all-humanitarianism o f his genius. For wasn't he capable of embracing in his soul foreign geniuse s as his own [kak rodnye] ?120 The grandiosit y exist s despit e th e humbl e characte r o f Russi a an d o f Russians. Th e collectiv e know n a s Russi a i s destitut e ("nishchaia") , i t has bee n visite d an d blesse d b y Chris t "i n a slave's garb " (Dostoevsk y i s quoting th e famou s lin e fro m Tiutchev) . Humbl e Russi a ha s "served " Europe, and s o on. All of these ideas have clear masochistic implications . It wa s als o i n th e Pushki n Speec h tha t Dostoevsk y gav e hi s mos t famous exhortatio n t o mora l masochism . Th e contex t i s a discussio n o f Pushkin's lon g poe m The Gypsies, i n whic h a world-weary , Byroni c hero name d Alek o fall s i n love with a Gypsy girl , lives with he r amon g a group o f Gypsie s fo r tw o years , the n kill s he r whe n h e learn s tha t sh e has take n a lover . Dostoevsk y quote s th e word s wit h whic h th e girl' s father send s Aleko awa y fro m th e Gyps y encampmen t forever : OcTaBb Hac, ropzibifi HejioBen ; Mbl flHKH,HeT yHaC 3aK0H0B , Mbi He Tep3aeM, He Ka3HHM . Depart from us , thou haughty man: We're wild, we have no binding laws, We neither punish nor torment. 121 According t o Dostoevsky , thi s passag e suggest s a "Russia n solution " t o the proble m o f pride—eve n thoug h i t i s a Gyps y wh o i s speakin g against pride, an d a Russian wh o i s being offensively proud . I n any case, disregarding Dostoevsky' s poo r logic , we may quot e his famous formul a for smirenie whic h h e believe s i s i n accor d wit h th e fait h an d th e trut h of th e Russia n folk : "Humbl e thysel f [smiris'] , prou d man ; abov e all , break th y haughtiness ! Humbl e thyself , idl e man , and , firs t o f all , labo r on th y nativ e land!" m It i s importan t t o kee p i n min d tha t thi s i s no t som e wizened , obscure mon k pervertin g a fres h novic e i n ancien t Rus' , bu t th e grea t

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Dostoevsky speakin g t o th e crea m o f th e Russia n intelligentsi a i n 1880 . And, t o judg e fro m th e intensit y o f th e reactio n (bot h positiv e an d negative) b y tha t intelligentsia, 123 Dostoevsk y mus t hav e hi t a ver y sensitive, Russian nerve . The humiliatio n whic h Dostoevsk y call s fo r i s essentiall y th e sam e as what ha d bee n advocate d b y the Slavophiles, namely, a bowing-dow n to th e collective , her e designate d a s th e peopl e ("narod, " wherea s th e Slavophiles ha d focuse d o n th e commune , i.e. , th e "obshchina " o r "mir"). Th e roa d t o salvatio n lie s i n humbl e communicatio n wit h th e people ("smirennog o obshchenii a s narodom"). Yet , as was also the cas e with th e Slavophiles , th e trut h lie s withi n oneself : "Trut h i s within — not withou t thee . Fin d thysel f withi n thyself . Subdu e thyself ; b e maste r of thysel f [podchin i sebi a sebe , ovladei soboi]." 1 2 4 It ma y wel l b e tha t on e ca n find onesel f i n humblin g onesel f befor e the collective , bu t Dostoevsk y doe s no t reall y explai n ho w thi s i s so . Again, a s with th e Slavophiles , the sel f t o b e found i s confused wit h tha t collective objec t towar d whic h on e takes a masochistic stance . And again , a s wit h Losev , tha t objec t i s maternal . Dostoevsk y i s being matriotic i n thes e passages. "Narod, " Dostoevsky' s ke y t o achiev ing a high leve l o f mora l masochism , i s a suggestive word. I t an d severa l other word s containin g th e Russia n roo t morphem e -rod-, whic h con notes birth an d generativity , occu r repeatedly i n the passage. 125 Dostoev sky say s Alek o i s a n "unhapp y wandere r i n hi s nativ e lan d [ v rodnoi zemle], tha t traditiona l Russia n suffere r detache d fro m th e peopl e [o t naroda]"—by whic h h e als o mean s suc h literar y character s a s Onegin , Pechorin, an d Andre i Bolkonsky , a s wel l a s rea l Russian s suc h a s thos e members o f th e intelligentsi a wh o fee l alienate d fro m Russia . Thi s kin d of perso n cam e int o existenc e ("zarodilsia" ) roughl y a centur y afte r th e reforms o f Pete r th e Great , i n th e mids t o f a n intelligentsi a detache d from th e people , fro m th e people' s migh t ("o t naroda , o t narodno i sily"). Thes e "homeles s Russia n ramblers, " thoug h the y ma y belon g t o the hereditar y nobilit y (" k rodovomu dvorianstvu") , ma y see k solac e "in th e boso m o f natur e [n a lon e prirody]. " Alek o himsel f suffere d a longing fo r natur e ("tosk a p o prirode") , althoug h h e eventuall y cam e into conflic t wit h i t (" s usloviiam i eto i diko i prirody") . Elsewhere i n th e essay o n Pushki n ther e ar e mor e clump s o f thes e -rod- words : humbl e Tat'iana' s childhoo d pas t i s a "contac t wit h th e

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motherland, wit h th e nativ e peopl e [ s rodinoi , s rodnym narodom]" ; no write r experience d suc h a heartfel t unio n wit h th e Russia n peopl e ("rodstvenno s narodom svoim" ) a s did Pushkin. 126 The accumulatio n o f word s containin g th e maternall y suggestiv e root -rod- i s remarkable, particularly i n the admonitio n itsel f t o masoch ism, and i n the immediatel y followin g words : " 'labor o n th y native field [na rodnoi nive]!'—Suc h i s the solutio n accordin g t o th e people' s trut h and wisdo m [p o narodnoi pravd e i narodnomu razumu]." 1 2 7 The field ("niva" ) to o i s suggestive , fo r i t i s a feminin e nou n refer ring specificall y t o th e kin d o f field on e plant s an d make s fertile. 128 Moreover, a relate d wor d wit h clea r materna l overtones , "zemlia, " meaning "land " o r "earth " als o occur s repeatedl y i n th e essay o n Push kin (especiall y th e phras e "rodnai a zemlia, " "nativ e land" ; compar e Konstantin Aksakov' s equatio n o f "narod " an d "zemlia"). 129 Her e i t i s also worth keepin g i n mind tha t Dostoevsk y wa s one of th e pochvenniki or "me n o f th e soil " (fro m "pochva, " "soil"), 130 wh o encourage d th e educated clas s t o find it s root s wit h th e fol k masse s withou t necessaril y rejecting th e West a s the Slavophile s did . The pochvenniki to o wer e rea l Russian matriots. 131 Dostoevsky's fantas y o f masochisti c bondag e t o a materna l figure flows quite naturally ou t o f a n awarenes s o f the agriculturally dependen t position o f th e Russia n peasant . A s Christine Worobec point s ou t i n he r book o n the peasant i n post-emancipation Russia , "Peasan t societie s are, by definition , buil t o n relation s firmly tie d t o th e land . Lan d generall y provides th e mean s fo r peasan t existence , an d aroun d tha t foundatio n institutions develo p i n tur n t o perpetuat e peasan t society." 132 Althoug h the analysi s provide d b y Worobe c i s primaril y economi c an d cultura l in nature , sh e recognize s th e importan t psychologica l backdro p i n th e peasant's relationshi p t o th e land : "Despit e th e natura l odd s agains t them, Russia n peasant s concentrate d thei r attentio n o n th e land , main taining a sacred , devotiona l attachmen t t o it . Mothe r Eart h wa s all powerful, providin g peasant s wit h sustenanc e an d definitio n o f purpose." 133 The lan d quit e literall y fe d th e peasant , jus t a s a mothe r feed s a child. The land had a certain degre e of control over its inhabitants, muc h as a mothe r ha s contro l ove r he r child . Ther e wa s a n unavoidabl e motivation t o submi t masochisticall y t o tha t control . Dostoevsk y in stinctively understoo d th e emotional need s of the peasant .

MASOCHISM AND TH E COLLECTIVE 243

The mos t explici t linkag e o f mora l masochis m t o trouble d interac tion wit h th e materna l figur e o f Russi a come s i n a n earlie r passag e o f Dostoevsky's Diary: It is we who hav e to bo w before th e people [preklonit'si a pere d narodom ] an d await fro m the m everything—bot h though t an d expression ; i t is we who mus t bow before th e people's truth [preklonit'si a pered pravdoi narodnoi] an d recognize it a s such—even i n that dreadfu l even t if i t has partly emerge d out o f th e Cbet'i Minei [ a Russia n martyrology] . I n a word : w e mus t bo w lik e prodiga l children [sklonit'sia , ka k bludny e deti ] who, for tw o hundre d years , have been absent from home , but who nevertheless have returned Russians—which, by the way, is our great merit. 134 The uproote d Russia n come s crawlin g bac k as a child t o Russi a which , although no t explicitl y characterize d a s a mother , i s nonetheles s th e Russian folk , th e "narod " wit h it s repeated , maternall y suggestiv e roo t morpheme -rod-. In returnin g hom e th e intelligent ca n experienc e unio n ("soedinenie") wit h th e "narod, " ca n actuall y be a Russian. Th e under lying fantasy tha t Dostoevsk y cater s t o i s masochistic submissio n t o an d merger wit h th e pre-Oedipal mother . It is right after thi s passage that the famous "Peasan t Marei" episod e is recorded . Mare i i s a membe r o f th e "narod, " a kin d an d gentl e peasant tha t Dostoevsk y vividl y remember s fro m hi s childhood . Once , in lat e summe r whe n h e wa s nin e year s old , littl e Fedo r wa s walkin g outdoors when , al l o f a sudde n h e hear d a cry : " A wol f i s coming! " Apparently thi s wa s jus t a hallucination , bu t th e chil d wa s extremel y frightened an d ra n fo r protectio n t o a nearb y peasan t name d Marei , who wa s plowin g a field . Mare i quit e naturall y comforte d th e boy , addressing hi m a s "rodnyi " ("dea r one") , caressing him, an d urgin g hi m to cros s himself . Dostoevsk y remember s th e peasant' s "almos t feminin e tenderness" and , mor e important , mention s hi s "motherl y smile " ("materinskaia ulybka, " "materinsk i ulybaias'" ) thre e time s i n th e course o f th e narration. 135 Tw o o f Dostoevsky' s psychoanalyti c critic s have (independently ) note d th e similarit y o f th e name Marei t o the nam e of Dostoevsky' s mother , Mariia. 136 Clearly , a s psychoanalys t Loui s Breger observes , Marei i s a "lovin g mother. " The memor y o f thi s encounte r wit h a simpl e Russia n peasan t i n a n open field i s very specia l fo r Dostoevsky . I t is pressed int o th e servic e of a fantas y abou t a n idealize d Russia n folk , a "narod " tha t i s explicitl y "maternal" eve n i n th e perso n o f a mal e peasant , a peasan t wh o will -

244 MASOCHIS

M AND TH E COLLECTIVE

ingly suffer s deprivatio n ("h e ha d n o expectation , n o notio n o f hi s ow n freedom") an d wh o himsel f repeatedl y admonishe s hi s littl e maste r t o obey ("Chris t b e wit h you , cros s yourself" ; "Chris t b e wit h you , ge t moving now") . Dostoevsky consider s hi s materna l Mare i t o b e th e ver y highes t example o f mora l perfection , th e idea l representativ e o f th e collectiv e "narod" befor e who m on e mus t "bo w down. " Psychoanalytically , Marei confirm s th e materna l essenc e o f th e object , th e "narod, " befor e whom on e mus t behav e i n masochisti c fashion , an d fro m who m on e must acquir e masochisti c habit s i n orde r t o becom e a tru e Russia n ma triot. 137 The individua l i n traditiona l Russia n cultur e i s strongl y incline d t o submit t o th e collective . I n effect : Doleo, ergo sutnus. Suc h submissio n is ye t anothe r o f th e man y form s o f mora l masochis m whic h Russian s may enac t fo r themselves . Ordinarily , th e dee p structur e o f thi s postur e is no t availabl e t o consciousness . But , whe n w e closel y examin e som e specific imager y o f th e collectiv e concocte d b y certai n selected , highl y creative individual Russians—Losev , Berdiaev , Blok, Dostoevsky—the n the collective's materna l fac e become s visible.

TEN

Conclusion

At th e beginnin g o f thi s boo k I stated that , ove r th e centuries , Russian s have enacte d fo r themselve s a cultur e o f mora l masochism . B y this I did not s o much mea n t o characteriz e Russian s a s to offe r a characteristic o f many, perhaps mos t Russians . Perhap s masochis m i s even the essenc e of the Russia n soul , bu t suc h a clai m woul d reall y hav e t o b e th e topi c o f another book . A psychological trait , not nationa l character , ha s been m y focus here . There i s much mor e that coul d b e said abou t Russia n masochism , o f course. I n som e area s I have onl y scratche d th e surface . Fo r example , I have sai d practicall y nothin g abou t Russia n apocalypticism , althoug h this phenomeno n bear s remarkabl e resemblance s t o th e discours e o f impending doo m whic h emanate s fro m som e masochistic patients o n th e couch.1 Bu t th e shee r quantit y o f evidenc e I have adduce d shoul d indi cate tha t mora l masochis m ha s bee n an d continue s t o b e a forc e i n Russia. There ar e man y othe r aspect s o f Russia n cultur e tha t ar e worth y o f psychoanalytic study . A whol e boo k coul d b e writte n abou t Russia n xenophobia, fo r exampl e (indeed , whol e book s coul d b e writte n abou t the xenophobi a o f ever y existin g ethni c grou p o n ou r planet) . Th e overall phenomeno n o f Russia n nationalism , bot h i n earlie r period s and i n th e curren t perio d o f post-Sovie t disintegration , await s detaile d psychoanalytic study . Russia n oralit y (fro m th e famou s vodka-fixatio n to the abundanc e o f food-imager y i n Russia n literature ) i s another inter esting psychologica l phenomeno n tha t woul d bea r investigation . A psy choanalysis o f Russia n Orthodo x religiosit y (apar t fro m it s masochism ) 245

246 CONCLUSIO

N

would mak e a fascinatin g study . Th e psychodynamic s o f self-estee m in Russi a hav e ye t t o b e examine d i n an y detail . An d o f cours e th e psychoanalytic consequence s o f th e enormou s economi c an d sociopoliti cal changes that ar e going on i n Russia righ t now deserv e scrutiny . There i s s o muc h mor e t o th e Russia n sou l tha n it s masochisti c aspect. Ye t th e masochis m i s there . I t permeate s tha t soul , tha t psyche , that culture—fro m th e self-immolation s o f Ol d Believe r communitie s to th e self-sacrifice s o f th e nineteenth-centur y intelligentsia ; fro m th e foolishness o f holy fools t o the antics of Ivan the fool; fro m th e toleranc e of spousa l abus e to the acceptanc e o f iro n rul e by the collective . If I hav e tende d t o spea k interchangeabl y o f th e cultur e o f mora l masochism o n th e on e hand, an d individua l masochis m o n th e other, i f I have quote d Russia n cultura l practice s a s often a s I have quoted individ ual Russians—i t i s becaus e ther e i s s o muc h overla p betwee n cultur e and th e individua l psych e ("dusha") . Ever y individua l immerse d i n a culture carrie s that cultur e aroun d i n his or her own psyche . Psychoanalysis studie s th e individual , a s I emphasize d i n th e Introductio n t o thi s book. But the individual interiorize s a culture, so it is difficult t o psycho analyze a n individua l withou t als o psychoanalyzin g culture . Further more, cultur e canno t b e enacted excep t b y individuals. They ma y no t b e a sufficien t condition , bu t the y ar e a necessar y conditio n fo r culture . Thus cultur e i s as much i n the individual psyche a s the individual psych e is in culture . Culture i s not t o b e equate d wit h th e collective , however. In Russi a the collectiv e i s a tyrant , an d th e individua l typicall y give s in . Culture , on th e othe r hand , i s no t a tyrant . O r rather , tyrann y i s onl y on e o f it s many potentia l features . Amon g it s othe r feature s i s persona l agenc y ("lichnost"'). A culture implies personal agent s because it needs persona l agents to bea r an d enac t it . In particular, a culture o f mora l masochis m i s borne an d enacte d b y personal agents , becaus e a t th e ver y hear t o f mora l masochis m i s a n agent acting—consciousl y o r unconsciously—agains t hi s o r he r ow n personal interests . Eve n i f th e socia l environmen t i s exceedingl y ric h i n opportunities t o suffe r har m o r humiliation , persona l agent s d o no t jus t disappear. Masochis m doe s become more likely, but masochistic person s are ther e too . T o asser t tha t the y ar e no t woul d b e t o impl y tha t th e culture i n questio n i s perpetrated b y something less than persons—som e

CONCLUSION 247 kind o f automata , o r "savages, " fo r example—an d that positio n woul d be both inaccurat e an d racist . Some years ag o I came acros s a book title d Russians as People. Th e author, Wright Miller , had no t written a bad book , actually . But his title did provok e m e t o think : Wha t o n eart h migh t Russian s be , i f not people? Th e implications wer e unfortunate . Masochists ar e people . I t make s mor e logica l an d mora l sens e t o recognize thei r masochis m tha n t o den y thei r personhood . Whethe r th e masochism itsel f i s "pathological, " o r i s a "disorder " tha t ough t t o b e "cured"—is anothe r question . M y ow n inclinatio n i s t o leav e Russian s be. I have n o practica l recommendation s o r prescription s t o make . No t all psychoanalysts ar e therapists , an d besides , masochist s ar e extraordi narily difficul t t o cur e on th e couch. A change in identity i s required . Russians hav e t o find thei r ow n way . Perhap s the y wil l eve n figure out ho w t o harnes s masochis m fo r economi c advancement . Som e o f th e Old Believer s and sectarian s di d becom e fabulousl y wealthy . In hi s boo k o n Dostoevsk y Berdiae v says : "Ther e i s a hunge r fo r self-destruction i n th e Russia n soul , ther e i s a dange r o f intoxicatio n with ruin." 2 I confes s tha t I hav e sometime s foun d i t exhilaratin g t o observe this danger—fro m afar . For me , masochis m i s part o f th e ver y attractivenes s an d beaut y o f Russian culture . Wher e woul d Tatian a Larin a o r Dmitri i Karamazo v o r Anna Karenin a b e withou t thei r masochism ? T o "cure " the m o f thei r masochism woul d b e to detrac t considerabl y fro m thei r aestheti c appeal . The beaut y o f masochism , however , lik e al l beauty , reside s i n th e min d of th e beholder .

Notes

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 1 1. Fo r example : Dalli n an d Nicolaevsk y 1947 , 88-107 ; Helli e 1982 , 711 ; Kiva 1990 . 2. Th e phras e i s fro m a famou s passag e i n The Diary of a Writer (1873) . Se e Dostoevskii 1972-88 , vol. 2 1, 36. 3. Vaka r 1961 , 40. 4. Voznesenski i 1991 , 12. 5. Grossma n 1973 , 176—80 . Fo r a historica l overvie w o f th e ter m "Russia n soul" ("russkai a dusha" ) se e William s 1970 . Wierzbick a (1992 , 31-63 ) offers insightfu l remark s o n th e semantics o f th e Russia n ter m "dusha. " 6. Ivano v 1909 , 327. Cf. Merezhkovski i 1914 , vol. 15 , 169. 7. Ivano v 1909 , 330. 8. Merezhkovski i 1914 , vol. 15 , 157. 9. Belki n 1991b , 14 . 10. Som e others hav e alread y applie d thi s ter m t o Russians , e.g., Hingle y 1977 , 195. Aleksand r Solzhenitsy n declare s tha t th e ide a o f a "perennia l Russia n slave mentality " i s a "persisten t an d tendentiou s generalization " concocte d by peopl e wh o d o no t reall y understan d Russi a (1977 , 187) . On e o f th e purposes o f thi s boo k i s to prove Solzhenitsy n wrong . By the English ter m "mentality " I do not mea n t o b e translating Frenc h "mentalite"—as i n th e "histoir e de s mentalites " approac h whic h ha s re cently establishe d itsel f i n Russia n studie s (cf . Perri e 1989) , an d which , incidentally, I heartily endorse . I n an y case , Englis h "mentality " suggest s a more strictly psychological phenomenon , whic h i s the concern o f thi s book . 11. Gorski i 197 7 (1969) , 378. 12. A s quoted i n Golovanov 1992 , 13. 13. Leopol d vo n Sacher-Masoc h (1836-95) , i n his semi-pornographic Venus in Furs, describes a man wh o obtain s sexua l gratificatio n fro m bein g whipped , 249

250 NOTE

S T O CHAPTE R 1

trampled upon , o r otherwis e humiliate d b y a woman . Fo r a discussio n o f Sacher-Masoch's writing , se e Lenze r 1975 . Th e ter m "masochism " wa s coined b y the pioneering sexologis t Richar d vo n Krafft-Ebin g (1840-1902 ) in hi s Fsychopathia Sexualis (1866 ; Englis h editio n 1929 , 132) . Freu d moved awa y fro m th e erotogeni c orientatio n o f th e ter m wit h hi s notion o f "moral masochism " (se e chap . 5 o f thi s volume) . A s i f i t wer e a n unprint able swea r word , th e Russia n ter m "mazokhizm " i s missin g fro m man y Russian dictionaries , including the authoritative seventeen-volum e Academ y dictionary (ANSSS R 1950-65) . I t ha s recentl y emerged , however , i n th e post-Soviet Russia n press . For example , Freud's essa y on masochis m ("Eko nomicheskaia problem a mazokhizma") ha s recentl y appeare d i n Russian , appended t o a translatio n o f Sacher-Masoch' s Venus in Furs (Zakher-Ma zokh 1992 , 349-64) . 14. A s defined b y Katz 1990 , 226. 15. Freud , SE, vol. 19 , 165-70 . 16. See , fo r example , Freud' s "Beyon d th e Pleasur e Principle, " i n SE, vol . 18 , 7-64. Th e death instinc t i s sometimes equated wit h a "primary masochism " by Freu d (e.g. , SE, vol . 18 , 55). I f suc h a species o f masochis m exist s (an d most psychoanalyst s thin k not) , i t i s i n an y cas e no t th e topi c o f thi s book. Incidentally , Freud' s notio n o f th e deat h instinc t supposedl y ha s a "Russian" origin , namely , th e ide a o f th e "destructio n instinct " advance d by the Russia n psychoanalys t Sabin a Spielrei n (se e Rice 1982 ; Leibi n 1990 , 61). As fo r Russia n nonerotogeni c sadis m ("zhestokost ' ") , it to o i s a larg e and legitimat e objec t o f study , bu t i t i s no t a topic tha t I can eve n begi n t o treat i n this book . 17. Fo r abundan t examples , see Kohn 1960 . 18. Se e Heller 198 8 (1985) . Heller would probabl y accep t th e idea that masoch ism becam e a t leas t on e o f th e trait s o f Homo sovieticus, althoug h h e does no t us e th e psychoanalyti c term . Fo r example , speakin g o f th e bruta l collectivization o f the peasantry i n the early 1930s , Heller says: "The massa cre of the peasantry allowe d th e state to turn th e survivors into a submissive, inert mas s o f stat e citizens " (39) . Or , paraphrasin g a passag e fro m Za miatin's nove l We, Helle r say s individual s shoul d "wish " t o b e "welde d together int o a collective" (6) . At one point Helle r agree s with Igo r Shafare vich's claim that socialis m i s "one of the aspects of the impulse of mankind' s yearning fo r self-destructio n an d nothingness " (a s quoted b y Heller, 9) . A current , derogator y ter m fo r Homo sovieticus i s "Sovok, " acrony m for "sovetski i chelovek, " bu t als o homonym o f "sovok " (dustpan) . Russian s who refe r t o themselves with thi s humiliating ter m ar e behaving masochisti cally. 19. Dick s 1952 . See also Dicks 1960 . 20. Dick s 1952 , 153. 21. Ibid. , 153-54 . 22. Th e lat e Feli x Dreizi n says , fo r example : "Russia n cultur e strongl y encour -

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 1 251 ages masochistic tendencie s i n individua l psychology, " an d h e backs thi s u p with som e revealin g quotation s fro m Aleksand r Solzhenitsy n abou t th e supposed mora l superiorit y o f prison life . See Dreizin 1990 , 182-85 . In hi s essay o n Maksi m Gor'kii , Eri k Erikso n speak s o f "tha t patter n of masochisti c identificatio n wit h authorit y whic h apparentl y ha s bee n a strong collective forc e i n the history o f Russia " (1963 , 371) . Without usin g the term "masochism, " Natha n Leite s adduces example s illustrating hi s thesi s tha t Russia n Bolshevik s operat e o n th e principl e tha t "Life i s sacrifice" (Leite s 1953 , 132-41) . In hi s interestin g quasi-psychoanalyti c stud y o f Russia n culture , Le tsarevitch immole, Alai n Besan^o n i s willing to grant tha t ther e is at leas t a n "analogie d'experience " betwee n Russia n religiou s asceticis m an d wha t Freud mean t b y moral masochis m (1967 , 75). Others wh o hav e mad e passin g reference s t o Russia n masochism—o r who hav e treate d i t withou t necessaril y usin g th e term—wil l b e quote d i n the course o f thi s book . 23. Dal ' 195 5 (1880-82) , vol. 4, 5. 24. ANSSS R 1950-65 , vol. 12 , 7. 25. Ibid . 26. A s quoted b y Berdiaev 197 1 (1946) , 151. 27. Gor'ki i 197 8 (1912) , 306. 28. Fo r historica l an d socioeconomi c analyse s o f slaver y i n Russia , se e Pipe s 1974, 14 8 ff. ; Kolchi n 1987 ; Blu m 1961 ; Hellie 1982 ; Hoc h 1986 . Thes e and relate d work s wil l occasionall y yiel d interestin g informatio n abou t psychological matters , but their focu s i s elsewhere. 29. See , for example , Perrie 1989 . 30. Se e especiall y Danie l Field' s boo k Rebels in the Name of the Tsar (198 9 [1976]). 31. Kolchi n 1987 , 269 . O n som e psychologica l aspect s o f ser f rebelliousness , seeLitvak 1971 . 32. Thi s i s not t o sugges t tha t masochis m wa s th e onl y reaso n wh y serf s tende d not t o rebel . Ther e wer e othe r (psychological , economic , political , etc. ) reasons a s well . Fo r example , th e economi c interest s o f th e ser f owne r an d the patriarcha l head s o f ser f household s overlappe d considerably , a s Steve n Hoch ha s show n (1986 , chap . 3). Nonetheless, ther e ha s bee n littl e study i n this area. Historians, for example , are more likely to be concerned wit h wh y peasants rebe l than wit h wh y the y d o not . 33. Oleariu s 196 7 (1656) , 147 . 34. Fletche r 196 6 (1591) , 46. 35. Hingle y 1977 , 194 . 36. Dal ' 198 4 (1862) , vol. 1 , 347. 37. Ibid. , 167 , 168 , 169 , 194 . 38. Ibid. , 108 , 180 , 182 . 39. See , for example , the studies of inmate s of th e German concentratio n camp s or slave s o n souther n America n plantation s b y Bettelhei m 1980 , 3—83 ;

252 NOTE

S T O CHAPTER 2

Elkins 1963 , 81-139; Stamp p 1971 . As Belkin (1991b , 23-24 ) point s out , some o f th e children o f parent s wh o were arreste d durin g th e Stalin perio d live out their live s in fear . 40. Her e I concu r wit h Hellie' s (1987 , 183-5 ) refutatio n o f Keenan' s (1986 ) dismissal o f the slavishness of persons surroundin g th e tsar in Muscovy . 41. Fo r example , betwee n th e year s 195 9 an d 198 9 th e proportio n o f ethni c Russians in the Russian Federatio n range d fro m 81. 5 to 83.3 percent (Aruti unian 1992 , 2 1, table 3). 42. Example s provided b y Cherniavsky 1961 , 216—17. 43. Voloshi n 1989 , 11 . 44. Likhache v 1988 , 5. 45. Boriso v 1976 , 204. Cf. Boriso v 197 4 for th e condensed Russia n versio n of this article . 46. Berdyae v 1944 , 164ff. ; Berdiae v 1939 , 137ff . Earl y i n hi s caree r Berdiae v himself yielde d t o the temptation t o personify Russia ; se e 229 herein. 47. Fluge l 195 0 (1921), 126. 48. Fo r example : Fluge l 195 0 (1921) , 125-28 ; Erikso n 1969 , 155 , 157, 222; DeMause 1982 , 175; Koenigsberg 1977 ; Anzieu 198 4 (1975); Chasseguet Smirgel 1985 , 7 6 - 9 3; GA P 1987. 49. See , for example : Helle r 1988 , chap. 4; Cox 1989; Rzhevskii 1987. MOTES T O CHAPTE R 2 1. Luntl990 . 2. Averintse v 1988 , 332. 3. Toporo v 1987 , 234, 244. 4. Berdiae v 197 1 (1946), 9. 5. A s translate d fro m th e Primary Chronicle b y Fedoto v 1975 , vol. 1 , 10 6 (italics added) . 6. A s quoted b y Fedotov 1975 , vol. 1, 109. 7. Toporo v 1987 , 243. 8. Fedoto v 1975 , vol. 1, 105. 9. Se e Cherniavsky 1961 , chap. 1 . 10. Fedoto v 1975 , vol. 1, 104. 11. A s quoted b y Fedotov 1975 , vol. 2, 57, 75, 77, 93, resp. 12. Fedoto v 1975 , vol. 1, 117-19 . 13. Ibid. , 119. 14. A s quoted b y Fedotov 1975 , vol. 2, 210. 15. Bolshakof f 1977 , 53. 16. Ibid. , 124. 17. Meehan-Water s 1991 , 4 1. 18. Fedoto v 1975 , vol. 1, 149-50 . 19. Bolshakof f 1977 , 4 7 - 4 8. 20. Ibid. , 58, 101. For more detaile d figures, se e Smolitsch 1953 , 538.

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 2 253 21. I a m hardl y th e first t o not e th e masochisti c elemen t i n asceti c practices . Psychoanalyst Ott o Fenichel , fo r example , consider s tha t masochis m i s essential t o "th e psychology o f asceticism " (1945 , 364). Shirley Panken say s that "th e Christia n ethi c has sanctified masochis m i n such religious practice s as mortificatio n an d it s mos t extrem e variant , asceticism " (Panke n 1973 , 12). Stuar t L . Charm e (1983 , 224 ) point s t o numerou s biblica l example s where one' s suffering i s interprete d a s a sig n o f God' s love , e.g. , "th e Lor d disciplines hi m who m H e loves " (Hebrew s 12:6) . Sociologis t Pete r L . Berger, discussin g th e proble m o f theodicy , say s tha t religiou s surrende r o f the sel f alway s ha s masochisti c overtones . Whe n Jo b declare d "Thoug h h e slay me , ye t wil l I trus t i n him, " h e wa s engagin g i n a "pur e for m o f religious masochis m vis a vis the Biblical God. " Th e Calvinis t vision o f "th e damned themselve s joinin g i n th e glorificatio n o f tha t sam e Go d wh o ha s sentenced the m t o damnation " i s als o a "pur e for m o f th e masochisti c attitude" (Berge r 1967 , 75). The Ne w Testamen t i s of cours e ful l o f exhortation s t o "tur n th e othe r cheek" an d "tak e u p th e cross. " Gar y Liabo e an d James Gu y (1985 ) argu e that thes e idea s shoul d no t b e take n to o seriously , les t Christian s fal l int o a masochistic "distortio n o f servanthood. " Bu t the y d o no t notic e tha t ver y little o f th e Christia n ide a o f "servanthood " i s lef t whe n th e masochis m i s subtracted fro m it . I t i s hard t o mis s the masochis m i n Sain t Paul' s boastfu l descriptions o f hi s ow n sufferings , ye t Dal e Martin' s recen t treatis e (1990 ) on th e metapho r o f slaver y i n Paulin e Christianit y (a s in "slav e o f Christ" ) makes n o mentio n o f clinica l issue s o r th e psychoanalysi s o f masochism . I n general, scholarl y treatment s o f th e centra l Judeo-Christian text s ar e boun d to b e incomplete withou t a consideration o f masochism . 22. Billingto n 1968 , 65, 204 . 23. Fedoto v 1975 , vol. 1,341 . 24. Pyl e 1989 . 25. Kireevski i 1984 , 232. 26. Fletche r 196 6 (1591) , 90. 27. Kovalevski i 1895 , 147 . 28. Gor'ki i 1937 , 158 . 29. Wortma n 1967 , 66. 30. Ther e i s a considerabl e (an d contentious ) literatur e o n hol y foolishnes s i n Russia whic h includes : Kovalevski i 1895 ; Fedoto v 1942 ; Fedoto v 1975 , vol. 2 , 3 1 6 - 4 3 ; Thompso n 1987 ; Likhache v 1987 , vol. 2 , 427-30; Likha chev an d Panchenk o 1976 ; Ziolkowski 1988 , 131ff; Mura v 1992 . 31. Billingto n 1968 , 60. 32. Sawar d 1980 , 22. Cf. Kovalevski i 1895 , 135-36 . 33. Valuabl e source s o n th e Rasko l an d th e Ol d Believer s include : Zen'kovski i 1970; Cherniavsk y 1966 ; Crumme y 1970 . 34. Avvaku m 197 9 (1673) , 52. 35. Ibid. , 61. 36. Cf . Likhache v i n Likhachev an d Panchenk o 1976 , 75-89 .

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37. Hun t 1985 , 29. 38. Ibid. , 30 . 39. Kennet h Brostro m i n hi s introductio n t o Avvaku m 1979 , 22 . I n hi s discus sion o f Avvakum' s "rock-ribbe d passivity " (161 ) Brostro m come s clos e t o recognizing that Avvaku m wa s a masochist . 40. Sapozhniko v 1891 , 123. 41. Ibid. , end flap; cf . Crumme y 1970 , 3 9 - 5 7 . 42. Crumme y 1970 , 51 , 46. A s Crumme y point s out , som e Ol d Believer s ha d the goo d sens e t o avoi d suicida l confrontation s wit h th e authorities , an d advocated avoidanc e o f self-immolation . 43. Ziolkowsk i 1988 , 197-217 . 44. Som e usefu l an d heterogeneou s source s fro m th e enormou s literatur e on Russia n sectarianis m include : Klibano v 198 2 (1965) ; Leroy-Beaulie u 1902-5, vol . 3 , 399-507 ; Billingto n 1968 , 174-80 ; Munr o 1980 ; Gras s 1907-14; Mel'guno v 1919 ; Kutepo v 1900 ; Steeve s 1983 . A chapte r o f Mel'gunov's boo k (157—202 ) vigorousl y defend s sectarian s agains t suc h labels a s "pathological " an d "degenerate " attache d t o the m b y pre-psycho analytic psychiatrists i n Russia . Yuri Glazo v compare s th e all-mal e sadomasochisti c collectiv e o f "thieves" ("vory" ) i n th e Sovie t gulag with th e Khlysty . The "thieves " wer e hardened criminal s wh o kille d ordinar y prisoner s withou t compunction , and wh o too k grea t prid e i n bein g abl e t o inflic t variou s mutilation s upo n themselves, suc h a s swallowin g broke n glas s o r cuttin g of f a finge r o r a hand (1985 , 43-44). 45. Billingto n 1968 , 179 . 46. Averintse v 1988 . 47. Toporo v 1987 , 246. 48. A s quoted b y Fedotov 1975 , vol. 2, 210 . 49. I n Avvakum 1979 , 189-91 . 50. A s quoted b y Dunlop 1972 , 137 . 51. Szamuel y 1974 , 64; Toporov 1987 , 219; Siniavskii 1991 , 172-73. 52. Thank s t o Yur i Druzhniko v fo r thi s proverb . 53. Dunlo p 1972 , 123. 54. Ibid. , 4 1. 55. A s translate d b y Gorodetzk y 1973 , 34. For th e Russia n origina l se e Gogol ' 1937-52, vol . 8 , 348 . Fo r a comprehensiv e stud y o f Gogol' s "forgotte n book," se e Sobel 1981 . 56. A s translated b y Gorodetzky 1973 , 34. 57. E.g. , Fedotov 1942 , 35; 1975 , vol. 2, 210 . 58. Gorodetzk y 197 3 (1938) , ix. Cf. Ziolkowsk i 1988 , 126ff . 59. Fedoto v 1942 , 35. 60. Thi s accordin g t o Clar k an d Holquis t 1984 , 84-87 , 128 . I hav e mad e some remark s o n Bakhtin' s masochisti c epistemolog y (Rancour-Laferrier e 1990, 524). 61. Berdiae v 197 1 (1946) , 30.

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 2 255 61. Radishche v 1958 , 146 ; Russian origina l i s Radishchev 196 1 (1790) , 89 . 63. Radishche v 1958 , 152 ; Radishchev 1961 , 93. 64. Radishche v 1958 , 214; 1961 , 145. 65. Pushki n 1962-65 , vol. 7, 291. 66. Marin a Gromyko , i n he r fascinatin g compendiu m Mir russkoi derevni, quotes th e sam e passag e fro m Pushki n a s evidenc e fo r th e positiv e an d worthy feature s o f th e Russia n peasan t (1991 , 94) . Sh e als o quote s exten sively fro m variou s publishe d an d unpublishe d ethnographi c source s t o demonstrate th e existence of suc h qualitie s a s intelligence, generosity, indus try, honesty, an d dignit y amon g the peasants. Evidence for th e peasant's les s admirable qualities , however, i s played dow n b y Gromyko—as i f diverse o r even contradictory qualitie s could no t coexist. This is a perhaps understand able reaction agains t the brutal treatmen t o f peasants an d peasant culture by Soviet authority , an d agains t th e negative characterization s o f th e peasantr y which ha d bee n offere d b y Soviet scholar s an d pseudo-scholars i n the past . 67. Chaadaye v 1969 , 58. For th e French original , see Tchaadaev 1970 , 75. 68. Chaadaye v 1969 , 36. 69. Ibid. , 37 . 70. Chaadae v 1989 , 204 . Fo r th e Frenc h original , onl y recentl y publishe d i n Russia, se e Chaadaev 1991 , vol. 1 , 256. See also Kamenskii 1986 . 71. Chaadae v 1991 , vol. 1 , 256. 72. Chaadaye v 1969 , 57. 73. Gertse n 196 2 (1852-68) , vol. 1 , 449. 74. Se e also Chaadaev 1989 , 2 1 0 - 2 1 1 . 75. Chaadaye v 1969 , 178 ; Tchaadaev 1970 , 211. 76. Chaadae v 1989 , 203 . Fo r th e Frenc h original , se e Chaadae v 1991 , vol . 1, 255. 77. A s quoted b y Pipes 1974 , 266 . 78. Th e ambivalenc e tende d t o ge t resolve d i n favo r o f submissiveness . Fo r example, although Chaadae v spok e of th e existence of fre e will , he saw it as illusory (Chaadaye v 1969 , 89) . H e repeatedl y insiste d o n th e nee d fo r submission t o som e highe r intellec t o r som e mora l imperativ e i n life . Fo r example: "Th e min d i s powerful onl y becaus e i t is submissive" (70 ; see als o pp. 69 , 71, 73, 75). Boris Tarasov , writin g i n a recen t issu e o f Literaturnaia gazeta, detect s (but doe s no t psychoanalyze ) th e ambivalenc e o f Chaadaev' s feeling s o n a variety of topics , e.g., o n whethe r o r no t Christianit y i s good fo r Russia . See Tarasov 1990 ; se e als o Lednick i (1954 , 29 ) o n th e "inconsisten t mind " o f Chaadaev, an d Z . A . Kamenskii' s introductio n t o th e 199 1 editio n (vol . 1 , 9-85) o n th e "paradoxe s o f Chaadaev. " Philip Pompe r detect s Chaadaev' s ow n masochisti c strai n whe n h e refers t o th e "luxurian t self-castigation " i n a passage fro m The Philosophical Letters (Pompe r 1970 , 36) . I n thi s case , too , psychoanalysi s i s no t actually applied , bu t i s implicit . Julia Brun-Zejmis , i n a ver y interestin g recen t articl e abou t nationa l

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inferiority feeling s i n Russia , recognize s Chaadaev' s masochisti c side : "Chaadaev's pessimisti c pronouncements abou t Russi a answere d a need fo r self-condemnation" (1991 , 649) . 79. Mickiewic z 1974 , 306. Thank s t o Davi d Brodsk y fo r th e Englis h trans lation. 80. Lette r o f 1 3 February 1991 . 81. Lednickil954,51 . 82. Se e Kenna n 197 1 an d Erofeev' s 199 0 revie w o f Custin e 1989 . Fo r th e original Frenc h I rely here on Custin e 1843 , in four volumes . Custine's travelogu e i s no t withou t it s problems . Th e autho r di d no t visit al l of th e major citie s in Russia , no r di d h e communicate wit h Russian s of al l socia l classes . H e wa s abl e t o convers e onl y wit h thos e Russian s wh o knew Frenc h o r som e othe r Wester n language , whic h i s t o sa y tha t hi s in depth contact s wer e limited primaril y t o member s o f th e Russian nobilit y o r government official s o f variou s kinds . Custin e doe s ten d t o rambl e (h e admits to "th e wandering characte r o f m y thoughts," 282) . The book i s also repetitious, especiall y concernin g thos e Russia n practice s tha t Custin e doe s not like , suc h a s th e tendenc y o f th e Russia n nobilit y t o ap e th e French . A s Kennan ha s observe d (1971 , 75), Custin e hold s contradictor y view s towar d Tsar Nicholas , an d thes e ar e symptoms o f a "mos t painful , almos t tortured , ambivalence." Custin e doe s ten d t o exaggerat e wha t i s ba d abou t Russi a (ibid., 120) . Sometime s Custin e i s wron g i n matter s o f fact , a s whe n h e applies his observations abou t Russian s to "Slavonians " generally (e.g. , "Al l the Slavonia n peasant s [tou s les paysans slaves ] ar e thieves" [496] , a sweep ing statement tha t is not necessarily true even if limited to Russians). Custin e can als o b e quit e mistake n i n interpretativ e matters , a s whe n h e dismisse s the importanc e o f Pushkin' s poetr y (289 ) o r harshl y judge s th e ar t insid e of Russian Orthodo x churche s (e.g. , 424). But mos t critic s agre e tha t Custine' s boo k i s remarkabl y insightful . Alexander Herze n declare d tha t i t wa s "unquestionabl y th e mos t divertin g and intelligen t boo k writte n abou t Russi a b y a foreigner, " an d Vikto r Erofeev write s tha t "Herzen' s word s ar e stil l tru e today , despit e th e thou sands o f book s writte n abou t Russi a sinc e tha t time " (Erofee v 1990 , 23) . Custine spok e wit h "tru e bearde d Russians, " eve n i f i n French . A s he quit e correctly observe s a t th e en d o f hi s book , " I hav e no t full y seen , bu t I hav e fully devined " (617) . In Yur i Druzhnikov' s recen t nove l Angels on the Head of a Fin (1989) , a condense d samizda t versio n o f Custine' s wor k turn s u p o n th e des k o f a Soviet newspape r editor . Th e antic s whic h follo w demonstrat e tha t Cus tine's idea s ar e ever y bi t a s relevant t o Brezhnev-er a Russi a a s to th e Russi a of Nichola s I . A s th e autho r o f th e nove l point s out , a complet e an d uncensored Russia n translatio n o f Custine' s wor k ha s yet to b e published . 83. Custin e 1989 , 595; 1843 , vol. 4, 313. 84. Custin e 1989 , 619 . 85. Oleariu s 196 7 (1656) , 147 .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 2 257 86. Chaadae v 1989 , 202 . Kenna n i s incline d t o believ e tha t Custin e wa s influenced b y Chaadaev' s First Philosophical Letter (1971 , 39-40) . Fo r a more detaile d compariso n o f Chaadae v an d Custine , se e Lednick i 1954 , 56ff. 87. Masary k 1955-67 , vol. 1 , 135. 88. Custin e 1989 , 21. 89. Ibid. , 234 . 90. Ibid. , 16 . 91. Ibid. , 205. 92. Ibid. , 171 . 93. Lermonto v 1961—62 , vol . 1 , 524 . Th e poe m wa s apparentl y writte n i n April o f 184 1 o n th e occasion o f Lermontov' s las t exile from Russi a t o th e Caucasus (Viskovaty i 1891 , 379). 94. A s translated b y Liberman 1983 , 556. 95. Fo r a psychoanalytic stud y o f thi s poem, se e Rancour-Laferrier e 1993b . I t is worth notin g that Lermontov' s poe m i s still offensive t o man y i n Russia . For example , whe n filmmakers El'da r Riazano v an d Grigori i Gori n at tempted t o includ e th e poem i n a film they wer e makin g abou t Lermonto v in 1980 , official s fro m Gosteleradi o force d the m t o delet e i t (se e Tucke r 1991,39). 96. Fo r mor e on th e multifarious connection s betwee n thes e writers (excludin g Radishchev), se e Lednick i 1954 , 21-104 . I wish t o than k Davi d Brodsk y for bringin g Lednicki' s boo k t o m y attention . 97. Kolakowsk i 1992 , 5. 98. Custin e 1989 , 195 , italics added ; 1843 , vol. 2, 46. 99. Custin e 1989 , 361. Cf. 274 . 100. Ibid. , 362 . 101. Dostoievsk y 1949 , vol . 1 , 186 . Fo r th e Russia n original : Dostoevski i 1972-88, vol . 22, 29. 102. Dostoievsk y 1949 , vol. 1 , 186 ; Dostoevskii 1972-88 , vol. 22, 29. 103. Custin e 1989 , 362, italics added . 104. Khomiako v 1955 , 115. 105. Leatherbarro w an d Offor d 1987 , 99. For the Russian original , see Brodskii 1910,78. 106. Leatherbarro w an d Offor d 1987 , 98; Brodskii 1910 , 74 . 107. Leatherbarro w an d Offor d 1987 , 104 ; origina l i n Brodski i 1910 , 88 . Cf . Ivan Kireevsk y (Kireevski i 1984 , 209) , wh o say s tha t th e Tatars , Poles , Hungarians, Germans , an d othe r scourge s sen t upo n th e Russian s b y Providence wer e no t abl e t o chang e th e essentia l "inne r an d socia l life " o f the Russians—a s i f the "inner " an d th e "social " wer e the sam e thing . 108. Billingto n 1968 , 19 . 109. Walick i 1989 , 192 . 110. Leatherbarro w an d Offor d 1987 , 65. On th e problem o f translating sobornosf, se e Christoff 1961 , 139ff . 111. Arsen'e v 1959 , 66-109 .

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112. Solzhenitsy n 199 1 (1990) , 101. 113. Leatherbarro w an d Offor d 1987 , 94. For th e Russia n original , see Khomiakov 1955 , 182 . Se e Riasanovsk y 195 5 fo r a detaile d stud y o f sobornosf in Khomiakov's works . 114. Fo r a usefu l revie w o f th e contentiou s literatur e o n th e genesi s an d devel opment o f th e commun e i n Russia , se e Shanin 1985 , 7 8 - 8 1 . Fo r mor e o n the psychology o f communa l life , se e 215-24 herein . 115. Kireevski i 1984 , 226. 116. Walick i 1989 , 256. 117. Aksakov , 1861-80 , vol . 1 , 291-92 , a s translate d i n Walick i 1989 , 2 5 6 57. 118. Se e Ivanov 1971-79 , vol. 2, 219. 119. Aksako v 1861-80 , vol . 1 , 629 (mistakenl y paginate d a s 229). 120. Youn g 1979 , 139 ; cf. 154-56 . 121. Solov'e v 1966-69 , vol . 3 , 113 ; Billingto n 1968 , 468 . Se e Mochul'ski i 1951, 179 , fo r furthe r example s o f Solov'ev' s contradictor y idea s o n freedom. 122. Solzhenitsy n 1976 , 136 . 123. See , for example , Ivanov 1969 , 131. 124. Cf . Walick i 1989 , 197-99 . 125. Stei n suggest s tha t th e idealize d collectiv e was , fo r Khomiakov , materna l in natur e (1976 , 428) . Thi s i s consonan t wit h th e genera l psychoanalyti c findings o n th e attitud e o f th e individua l t o th e collectiv e i n Russi a an d elsewhere (se e chap. 9). 126. Kireevski i 1984 , 122 . 127. Translate d i n Leatherbarro w an d Offor d 1987 , 14 7 fro m Gertse n 1954 65, vol. 7,333 . 128. Gertse n 1954-65 , vol. 7, 113/243 . 129. Ibid. , 3 2 2 - 2 3. 130. Se e especially Ventur i 1960 . 131. Fo r example : "Bless you, prison, fo r havin g bee n i n m y life! " Se e Solzhenitsyn 1975a , 610 , 611, 617; 1974 , 598, 599. 132. Ula m 1976 , 29 . Pompe r (1970 , 102 ) refer s t o Chernyshevsky' s "almos t pathological self-subordinatio n t o his wife. " 133. Blanchar d 1984 , 58. 134. Ibid. , 58. 135. Se e Pipes 1989,103-121 . 136. Billingto n 1968 , 394. 137. Fedoto v 1942 , 29. 138. Szamuel y 1974 , 152 . 139. A s quoted b y Gorodetzky 1973 , 89. 140. Gorodetzk y 1973 , 90 i s quoting socialis t thinker Pet r L . Lavrov. 141. Fedoto v 1942 , 33. 142. Wortma n 1967 , 7 . 143. Ibid. , 8 .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 2 259 144. Ibid. , 54 . 145. Terrorist s coul d b e masochisti c a s well a s sadistic, for thei r aggressiv e act s were ofte n impractica l an d self-defeating . Thu s Dmitri i Karakazov , wh o made a n attemp t o n th e life o f Tsa r Alexande r i n 1866 , is characterized b y Pomper (1970 , 91 ) a s " a miserabl e an d suicida l person , on e o f thos e wh o place their self-destructiv e impuls e i n the servic e of som e larger cause. " 146. Vekhi 1909 , 20; Fedotov 195 4 (1938) , 4; Hubbs 1988 , 230. 147. Szamuel y 1974 , 160 , 161 ; cf. Masary k 1955-67 , vol. 2, 108 . 148. Dunha m 1960 , 482; cf. 47 6 o n self-laceration . 149. Berli n 1979 , 125 . 150. Ibid. , 168 ; cf . Chance s 197 8 (16 ) o n Belinsky' s prais e o f humilit y (smirenie) and self-renunciatio n (samootrechenie) durin g this period . 151. Merezhkovski i 1914 , vol. 15 , 173. 152. Ibid. , 61. 153. Ibid. , 147 . Nikitenk o himsel f speak s o f th e "servil e spirit " o f Russian s ("nashemu kholopskom u dukhu"—ibid. , 154) . 154. Ibid. , 146 . 155. Ibid. , 178 . 156. Ibid. , 66 . 157. Se e discussion o n 93-94 , o n th e essentials of "mora l masochism. " 158. Th e stor y i s in th e collection Black on White (Gippiu s 1908) , 95-105 . 159. A s quoted b y Merezhkovskii 1914 , vol. 15 , 60. 160. Ibid. , 174 , italics added . 161. E.g. , Toporov 1987 , 220; Ivano v 1909 , 331. 162. Merezhkovski i 1914 , vol. 15 , 175-76 . 163. Ibid. , 178 . 164. Rozano v 1990b , 414. 165. Ibid. , 100-102 . 166. Rozano v 1990a , 253. 167. Rozano v 1990b , 351 . Gor'kii wa s quit e righ t t o spea k o f Rozanov' s slav ishness befor e Go d ("rabstv o pere d bogo m Vashe " —1978 [1912] , 306). 168. E.g. , Berdiaev 1990 , 3 8 - 3 9 . 169. Cf . Cron e 1978 , 2 8 - 3 0. 170. Rozano v 1990b , 106 . 171. Fedoro v 1906-13 ; 1928-29 . Fo r a clea r treatmen t o f Fedorov' s lif e an d work, se e Youn g 1979 . Fo r ne w informatio n o n Fedorov' s biography , se e Semenova 199 0 (wh o unfortunatel y disregard s mos t Wester n researc h on Fedorov) . 172. Fedoro v 1928-29 , part I , 5. 173. E.g. , Fedorov 1906-13 , vol. 2, 205. 174. Fedoro v 1928-29 , part I , 34. See also Wiles (1965 , 133-34 ) o n Fedorov' s devaluation o f mothers . 175. A s quoted b y Young 1979 , 67. 176. Ibid. , 75 . 177. Ivano v 1909 , 361.

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178. Berdyae v 194 4 (1939) , 48. 179. Ibid. , 27 . 180. Ibid. , 138 . 181. Berdiae v 197 1 (1946) , 81. 182. Ibid. , 13 . 183. Ibid. , 145 , 255. 184. Berdiae v 1991 , 15. 185. Berdiae v 1990 , 13 . 186. Berdiae v 1991 , 14. 187. Ibid. , 59. Many hav e noticed th e prevalence an d importanc e o f words wit h the roo t -rod- i n th e Russia n languag e (e.g. , Likhachev 1987 , vol. 2, 4 2 122), althoug h n o on e ha s considere d thi s word-nest fro m a psychoanalyti c angle. A s wil l b e see n repeatedl y i n thi s boo k (particularl y i n connectio n with th e discussio n o f Dostoevsky' s materna l collective , below , 241-42) , Russians lik e to exploi t th e maternal suggestivenes s o f -rod- words . 188. Berdiae v 1991 , 56. Thi s statemen t i s repeated o n th e next page as well. 189. Berdiae v 1990 , 12 . 190. Russia n origina l an d Englis h translatio n i n Marko v an d Spark s 1967 , 510-11. 191. Grossma n 1973 , 17 6 (cf . 9 0 herein) . Actually , th e metapho r o f Russi a a s bride an d Russia' s leade r a s groo m i s quit e ancien t (althoug h i t i s no t nearly a s commonplac e a s th e relate d imager y o f Russi a a s mothe r an d it s leader a s father). See , for example : Uspenski i 1988 , 117-18 ; Hubb s 1988 , 187-90. 192. Leni n 1958-65 , vol. 26, 107 . I wish t o than k m y colleagu e Yur i Druzhni kov fo r bringin g Lenin' s articl e to m y attention . 193. Leni n 1958-65 , vol. 26, 107 . 194. Ibid. , 108 . 195. Ibid . 196. Custin e 1989 , 608, italics added . 197. Kenna n 1971 , 124; cf. Tucke r 1991 , 38. 198. Ibid. , 131 , italics added . 199. Se e Brun-Zejmi s 1991 . Thi s author' s ide a tha t Russia n messianis m i s a compensation fo r feeling s o f nationa l inferiorit y i s psychoanalyti c i n es sence (on e is reminded o f th e work o f Adle r an d Kohu t i n particular) . 200. Altae v 197 7 (1969) , 131 , italics added . 201. Evtushenk o 1988 , 13. 202. Excerpt s o f Evtushenk o (1988 ) wer e translate d fo r Time magazin e b y Antonina Boui s (Yevtushenk o 1988) . 203. Yevtushenk o 1988 , 31. 204. Custin e 1989 , 4 7 4 - 7 5; 1843 , vol. 4, 49. 205. Yevtushenk o 1988 , 31. 206. A s quoted fro m th e Western diges t versio n o f Nezavisimaia gazeta, vol . 1 , issue 2 0 - 2 1, Jul y 1992 , p. 1 . 207. Literaturnaia gazeta, no . 4 1, 7 October 1992 , p. 1 . In the poem Voznesen -

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 3 261 skii compare s Russi a t o th e famou s poe t Marin a Tsvetaeva , wh o commit ted suicide . 208. Grafov a 1991 , 6. 209. Solzhenitsy n 1991 , 4 - 5; fo r th e original, see Solzhenitsyn 1990 , 3. 210. Moskovskie novosti, no . 42, 1 8 October 1992 , p. 23. 211. Tsipk o 1991 , 7. 212. Golovano v 1992 , 13. 213. Zaslavskay a 1984 , 106 . 214. A s quote d b y Mikhai l Helle r 1988 , 13 4 ( = Gelle r 1985 , 151) . Fo r a documentary stud y o f alcoholis m i n th e Sovie t Union , se e Bori s Segal' s fascinating boo k The Drunken Society (1990) . 215. Belki n 1991a , 4 . 216. E.g. , Tkachenko an d Iakubov a 1992 . NOTES T O CHAPTE R 3 1. Dal ' 198 4 (1862) , vol. 2, 191-92 . 2. Wierzbick a 1992 , 189 . 3. Vekhi 1909 , 48ff . 4. Berdiae v 1991 , 64. 5. Berdiae v 1990 , 76 . I f i n som e o f hi s writing s Berdiae v manifest s a positiv e attitude towar d smirenie, a s Wierzbick a ha s show n (1992 , 189-90) , thi s means tha t h e i s ambivalen t abou t th e subject . I n an y cas e I canno t agre e with Wierzbicka' s ide a tha t smirenie i s a consistentl y positiv e an d exclu sively religious notion . 6. Freu d 198 9 (1928) , 41. 7. Khomiako v 1955 , 83. 8. Ibid. , 397 . 9. Ibid. , 83. 10. Berdiae v 196 8 (1921) , 164 . 11. A s quoted b y Wierzbicka 1992 , 188 . 12. Dal ' 198 4 (1862) , vol. 2, 194 . 13. Custin e 1989 , 501, italics added . 14. Custin e 1843 , vol. 4, 103 . 15. Feniche l 1945 , 364. 16. Sarnof f 1988 , 209. 17. Pipe s 1974 , 161. 18. Kaveli n 1882 , 151. 19. Wierzbick a 1992 , 67. 20. A s quoted b y Wierzbicka 1992 , 72 . 21. Se e Andreev' s motif-inde x o f folktale s (1929 , 67), whic h include s abou t a dozen item s o n sud'ba an d th e related "dolia " (roughly , "one' s lo t in life") . 22. Exampl e furnishe d b y Yur i Druzhnikov . Recentl y i n th e Russia n pres s th e word sud'ba ha s bee n frequentl y appearin g i n the plural for m (e.g. , "sud'b y

262 NOTE

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naroda," "sud'b y otechestva") . Mikhai l Epshtei n ha s writte n abou t thi s phenomenon (1989 , 312ff.) . Thi s i s n o doub t ye t anothe r reflectio n o f th e increasing "pluralism " o f Russia n society . 23. Cherniavsk y 1961 , 132.1 have modified hi s translation somewhat . 24. Wierzbick a 1992 , 70 . 25. Mel'chu k an d Zholkovski i 1984 , $57-66. 26. Dal ' 195 5 (1880-82) , vol. 4, 356. 27. Wierzbick a 1992 , 108 ; cf . esp . th e sectio n o n "no t bein g i n control, " 413-30. 28. A s quoted b y Wierzbicka 1992 , 113. 29. Hubb s 1990 , 59. 30. Fo r examples , se e Dal' 198 4 (1862) , vol. 1 , 3 9 - 4 0. Se e also Fedoto v 1975 , 1,349-50. 31. Cf . Martynov a 1978 , 182 . 32. Martynov a 1978 , 178 . 33. Aniki n 1991 , 68. 34. Se e Farnsworth 1992,149 . Eremina (1992 ) attempt s t o show that the death wish lullabie s wer e reall y a n attemp t t o "deceiv e death, " t o war d of f th e child's possible deat h b y concocting a n apotropai c "contac t wit h death. " 35. Dal ' 1984 , vol. 1 , 298. 36. Dun n 1974 , 384 . 37. Ranse l 1988 , 266ff.; Ranse l 1991 . Cf. Semenova-Tian-Shanskai a 1914 , 57; Dunn 1974 , 388ff.; Hoc h 1986 , 68-69 . 38. Ranse l 1991 , 120. 39. Baiburi n 1993 , 52. 40. Dal ' 198 4 (1862) , vol. 1 , 221. 41. Ibid. , 45. 42. See , for example , Selivanov 1991 , 73. 43. Ibid . 44. Rei k 1963 , 163. 45. Infanticid e di d sometime s occu r amon g the peasantry. A n illegitimate infan t might b e drowned , suffocated , o r poisoned , fo r exampl e (e.g. , Semenova Tian-Shanskaia 1914 , 57-58) . 46. Mel'chu k an d Zholkovski i 1984 , 860 . 47. Gertse n 1954-65 , vol. 7, 185 . 48. Nekraso v 1967 , vol. 2, 274. 49. Durov a 198 8 (1836) , 34. 50. Boik o 1988 , 197 . NOTES T O CHAPTE R 4 1. Merezhkovski i 1914 , vol. 16,166-67. Compar e Maksim Gor'kii' s assertio n that Russia n writer s (includin g th e greats , Dostoevsk y an d Tolstoy ) offe r

NOTES T O CHAPTER 4 263 an "apolog y fo r passivity " an d suppor t violenc e "b y preachin g patience , reconciliation, forgiveness , justification " (Gor'ki i 193 7 [1905], 8, 9). 2. Gorodetzk y 1973 , 2 7 - 7 4. Cf . Fedoto v 1942 , whic h bear s som e curiou s resemblances t o Gorodetzky, althoug h Fedoto v write s more clearly . 3. Ziolkowsk i 1988. 4. A s translate d b y Gorodetzk y 1973 , 42. For th e Russia n original , se e Turgenev 1960-68 , vol. 10, 175 . 5. Translate d b y Gorodetzky 1973 , 39. Cf. Turgenev 1960-68 , vol. 4, 358. 6. Se e Rancour-Laferrier e 1993a ; 1993d . O n Tolstoy' s ow n masochism , se e Blanchard 1984 , 3 1 - 4 3. 7. Rose n 1993 , 430. 8. Wasiole k 1964 , 54. 9. Ther e i s an enormou s psychoanalyti c literatur e o n Dostoevsk y whic h give s due attentio n t o the roles o f guilt , abjection , suffering , humiliation , punish ment, an d relate d psychologica l issue s i n th e lif e an d work s o f thi s grea t author. See , for example : Freu d 198 9 (1928) ; Rancour-Laferrier e 1989b , 6-10; Geh a 1970 ; Bonapart e 1962 ; Kristev a 1982 , 18-20 ; Pari s 1973 ; Dalton 1979 , 68ff.; Brege r 1989 , 25ff., 102 , 196; Rosen 1993 . Gorodetzky (1973, 59-69 ) treat s Dostoevsk y i n term s o f th e humiliate d Christ , an d numerous othe r non-psychoanalyti c critic s hav e als o pai d ampl e attentio n to Dostoevsky' s cul t of suffering . 10. Dostoyevsk y 1980 , 415, 433. 11. Ibid. , 438. 12. Saltykov-Shchedri n 1980 , 36. Th e Russia n origina l i s Saltykov-Shchedri n 1965-77, vol. 8, 292. 13. Saltykov-Shchedri n 1980 , 10 . Th e Russia n origina l i s Saltykov-Shchedri n 1965-77, vol. 8, 270. 14. Saltykov-Shchedri n 1980 , 98, 152; 1965-77, vol. 8, 350, 401. 15. Seifri d 1992. 16. Smirno v 1987 ; 1990 . 17. Clar k 1985 , 178 . 18. Solzhenitsy n 1989 , 361-62; 1978- , vol. 11, 426-27. 19. Pipe s 1991 , 213. 20. Dostoyevsk y 1950 , 618, italics added ; Dostoevski i 1972-88 , vol . 14, 458 . Cf. Wierzbicka 1992 , 71 . 21. Dostoyevsk y 1950 , 615-16; Dostoevskii 1972-88 , vol. 14, 456-57. 22. Dostoyevsk y 1950 , 617, italics added ; Dostoevski i 1972-88 , vol. 14, 458. 23. Dostoyevsk y 1950 , 617-18, italic s added . I have had to make som e correc tions in the Garnett translation . Cf . Dostoevski i 1972—88, vol. 14, 458. 24. Se e Chaitin 1972 , 8Off.; Besanc,o n 1968 , 348. I agree with Chaitin' s sugges tion tha t Dmitrii' s desir e fo r imprisonmen t i s th e resul t o f Oedipa l guilt . Having wished t o kill his father, an d having gained possession o f the maternal Grushenka , hi s father' s mistress , Dmitri i deserve s th e Oedipa l talio n punishment.

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But thi s Oedipa l readin g doe s no t exclud e a pre-Oedipa l one , fo r th e desire for punishmen t ca n b e overdetermined (se e chap. 5 herein). 25. Se e Rozanov 1903 , vol. 2, 98. 26. Pushki n 1962-66 , vol. 5, 7 0 - 7 1 . 27. Naboko v 1981 , vol. 1 , 166 . 28. Dostoevski i 1972-1988 , vol . 26, 140 . Cf. Hubb s 1988 , 216. 29. Naboko v 1981 , vol. 1 , 228. 30. Ibid. , 185 ; Pushkin 1962-66 , vol . 5, 86. 31. Cf . Hubb s 1988 , 216. 32. Naboko v 1981 , vol. 1 , 205; Pushkin 1962-66 , vol. 5, 100 . 33. Se e Rancour-Laferriere 1989a . 34. See , for exampl e Freud , SE, vol . 9, 220; Fenichel 1945 , 214. 35. Fo r a psychoanalytic interpretatio n o f Tat'iana' s dream , se e Rancour-Lafer riere 1989a . 36. I t is in an y cas e normal, cross-culturally , fo r th e object o f lov e in adulthoo d to b e a parenta l figur e fro m th e past . Biologists , anthropologists , an d psy chologists o f variou s stripe s (includin g o f cours e psychoanalysts ) hav e stud ied this phenomenon. Se e Rancour-Laferriere 1985 , 108ff. , 196ff . 37. Naboko v 1981 , vol. I, 161 ; Pushkin 1962-66 , vol. 5, 66. 38. Naboko v 1981 , vol. 1 , 3 0 4 - 5; Pushkin 1962-66 , vol . 5, 187 . 39. Pushki n 1 9 6 2 - 6 6 , 1 8 7 - 8 8 . 40. Naboko v 1981,305 . 41. Pushki n 1962-66,188 . 42. Naboko v 1981,306 . 43. Grossma n 1973 , 173. 44. Grossma n 1973 , 174 , 175 . Th e freedom/slaver y oppositio n als o play s a n important rol e i n Life and Fate. Se e Garrar d 1991b . Fo r Chaadaev' s influ ence on Grossman , se e Brun-Zejmis 1991 , 649-50. 45. Grossma n 1973 , 30. 46. Ibid. , 176-77 . 47. Ibid. , 180 . 48. Ibid. , 181 . 49. Se e Svirskii 1979 , 300. 50. O n thi s controversy , se e th e attac k b y Antonov , Klykov , an d Shafarevic h (1989) o n Anatoli i Anan'ev , wh o ha d publishe d Forever Flowing i n hi s journal Oktiabr' (h e wa s late r fired , the n reinstated) . Se e also : Bocharo v and Lobano v 1989 ; Anan'ev 1990 ; Garrard 1991a . 51. Anan'e v 1990 , 14 . 52. Grossma n 1973 , 175, 178 , 183 . Cf. als o 7 0 - 7 1 . NOTES T O CHAPTE R 5 1. Freud , SE, vol . 19 , 165. 2. Horne y 196 4 (1937) , 228, italics added .

NOTES TO CHAPTER 5 265 3. Freud , SE, vol. 2 2 , 1 0 6 - 7. 4. Freud , SE, vol. 19, 168. Cf. Dick s 1952 , 139. 5. Loewenstei n 1957 , 230. 6. Freu d 198 9 (1928), 47. 7. Freud , S£, vol. 19, 169. 8. See , for example : Bergle r 1949 ; Winnicott 1960 ; Kohut 1971 ; Dinnerstein 1976; Chodoro w 1978 ; Mahle r e t al . 1975 ; Rancour-Laferrier e 1985 , 196ff.; Brunswic k 1940 ; Fishe r an d Greenber g 1977 , 187ft ; Klei n 197 7 (1921-45); Greenber g an d Mitchell 1983 ; Asch 1988 ; Meyers 1988 ; Stern 1977; Koenigsber g 1989 ; Horner 1992 . 9. Bergle r 1949 , 5. The idea tha t th e painful experienc e i s a compulsive repetition o f som e previous experienc e goe s bac k o f cours e t o Freud's ide a o f the "repetition compulsion " ("Wiederholungszwang" ) a s a means o f masterin g previous trauma. Se e 98 herein . 10. Cf . Socaride s 1958 , 588. 11. Novic k an d Novick 1987 , 360. 12. Dinnerstei n 1976 , 166. Cf. Rancour-Laferrier e 1985 , 120; 260ff. 13. Se e Reik 1941 , 4 2 7 - 3 3. 14. Coope r 1988 , 120. 15. Kat z 1990 , 235. 16. Ster n 1977,122-23 . 17. See , for example : Freud , SE, vol. 14 , 127-29 ; Feniche l 1945 , 360ff. I n his later wor k Freu d cam e t o vie w masochis m a s a manifestatio n o f th e so called "deat h instinct " (e.g. , SE, vol. 19, 164, 170). Psychoanalysts hav e not received this idea with enthusiasm . 18. Biebe r 1966 , 268 . Compar e a scen e describe d b y McDevit t (1983 , 281) : "During hi s eighth month , whe n hi s father' s ar m interfere d wit h hi s wate r play, Peter tried to push i t aside and then bi t it. Later, when his mother said , "No," whe n h e started t o bite her, he bit himself instead. " 19. Biebe r 1966 , 267. 20. Feniche l 1945 , 542. 21. Freud , SE, vol. 18, 3 - 6 4. 22. A s phrased b y Cooper 1988 , 122. See also Bergler 1949. 23. Rei k (1941 , 156ff. ) i s very goo d o n th e assertivenes s an d defianc e inheren t in masochistic behavior . 24. Coope r 1988 , 123 . 25. Bergle r 1949 , 6, italics added . 26. Kernber g 1988 , 68 . 27. Ibid. , 69. 28. Bergle r 1949 , 203ff. 29. Kernber g 1988 , 63; cf. Asch 1988 , 110. 30. Berline r 1958 , 46. 31. Feniche l 1945 , 363. 32. Socaride s 1958 , 589. 33. Berline r 1958 , 44.

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34. Menake r 1979 , 66 . 35. Freud , SE, vol . 14 , 248. 36. Dostoyevsk y 1950 , 692; Dostoevskii 1972-88 , vol. 15 , 10. 37. Fedoto v 1975 , vol. 1 , 294. 38. Hun t 1974 , 333. 39. Kinse y et al . 196 5 (1953) , 677; Hun t 1974 , 333. 40. Fo r som e o f th e abundan t cross-cultura l evidenc e tha t me n typicall y hav e higher socia l statu s an d powe r tha n women , se e Rancour-Laferrier e 1985 , chap. 40 . 41. Se e Baumeister 1989 , 147ff . 42. Chance r 1992 , 29. 43. Freud , SE, vol. 19 , 161-62 . 44. Compare , fo r example , Deutsc h 193 0 wit h Blu m 1977 . Se e als o Rancour Laferriere 1985 , 280-82. 45. See , fo r example , Capla n 1985 , wh o suggest s tha t no t onl y i s ther e n o female masochism , ther e i s no suc h thin g a s masochism, period . 46. Kas s 1987 . 47. Rosewate r 1987 , 191. 48. Ibid. , 192 . 49. See , for example , the review o f th e research i n this are a b y Brody 1985 . 50. Rosewate r 1987 , 191. 51. Ibid. , 194 . 52. See , for example , Walker 1987 , 186 ; Walker an d Brown e 1985 , 186 . 53. Walke r an d Brown e 1985 , 187 . 54. Walke r 1987 , 186 . 55. Rancour-Laferrier e 1988a . 56. Asc h 1988 , 107 . For a discussion o f th e many problems involve d i n treatin g masochistic patients, see Panken 1973,143-95 . 57. Asc h 1988 , 108 . 58. Meyer s 1988 , 180 . 59. Ibid. , 1988,183-84 . 60. Ibid. , 184 . 61. See , fo r example : Coope r 1988 , 127 ; Capla n 1985 , 88 . Se e als o Baumeis ter's formulation : " I hurt, therefor e I am" (1989 , 75). 62. Stoloro w 1975 , 442 . Cf . Warre n 198 5 (104) , wh o argue s tha t masochist s "actively see k pai n becaus e feelin g pai n ha s becom e a n essentia l par t o f their identit y (e.g. , they se e themselves a s victims)." 63. Stoloro w 1975 , 443. 64. Baumeiste r 1989 , 201. 65. Baumeiste r attempt s t o reconcil e hi s theor y wit h Stolorow' s i n a somewha t different wa y (1989 , 195-99) . 66. Horne y 196 4 (1937) , 230 . Horne y credit s thi s ide a t o anothe r analyst , Erich Fromm . 67. From m 196 5 (1941) .

NOTES T O CHAPTER 5 267 68. Lane , Hull, and Foehrenbach 1991 , 399, italics added . 69. Ibid. , 397, italics added . 70. Warre n 1985 , 116 . 71. A s quoted b y Walicki 1989 , 248. 72. Leatherbarro w an d Offord 1987 , 105 . 73. Shafarevic h 1989 , 173 . 74. K o h u t l 9 7 1 . 75. Stoloro w 1975 , 444. Cf.: Berline r 1958 ; Menaker 1979 ; Loewenstein 1957. 76. Cf . Berger 1967 , 74 . 77. Avvaku m 197 9 (1673), 112. 78. Nyde s 1963 , 248. 79. Brenne r 1959 , 224. 80. See , for example, LaPlanche an d Pontalis 1973 , 414-15. 81. A s quoted b y Bolshakoff 1977 , 192, italics added . 82. Se e Rancour-Laferriere 1988b . 83. Bu t see Horney 1967 , 2 1 4 - 3 3; Bergler 1949 , 108; Cooper 1988 , 125 . 84. Conde e an d Padunov 1987 , 316. 85. Toporo v 1987 , 220. 86. Gromyk o 1991,126-29 . 87. Dal ' 1984 (1862), vol. 1, 162-63; cf. Illiustro v 1904 , 317ff. 88. Cf . th e discussio n o f Russia n "universa l guilt " i n Mea d 1951 , 2 7 - 2 9 , 91-93. 89. Tolsto i 1928-64 , vol . 23 , 469-70 , a s modifie d fro m th e translatio n b y Gustafson 1986 , 20. 90. Se e Laplanche an d Pontali s 1973 , 411. Tolstoy himsel f say s tha t h e is not certain whethe r thi s inciden t (an d som e other s i n thi s particula r memoir ) really too k plac e o r h e dreame d i t (469) . H e als o state s tha t h e doesn' t know whethe r th e inciden t too k plac e whil e h e wa s stil l nursin g an d les s than a yea r old , o r late r whe n h e ha d a n outbrea k o f sore s an d wa s swaddled t o prevent scratchin g (470) . 91. Se e especiall y Gore r an d Rickma n 1962 ; Benedic t 1949 ; Mea d 1954 ; Whiting 1981 ; Kluckhohn 1962 , 237ff. ; Erikso n 196 3 (1950) , 388-92 ; Dunn 1974 , 3 8 6 - 8 7; Lipto n e t al . 1965 ; Chisholm 1983 ; Dundes 1984 , 93ff. Fo r a rar e Sovie t contributio n o n th e swaddlin g hypothesis , se e Kon 1968, 222. 92. Dun n 1974 , 387. 93. Gore r i n Gorer an d Rickman 1962 , 123, 128 . 94. Se e especially Lipto n e t al. 1965 . 95. Kluckhoh n 1962 , 237-40 . 96. Bronfenbrenne r 1972 , 9 - 1 0. 97. Semenova-Tian-Shanskai a 1914 , 29.

268 NOTE

S T O CHAPTER 6

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 6 1. Dal'198 4 (1862) , vol. 1,341 . 2. Shafarevic h 1989 , 190 . 3. Moskovskie novosti, no . 43, 27 October 1991 , p. 2. 4. Literaturnaia gazeta, no . 33, 21 August 1991 , p. 1. 5. Gel'ma n 1992 , 24. 6. Se e especially Likhache v an d Panchenk o 1976 , and the discussion o f Fool s in Christ herein, 2 1 - 2 2 . 7. A s i n Nikola i Zlatovratskii' s narodni k nove l Foundations (195 1 [1878 83], 24). 8. Item s 1204 , 1240, 1244, 1681, 1685, 1716 in Barag et al. 1979. 9. Dal ' 1984, vol. 1, 343; Smirnov-Kutachevskii 1905 , 22. 10. Dal ' 1984, vol. 1 , 342. 11. Ibid. , 339, 343. 12. Merezhkovski i 1914 , vol. 15, 173 . 13. See , for example: Leroy-Beaulieu 1902-5 , vol. 2, 278ff., 384ff. ; Eklo f 1991 ; Worobec 1991 , 2 1 1 - 1 3; Kolchi n 1987 , 71-77 , 120-26 , 304 ; Belliusti n 1985 (1858) , 73; Hoch 1986 , 160-86; Evreino v 197 9 (1913?). For a plethora o f proverbs o n corporal punishment , se e Illiustrov 1904 , 327ff. There is an exceptionall y larg e entr y i n Dahl's dictionar y unde r th e verb "bit" ' ("t o beat," vol . 1 , 88-90) . Se e als o th e discussio n o f birc h rod s herein , 184 . There ar e indications tha t corpora l punishmen t o f childre n i s still commo n in Russi a (Gamaiuno v 1992) . Flogging was very common durin g the period o f serfdom. Fo r example, Hoch calculate s tha t fo r the period 1826—2 8 i n the village of Petrovskoe in Tambov province , ther e was a mean o f 0.27 floggings pe r adult worke r per year; base d o n thirtee n year s o f complet e dat a fo r th e mid-nineteenth cen tury i n Petrovskoe , "roughl y one-quarte r o f al l adult mal e serf s wer e disci plined a t least once during the course of a year" (Hoc h 1986 , 162-63). 14. Dal ' 1984 (1862), vol. 1, 347, 348. 15. Exampl e provide d b y Yuri Druzhnikov . Cf . English : "I t takes on e to kno w one" (thank s to Catherine Chvan y fo r this example) . 16. Dal ' 1984 (1862), vol. 1, 348. 17. Okudzhav a 1982 , 95. 18. Dal ' 1984 (1862), vol. 1, 346; Carey 1972 , 47. 19. Fo r a goo d overal l descriptio n (a s oppose d t o a scholarl y analysis ) o f th e figure of Iva n the Fool, see Siniavskii 1991 , 34ff. 20. Siniavski i 1991 , 34. 21. Meletinski i 1958 , 227. 22. Smirnov-Kutachevski i 1905 . 23. A positive outcom e i s naturally gratifyin g t o the listener. The nature o f thi s gratification ha s been abl y psychoanalyzed b y Bruno Bettelhei m i n his essay on "Th e Youngest Chil d a s Simpleton" (1977 , 102-11) .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 6 269 24. T o phras e thi s mor e i n term s o f Freud' s ke y essay o n "Joke s a n c | Thei r Relation t o th e Unconscious " (SE, vol. 8) , we ma y say : psychical energ y o r cathexis previousl y require d t o repres s bot h sadisti c impulse s (agains t ob jects in the outside world ) an d masochisti c fantasie s (especiall y self-humilia tion) i s free d u p b y th e figure o f th e fool , finding momentar y outle t i n th e physiological outburs t know n a s laughter . Th e behavio r o f Iva n th e foo l thus sets off psychologica l processe s which resembl e those occurring in wha t Freud calle d the "tendentiou s joke. " 25. Cf . Smirnov-Kutachevski i 1905 , 15. 26. No t al l Ivan s ar e fools , o f course . Ther e ar e other , differen t kind s o f Ivan s in Russia n folklore : Iva n th e tsar' s son , Iva n th e Bear' s ear , Iva n th e so n o f a bitch , Iva n th e Terrible , Iva n th e so n o f a mare , Iva n th e cow' s son , etc . Another wa y t o pu t thi s i s t o sa y tha t masochis m i s onl y on e aspec t o f Russian nationa l character . An interestin g variatio n o n foolis h Ivan' s nam e i s th e nam e Ibanov, invented b y th e anti-Sovie t satiris t Aleksand r Zinoviev , autho r o f The Yawning Heights (Zinov'e v 1976) . Al l character s i n thi s nove l ar e name d Ibanov. The y ar e a bunc h o f sa d sac k intellectual s livin g i n th e allegorica l land o f Ibans k (fro m "ebat' " ["fuck" ] an d "Ivan") , admirably translate d b y Edward J . Brow n (1982 , 381 ) a s "Fuckupia. " Al l th e masochist s o f Ibans k are, as it were, fucked up . The numerou s obscenitie s i n the novel justify thi s characterization. 27. Semenova-Tian-Shanskai a 1914 . 28. Gor'ki i 1937,154-63 . 29. Smirnov-Kutachevski i 1905 , 44. 30. Likhache v 1987 , vol. 2, 425-30 . 31. Meletinski j 1975 , 242; cf. als o Smirnov-Kutachevskii 1905 . 32. Likhache v 1987 , vol. 2, 428-29 . 33. Smirnov-Kutachevski i 1905 , 57. 34. Hubb s 1988 , 147 . 35. Se e Barag et al. 1979 , item 1677 . 36. Shergi n 1990 . 37. Rancour-Laferrier e 1985 , 200ff . 38. Cf . Ran k 197 3 (1929) , 112 . I wish t o than k m y studen t Elle n Creceliu s fo r bringing this reference t o m y attention . 39. Meletinski i 1958 , 223. 40. "Pech ' na m mat ' rodnaia. " Se e Dal ' 195 5 (1880-82) , vol . 3 , 108 . Some times th e ter m "pechka-matushka " i s use d (Eremin a 1991 , 158 ; cf . Hubb s 1988, 58) . Freu d liste d th e stov e an d ove n a s dream-symbol s fo r th e uteru s (SE, vol . 15 , 156 , 162) . Without mentionin g Freud , Toporko v ha s recentl y demonstrated th e uterin e significanc e o f th e stov e int o whic h a sic k chil d was suppose d t o b e inserte d fo r "re-baking " ("perepekanie" ) i n som e Eas t Slavic areas (1992 , 115) . See also Baiburin 199 3 (53-54 ) o n thi s topic . 41. Ther e i s a n ana l sub-moti f withi n th e categor y o f Russia n foolishness . W e have, fo r example , th e classi c Russia n self-deprecation : "Th e Russia n i s

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strong o n hindsight, " o r mor e literally , "i s stron g b y mean s o f th e rea r brain" ("Russki i chelove k zadni m umo m krepok") . A Russia n wh o i s be having foolishl y ma y b e characterize d a s "thinkin g wit h th e ass " ("dumat ' zhopoi"). The medieval Russia n "worl d o f laughter" (Likhachev ) als o sometimes featured a rear en d covere d wit h as h o r feces . 42. Se e Hubbs 1988 , 146-4 7 o n th e fool' s dependenc y o n hi s mother; Meletin skij 1975 , 238-39 ( = Meletinski i 1958 , 224ff.) o n his overall passivity . 43. Dal ' 198 4 (1862) , vol. 1 , 345, 340. The roo t morphem e -rod - is remarkabl y common amon g the proverbs abou t fools . 44. Smirnov-Kutachevski i 1905 , 22. 45. Dal ' 198 4 (1862) , vol. 1 , 341. 46. Ibid. , 339 . 47. Ibid. , 340 . 48. Th e closes t thin g t o a n exceptio n i s th e subgenr e o f obscen e tale s narrate d by men , th e so-calle d "zavetny e skazki. " Her e hostilit y towar d wome n i s frequently expresse d b y th e representatio n o f wome n a s "stupid " regardin g sexual matters . Fo r example : a young woman think s tha t i t is a piglet that a man i s puttin g unde r he r dres s (whe n i n fac t i t i s hi s penis) ; a gir l believe s that penise s ar e detachable ; a so n show s hi s fathe r tha t h e ca n ge t a retur n on hi s investment b y making a "horn y noblewoman " pa y fo r sex with him ; etc. (se e Afanas'e v 197 5 [1872]) . I t shoul d b e note d tha t th e misogynisti c sentiments o f thes e tales ar e often couple d wit h intens e castration anxiety . 49. Cf . Meletinski i 1958 , 239. 50. Afanas'e v 1984-85 , vol . 3 , 117 . Se e als o th e Andree v (1929 ) motif-index , no. 1685 , and Bara g et al. 197 9 (sam e no.). 51. Afanas'e v 1984-85 , vol. 3 , 116 , 117 . Cf. Meletinski j 1975 , 247. There ar e numerous psychologica l variant s o n thi s them e wher e th e her o gain s riche s not directl y b y mean s o f hi s mother' s dea d body , bu t b y destroyin g object s (a birc h tree , a stump , etc. ) whic h tur n ou t t o hav e mone y insid e them , o r underneath them . Thes e object s woul d appea r t o b e substitute s fo r th e maternal body . 52. Zeleni n 199 1 (1914) , 60 . 53. Onl y ver y rarel y doe s th e fool' s closenes s t o th e mothe r hav e an y sexua l overtones, e.g. : "Suc h a foo l i s th e ram : befor e th e feas t o f Sain t Pete r h e sucks hi s mother , the n afte r th e feas t o f Sain t Pete r h e fuck s her " ("Durak to baran : d o Petrova-dni a matk u soset , a posl e Petrova-dni a matk u ebet" ) (Carey 1972 , 47) . Th e rarit y o f reference s t o th e fool' s sexua l interactio n with th e mothe r (eve n i n th e openl y obscen e lore ) i s testimon y t o th e essentially pre-Oedipa l natur e o f hi s relationship wit h her . 54. Se e Barag et al. 1979 , item no . 1696 . 55. Afanasie v 1973 , 3 3 4 - 3 5. Fo r th e origina l Russian , se e Afanas'ev 1984-8 5 (1873), vol . 3 , 130-31 . I hav e correcte d som e infelicitie s i n th e Guterma n translation. 56. Thank s t o Yur i Druzhnikov fo r pointin g thi s out . 57. Baranskai a 1989 , 283.

NOTES TO CHAPTE R 7 271 58. Likhache v 1987 , vol. 2, 427. 59. Kruglo v 1988-89 , vol. 3, 400-403. 60. Tolsto i 1960-65 , vol . 10 , 4 8 - 5 4. Professo r Gar y Jahn o f th e Universit y o f Minnesota ha s pointe d ou t t o m e tha t th e Tolsto i varian t i s based o n a tal e collected b y Kirsha Danilo v i n the late eighteenth century . 61. Thank s t o Catherin e Chvan y fo r th e latter suggestion . NOTES T O CHAPTE R 7 1. A s quoted fro m a 198 2 issue of Kresfianka b y Bridger 1987 , 140 . 2. Se e Rozanov's Semeinyi vopros, 1903 , vol. 1 , 311-12 . 3. Dal'1984 , vol . 1,291 . 4. Stite s 199 0 (1978) , 7 . 5. E.g. , Semenova-Tian-Shanskaia 1914 , 19-20 . 6. Ibid. , 29 . 7. Ibid. , 6 . 8. Worobe c 1991 , 213. 9. Se e Cherniavsky 196 1 on th e ruler myt h i n tsarist Russia . 10. See , amon g others : Antonov-Ovseyenk o 1983 , 229 , 269 , 306 ; Rancour Laferriere 1988a , 112 ; Belkin 1991a , 4 . 11. Bolshakof f 1977 , 176-77 i s quotin g th e mysti c Alexande r Putilov , als o known a s Anthony (italic s added) . 12. Friedric h 1972 , 285. 13. Kuznetsov a 1980 , 98. 14. Hansso n an d Lide n 1983 , 153. 15. See , for example : Chodoro w 1978 ; Rancour-Laferriere 1985 , 260-67 . 16. Smit h 1973 ; Rancour-Laferrier e 1985 , 123-24 . Cf . Maksimenk o (1988) , who discusse s th e "matrifocalization " o f th e urba n Russia n famil y durin g the lat e Sovie t period. Bronfenbrenne r speak s o f th e "mother-centere d fam ily" an d eve n "matriarcha l patterns " i n the Soviet Union (1972 , 71 ff.). 17. Th e Sovie t anthropological/sociologica l tradition , influence d b y Johan n Bachofen's Das Mutterrecht (1861 ) an d Friedric h Engels' s The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State (1884) , ha s tende d t o suppor t a "matriarchal" theor y o f human origin s (see : Plotkin an d How e 1985 ; Khar chev 1979 , 10ff. ; Kosve n 1948 ; Matori n 1931 ; Meletinski j 1975 , 253 ; Reshetov 197 0 i s a darin g exception) . Th e boo k b y Kosven , title d The Matriarchate, alternate s betwee n eruditio n an d Stalinis t crudity . Eve n th e ex-Soviet feminis t Tatyan a Mamonov a speak s o f "matriarcha l Rus" ' an d the "matriarcha l root s i n Russia n folklore " (1989 , 3-8) . Professional anthropologist s i n th e Wes t an d variou s othe r scholar s have rightl y rejecte d th e notio n o f "matriarchy. " N o evidenc e ha s bee n found fo r a societ y characterize d b y matrifoca l famil y relations , matrilinea l inheritance, an d pervasiv e femal e dominanc e o f adult males . Se e Rancour Laferriere 1985 , 118—24 , fo r a revie w o f th e literature . A s feminis t Sherr y

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Ortner says , "th e searc h fo r a genuinel y egalitarian , le t alon e matriarchal , culture has proved fruitless " (1974 , 70). 18. Sakharo v 198 9 (1885), 5 0 - 5 1 . 19. Dick s 1952 , 143 . 20. Berdiae v 1971 , 10 . Earl y Berdiae v i s mor e revealin g o n thi s topic . Se e Berdiaev 199 0 (1918), 8-36. 21. Nekraso v 1967 , vol. 3, 244, as translated b y Gorodetzky 1973 , 78. 22. Man y o f the maternal phenomen a tha t I have enumerated i n this section are discussed b y Joann a Hubb s i n he r interestin g recen t boo k Mother Russia (1988). Th e enormou s literatur e o n motherhoo d an d mothe r imager y i n Russian cultur e als o includes, among others , the following valuabl e sources : Maksimov 1909 , vol. 18 , 259ff,; Rybako v 1981 , 379-92, 438-70 ; 1987 , 244-47, 4 3 7 - 3 8 ; Dick s 1952 ; Vaka r 1961 , 67ff.; Barke r 1986 ; Koga n 1982, 97-114 ; Strotman n 1959 ; Billington 1968 , 19-20; Dunha m 1960 ; Kalustova 1985 ; Fedotov 1975 , vol. 1, 11-20 , 296-98 , 3 4 8 - 5 1 , 358-62 ; vol. 2 , 135-39 ; Isaii a 1989 ; Matori n 1931 ; Uspenskii 1988 ; Dal' 195 5 (1880-82), vol. 2, 3 0 7 - 8; Ivanits 1989,15-16 , 2 0 - 2 1 ; Levi n 1991 ; Ransel 1988; 1991 ; Becker 1990 , HOff.; Siniavski i 1991 , 181-92. Th e figure o n "Heroine Mother " award s come s fro m a n anonymous articl e in Argumenty ifakty (3- 9 March 1990 , p. 1). 23. Drummon d an d Perkins 1987 , 26; Dreizin an d Priestly 1982 , 4 2 - 4 3; Ran cour-Laferriere 1985 , 226; Isacenko 1976 , 362-64; Uspenski i 1988. 24. Quote d b y Uspenski i 1988 , 215, from a collectio n o f lor e gathere d i n the Smolensk are a i n the late nineteenth century . 25. Uspenskii' s assertio n (1988 , 245) that the basis of mat is the image of a dog defiling mothe r eart h ha s historical validity . But the massive body o f historical an d comparativ e linguisti c evidenc e whic h Uspenski i bring s t o bea r o n the phras e "E b tvoi u mat' " i s no t somethin g today' s Russia n (o r an y Russian i n th e past) coul d possibl y hav e bee n awar e of . Th e Russia n wh o exclaims "E b tvoiu mat'! " i s not making learned allusions , but is expressing gut feelings abou t materna l sexuality . 26. Uspenski i 1988 , 210. 27. Siniavski i 1992 , 3. 28. Co e 1984, 4 4 - 5 8. 29. E.g. , Kanzer 1948 ; Besangon 1967 , 182-218. 30. Merezhkovski i 1914 , vol. 15, 145-66; cf. Cherniavsk y 1961 , 214. 31. Siniavski i 1974 , 183 . 32. Se e the poem "N a dne preispodnei" i n Markov an d Sparks 1967 , 520. 33. Solzhenitsy n 1975 , 358. 34. Se e Hackel 1975 , 174, 212. 35. Semenova-Tian-Shanskai a 1914 , 18 . 36. Ibid. , 19. 37. Dal ' 1984 (1862), vol. 1, 287. 38. Ibid. , 291.

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 7 273 39. I have argued elsewher e (Rancour-Laferrier e 1985 ) tha t this type of semiosi s is a cross-cultural universal . 40. Abandonmen t o f th e wif e i s anothe r alternativ e frequentl y resorte d t o b y men i n matrifoca l cultures . Fo r example , amon g th e Minankaba u o f Suma tra, o r th e Blac k Cari b o f Belize , or America n ghett o blacks , a ma n i s ver y likely t o abando n hi s mat e (Rancour-Laferrier e 1985 , 123-24 , 192-95) . I n Russia abandonmen t di d no t becom e widesprea d unti l th e Sovie t period , but a husban d coul d alway s legitimatel y expres s hostilit y b y beatin g th e mother o f hi s children . Indeed , a ma n wh o neither bea t a woma n nor abandoned he r was considered a strange fello w (se e 15 4 herein) . 41. Dick s 1960 , 643. 42. Cf . Dick s 1952 , 143 , 145. 43. A n exceptio n woul d b e the "tsar-father, " wh o wa s sometime s sai d t o suffe r in Christlik e fashio n (e.g. , Cherniavsk y 1961 , 187 ; Zhivo v an d Uspenski i 1987). 44. Nekraso v 1967 , vol. 3, 240. 45. Thompso n 1989 , 503. 46. Pasterna k 198 9 (1956) , 294. 47. Dick s 1960 , 643. 48. A s quoted b y Merezhkovskii 1914 , vol. 15 , 159. 49. Koenigsber g 1977 , 6 . 50. Billingto n 1968 , 20. 51. Dostoievsk y 194 9 (1877) , vol. 2, 846 . 52. Nekraso v 1967 , vol. 2, 274. 53. A s quoted b y Gray 1990 , 168 . 54. Hansso n an d Lide n 1983 , 16. 55. Siniavski i 1991 , 185. 56. Ivanit s 1989 , 21. 57. Strotman n 1959 , 195 . 58. Ibid. , 195 . 59. Isaii a 1989 , 122 . 60. Ibid. , 123 . 61. Solov'e v 1966-69 , vol. 9, 188 . 62. Siniavski i 1991 , 186. 63. Uspenski i 1988 , 272. 64. Se e 14 1 herein . 65. Hubb s 1988 , 112 . 66. Fo r exampl e Matori n 1931 , 5; Kovalevski i 1895 , 150 . 67. Dal ' 198 4 (1862) , vol. 1 , 294, 302 . 68. Ibid. , 274 . 69. Nekraso v 1967 , vol. 2, 371; cf. Held t 1987 , 34. 70. Held t 1987 , 35. 71. Lermonto v 1961-62 , vol. 4, 396. 72. Tolsto i 1960-65 , vol. 7, 298, 301.

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73. Pasterna k 1989 , 4 7 - 4 8. 74. Akhmatov a 1973 , 98. 75. Gromyk o 1989 , 16 . Warne r an d Kustovski i ar e particularl y clea r an d informative o n Russia n laments : 1990 , 3 8 - 4 9, 7 1 - 7 7, 8 1 - 8 6 , 1 0 5 - 6 . 76. Pushki n 1962-66 , vol. 7, 287. 77. Efimenk o 1884 , 81. 78. Ibid. , 83. 79. Kuznetsov a 1980 , 50 . 80. Ibid. , 109 . 81. Ibid. , 150 . 82. Kharche v 1970 , 18 . 83. Sysenk o 1981 , 7,27 . 84. Worobe c 1991 , 177. 85. Elsewher e (Rancour-Laferrier e 1985 , 247—59) I have develope d a sociobi ological explanatio n fo r why , cross-culturally , femal e deferenc e tend s t o go with mal e dominance . 86. E.g. , Myl'nikova an d Tsintsius 1926 , 147 ; Worobec 1991 , 167-70 . 87. A s quoted fro m th e tsarist la w cod e of 185 7 by Kharchev 1979 , 123 . 88. E.g. , Pevi n 1893 , 247 ; Semenova-Tian-Shanskai a 1914 , 68 ; Myl'nikov a and Tsintsius 1926 , 147 . 89. Worobe c 1991 , 187. 90. Ibid. , 188 . 91. Dal ' 198 4 (1862) , vol. 1 , 289, 290, 291, 293. 92. Worobe c 1991 , 189. 93. Efimenk o 1884 , 114 . 94. Worobe c 1991 , 189. 95. Kollman n 1991 , 70, italics added . 96. Semenova-Tian-Shanskai a 1914 , 6 . 97. Dal ' 198 4 (1862) , vol. 1 , 288, 290, 291. 98. Efimenk o 1884 , 82 . 99. Krafft-Ebin g 1929 , 36. 100. Kovalevsk y 1891,45 . 101. Ralsto n 1872 , 10 . 102. A s defined b y Laplanche an d Pontali s 1973 , 335. 103. SE, vol . 17 , 45. 104. Maksimenk o 1988 , 145 . 105. Freud , SE, vol . 17 , 47. 106. Rancour-Laferrier e 1985 , 277. 107. Nemilo v 193 2 (1930) , 130 . 108. Th e sam e i s tru e o f th e ver b "parit" ' ("t o steam, " "t o beat" ) (Baiburi n 1993, 73) . 109. D e Armond 1971 , 103. 110. H e migh t li e on to p o f he r al l nigh t long , bu t stil l h e would no t b e abl e t o perform. Cf . Semenova-Tian-Shanskai a 1914 , 14 . 111. Informatio n provide d b y Yuri Druzhnikov .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 7 27

S

112. Horne y 1967 , 223-24 . 113. Hansso n an d Lide n 1983 , 24, italics added . 114. Attwoo d 1990 , 212 . Th e "doubl e burden " i s no t a n altogethe r Sovie t invention. Russia n wome n wh o labore d i n factorie s befor e th e Bolshevi k Revolution ofte n complaine d abou t it . Ros e Glickma n quote s a woma n textile worke r who , i n 1908 , declared : "W e wome n hav e tw o burdens . A t the factor y w e serv e th e boss , an d a t hom e th e husban d i s ou r ruler . Nowhere d o the y se e th e woma n a s a rea l person " (Glickma n 1984 , 26) . Christine Worobe c ha s als o pointe d t o precursor s o f th e woman' s doubl e burden i n post-emancipation peasan t life , e.g. , field work adde d t o domes tic labor durin g the short harves t seaso n (Worobe c 1991 , 206-8). 115. Th e audienc e oblige s with "prolonge d applause. " Se e Brezhnev 1977 , 1 . 116. Hansso n an d Lide n 1983 , 15. 117. Lapidu s points out that in 194 6 there were 59 men for every 10 0 women i n the 3 5 - 59 ag e group (1988 , 91). For mor e figures, se e Buckley 1989 , 189 . 118. Lapidu s 1988 , 9 2 - 9 3 . Se e als o Kharche v an d Golo d 1971 , 42, 137 ; Zas lavskaya 1990 , 94 . 119. Lapidu s 1988 , 93 ; Iankov a 1975 , 43 ; Kuznetsov a 1980 , 19 ; Sysenk o 1981, 76; Shlapentok h 1984 , 179 ; Shinelev a 1990 , 35 ; Arutiunia n 1992 , 171. Althoug h employmen t i s o f intrinsi c valu e t o a woman , i t i s o f eve n greater valu e t o a man . Fo r example , Boik o (1988 , 103 ) foun d that , i n a large sample of Leningraders , a good position a t work i s rated significantl y higher b y men tha n b y women . 120. Hansso n an d Lide n 1983 , 165. 121. See , for exampl e Lapidus 1978 , 171ff.; 1988 , 9 3 - 9 9 . 122. Tereshkov a 1987 , 3. For a detailed analysi s of women' s labo r i n the Sovie t countryside, see Bridger 1987 . 123. Goskomsta t 1990 , 4 1, 42. 124. Shinelev a 1990 , 47. 125. Ibid. , 37 . 126. Lapidu s 1988 , 103. 127. Iankov a (1978 , 99 ) say s wome n i n urba n area s spen d 3 0 - 3 5 hour s pe r week o n domesti c work, wome n i n rural area s 4 5 - 55 hours , and me n 1 5 20 hours . Kharche v (1979 , 281 ) cite s som e Leningra d dat a showin g tha t women spen d 30. 5 hour s pe r week , me n 10.5 . See also Shlapentokh 1984 , 191-93; Bridge r 1987 , 101 , 108-13. 128. The World's Women (1991) , 101 , table 7 . 129. Robinso n e t al . 1989 , 133 . 130. Shlapentok h 1984 , 190 . 131. Remennic k 1993 , 51. 132. Goskomsta t 1990 , 4 2 - 4 3 . 133. Isp a 1983 , 5. 134. Iankov a 1978 , 78, 108 . 135. Alexandrov a 1984 , 49. 136. Marshal l 1991 , 6.

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137. Sarnof f 1988 , 209 . Cf . Feniche l 1945 , 364 ; Leite s 1979 , 14-15 ; Asc h 1988,100,113. 138. Lapidu s 1988 , 107 . 139. Peer s 1985 , 124 ; cf . Allot t 1985 , 196 , who speak s of th e "parasiti c behav iour" o f man y Sovie t men . 140. Iankov a 1975 , 48. 141. Sysenk o 1981 , 53, referrin g t o th e wor k o f A . E . Kotlia r an d S . la . Tur chaninova. 142. Khang a 1991 , A15. 143. Kuznetsov a 1988 , 47. 144. See , for example , Allott 1985 . 145. G o l o d l 9 8 4 , 5 1 . 146. Sysenk o 1981 , 86. 147. Hansso n an d Lide n 1983 , 191. 148. A s quoted i n a n intervie w with Felik s Medvedev 1992 , 97. 149. Quote d b y Merezhkovskii 1914 , vol. 15 , 148. 150. Gra y 1990 , 39. 151. Ibid. , 47 . 152. Hansso n an d Lide n 1983 , 183. 153. Iankov a 1978 , 111. 154. Ibid. , 9 9 155. Leni n 1958-65 , vol. 39, 202. 156. Ibid. , 2 4 (italic s Lenin's). Cf. Iankov a 1978 , 99. 157. Leni n 1958-65 , vol. 39, 202. 158. Se e also Lenin 1958-65, vol . 42, 368-69 . 159. Engel s 198 5 (1884) , 105 . Engels i s famous fo r comparin g th e woman i n a marriage t o th e exploite d proletariat , th e ma n t o a n exploitin g bourgeoi s (ibid.). Engels als o regarde d th e bourgeoi s marriag e a s a financia l transac tion i n whic h th e husban d essentiall y supporte d a prostitute fo r life . Fo r a very informativ e essay o n th e attitude s o f earl y Marxis t theoretician s toward th e women's movement , se e Meyer 1977 . 160. Hansso n an d Lide n 1983 , 76. 161. A s translate d b y Mar y Buckle y fro m th e stenographi c repor t o f a confer ence of th e wives of shoc k worker s hel d i n 193 6 (Buckle y 1989 , 116) . 162. Iurkevic h 1970 , 192 , as translated b y Lapidus 1988 , 113. 163. Se e especially Buckle y 1989 , 136 . 164. Rancour-Laferrier e 1985 , 108ff . 165. Boik o 1988 , 103. 166. Iankov a 1979 , 110 . Cf . Shlapentok h 1984 , 203 . Th e figure s give n b y Arutiunian (1992 , 182-83 , tabl e 18 ) appea r t o indicat e that , th e mor e respondents sa y th e wif e make s th e majo r decision s i n th e family , th e les s stable the marriage i s likely to be . 167. A s cited b y Maksimenko 1988 , 152 . 168. Ibid . 169. Kharche v 1979 , 258.

NOTES T O CHAPTER 7 277 170. Allot t 1985 , 197 . 171. Dunha m 1960 , 481. 172. A s translated b y Dunham 1979 , 223. 173. Hansso n an d Liden 1983 , 13 . 174. See , for example: Kharche v 1979 , 222; Kuznetsova 1980 , 167. 175. Molodtso v 1976 , 11 . 176. Iankov a 1978 , 128 . 177. Boik o 1988 , 201. 178. K o n l 9 7 0 , 11. 179. A s quoted fro m a 198 2 issue of Kresfianka b y Bridger 1987 , 135 . 180. Khripkov a an d Kolesov 1981 , 120-21 . 181. Zhukhovitski i 1984 . Compar e Kharche v (1979 , 222) , wh o say s tha t a woman i s disappointe d an d humiliate d whe n he r husban d trie s t o ru n away fro m hi s traditional rol e of moral superiorit y an d responsibility, tha t is, when h e attempts t o "surpas s he r in weakness." 182. Grafov a 1984 , 13. 183. A s quoted fro m a 197 7 issue of Nedelia b y Attwood 1990 , 167. 184. Ko n 1970, 11, italics added . 185. Zhukhovitski i 1984 , 12, italics added . 186. Vaksber g 1965 , 2. 187. Iurkevic h 1970 , 193ff . 188. Dunha m 1979 , 216, 218, italics added . 189. Afanas'e v 197 5 (1872), 4 5 - 4 9 . 190. Dal ' 1984 (1862), vol. 1, 275. 191. Platono v 1984-85 , vol. 2,178-204. 192. Fro m Kon' s intervie w with Laris a Kuznetsov a 1980 , 189. 193. Attwoo d 1990 , 95 . 194. Bu t se e Kharche v 1979 , 201—2, 230 , wher e impotenc e i s explicitl y (bu t very briefly ) discussed . In hi s recen t boo k o n sexolog y Ko n say s tha t "i n contemporar y society" (h e doe s no t refe r specificall y t o Russia n o r Sovie t society ) "th e emancipation o f women " ca n sometime s caus e "psychogeni c impotence " in me n reare d accordin g t o traditiona l idea s o f mal e dominance . Se e Kon 1988, 120—21 . Fo r a detaile d theoretica l discussio n o f th e cause s o f psy chogenic impotence, see Rancour-Laferriere 1985 , 317-30. 195. A s quoted b y Francine du Plessix Gra y 1990 , 76. 196. Fo r detailed argument s o n this topic, see my Signs of the Flesh (1985) . 197. Nemilo v 193 2 (1930), 194-95 , italics added . 198. Attwoo d 1990 , 127. 199. Lapidu s 1978 , 288. 200. See , for example : Kharche v 1970 , 18 ; Kharche v an d Golo d 1971 , 162, 163; Lapidu s 1978 , 287 ; Iankov a 1978 , 126 ; Attwoo d 1990 , 170ff. ; Boiko 1988 , 194. 201. Hol t 1980 , 45. 202. Hansso n an d Liden 1983 , xv.

278 NOTE

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203. Bridge r 1987,136-38 . 204. Baranskai a 198 9 (1969) , 301. 205. Hansso n an d Lide n 1983 , 16. 206. Sysenk o 1981 , 67. 207. Fo r example , Rodzinskaia 1981 , 109; Bridger 1987 , 138ff . 208. Attwoo d 1990 , 177 ; Kuznetsov a 1987 , 23 . Cf . Shlapentok h 1984 , 208 ; Bridger 1987 , 142ff . 209. Shlapentok h 1984 , 182 ; Bridger 1987 , 142ff . 210. Gra y 1990 , 69 . 211. Fo r example : Gra y 1990 , 59; Allott 1985 , 197; Shineleva 1990 , 84 . 212. See , fo r example , a cartoo n b y A . Gartvic h whic h appeare d o n th e bac k page of Literaturnaia gazeta, 8 May 1991 . 213. Goldber g 1992 , 8 . 214. Gra y 1990 , 83. 215. Mamaladz e 1985 , 11. 216. Lapidu s 1988 , 111 ; Shlapentokh 1984 , 176 . 217. See , for example , Sysenko 1981 , 77; Boiko 1988 , 209; Buckley 1989 , 197 . 218. Zaslavskay a 1989 , 137 . 219. Ibid . 220. Zaslavskay a 1990 , 95. 221. E.g. , Shineleva 1990 , 84 . 222. Thank s t o Barbar a Milma n fo r th e algebra . 223. A s quoted fro m Izvestiia b y Buckley 1989 , 203. 224. Quote d fro m a flye r publishe d i n Women East-West, September , 1991 , p. 17 . 225. Scot t 1992 , 18 . 226. Heuve l 1992 , 13. 227. Arutiunia n 1992 , 189 . 228. Se e Gurova 1992 , 10 ; Azhgikhina 1993 . 229. Goldber g 1992 , 8 . NOTES T O CHAPTE R 8 1. Amon g th e observe d physiologica l effect s o f th e bani a o n th e bathe r are : increased pulse , increased respirator y rate , slightly increase d bod y tempera ture, significan t decreas e i n bod y weigh t (du e t o heav y perspiration) , de creased muscl e strength , etc . Flagellation b y mean s o f th e veniki supposedl y increases peripheral bloo d circulation . Se e Godlevskii 1883 . 2. Shukshi n 1975 , vol. 1 , 447. 3. A s quoted b y Cross 1991 , 34. 4. Oleariu s 196 7 (1656) , 161. 5. Kabano v 1986 , 136 . 6. Smit h 1976 , 117 , 118 . 7. Dal ' 195 5 (1880-82) , vol. 1 , 45.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 8 279 8. Dal ' 1984 (1862), vol. 1, 170, 173 . 9. Dal ' 1955 (1880-82), vol. 1, 45. 10. Zeleni n 199 1 (1927), 284. 11. Se e Ivanits 1989 , 6 0 , 1 6 1 - 6 2. 12. Thank s to Gary Rosenshiel d fo r pointing ou t this passage .

13. Dal' 1984 (1862), vol. 1, 170. 14. Dal' 1955 (1880-82), vol. 1, 45, 331. 15. Dal' 1984 (1862), vol. 1, 193.

16. Zoshchenk o 1978 , vol. 1, 107-9 . 17. Selivano v 1990 , Illustrations 6 0 and 61. 18. Dal ' 1955 (1880-82), vol. 1 , 83. 19. Fo r examples o f floggin g b y means o f the birch, see : Kolchin 1987 , 73, 76, 124, 262 ; Belliustin 198 5 (1858) , 73 . Steven Hoc h (1986 ) report s that , o f 4,187 recorde d instance s o f punishmen t mete d ou t to serf s o n the estate of Petrovskoe in Tambov provinc e i n the early to mid-nineteenth century , 97.8 percent consiste d o f whipping b y means of a birch ro d ("rozga") . 20. Dal ' 1984 (1862), vol. 1, 173. 21. Ibid. , 175. 22. Dal ' 1955 (1880-82), vol. 1 , 83 . 23. See : Sakharov 198 9 (1885), 347ff. ; Shei n 1898 , 344ff.; Shapovalov a 1977 ; Sokolova 1979 , 188ff.; Gromyk o 1986 , 181-93; Gromyko 1991 , 345-60; Bernshtam 1988 , 175ff.; Zeleni n 199 1 (1927), 153 , 395; Propp 1963 , 58ff. , 75ff., 95ff. ; Prop p 1975 , 7; Hubb s 1988 , 71-74; Brudny i 1968 , 97-100; Warner an d Kustovski i 1990 , 2 8 - 3 0; Arutiunia n 1992 , 394; Stites 1992 , 114, 140 , 172 . See also Robert a Reeder' s informativ e comment s t o Prop p 1975, 8Iff . 24. Okudzhav a 1992 , 5. The subtext i s the titl e o f a Sovie t film "Ther e I s No Peace Beneath the Olives" (thank s to Yuri Druzhnikov fo r this information) . 25. E.g. , Propp 1961 , 298. Tree name s wer e utilize d a s signal s durin g match making ceremonie s (Dal ' 1955 , vol. 1 , 83) . The droop y flexibilit y o f th e birch probabl y explain s wh y "birch " wa s a cod e wor d fo r "yes " durin g matchmaking, whil e the inflexible uprightnes s o f the pine, fir, and oak is the likely reaso n wh y thes e tree s represente d a negativ e repl y t o th e match maker. 26. Klima s 1991. 27. Prop p 1963 , 77. 28. Komarovic h 198 2 (1936), 9. 29. Fo r example Matori n 1931 , 22. 30. Tolstai a 1992 , 22. 31. Bernshta m 1988 , 175 . 32. Friedric h 1970 , 157-58. 33. Ther e i s also a series o f folktale s i n which a fool chop s ope n th e trunk o f a birch tre e an d finds treasur e ther e (e.g. , Afanas'ev 1984-8 5 [1873] , vol. 3, 128-29). 34. Shei n 1898 , 344.

280 NOTE

S TO CHAPTER 8

35. Fo r example Dmitriev a 1988 , 212. 36. Translate d fro m Shei n 1898 , 346. 37. Dmitriev a (1988 , 209-12) suggest s that ritua l steamin g with birc h venik i in the bani a i s connected t o ancient worshi p o f a birch-totem. Th e psychoanalytic theor y bein g offere d her e woul d see m t o complemen t thi s hypothesi s because i t posit s tha t bot h th e birc h tre e an d the bani a ar e maternal icon s tied t o sadomasochisti c ideas . Tha t is , the hypothesise d historica l connec tion i s supported b y a psychological connection . 38. Dal ' 1955 (1880-82), vol. 1, 45. Cf. Vahros 1966 , 25. 39. Illiustro v 1904 , 308. 40. Gra y 1990 , 207. 41. Dal ' 1955 (1880-82), vol. 2, 307. 42. ANSSS R 1950-65 , vol. 2, 494. 43. Hubb s 1988 , 56. 44. Ran k 196 4 (1914), 38. 45. Fo r example : Niederlan d 1956-57 ; Dunde s 1986 ; Rancour-Laferrier e 1993c. Fo r a n interestin g recen t stud y o f wate r imager y i n Dostoevsky' s Crime and Punishment, se e Syrkin 1991. 46. Kabano v 1986 , 137 . 47. Othe r place s wher e wome n woul d giv e birt h include d th e peasan t hu t (sometimes insid e o f th e larg e stove) , a cattl e she d o r storehouse , or , a t harvest time , an open fiel d or woods. Scholars do not always agree on which place wa s th e mos t commonl y use d fo r childbirth . Ther e was , no doubt , much regiona l variation , wit h th e bani a apparentl y predominatin g a s a birthing sit e in the more northern an d central regions . See: Pokrovskii 1884, 41ff.; Rei n 1889 , 8ff.; Zeleni n 199 1 (1927) , 319-22 ; Baiburi n 1993 , 9 1 ; Dunn 1974 , 385; Ramer 1978 , 229; Ransel 1988 , 267. 48. Dal ' 1955 (1880-82), vol. 1, 45. 49. Pokrovski i 1884 , 4 1. 50. Dal ' 1955 (1880-82), vol. 1, 45. 51. Ranse l (1991 , 116 ) cites several ethnographi c source s o n the ritual unclean liness o f birthin g mothers . Cf . Pokrovski i 1884 , 4 1 - 4 8; Rei n 1889 , 10; Baiburin 1993 , 91ff. 52. Ranse l 1991 , 116. Cf. Rei n 1889 , 18 . 53. Ambodi k 1784 , part I , xviii. 54. Sanche s 1779 , llff . 55. Ambodi k 1784 , part I , xxiii. 56. Cf . on e curren t meanin g o f th e ver b "parit', " i.e. , "t o flog" (Gamaiuno v 1992, 13). 57. Pokrovski i 1884 , 42 , 46 , 77-78 , 83-88 . Cf . Ranse l 1991 , 117 ; Dun n 1974, 389. 58. Martynov a 1978 , 181 . 59. Listov a 1989 , 148. Cf. Pokrovski i 1884 , 46. 60. Listov a 1989 , 148 . 61. Pokrovski i 1884 , 47.

NOTES TO CHAPTE R 8 281 61. Ibid. , 84 . 63. Cros s 1991 , plates 1 , 3, 8 . 64. Likhache v an d Panchenk o 1976 , 73. 65. Kabano v 1986 , 136 . 66. Masso n 1800 , vol. 2, 119 . 67. Ibid. , 120 . 68. Genne p 1960 , 130 . 69. Zelenin , however , mention s case s wher e no t th e girlfriends , bu t a mal e sorcerer ("znakhar ' " ) woul d was h th e nake d brid e t o protec t he r fro m evi l influences (199 1 [1927] , 340). Cf . als o Myl'nikov a an d Tsintsiu s 1926 , 66, 68;Baiburinl993, 73 . 70. Fo r example : Pevi n 1893 ; Myl'nikov a an d Tsintsiu s 1926 , 6 0 - 6 9 ; Vahro s 1966, 136 , 168ff. ; Prop p 1975 , 2 1 - 2 3 ; Pushkarev a an d Shmelev a 1974 , 348; Worobec 1991 , 161-62; Zori n 1981 , 9 3 - 9 5. 71. Se e especially: Kolesnitskai a an d Telegin a 1977 ; Gvozdikov a an d Shapova lova 1982 . Durin g part s o f th e marriag e sequenc e beside s th e prenuptia l bath th e "krasota " coul d tak e form s othe r tha n a headpiece , e.g. , a littl e birch tre e o r a littl e fir tree . Ther e i s considerabl e potentia l fo r furthe r psychoanalytic stud y here . 72. Kolpakov a 1973 , 254. 73. Bernshta m 1988 , 242 ff. ; cf . id . 1978 , 52, 6 7 - 6 8 . 74. Se e Engel 1989 , 2 3 1 - 3 3. 75. See : Rancour-Laferrier e 1989a , 238-40 ; Bernshta m 1991 . I n som e area s the ver y nightshir t th e brid e wor e t o consummat e he r marriag e wa s calle d "kalina," i.e. , "snowbal l berry " (Worobe c 1991 , 170). 76. Cf . Baiburin' s characterizatio n o f a woman's marriag e a s deprivation o f he r right t o furthe r participat e i n youthfu l carousals , i.e. , "nastupleni e nevoli " (1993, 69) . 77. Myl'nikov a an d Tsintsiu s 1926 , 67. 78. Ibid . Cf . Smirno v 1877 , 28. 79. Worobe c 1991 , 161. 80. Kolpakov a 1973 , 230, 231. 81. Pushkarev a an d Shmelev a (1974 , 348 ) spea k o f a ritua l o f "beatin g of f th e dawn" ("otbivani e zor'" ) befor e th e wedding . 82. Kolpakov a 1973 , 231. 83. Gvozdikov a an d Shapovalov a 1982 , 271. 84. I n th e marriag e lyric s ther e ar e numerou s use s o f th e wor d "alien " ("chuz hoi") t o characteriz e th e bride's ne w in-law s (e.g. , Kolpakova 1973 , 26, 59, 62, 97, etc.). 85. Istomi n 1892 , 141. 86. Kolpakov a 1973 , 260; cf. Pevi n 1893 , 233. 87. Ther e was eve n a possibility tha t sh e might i n the near futur e giv e birth t o a child i n th e sam e bania , althoug h thi s wa s muc h les s likel y becaus e sh e would b e living with he r husband's famil y elsewhere . 88. Prop p 1961 , 268.

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89. Se e Propp 1975 , 22. 90. Kolpakov a 1973 , 232. 91. See : Pevin 1893 , 232; Worobec 1991 , 161. 92. Genne p 1960 , 132 . 93. Gvozdikov a an d Shapovalov a 1982 , 272. 94. Se e especially Eremin a 1991 . 95. Moyl e 1987 , 229. 96. Man y ethnographi c an d folkloristi c discussion s of the bania hav e in the pas t focused o n it s "unclean " an d "pagan " aspects , rather tha n o n th e masochis tic aspect. The bania wa s devoid o f Christia n icons , for example , or one wa s not suppose d t o g o t o churc h o n th e sam e da y tha t on e wen t t o th e bania. Th e bani a ha d it s ow n demon-in-residence , terme d a "bannik " o r "baennik" (jus t a s mos t othe r significan t place s i n Russia n traditiona l cul ture had thei r specia l spirits : the peasant hu t ha d it s "domovoi, " th e thresh ing-barn it s "ovinnik, " th e fores t it s "leshii, " bodie s o f water a "vodianoi, " the open field a "polevoi, " etc.) . The bannik an d other loca l demons would themselve s take steam baths , preferring t o b e fourt h i n lin e afte r thre e round s o f steamin g b y human s ( a person wh o trie d t o g o fourt h migh t b e burne d o r eve n kille d b y th e bathhouse demon) . Variou s witches , evi l spirits , an d unclea n dea d migh t gather i n th e bania . On e wa s no t suppose d t o mak e lou d noise s there . Bot h the mothe r wh o gav e birt h ther e an d he r midwif e wer e considere d unclea n until the y performe d a specia l cleansin g ceremony , usuall y a join t hand washing. A mother' s newbor n chil d coul d no t b e lef t i n th e bania , fo r fea r an evi l spiri t migh t stea l i t befor e i t coul d b e baptized . An d s o on . See , fo r example Maksimo v 1909 , vol . 18 , 5 1 - 5 7 ; Vahro s 1966 , 7 9 - 9 5 ; Ivanit s 1989, 5 9 - 6 0 ; Levi n 1991 ; Zeleni n 199 1 (1927) , 283-85 , 319ff. ; Listov a 1989. These belief s revea l a n overal l sens e o f uneas e abou t th e bania , an d they ar e n o doub t relate d t o th e ver y rea l danger s associate d wit h it s use . For example , people wer e know n t o suffocat e i n th e bania , mos t likel y a s a result o f carbo n monoxid e poisonin g fro m lac k o f ventilatio n an d imprope r timing i n firing th e stove . Thi s dange r woul d hav e a certai n appea l t o a masochist, althoug h i t wa s hardl y th e primar y aspec t o f th e bani a whic h appealed t o masochisti c impulses . The mos t dangerou s even t to occur i n a bania wa s o f cours e childbirth . Mother and/o r chil d coul d die , o r som e complicatio n coul d occur , leadin g to seriou s illness . Furthermore , ther e wa s littl e tha t coul d b e done . Natur e took it s cours e becaus e peasan t midwive s wer e largel y ignoran t o f rea l medicine. Superstitio n thrive s o n a soi l o f fea r compounde d b y ignorance . Even withou t complication s childbirt h wa s painful . Wome n suffere d un speakable torment s givin g birt h i n th e bania . Th e ritua l postpartu m cleans ing must have helped th e participants suppres s some very unpleasant memo ries. Th e rul e tha t on e wa s suppose d t o spea k quietl y an d avoi d an y nois y

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 9 283 behavior i n a bani a wa s undoubtedl y connecte d t o th e fac t tha t a woma n screamed he r hear t ou t whil e givin g birt h there . The notio n tha t th e banni k could d o painfu l thing s t o yo u wa s probabl y relate d t o th e intens e pai n o f childbirth, fo r th e newbor n wa s typicall y referre d t o a s a "littl e devil " ("chertenok"). The various superstitions an d apotropai c practices concerning the bani a would themselve s mak e a n interestin g subjec t fo r detaile d psychoanalyti c study. Fo r th e mos t par t the y ar e no t connecte d t o masochism , however , which i s why I am no t investigatin g the m here . Masochism play s ver y littl e role when ther e i s absolutely n o choice . One di d no t have t o stea m an d bea t oneself wit h veniki , but, whe n labo r started , a woman had t o endure . NOTES T O CHAPTE R 9 1. Fo r example , Ala n Rolan d (1988 ) write s abou t th e "we-self " o f Japa n an d India, a s oppose d t o th e "I-self " o f Wester n countries . Triandi s (1990 ) provides a n extensiv e surve y o f th e sophisticate d empirica l studie s whic h have bee n don e o n individualis m an d collectivis m i n a variet y o f cultures . Unfortunately, almos t nothin g i s sai d abou t Russia . I t i s clea r fro m wha t Triandis says , however, tha t ethni c Russian s woul d fi t a t the collectivist en d of th e spectrum . Fo r example , Triandi s finds tha t a shar p distinctio n be tween "ingroup " an d "outgroup " characterize s collectivis m (56). Thi s ter minology perfectl y reflect s th e importan t cultura l oppositio n o f "svoi " ("own") vs . "chuzhoi " ("other" ) i n Russia . Inkeles, Hanfmann , an d Beie r (1958) , utilizin g som e standar d psycho logical tests , foun d a muc h stronge r nee d fo r affiliation i n a sampl e o f former Sovie t Russia n citizen s tha n i n a comparabl e sampl e o f America n subjects. Urie Bronfenbrenner' s boo k Two Worlds of Childhood: U.S. and U.S.S.R. (1972 ) provide s substantia l documentatio n o f the contrast betwee n the collectivis t orientatio n o f chil d upbringin g ("vospitanie" ) i n Sovie t Rus sia an d th e somewha t haphazar d individualis m fostere d b y America n chil d rearing. Boris Sega l (1990 ) demonstrate s a n awarenes s o f th e cross-cultura l studies, an d explicitl y discusse s th e "communa l spiri t tha t wa s th e founda tion o f the old Russia n society " a s well as the "lo w degre e of individualism " in Soviet society (503) . 2. Se e Esaulov 199 2 who , althoug h h e argue s tha t th e extreme s o f sobornost' and totalitarianis m ar e "tw o face s o f Russia n culture, " doe s no t dea l wit h the underlying masochis m tha t unite s the apparen t polarity . 3. Gromyk o 1986 , 167 . 4. Ivano v 1969 , 131. 5. A s quoted b y Schmemann 1991 , A9.

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6. Se e Peskov 1992 . 7. Example s provided b y Belkin 1991b , 13 . 8. Maiakovski i 197 0 (1924) , vol. 3, 217. 9. Mille r 1961 , 68. 10. Se e th e sectio n title d (afte r Mayakovsky ) "Th e Individua l I s Nothing " i n Smith 1991,194-99 . 11. Klugma n 1989 , 205 , italic s added . Uri e Bronfenbrenne r provide s chillin g examples o f ho w grad e schoo l teacher s i n the Soviet Union manipulate d th e student grou p itsel f int o disciplinin g individua l student s (Bronfenbrenne r 1972, 57ff.) . 12. Berdiae v 1990 , 39. 13. NikoPski i 1898 , 66. B y comparison , say s NikoPskii , educate d Russian s have a downrigh t "cul t o f personality " ("kul' t lichnosti") . Clearl y thi s phrase was no t invente d jus t to describ e Joseph Stalin . 14. NikoPski i 1898 , 83-84 . 15. Okudzhav a 1992 , 5. 16. Smit h 1991 , 199. 17. Ibid. , 202 . 18. Zenov a 1992 . 19. Her e I translat e a typica l attitud e paraphrase d t o m e b y Irin a Bukin a i n Moscow i n Ma y o f 1990 : "Esl i ia bud u zhit ' plokho , pust ' i on i budu t zhit' plokho. " 20. Exampl e kindl y provide d b y Konstantin Pimkin . 21. Cf . Siniavski i 1992 , 3. 22. Zaslavskay a 1990 , 126 . 23. See , for example , Gromyko 1991 , 57—63, for extensiv e documentation . 24. Smit h 1991 , 203. 25. Semenova-Tian-Shanskai a 1914 , 95. 26. Dal ' 198 4 (1862) , vol. 2, 148 , 149 . 27. Se e Smith 1991 , chap. 11. 28. Conversatio n wit h Dmitri i Starodubtse v i n Smith 1991 , 229. 29. Belki n 1991b , 15 . 30. Grafov a 1991 , 6. 31. Kochube i 1990 , 13 . 32. Likhache v 1992 , 6 . 33. Katerl i an d Shmid t 1992 , 12 . 34. Belki n 1993 , 185, italics added . 35. Prokushe v 1990 . 36. Fro m a n anonymou s introductio n i n Literaturnaia gazeta, 9 October, 1991 , p. 2 . 37. Anzie u 198 4 (1975) , 118 . 38. Ibid. , 73. 39. Ibid. , 118 . 40. Ibid. , 122 . Cf. GA P 1987 , 5, and variou s item s in 252 n. 48 above . 41. Anzie u 1984 , 73-76 , 140-41 . Cf . Freu d (SE, vol . 18 , 127 ) wh o believe s

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 9 285 that i t i s a paterna l leade r o f th e group , rathe r tha n th e grou p itsel f whic h takes th e place o f th e ego ideal . 42. Chasseguet-Smirge l 198 5 (1975) , 82 . Cf . Koenigsber g o n "th e countr y a s an omnipoten t mother " (1977 , 6 ff.) . 43. Kernber g 1984 , 15 . 44. Ther e i s a n enormou s literatur e o n th e Russia n lan d commune . Fo r a generous samplin g o f recen t views, see the volume edite d b y Bartlett (1990) . An excellen t Sovie t stud y i s Aleksandrov (1976) . Se e Worobec (1991 ) fo r a clear an d engagin g treatment o f th e complexitie s o f peasant economi c life in post-emancipation Russia . Hoc h (1986 , chap . 4 ) give s a goo d discussio n o f communal function s i n th e pre-emancipatio n period . Gromyk o (1991 , 155ff.) provide s a well-documente d bu t rathe r idealize d vie w o f th e peas ant's relationshi p t o th e commun e i n th e eighteent h an d nineteent h centu ries. Non e o f thes e work s pay s muc h attentio n t o th e psycholog y (an d particularly th e masochism) o f th e individual commun e member . 45. Se e especially Gromyk o 1991 , 7 3 - 8 5. 46. See , for exampl e Nikol'skii 1898 , 7 2 - 7 3 . 47. A s quoted i n Kolchin 1987 , 332. 48. Leroy-Beaulie u 1902-5 , vol. 2, 43. 49. E.g. , Semenova-Tian-Shanskaia 1914 , 95. 50. Gromyk o 1991 , 7 3 - 8 5. 51. Kingston-Man n 1991 , 43. 52. Worobe c 1991 , 45. Se e Aleksandro v (1976 , 294-313 ) o n th e commune' s powerful influenc e i n famil y affairs . 53. Worobe c 1991 , 147. 54. Se e Fran k 199 0 fo r a detaile d treatmen t o f Russia n charivaris an d othe r collective punishments . 55. Dal'198 4 (1862) , vol. 1,315-16 . 56. R i t t i k h l 9 0 3 , 5 1 . 57. Dal ' 198 4 (1862) , vol. 1 , 316. 58. Ibid . 59. Kuz'mi n an d Shadri n 1989 , 138 . 60. Fedoto v 198 1 (1949) , 166 . 61. Illiustro v 1904 , 3 1 2 - 1 3. 62. Mirono v 199 0 (1985) , 18-19 . 63. Gore r an d Rickma n 196 2 (1949) , 135 . 64. Mea d 1951 , 26. 65. Se e especially Mace y 1990 , 227-28. 66. Treadgol d 1959 , 107 . 67. Confin o 1985 , 42. 68. Cline s 1990 , p. A2. 69. Taubma n 1988 , p. A6. 70. Thi s is not t o den y that ther e are many difference s a s well (social , economic, political) betwee n th e tsaris t peasan t commun e an d th e Sovie t collectiv e farm. See , for example : Kerbla y 1985 ; Medvedev 1987 .

286 NOTE

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71. See , for exampl e Seliuni n 1989 , 202 ( = Seliuni n 1988 , 186) . 72. Medvede v 1987 , 3 6 2 - 6 5. 73. Solzhenitsy n 1989 , 5 3 0 - 3 1, italic s added. The Russia n origina l is Solzhenitsyn 1978- , vol. 12 , 168. 74. Lose v 1990 b (1941) , 15 . For the Russia n original , se e Losev 1990a , 6 . 75. Ibid . I have had t o mak e som e corrections i n the translation . 76. Ibid . 77. Ibid . 78. Berdiae v 199 1 (1949) , 120-21 . 79. Ibid. , 15 1 ff . 80. Berdiae v 1990 , 295. 81. Ibid. , 294 . 82. Her e i t i s appropriat e t o not e a genera l tendenc y i n Russia n philosophy : things shoul d b e "united " i n som e fashion . Selve s shoul d someho w b e joined t o others . This i s already apparen t i n Chaadaev , i t i s especially clea r in th e Slavophil e notio n o f th e unio n o f sel f an d collectiv e (e.g. , Khomia kov's sobornosf), i t becomes "tota l unity " ("vseedinstvo" ) i n Solov'ev, an d appears a s "multi-unity " o r "all-unity " ("mnogoedinstvo, " "vseedinstvo" ) in th e work s o f Fedorov . Georg e Young' s comment s o n thi s philosophica l topic ar e quit e pertinent : "I n al l thes e models , th e individua l i s incomplet e in an d o f itself . Th e individua l complete s himself , become s whole , onl y b y becoming part o f a greater whole. Russian thinkers, like Russian composers , love th e stron g chorus " (Youn g 1979 , 179) . Th e "greate r whole " tha t Young speak s o f her e implie s a n asymmetrica l relationshi p wit h somethin g lesser, i.e., the self as an isolated, insignificant individual . It is this obligator y lesser status , thi s acknowledgmen t o f one' s ow n persona l insignificanc e i n the fac e o f th e all—tha t comprise s th e masochisti c elemen t i n Russia n mystical philosophy . On e submit s "freely, " say s Solov'ev , i.e. , masochisti cally. Eve n th e grea t antimasochis t Fedorov , wh o resist s submissio n t o death wit h suc h vehemence , an d wh o reject s altruis m a s "slavery " an d "self-destruction" (Fedoro v 1906-13 , vol. 2 , 201), envisage s a masochisti c submission o f th e man y t o th e al l a s th e idea l alternative . Otherwis e th e "project" h e propose s coul d no t hav e bee n terme d th e "general task " ("obshchee delo") . Fedoro v doe s no t wan t th e "blin d forc e o f nature " t o coerce humankind, bu t his own writin g is ultimately coercive , or conversely , it invites moral masochis m i n readers. Here i t is ironic that Fedoro v resiste d making hi s writings generally availabl e ("no t fo r sale " is printed o n th e titl e page o f th e Verny i edition) . He mus t hav e sense d tha t widespread , popula r acceptance o f hi s ideas would hav e bee n uncomfortabl y clos e to acceptanc e of th e "blin d forc e o f nature. " 83. Berdiae v 1990 , 297. 84. Berdiae v 1991 , 179. 85. Th e notio n o f "Godhumanhood " ("Bogochelovechestvo" ) i s o f cours e no t original wit h Berdiaev . Amon g Russian s i t playe d a n especiall y importan t

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 9 287 role i n th e thinkin g o f Vladimi r Solov'ev , an d i t endure s t o thi s da y i n Russian theolog y (e.g. , Men' 1991 , 127-29). The epithet "God-human " i s an ancien t one , referrin g t o Christ , wh o wa s Go d becom e huma n (Gree k "theandros" o r "theanthropos") . 86. Berdiae v 1991 , 177. 87. Ibid. , 189 . 88. Ibid. , 177 . Berdiae v mistakenl y believe s tha t hi s ide a o f freedo m contra dicts th e traditiona l Russia n ide a o f smirenie (h e speak s o f a "lozhno e uchenie o smirenii"—ibid.) . 89. Berdiae v 1990 , 13. 90. Ibid. , 17 . 91. Ibid . 92. Berdiae v 1991 , 209. 93. Ibid. , 121 . 94. Blo k 1971 , vol. 3, 178 . As translated i n Markov an d Spark s 1967 , 183 . 95. Fello w bird-watcher s pleas e not e tha t "korshun " i s reall y a "kite, " bu t English "buzzard " come s close r t o th e menacin g connotatio n o f th e Rus sian word . 96. Obukhov a 1989 . Anothe r possibl e subtex t fo r Blok' s poe m i s a poe m b y Ivan Savvic h Nikiti n (1824-61 ) abou t a falco n ("sokol" ) whic h ha s bee n chained i n th e steppe s o f Rus ' fo r a thousan d years , an d whic h tear s ou t its own breas t i n vexation (se e Prokushev 1990 , 31—32). 97. Nekraso v 1967 , vol. 2, 144 . 98. Freud , SE, vol . 2 1, 237. 99. Se e "Zagovo r n a ukroshcheni e gnev a rodimo i matushki " i n Sakharo v 1989 (1885) , 5 0 - 5 1 . 100. Obukhov a come s clos e t o thi s conclusio n b y mean s o f religiou s imagery : "It i s ou t o f thi s tha t th e personalit y o f th e So n strivin g fo r crucifixio n began" (1989 , 209). 101. Khomiako v 1955 , 50. 102. M y translatio n o f Blo k 1971 , vol. 3, 208. Again, apologies to m y ornithol ogist friends . Th e bir d i n questio n i s an accipite r o f som e kind . 103. Dostoyevsk y 1950 , 617 . 104. Ibid. , 720 ; Dostoevskii 1972-88 , vol. 15 , 31. 105. Se e Browning 1989 , 516. 106. Dostoyevsk y 1950 , 386; Dostoevskii 1972-88 , vol. 14 , 291-92 . 107. Dostoyevsk y 1950 , 344; Dostoevskii 1972-88 , vol. 14 , 262. 108. Th e grandios e ide a o f bearin g th e guil t o f other s ca n appl y temporall y a s well a s spatially . I n 184 6 Khomiako v wrot e a poe m i n whic h h e asserte d that Russian s ar e responsibl e for , an d shoul d as k forgivenes s for , th e sin s of thei r father s ("Z a temny e otso v deian'ia, " 1955 , 61) . I n th e twentiet h century w e hav e Aleksand r Solzhenitsy n sayin g essentiall y th e sam e thin g in hi s essa y o n repentanc e an d self-limitatio n i n th e lif e o f nations : "I t i s impossible t o imagin e a natio n whic h throughou t th e cours e o f it s whol e

288 NOTE

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existence ha s n o caus e fo r repentance. " Or : "Th e natio n i s mysticall y welded togethe r i n a communit y o f guilt , an d it s inescapabl e destin y i s common repentance " (1976 , 110 , 112) . 109. Brownin g 1989 , 517. 110. Dal'1984 , vol . 1,315 . 111. I n Sovie t politic s suc h avoidanc e o f responsibilit y wa s ofte n referre d t o a s "perestrakhovka," whic h migh t b e translated a s "mutuall y playin g safe. " 112. Kabako v 1990 , 1 , italics added . 113. Moro z 1993 , 2. 114. Solzhenitsy n 1976 , 118 ; Solzhenitsyn 1978- , vol. 9, 57. 115. Solzhenitsy n 1976 , 132 ; Solzhenitsyn 1978- , vol. 9, 69. 116. I n his recent essay Rebuilding Russia (1990 ) Solzhenitsy n get s more practi cal. He call s for "publi c repentance" fro m th e Party, but h e also notes tha t no on e amon g th e "forme r toadie s o f Brezhnevism " ha s expresse d "personal repentance " (italic s Solzhenitsyn's) . H e als o lament s th e fac t tha t specific criminal s suc h a s Moloto v an d Kaganovic h (th e latte r stil l aliv e a t the time) ha d no t bee n brough t t o justice (199 1 [1990] , 49-51). In the late Soviet period call s for repentance , or outrigh t act s of publi c repentance becam e common. The distinguished Russia n philologist Dmitri i Likhachev, fo r example , declare d tha t al l Sovie t citizen s wer e responsibl e for no t resistin g thei r leaders , an d shoul d therefor e repent . Th e prominen t economist Ole g Bogomolov , i n a 199 0 articl e title d " I Canno t Absolv e Myself fro m Guilt " castigate d himsel f fo r failin g t o spea k ou t agains t abuses under Brezhne v (se e Teague 1990) . It seem s t o m e tha t thos e wh o engag e i n lou d crie s o f repentanc e ar e precisely th e ones who nee d leas t t o repent. Suc h breast-beating i s masoch istic i n nature , an d i s no t i n characte r wit h th e sadis m require d o f a real murderer. A Solzhenitsyn wil l repent, bu t no t a Molotov o r a Kaganovich . 117. Dostoievsk y 1949 , vol. 2, 962; Dostoevskii 1972-88 , vol. 26, 131. 118. Dostoievsk y 1949 , vol. 2, 977. 119. Ibid. , 978-79; Dostoevskii 1972-88 , vol. 26, 147 . 120. Dostoievsk y 1949 , vol . 2 , 979 , 980 ; Dostoevski i 1972-88 , vol . 26 , 147 , 148. 121. Quote d b y Dostoevski i 1972-88 , vol . 26, 139 , translation i n Dostoievsk y 1949, vol. 2, 970 . 122. Dostoievsk y 1949 , vol. 2, 970; Dostoevskii 1972-88 , vol. 26, 139 . 123. Se e Levitt 1989 , 122-46 . 124. Dostoievsk y 1949 , vol. 2, 970; Dostoevskii 1972-88 , vol. 26, 139 . 125. Cf . Fasme r 1986-87 , vol . 2 , 45 , 4 9 0 - 9 3 , an d Townsen d 1968 , 251 , o n the linguisti c aspect s o f thi s roo t morpheme . W e shoul d perhap s als o kee p in min d th e ancien t Eas t Slavi c pagan fertilit y figures o f Ro d an d Rozhani tsa (cf . Ivanit s 1989 , 1 4 - 1 5 ; Fedoto v 1975 , vol. 1 , 3 4 8 - 5 1; Hubb s 1988 , 15, 81) . Youn g (1979 , 83-84 ) give s a n interestin g discussio n o f th e us e of -rod- word s i n Fedorov's philosophy. Kathlee n Parth e (1992 , 8-9) finds

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 1 0 289 that -rod- word s pla y a n importan t rol e i n Russia n Villag e Pros e o f th e 1960s an d 1970s . 126. Dostoevski i 1972-88 , vol. 26, 143 , 144. 127. Dostoievsk y 1949 , vol. 2, 968-70; Dostoevskii 1972-88 , vol. 2 6 , 1 3 7 - 3 9 . 128. Cf . th e materna l associatio n i n Nikola i Nekrasov' s line s " . . . Tseluias ' s mater'iu-zemleiu, / Kolos'i a beskonechnyk h niv " (Nekraso v 1967 , vol . 2, 13) . 129. E.g. , Aksakov 1861-80 , vol. 1 , 298. 130. See , fo r example : Chance s 1978 , chap . 4 ; Dowle r 1982 . Th e focu s o n a fruitful wom b i n th e for m o f "pochva " (soil) , "zemlia " (land) , "lono " (bosom), etc . i s als o characteristi c o f today' s village-pros e writer s i n Rus sia, suc h a s Vasili i Belo v an d Valenti n Rasputin , a s NataPi a Ivanov a ha s recently observe d i n a controversial articl e (1992 , 200). 131. Brege r ha s offere d a n interestin g explanatio n fo r Dostoevsky' s emotional ism abou t Pushki n i n th e Diary. I t happen s tha t Pushki n die d abou t th e same tim e tha t Dostoevsky' s mothe r died . Dostoevsk y woul d thu s hav e been mournin g thes e tw o death s simultaneously . Late r on , i n Breger' s view, Pushkin' s "idealize d lov e fo r hi s mothe r wa s displace d ont o Push kin" (1989 , 60) . Al l th e mor e reason , then , t o expec t cover t materna l imagery i n the Pushkin passage s o f th e Diary. Breger als o believe s tha t Dostoevsky' s idealizatio n o f th e Russia n people i s a remnant o f hi s idealization o f hi s mother (e.g. , 150). But Breger does not concer n himsel f wit h th e masochistic aspect s of thi s problem, no r does h e adduc e intrinsi c evidenc e fo r materna l imager y fro m th e origina l Russian text . 132. Worobe c 1991 , 6. 133. Ibid. , 19 . 134. Dostoievsk y 1949 , vol. 1 , 204; Dostoevskii 1972-88 , vol. 22, 45. 135. Dostoevski i 1972-88 , vol. 22, 4 8 - 4 9. 136. Se e Rice 1989 ; Breger 1989 , 150 . 137. Ther e i s muc h els e o f psychoanalyti c interes t i n thi s episode . See , fo r example: Ric e 1989 ; Rosen 1993 , 423-25. NOTES T O CHAPTE R 1 0 1. Fo r a detaile d stud y o f apocalypticis m i n moder n Russia n fiction, se e Be thea 1989 . 2. Berdiaevl96 8 (1921) , 230.

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Index

abortion, 16 2 Adler, Alfred, 26 0 Afanas'ev, Afanasii , 132 , 172 , 270, 277, 279 Afanas'eva, Tamara , 17 1 aggrandizement o f th e other, 111-1 2 agrarian reform , 222-2 4 Akhmatova, Anna , 149 , 27 4 Aksakov, Ivan , 3 9 Aksakov, Konstantin , 37 , 38, 39, 110 , 242, 258, 28 9 alcoholism, 36 , 6 3 - 6 5, 117 , 144 , 153, 158,177,216-17,261 Aleko (Pushkin) , 240, 24 1 Aleksandrov, V . A., 28 4 Aleksandrova, Ekaterina , 163 , 275 Alekseev, Iu. , 12 2 Alexander II , 4, 45, 259 Aliger, Margarita, 16 9 Allot, Susan , 276, 277, 27 8 Altaev, O. , 60 , 26 0 altruism, 52 , 168 , 171 , 175, 286 AmaPrik, Andrei , 6 0 ambivalence, 32 , 50, 56, 57 , 73, 87, 100 , 119, 140-44 , 155 , 158, 197 , 219, 255, 256, 26 1 Ambodik, Nestor , 191 , 280 Amvrosy, 26, 27, 11 2 anality, 269-7 0 Anan'ev, Anatoli , 91 , 264 Andreev, Leonid , 1 5 Andreev, N. P. , 261, 270

androgyny, 76 Anikin, V. P., 26 2 antimasochism, 32 , 50-60, 77 , 180 , 2 1 0 11,286 anti-Semitism, 51 , 110, 142 , 14 5 Antonov, M. F. , 264 Antonov-Ovseyenko, A. , 27 1 Anzieu, Didier , 213 , 214, 215, 252, 28 4 apocalypse, 2 4 - 2 5, 245, 289 Aristotle, 15 7 Arsen'ev, N . 38 , 25 7 Arutiunian, Iu. , 179 , 275, 276, 278, 27 9 ascent, 4 9 - 5 0 asceticism, 1 9 - 2 1 , 46 , 50, 25 3 Asch, Stuart, 106 , 109 , 265, 266, 27 6 Assumption ('Uspenie') , 146 , 14 7 Attwood, Lynne , 160 , 173 , 174, 275, 277, 278 authoritarianism, 2 , 6 , 34, 35, 38, 45, 117 , 136-37,227-28 Averintsev, S. , 18 , 252, 25 4 Avvakum, 23 , 24, 25, 26, 111 , 113, 253, 254, 26 7 Azhgikhina, Nadezhda , 27 8 Baba Yaga , 130 , 140 , 23 2 Bachofen, Johann, 27 1 Baiburin, A . K., 262 , 269, 280, 28 1 Bakhtin, Mikhail , 28, 25 4 Bakunin, Mikhail , 10 , 4 4 bania, 115 , 119, 181-201 , 280 , 282-8 3 Barag, L . G., 123 , 268, 269, 27 0

319

320 INDE

X

Baranskaia, NataPia , 132 , 175 , 176 , 270, 278 Barker, Adele, 27 2 Bartlett, Roger , 28 5 bathhouse. See bani a battered woma n syndrome , 10 5 Baumeister, Roy , 108 , 26 6 Becker, Richarda , 27 2 Belinsky, Vissarion, 47, 56, 25 9 Belkin, Aron, 65, 210 , 212, 249, 252, 261, 271, 28 4 Belliustin, I . S., 268, 27 9 Belov, Vasilii, 28 9 Belyi, Andrei, 15 , 14 2 Benedict, Ruth , 26 7 Berdiaev, Nikolai, 16 , 18 , 28, 46, 54, 55, 56, 57, 60, 67, 69, 90 , 138 , 204, 206, 213, 227 , 229, 230, 244, 247, 251, 252 , 254, 259 , 260, 261, 272 , 284, 286, 287, 289 Berezhkov, Valentin, 20 8 Berger, Peter, 253, 267 Bergler, Edmund , 2 , 98, 99, 100 , 106 , 265, 267 Berlin, Isaiah, 47, 25 9 Berliner, Bernhard , 100 , 101 , 265, 26 7 Bernshtam, Tat'iana , 187 , 279, 28 1 Besangon, Alain, 251, 263, 272 Bethea, David , 28 9 Bettelheim, Bruno , 25 1 Bezukhov, Pierr e (Tolstoy) , 80 , 14 9 Bieber, Irving , 98, 265 Billington, James, 2 1, 23, 26, 41, 44, 145 , 253, 254 , 257, 258, 272, 27 3 birch, 79 , 119 , 181 , 184-89, 199 , 216, 279, 28 0 birth imagery , 51, 53, 5 6 - 5 7, 7 2 - 7 3 , 9 1 92,130, 1 6 2 , 1 7 2 , 1 8 6 , 1 9 0 - 9 2 , 1 9 8 99, 213, 225, 230, 280, 282-8 3 Blanchard, William , 43 , 258, 26 3 Blazhennyi, Vasilii, 2 2 Blok, Aleksandr, 3 , 10 , 15 , 142, 213, 230, 231,232,233,234,244,287 "Bloody Sunday, " 4 8 Blum, Harold, 26 6 Blum, Jerome, 25 1 Bocharov, A. , 26 4 Bogochelovek, 2 2 8 - 3 0 , 2 8 6 - 8 7 Bogoliubskii, Andrei, 1 9

Bogomolov, Oleg , 28 8 Boiko, V. V., 77, 262, 275, 276, 277, 27 8 Bolkonsky, Andre i (Tolstoy) , 79, 24 1 bol'shak,215,217 Bolshakoff, S. , 20, 252, 267, 27 1 Bonaparte, M. , 26 3 Boris and Gleb , 18 , 1 9 Borisov, Vadim, 16 , 25 2 Borodavkin (Saltykov-Shchedrin) , 8 2 Bouis, Antonina, 61 , 260 boundaries, erasure of, 40 , 42, 4 5 - 4 7, 54 , 106,107,109-12,125-26,130,133, 1 4 1 - 4 2 , 1 4 6 - 4 7 , 1 7 2 , 1 8 7 , 214 , 2 2 122, 225, 226, 227-30, 235-39, 241 , 243, 28 6 breast imagery , 84-86 , 101 , 102, 212, 214,230-35 Breger, Louis , 243, 263, 289 Brenner, Charles , 112 , 26 7 Brezhnev, Leonid , 160 , 179 , 275 Bridger, Susan , 175 , 271, 275, 277, 27 8 Brodsky, David , 33 , 56, 256, 257 Brody, Leslie , 26 6 Bronfenbrenner, Urie , 119 , 267, 271, 283, 284 Brostrom, Kenneth , 24 , 26, 25 4 Brown, Edwar d J., 26 9 Brown, Murphy , 16 8 Browning, Gary , 236, 287, 28 8 Brudnyi, V. I., 27 9 Brunswick, Ruth , 26 5 Brun-Zejmis, Julia, 60 , 255, 260, 26 4 Buckley, Mary, 275 , 276, 27 8 Bukina, Irina , 28 4 Bulgakov, Sergei , 46, 6 7 Caplan, Paula , 26 6 Carey, Claude , 26 8 castration, 26 , 2 8 castration anxiety , 172—74 , 270 Catherine th e Great , 19 3 Chaadaev, Petr , 30 , 31, 32, 35, 58, 60, 90, 255, 256 , 257, 264, 28 6 Chaitin, Gilbert , 26 3 Chancer, Lynn , 103 , 266 Chances, Ellen, 259, 28 9 charivari, 217 , 28 5 Charme, Stuart , 25 3 Chaseguet-Smirgel, Janine, 214, 252, 28 5

INDEX 321 Cherniavsky, Michael , 252 , 253, 262, 271, 272, 27 3 Chernyshevskii, Nikolai , 43, 45, 58, 25 8 Chisholm, James, 26 7 Chodorow, Nancy , 265 , 27 1 Christ. See Jesus Christoff, Peter , 25 7 chronicles, 1 8 - 1 9 , 3 2 , 18 2 Chvany, Catherine , 268, 27 1 Clark, Katerina , 83 , 254, 26 3 Clines, F., 285 Coe, Richard , 142 , 27 2 collective, 4, 6 , 3 8 - 4 3, 56, 60 , 68, 83, 110, 156 , 202-44, 257-58, 283, 2 8 586 communal interaction . See collectiv e communism, 43, 2 0 4 - 5, 226-27, 23 7 Comte, Auguste, 14 6 Condee, Nancy, 113 , 267 Confino, Michael , 222, 28 5 Cooper, Arnold , 9 6 - 9 7 , 99 , 265, 266, 26 7 corporal punishment , 35—37 , 125, 136, 184, 268, 27 9 "country o f fools, " 122-2 3 Cox, Gary , 25 2 Crecelius, Ellen, 26 9 Crone, Lisa, 5 1, 259 Cross, A. G., 192,278,28 1 Crummey, Robert , 25 , 253, 254 cultural variation , 112-16,159 , 214-1 5 culture o f masochism , 8 , 17 , 116 , 245, 24 6 Dahl, Vladimir, 13 , 66, 70 , 114 , 125 , 148, 152, 154 , 182 , 185 , 189 , 198 , 209, 219, 220, 236, 251, 261 , 262 , 267, 268, 269, 270, 271 , 272 , 273, 274, 277, 278, 279, 280, 284, 285, 288 Dallin, David , 24 9 Dalton, Elizabeth , 26 3 Danilov, Kirsha , 27 1 da Vinci , Leonardo, 23 1 De Armond, Richard , 27 4 death, 51-54, 70 , 72-77, 200, 2 2 0 - 2 1 , 225-26,262 death instinct , 7 , 250, 26 5 de Custine, Astolphe, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 54, 60 , 61, 69, 90, 256, 257, 260, 26 1 defiance, 4 8 - 4 9 , 56, 98 , 119 , 120 , 132 , 143, 26 5

DeMause, Lloyd , 25 2 demonology, 20 , 28 2 Denisovich, Ivan , 14 9 depression, 31 , 82, 10 0 descent, 3 , 13 , 28, 48, 80, 20 3 Deutsch, Helene , 159 , 26 6 "devichnik," 19 4 Dicks, Henry, 9 , 138 , 145 , 250, 272, 27 3 Dinnerstein, Dorothy , 96, 265 dissidents, 60 , 6 3 Dmitrieva, S . I., 28 0 domestic tasks, 160-8 0 Domostroi, 1 Dostoevsky, Fedor , 3 , 22, 36, 4 1, 46, 50, 55, 67, 6 8 69 , 78, 79, 80, 81 , 84, 87, 90, 91 , 92 , 94, 102 , 139 , 142 , 145 , 148, 183, 204 , 213, 234, 235, 236, 238, 239, 240, 241 , 242 , 243, 244, 247, 249, 257, 260, 262 , 263, 266, 273, 280, 287, 288, 289 double burden, 1 6 0 - 6 8 , 1 7 4 - 8 0 , 27 5 Dowler, W. , 28 9 Dreizin, Felix, 250, 251, 272 Drummond, D . A., 27 2 Druzhnikov, Yuri , 254, 256, 260, 261, 268, 270 , 274, 27 9 Dudko, Dmitrii, 6 0 Dukhobors, 2 5 Dundes, Alan, 267, 28 0 Dunham, Vera , 47, 169 , 172 , 259, 272, 277 Dunlop, John, 27 , 25 4 Dunn, Patrick , 262 , 267, 28 0 Durova, Nadezhda , 76 , 77, 26 2 Easter, 50 , 75, 14 6 Efimenko, Aleksandra , 150 , 152 , 154 , 27 4 ego ideal, 21 4 Egor (Shukshin) , 7 9 Eklof, Ben, 26 8 Elkins, Stanley, 25 2 Engel, Barbara, 28 1 EngePgardt, Aleksandr , 4 5 Engels, Friedrich, 166 , 271, 276 envy, 2 0 7 - 9 Epiphanius, 20, 2 6 Epshtein, Mikhail , 26 2 Eremina, V . I., 262, 269, 28 2 Erikson, Erik , 251 , 252, 26 7

322 INDE

X

Erofeev, Viktor , 204 , 25 6 Esaulov, I. , 28 3 escape from self , 108- 9 Evreinov, N. , 26 8 Evtushenko, Evgenii , 61, 62, 123 , 260 Exhibitionism, 2 1 - 2 2 , 28 , 81, 99, 107-8 , 110 Farnsworth, Beatrice , 26 2 fascism, 108-9 , 226 , 22 7 Fasmer, M. , 28 8 fatalism. See sud'b a fathering, rol e of, 15 , 31, 52, 87 , 94, 96, 105, 119 , 134-37 , 144, 156-57, 197 , 203, 219 , 225,23 3 Fedorov, Nikolai , 4 1, 51, 52, 54, 236, 259, 28 6 Fedotov, George , 19 , 2 1, 26, 28, 44, 45, 46, 60 , 221, 252 , 254, 258, 259, 262, 263, 266 , 272, 285, 28 8 female dominance , 168-70 , 171 , 173, 17 8 feminism, 104-5 , 168 , 177-80,27 1 Fenichel, Otto , 69 , 98, 101 , 253, 261, 264, 265, 27 6 Field, Daniel, 25 1 Filippovna, Nastasia , 80 , 14 8 Fisher, Seymour , 26 5 Fletcher, Giles , 12 , 2 1, 251, 253 Flugel,J.C.,252 fools, 8 , 12 , 82, 122-33 , 219, 27 0 forgiveness, 113—1 5 Frank, S. , 28 5 freedom, 3 7 - 4 2 , 48, 5 5 - 5 7, 67 . 91,108 , 142, 150 , 194,198 , 227, 22 9 "free theocracy, " 4 1 Freud, Sigmund , 7 , 46, 48, 49, 56, 61, 68 , 93, 94 , 98, 103 , 104, 106 , 134 , 155 , 156, 231 , 233 , 250, 251, 261 , 263 , 264, 265, 266 , 269, 284, 28 7 Friedrich, Paul , 137 , 187 , 271, 279 Frolenko, M., 4 4 Fromm, Erich , 108 , 266 Gamaiunov, Igor , 268, 28 0 Garrard, John, 26 4 Geha, Richard , 26 3 Gel'man, Aleksandr , 123 , 268 gender, 2, 57, 87, 102-5, 130 , 134-80 , 229-30

Gippius, Zinaida, 4 9 glasnost, 6 1 Glazov, Iurii , 60, 25 4 Glickman, Rose , 27 5 Godlevskii, V. V., 27 8 Godunov, Boris , 3 0 Gogol, Nikolai, 27 , 28, 78, 90, 25 4 "going t o the people," 4 4 Goldberg, K. , 27 8 Golod, S. , 164 , 275, 276, 27 7 Golovanov, Vasilii , 64, 249, 26 1 Gorbachev, Mikhail, 6 0 - 6 1 Gorer, Geoffrey , 117 , 120 , 222, 267, 28 5 Gorin, Grigorii , 25 7 Gor'kii, Maksim , v , 10 , 22, 128 , 142 , 251, 253, 259 , 262, 263, 269 Gorodetzky, Nadejda , 28 , 44, 45, 78, 79, 254, 258 , 263, 272 Gorskii, V., 5, 24 9 Grafova, Lidiia , 63 , 211, 261, 277, 28 4 Grass, Karl, 25 4 Gray, Francine, 165 , 177 , 178 , 189 , 273, 276, 277, 278, 28 0 Greenberg, Jay, 26 5 Gromyko, Marina , 114 , 255, 267, 274, 279, 283, 285 Grossman, Vasilii , xi, 3, 58, 60, 89 , 90, 91, 92 , 134 , 249, 260, 26 4 guilt, 31, 43, 44, 46, 47, 74, 80 , 8 1 , 1 0 0 102, 104 , 111 , 1 1 2 - 1 6 , 1 1 7 , 1 2 0 , 1 4 1, 1 5 8 , 1 7 4 - 7 7 , 1 8 3 , 1 8 7 , 220 , 235-38 , 263, 267,287-8 8 gulag. See prison Gurova, Irina , 27 8 Gustafson, Richard , 26 7 Guy, James, 25 3 Gvozdikova, L . S., 281, 282 Hackel, Sergei , 27 2 Hansson, Carola , 145 , 165 , 176 , 271, 273, 275, 276 , 277, 27 8 Heldt, Barbara, 27 3 Heller, Mikhail , 8 , 205, 250, 252, 26 1 Hellie, Richard, 249 , 251, 252 Herzen, Alexander , 31 , 42, 43, 47, 237, 255, 256 , 258, 262, 47 2 Heuvel, Katrin a vanden , 27 8 Hingley, Ronald , 12 , 249, 25 1 Hoch, Steven , 251, 262, 268, 279, 28 5

INDEX 323 Holquist, M. , 25 4 Holt, Mix , 174 , 27 7 holy foolishness , 2 1 - 2 3 , 28 , 110 , 128 , 253 Homo sovieticus, 8-9 , 25 0 Horner, Thomas , 26 5 Homey, Karen , 93 , 108, 159 , 264, 265, 266, 267 , 27 5 Hubbs, Joanna, 46 , 72, 129 , 147 , 148 , 190, 259, 260, 262, 264, 269, 270, 272, 273, 279 , 280, 28 8 humiliation, 7 , 19 , 24, 27, 4 4 - 4 5, 46, 48, 61-62, 78 , 79-82, 93 , 103,108,122 , 133, 146 , 151 , 171-74, 202 , 203, 217, 240-41,250,263,269 Hunt, Priscilla , 24 , 103 , 254, 26 6 hypermasculine behavior , 14 4 Iankova, Zoia , 162 , 166 , 168 , 170 , 275, 276, 27 7 identification, 98 , 101, 136, 22 1 identification wit h aggressor , 1 4 identification wit h peasantry , 4 5 Illiustrov, 1.1. , 189 , 267, 268, 280, 28 5 imitation o f Christ , 20 , 2 6 - 2 8, 44, 46, 219,229 impotence, 158 , 172-74, 27 7 individualism, 202 , 204, 2 1 0 - 1 1, 213 , 215, 227 , 28 3 infanticide, 76, 26 2 infantilization, 14 , 17 , 3 0 - 3 1, 72 , 88, 94, 1 2 9 - 3 3 , 1 3 7 , 1 7 7 - 7 8 , 1 8 9 , 212 , 2 1 9 20, 226, 235, 243 "injustice collectors, " 2 , 10 0 Inkeles, Alex, 28 3 intelligentsia, 25 , 2 8 - 2 9, 38 , 4 2 - 5 0, 6 7 Irinarkh, 2 0 Isacenko, A. V., 27 2 Isiaslavich, Iaropolk , 1 8 Ispa, Jean, 27 5 Istomin, Fedor , 28 1 Iurkevich, N. , 167 , 171 , 276, 27 7 Ivanits, Linda, 272, 273, 279, 282, 28 8 Ivanov, A., 204, 28 3 Ivanov, Viacheslav, 3 , 13 , 40, 48, 50, 54, 204, 249 , 258, 25 9 Ivanova, Natal'ia , 28 9 Ivanonich, Alekse i (Dostoevsky) , 8 0 Ivanovna, Pelagiia , 2 2

Ivan th e Fool, 8 , 9, 82 , 127-29 , 130 , 246, 268, 26 9 Ivan th e Terrible, 32, 6 8 Izmaragd, 1 9 Jahn, Gary , 27 1 Jesus, 3, 20, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 44, 45, 46, 50, 53 , 75, 78, 111 , 139, 140 , 146 , 147 , 149, 219, 228, 229, 240, 244, 26 3 Job, 25 3 John th e Baptist, 14 7 Kabakov, Aleksandr , 237 , 28 8 Kabanov, V. , 182 , 190 , 278, 280, 28 1 Kaganovich, L. , 28 8 "Kalina," 28 1 Kalustova, N . G. , 27 2 kamenka. See bani a Kamenskii, Z . A., 25 5 Kanzer, Mark , 27 2 Kapusto, Yuri , 16 9 Karakazov, Dmitrii , 25 9 Karamazov, Dmitrii , 84 , 85, 86, 92, 101, 102, 176 , 234, 235, 237, 238, 247, 26 3 Karataev, Plato n (Tolstoy) , 7 9 Karenina, Ann a (Tolstoy) , 79, 24 7 Kass, Frederic, 103 , 104, 26 6 Katerli, Nina, 212 , 28 4 Katz, Anita, 7 , 97, 250, 26 5 Ravelin, K . D., 69, 26 1 Keenan, Edward , 25 2 keening, 149-5 0 Kennan, George , 59, 256, 257, 26 0 kenosis, 28, 79, 8 2 Kerblay, B. , 285 Kernberg, Otto , 99 , 100 , 214, 265, 28 5 Khanga, Yelena , 27 6 Kharchev, A., 150 , 271, 274, 275, 276, 277 Khlysty, 2 5 Khomiakov, Aleksei , 37, 38, 39, 4 1, 42, 68, 69 , 227, 229, 234, 257, 258, 261, 286, 28 7 Khripkova, A. , 170 , 27 7 Kingston-Mann, E. , 28 5 Kinsey, Alfred, 26 6 Kireevsky, Ivan , 21, 39, 42, 253, 257, 25 8 Kirilov (Dostoevsky) , 4 1 Kiva, A., 24 9

324 INDE

X

Klein, Melanie, 26 5 Klibanov, A . I., 25 4 Klimas, I. S., 27 9 Kluckhohn, Clyde , 118 , 26 7 Klugman, Jeffry, 206 , 28 4 Kochubei, Boris, 211, 284 Koenigsberg, Richard , 145 , 252, 265, 273, 285 Kohn, Hans , 25 0 Kohut, Heinz , 111 , 260, 265, 26 7 Kolakowski, Leszek , 35 , 25 7 Kolchin, Peter , 11 , 251, 268, 279, 28 5 Kolesnitskaia, I . M., 28 1 Kolesov, D., 170 , 27 7 Kollmann, Nancy , 153 , 274 Kolpakova, N . P. , 196 , 198 , 281, 282 Komarovich, V . L., 27 9 Komarovsky (Pasternak) , 14 9 Kon, Igor', 170 , 171 , 172, 173 , 267, 27 7 Konstantinovsky, Matvei , 2 8 Korchagin, Pavel , 8 3 Koshchei th e Deathless, 5 3 Kostoglotov (Solzhenitsyn) , 14 9 Kosven, M . O. , 27 1 Kotliar, A . E., 27 6 Kovalevskii, Maxime , 22, 154 , 253, 273, 274 kowtowing, 12 , 20 3 Kozlovskii, Mikhail, 19 2 Krafft-Ebing, Richard , 154 , 250, 27 4 "krasota" (headgear) , 194-20 0 Kriegman, Daniel , 10 7 Kristeva, J., 26 3 Kropotkin, Petr , 4 3 Kruglov, Iu . G., 27 1 Krupskaya, Nadezhda , 8 3 Kustovskii, E . S., 274, 27 9 Kutepov, K. , 25 4 Kuznetsova, Larisa , 137 , 150 , 164 , 177 , 271, 274 , 275, 276, 277, 27 8 laments, 1 4 9 - 5 0 , 1 9 5 - 9 9 , 27 4 Lane, R. C , 109 , 267, 27 4 Lapidus, Gail, 160 , 161 , 163, 174, 175 , 275, 276 , 277, 27 8 La Planche, J., 26 7 Lara (Pasternak) , 82 , 14 9 Larina, Tat'iana (Pushkin) , 72, 86, 87, 88, 89, 92 , 148 , 241, 247 , 26 4

Lavrov, Petr , 25 8 Leatherbarrow, W . J., 257 , 258, 26 7 Lednicki, 255, 256, 25 7 Leibin, Valerii, 25 0 Leites, Nathan, 251 , 276 Lenin, Vladimir, 53 , 58, 90, 91, 166, 260, 276 Lenzer, G. , 25 0 Lermontov, Mikhail , 34 , 35, 78, 90, 149 , 257, 27 3 Leroy-Beaulieu, A. , 216, 254, 268, 28 5 Levi, Vladimir, 20 4 Levin, E., 272, 28 2 Levitt, Marcus, 28 8 Liaboe, Gary, 25 3 Liberman, A., 25 7 Liden, Karen , 145 , 165 , 176 , 271, 273, 275, 276 , 277, 27 8 "likbez," 20 4 Likhachev, Dmitrii , 16 , 128 , 212, 252, 253, 260 , 268, 269, 270, 271, 281 , 284 , 288 Lipton, Earle , 26 7 Listova, T., 192 , 280, 28 2 Loewenstein, R. , 94 , 265, 26 7 Lomonosov, Mikhail , 7 3 Losev, Aleksei, 213, 225, 226, 241, 244, 286 Loseva, Vera, 20 7 Lukeria (Turgenev) , 7 9 lullabies, 72-74, 192 , 262 Lunt, Horace , 18 , 252 Macey, D. , 28 5 Mahler, Margaret , 26 5 Makosh, 14 0 Maksimenko, Valerii , 156 , 168 , 271, 274, 276 Maksimov, S . V., 272, 28 2 male ego, 168-74,17 9 Malevannaia, Larisa , 17 0 Mamaladze, Irma , 178 , 278 Mamonova, T. , 27 1 manual labor , 16 1 Marei (Dostoevsky) , 243, 244 Markel (Dostoevsky) , 23 6 Markov, VI. , 260, 272, 28 7 Marmeladova, Soni a (Dostoevsky) , 2 2 Marshall, Bonnie , 163 , 275

INDEX 325 Martin, Dale , 25 3 Martynova, Antonina , 72 , 262, 28 0 Masaryk, T . G. , 257 , 25 9 masculinization o f women . See femal e dominance Maslenitsa, 11 4 masochism, 7 masochism (erotogenic) , 7 , 49, 65, 93 , 1 0 3 , 1 0 7 - 8 , 1 7 4 , 1 8 4 , 200 , 249-5 0 masochistic pride, 37, 62, 68-69, 163 , 16 5 Masson, Charles , 193 , 281 mastery, nee d for , 9 8 - 9 9 , 107 , 150 , 20 0 mat (mother-cursing) , 140-42 , 147 , 272 maternal personificatio n o f collective , 211-215,225-44,258 Matorin, N. , 272, 273, 279 matriarchy, 138 , 27 1 matricide, 14 2 matrifocality, 4 9 , 1 3 7 - 4 0 , 1 4 3 , 179 , 27 1 matriotism, 225-26 , 241 , 242 Mayakovsky, Vladimir , 82 , 205, 28 4 McDevitt, John, 26 5 Mead, Margaret , 222 , 267, 28 5 Medvedev, Feliks , 27 6 Medvedev, Zhores , 285, 28 6 Medynsky, Grigory , 16 9 Meehan-Waters, Brenda , 25 2 MePchuk, Igor' , 26 2 Meletinskii, Eleazar , 127 , 128 , 268, 269, 270 Mel'gunov, S . P., 25 4 Menaker, Esther , 101 , 266, 26 7 "mentality," 24 9 Merezhkovskii, Dmitrii , 4, 25, 48, 49, 50, 56, 75 , 78, 142 , 231 249 , 259, 262, 268, 272 , 273, 276 merger. See boundaries, erasur e of Meyer, Alfre d G. , 27 6 Meyers, Helen, 106 , 107 , 109 , 265, 266 Mickiewicz, Adam , 32 , 33, 35, 256 midwife, 190-9 2 Mikhalkov, Nikita , 15 8 Miller, Wright , 205 , 247, 28 4 Milman, Barbara , 27 8 "mir," 3 9 - 4 2 , 66, 203 , 2 1 5 - 2 4 Mironov, Boris , 221, 222, 28 5 Mitchell, Stephen , 26 5 MMPI (Minnesot a Multiphasi c Personalit y Inventory), 10 4

MochuPskii, K. , 25 8 modal personality , 8 Molodtsov, Grigorii , 27 7 molokans, 2 5 Molotov, V. , 28 8 monasticism, 1 9 - 2 1 , 2 8 "moral choir, " 4 0 Moroz, Oleg , 238, 28 8 mortality rates , 73, 16 2 mother, rol e of, 10 , 15 , 17, 30, 4 9 - 5 0 , 51-60, 68 , 7 2 - 7 7, 85-86, 9 1 - 9 2 , 9 4 102,106-12,118-21,123,129-33, 134,136-68,174-80,166,186-93, 197-201,211-14,225-44,270-72 "mother earth, " 56 , 7 4 - 7 6 , 1 3 8 - 3 9 , 1 4 7 48, 186 , 190 , 210, 223, 229, 24 2 mother o f Go d ("Bogoroditsa") , 26 , 75, 111,139,146-48,186,229 "Mother Russia" , 15-17 , 5 1 , 111, 120, 134, 139 , 142 , 145 , 203, 211, 212 , 225-26,230-34,242-44 Moyle, Natalie, 200, 28 2 Munro, George, 25 4 Murav, Harriet , 25 3 Mussorgsky, Modest , 2 5 M y rnikova,K.,274,281 Myshkin (Dostoevsky) , 22, 8 0 Nabokov, VI. , 26 4 Napoleon, 7 0 narcissism, 24 , 25, 28, 69, 81 , 88, 96, 98, 99, 107 , 141 , 21 4 narodnik, 4 4 - 4 5 Natasha (Tolstoy) , 14 9 "nation o f slaves, " 3 4 - 3 5, 58, 11 0 necrophilia, 5 1 negative therapeuti c reaction , 10 6 Nekrasov, Nikolai , 22 , 76, 135 , 139 , 144 , 145, 148 , 231, 232 , 262, 272, 273, 287, 289 Nemilov, A. , 157 , 162 , 174 , 274, 27 7 neo-Slavophiles. See Slavophilis m Nerzhin, Gle b (Solzhenitsyn) , 83 , 14 9 Nicholas I , 35, 59, 78, 25 6 Nicolaevsky, Boris , 24 9 Niederland, William , 28 0 Nikitenko, Aleksandr, 48 , 145 , 165 , 259 Nikitin, I . S., 28 7 Nikolaevich, Nikolai , 8 4

326 INDE

X

Nikolka (Pushkin) , 2 2 Nikol'skii, A. , 206, 284, 28 5 Nikon, 2 3 nomenklatura, 2 , 11 5 nonresistance, 18-19 , 50, 67, 78 , 14 5 normalcy, 112-1 6 North, Oliver , 23 7 Novick, Jack, 96 , 26 5 Novick, Kerry , 96 , 26 5 Nydes,Jule, 111,26 7 "obshchina," 3 9 - 4 2 , 203, 215-2 4 Obukhova, E. , 231,28 7 Oedipal issues , 94, 140-41 , 26 3 Offord, D . C , 257 , 258, 26 7 Okudzhava, Bulat , 125 , 126 , 186 , 206, 268, 279 , 28 4 Old Believers , 2 3 - 2 5 Olearius, Adam, 11-12 , 33 , 182, 251, 256, 27 8 Olga (Baranskaia) , 175 , 17 6 Onegin, Evgenii , 72, 86 , 87, 88, 89, 92, 241 Optyna Pustyn , 27 , 2 8 orality, 84-86 , 101-2 , 106 , 185,199 , 232, 245 . See also breas t imager y Ortner, Sherry , 27 2 Ostrovsky, Nikolai , 8 3 Padunov, Vladimir , 113 , 267 Panchenko, A. M., 253 , 268 Pankeev, Sergei , 155 , 15 6 Panken, Shirley , 25 3 pan-Slavism, 8 Paramon, 2 2 paranoia, 20 , 28, 55, 232 Paraskeva-Piatnitsa, 14 8 Paris, Bernard, 26 3 parricide, 84-86, 23 5 Parthe, Kathleen, 288-8 9 "passion-sufferers," 19 , 8 6 Pasternak, Boris , 22, 61, 82, 145 , 149 , 273, 27 4 paternal imagery . See fathering, rol e of patriarchy, 2 , 134-38 , 150-51 , 159 , 16 3 patriotism, 225—26 Pechorin (Lermontov) , 149 , 24 1 Peers, Jo, 164,27 6 penis, 168-7 4

Perkins, G., 27 2 Perrie, Maureen, 25 1 personification o f Russia , 15-17 , 34, 57, 69, 71 , 74-76, 90 , 94, 139 , 163 , 211. See also "Mothe r Russia " perversion masochism . See masochism (ero togenic) Peskov, Aleksei, 204, 28 4 Peter th e Great , 2 1 , 32, 38, 136 , 24 1 Pevin, P. , 274, 281, 282 Pimkin, Konstantin, 28 4 Pipes, Richard, 69 , 84, 251, 255, 258, 261,263 Plastov, A. , 19 3 Platonov, Andrei , 82 , 172 , 27 7 Plotkin, VI., 271 Pokrovskii, E . A., 191 , 192, 280, 28 1 "pomochy' 21 6 Pomper, Philip , 255, 258, 25 9 Pontalis, J. B., 267, 27 4 "posidelki," 194 , 20 3 Postniks, 2 5 - 2 6 prenuptial rituals , 193-20 0 pre-Oedipal issues , 49, 85-86, 94-102 , 106, 107 , 109,119 , 120,141-42,192 , 200, 213-14, 2 3 2 - 3 3 , 243, 264, 27 0 primal scene , 156—5 7 prison, 1 , 3, 11 , 43, 64, 83 , 181, 227-30, 258 "priterpelost'," 61-6 2 Procopii, 2 2 Prokushev, Iurii , 212, 284, 28 7 Propp, Vladimir, 186 , 279, 281, 282 Pugachev, Emilian , 11 , 48 Pushkareva, L . A., 28 1 Pushkin, Aleksandr , 22 , 29, 78, 86, 142 , 150, 239, 240, 241, 242 , 255, 256, 264, 274,289 Pyle, Emily, 25 3 Radishchev, Aleksandr , 28 , 29, 35, 58, 255,257 Rado, Sandor, 15 9 rage, 117-18 , 119 , 12 0 Ralston, W., 154 , 27 4 Ramer, S . C., 28 0 Rancour-Laferriere, Daniel , 254, 257, 263, 264, 265 , 266, 267, 269, 271, 272 , 273, 274, 276 , 277, 280, 28 1

INDEX 327 Rank, Otto , 190 , 269, 28 0 Ransel, David, 73 , 191, 262, 272, 28 0 Raskolnikov (Dostoevsky) , 8 0 Rasputin, Valentin , 28 9 rationalization, 112-1 3 Reeder, Roberta , 27 9 Reik, Theodore, 75, 96 , 99, 262, 26 5 Rein, G. E. , 191 , 280 religious masochism, 18-2 8 Remennick, Larissa , 27 5 repetition compulsion , 94 , 98, 26 5 revolutionaries, 4 3 - 4 4, 4 8 - 5 0, 58 , 90 Riasanovsky, N . V., 25 8 Riazanov, El'dar , 25 7 Rice, James, 250, 28 9 Rickman, John, 267 , 28 5 Rittikh, A . A., 219, 28 5 Robinson, John, 27 5 Rod, 28 8 -rod- words , 5 2 - 5 3, 56, 91 , 130, 139 , 186, 213, 230, 239-44, 260, 270, 2 8 8 89 Rodzinskaia, I . Iu., 27 8 Rogozhin (Dostoevsky) , 80 , 14 8 Roland, Alan , 28 3 Rosen, Steven , 80 , 263, 28 9 Rosenshield, Gary , 27 9 Rosewater, Lynne , 104 , 26 6 Rozanov, Vasilii , 50, 51, 57, 86 , 87, 134 , 259, 264 , 27 1 Rozhanitsa, 28 8 Rus', 1 , 1 8 - 2 1 , 39-40 , 42 , 10 2 "rusalki," 18 5 "Rusians," 1 8 "Russian idea, " 50 , 55 Russian nationa l character , 8—9 , 37, 43, 83, 87 , 89-90, 117,118 , 239, 245, 269 Russian nationalism , 16-17 , 68 , 91, 110, 139,145 Russianness. See Russian nationa l char acter Russian Orthodoxy , 1 , 23, 30, 31, 5 0 - 5 1 , 53, 55, 66, 75, 136-37,139, 228-30 , 236 "Russian soul, " 3 , 7, 87 , 89, 90, 91, 239, 245, 246 , 247, 24 9 Russophilism, 8 "Russophobia," 91 , 110

Ryabakov, B . A., 27 2 Rzhevskii, Leon, 25 2 Sacher-Masoch, Leopol d van , 249 , 25 0 sacrifice, 7 , 18-19 , 42, 44, 46, 48, 52, 103, 128 , 1 4 4 , 1 4 5 , 1 4 8 - 4 9 , 1 6 0 , 167 , 169, 175 , 176 , 178 , 202, 225-26, 22 8 sadism, 7 , 14 , 15 , 22, 3 5 - 3 6, 4 4 - 4 6, 82 , 97, 98 , 102 , 103 , 104, 105 , 106 , 124 , 125, 126 , 127 , 133 , 136, 140-44 , 152 , 165, 184 , 187 , 207, 238, 250, 269, 28 8 sadomasochism, 7 , 3 5 - 3 7, 124 , 156 , 188 , 210, 254, 28 0 Sakharov, Andrei, 6 Sakharov, I . P., 138 , 272, 279, 28 7 Saltykov-Shchedrin, Mikhail , 81 , 82, 26 3 Samarin, lurii , 3 9 Samsonov (Solzhenitsyn) , 83 , 84 Sanches, Antonio, 191 , 280 Sapozhnikov, D. , 25, 25 4 Sarnoff, Charles , 69 , 163 , 261, 276 Saward, John, 23 , 253 "schizophrenogenic mother, " 9 6 Schmemann, Serge , 28 3 Scott, Helen , 27 8 Segal, Boris, 261, 283 Seifrid, Thomas , 82 , 26 3 self-defeating personalit y disorder , 103—4 , 105 self-destructiveness, 5-7, 14, 44 , 4 6 - 4 9 , 57, 6 2 - 6 5 , 67 , 70, 74, 79, 80, 81, 83, 93, 97 , 100 , 105 , 109 , 113 , 122 , 123, 128, 133 , 173, 174, 177 , 233, 250, 25 9 self-esteem, 31 , 37, 61-62, 68-69 , 107 , 141, 160 , 170 , 17 6 self-flagellation. See bania; khlyst y self-interest, 206 , 2 0 8 - 9, 22 3 self-pity, 100-101 , 12 0 Seliunin, Vasilii, 28 6 Selivanov, F. M., 262 , 27 9 Semenova, Svetlana , 25 9 Semenova-Tian-Shanskaia, OPga , 128 , 135, 143 , 153, 158, 209, 262, 267, 269, 271, 272 , 274, 284, 28 5 Semik, 185-87,19 7 separation-individuation process , 95, 106 , 109-10,120,129-30,132-33 Seraphim, 20 , 2 1

328 INDE

X

serfdom, 1-2 , 4 , 1 0 - 1 5 , 2 8 - 3 1 , 33 , 37, 135,216 Sergei, 19 , 26 Sergii, 26, 7 9 servility. See slavishness sexism, 2, 52, 58, 130 , 168-74 , 179 , 229, 233, 27 0 Shafarevich, Igor' , 60 , 110 , 122 , 250, 264 , 267, 26 8 Shanin, Teodor, 25 8 Shapovalova, G . G. , 279 , 281, 282 Shatov (Dostoevsky) , 8 0 Shcheglov, Lev , 17 3 Shein, P . V., 279, 28 0 Shergin, B . V., 26 9 Shineleva, L . T., 161 , 275, 278 Shlapentokh, Vladimir , 162 , 275, 276, 27 8 Shmidt, Iurii , 21 2 Shukshin, Vasilii , 79 , 181 , 278 Sign of th e Cross , 2 3 Siniavskii, Andrei, 127 , 142 , 146 , 147 , 254, 268 , 272, 273, 284 Skoptsy, 2 6 slave mentality. See slavishnes s "slave of God, " 1 0 "slave of love," 158-5 9 slavery, 1 , 10-15 , 29, 3 1 - 3 7, 43, 135, 150, 166 , 25 1 "slave soul," xi , 5, 7, 89-92 , 115 , 130 , 134, 166 , 173 , 17 4 Slavin, Malcolm, 10 7 slavishness, 3 - 5, 7 , 1 1 - 1 5 , 2 9 - 3 8 , 4 1, 48-50, 5 5 - 6 1 , 67, 9 0 - 9 2 , 1 0 5 , 1 3 7 , 150, 164 , 166 , 2 0 4 - 5, 211, 222, 25 2 Slavophilism, 8 , 3 7 - 4 2, 68, 110 , 204, 222, 224, 234, 239, 241, 28 6 Smerdiakov (Dostoevsky) , 8 4 smirenie, 66-69 , 78 , 88, 135 , 152 , 164 , 195, 204, 206, 218, 240, 259, 261, 28 7 Smirnov, A., 127 , 128 , 268, 269, 28 1 Smirnov, Igor , 82 , 26 3 Smirnov-Kutachevskii, A. , 268, 269, 27 0 Smith, Hedrick, 182 , 206, 207, 209, 210, 271, 278 , 28 4 Smolitsch, Igor , 25 2 Sobel, Ruth, 25 4 sobornosf, 3 8 - 4 2 , 68 , 202, 227-28, 257, 283 Socarides, Charles, 26 5

socialist realism, 82-8 3 Sokolova, V . K., 27 9 Solov'ev, Vladimir, 4 1 , 50, 70, 146 , 258, 273, 286 , 28 7 Solzhenitsyn, Alexander , 3 , 6, 25, 38, 4 1, 43, 60 , 63, 64, 83 , 113, 142,145, 149 , 224, 238 , 249, 251 , 258 , 261, 263 , 272, 286, 287 , 28 8 Sophia, 146 , 14 7 Sorokin, Vladimir, 63—6 4 Sorsky, Nil , 2 1 "soska," 7 3 "sovok," 25 0 Sparks, M., 260 , 27 2 Spielrein, Sabina , 25 0 spouse abuse, 1 0 4 , 1 3 5 - 3 6 , 1 4 3 - 4 4 , 1 5 2 59, 188 , 19 5 Stalin, Iosif, 8 , 15 , 59, 102 , 105 , 136 , 223, 252, 28 4 Stampp, K., 25 2 Starodubtsev, Dmitrii , 21 0 Stavrogin (Dostoevsky) , 8 , 47, 80 , 8 1 "steaming," 119 , 183 , 191-92, 201, 274, 280 Steeves, Paul D. , 25 4 Stern, Daniel, 97, 98, 265 Stites, Richard, 134 , 271, 279 Stolorow, Robert , 107 , 108 , 109 , 266, 26 7 Stolypin, Petr, 222, 22 4 stove imagery, 129 , 189 , 269 "strong woma n motif, " 16 9 Strotmann, D . T., 146 , 272, 27 3 submissiveness, 5—7,13, 31—32, 34—35, 37, 3 9 - 4 1 , 49 , 56, 57, 66, 68 , 83-84 , 90-92, 96, 108 , 110 , 123 , 143, 144 , 150, 151 , 195, 203, 206, 207, 212, 215-24, 232 , 243, 255, 286 sud'ba 69-77, 84-92 , 9 3 - 9 4 , 1 0 2 , 1 1 6 , 119, 120 , 128,135,164 , 234 , 261-6 2 suicide, 2 4 - 2 5, 4 1, 47, 62, 63, 81 Sviatopolk, 1 8 Svirskii, Grigorii, 26 4 swaddling, 116-21 , 136,26 7 Sysenko, V., 150 , 165 , 274, 275, 276, 27 8 Szamuely, Tibor, 44 , 46, 254, 258, 25 9 Tarasov, Boris , 25 5 Taubman, P. , 285 Teague, Elizabeth, 28 8

INDEX 329 Tereshkova, V . V., 27 5 "terpenie," 16 5 "terrible twos, " 13 2 Tertullian, 3 0 Theodosius, 19 , 20 "thieves," 25 4 Thompson, Ewa , 253, 273 "tiaglo," 21 5 Tikhon (Dostoevsky) , 8 1 Tiutchev, F. , 24 0 Tkachenko, A . A., 26 1 Tolstaia, Tat'iana , 186 , 27 9 Tolstoy, Lev , 49, 50, 53, 54 , 78, 79, 89, 116,120, 132,149 , 262 , 263, 267, 271, 273 Topolianskii, V. , 5, 6 , 6 4 Toporkov, A . L., 26 9 Toporov, V . N., 18 , 114 , 252, 254, 259 , 267 Townsend, C , 28 8 Treadgold, D. , 28 5 Triandis, H., 28 3 Truman, H. , 23 7 Tsintsius, V., 274, 28 1 Tsipko, AL, 261 Tsvetaeva, Marina , 71 , 261 Tucker, Robert , 257 , 26 0 Turchaninova, S . la., 27 6 Turgenev, I . S., 79, 26 3 Ugrium-Burcheev (Saltykov-Shahedrin) , 8 2 Ulam, Adam, 43 , 258 Uncle Tom, 1 4 unemployment, 179-8 0 uprisings i n Russia, 11 , 48—49 Uspenskii, Boris, 141 , 147, 260, 27 2 Uspensky, Gleb , 22, 79, 272, 27 3 Vahros, Igor, 280, 281, 282 Vakar, Nicholas , 2, 249, 27 2 Vaksberg, Arkadii, 171 , 277 Vasil'eva, Sima , 184,20 0 Vasiuta (Gippius) , 4 9 Vekhi, 46 , 6 1 "venik." See bani a Venturi, F., 258 Vera (Lermontov) , 14 9 virginity, 87 , 187 , 19 4 Vishnevskaia, Galina , 16 5

Viskovatyi, P . A., 25 7 Vlas (Nekrasov) , 2 2 Voinovich, Vladimir, 20 6 Voloshin, Maksimilian , 15 , 25, 57, 142 , 252 Voronin, Sergei , 16 9 Vorotyntseva, Alin a (Solzhenitsyn) , 8 3 Voznesenskii, Andrei, 3, 62, 249, 260-6 1 "vsechelovek," 23 9 Walicki, A., 40, 257, 25 8 Walker, L. , 26 6 Warner, Elizabeth , 274 , 27 9 Warren, Virginia , 110 , 266, 26 7 Wasiolek, Edward , 80 , 26 3 water imagery , 189-90 , 28 0 weddings, 150 , 151 , 193-20 0 Weinberger, Caspar , 23 7 "we" metaphor , 204 , 211, 221-2 2 Whiting, John, 26 7 Wierzbicka, Anna , 67, 70 , 71, 249, 261, 262, 26 3 Wiles, Peter, 53, 259 Williams, Rober t C. , 24 9 Winnicott, D . W., 26 5 Wolf Man , 156-5 7 Worobec, Christine, 136 , 150 , 151 , 152, 217, 242 , 268, 271, 274 , 275, 281, 282 , 285, 28 9 Wortman, Richard , 45 , 253, 258 Yeltsin, Boris, 22 3 Young, George, 4 1, 54, 258, 259, 286 , 288 Zaitsev, Viacheslav, 14 5 Zamiatin, Evgenii , 82 , 20 4 Zaslavskaia, Tatiana , 64 , 178 , 179 , 261, 275, 278 , 28 4 Zelenin, Dmitrii , 192 , 270, 279, 280, 281, 282 "zemliaki," 21 6 Zen'kovskii, S. , 25 3 Zenova, N. , 208, 28 4 Zhivago, Yuri i (Pasternak) , 2 2 Zhivov, V. M., 27 3 Zholkovskii, Aleksandr , 70 , 26 2 Zhukhovitskii, Leonid , 170 , 171 , 277 Zinoviev, Aleksandr , 26 9

330 INDE

X

Ziolkowski, Margaret , 25 , 78, 79, 253, Zorin 254, 263 Zoshchenko Zlatovratskii, N . N., 268 Zosim

, N . V., 28 1 , Mikhail , 183 , 279 a (Dostoevsky) , 235, 23 6