The rise and development of the solar cult and architecture in Ancient Egypt 3447116773, 9783447116770

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The rise and development of the solar cult and architecture in Ancient Egypt Edited by Massimiliano Nuzzolo and Jaromír Krejčí

Harrassowitz

The rise and development of the solar cult and architecture in Ancient Egypt

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11677-0 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39173-3

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11677-0 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39173-3

The rise and development of the solar cult and architecture in Ancient Egypt Edited by Massimiliano Nuzzolo and Jaromír Krejčí

2021 Harrassowitz Verlag · Wiesbaden

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11677-0 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39173-3

Cover illustration: Ra-Horakhty sitting on the throne, representation on the inner surface of the lower part of the outer sarcophagus, shaft tomb of Iufaa, Abusir, Saite-Persian Period. Photo Martin Frouz, Archives of the Czech Institute of Egyptology, Faculty of Arts, Charles University, Prague

This publication has the financial support of grant no. 17-10799S awarded by the Czech Science Foundation for the grant project ‘The rise and development of the solar cult and architecture in Third Millennium BC Egypt’, undertaken at the Faculty of Arts of the Charles University. Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über https://dnb.dnb.de abrufbar. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the internet at https://dnb.dnb.de.

For further information about our publishing program consult our website https://www.harrassowitz-verlag.de © Charles University, Faculty of Arts, Harrasowitz Verlag and authors 2020 This work, including all of its parts, is protected by copyright. Any use beyond the limits of copyright law without the permission of the publisher is forbidden and subject to penalty. This applies particularly to reproductions, translations, microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. Printed on permanent/durable paper. Printing and binding: Hubert & Co., Göttingen Printed in Germany ISBN 978-3-447-11677-0 eISBN 978-3-447-39173-3

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Index

Miroslav Bárta Preface .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . VII Massimiliano Nuzzolo – Jaromír Krejčí Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Ayman Ashmawy – Dietrich Raue Heliopolis in the Old Kingdom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Marie Peterková Hlouchová Significance of Shu for the king’s afterlife according to the Pyramid Texts . . . . . . . 33 Katarína Arias Beer for the king, beer for the sun god .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 Massimiliano Nuzzolo – Jaromír Krejčí – Mohamed Osman – Kathryn E. Piquette Royal annals of ancient Egypt. Recent investigations on the Palermo Stone and its associated fragments. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 Richard Bussmann The ka-chapel of Pepy I in Elephantine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 Antonio J. Morales Ascension texts in transmission: reaching the skies from Unas to Pedamenopet . . . 117 Adela Oppenheim The solar cult in the pyramid complex of Senusret III at Dahshur: an overview .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 Mohamed Ismail Khaled – Martina Bardoňová Vessels for the lion goddess. Contextualizing the New Kingdom royal name faience from Central Abusir . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 Rosanna Pirelli Sahura’s and Hatshepsut’s Punt reliefs in comparison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 Martin Pehal New Kingdom royal succession strategies and their possible Old Kingdom antecedents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199 Nenad Marković “Apis is Ptah, Apis is Ra, Apis is Horus, son of Isis”: the solar aspect of the divine Apis bull and the royal ideology of the Late Period (664–332 BCE) . . . . . . . 235

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© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11677-0 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39173-3

Preface Following the sun Ancient Egyptian civilisation is perfect example of a society which was completely „merging“ with the nature. From its very origins, the early inhabitants of the Nile valley were structuring their world according to the four cardinal points. They situated their settlements in the Nile valley, in the transitional zone between the area of cultivation and the desert or on the levees left behind by the moving river. Cemeteries usually occupied prominent positions above the valley, most often to the west of the river. The same was true for the deceased whose bodies in tombs also followed the cardinal points whereby the east and the west were by far the most prominent means of orientation. Superstructures of the tombs often imitated primeaval hill where, according to creation myths, the life was born. Later on, Egyptians mastered the art of building royal tombs and perfected the art of pyramid construction. This focus on cardinal points and secrets of birth death and resurrection can be well understood within the palaeo-climatic record showing quite a distinct trend. Once the area of what is today Western Desert started to dry at the end of the Seventh Millennium BCE, the local populations of pastoralists and hunter-gatherers were pushed towards the Nile valley in order to survive. Once arriving there, an unavoidable trend towards sedentarisation started. Combined with the cyclical annual flood of the Nile, a general framework for understanding the order of the world and the role of man in it became available. The burials of Egyptian dead reflect the fact that the west was from at least these times considered to be the place of death. Perhaps as a memory of the environmental collapse, possibly as a statement of the daily setting of the sun, maybe combination of both. We will probably never know for sure. Only several centuries later, the first vestiges of the monumental architecture eternalise in their forms the same mental templates reflecting large influence of ancient Egyptian forms of thinking on the trajectory of the moving sun, flowing river and of the local topography, pyramid complexes of the kings, temples or monumental non-royal tombs provide an ample testimony of it. Egyptian history, architecture, art, texts and religion of different historical periods tell the same story of the ‘solar thinking’ and various aspects connected to the secret of life, death and rejuvenation and cyclical character of the time. Over the last few years I was privileged to attend three principal seminars dedicated to the history of solar religion and cult and their manifold forms which came down to us preserved in architecture, art, religion and texts. Results of the presented research and ensuing discussions are fructified in the present volume. Some foremost scholars of

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Preface

current Egyptology present the latest narratives connected with the research on solar aspects of ancient Egyptian civilisation which could be without any overstretching of the evidence called civilisation of the sun. Enjoy the stimulating ideas and a unique journey in time. And many thanks to individual authors and editors of the present volume for their dedication and painstaking work. Prague, November 2020

Miroslav Bárta

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Introduction

This volume joins together the proceedings of the three workshops held in Prague on December 15, 2017, December 10, 2018 and June 25–26, 2019, within the framework of the research project launched in 2017 at the Czech Institute of Egyptology – Charles University, Prague, under the auspices of the Czech Science Foundation – Grant Agency of the Czech Republic (project no. 17–10799S). The key aim of the project, entitled “The rise and development of the solar cult and architecture in Third Millennium BC Egypt”, was to contribute to the study of the dynamics of development and featuring of the sun cult, as well as of the related evolution of the royal ideology, during the Third Millennium BCE, with the emphasis on the Old Kingdom, the period of further growth of ancient Egyptian society after the formation era of the Early Dynastic Period. Within this wider research framework, some more specific issues were put into focus, in particular with the contextualization of the Fifth Dynasty sun temples ‘phenomenon’ into a broader picture which may include all evidence from Old Kingdom Egypt but also reconsider, through the lens of the most recent discoveries and the latest methodological and technological approaches, some of the main assumptions in the field, usually given for granted in past scholarship. One of these assumptions refers to Heliopolis as the original place of the solar cult in ancient Egyptian society as well as to the fact that the Heliopolis affected the creation and featuring of the sun temples, both conceptually and architecturally. A second important subject of the investigation was characterized by the study of the historical sources of the time, mainly the ones coming from the royal side. In this regard, it seemed to us that a full re-investigation of one of the main document pertaining to the royal context in this period, namely the Palermo Stone and its associated fragments, might have been particularly promising, also considering the lack of adequate photographic reproduction and documentation of these royal annals in previous scientific works. Another important matter dealt with by this project was the understanding of the religious and ideological role of the sed-festival, in particular in the frame of the sun temple of Niuserra, where the most complete – and so far unique – depiction of this old ritual has been found in the beginning of the Twentieth Century. But of course the core of the project was to continue the research on Niuserra’s sun temple in Abu Ghurab, where a mission from L’Orientale University of Naples – carried out in cooperation with the Czech Institute of Egyptology throughout the duration of the project – is conducting archaeological field-works since 2010. The re-consideration and re-excavation of this monument, and its surroundings, is of primary importance for the achievement of the main research goals, also considering that this is the only one, of two sun temples discovered so far, which is still well preserved nowadays.

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However, and not least in order of importance, the project had a more extensive and ambitious scope, namely that of inserting the Old Kingdom phenomena analysed in our project in a wider framework of comparison with both previous and later periods of Egyptian history. This is reason why several issues intertwined with the solar cult and architecture during the Second and First Millennia BCE are also taken into account, and presented, in this volume by following a chronological arrangement. The first paper written by Ahmad Ashmawy and Dietrich Raue deals with Heliopolis in the Old Kingdom. In recent years, the joint Egyptian-German mission has been conducting field-works in the area which have not only been targeted to the understanding of its history but also, and sometimes primarily, to the rescuing of the unparalleled cultural heritage of Matariya, this now densely populated and a quickly overbuilt quarter of modern-day Cairo. In the second contrition, Marie Peterková Hlouchová also ties in – albeit indirectly – with Heliopolis, by analysing the Pyramid Texts with respect to the importance of the god Shu for the king’s blissful eternal life (protection of king’s legacy and transferring of the royal ka), as well as his relationship with Atum and Shu’s place in the Heliopolitan cosmogony. With the third contribution by Katarína Arias we move to the field of the material culture connected with both the mortuary cult of Egyptian kings and the daily solar cult of the sun temples. Her article represents probably the first attempt to compare the pottery finds made in the royal pyramid complexes of the kings buried in Abusir with the ceramic finds from the sun temples of Userkaf and Niuserra. The fourth contribution – a joined article written by Massimiliano Nuzzolo, Jaromír Krejčí, Mohamed Osman and Kathryn E. Piquette – brings us to a new and comprehensive study of the Palermo Stone, the already mentioned royal annals of Old Kingdom Egypt, by putting into focus not only its value for the royal ideology of the time, but also the history of its acquisition and a new reading of the hieroglyphic texts engraved on it obtained by utilizing the most up-to-date technologies in the field of digital humanities, primarily (but not exclusively) the so-called “Reflectance Transformation Imaging” (RTI). The fifth contribution, written by Richard Bussmann, brings us in the far southern context of Elephantine and shows us how the Third Millennium BCE royal ideology could be expressed sometimes also by means of minor building projects, intended to manifest the king’s presence through the lens of provincial Egypt. With the sixth contribution by Antonio J. Morales we move from the Old Kingdom into later periods, as the author debates the evolution of a specific group of spells from the Pyramid Texts – ‘ascension texts’ – and how their continuous evolution finally affected the Egyptian mortuary literature and the role of deceased within it. Adela Oppenheim, in the seventh paper of the volume, discusses attestations of the solar cult in pyramid complexes dated to the Middle Kingdom. These complexes include a variety of evidence of the solar cult, ranging from depictions of winged sun disks, affirming in the cultic texts which decorated their spaces, to more indirect attestations, such as, e. g., the depiction of episodes related to the sed-festival. Starting from the decorative material yielded in the pyramid complex of Senusret III at Dahshur, the author

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Introduction

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also discusses the function of the so-called southern temple in the overall development of the solar features of the Middle Kingdom monumental architecture. The eighth article written by Mohamed Ismail Khaled and Martina Bardoňová pays attention to the New Kingdom collection of finds excavated during the spring season 2019 in the upper, northern part of the causeway of Sahura’s pyramid complex. These objects are connected with the running of the New Kingdom cult of Sahura’s Sekhmet. The text focuses on the pottery finds and fragments of two faience vessels with names of members of the royal family King Sethy I and Queen Maathorneferura, the Hittite wife of Ramses II, and thus bring us new and so far completely unknown evidence. With the ninth article by Rosanna Pirelli we keep the focus on both New Kingdom Egypt and Sahura’s pyramid complex. The main target of the article is represented by the Punt scenes depicted in the relief decoration of Hatshepsut’s temple in Deir el-Bahari. In approaching this topic, however, the author does not only provides us with a comprehensive presentation of well-known evidence in a new interpretative light but also give us some hints for further consideration about how much of this New Kingdom decorative repertoire was inspired by previous, much older, royal monuments such as the already-mentioned pyramid complex of King Sahura. The tenth article by Martin Pehal discusses another important issue concerning the king’s office, namely the strategies concerning the succession of the kings on the Egyptian throne – especially the so-called “positional succession”. The issue is mostly studied on the base of documents dated to the New Kingdom, but insights connected with the Old and Middle Kingdom are also provided by the author in the second part of the article. Finally, in the last contribution to the volume, Nenad Marković pays his attention to the god Apis and its relationship with the main solar Gods Ra and Atum, as well as their influence on the royal ideology in Egypt during the First Millennium BCE. He discusses this issue mainly on the so-called Demotic Chronicle dated to the fourth century BCE but also compares this text with previous achievements of Egyptian religious literature and speculation. Despite the specific contribution that each paper has provided to the overall discussion, however, what seems to us remarkable, in the scientific framework of the project, is the fact of having gathered a wide ensemble of scholars around the table to debate on one of the key-subjects of Egyptology ever since its beginning: the focal role of the solar cult in the building of the ancient Egyptian culture – both material and spiritual – and ideology of the royal office with which it was thoroughly associated. We hope that this idea will not only contribute to broadening the horizons of the research but will also provide us with a more complete – and more complex – picture of the situation, which, in the end, cannot but favour our comprehension of the phenomenon we are studying in a long-term perspective. We would like to thank all contributors to this volume as well as the other active participants to the workshops (Dana Bělohoubková, Andrzej Ćwiek, Jiří Janák, Mohamed Megahed, Lutz Popko, Luigi Prada, Federica Ugliano). Even though not contributing to the present book, these scholars did any way enriched the scientific framework of the events with their papers and lectures. Beside it, they also discussed the topics connected

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with the development of the solar cult in ancient Egypt with members of the team of the research project, other members of the Czech Institute of Egyptology and students of Egyptology as well. Last but not least, a special thank also goes to the Czech Science Foundation for the financial support to the project and the organization of the three conferences held in Prague; the Conference Centre of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic for creating conditions for the successful organization of the workshops; the employees of the Dean’s Office of the Faculty of Arts, Charles University, for their cooperation during the different phases of the project as well as all the colleagues from the Czech Institute of Egyptology for their constant support, advices and encouragement. Prague, November 2020

Massimiliano Nuzzolo, Jaromír Krejčí

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Heliopolis in the Old Kingdom* Aiman Ashmawy (Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities, Egypt), Dietrich Raue (Leipzig University – Egyptian Museum Georg Steindorff)

Abstract Since 2012 the Egyptian-German Mission in Matariya/Heliopolis has endeavoured to save and document the remaining monuments and features from one of the major centres of ancient Egyptian religion (Ashmawy – Connor – Raue 2021: 12–17; Ashmawy – Raue 2017: 29–45; Raue 2016–2017: 93–108; Raue 2020). The general situation in Matariya, a north-eastern suburb of Cairo where the remains of ancient Heliopolis (figs. 1–2) are located, is far from ideal for the investigation of the Third Millennium BCE strata. Having removed up to 13 m of debris and garbage that had accumulated in the years after the revolution, there remains up to 3–4 m of subsoil water that prevents the systematic excavation of the earliest strata of Heliopolis. Nevertheless, some insights into early Heliopolis may be added that confirm previously held assumptions about the role and presence of the sun god Ra and the Heliopolitan Horus. While excavations of the Supreme Council of Antiquities brought two important monuments of Teti to light, recent excavations have also found redeposited finds from the Old Kingdom in later contexts. In conclusion, some preliminary thoughts about the location of central sectors of Heliopolis are presented for discussion. Keywords: Heliopolis, Djoser, Teti, Merenra, Souls of Heliopolis, Royal Ka-Houses, Obelisks

Introduction First-hand knowledge about the history of Heliopolis during the Old Kingdom was mainly provided through various relocated objects recovered from later archaeological contexts, and by a group of late Old Kingdom mastaba tombs found in the early 20th century when the city of Cairo increasingly expanded to the suburb of Matariya. The excavations by the Egyptian-German Mission in Matariya/Heliopolis mainly contribute to our understanding of the history of the Second Millennium BCE onwards. Within the boundaries of the temple enclosures, the Old Kingdom strata are located about 4–5 m under the present level of the subsoil water. Nevertheless, finds from the Old Kingdom are regularly observed among the pottery assemblages or reused objects. *



We are especially indebted to Jane Smythe for correcting our English. Mistakes of course are ours.

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Fig. 1. Temple precinct of Heliopolis in Matariya (I3 Mainz)

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Fig. 2. Areas of investigation 2012–2017 (graphic: I3Mainz, F. Langermann, St. Blaschta)

The embankment of accumulation sand (the so-called Hyksos Fort) Building activity in the Second Millennium BCE had also contributed to the widespread destruction of features of the Third Millennium BCE. In spring 2015, we had the opportunity to conduct two days of excavation close to the main street southwest of the obelisk (Area 231), as a result of council road-works. For the first time we had the unique opportunity to reinvestigate an enormous structure that was called the “Fort Bank of the Hyksos Period” by Petrie (Petrie 1915: Pl. 1), but had been earlier described and mapped by the team from Turin, headed by Ernesto Schiaparelli (Del Vesco – Uglia­ no 2017: 230–232; Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 358; Dietze 2020; Dietze – Ugliano 2021). Enormous amounts of mud-bricks were needed to build this vast embankment that can be dated to the Fifteenth century BCE according to the pottery finds. The assumption that construction can be dated to the reign of Thutmosis III1 is supported by the remains 1 Such a huge embankment was capable of saving the sacred ground inside the temple with its primordial hill from ever rising and devastating flood levels. The geomorphological survey by Morgan De Dapper (Gent) proves the relationship between the erection of the embankment and the annual inundation due to this huge wall being erected directly on top of flood deposits (see De Dapper – Herbich 2015: 12–13). Such an enclosure with its extraordinary width is probably mentioned as

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of layers of silicified sandstone/quartzite or debitage chips, a by-product of the stone dressing. To save time and mud-bricks, large amounts of sand from the nearby eastern area of the necropolis, in use during the Old and Middle Kingdoms, was quarried in order to access the greatest amount of building material. One hundred percent of the pottery found in this sand context belong to the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties (fig. 3). This observation was also confirmed towards the south in Area 232.2 Further to the north, remnants of mastabas with stone elements from the end of the late Third to the earlier Second Millennium BCE were discovered in the foundation of this embankment (Raue 1999: 483 no. 3). These architectural elements belonged to tomb chapels of mid-ranking temple officials from the Sixth Dynasty. They were found together with stone elements of tombs of the Herakleopolitan Period and the Twelfth Dynasty (Raue 2014: 179–198; Abd el-Gelil – Saadani – Raue 1996: 143–156). In effect, this gigantic enclosure project undertaken during the early Eighteenth Dynasty would have removed all superstructures standing at the necropolis from the Third Millennium, in the area of the later temple precinct. Excavations conducted in 1916 revealed the substructures of tombs belonging to high-priests of the later Sixth Dynasty out-side this perimeter, but located close to the south-eastern corner of the precinct’s enclosure wall (Daressy – Barsanti 1916: 193–220).3 Several salvage projects undertaken by the local inspectorate continue to find evidence of this regional graveyard (Raue 1999: 471; Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 363).4 Location of Jwnw and the Hw. t -aA. t Close to the obelisk of Senusret I, the late Pleistocene sand deposit rises without major stratified deposits of human settlement activity. Evidence from the geomorphological survey yielded the best sequences for the Third Millennium BCE, approximately 400 m west of the obelisk. Core drillings at this location revealed impressive layers of more than 4 m thickness from the late Fourth and earlier Third Millennium BCE. The archaeological legacy of intense occupation from Naqada III to the Fourth Dynasty lies 2.5–6 m beneath subsoil water in this central sector of the later precinct of the Temple of the Sun. These layers attest to a rich material culture recovered by a drill core of only 10 cm sb. tj  n    wm t. t    on the royal stela Berlin 1634 of Thutmosis III dated to his 47th regnal year, see

Dietze 2020: 37–56 and Raue 1999: 302–303. Two copies of comparable texts prove the existence of several stelae that commemorated the construction of such an enclosure, for the purpose of re-establishing proper environmental conditions within the precinct, see Collombert 2008–2010: 5–13. We are grateful to Luc Gabolde for this reference. 2 Our Area 232 is located about 200 m south of the find spot, where Ernesto Schiaparelli had found the fragments of the famous naos of Djoser, see Dietze – Ugliano 2021; for earlier assumptions, see Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 360 and 362–363 ‘Kom el-Hisn’. 3 The tomb chambers were flooded by groundwater. 4 For further evidence of mastabas from the Sixth Dynasty see the false-door of the priestess of Hathor Merut (Matariya Inv. 1292) in the Matariya Museum; we are grateful to Khaled Abu al-Ela and Hoda Kamal Ahmed for this information.

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Fig. 3. Area 231 – Section in the embankment from the Eighteenth Dynasty with sand accumulation and debris from the necropolis of the Old Kingdom (photo: D. Raue)

diameter, in which lithic tools, textiles and loam bullae fragments were found along with an astonishingly large amount of pottery (De Dapper – Herbich 2015, 12–13). It is in this sector of the temple of Heliopolis that the much later building activities of Ramses II, Merenptah and Nectanebo I have been found by the Egyptian-German Mission. In addition, a fragment of a sphinx from the Eighteenth Dynasty, as well as a fragment of a pillar made of limestone with a delicately carved scene of the running King Senusret I indicate earlier building activity in the area (Ashmawy – Raue 2017, 31–32 with fig. 2). This find and more relief fragments from the Middle Kingdom may point to a phrase in the annals of Senusret I that was discovered in the medieval fortification of Cairo (Postel – Régen 2005, 229–293). His annals describe the activity for the “Souls of Heliopolis” with the erection of the two very “big obelisks” as being “in front of the east of Heliopolis (m - xnt   jAb. t   Jwnw)”. The position of the obelisk would mark an extension of the old Heliopolis, while the original Heliopolis is located further west. The location of the Temple of Nectanebo I (Area 221) (Ashmawy – Beiersdorf – Raue 2015: 13–16) would, therefore, be a part of what had initially been the Hw. t -aA. t : the “Great Domain” of the earlier Third Millennium BCE; or a term that, in a later shift of meaning in the Second Millennium BCE, denotes the main sanctuary. On the other hand, the opportunity to clarify the original position of the naos of Djoser that was found east of the obelisk of Senusret I by the Italian mission in a consider-

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Fig. 4. Obelisk of Teti (photo: M. Wenzel)

Fig. 5. Obelisk of Teti (drawing: Pieter J. Collet)

ably later context, has not presented itself.5 Two alternative locations seem plausible positions: a sanctuary within the Hw. t -aA. t    complex, or an early predecessor of royal presence on the sand slope that later became the location for buildings and obelisks of Teti and Senusret I.

5 A complete re-edition of the Djoser fragments of Heliopolis is planned by Massimiliano Nuzzolo and Jaromir Krejčí, see e. g. 2017, 360 Fig. 2.

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Excavations close to the obelisk of Senusret I One of the most important Heliopolitan objects found in the past decades is the obelisk of King Teti (figs. 4–5), discovered by the late Motawi Balboush in Matariya.6 This monument is remarkable for many reasons, including the material from which it is made: the bjA. t -stone (Wb I, 438.16–439.4; Klemm – Klemm 2008) is a material signifying high status and was rarely used for architectural elements during the Third Millennium BCE, apart from royal contexts.7 In this case, the architects made use of the coarsely silicified sandstone with inclusions of pebbles of up to 5 cm (fig. 6) that had to be cut with the utmost care to achieve a smooth surface. There is new evidence for a large obelisk belonging to the royal family of the Sixth Dynasty from recent excavations at Saqqara in the precinct of Pepy I. The fragment indicates a considerably larger size (H. 2.7 m with a 1.2 m Pyramidion, and 1.1 m width) than the Matariya obelisk, which measures just about 52 cm in width at the preserved lower portion. The Saqqara obelisk is made of red granite and not of quartzite (whose Fig. 6. Obelisk of Teti, detail of left side (photo: M. Wenzel)

6 Report on the excavations at the obelisk in 1968, ministry of Antiquities Centre of Documentation. A study of this archival material will be provided by Aiman Ashmawy; Habachi 2000: 28–29 Fig. 30; see also Bussmann 2010: 468–471 and Martin 1977: 42–43, 233 Fig. 3. 7 See for example the royal statuary of the reign of Djedefra at Abu Roash (fine red quartzite, Ziegler 1997a: 42–58 no. 1–13) and the pillars or the courtyard in the mortuary temple of Pepy II in South Saqqara (coarse yellow-brown quartzite, Jéquier 1940: 23–24, Fig. 9, Pl. 29 and 44–45). The pillars of this temple depict the king in an embrace with a falcon-headed god, probably Ra-Horakhty. This seems to be one of the rare cases where an explicitly expressed relationship between the sun-god as Ra and the Heliopolitan landscape is shown; compare also the relationship of a falcon-headed god and the “Hw. t -aA. t ” with King Qahedjet of the 3rd Dynasty, see Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 367, n. 92 and 371, n. 133. Nevertheless, there wasn’t a restriction to use this material for grinding stones in domestic contexts. Such tools were mined in the quarries at West Aswan (Storemyr – Bloxam – Heldal – Kelany 2013: 228–231) and there is no reason to doubt such quarrying for grinding stones that have been found in our excavations since 2012, at the quarries of the Gebel Ahmar close by to Heliopolis.

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quarry was 800 km closer).8 Furthermore, the two obelisks that were transported for King Pepy II to Heliopolis were probably made of granite from Aswan.9 Other obelisks of the royal entourage in the Memphite necropolis, such as the one for Queen Inenek-Inti in the precinct of Pepy I, are made of limestone (Labrousse 2010: 298–299, 311 fig. 1; for a list of private limestone obelisks of the Old Kingdom see Martin 1977: 223–227; and Martin 2008: 160–161). The limited use of quartzite from nearby Gebel Ahmar would suggest its theological significance; a direct, probably metaphysical relationship of its materiality to the sunand creator god and his mythology (Müller 1964: 132; Aufrère 1991: 698–699; Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 360, n. 23). Even 700 years later, transformations of solar religion to Thebes manifested their materiality in spectacular monuments of quartzite from Gebel Ahmar, as seen at the Chapelle Rouge of Queen Hatshepsut or the Theban colossi of Amenhotep III (Stadelmann 1984: 291–296; Lacau – Chevrier 1977: 29 with fig. 2; Burgos – Larché 2006–2008). Royal sarcophagi of the Eighteenth Dynasty are made of this extraordinary substance. It is quite telling that elite burials in Heliopolis and Memphis made use of local limestone or of red granite from Aswan for their sarcophagi instead of quartzite, despite their vicinity to the quarries of Gebel Ahmar.10 Clearly, the homonymy bjA.w/bjAj. t    miracle and bjA. t quartzite is also not coincidental (Wb I: 440.4–441.11). One millennium later, the spectacular structure and colour of the quartzite from Gebel Ahmar was interpreted as the petrified blaze, the remains of the massacre among Apophis and his “evil comrades” (Yoyotte 1978: 148–150). A second object was discovered in the same context close to the obelisk of Senusret I and likewise belongs to the reign of Teti. While it was occasionally described as a lintel,11 there is no doubt that it belongs to a naos made for a statue (figs. 7–8). A close but considerably smaller parallel can be seen in the Temple of Satet on Elephantine Island, 8 A second granite obelisk was made in a very unusual way in two pieces, for these recent discoveries see Collombert 2018: 72–73 with Figs. 11–12. 9 Habachi 1981: 20–24; Martin 2008: 165; Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 363; Seyfried – Vieler 2008: 816–817. Pliny the Elder describes in AD 79 an uninscribed obelisk of king Phius, perhaps pointing to King Pepy I (Plin. NH XXXVI.74). According to Pliny, this monument measured about 48 cubits, and while this reported height seems doubtful, the description of it being uninscribed may coincide with the fact that obelisks of the Third Millennium BCE were inscribed on one side only. If this side was obliterated by chance, the monument would indeed seem to be uninscribed, see Banna 2014: 23–26. A fragment of a miniature altar with the throne name of Pepy II does not mention any specific divine or private name. Therefore, the occurrence of the god Ra in the epithet to Pepy’s name “living like Ra” (nswt - bjt  Nfr- kA-Ra  anx  mj  Ra) does not allow for further con­clu­ sions, von Bissing 1907: 114 (CG 18556 = JdE 4919). 10 See e. g. the sarcophagus of Satra, Raue 1999: 281. A rare exception to that rule is a coffin of the late-Ramesside employee of the Heliopolitan temple, the overseer of cattle and stable Djehutimose, see Edwards 1939: 43–45, Pl. XXXVII–XXXVIII. The high rank of owners of such a sarcophagus is exemplified by the Memphite high-priest of Ptah, Hori, who was a grandson of Ramses II and a son of the high-priest Khaemwaset. His sarcophagus (Berlin ÄM 57, see Maystre 1992: 289, no. 90) is made of a rather coarse variety of quartzite from Gebel Ahmar. I owe this reference to Anne Herzberg and her database Prosopographia Memphitica. 11 Last time Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 363.

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Fig. 7 (above). Naos of Teti (photo: D. Raue), Fig. 8 (below). Naos of Teti (drawing: Pieter J. Collet)

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which is made of red granite and not of quartzite (Ziegler 1990: 50–53; Bussmann 2013: 21–22). No more than the name, title and simple benedictions of Teti are preserved on both Heliopolitan objects. It is difficult to estimate the original size of the Heliopolitan obelisk of Teti; however, we would suggest an overall size of 2–3 m. There was probably no further text apart from simple phrases like: beloved by a divinity, and most probably, the “Souls of Heliopolis” that would have existed on the lower part (see below). The original context of the obelisk and the naos of Teti is unknown. Even though doubts were cast on the provenance and its details, the find spot of both objects can be determined with certainty. They were discovered in a section about 10–15 m south of the obelisk of Senusret I (see above). No other feature in that section can be ascribed with certainty to the Old Kingdom. The base of a naos was discovered in this trench still in situ, but it is now buried by more than 1 m of subsoil water. Perhaps it may have also belonged to the building project of the Twelfth Dynasty (Gabolde – Laisney 2017: 120–121, fig. 19). Richard Bussmann has put forward the theory that some naoi, as in the case of the granite specimen from Elephantine, should not be considered as objects that housed a figure of a divinity. He convincingly argued in favour of a naos for a royal statue, probably made of wood in the way that other statuettes that can be ascribed to Upper Egyptian ka-houses of the Sixth Dynasty (Bussmann 2013: 21–23 with fig. 1; and 2010, 509–512). In accordance with such assumptions, we would suggest that we are dealing here with elements of a royal ka-house, probably very similar to structures at Bubastis for example (Bussmann 2010: 103–104, 121, fig. 2.37–38). The purpose of the obelisk(s) would be the creation of a location of cultic communication that connects the king and divine sphere for eternity.12 Even though this postulated ka-house probably focused on the royal divine nature of the king himself, such structures were always allotted to a divinity of a region or a divine concept. One Old Kingdom “clay tablet” belonging to Pepy I (probably a foundation plaque) that was seen by Heinrich Brugsch in the late Nineteenth century mentions a god and an entity: the nTr  nb  hw. t -aA. t “the god, the lord of the Great Mansion” on the one side and the bA.w  Jwnw “Souls of Heliopolis” on the other side.13 Although no evidence is at hand for the celebration of the sed-festival in Heliopolis itself,14 it is tempting to see a succession of the function of sun-sanctuar12 For the first tomb obelisks at the very end of Fifth Dynasty (Queen Chenut, temp. Unas) and a granite obelisk from the Niuserra precinct at Abusir see Martin 2008: 162. The tx n .wj monuments of the Sixth Dynasty, erected in pairs, can also be initially identified as round-topped stelae, even though their determinative in contemporary texts of the Sixth Dynasty starts using the pair of obelisk-shaped signs. These signs point therefore to the function and not to the morphology. The primary purpose may be compared to an antenna, creating a place of communication with a god or deceased person. The counterpart is subsequently expected to be present and receive offerings by means of such monuments, see Martin 2008: 163–164. 13 Brugsch 1891: 1212. The village of el-Khanka is located 11 km north of Matariya, see Raue 1999: 29–31, Pl. 2. There is no evidence for any archaeological site of the Third or Second Millennium BCE in situ. The indication is probably given by an art dealer and the present location of the tablet is unknown. 14 The royal jubilees are mentioned without topographical specification on the reliefs of Djoser from Heliopolis, see Kahl – Kloth – Zimmermann 1995: 116–119.

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ies (royal jubilee in contrast to mortuary cult), when the pharaohs of the later Fifth and Sixth Dynasties ceased building such monuments on the west bank of Memphis.15 Even though it is probably just a mere coincidence, the only object that reliably mentions the jubilee of a king in combination with the “Souls of Heliopolis” is a stone vessel of 16.3 cm height that postdates the last sun sanctuaries. This tall alabaster vase was commissioned by Djedkara on the occasion of his first jubilee in late Fifth Dynasty.16 Gods of the Old Kingdom in Heliopolis It is generally accepted that a central term for the divinities of Heliopolis is formed by a group designation (Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 367 n. 92). A sphinx of King Menkaura from the later Fourth Dynasty bears the earliest proof of the “Souls of Heliopolis” (see below), as does the slightly later and considerably larger Heliopolitan sphinx of the Old Kingdom (length: 2.15 m) that was commissioned by Pepy I and made of brown-greyish quartzite (fig. 9).17 The identity of the “Souls of Heliopolis” on monuments of the Old and Middle Kingdom is a matter of debate or in the words of several colleagues “elusive”18. Some scholars prefer to translate it in a rather abstract way referring to the bA.w -power,

Fig. 9. Cairo, Egyptian Museum, CG 541: Sphinx of Pepy I (photo: D. Raue)

15 The theory of a visual alignment of funerary monuments at Giza and Abusir to Heliopolis as cardinal point has been convincingly rejected by Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 364–366. 16 Paris Louvre E5323, Ziegler 1997b: 464, 470 Fig. 1; Urk I: 57.3–4; acquisition date: 1868, without provenance; for an earlier royal seal impression of the reign of Userkaf with the mention of the bA.w -Jwnw and a prophet of Atum see Kaplony 1981: 151–152, Pl. 52.11. 17 Cairo CG 541 (=JdE 29220): see Borchardt 1925: 90, Blatt 90; Cherpion 1991: 34–37, Figs. 12 and 17. 18 Wilkinson 2000, 154; Daoud 2008, 61; for the Souls of Heliopolis in Pyramid Text see Nuzzolo and Krejčí 2017, 370; for the aspect rx bA.w -Jwnw “to know the Souls of Helio­polis”, see also Spell 154 of the Coffin Texts and the Book of the Dead Chapter 115 as an example of transition of bA.w -Jwnw concepts in the end of the Middle Kingdom, Geisen 2004, 16 and 155–157. The spell provides the deceased with the ability to see e. g. the “Lord of the Souls”, to move without hindrance

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which is well attested to the royal character in all periods: being powerful is a linked concept of the “ bA- soul”.19 “Souls” are attested for sacred sites (e. g. Hie­ra­konpolis, Buto, Hermopolis and He­lio­­po­ lis) and areas as well as for cardinal directions.20 The identity of the “Souls of He­lio­polis” obviously changes in time or at least leaves space for various interpretations. While it had been assumed that bA.w -groups form the community of gods of a certain place or moment,21 it still seems difficult to construct a chronological sequencing of terms like “souls” (bA.w), “ennead” ( psD. t) and “gods” (nTr.w).22 The ritual texts of the Third Millennium BCE addresses them in Spell 606 of the Pyramid Texts and place the two eminent enneads (of Heliopolis) in front of the “Souls of Heliopolis” ( psD. tj    aA. twr. t    xntj    bA.w-Jwnw: see Kees 1956, 154 – PT § 1689c). It seems difficult to argue that in such phrases the bA.w-Jwnw are meant to be the same gods as they are presided (presented or preceded) in Spell 302 by two bA-gods (bA.wj    xnt.jw    bA.w    Jwnw), probably Shu and Tefnut (e. g. of the second generation of creation: see Sethe § 460a; Kees 1956: 156–157).23 Other texts of this corpus allowed the king to be placed as bA-soul among the “Souls of Heliopolis” (PT spell 468 (§ 904); Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 370). in Abydos, to line up with the great ones. The justification is the fact that the deceased knows the primeval(s) of Heliopolis to whom not even the wr- mA.w high-priest was granted access. 19 Ward 1978: 77–81; e. g. Hornung 2004: 224 (Book of the Dead, Chapter 115). For phonetical arguments that favour a plural of “souls” instead of “power”, see Quack 2000: 79 note g. 20 LÄGG II: 713–716, 719–725, 729–732; for the expression    nTr bA.w Jwnw    “Gott der Seelen von Heliopolis” see LÄGG IV: 423; the lintel of Senusret III from Heliopolis places one only divinity, a seated and human-headed god, next to this expression, Budge 1913: 6 Pl. 8 (BM 298); as part of the designation of Osiris on a coffin of the Third Intermediate Period see Boeser 1917: Pl. XII; Hirsch 1996: 90; Corteggiani (1979: 120 n. a) who translates this in a text of a private stela of the reign of Amasis additive, e. g. “les dieux et les Ames d’Héliopolis”, following Hecker (1937: 38–39), who translated this expression as “der Gott (?) und die Seelen von Heliopolis” in an offering formula on the libation basin Berlin ÄM18514 of the later Sixth Dynasty that might be of Heliopolitan origin. 21 Kees (1956: 157) proposed to identify the Souls of Heliopolis in the Old Kingdom with the community of all divinities of Heliopolis, and interpreted in this sense also the inscription on the obelisk of Senusret I and parallel mention of “lords of the main residence” and “Souls of Heliopolis” in the “Tombos-Inscription” of Thutmosis I. The structural similarity of such identifications indeed dates back to the Old Kingdom illustrated by the inscriptions of the high-priest Niankhnesut of the Sixth Dynasty (see below). 22 For these different concepts see Kees 1956, 157. 23 http://totenbuch.awk.nrw.de/spruch/115 (accessed: 12.12.2018); Kees 1956: 153. For Buto and Hie­ra­konpolis it is certain that they were thought falcon- resp. jackal-headed groups. Two figures of the souls of Buto and Hierakonpolis in the specific hnw-gesture include a third kneeling figure with a human head wearing the nemes-headdress. Weiss (2012, 394) interpreted this third “soul” in as the Heliopolitan one. The group of three figures EA 11496–11498 was acquired in 1880 from Edward Thomas Rogers (1830–1884), see also https://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_ online/collection_object_details.aspx?assetId=273331001&objectId=125640&partId=1 (accessed: 12.07.2019). The departmental acquisition registers contain no details of their provenance. We are grateful to John Taylor (British Museum, email 14.12.2018) for this information. This third part of the group is attested, for example, also in the tomb of Ramses I in the Valley of the Kings, where it is, for example, clearly identified as the deceased king (Reeves – Wilkinson 1996: 135). In other cases, a royal name like Amenhotep III is inscribed, see Josephson 1997: 34–39 with note 238 and

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The quantity of various contexts considerably increases in time (LÄGG II: 713–714). All texts of the Third Millennium BCE draw a clear distinction between the “Souls of Heliopolis” and the sun as “Ra”. The iconography is also ambiguous. Later, private funerary texts of the Second and First Millennium BCE preserved a clear vision of the “Souls of Heliopolis”, at least in their main spell, Coffin Texts Spell 154, followed by Book of the Dead Chapter 115 until the Ptolemaic Era. This spell “to stride to heaven, open the   jmH. t -cavity and to know the “Souls of Heliopolis” in the Book of the Dead identifies the “Souls of Heliopolis” in text and vignette as the three first goods of the Ennead, e. g. Ra, Shu and Tefnut. At the same time, a hawk-headed variation is attested under Ramses III, when he offers the vase of Amun in his mortuary temple at Medinet Habu, accompanied by the “Souls of Heliopolis” and the jackal-headed “Souls of Buto”.24 Very interesting proof for the “Souls of Heliopolis” was found in the late Bronze Age strata of Tel Hazor/Upper Galilea in the debris layers of the Twelfth century BCE. The front part of a sphinx, commissioned by Menkaura, holds the preserved dedication: “beloved by the Souls of Heliopolis”, which seems to be its earliest attestation.25 The term is subsequently mentioned in the annals of the Palermo Stone where it appears in the reign of Userkaf; first with guarantees for god’s offerings according to the moon-festivals,26 and then opening a solar section that continues with offerings for Ra and Hathor. It also mentions the Heliopolitan Toponym ¥j - obH (Urk. I: 240.17; Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 371–372 with Fig. 4). This is repeated in the next entry with a wider geographical frame of reference (Urk. I: 241.3) that leads to Upper Egypt. While in the case of the successor Sahura, the term that opens the sequence of sacred places has to be restored (Urk. I: 243.6), it is present during the time of the author of these annals. King Neferirkara placed his actions for the “Souls of Heliopolis” after a Memphite section, organized under the wr- mA official, before more southern sanctuaries are mentioned.27 Pl. 12c. To sum up, no definite proof for an iconography as kneeling kings with nemes-headdress seems to be at hand. 24 Epigraphic Survey 1964, 526; for bird-shaped representations see LÄGG II: 713 and pMMA 30.3.31, https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/548344 (accessed: 12.07.2019). 25 Ben-Tor 2016: 130–132. The sphinx was made of gneiss as other famous works of Fourth Dynasty royal sculpture; more gneiss blocks seem to have been available in the precinct as also some sculptures of the late Ramesside Period made use of such material at Heliopolis, see for example the statue of Khay-hapy (see Raue 1999: 245) 26 Wilkinson 2000: 154–155; Daoud 2008: 61; Urk. I: 240.6–11. 27 Urk. I: 246.17, 249.4; Daoud 2008: 61; for the attestations of snw. t -sanctuaries that are connected to the sun-cult, see Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 372–373 and Baud – Dobrev 1995: 39, n. a. The “Souls of Heliopolis” are furthermore mentioned in the list of royal domains of Neferirkara (Palermo Stone); Unas (s anx bA.w -Jwnw Wnjs , from causeway, no. 133;    mr bA.w -Jwnw anx Wnjs,    from Mastaba of late Fifth Dynasty); Teti (from mastaba of vizier Mehu: Hw. t &tj –    mr bA.w -Jwnw anx &tj where it is next to the domain mentioning the benu-phoenix, perhaps erroneously in Fourteenth Lower Egyptian nome, see Altenmüller 1998: 124, 126, Pl. 291-b; from mastaba of Mery-Isesi: sHt p bA.w -Jwnw […] and s anx bA.w -Jwnw &tj); and Pepy II (from causeway, no. 5, 57 and 79), see Jacquet-Gordon 1962: Fig. D opposite p. 86, 88 Fig. E, 151, 173, 182, 185, 192, 195, 397, 419, 427.

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Fig. 10. Alabaster vessel of Merenra (photo: D. Raue)

The personal data from private monuments offer, as of yet, just one representative who is involved in that cult during the Third Millennium BCE. The title “Prophet of the Souls of Heliopolis” is a minor occupation of the Heliopolitan high-priest Niankhnesut, who was buried in Saqqara during the early Sixth Dynasty (Leahy – Mathieson 2001: 33–42; Daoud 2008: 60–61). He is the highest ranking official with the broadest spectrum of occupations connected with the sun-cult and mentions his high-priest title (wr- mAw / wr- mAw    Jwnw),28 and the “privy of secrets of the great estate (=main sanctuary)”.29 His tomb has two very interesting aspects: 1) The sacred status of the city, which seems to be synonymous with the sacred place (Raue 2016–2017: 95–96), is mentioned on the more prestigious right door-jamb after the courtier titles wr- mAw    Jwnw and Hrj -sStA    n    Hw. t -aA. t , while the mention of the “Souls of Heliopolis” follows after these two titles for the first time in room B and D (Leahy – Mathieson 2001: 36–37, figs. 3–4). It is therefore not unreasonable to recognise a hierarchy in this appearance: the site, the mansion, the souls of the site.

28 For a summary on the various opinions concerning the relation of that title with Heliopolis see Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 357 n. 7. 29 Daoud 2008: 49–51.

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Fig. 11. Alabaster vessel of Merenra (drawing: Pieter J. Collet)

In only one occasion is a fourth level added, “Secretary of the Divine Word” (Hrj -sStA   n  m dw- nTr), which clearly points to a high degree of involvement with the theological core of the Heliopolitan cult. 2) The places of royal cult practice, such as Buto and Elkab are also part of his professional portfolio (Leahy – Mathieson 2001: 40–42). It has been stressed that up until now no monument from Matariya mentions the god Ra during the Third Millennium BCE.30 The prominent solar-god of the Pyramid Texts and the constituent of so many royal and private names from Abusir, Giza, Abu Ghurab 30 Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 357; Voss 2004: 6, 19, 165–166; in medieval Cairo, no spoliae of the Old Kingdom have been found that mention the sun-god Ra. For the sphinx of Pepy I and its dedication to the “Souls of Heliopolis” see above, p. 15 and fig. 9.

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and Saqqara is all absent in Heliopolis throughout the entire Third Millennium BCE.31 Of course, such statements remain fragile in nature, considering the fact that removal of royal monuments may have started in the Second Millennium BCE.32 It must also be stressed that up until now, there is no royal monument with a secure Heliopolitan provenance at hand for the time when sun sanctuaries were erected close to the Memphite necropolis in the Fifth Dynasty (Nuzzolo 2018: 73–264). Our recent excavations only brought to light evidence for the Sixth Dynasty, such as the large alabaster ritual vessel inscribed in the name of King Merenra (figs. 10–11). The concept of Ra is obviously connected with royalty and the cult of royalty in the western, Memphite desert necropolises, including a direct connection to the Memphite cult of Ptah and the first mention of pairs of obelisks.33 Conversely, the cult to Heliopolis seems to stress the aspect of ancestry back to the physical elements of creation in combination with the benben-stone and Atum. This aspect was realised and continued into the next generation, with the princes and other members of the royal family acting as highpriests at Heliopolis. This also seems likely for the Early Dynastic Period, as the earliest attestation of the wr- mA title from the reign of King Den suggests. Stone vessels from the Djoser galleries and from Tomb S3506 mention an official Wadjnes with the wr- mA title and with a connection to the sed-festival (Moursi 1972: 12–14). Even though the owner of Saqqara Tomb S3506 is unknown, its dimensions within the location in the elite cemetery of monumental tombs, as well as the associated boat burial, ten sacrificed retainer burials, inscriptional remains and the elaborate bull skull ornaments, make it most probable that this official (and, therefore, also his retainers) belonged to the inner circle of the royal family (Morris 2007: 181–183). Nuzzolo and Krejčí showed that all Fourth Dynasty holders of the highest-ranking title in Heliopolis, like their predecessors of the Third Dynasty, were probably of royal descent. However, no “Greatest of Seers of Heliopolis” is attested from the period when sun temples were erected even though the “Heliopolitan” is depicted in a very prominent position in the sed-festival reliefs of Niuserra from the sun sanctuary at Abu Ghurab.34 The royal estates of Heliopolis were fully functioning as the annals of the Palermo Stone and great numbers of pottery finds from residual material from Matariya prove. But there is no doubt that the high-priests of Heliopolis were not buried in Heliopolis, at least not during the first 700 years of dynastic Egyptian history. As a matter of fact, this is a characteristic of Heliopolis for the Third and Second Millennium BCE with only very few exceptions in the second half of the Sixth Dynasty (see above). The close bond to royalty leads the majority of high-priests to 31 An alternative reading as “Nbwtj ” instead of Geb for one of the gods on the shrine of Djoser by Morenz (2002: 142–148, 153–154 Figs. 3–4) has been convincingly rejected by Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 361–362. 32 See the sphinx of Menkaura from Tell Hazor, see above, p. 17 and n. 25. 33 Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 368–371. Only Pyramid Spell 303 (Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 370) connects Ra with Heliopolis, while the pyramid texts occasionally connect both deities to Ra-Atum. For first tomb obelisks see above, pp. 11–12. 34 Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 367–368. We follow the authors’ defence of the traditional reading of the highest Heliopolitan title as “Greatest of Seers” (Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 369).

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be buried close by the royal tomb and therefore far from the Heliopolitan necropolis. The god Ra is not mentioned in the necropolis of Heliopolis during the Sixth Dynasty (for a synopsis of administrative and religious titles in the Old Kingdom, see Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 366– 367). The god Atum seems to be stubbornly hidden in various expressions like “god (nTr), Lord of the Great Mansion”.35 While the concepts of the sun as Ra almost presumptuously insist on visibility in texts, reliefs, institutional affiliations, personal and royal names the Heliopolitan concept focuses on the mystery of the secret nature of the primeval generations. The main divinities of Matariya are mentioned in their tombs in periphrases only: “Prophet of the Lord of Heliopolis”, ”Prophet of the Lord of the Land” (Daressy – Barsanti 1916: 195, 206), “Privy Secretary of Heliopolis and the Great Mansion” (Daressy – Barsanti 1916: 212) while obviously lower ranking divinities like Sepa and Horus-khenti-peru may be directly addressed (Daressy – Barsanti 1916: 206; for Horus-khenti-peru, see below). It is only the naos of Djoser from the innermost core of the Heliopolitan cult that at least had the names of Seth and probably also Geb preserved on its fragments; while 1400 years later, the naos of Seti I still celebrates the mysterious nature of the very first entity: “the god of the first time, whose name is hidden for the gods and who is not known by mankind” (Gabolde 2018: 425–426; Raue 1999: 324–325; Contardi 2009: 22–24). It is this special nature that is explicitly transferred to its Upper Egyptian counterpart in the early Second Millennium BCE, leading to a hidden nature that is also cloaked by the architecture in the Akh-menu-Buildings of Karnak (Gabolde 2018: 436–438, 474). One other god explicitly mentioned on a Heliopolitan monument of the Old Kingdom is the Heliopolitan Horus, the Horus- xntj - pr.w. His

21

Fig. 12. Obelisk of Pepyseneb (photo: D. Raue)

35 For “the Great (wr)”, see Daoud 2008: 59.

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Hm - nTr priest, Pepyseneb, had a mastaba tomb in Matariya close to the tombs of the

high-priests of the Sixth Dynasty. The title of prophet for this god is preserved on a limestone tomb obelisk (fig. 12).36 Even though we have only scarce evidence about this divinity, it seems to be clearly connected with Heliopolis. Unfortunately, the passage in the royal annals of the Sixth Dynasty that refers to this Heliopolitan Horus is badly preserved (Baud – Dobrev 1995: 36 and 71, Fig. 8a). The obelisk of Pepyseneb is, therefore, a most welcome addition to the sources related to this divinity dating to the Third Millennium BCE, otherwise mainly attested in ritual texts.37 Its name points to a focal and probably primary function of the city as a centre or organisation for royal projects. For this, the decisive textual evidence was yielded by the discovery of papyri from Wadi al-Jarf at the Red Sea and their publication by Pierre Tallet and his team. In these texts, Heliopolis functions as a distribution base for the pyramid project of Khufu to be realised in Giza (Tallet 2017: 87). When grain is needed at the limestone quarries of Tura to supply the workmen, the official does not travel to the pyramid cities, but to the city of Heliopolis as the central domain authority, or in other words, the “pr.w ” whose divine president is the Horus-khenti-peru. Old Kingdom Architecture in Heliopolis Architectural stone elements of Heliopolitan Old Kingdom buildings have not been reported by former or current excavations. Nevertheless, Arnold’s suggestion of a Heliopolitan origin of Old Kingdom red granite columns reused in later mosques of historical Cairo38 was in part confirmed by our current field work. Three fragments of capitals of palm columns were found in Late Ramesside/Third Intermediate Period debris layers in the western sector of the temple precinct of Heliopolis (Area 251) in spring 2019 (Ashmawy – Connor – Raue 2021: 12–17). The famous victory column of Merenptah from Heliopolis is without doubt also a reworked red granite palm column, probably of an original Old Kingdom date (fig. 13).39 Thus far, such finds in Herakleopolis, Bubastis and Tanis are considered as evidence for the reuse of Old Kingdom Columns from the royal pyramid districts of the Memphite necropolis. Dieter Arnold challenged this view by summing up the missing columns from the precincts of Sahura, Djedkara and Unas (50), testing this number against the columns that were found in the Middle King36 Abd el-Gelil – Shaker – Raue 1996: 139–140 no. 34–35. This object was discovered by Atef Tawfiq in 1994 and we are grateful for his communication of this discovery; for the tombs of the highpriests see Daressy – Barsanti 1916: 193–220. 37 LÄGG V: 812; for attestations in Heliopolis during the Second Millennium BCE see Raue 1999: 303 (Thutmosis III); 306–307 (Amenhotep III); 335–336, 353 and 409 (Ramses II); 376 (Seth­nakht); 422 (Ramses III). 38 Arnold 1996: 43–44, 50; Nuzzolo – Krejčí 2017: 364. We are grateful to Jessica Jancziak for various references from her ongoing PhD project on columns in Pharaonic Egypt. For more recent evidence on the dismantling of Old Kingdom temples during the Nineteenth Dynasty, see Hawass 1997: 289–293; Rosenow 2018: 12. 39 Tawfiq – Abu’l Azem – Raue 1995: 44–46; Raue 1999: 368–371.

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dom, Ramesside and Third Intermediate Period sites (55),40 which increases with the observations concerning the recent field work in Heliopolis to a total of Fifty-nine. Up until now, the lack of an inscription on the Heliopolitan columns forces one to assume the existence of such peristyles or hypostyles apart from the Memphite necropolis or later than the Old Kingdom. It may also be argued whether several little-known valley temples in the Memphite region might have housed a greater number of columns in the Old Kingdom. Nevertheless, the observations and reliable numbers of Arnold should be kept in mind as a well-founded alternative perspective. In this latter case, these columns would be the only monumental royal representation from the era of the sun sanctuaries in the Memphite necropolis and during the late Fifth Dynasty.41 However, a later production of such columns during the Middle Kingdom or during the earlier New Kingdom should not be prematurely excluded prior to a closer study. In the footsteps of the Old Kingdom The quantity and quality of all evidence on Old Kingdom Heliopolis is drastically limited. It is, therefore, helpful to compare this evidence with the situation in the early Middle Kingdom. Surprisingly, most observations are confirmed by the inscriptions of Senusret I on his Heliopolitan monuments. The unfamiliar concept of the “Souls of Heliopolis” is probably related to the idea of a universal

Fig. 13. Column of Merenptah from Arab el-Hisn (photo: D. Raue))

40 Arnold 1996: 39–44, 49; for Herakleopolis see also Yasuoka 2011: 31–60. 41 W. M. F. Petrie suggested a Fifth Dynasty date for a limestone relief block of high quality (Petrie 1915: 4 with Pl. III, bottom left). Since the discovery of reliefs of the reign of Senusret I, it seems obvious that this pharaoh and his contemporaries attempted to copy the style of the Fifth/Sixth Dynasty at Matariya (Ashmawy – Raue 2017: 30, 32 Fig. 2). The stratigraphic location of this block was: “at the bottom of the brick work in the water level”. This describes exactly the situation of the layers of limestone blocks of the Sixth – Twelfth Dynasty as they were found by the Egyptian excavations in the early 1990s about 120 metres east of the obelisk: see Abd el-Gelil – Saadani – Raue 1996: 143–156.

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unity of all beings and materials, and subsequently as a community of divine entities connected with the creation of earth and mankind that can again be traced in the Middle Kingdom. It has to be stressed that the largest obelisk in Egypt for about 400 years makes absolutely no mention Ra, nor Atum for that matter. It is just the bA.w-Jwnw    in the context of the first sed-festival that can be found on the obelisk of Senusret I, which was erected close to the former ka-house of ­Teti.42 It is remarkable how close the relationship between sed-festival and Heliopolis is expressed even in the “Upper Egyptian Heliopolis” within the Chapelle Blanche. This monument was erected on the occasion of the sed-festival of Senusret I. It is in this context that special expressions of the Old Kingdom, as the “God, the Lord of the Great Mansion” reappear.43 “Atum-Lord-of-Heliopolis” is -finally- mentioned in the lunette of the monumental stela of Senusret I, and finds a parallel with the “Souls of Heliopolis” (Postel – Régen 2005: 292–293 Figs. 9–10); while the Heliopolitan annals of this king focus again on the “Souls of Heliopolis”. In the preserved section, these annals are not concerned with Ra nor with Atum. They instead give space to projects for Hathor-Nebethetepet and Mutkheri-senues (Postel – Régen 2005: 235–237, 282–284, 288–289 Figs. 5–6; for Mut in Lower Egypt see Luiselli 2015: 111–131). The historical inscription on a quartzite block, which was seen reused in a building close to the Al-Azhar mosque in Cairo, mentions donations for Atum-Lord-of-Heliopolis (Díaz Hernández 2019: 18–29), while a second block made of the same material attests for the “Souls of Heliopolis” in context of the jubilees of the king (Daressy 1903: 101–103). Surprisingly, this is even valid for protocol issues in the early Second Millennium BCE: Generations of scribes did, according to the Memphite Epistolary Formula and the “Kemyt”, learn to address the “Souls of Heliopolis”, instead of Ra! (Peust 2006, 307–313; Burkard 2003, 41–46; Simpson 1981, 174, 176–177, Figs. 6–7). The absence of Ra and its concept in the Old Kingdom, therefore, seems to be more solidly founded than the preservation of the site would let us expect. Conclusion Even though there is no entirely satisfactory answer to the identity of the “Souls of Heliopolis” at hand right now, there cannot be any doubt that this is the key expression to under-standing the cult at Heliopolis. It is a concept that seems to be categorically different from later and more familiar concepts such as the local main gods or regional triads. It is more abstract, as can be seen during the Sixth Dynasty with periphrases like, “God, the Lord of the Main Sanctuary” (see above), or even more academic under Senusret III:

42 Postel – Regen 2005: 266–268; Lorand 2011: 314–318; Gabolde – Laisney 2017: 118–122; Hirsch 2008: 52–78. 43 Gabolde 2018: 251 note 468, see also above p. 14; for the “god of/and the Souls of Heliopolis” that is attested in Heliopolis in texts of Senusret III and the Late Period, see above, p. 16, note 20.

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“God of/and the Souls of Heliopolis”.44 While environmental circumstances will constantly limit the chances of a full picture of Heliopolis during the Third Millennium BCE, core drilling surveys and single finds allow for additional insights. This is especially the case for the study of structures that are the result of reusing buildings from the Old Kingdom, offering the possibility of first-hand information from ancient Heliopolis. Bibliography Abd el-Gelil, Mohammed – Saadani, Adel – Raue, Dietrich 1996 “Some inscriptions and reliefs from Matariya”, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 52, pp. 143–156. Abd el-Gelil, Mohammed – Shaker, Mohammed – Raue, Dietrich 1996 “Recent excavations at Heliopolis”, Orientalia 65, pp. 136–146. Altenmüller, Hartwig 1998 Die Wanddarstellungen im Grab des Mehu in Saqqara, Mainz: Philipp von Zabern. Arnold, Dieter 1996 “Hypostyle halls of the Old and Middle Kingdom?”, in: Der Manuelian, Peter (ed.), Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson, Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, pp. 39–54. Ashmawy, Aiman – Beiersdorf, Max – Raue, Dietrich 2015 “The Thirtieth Dynasty in the temple of Heliopolis”, Egyptian Archaeology 47, pp. 13–16. Ashmawy, Aiman – Connor, Simon – Raue, Dietrich. 2021 “A brewery, a cemetery and monumental walls: 3,000 years of occupation at the heart of Heliopolis”, Egyptian Archaeology 58, pp. 12–17. Ashmawy, Aiman – Raue, Dietrich 2017 “Héliopolis en 2017: les fouilles égypto-allemandes dans le temple du soleil à Matariya/Le Caire”, Bulletin de la Société Française d’Égyptologie 197, pp. 29–45. Aufrère, Sydney 1991 L’univers minéral dans la pensée égyptienne, Le Caire: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale. Banna, Essam Salah 2014 Le voyage à Héliopolis: descriptions des vestiges pharaoniques et des traditions as-sociétés depuis Hérodote jusqu’ à l’Expédition d’Égypte, Le Caire: Institute Français d’Archéologie Orientale. 44 The inscription on a second lintel of Senusret III in the British Museum (EA 74753, from Alexandria but originally from Heliopolis, https://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/ collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=115384&partId=1) preserved in juxtaposition to AtumLord-of-Heliopolis a divinity of which the end of the name is preserved “[…] -Ax . t ”. This is very probably to be reconstructed to as @rw - m -Ax . t /Ax . tj, as it is attested in the text of the Berlin leather roll (Gabolde – Laisney 2017: 128) and in Karnak in the reign of Senusret I, see Gabolde 2018: 251, n. 468.

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Baud, Michel – Dobrev, Vassil 1995 “De nouvelles annales de l’Ancien Empire égyptien: une «Pierre de Palerme» pour la VIe dynastie”, Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale 95, pp. 23–92. Ben-Tor, Daphna (ed.) 2016 Pharaoh in Canaan: the untold story, Jerusalem: The Israel Museum. von Bissing, Friedrich Wilhelm. 1907 Steingefässe (CG 18065–18793), Vienne: Holzhausen. Boeser, Pieter Adriaan Aart 1917 Mumiensärge des Neuen Reiches, Haag: Nijhoff. Borchardt, Ludwig 1925 Statuen und Statuetten von Königen und Privatleuten im Museum von Kairo, Nr. 1–1294, Teil 2. Text und Tafeln zu Nr. 381–653 (Catalogue général des antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire), Berlin: Reichsdruckerei. Brugsch, Heinrich 1891 Thesaurus inscriptionum Aegyptiacarum: altägyptische Inschriften (Vol. 5), Leipzig: J. C.  Hinrichs. Budge, E. A. Wallis 1913 Hieroglyphic texts from Egyptian stelae, &c., in the British Museum (part IV), London: British Museum. Burgos, Franck – Larché, François 2006–2008 La chapelle Rouge: le sanctuaire de barque d’Hatshepsout (2 vols), Ed. by Nicolas Grimal. Paris: Recherche sur les civilisations. Burkard, Günter 2003 “Ein früher Beleg der Kemit (O DAN hierat 5)”, in: Kloth, Nicole – Martin, Karl – Par­dey, Eva (eds.), Es werde niedergelegt als Schriftstück: Festschrift für Hartwig Altenmüller zum 65. Geburtstag, Hamburg: Buske, pp. 37–48. Bussmann, Richard 2010 Die Provinztempel Ägyptens von der 0. bis zur 11. Dynastie, Leiden: Brill. 2013 “The social setting of the temple of Satet in the third Millennium BC”, in: Raue, Dietrich – Seidlmayer, Stephan J. – Speiser, Philipp (eds.), The First Cataract of the Nile: one region - diverse perspectives, Berlin – Boston: De Gruyter, pp. 21–34. Cherpion, Nadine 1991 “En reconsidérant le grand sphinx du Louvre A23”, Revue d’Égyptologie 42, pp. 25–41. Collombert, Philippe 2008–2010 “Les stèles d’enceinte de Thoutmosis III à Héliopolis”, Bulletin de la Société d’Égyptologie de Genève 28, pp. 5–13. 2018 “Recent discoveries of the Mission archéologique franco-suisse de Saqqara in the funerary complex of queen Ankhnespepy II”, Saqqara Newsletter 16, pp. 66–75. Contardi, Federico 2009 Il naos di Sethi I da Eliopoli: un monumento per il culto dio Sole (CGT 7002), Milano: Skira.

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Corteggiani, Jean-Pierre 1979 “Une stèle héliopolitaine d’époque saïte”, in: Vercoutter, J. (ed.), Hommages à la mémoire de Serge Sauneron 1927–1976. I: Égypte pharaonique, Le Caire: Institut français d’archéologie orientale, pp. 115–153. Daoud, Khaled 2008 “Professions and career of Niankhnesut”, Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 37, pp. 49–68. Daressy, George 1903 “Inscriptions hiéroglyphiques trouvées dans Le Caire”, Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 4, pp. 101–109. Daressy, Georges – Barsanti, Alexandre 1916 “La nécropole des grands prêtres d’Héliopolis sous l’Ancien Empire”; Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 16, pp. 193–220. De Dapper, Morgan – Herbich, Tomasz 2015 “Geomorphological and geophysical survey”, Egyptian Archaeology 46, pp. 12–13. Del Vesco, Paolo – Ugliano, Federica 2017 “Le ricerche a Giza e a Eliopoli”; in: Del Vesco, Paolo – Moiso, Beppe (eds.), Missione Egit­to 1903–1920: l’avventura archeologica M.A.I. raccontata, Torino – Modena: Museo Egi­zio; Franco Cosimo Panini, pp. 223–239. Díaz Hernández, Roberto 2019 “Der heliopolitanische Türpfosten mit der 2. Annaleninschrift Sesostris I.” Zeit­ schrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 146/1, pp. 18–29. Dietze, Klara 2020 “Das Korpus der Mauerstelen Thutmosis’ III. und die innere Umfassungsmauer im Tem­pel von Heliopolis”, in: Ashmawy, Ayman – Dietze, Klara – Raue, Dietrich (eds.), Helio­polis. Kultzentrum unter Kairo, Heidelberg: Propyläum, pp. 37–56. Dietze, Klara – Ugliano, Federica 2021 “A dialogue between past and current excavations at Heliopolis: the case study of Schia­ pa­relli’s ‘Tempio del Sole’ and Area 232”, Rivista del Museo Egizio (online in 2021). Edwards, Iorwerth E.S. 1939 Hieroglyphic texts from Egyptian stelae, etc. (part 8), London: British Museum. Epigraphic Survey (The) 1964 Medinet Habu, volume 7: The temple proper, part 3. The third hypostyle hall and all rooms accessible from it with friezes of scenes from the roof terraces and exterior walls of the Temple, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Gabolde, Luc (ed.) 2018 Karnak, Amon-Rê: la genèse d’un temple, la naissance d’un dieu, Le Caire: Institut français d’archéologie orientale. Gabolde, Luc – Laisney, Damien 2017 “L’orientation du temple d’Héliopolis: données géophysiques et implications historiques”, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 73, 105–132.

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Nuzzolo, Massimiliano 2018 The Fifth Dynasty Sun Temples. Kingship, Architecture and Religion in Third Millennium BC Egypt, Prague: Charles University. Nuzzolo, Massimiliano – Krejčí, Jaromír 2017 “Heliopolis and the solar cult in the Third Millennium BC”, Ägypten und Levante 27, pp. 357–379. Petrie, W. M. Flinders – Mackay, Ernest 1915 Heliopolis, Kafr Ammar and Shurafa, London: School of Archaeology in Egypt. Peust, Carsten 2006 “Ägyptische Briefe: das Lehrstück Kemit”, in: Janowski, Bernd – Wilhelm, Gernot (eds.), Briefe, Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, pp. 307–313. Postel, Lilian – Régen, Isabelle 2005 “Annales héliopolitaines et fragments de Sésostris Ier réemployés dans la porte de Bâb al-Tawfiq au Caire”, Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale 105, pp. 229–293. Quack, Joachim Friedrich 2000 “Ein neuer funerärer Text der Spätzeit (pHohenzollern-Sigmaringen II)”, Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 127, pp. 74–87. Raue, Dietrich 1999 Heliopolis und das Haus des Re: eine Prosopographie und ein Toponym im Neuen Reich, Berlin: Achet. 2014 “Königsbekannte: Inschriften zur „anderen“ Ersten Zwischenzeit im Norden Ägyp­ tens”, in: Backes, Burkhard – von Nicolai, Caroline (eds.), Kulturelle Kohärenz durch Prestige, München: Herbert Utz, pp. 179–198. 2016–2017 “Religion et politique au cœur de l’ancienne Égypte: le temple d’Hélio­po­lis”, Annuaire, École Pratique des Hautes Études: Ve section - sciences religieuses 125, pp. 93–108. 2020 Reise zum Ursprung der Welt. Die Ausgrabungen im Tempel von Heliopolis, Darmstadt: WBG. Reeves, Nicholas – Wilkinson, Richard H. 1996 The complete Valley of the Kings: tombs and treasures of Egypt’s greatest pharaohs, London: Thames and Hudson. Rosenow, Daniela 2018 “Dahschur, Ägypten. Die Arbeiten der Frühjahrskampagne 2018”, iDAI.publications – Elektronische Publikationen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts https:// publications.dainst.org/journals/efb/2176/6589 (accessed: 14.07.2018). Seyfried, Karl-Joachim – Vieler, Gerd 2008 Elmar Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole der Qubbet el Hawa bei Assuan, I. Abteilung: Ar­­chitektur, Darstellungen, Texte, archäologischer Befund und Funde der Gräber [QH 24 - QH 209], Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh. Simpson, William Kelly 1981 “The Memphite epistolary formula on a jar stand of the First Intermediate Period from Naga ed-Deir”, in: Simpson, William Kelly – Davis, Whitney M. (eds.), Studies

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in ancient Egypt, the Aegean, and the Sudan: essays in honor of Dows Dunham on the occasion of his 90th birthday, June 1, 1980, Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, pp. 173–179. Stadelmann, Rainer 1984 “Die Herkunft der Memnon-Kolosse: Heliopolis oder Aswan?”, Mitteilungen des Deut­schen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 40, pp. 291–296. Storemyr, Per, Elizabeth Bloxam, Tom Heldal, and Adel Kelany 2013 “The Aswan west bank ancient quarry landscape: stone procurement, hunting, desert travel and rock-art from the palaeolithic to the Roman period”, in: Raue, Dietrich – Seidl­mayer, Stephan J. – Speiser, Philipp (eds.), The First Cataract of the Nile: one region – diverse perspectives, Berlin – Boston: De Gruyter, pp. 223–240. Tallet, Pierre 2017 Les papyrus de la mer Rouge I: Le «journal de Merer» (Papyrus Jarf A et B), Le Caire: Institut français d’Archéologie Orientale. Tawfiq, Atef – Abu’l Azem, Hani – Raue, Dietrich 1995 “Two excavations at Arab el-Hisn”, Bulletin de la Société d’Égyptologie de Genève 19, pp. 41–47. Urk I 1933 Sethe, Kurt, Urkunden des Alten Reichs (I Bd.), Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs Voss, Susanne 2004 Untersuchungen zu den Sonnenheiligtümern der 5. Dynastie: Bedeutung und Funktion eines singulären Tempeltyps im Alten Reich, Hamburg: Staats- und U ­ niversitätsbibliothek. Ward, William A. 1978 The four Egyptian homographic roots B–3: etymological and Egypto-Semitic studies, Rome: Istituto Biblico Orientale. Weiss, Katja 2012 Ägyptische Tier- und Götterbronzen aus Unterägypten: Untersuchungen zu Typus, Iko­ no­­graphie und Funktion sowie der Bedeutung innerhalb der Kulturkontakte zu Grie­ chen­land, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Wb I 1971 Erman, Adolf – Grapow, Herman (eds.), Wörterbuch der ägyptischen Sprache (I Bd.), Berlin: Christoph Brunner Wilkinson, Toby A.H. 2000 Royal annals of ancient Egypt: the Palermo Stone and its associated fragments, London – New York: Kegan Paul International. Yasuoka, Yoshifumi 2011 “Some remarks on the palm columns from the pronaos of Herakleopolis magna”, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 97, pp. 31–60. Yoyotte, Jean 1978 “Apopis et la montagne rouge”, Revue d’Égyptologie 30, pp. 147–150.

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Ziegler, Christiane 1990 Catalogue des stèles, peintures et reliefs égyptiens de l´Ancien Empire et de la Première Période Intermédiaire vers 2686–2040 avant J.-C., Paris: Réunion des Musées Nationaux. 1997a Les statues égyptiennes de l’Ancien Empire, Paris: Réunion des Musées Nationaux. 1997b “Sur quelques vases inscrits de l’Ancien Empire”, in: Berger, Catherine – Mathieu, Ber­­nard (eds.), Études sur l’Ancien Empire et la nécropole de Saqqâra dédiées à JeanPhilippe Lauer, Montpellier: Université Paul Valéry, pp. 461–489.

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Significance of the god Shu for the king’s afterlife according to the Pyramid Texts* Marie Peterková Hlouchová (Czech Institute of Egyptology, Faculty of Arts, Charles University, Prague)

Abstract Shu is one of the deities who is firstly attested in the Pyramid Texts. Based on analysis of this corpus, his roles and significance for the king’s afterlife can be studied. This article focuses on the investigation of the relevant spells of the Pyramid Texts, demonstrating that at least fourteen categories in his characteristics can be distinguished: father/ancestor (of Nut, Geb or the king); Shu being created by Atum; Shu supproting or lifting the sky (Nut); Shu lifting/taking the king; protection of the king, of the sunrise and defeating the enemies; provisioning and cleansing; inheritence and transfering royal kA; rebirth, everlasting life; body parts identified with Shu (lips, a body part); the king appearing as Shu’s companion/messenger; limits and walls; Shu’s ladder; Tefnut supporting Shu; Shu and Tefnut rowing the king. Keywords: Shu, King, Afterlife, Pyramid Texts, Old Kingdom

Introduction The god Shu belongs to fairly abstract deities of the ancient Egyptian pantheon. His significance can be observed in the connection to dry and warm air and light.1 According to the cosmogony from Iunu (Heliopolis) Shu, together with his twin-sister Tefnut, was the firstborn of the creator god Atum, thus a member of the local group of deities (the so-called Heliopolitan Ennead: see Barta 1973; Bickel 1994). As one of the mythologically anceint deities, he was considered the father of the gods and the king. Therefore, he was included into the royal ideology. As the air god and father of the sky goddess * The article was written with the support of the Grant Agency of the Czech Republic (GAČR) project “The rise and development of the solar cult and architecture in Third Millennium BC. Egypt”, project no. 17–10799S. 1 For his characteristics, see also entries in compendia and lexica: Velde (1984); Houser-Wegner (2001); Leitz (2002 VII: 34–39, 405–410); Wilkinson (2003: 98–101). Salient is likewise the work of Buck (1947).

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Nut, he supported the firmament. It is the notion that firstly appeared verbally in the Old Kingdom, in the Pyramid Texts (PT 255 and PT 506; see below). However, in the iconography, this is not attested prior to the New Kingdom, being first documented in the so-called Osireion of Sethy I at Abydos (Allen 1988: 1; see also Lieven 2007). Shu had solar aspects, being related to the sunrise and sunrays. It was life as well as atmospheric phenomena (e. g. wind) that played a significant role in his characteristics as well. The strong link to life can be observed, among others, in the so-called Shu-spells of the Coffin Texts (or “Book of Shu” = Coffin Texts spells 75–83; Velde 1984: 735; Assmann 1990: passim; Bickel 1994; Jürgens 1995; Willems 1996; Houser-Wegner 2001: 285; Fermat 2002). Besides being connected with the Heliopolitan Ennead, Shu sometimes appeared as a member of the Ogdoad, the group of eight primeval divinities from Khemenu (Hermopolis) (see e. g. Zivie-Coche 2009a and 2009b). Shu as a deity is attested from the late Old Kingdom onwards but then appears in all periods of the ancient Egyptian history. His cultic places were located at Heliopolis and Leontopolis (Tell el-Yahudia), but the early cult of this god remains obscure. Based on the evidence of the preserved Egyptian sources, it seems that Shu occurred in the Pyramid Texts for the first time, in the earliest preserved corpus of this type, i. e. in the pyramid of King Unas. The Pyramid Texts, with their diverse religious conceptions refering to various deities (major as well as minor),2 represent the oldest preserved corpus of the religious compositions.3 They describe and ensure afterlife existence of the deceased king. Shu appears in a number of the Pyramid Texts’ spells of various kinds that reveal his diverse roles and functions,4 and present his significance for the king. This article investigates the phenomena connected with Shu and his importance for the king’s afterlife in the Pyramid Texts.5 Testimony of the Pyramid Texts The text below presents a list of the Pyramid Texts’ spells referring to the god Shu, mainly with the connection to the king. The utterance with a mention of the deity under study will be presented in a numerical order created by Kurt Sethe (1908–1922), rather than in chronological sequences.

2 For the major and minor deities, consult Turriziani (2014 and 2015), with further references. 3 A few religious texts from earlier periods than is the first written fixation of the Pyramid Texts can be identified among the sources (see Baines 2004; Hays 2012: 1, footnote 3). But the Pyramid Texts represent the earliest textual collection. 4 For the groupings of the Pyramid Text spells, see Osing (1986) and Hays (2012). 5 This text, with its focus on the god Shu, partially represents an updated and extended version of the article on the relationship between Shu, Tefnut and Ra in the Pyramid Texts, published by the present author (see Peterková Hlouchová 2019b). It also works on my Ph.D. thesis (Peterková Hlouchová 2019a).

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The first spell invoking Shu is PT 7, attested in the pyramid of King Teti (burial chamber on the sarcophagus; writing of the name: ).6 Moreover, the statement that Nut is an offspring of Shu and Tefnut: “your father ( jt=T), your mother (mw. t=T)”,7 is proclaimed by all the gods. Spells with Shu were applied also already in the pyramid of King Unas, for instance, PT 209, present on the eastern gable of the burial chamber (writing of the name: ).8 It is stated that Shu is flourishing or prosperous (wAD) because the king has his meal. This works also vice versa. It is PT 219 that lists all the deities of the Heliopolitan Ennead, with addition of Thoth, Big and Little Ennead, and many other divine beings.9 Regarding its location, it is present in the pyramid of Unas (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ), Teti (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ?), Pepy I (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ?), Pepy II (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ), Neith (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ) and Iput II (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ?). Shu has similar roles as other deities of this spell: The king identified with Osiris is addressed as Shu’s son and his rebirth and life is dependent on this deity. PT 222 is attested in five pyramids: Unas (eastern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: , ), Teti (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ?), Pepy I (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ), Pepy II (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ) and Neith (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ).10 Shu is mentioned in the connection with passing through Shu’s bones and releasing the cleansing in Shu’s Lakes. PT 253 can be found in two pyramids: Unas (western gable of the antechamber; writing of the name: ) and Teti (western gable of the antechamber; writing of the name: ).11 The text deals with Shu as the one who should raise the king’s title up: ¥w  sS.w/y  sw. The independent pronoun sw more likely refers to the “title”, as James P. Allen (2015: 46) suggested. Similar consonants in the sentence are worth noting: not only is there a specific meaning but also a pun/word play, which is a particularly common feature of the ancient Egyptian religion (see Loprieno 2000). Shu and Ra appear as supporters of the king and his royal claim. 6 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 I: 3), and Allen (2013 II). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 71). 7 Allen (2015: 71) translated as “his father”. However, considering the suffix =T, it seems more likely that the translation “your (i. e. Nut’s) father” is more appropriate here. 8 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 I: 72), and Allen (2013 II). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 33). 9 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 I: 93–111), and Allen (2013 II). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 37–41). 10 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 I: 115–122), and Allen (2013 II). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 42–49). 11 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 I: 147–148), and Allen (2013 III). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 46).

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Similarly, PT 254 is attested in the pyramid of Unas (western wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: , ) and Teti (western wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ).12 Shu is mentioned in the connection with Tefnut who supports him. Furthermore, he is referred as the one who provided the king with his (proper) seat beside the god Seth. PT 255 evinces a similar content to the previous spell and Shu is the one who has his arms under Nut.13 The spell is attested in two pyramids, Unas (western wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ?) and Teti (western wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ). Fairly strong solar influences, but not overshadowing the Osirian notions,14 are evinced in PT 259,15 engraved on a wall of the sole pyramid, of Teti (western wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ). The phrase where the king is asserted to be bound to the sky as Shu with Ra seems to be crucial for its understanding. It is the topic of restoration of powers of the king that is expressed in PT 260, carved in the pyramid of Unas (western and partly on southern wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ).16 Shu appears as a witness of judgement. It is in spell PT 261, attested in two pyramids: Unas (southern wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ) and Pepy I (northern wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ),17 where the deceased king is proclaimed to be the son of Shu’s heart.18 Furthermore, it is stated that the king traverses Shu. Shu is referred to in spell PT 301 where he appears as the offspring of the primeval gods Atum and Ruty.19 Moreover, the twins (Shu and Tefnut) are the ones who produced other deities. The spell deals with nourishing, knowledge, cleansing and brightening. What regards the attestation, it appears in the pyramids of Unas (eastern wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ),20 Teti (southern wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ?), Pepy I (southern wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ?), Merenra (eastern wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ?), Pepy II (eastern wall 12 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 I: 148–158), and Allen (2013 III). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 47–48). 13 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 I: 159–161), and Allen (2013 III). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 48–49). 14 Samuel A. B. Mercer (1952 I: 2) distinguished several conceptions in the Pyramid Texts, mainly solar and Osirian, even though he admitted that both groups of texts had mingled. However, he did not define what is a solar text and what is an Osirian text. For these conceptions, see also Mathieu (2010) or Allen (2015: 8). For Osiris, consult Smith (2017). 15 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922: 169–171), and Allen (2013 III). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 335). 16 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 I: 171–174), and Allen (2013 III). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 50). 17 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 I: 174–175), and Allen (2013 III). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 50). 18 James P. Allen (2015: 50) used “mind” instead of “heart” for the translation of word jb. 19 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 I: 231–235), and Allen (2013 III). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 59–60). 20 A non-standard writing of Shu’s name (cf. Allen 2013 III).

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of the antechamber; writing of the name: ?) and Ankhnespepy II (eastern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ?). In PT 323 the king is cleansed with Ra (or as Ra: m) in the S  jAr.w and Shu lifts him up.21 The fact that Shu raises the king is explicitly stated there. As for occurrence of this spell, it is attested in three pyramids: Teti (western gable of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ), Pepy I (eastern wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ) and Merenra (western wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ). In PT 325, Ra could give his hand to the king because the king was taken by Shu as the companion of Shu.22 The spell is attested in two pyramids: Teti (western gable of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ), and Pepy I (western wall of the descending corridor; writing of the name: ?). PT 338 is present in three pyramids: Teti (eastern gable of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ), Merenra (eastern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ) and Pepy II (eastern gable of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ).23 It is Shu who protects the deceased against thirst, and Tefnut against hunger. Similarly, PT 339 is attested in three pyramids: Teti (eastern gable of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ), Merenra (eastern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ) and Pepy II (eastern gable of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ).24 Shu is now connected to hunger, whereas Tefnut to thirst. Likewise, these deities are guarantors of food provisioning. PT 358 is attested in two pyramids: Teti (eastern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ) and Pepy II (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ).25 It is a short spell referring to the firstborn offspring of Shu. In spell PT 360, appearing in two pyramids: Teti (northern wall of the passage; writing of the name: ) and Pepy II (southern wall of the passage; writing of the name: ),26 the king is identified with Shu who came from Atum. PT 361 deals also with opening of the sky’s door and ascending the sky.27 It is the king who has been commended by Nu to Atum and by PgA  (“Wide-arms”, cf. Allen 2015: 81) to Shu. The spell was engraved in two pyramids: Teti (northern wall of the passage; writing of the name: ) and Pepy II (southern wall of the passage; writing of the name: ). 21 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 I: 265–266), and Allen (2013 III). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 71). 22 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 I: 268–272), and Allen (2013 III). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 72). 23 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 I: 281–283), and Allen (2013 III). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 78). 24 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 I: 283), and Allen (2013 III). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 78). 25 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 I: 316), and Allen (2013 III). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 78). 26 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 I: 323–324), and Allen (2013 III). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 81). 27 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922: 324–325), and Allen (2013 III). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 81).

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It is PT 434 that states that Nut is above the land and has the head of his father Shu.28 Shu is the one who desired her and placed himself under her. The spell can be found in four pyramids: Pepy I (western wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ), Merenra (western wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ), Pepy II (western wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name:  ) and Neith (western wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ). PT 452,29 carved in four pyramids: Pepy I (western wall of the burial chamber, and eastern wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: , ), Merenra (western wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ), Pepy II (western wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ) and Neith (western wall of the burial chamber)30 deals with cleansing and it is proclaimed that the king’s cleansing is likewise Shu’s cleansing. The fairly fragmentarily preserved spell PT 484 evinces the influence of solar notions,31 and Shu appears as the one who is in the earth’s limit under his feet. The spell is attested in two pyramids: Pepy I (western wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ), Merenra (southern wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ).32 PT 486, being written down in two pyramids: Pepy I (western wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ), Pepy II (eastern wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ), addresses Shu as the one who brings waters.33 It is stated that the king was born in the primeval waters of Nu, before the creation of the world. Spell PT 496 deals with nourishment of the king.34 The deceased comes from Jwn. t (Dendera) with Shu who is behind him and Tefnut before him.35 They cause that he takes control over sx . t  Ht p.w of Ra. The text can be found in the pyramid of Pepy I (eastern wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ). PT 502P occurs in the pyramid of Pepy I (eastern wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ),36 and Shu elevates the black skin here.37 28 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 I: 431–432), and Allen (2013 IV). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 108). 29 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 I: 468–470), and Allen (2013 IV). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 114). 30 Shu is not refered in the version of Neith (cf. Allen 2013 IV). 31 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 73–75), and Allen (2013 IV). For the translation, Allen (2015: 137). 32 Claude Carrier (2010: 1986–1989) listed PT 484 among the fragments of the eastern wall of the antechamber. 33 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 80–83), and Allen (2013 IV). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 139). 34 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 89–90), and Allen (2013 IV). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 149). 35 Originally, j for the first person of singular was carved on the wall, re-carved later on f (cf. Pierre-Croisiau 2001: Pl. IX; also Hays 2012 II: 399). Allen (2015: 149) has translated it in the original version as “I am the Dendera woman”, meaning Hathor (Allen 2015: 206, footnote 61), without noticing the second edited version. 36 For the hieroglyphic text, see Allen (2013 IV). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 152). 37 In the opinion of Allen (2015: 206, footnote 74) the black skin is a hint to the black knife which was used against snakes.

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Shu lifts the king up in spell PT 505,38 identified in three pyramids: Pepy I (eastern wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ), Merenra (western wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ) and Pepy II (southern wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ?). Shu is referred as the one with the arms under the sky in PT 506.39. The spell can be found in three pyramids: Pepy I (eastern wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ), Merenra (western wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ) and Pepy II (western wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ). PT 509 is attested in two pyramids: Pepy I (eastern wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ) and Pepy II (southern wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ?).40 The main topic is the king’s ascent to the sky and the king is the one who overthrows the walls of Shu. Spell PT 511 can be found in four pyramids: Pepy I (western wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ), Merenra (western wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ?), Pepy II (western wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ), Neith (western wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ).41 Shu is referred in a connection with the king who stands up on him. In PT 526 Shu takes the king to the sky.42 Moreover, in the pyramid of Pepy I is stated that the king’s feet are the feet of Shu. The spell is attested in three pyramids: Pepy I (western wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ), Merenra (western wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ) and Pepy II (western wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ). It is in PT 527 where the creation of the first divine pair, Shu and Tefnut, is reported.43 The creation of the first divine pair, the twins, is described as the act of the masturbation of Atum-Khep(r)er. It is attested in three pyramids: Pepy I (western wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ), Merenra (western wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ), Pepy II (western wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ). In spell PT 539 individual facial parts are compared to various gods.44 The king ascends to the sky and his lips are Shu and Tefnut. The spell is only in the pyramid of Pepy I (southern wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: ). According to Harco Willems (1996: 202 and footnote 36), a Shu-like deity is attested in this text (in § 1322a–1326d), 38 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 101–106), and Allen (2013 IV). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 161–162). 39 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 107–115), and Allen (2013 IV). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 162). 40 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 121–137), and Allen (2013 IV). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 163). 41 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 142–149), and Allen (2013 IV). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 158–159). 42 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 202–203), and Allen (2013 IV). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 168). 43 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 203–204), and Allen (2013 IV). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 168–169). 44 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 227–236), and Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 173–175).

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ascending the solar barque and climbing the ladder to the heaven. In Willems’s opinion a similar notion can be observed in PT 758 (§ 2288–2290). PT 553 was carved in three pyramids: Pepy I (eastern wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: ), Pepy II (eastern wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: ) and Udjebten (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ).45 It is stated that those who will be against Shu and Tefnut will be swept out. PT 564 is one of the spells referring to cleansing of the gods (Ra, Shu) and the king in S  jAr.w.46 Shu lifts the king to the sky. The text was detected in two pyramids: Pepy I (western wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: ), Pepy II (northern wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: ). Spell PT 565 was carved in three pyramids: Pepy I (western wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: ), Merenra (western wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ) and Pepy II (eastern wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ).47 The king was cleansed, and thus he can enter the sky. He appears with Ra and is raised on the arm of Shu, like Ra is raised with the help of Shu’s arm. PT 567 is similar to PT 564 and refers to Shu who lifts the king up to the sky.48 The spell was carved in the pyramid Pepy I (western wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: ) and Pepy II (eastern wall of the vestibule; writing of the name:?). Another text with a reference to Shu is PT 570A, attested in three pyramids: Pepy I (western wall of the vestibule and western wall of the descending corridor; writing of the name: ), Merenra (eastern wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: ), Pepy II (western wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: ).49 It is fairly long spell where it is stated that the god was born by the sky that was on the arms of Shu and Tefnut. The king himself is also addressed as the one who bears Nut as Shu. PT 571 is attested in two pyramids: Pepy I (western wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: ) and Pepy II (western wall of vestibule; writing of the name: ?).50 Horus allots the king to Shu who is described as the one with arms under Nut. In PT 577, carved in the pyramid of Pepy I (western wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: ),51 is mentioned that Shu and other gods, mainly of the Heliopolitan Ennead, are content with the speech of Thoth in favour of Osiris the king. 45 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 244–248), and Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 190–191). 46 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 270–271), and Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 178). 47 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 271–275), and Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 178–179). 48 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 276–277), and Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 179). 49 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 285–302), and Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 180–182). 50 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 302–304), and Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 182–183). 51 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 323–326), and Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 186–187).

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Significance of the god Shu for the king’s afterlife according to the Pyramid Texts

41

It is PT 580 that refers to killing a wild bull for (or instead of) Osiris the king.52 It is stated that the two rear flanks to Shu and Tefnut. The spell was detected only in the pyramid of Pepy I (western wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: ). PT 581, attested in two pyramids: Pepy I (western wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: ) and Pepy II (western wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: ?),53 deals with cleansing in wine-water and Shu is the one who precedes those divine beings who see the inundation. Spell PT 585 contains shorter utterances addressing various gods (Geb, Atum, Shu, Osiris, Ra, Maat, Ogdoad).54 The king is reputed to be the third (offspring) of Shu. The text is attested in four pyramids: Teti (northern wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ?), Pepy I (northern wall of the antechamber and western wall of the descending corridor; writing of the name: ?), Pepy II (northern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ?) and Neith (northern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ). In PT 592 Geb is informed that Osiris the king is Shu’s son and he himself is referred as the eldest son of Shu.55 The spell is attested in four pyramids: Pepy I (northern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ?), Merenra (western wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ), Pepy II (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ?) and Neith (northern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ). Another reference to the creation of Shu and Tefnut by the god Atum is present in PT 600.56 It is Atum-Kheprer who appears as the high mound (bnbn) in the bnbn enclosure in Heliopolis and who sneezed out Shu and spat out Tefnut. Furthermore, Atum embraces his offspring and also the deceased king, transmitting the kA. Also the king, Shu and Tefnut are protected by Atum. This spell can be found in two pyramids: ­Merenra (eastern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ) and Pepy II (eastern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ). Text PT 601 is attested in three pyramids: Pepy I (eastern wall of the descending corridor; writing of the name: ?), Merenra (eastern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ) and Pepy II (eastern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ).57 It is one of the spells for endurance of the king’s name, pyramid58 and temple. This is caused by the fact that various gods will endure, among others also Shu, lord of Upper Menset in Heliopolis. 52 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 329–331), and Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 188). 53 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 331–333), and Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 188–189). 54 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 342), and Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 304–305). 55 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 358–360), and Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 215). 56 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 377–384), and Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 202–203). 57 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 377–384), and Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 202–203). 58 For the topic of protecting the pyramid, see Quack (2011: 42–45).

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Shu is on the eastern side of Horus’ throne, Tefnut is on the western side, Nu is on the southern side and Naunet is on the northern side is addressed in PT 606.59 The spell was carved in four pyramids: Pepy I (western wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ?), Merenra (western wall of the middle corridor; writing of the name: ), Pepy II (western wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ?) and Udjebten (western wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ?). PT 613, detected in three pyramids: Pepy I (eastern wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: ), Merenra (eastern wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: ) and Pepy II (western wall of the vestibule; writing of name: ?),60 refers to the important role of Hedj­ hedj, the ferryman of the Winding Canal. If he fails, Shu will grasp him and Tefnut will grip him, and the result of his failure also will be that Ra will not rise in the Ax . t . PT 624 was detected in four pyramids: Teti (eastern wall of the corridor; writing of the name: ), Pepy I (western wall of the descending corridor; writing of the name: ?), Pepy II (northern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ?) and Neith (northern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ).61 The king raises himself on Shu and on the wing of Kheprer. In PT 634A Shu appears as the son of Atum. His head is lifted by Nut and he is invoked in connection to activity, honour, control and protection of the king.62 This text was engraved on the walls of three pyramids: Pepy I (northern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ?), Merenra (northern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ?) and Pepy II (northern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ). In spell PT 642 another reference to Shu’s origin is documented.63 First, Shu is addressed as the one who encircles everything with his arms and transfers the royal kA to the king. Then he is designated as the eldest son of Atum and it is stated that Atum used his penis on producing Shu. The text is present in the pyramid of Pepy II (northern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ). Similarly, the birth of Shu (but the other way of his creation, i. e. sneezing) is mentioned in text PT 660.64 The king is identified with Shu, Atum’s eldest son. Shu is also addressed in connection with revivification and life of the king. The spell was carved in two pyramids: Pepy I (northern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ?) and Pepy II (eastern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ).

59 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 389–397), and Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 224–225). 60 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 415–416), and Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 196–197). 61 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 423–424), and Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 241). 62 For the hieroglyphic text, see Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 253). 63 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 444), and Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 259). 64 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 456), and Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 267).

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Significance of the god Shu for the king’s afterlife according to the Pyramid Texts

43

Another reference to Shu is in PT 667B.65 What regards the occurrence, it can be found in the pyramids of three kings and one queen of the Sixth Dynasty: Pepy I (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ), Merenra (eastern end of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ?), Pepy II (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ) and Neith (eastern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ).66 Shu is the one who ascends, removes and dispel walls of the limit. PT 670 is the spell where Shu and Tefnut, the two great gods in Heliopolis, row the king.67 It is attested in two pyramids: Pepy I (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ?) and Pepy II (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ). PT 684 deals with king’s ascent to the heaven, and was used in two pyramids: Pepy I (eastern wall descending corridor; writing of the name: ?) and Pepy II (northern wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ).68 It tells of that king’s mother Nut, his father Shu and mother Tefnut take him to the sky.69 Atum’s children and Nut’s children cannot decline and the king is one of them. It is Atum who made Shu’s penis and Tefnut’s vulva as referred in PT 685. The text is attested in the pyramid of Pepy II (northern wall of the antechamber; writing of name: ).70 Text PT 689 refers to Shu as the supporter of Nut and the one who raises the Eye of Horus to the sky.71 The spell can be found in two pyramids: Pepy I (northern wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ?) and Pepy II (northern wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ). Shu also appears in PT 690, attested in five pyramids: Pepy I (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ), Merenra (eastern wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ?), Pepy II (northern wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ), Neith (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ) and Udjebten (north­ ern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ?).72 Shu is the one who guides the king when he goes forth from Heliopolis. In PT 698C hints to separating Nut from Geb by Shu can be observed.73 It is stated that the king has emerged on the thigh of Shu. The text is present in two pyramids: Pepy I 65 For the hieroglyphic text, see Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 317–318). 66 In the concordance, Allen (2013 V) listed only three attestations of the spell (Pepy I, Pepy II, Neith). However, in his translation, he referred to it also in the pyramid of Merenra (Allen 2015: 218). 67 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 475–480), and Allen (2013 V). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 263–264). 68 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 497–501), and Allen (2013 VI). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 284–285). 69 Faulkner (1969: 294) and Allen (2015: 284) use (grand)father for Shu and (grand)mother for Tefnut. 70 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 501–503), and Allen (2013 VI). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 285). 71 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 508–510), and Allen (2013 VI). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 287). 72 For the hieroglyphic text, see Sethe (1908–1922 II: 510–516), and Allen (2013 VI). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 287–289). 73 For the hieroglyphic text, see Allen (2013 VI). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 196).

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(eastern wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: ) and Pepy II (eastern wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: ). PT *709 refers to Shu who is completed in his limits.74 The spell was recorded in two pyramids: Pepy I (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ) and Pepy II (southern wall of the antechamber; writing of name: ). Spell PT *711 presents the king as the one who climbs behind Shu.75 It was engraved in the pyramid of Pepy II (eastern wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ). It is PT *729 where Shu’s thrones are mentioned.76 The spell was recorded in the pyramid of Pepy I (southern wall of the burial chamber; writing of the name: ?). PT *737 was carved in the pyramid of Pepy I (southern wall of the antechamber; writing of the name: ).77 Shu is referred to be the king’s father who gives his arm to the king. In PT *762 Shu’s ladder and government with Kheper is mentioned.78 The spell was carved in the pyramid of Pepy I (eastern wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: ). PT *773, from the pyramid of Pepy I (western wall of the descending corridor; writing of the name: ), refers to something (perhaps a body part) that is identified with Shu.79 Spell PT *799 is attested in the pyramid of Pepy II (western wall of the vestibule; writing of the name: ).80 It says that the king came to Ra who is with a crown as a messenger of Shu.  

 

 

 

 

Table 1. Overview of the spells with a reference to Shu (PT no. = number of the Pyramid Texts’ Spell; A = antechamber; BCH = burial chamber; C = corridor; DC = descending corridor; P = passage; V = vestibule; N = north, E = east, S = south, W = west)

PT no. Pyramid

Location

Epithet / role

7

Teti

BCH, sarcophagus

Father of Nut

209

Unas

BCH, E gable

Shu is flourishing.

219

Unas

BCH, S wall

The king is Shu’s son; rebirth, life

Teti

BCH, S wall

The king is Shu’s son; rebirth, life

Pepy I

BCH, S wall

The king is Shu’s son; rebirth, life

Pepy II

BCH, S wall

The king is Shu’s son; rebirth, life

74 For the hieroglyphic text, see Allen (2013 VI). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 122). 75 For the hieroglyphic text, see Allen (2013 VI). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 280). 76 For the hieroglyphic text, see Allen (2013 VI). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 121). 77 For the hieroglyphic text, see e. g. Pierre-Croisiau (2001: Pl. VIII), Allen (2013 VI). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 140–141). 78 For the hieroglyphic text, see Allen (2013 VI). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 193). 79 For the hieroglyphic text, see Allen (2013 VI). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 201). 80 For the hieroglyphic text, see Allen (2013 VI). For the translation, see Allen (2015: 295–296).

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Significance of the god Shu for the king’s afterlife according to the Pyramid Texts PT no. Pyramid

45

Location

Epithet / role

Neith

BCH, S wall

The king is Shu’s son; rebirth, life

Iput II

BCH, S wall

The king is Shu’s son; rebirth, life

Unas

BCH, E wall

Shu’s bones, Shu’s Lakes

Teti

BCH, S wall

Shu’s bones, Shu’s Lakes

Pepy I

BCH, S wall

Shu’s bones, Shu’s Lakes

Pepy II

BCH, S wall

Shu’s bones, Shu’s Lakes

Neith

BCH, S wall

Shu’s bones, Shu’s Lakes

Unas

A, W gable

Shu raises the king’s title.

Teti

A, W gable

Shu raises the king’s title.

Unas

A, W wall

Teti

A, W wall

Unas

A, W wall

Tefnut supports Shu; Shu is the father of the king who gave him a seat besides Seth. Tefnut supports Shu; Shu is the father of the king who gave him a seat besides Seth. Shu’s arms under Nut

Teti

A, W wall

Shu’s arms under Nut

259

Teti

A, W wall

The king is bound to the sky as Shu.

260

Unas

A, W+S wall

Shu was a witness.

261

Unas

A, S wall

The king is the son of Shu’s heart and travers-

Pepy I

A, N wall

Unas

A, E wall

Teti

A, S wall

Pepy I

A, S wall

Merenra

A, E wall

Pepy II

A, E wall

Ankhnespepy II Teti

BCH, E wall BCH, W gable

es Shu. The king is the son of Shu’s heart and traverses Shu. Atum and Ruty made their two gods (Shu and Tefnut); Shu produced the gods. Atum and Ruty made their two gods (Shu and Tefnut); Shu produced the gods. Atum and Ruty made their two gods (Shu and Tefnut); Shu produced the gods. Atum and Ruty made their two gods (Shu and Tefnut); Shu produced the gods. Atum and Ruty made their two gods (Shu and Tefnut); Shu produced the gods. Atum and Ruty made their two gods (Shu and Tefnut); Shu produced the gods. Shu lifts the king up.

Pepy I

C, E wall

Shu lifts the king up.

Merenra

C, W wall

Shu lifts the king up.

222

253 254

255

301

323

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46

Marie Peterková Hlouchová

PT no. Pyramid

Location

Epithet / role

325

Teti

BCH, W gable

Pepy I

DC, W wall

Teti

BCH, E gable

Shu takes the king; the king is Shu’s companion. Shu takes the king; the king is Shu’s companion. Shu acts against thirst.

Merenra

BCH, E wall

Shu acts against thirst.

Pepy II

BCH, E gable

Shu acts against thirst.

Teti

BCH, E gable

Shu acts against hunger.

Merenra

BCH, E wall

Shu acts against hunger.

Pepy II

BCH, E gable

Shu acts against hunger.

Teti

BCH, E wall

Shu’s firstborn

Pepy II

BCH, S wall

Shu’s firstborn

Teti

P, N wall

Shu who came from Atum

Pepy II

P, S wall

Shu who came from Atum

Teti

P, N wall

Pepy II

P, S wall

PgA has commended the king to Shu. PgA has commended the king to Shu.

Pepy I

BCH, W wall

Merenra

BCH, W wall

Pepy II

BCH, W wall

Neith

BCH, W wall

Pepy I Merenra

BCH, W wall; V, E wall BCH, W wall

Pepy II

BCH, W wall

Shu’s cleansing

Neith

BCH, W wall

Shu’s cleansing

Pepy I

A, W wall

Shu is in the earth’s limit.

Merenra

A, S wall

Shu is in the earth’s limit.

Pepy I

A, W wall

Shu brings waters.

338

339

358 360 361 434

452

484 486

Nut has the head of his father Shu. Shu desired her and placed himself under her. Nut has the head of his father Shu. Shu desired her and placed himself under her. Nut has the head of his father Shu. Shu desired her and placed himself under her. Nut has the head of his father Shu. Shu desired her and placed himself under her. Shu’s cleansing Shu’s cleansing

Pepy II

C, E wall

Shu brings waters.

496

Pepy I

A, E wall

Shu is behind the king.

502P

Pepy I

A, E wall

Shu elevates the black skin.

505

Pepy I

C, E wall

Shu lifts the king up.

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Significance of the god Shu for the king’s afterlife according to the Pyramid Texts PT no. Pyramid

506

509 511

526

Location

Epithet / role

Merenra

C, W wall

Shu lifts the king up.

Pepy II

A, S wall

Shu lifts the king up.

Pepy I

C, E wall

Shu with the arms under the sky.

Merenra

C, W wall

Shu with the arms under the sky.

Pepy II

C, W wall

Shu with the arms under the sky.

Pepy I

C, E wall

Shu’s walls are overthrown by king.

Pepy II

A, S wall

Shu’s walls are overthrown by king.

Pepy I

C, W wall

The king stands up on Shu.

Merenra

C, W wall

The king stands up on Shu.

Pepy II

C, W wall

The king stands up on Shu.

Neith

C, W wall

The king stands up on Shu.

Pepy I

C, W wall

Merenra

C, W wall

Shu takes the king to sky. The king’s feet are the feet of Shu. Shu takes the king to sky.

Pepy II

C, W wall

Shu takes the king to sky.

Pepy I

C, W wall

Merenra

C, W wall

Creation of Shu and Tefnut by Atum-Khep(r)er (masturbation) Creation of Shu and Tefnut by

Pepy II

C, W wall

539

Pepy I

V, S wall

Atum-Khep(r)er (masturbation) Creation of Shu and Tefnut by Atum-Kheprer (masturbation) The king’s lips are Shu and Tefnut.

553

Pepy I

V, E wall

Who is against Shu will be swept out.

Pepy II

V, E wall

Who is against Shu will be swept out.

Udjebten

BCH, S wall

Who is against Shu will be swept out.

Pepy I

V, W wall

Shu lifts the king to sky.

Pepy II

V, N wall

Shu is cleansed in S  jAr.w. Shu lifts the king to sky.

Pepy I

V, W wall

Shu is cleansed in S  jAr.w. The king is raised on the arm of Shu.

Merenra

C, W wall

The king is raised on the arm of Shu.

Pepy II

C, E wall

The king is raised on the arm of Shu.

Pepy I

V, W wall

Shu lifts the king to the sky.

Pepy II

V, E wall

Shu lifts the king to the sky.

Pepy I

V, W wall; DC, W wall

Sky is on the arms of Shu. The king bears Nut as Shu.

527

564

565

567 570A

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PT no. Pyramid

Location

Epithet / role

Merenra

V, E wall

Pepy II

V, W wall

Pepy I

V, W wall

Pepy II

V, W wall

577

Pepy I

V, W wall

Sky is on the arms of Shu. The king bears Nut as Shu. Sky is on the arms of Shu. The king bears Nut as Shu. Horus allots the king to Shu who has his arms under Nut. Horus allots the king to Shu who has his arms under Nut. Shu is content with the speech of Thoth.

580

Pepy I

V, W wall

Two rear flanks for Shu

581

Pepy I

V, W wall

Shu precedes those who see inundation.

Pepy II

V, W wall

Shu precedes those who see inundation.

Teti

A, N wall

The king is the third offspring of Shu.

Pepy I

The king is the third offspring of Shu.

Pepy II

A, N wall; DC, W wall BCH, N wall

Neith

BCH, N wall

The king is the third offspring of Shu.

Pepy I

BCH, N wall

The king and Geb are Shu’s sons.

Merenra

BCH, W wall

The king and Geb are Shu’s sons.

Pepy II

BCH, S wall

The king and Geb are Shu’s sons.

Neith

BCH, N wall

The king and Geb are Shu’s sons.

Merenra

BCH, E wall

Atum-Kheprer sneezed out Shu.

Pepy II

BCH, E wall

Atum-Kheprer sneezed out Shu.

Pepy I

DC, E wall

Shu, lord of Upper Menset in Heliopolis

Merenra

BCH, E wall

Shu, lord of Upper Menset in Heliopolis

Pepy II

BCH, E wall

Shu, lord of Upper Menset in Heliopolis

Pepy I

C, W wall

Shu is on E side of Horus’ throne.

Merenra

C, W wall

Shu is on E side of Horus’ throne.

Pepy II

C, W wall

Shu is on E side of Horus’ throne.

Udjebten

BCH, W wall

Shu is on E side of Horus’ throne.

Pepy I

V, E wall

Shu will grasp Hedjhedj.

Merenra

V, E wall

Shu will grasp Hedjhedj.

Pepy II

V, W wall

Shu will grasp Hedjhedj.

Teti

C, E wall

The king raises himself on Shu.

Pepy I

DC, W wall

The king raises himself on Shu.

Pepy II

BCH, N wall

The king raises himself on Shu.

571

585

592

600 601

606

613

624

The king is the third offspring of Shu.

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Significance of the god Shu for the king’s afterlife according to the Pyramid Texts PT no. Pyramid

Location

Epithet / role

49

Neith

BCH, N wall

The king raises himself on Shu.

Pepy I

BCH, N wall

Merenra

BCH, N wall

Pepy II

BCH, N wall

642

Pepy II

BCH, N wall

660

Pepy I

BCH, N wall

Pepy II

BCH, E wall

Pepy I

BCH, S wall

Shu is the son of Atum. Shu’s head is lifted by Nut. Shu is the son of Atum. Shu’s head is lifted by Nut. Shu is the son of Atum. Shu’s head is lifted by Nut. Shu encircles everything. Shu is the eldest son of Atum. Shu was sneezed out by Atum. The king is Shu, Atum’s eldest son. Shu was sneezed out by Atum. The king is Shu, Atum’s eldest son. Shu ascends, removes and dispels the walls.

Merenra

BCH, E end

Shu ascends, removes and dispels the walls.

Pepy II

BCH, S wall

Shu ascends, removes and dispels the walls.

634A

667B

Neith

BCH, E wall

Shu ascends, removes and dispels the walls.

Pepy I

BCH, S wall

Pepy II

BCH, S wall

Pepy I

DC, E wall

Shu and Tefnut, two great gods of Heliopolis, row the king. Shu and Tefnut, two great gods of Heliopolis, row the king. Shu is the king’s father.

Pepy II

A, N wall

Shu is the king’s father.

685

Pepy II

A, N wall

Atum made Shu’s penis.

689

Pepy I

A, N wall

Pepy II

A, N wall

Pepy I

BCH, S wall

Merenra

A, E wall

Pepy II

A, N wall

Neith

BCH, S wall

Udjebten

BCH, N wall

Shu supports Nut and raises the Eye of Horus to the sky. Shu supports Nut and raises the Eye of Horus to the sky. Shu guides the king when he goes forth from Heliopolis. Shu guides the king when he goes forth from Heliopolis. Shu guides the king when he goes forth from Heliopolis. Shu guides the king when he goes forth from Heliopolis. Shu guides the king when he goes forth from Heliopolis.

670

684

690

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PT no. Pyramid

Location

Epithet / role

698C

Pepy I

V, E wall

Pepy II

V, E wall

Pepy I

BCH, S wall

Shu separates Nut from Geb. The king emerged on the thigh of Shu. Shu separates Nut from Geb. The king emerged on the thigh of Shu. Shu is completed in his limits.

Pepy II

A, S wall

Shu is completed in his limits.

*711

Pepy II

A, E wall

The king climbs behind Shu.

*729

Pepy I

BCH, S wall

Shu’s thrones

*737

Pepy I

A, S wall

Shu is the king’s father.

*762

Pepy I

V, E wall

Shu’s ladder

*773

Pepy I

DC, W wall

A body part (?) is identified with Shu.

*799

Pepy II

V, W wall

Messenger of Shu

*709

Summary With 64 mentions in the Pyramid Texts, Shu belongs to the group of deities that are not attested as often as e. g. Ra, Horus or Osiris. However, the references to this deity occurred in every pyramid of the kings and in four pyramids of the queens where the Pyramid Texts are attested, albeit in different numbers. In the case of Unas, nine occurrences can be observed, whereas Teti incorporated 17 spells. It is in the pyramid of Pepy I, with 47 examples, where the number of texts referring to Shu significantly increases. On the contrary, the pyramid of Merenra provided 22 texts with Shu. More or less similar to Pepy I, Pepy II contained 43 spells. The pyramid of Queen Neith evinces ten texts, ­Udjebten three, whereas Ankhnespepy II and Iput II solely one example, keeping in mind their fragmentary state of preservation. If the location of the spells is examined, it can be observed that every room and even each wall can bear a text where Shu was mentioned. As far as the style of writing Shu’s name is taken into account, it can be noticed that there was a fairly fixed writing, with some exceptions, though (see above). Predominantly, the theonym was written with (N37),81 Sw: (H6), and w: (G43). The versions of Unas, three consonants: S: Teti, Pepy II and very rarely Neith sometimes used the determinative of a falcon on a standard: (G7). In one instance, Pepy II applied a falcon: (G5) as the determinative (see PT 685).

81 The codes follow the Sign-list created by Alan H. Gardiner (1927: 432–531).

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51

Significance of the god Shu for the king’s afterlife according to the Pyramid Texts

pyramid number of spells 50 Unas 9 45 47 Teti 17 40 Pepy 47 35 I Merenra 22 30 Pepy II 43 25 Neith 10 20 22 Udjebten 3 15 17 Ankhnespepy II 1 10 Iput 1 5 II 9

43

10

0

3

1

1

Chart 1. Numbers of the spells mentioning Shu in individual pyramids

Shu appears in a number of instances: in a link to Ra, Tefnut, Atum and Nut.82 Based on the analysis of the religious texts, 14 major categories in the characteristic of Shu can be observed. He is the father/ancestor (of Nut, Geb or the king) (PT 7, PT 219, PT 254, PT 261, PT 358, PT 585, PT 592, PT 684, PT *737); is created by Atum (PT 301, PT 360, PT 527, PT 600, PT 642, PT 685); supports or lifts the sky (Nut) (PT 255, PT 259, PT 434, PT 506, PT 570A, PT 571, PT 634A, PT 689, PT 698, PT *711); lifts/ takes the king (PT 222, PT 323, PT 325, PT 505, PT 511, PT 526, PT 564, PT 565, PT 567, PT 624); protects the king, the sunrise and defeats the enemies (PT 496, PT 502P, PT 553, PT 613, PT 634A, PT 690); secures provisioning and cleansing (PT 209, PT 338, PT 339, PT 452, PT 486, PT 580, PT 581, PT 689); ensures inheritance and transfer of the royal kA (PT 253, PT 260, PT 361, PT 577, PT 606, PT *729) as well as rebirth and everlasting life (PT 219, PT 585, PT 660). Moreover, some body parts were identified with Shu (lips, a body part) (PT 539, PT *773). The king appeared as Shu’s companion/messenger (PT 325, PT *799). Shu is mentioned in connection with limits and walls (PT 484, PT 509, PT 667, PT *709) and his ladder (PT *762). Tefnut supports Shu (PT 254) and both deities (Shu and Tefnut) row the king (PT 670). Based on this study, it can be observed that almost every role of Shu seems to be significant for the king. As the father or ancestor of the gods, he was a guarantee of the kingship. What is interesting is the fact that various body parts were identified with Shu. For instance, it was stated that the king’s lips are Shu and Tefnut, which should lead to 82 The nature of the relationship of Shu, Tefnut and Ra was analysed by the present author (Peterková Hlouchová 2019b).

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the assumption that this is a reference to the way of creation of the twin-gods by the creator god Atum, with the help of mouth. There is also the possibility that the reason for the identification was the protection (see e. g. Nyord 2009: 510–518). Shu’s link to the king’s protection, provisionings and cleansing is explicitely stated in some texts and Shu secured king’s rebirth and everlasting life. Bibliography Allen, James P. 1988 Genesis in Egypt. The Philosophy of Ancient Egyptian Creation Accounts, New Haven: Yale University 2013 A New Concordance of the Pyramid Texts, Vols. I–VI, Providence: Brown University (http://ancientworldonline.blogspot.co.uk/2013/07/a-new-concordance-of-pyramidtexts.html. Accessed 28th September 2017). 2015 The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts (Second Edition), Atlanta, Georgia: SBL Press. Assmann, Jan 1990 Maat. Gerechtigkeit und Unsterblichkeit im alten Ägypten, München: C. H. Beck. Baines, John 2004 “Modelling Sources, Processes, and Locations of Early Mortuary Texts”, in: Bickel, Su­zanne – Mathieu, Bernard (eds.). D’un monde à l’autre. Textes des Pyramides et Textes des Sarcophages, Le Caire: Institut français d’archéologie orientale, pp. 15–41. Barta, Winfried 1973 Untersuchungen zum Götterkreis der Neunheit, München – Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag. Bickel, Susanne 1994 “Un Hymne à la vie. Essai d’analyse du Chapitre 80 des Textes des Sarcophages”, in: Berger, Catherine M. – Clerc, Gisèle – Grimal, Nicolas (eds.). Hommages à Jean Leclant. Vol. 1. Études pharaoniques, Le Caire: Institut français d’archéologie orientale, pp. 81–97. Buck, Adriaan de 1947 Plaats en betekenis van Sjoe in de Egyptische theologie, Amsterdam: N. V. Noord-Hollandsche Uitgeversmaatschappij. Carrier, Claude 2010 Textes des Pyramides de l’Égypte ancienne. Tome IV. Textes des pyramides de Mérenrê, d’Aba, de Neith, d’Ipout et d’Oudjebten, Paris: Cybelle. Faulkner, Raymond O. 1969 The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts. Vols. 1–2, Oxford: Claredon. Fermat, André 2002 Le Livre égyptien de la lumière (Shou) (Textes des Sarcophages chapitres 75 à 83), Paris: La Maison de Vie.

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Gardiner, Alan H. 1927 Egyptian Grammar: Being an Introduction to the Study of Hieroglyphs, Oxford: Clarendon. Hays, Harold M. 2012 The Organization of the Pyramid Texts. Typology and Disposition. Vols. 1–2, Leiden – Boston: Brill. Houser-Wegner, Jennifer 2001 “Shu”, in: Redford, Donald B. (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, Vol. III, Oxford: University Press, pp. 285–286. Jürgens, Peter 1995 Grundlinien einer Überlieferungsgeschichte der altägyptischen Sargtexte. Stemmata und Archetypen der Spruchgruppen 30–32 + 33–37, 75(–83), 162 + 164, 225 + 226 und 343 + 345, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, pp. 150–183. Leitz, Christian (ed.) 2002 Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen. Bd. VII, Leuven – Paris – Dudley: Peeters. Lieven, Alexandra von 2007 The Carlsberg Papyri 8. Grundriss des Laufes der Sterne. Das sogenannte Nutbuch, Copenhagen: Museum Tusculaneum Press. Loprieno, Antonio 2000 “Puns and word play in ancient Egyptian”, in: Noegel, Scott (ed.). Puns and pundits: word play in the Hebrew Bible and ancient Near Eastern literature, Bethesda, MD: CDL Press, pp. 3–20. Mathieu, Bernard 2010 “Mais qui est donc Osiris? Ou la politique sous le linceul de la religion (Enquêtes dans les Textes des Pyramides 3)”, ENiM. Égypte Nilotique et Méditerranéenne 3, pp. 77–107. Mercer, Samuel A. B. 1952 The Pyramid Texts in Translation and Commentary. Vols. I–IV, New York: Longmans. Osing, Jürgen 1986 “Zur Disposition der Pyramidentexte des Wenis”, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Ar­chäo­ lo­gischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 42, pp. 131–144. Peterková Hlouchová, Marie 2019a Gods with solar aspects during the Old Kingdom, Prague: Charles University (unpublished Ph.D. thesis). 2019b “Protection of the sunrise. Shu, Tefnut and Re in the Pyramid Texts”, Studien zur altägyptischen Kultur 48, pp. 241–264. Pierre-Croisiau, Isabelle 2001 Les textes de la pyramide de Pépy Ier. 2. Fac-similés, Le Caire: Institut français d’archéo­ lo­gie orientale. Quack, Joachim F. 2011 “Bedeutungen von Pyramiden”, Sokar 23, pp. 38–69.

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Sethe, Kurt 1908–1922 Die altaegyptischen Pyramidentexte nach den Papierabdrücken und Photographien des Berliner Museums, 4 Bände, Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs. Smith, Mark 2017 Following Osiris. Perspectives on the Osirian Afterlife from Four Millennia, Oxford: University Press. Turriziani, Valeria 2014 “Some Reflections on the Cult of Minor Deities during the Old Kingdom: Evidences from Textual and Epigraphic Sources”, in: Lekov, Teodor – Buzov, Emil (eds.). Cult and Belief in Ancient Egypt. Proceedings of the Fourth International Congress for Young Egyptologists. 25–27 September 2012, Sofia, Sofia: New Bulgarian University, pp. 63–73. 2015 Le divinità cosiddette minori dalle origini alla fine dell’antico regno (The so-called minor deities from the origins to the end of the Old Kingdom), Roma: Università degli Studi “La Sapienza” di Roma (unpublished Ph.D. thesis). Velde, Hermann te 1984 “Schu”, in: Helck, Wolfgang – Westendorf, Wolfhart (eds.). Lexikon der Ägyptologie V, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, pp. 735–737. Willems, Harco 1996 “The Shu-spells in practice”, in: Willems, Harco (ed.). The World of the Coffin Texts. Proceedings of the Symposium Held on the Occasion of the 100th Birthday of Adriaan de Buck. Leiden, December 17–19, 1992, Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, pp. 197–209. Wilkinson, Richard H. 2003 The Complete Gods and Goddesses of Ancient Egypt, London: Thames and Hudson. Zivie-Coche, Christiane 2009a “L’Ogdoade à Thèbes à l’époque ptolémaïque et ses antécédents”, in: Thiers, Christophe (ed.). Documents de Théologies Thébaines Tardives (D3T 1), Montpellier: Université Paul Valéry, pp. 167–225. 2009b “L’Ogdoade à Thèbes à l’époque ptolémaïque (II). Le périptère du petit temple de Médinet Habou”, in: Thiers, Christophe (ed.). Documents de Théologies Thébaines Tardives (D3T 2), Montpellier: Université Paul Valéry, pp. 227–284.

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Beer for the king, beer for the sun god Katarína Arias (Czech Institute of Egyptology, Charles University, Prague)

Abstract Beer is generally considered one of the main cornerstones of Egyptian offering cult for the deceased. Its wide use is often reflected in archaeological findings, seen in discoveries of entire clusters and spoil heaps in refuse areas around the chapels and tombs of high officials in the Old Kingdom cemeteries. However, the use of beer (and thus the presence of beer jars in the archaeological material) in the royal complexes is much less explored. The pyramid temples of the Old Kingdom often provide us with only limited data concerning the actual remnants of the funerary cult of the deceased king. In some cases, almost no information can be gleaned from the available older publications, as smaller objects of rough material culture (and pottery in particular) were on the fringe of Egyptological interest and were not recorded during the initial excavations during the early Twentieth Century (e. g. the pyramid temples of Neferirkara, Sahura and Niuserra). In other cases, only very little pottery was discovered (the mortuary temple of Menkaura, in comparison with his valley temple). Only more recent excavations provide us with more ceramic evidence, with documentation of both horizontal and spatial distribution as well as vertical stratigraphy (i. e., the pyramid temples of Raneferef and Queen Khentkaus II). The aim of this paper is to compare ceramic finds, specifically beer jars, coming from several available royal pyramid or valley temples with the pottery from the sun temples of Userkaf and Niuserra. This will be realized not only on the basis of the available published material but also from the recent exploration and survey of the sun temple of Niuserra undertaken by the Italian and later Italian-Czech cooperation between l’Orientale University of Naples and Charles University. Keywords: Sun Temples, Pyramid Temples, Pottery, Beer, Offering, Cult

Introduction Within the material culture of the Old Kingdom, pottery finds belong without any doubt among the most commonly uncovered artefacts. Very often, a large percentage is made up of beer jars or their fragments, as they were the most conventional and widely accessible offering vessels. However, their high frequency is not always reflected in older publications, as they were often considered of low aesthetic and chronological value (Reisner – Smith 1955: 70; Fisher 1924: 168) and only relatively recently they received the attention that they deserve as one of the main chronological tools (Bárta 1996; Bárta 2007: 307; Rzeuska 2006: 385–386). This paper aims to initiate a discussion on beer jars

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as a suitable offering for kings and the deities worshipped in a sun temple, as evidenced in the pyramid and solar complexes of the Old Kingdom. Beer jars have been discussed by the present author on several previous occasions and from a few different viewpoints, most notably their spatial distribution (Arias Kytnarová 2020), specific types (Arias Kytnarová – Jirásková 2015: 61–63) and not the least their general typological and chronological development (Arias 2017: 225–234; Arias Kyt­na­ ro­vá 2018: 31–34). Therefore, only relevant points shall be summarized here. In the tombs of officials from the Memphite necropolis, beer jars represent the most common ceramic group of vessels. They are attested already in the Early Dynastic Period and they continue (in a considerably developed form) into the Middle Kingdom. During the Old Kingdom, they were used as part of the burial goods in the burial chambers (for details, see Arias 2017: 160–170; Arias Kytnarová 2014: figs. 7.1, 7.8–7.10), we can also find them among vessels from the burial shaft deposits (e. g., Arias Kytnarová 2014: fig. 7.1) and they are also often attested in cultic spaces or in refuse layers around them (Bárta 2001: 184, pl. LXXIIIa). After their primary use, they could be reused as building material, as numerous examples show from Giza, Saqqara and Abusir (Arias 2017: 204–206). In comparison with the private tombs, we have much less information concerning the material culture from the pyramid temples of the kings. Only very few royal complexes were excavated with full documentation of ceramic finds, and even fewer beer jars. As an example, in the burial chambers, there were very often no ceramic fragments preserved or documented; very often, we have reports only on vessels made in stone or copper (e. g., the chambers of Raneferef and Queen Khentkaus II, etc.). Quite often, ceramic finds were either openly dismissed (Borchardt 1910) or mentioned only in passing and provided with only one or two illustrative figures (Firth – Quibell 1935: pl. CII). Also, in some cases, the horizontal stratigraphy has not been observed or was lacking due to the disturbed or mixed nature of the layers (El-Khouli 1991; Simpson 1961; etc.). Among the vessels, fragments of beer jars (described simply as uneven, hand-made jars with visible finger imprints) are often reported, without quantification or exact spatial determination. Even the few described and drawn pots (Jones in El-Khouli 1991) often lack any spatial designation, making their interpretation impossible. There are several notable exceptions devoted not only to a typological study but also the spatial distribution and discussion of the stratigraphy of ceramic finds from the royal pyramid complexes, namely from the valley temple of Menkaura (Reisner 1931) and the complex of Raneferef (Bárta 1996 and 2006). Other monographs discuss ceramic levels but the finds themselves were not published yet (e. g., the pyramid complex of Queen Khentkaus II; Verner 2001). The Third and Fourth Dynasty Many royal complexes of the Old Kingdom were excavated in the early Twentieth Century, thus resulting in rather limited archaeological documentation based primarily on the architectural development, large-scale finds and epigraphic remains.

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Beer for the king, beer for the sun god

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Fig. 1. Refuse deposit of collar beer jars north of the Step pyramid (after Firth – Quibell 1935: pl. XXV)

One of such cases is the exploration of the Step pyramid of Netjerykhet in Saqqara (Firth – Quibell 1935). Immediately north of the pyramid, a large deposit consisting of over 300 carefully laid out Third Dynasty collared beer jars was discovered in the area of the pyramid temple (see fig. 1). These vessels almost undoubtedly came from the regular ritual activities in the temple itself – due to their large number, they had to be discarded after some time in some neighbouring area. Similar cases are recorded also in the private tombs (e. g., the tomb of Kaaper, Bárta 2001: 184, pl. LXXIIIa; anonymous tomb AS 41, Arias 2017: 202). It is difficult to say if all the vessels were homogenous in types and sizes, as only two drawings were provided. They show the same type, namely a so-called collar beer jar, in two slightly diverse sizes (Firth – Quibell 1935: pl. CII, 18 and 20). Notably, one of them is depicted with a false filling of Nile mud, thus supporting the interpretation as an offering vessel. The photo of the context in situ allows us to assume that they indeed all belonged to the same type. A very large amount of beer jars is mentioned for the bent pyramid of Snefru in Dah­ shur, estimated to over 3000 examples from the area of the valley temple (Simpson 1961: 109). They were found particularly outside the brick enclosure walls on the east and south sides, where they were discarded in heaps, probably as refuse from the original cultic activity. On the east side, they were also stored in chambers, while an abundant

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amount was uncovered under the floor of the passageway that became the entrance to the temple. About 300 pieces were also found in the passageway taking the place of the great ramp leading to the east side of the temple. For the whole assemblage, five diverse forms were recorded and published in drawings (see Simpson 1961: fig. 2), however their chronological importance was dismissed. From their numbers, it is clear that beer jars played a very prominent role in the funerary cult of the king, and it is a pity that specific types cannot be associated with rooms or areas. Such interpretation is supported by the fact that most of them were noted to contain mud filling, which excludes their practical use as containers for actual beer for the priests or other temple personnel. The recorded forms seem to date predominantly to the Fourth and Fifth Dynasty, in agreement with the attested sealing impressions (Simpson 1961: 106). The ceramic material coming from the pyramid temple of the Red Pyramid in Dahshur is much more limited in number but contained numerous vessels possibly attesting cult activities. Most of the pottery consisted of rough wares made of low-quality fabrics, such as beer jars and bread forms, as well as stands and diverse bowls (see Falting 1989: 137–142, Abb. 3–6). The predominant classes were those of miniature vessels and beer jars, both well attested in the offering cult. Noteworthy is also the presence of two censers with a perforated lid, as they can often be seen in iconographic depictions as part of the fumigation, inscribed as xt  snTr (burning of incense), during cultic activities.1 The beer jars were made of very rough Nile silt, and they belong to the characteristic types of the period, with an ovoid body and low neck, with a few examples of collar beer jars (see Faltings 1989: Abb. 3b and 5e, esp. 82). Their exact numbers are not specified in the assemblage. One of the best documented ceramic assemblages from pyramid complexes is the one from the excavations in the valley temple of Menkaura by the Harvard expedition (Reisner 1931: 202–229).2 As far as beer jars are concerned, they were designated as type IV (“traditional offering jar”) and “their original number was probably not less than that of type XXV (bread forms), but the latter were more compact and less easily shattered”, with 53 individual vessels making up 11.73 % of the whole assemblage (Reisner 1931: 212). Thus, after bread forms, they were the second most frequent ceramic type, as befits their function as the main offering jar. Reisner notes five main types, while remarking on a great variety among them (Reisner 1931: fig. 64). It must be noted that the forms depicted include also Sixth Dynasty shapes (most notably no. 5). For their spatial distribution, Reisner states that the debris in almost every room contained their fragments, although only some vessels are noted specifically. Among the pottery belonging to the original furniture of the temple (according to the excavator), we can mention one beer jar from the floor debris in magazine III–6, found under the bulge of wall; three examples from magazine III–19 in its northwest corner, on 20 cm of debris; and one on the 1 E.g., in relief decoration depicting the offering ritual in the pyramid temple of Queen Khentkaus II at Abusir (Verner 2001: 85, 5/A/78), where the ceramic shape is also confirmed in the determinative. 2 In contrast, the ceramics from the pyramid temple of Menkaura are described as “few in numbers, mostly in a fragmentary condition” and no further attention is devoted to them (Reisner 1931: 202).

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floor of magazine III–379 in the east part of the temple (Reisner 1931: 203).3 A large fragment of a beer jar used as a container of white plaster was found underneath the door block leading into the offering room III–2. Other examples possibly associated with the original early activities in the temple were three beer jars from the external corridor III–21, one of which was found on the floor opposite the entrance to the sanctuary, and very likely came from the temple (Reisner 1931: 203). There were several examples in the floor debris of the open court, most notably those from rooms I–22, I–34, I–55, I–331 and three pieces underneath the floor in I–366. According to the excavator, “these deposits are certainly not later than the occupation of the first temple and belong to the same archaeological group as the temple furniture” (Reisner 1931: 204–205). In general, the floor layers from the temple provide us with only a limited amount of beer jars, especially when compared to the massive amount of e. g. stone vessel fragments on the floor of magazine III–12 (Reisner 1931: pl. 66b, c). One can therefore assume that although beer jars were indeed used in the cultic activity in this temple, they did not belong to the permanent equipment and were not usually required to be stored long-term. It is noteworthy to mention that the valley temple of King Menkaura is under renewed excavations by the AERA project, which could provide us with new information and data concerning ceramic vessels from the primary and secondary contexts within the temple (www.aeraweb.org). Royal complexes of Abusir The three main pyramid complexes of Sahura, Niuserra and Neferirkara at Abusir, excavated by Ludwig Borchardt in the early Twentieth Century, provide us with very little information concerning the ceramic finds. For Borchardt, pottery was of very little scientific value and in the publication of the temple of Sahura, he openly admits that “Scherben, die in ihrem Material alle Zeichen der groben Töpferwaren des alten Rei­ches zeig­ten, sind in sehr grosser Anzahl überall aus dem Schütte des Temples aufgele­sen wor­den (…) Es wäre vergebliche Mühe gewesen, mit diesen Scherben Zusammen­set­ zungs­versuche zu machen.” (Borchardt 1910: 114). Thus, the numerous ceramic fragments were neither reconstructed nor analysed.4 In the case of Neferirkara’s temple, Borchardt lists a few attested ceramic types, such as platters, ring stands and diverse bowls, but assumes that they belonged to the later stages and house equipment of the funerary priests (Borchardt 1909: 66, Abb. 75–76). There is no mention of beer jars or any rough jars in this assemblage. The neighbouring pyramid temple of Niuserra brought to light a number of mud stoppers, some with seal imprints 3 It is noteworthy to mention that in magazine III–379, the beer jar was found together with a tall stand, one tray and two or more bowls (Reisner 1931: 203) – all vessels commonly associated with ritual activity in the cultic areas. 4 Compare the relatively detailed discussion of the assemblage of stone vessels, their attested types and wide chronological span (Borchardt 1910: 113–118, Abb. 146–163).

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and at least some intended for jars. There was also a presence of fragments of finer redslipped jars inscribed with a designation of their contents (Borchardt 1907: 138–139). In general, it is clear that the ceramic finds were often documented only very briefly during these excavations; therefore, it is very difficult to discuss their occurrence, especially in the case of rough ware such as beer jars. The pyramid complexes yielded much more aesthetically pleasing finds that were analysed with greater care – such as, in the case of the temple of Neferirkara, the famous wooden Hs vessels with faience inlays bearing the royal names (Borchardt 1909: 59–66, Blatt 1, 3–4). Thus, in this paper, the author will concentrate mainly on two assemblages that recorded ceramic finds in detail, from the pyramid of Queen Khentkaus II and the pyramid temple of Raneferef that were both excavated by the Czech Institute of Egyptology. Both complexes were published in the form of articles as well as final monographs (Verner 2001; Verner 2006). As far as pottery is concerned, the assemblage from the complex of Ranefe­ ref was studied in detail by Miroslav Bárta in his master thesis – his work concentrated not only on typological study but also a detailed discussion of stratigraphy and spatial distribution (Bárta 1994). Only a shortened version is available in the final monograph (Bárta 2006). The pottery from the complex of Khentkaus II remains unpublished (see Verner 2001); however, the present author had the opportunity to study the archival documentation as well as some of the vessels and is preparing a detailed report on the ceramic finds. In this paper, only the beer jars and their distribution shall be discussed. Pottery was collected in almost all the contexts and areas in the pyramid temple of Queen Khentkaus II and it features extensively in the original documentation. As an example, almost all the magazines contained ceramic remains. One of the most interesting was a deposit of mostly intact vessels uncovered on the floor in the north-west corner of magazine 5 (M–5) that included several jars, stands, bowls, platters, etc. Among the beer jars, there was at least one traditional ovoid beer jar with a low neck (134/A/80, Abusir type J-1b). One can also note a very specific form, namely a rough hand-made version of Hs beer jar with a flat base (125/A/80, Abusir type J-1i, fig. 2) that features in numerous tombs and complexes in Abusir (see Arias 2017: figs. 4.69, 4.71 and 5.4) as well as Abu Ghurab (see below). The combination of these types shows a clear function, namely their use in the funerary cult – one can presume that jars and bowls were intended to be used with stands of diverse sizes and placed in front of the false doors. In several other rooms, beer jars and their fragments played a prominent role – such as the floor layer in room SE–2 that must have served as some kind of magazine for a limited amount of time, given its contents (Verner 2001: 37). The long narrow space immediately west of it was delimitated by the mudbrick wall on the south and limestone wall on the north and was filled in its entirety with not only fragments but also complete vessels, most notably beer jars, stands and bread forms. It was designated by a graffito as st -a, a workshop. As Verner notes, it is very likely that this pottery originated from the funerary cult that was deposited in this area secondarily after its accumulation, followed by the sealing of the room (see Verner 2001: fig. 53). One of the most significant finds in the area of the temple was the discovery of a potter’s kiln in the south-east sector and pottery workshop in the north-east part of the court

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(unrelated to the st -a), including a horizontal layer of four fully preserved beer jars and a storage vessel for clay (Verner 2001: pl. 6, 26). These contexts belong to a slightly later date (the end of the Fifth or beginning of the Sixth Dynasty) and probably served as a direct production of cultic vessels for the temple and/or even as domestic products for the funerary priests. In the recorded pottery from the temple, one can note a predominance of fine wares, such as stands, diverse bowls, miniature vessels, etc. In several cases, vessels were slightly misinterpreted – some of the jars designated as “beer jars” on the original find cards are actually fine jars of different types made on a wheel (e. g., 71/A/80, 112/A/80, etc.). One can summarize that beer jars were not found directly in the cultic areas but can be associated with the cultic activity – they were either concentrated in the storage rooms, or were found in the refuse deposits such as the above-mentioned st -a  (i. e., after their use as offering vessels). The most distinct context was their (slightly later) production in the pottery workshop and kiln. In the pyramid temple of King Raneferef, a relatively large amount of beer jars were uncovered, Fig. 2. So-called Hs beer jar, found in one of however still surpassed by the number of finer the magazines in the pyramid temple of Khentjars, red-slipped bowls and especially miniature kaus II (photo: M. Zemina) vessels. In the published drawings (Bárta 1996 and Bárta 2006: pl. VIII), only rim fragments are depicted, showing a predominance of ovoid beer jars with contracted rim (J-1a) or with a low neck (J-1b) that were most typical of the middle to the end of the Fifth Dynasty (see Arias Kytnarová 2017: 226–227). Unpublished photographic evidence and sketches show several fully preserved examples and display the presence of not only ovoid beer jars (see fig. 3) but also the previously mentioned rough Hs -type beer jars with a flat base, e. g., in rooms XK and XJ (Bárta 1991: 4 and 12). As far as their spatial distribution is concerned, several beer jars came from the communications (A, B, Cab) and were very likely part of the secondary refuse; being the second most common type attested from there. At least 12 beer jars came from the refuse layers at the entrance to the ritual slaughterhouse (Hwt - nmt – “House of the Knife”), i. e. room AA-W. Further examples came from the individual storage rooms within the slaughterhouse: floor layer in room XF held at least five beer jars5 besides flint knives and 5 Some of these beer jars were relatively standardized within a context – the ones from room XF have

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other pottery; and the one in room XJ had six pieces (Verner 1985: 107 and 121). The south-west storerooms held a variety of pottery, with one room (DX) being dominated by 19 individual beer jars. The north-western area of the storerooms brought to light the largest average number of beer jars (more than seven) per room and very likely reflects the economic aspect of the temple, as they were used to hold and carry the monthly supplies. Besides their primary function, beer jars as a type were used for other purposes and could also hold grain (Bárta 2006: 302–303). It must be stressed that they were often used secondarily as mortar containers or directly as a building material, and a large quantity of bases were uncovered in certain areas that were not connected to ritual activity. It is noteworthy that the complex brought to light a large number of fine jars made of Marl clays, in several cases inscribed with the name of the temple and sometimes even with their contents (see Verner 2006: 271–288). Pottery from the sun temples The ceramic finds from the excavation in the sun temple of Userkaf by Herbert Ricke were analysed in detail by Werner Kaiser (1969). His analysis concentrated on the typological sequence of the finds and, most importantly, the chronological development of one specific type, namely the carinated bowls, bringing attention to their most impor­ tant markers. On the other hand, the chapter was missing a more detailed spatial distribution section – Kaiser provided only very general statistic designation to the four areas of the temple: the upper temple, the lower temple, the causeway and the graves at the causeway. Within these areas (except for a few cases), no specific horizontal nor vertical strata and identifiers are given. Ovoid beer jars (his type VIII) were uncovered in very large amounts, especially from the upper temple, with 367 individual vessels reported. It is a pity that because no specific rooms or areas within the temple are given, a precise interpretation of their function is difficult. A further 37 vessels were reported from the causeway (downwards from section C) and 11 pieces from the Lower temple. Most of them were reported to hold remains of mortar – this fact would point to their secondary use as mortar containers rather than designation for cult; but the publication offers no precise numbers or at least percentage of such jars. Besides the ovoid form, Kaiser also reports very rough jars with a flat base, in their quality and general technique of production identical to beer jars (his type IX). Due to the presence of around a dozen examples of this type in both the cemeteries of Abusir South and Centre, the present author identifies them as the already mentioned Hs -beer jars (Arias 2017: 229, fig. 5.4, J-1i). This type has a very different concentration, as they were found almost exclusively in the south-east area of the causeway, upwards from section A (137 pieces). Given their large number in a particular area, it is possible that they a recorded height of 34 cm and maximum diameter of 16 cm (Bárta 1991: 3), while others differed considerably – e. g., the beer jars from room XM with heights of 28, 32 and 34 cm (Bárta 1991: 5).

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constitute a refuse deposit rather than a place of their primary use. The sun temple of Niuserra was first rudimentarily excavated by Villiers Stuart in 1882–1883. Besides a brief description of the architectural features in the vicinity of the “pyramid” and the temple, he also writes that “There was also a quantity of broken pottery. One vase was quite perfect; hand-made, and of the rudest construction.” (Stuart 1883: 165). It is possible to speculate that the fully preserved vessel was indeed a beer jar, as it fits such a description. The sun temple was subsequently excavated by von Bissing, Borchardt and their team in 1899–1901. As for pottery, Borchardt states in his report to Professor Dörpfeld before the excavation: “Zahlreiche Scherben von Töpfen, die nach Material und Tech­nik dem alten Reiche angehören, finden sich namentlich am Nordostabhange” (Bor­chardt 1905: 6). Furthermore, on the available photos from the initial survey, a Fig. 3. An ovoid beer jar from the pyramid large quantity of broken sherds can be ob- temple of Raneferef (photo: M. Zemina) served in certain areas of the upper temple, such as the east side underneath the obelisk, very likely in the vicinity of the altar (Borchardt 1905: Abb. I). Unluckily, there is very little information concerning the ceramic finds from the excavation itself in the final publications, besides what can be identified as secondary use of pottery. Sherds are mentioned being part of the construction material, e. g., in the south and east corridors (Borchardt 1905: 30).6 Another observed detail is a mention of a large presence of rough, pointed jars that were used for the transportation of either mortar or Nile mud, found especially at the base of the ramps (Borchardt 1905: 62). There is no doubt that these can be identified as beer jars, as such a usage is very well documented in numerous contexts of the Old Kingdom tombs and temples, including the neighbouring sun temple of Userkaf (Kaiser 1969: 54–55; for more examples, see Arias 2017: 178–181). The most interesting case is the occurrence of “Topfmauern” built 6 It is quite common for broken sherds or even whole ceramic vessels to be used as part of the fill or core of structures, mixed with other material. From Abusir, the most notable examples come from the mastabas of Princesses Hedjetnebu and Khekeretnebty (Verner – Callender 2002: Pl. I, Bf1 a Pl. VI, Bf14), Queen Khentkaus III (Krejčí – Arias – Odler 2015: fig. 9a–b) and the tomb of the physician Ptahhotep (Arias 2017: figs. 4.66–4.67).

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Fig. 4. One of the “Topfmauern” made of beer jars in the upper temple of Niuserra’s sun temple at Abu Ghurab (after Borchardt 1905: 70–71, Abb. 60)

of “Mörteltöpfen” – one such wall was made from at least 16 vessels with a pointed base, laid horizontally in a long row (see fig. 4). Beyond any doubt, these were beer jars used secondarily as building material.7 No other pottery is mentioned associated with individual rooms, areas or features, although ceramic sherds were very likely present in large numbers (judging from their occurrence in Borchardt´s spoil heaps around the temple during the recent survey). Most consideration was devoted to the architecture, techniques of construction and relief decoration. Starting in 2010, the sun temple of Niuserra is undergoing systematic surveying as well as cleaning of select areas by the mission of L´Orientale University of Naples (see Nuzzolo – Pirelli – Zanfagna – D’Andrea – Bosco – Osman – Krejčí – Brienza 2018 with further bibliography), enabling us to study not only details of select archaeological features but also some smaller finds that previously escaped attention, such as the pottery. While preliminary results of this analysis have just been published in a separate paper (see Nuzzolo – Pirelli –

7 A similar case of a lower part of a wall being built from a combination of not only beer jars but also bread forms, is attested in the necropolis of Abusir (Arias 2017: 205–206, figs. 4.79–4.80).

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Bosco – Brienza – Zanfagna – Osman – Arias – D’Andrea 2020: 299–301), a short note on beer jars shall be offered here. The pottery-related work in the temple can be divided into two main parts, namely surveying and rudimentary mapping of the so-called Borchardt´s spoil heaps and cleaning in the inner area of the upper temple. These spoil heaps proved to be very informative, as they seem relatively well defined and potentially connected to certain areas of the original excavation. It was possible to note a very large presence of beer jar fragments in almost all the heaps. The most interesting fact is that, in most of them, only typical Fifth Dynasty ovoid beer jars were observed. In some cases, a concentration of the Hs -beer jars with a flat base and a splayed foot (Abusir type J-1i) could be collected, situated immediately east and north-east of the magazines (see fig. 5). This type of beer jar is limited to the area of Abusir and Abu Ghurab, with dozens of parallels coming not only from the private tombs of the late Fifth Dynasty (Krejčí – Arias Kytnarová – Odler 2015: fig. 11), but also royal pyramid complexes (temples of Raneferef and Khentkaus II, see fig. 2) and the neighbouring sun temple Fig. 5. Rim and base of a Hs  beer jar found in the spoil of Userkaf, with a well-defined date of the heap east of the magazines of the upper temple of middle to second half of the Fifth Dynasty. Niuserra’s sun temple at Abu Ghurab (photo: J. Krejčí) As some spoil heaps (such as the one designated as BD-N3) contained several bases of this type, they seem to be quite homogenous in nature. For comparison, other spoil heaps, such as BD-E3, brought to light only ovoid beer jars (Abusir types J-1a and J-1b). Hopefully, it will be possible in the future to excavate at least one or two smaller spoil heaps in order to confirm or eliminate their importance and reliability in interpreting older excavations. The cleaning in the upper temple also brought to light a relatively large amount of beer jar fragments, especially considering that the temple had been excavated previously. They were exclusively preserved only as bases, rims and predominantly body sherds, with no full profile available. However, it is possible to state that so far, only Fifth Dynasty vessels have appeared in the documented contexts, mostly belonging to ovoid beer jars with partly pointed bases.

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Conclusive remarks In the tombs of officials, beer jars belonged among the most important offerings, and often constitute a large percentage of the items discovered in the tombs. The lower the social position of the person, the higher the chance of exclusive attestation of beer jars; in the poorer tombs, only beer jars were uncovered. On the other hand, high officials were more commonly equipped with finer vessels for their Afterlife (wine jars, milk jars, etc.) and beer jars are mostly limited to the regular cultic activity attested in and around the chapels. As far as the royal pyramid cult is concerned, with the relatively small number of well-excavated complexes, it is not possible to state any result with certainty – while some complexes show very large numbers of beer jars (i. e., the Step pyramid of Netjerykhet and the valley temple of Snefru), in others we can assume that finer pottery was preferred (i. e., the valley temple of Menkaura). The published material shows a predominance of finer vessels, most commonly large storage jars made of Marl clays (e. g., the temple of Raneferef). The interpretation is also hindered by the fact that they were only very rarely uncovered in primary floor layers in specific rooms, and most of their examples come from refuse deposits. The use of beer jars in the sun temples and their cult is even more difficult to ascertain. So far, very little is known, as there are only two sun temples and only one has been excavated with attention to ceramic material. It is clear that both sun temples brought to light a large amount of beer jars, although mostly in a very fragmented form. The evidence from the sun temple of Userkaf shows that the predominant vessels used in the cult were various forms of bowls and finer jars. Beer jars were uncovered in larger amounts in the upper temple but might have served a secondary technical purpose (e. g., as containers for mortar or plaster), with only the cluster of Hs  beer jars at the causeway pointing to an intentional deposition after ritual activity. The sun temple of Niuserra was excavated at the turn of the Nineteenth and the Twentieth Century when pottery finds were usually not considered of any chronological or historical significance and therefore were often not recorded in detail. The recent cleaning undertaken in the area of the upper temple and its immediate surroundings by the Italian mission lead by Massimiliano Nuzzolo has shown that the original excavation must have brought to light hundreds of pieces of pottery, with a very large percentage consisting of beer jars. The preliminary analysis has shown that only Fifth Dynasty fragments were uncovered, and some specific types (such as the Hs -beer jars) seemed to be concentrated to specific areas. Thus, so far, it is not possible to state with certainty whether beer was used as a regular and suitable offering not only for the high officials, but also the kings and solar deities worshipped at the sun temples. The existing evidence shows that the cult was based on finer pottery and vessels made of stone, but lack in documentation does not necessarily prove absence of beer jars in the actual archaeological contexts, as rough pottery was often simply neglected in the records.

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It must be stressed that modern archaeological research in the areas of the sun temples has been initiated only recently. Therefore, this paper offers only a preliminary discussion of the use of beer jars in the solar cult and a brief comparison with the pyramid cult. Hopefully, further research, cleaning and possible excavation of the sun temples as well as the spoil heaps might shed light on the spatial distribution of these vessels and their frequency, enabling us to discuss their possible function. Bibliography Arias, Katarína 2017 Social dynamics in the material culture – Pottery of the Old Kingdom from the complex of Princess Sheretnebty at Abusir South (unpublished PhD thesis), Prague: Charles University. Arias Kytnarová, Katarína 2014 “Pottery”, in: Bárta, Miroslav, Abusir XXIII. The tomb of the Sun Priest Neferinpu, Prague: Charles University, pp. 109–143. 2018 “Transformation in cultic perception – Beer jars versus miniaturized beer jars”, in: Kahlbacher, Andrea – Priglinger, Elisa (eds.), Proceedings of the 5th International Congress for Young Egyptologists, Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences, pp. 15–30. 2020 “Beer jar deposits – Remnants of cultic activity in the Old Kingdom”, in: Trindade Lopez, Maria Helena – Popielska-Grzybowska, Joanna – Iwaszcuk, Jadwiga – Gurgel Pereira, Ronaldo Guilherme (eds.), Ancient Egypt 2017. Perspectives of Research, Warsaw – Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, pp. 11–20. Arias Kytnarová, Katarína – Jirásková, Lucie 2015 “Ritual tradition and transfer between shape and meaning – Model beer jars in stone and pottery”, Prague Egyptological Studies XV, pp. 59–68. Bárta, Miroslav 1991 Unpublished ceramic diary, Archive of the Czech Institute of Egyptology, Prague. 1994 Význam nálezů keramiky z pyramidového komplexu panovníka Raneferefa (unpublished MA thesis), Prague: Charles University. 1996 “Several remarks on beer jars found at Abusir”, Cahiers de la céramique égyptienne 4, pp. 127–132. 2001 Abusir V. The Cemeteries of Abusir South 1, Prague: Setout. 2006 “The pottery”, in Verner, Miroslav, Abusir IX. The pyramid complex of Raneferef: The Archaeology, Prague: Charles University, pp. 289–325. Borchardt, Ludwig 1907 Das Grabdenkmal des Königs Ne-User-Re‘, Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs. 1909 Das Grabdenkmal des Königs Nefer-Ir-Ka-Re‘, Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs. 1910 Das Grabdenkmal des Königs S‘3hu-Re‘. Vol. I. Der Bau, Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs. El-Khouli, Ali 1991 Meidum, Sydney: The Australian Centre for Egyptology [ACER 3].

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Faltings, Dina 1989 “Die Keramik aus den Grabungen an der nordlichen Pyramide des Snofru in Dahshur. Arbeitsbericht uber die Kampagnen 1983–1986”, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Ar­chäologischen Institut in Kairo 45, pp. 133–54. Firth, Cecil Mallaby – Quibell, James Eduard 1935 Excavations at Saqqara: The Step Pyramid, Cairo: Institut Francais d´Archéologie Orientale Fisher, Clarence S. 1924 The Minor Cemetery at Giza, Philadelphia: University Museum Kaiser, Werner 1969 “Die Tongefässe”, in: Ricke, Herbert (Hrsg.), Das Sonnenheiligtum des Königs Userkaf, Vol. II. Die Funde, Kairo: Schweizerisches Institut für Ägyptische Bauforschung und Altertumskunde, pp. 49–82. Krejčí, Jaromír – Arias Kytnarová, Katarína – Odler, Martin 2015 “Archaeological excavation of the mastaba of Queen Khentkaus III (tomb AC 30) in Abusir”, Prague Egyptological Studies XV, pp. 28–42 Nuzzolo, Massimiliano – Pirelli, Rosanna – Zanfagna, Patrizia – D‘Andrea, Andrea – Bosco, Angela – Osman, Mohamed – Krejčí, Jaromír – Brienza, Emanuele 2018 “Sun Temple of Nyuserre in Abu Ghurab: Report of the 2017 Season”, Prague Egyptological Studies XXI, pp. 45–72. Nuzzolo, Massimiliano – Pirelli, Rosanna – Bosco, Angela – Brienza, Emanuele – Zanfagna, Patrizia – Osman, Mohamed – Arias, Katarína – D‘Andrea, Andrea 2020 “Sun Temple of Niuserra in Abu Ghurab: Report of the Season 2018–2019”, Newsletter Centro Interdipartimentale di Servizi per l‘Archeologia 11, Napoli: Università L’Orientale, pp. 289–306. Posener-Kriéger, Paule – Verner, Miroslav – Vymazalová, Hana 2006 Abusir X. The Pyramid Complex of Raneferef. The Papyrus Archive, Prague: Charles University Reisner, George Andrew 1931 Mycerinus. The temples of the Third Pyramid at Giza, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Reisner, George Andrew – Smith, William Stevenson 1955 A History of the Giza Necropolis. Vol. II. The tomb of Hetep-Heres, the mother of Cheops, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Rzeuska, Teodozja Izabela 2006 Saqqara II. Pottery of the Late Old Kingdom. Funerary Pottery and Burial Customs, Varsovie: Neriton. Simpson, William Kelly 1961 “Corpus of the Dahshur pottery”, in: Fakhry, Ahmad, The Monuments of Sneferu at Dahshur. Vol. II. The Valley Temple. Part II. – The Finds, Cairo: General Organization for Government Printing Offices, pp. 103–140.

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Stuart, Villiers 1883 Egypt after the war, London: John Murray. Verner, Miroslav 1985 Unpublished excavation diary, Archive of the Czech Institute of Egyptology, Prague. 2001 Abusir III. The pyramid complex of Khentkaus, Prague: Charles University. 2006 Abusir IX. The pyramid complex of Raneferef: The Archaeology, Prague: Charles University.

Web sources www.aeraweb.org AERA’s 2019 Field Season Report: New Findings from the Menkaure Valley Temple (last accessed on 20.12.2019)

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Royal annals of ancient Egypt Recent investigations on the Palermo Stone and its associated fragments* Massimiliano Nuzzolo, MN (Institute for Mediterranean and Oriental Cultures, Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw), Jaromír Krejčí, JK (Czech Institute of Egyptology, Charles University, Prague), Mohamed Osman, MO (Institute for Mediterranean and Oriental Cultures, Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw), Kathryn E. Piquette, KEP (Centre for Digital Humanities, University College London)

Abstract The Palermo Stone, together with the so-called “Cairo Fragments” and “London Fragment”, form the oldest example of royal annals in ancient Egypt. The information they contain is of pivotal importance for our knowledge of the history of the Old Kingdom. Despite more than a century of study, the reading of these annals is still very partial and full of dark spots on account of the fact that considerable areas are erased or damaged and not easily readable to the naked eye. In an attempt to fill these gaps, a new research project was launched in Prague, Charles University, in 2017. The main aim of the project was to integrate approaches from Egyptian archaeology and philology together with methods from the Digital Humanities in order to shed new light on the oldest surviving example of royal annals from ancient Egypt. A general overview of this project is presented in this paper, as well as a few insights into the main fragment of the corpus, i. e. the Palermo Stone. Keywords: Palermo Stone, Cairo Fragments, London Fragment, Royal Annals, Reflectance Trans­­formation Imaging, Photogrammetry.

* The article was written within the framework of the research proj­ect “The rise and development of the solar cult and architecture in Third Millennium BC. Egypt”, project no. 17–10799S, funded by Grant Agency of the Czech Republic (GAČR). The first (MN) and third (MO) authors also wish to thank the National Science Center of Poland for providing new funds for finishing the writing of their parts of the contribution within the framework of the research project ‘Sun Temples Project. Religious spaces, ideological patterns and social dynamics of constructing the sacred landscape in Third Millennium BC Egypt’, project no. 2019/34/E/HS3/00438 – call Sonata Bis-9. All authors also wish to express their gratitude to the directors of the three museum involved in the project for providing the necessary work permission: Drs. Francesca Spatafora and Caterina Greco, former and current directors of the Regional Archaeological Museum Antonio Salinas, Palermo; Dr. Sabah Abdel Razek, director of Egyptian Museum, Cairo; Dr. Anna Garnett, director of the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archeology, London.

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Introduction. The reasons for a new investigation (MN) The Palermo Stone is undoubtedly the oldest surviving example of what is commonly known as “royal annals” in ancient Egyptian history. Together with five more fragments nowadays preserved at the Egyptian Museum in Cairo, and one fragment preserved at the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archeology in London, the Palermo Stone represents a crucial document for the knowledge of ancient Egypt, especially of its initial historical phases, namely the Early Dynastic Period and the Old Kingdom.1 The Stone bears the names of the pharaohs – and the main events related to their reigns – from the First to the mid-Fifth Dynasty (the last king mentioned on the annals is Neferirkara, third king of this dynasty), thereby encompassing a remarkable chronological period (end of the Fourth – mid-Third Millennium BCE), which is still full of gaps. The importance of the Sicilian document is even greater when we consider that some of the historical data recorded on it do not find any confirmation in the other available sources. However, and despite over a century of studies on the subject (see chapter 3 below), scholars still debate about the historical value and reliability of the annals (especially for the Early Dynastic Period), as well as on the reading and translation of the complex hieroglyphic text engraved on them. This uncertainty on the annals is also fostered by the fact that we still lack fundamental information on them, first and foremost their provenance, original location and dating. The main fragment, i. e. the Palermo Stone, was in fact donated to the Antonio Salinas Archaeological Museum in Palermo in 1877 and has no secure provenance. Of the other six fragments which composed the annals only one, the “Cairo Fragment 4”, has a somehow reliable archaeological context, where the others five were acquired on the antiquity market in Cairo in a time span ranging from 1910 to 1963 (see Nuzzolo 2021: 87–88). The diversity of opinions on the Palermo Stone (and the other fragments) is also due to the fact that the hieroglyphic text engraved on it is not easily readable, particularly on what is usually considered the back (the so-called verso), the state of preservation of which is much poorer than that of the front (the so-called recto). It should also be taken into account that the study and understanding of the Palermo Stone have been strongly affected by two intertwined factors. The first is that most of the scholars who have paid attention to the artifact over time did not get to Palermo for a first hand investigation of the object, but did analyze it through the available graphic and/or photographic reproductions.2 These reproductions (and here we come at the second point) are – incredible to believe – totally inadequate. It may seem paradoxical but despite all the publications that appeared on the Stone after its donation to the Palermo museum in 1877, and despite the incredible progress made in digital photography tech1 Catalogue nos of the seven pieces are: Palermo Stone: Inv. No. 1028. Cairo Fragments 1–5: JE 44859; JE 39735; JE 39734; JE 44860; TR 15/1/75/2. London Fragment: UC 15508. 2 To my knowledge, of the dozens of scholars who have written about the Palermo Stone and associated fragments over the last 130 years, only very few carried out a personal, first-hand investigation of the artifact, notably Pellegrini, Schäfer, Naville, Giustolisi and Wilkinson. To this list we may possibly add the name of Sethe, although it is not clear if he really did this trip to Palermo or not (see further below).

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Fig. 1. The Verso of The Palermo Stone in the 1900 picture (glass negative inv. no. 5614) by Antonio Salinas (© Museo Archeologico Regionale Antonio Salinas, Palermo)

nologies, the picture (actually two, i. e. recto and verso) that was, and still is, used for any analysis and publication of the artifact is the one realized by Antonio Salinas in the year 1900 (fig. 1), on the occasion of the visit to the collection of the German scholar Heinrich Schäfer (1902: Taf. I–II).3 3 Salinas actually succeeded in producing a particularly readable photographic glass (even in the

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Fig. 2. Naville’s facsimile copy of the transcriptions of the hieroglyphic text of the verso of the Palermo Stone (after Naville 1903: Taf. II)

Even the most recent study published on the royal annals by Toby Wilkinson – so far the only monograph on the subject ever appeared – does not present any photographic reproduction of the fragments, but only facsimile copies of Wilkinson’s hand-drawings verso) thanks to the fact that he sprinkled chalk on the Stone, as he himself indirectly reports in a 1901 letter addressed to the Minister of Education, H. E. Carlo Fiorilli, and to his colleague Ernesto Schiaparelli (see Nuzzolo 2021: n. 15)

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Fig. 3. Wilkinson’s facsimile copy of the transcriptions of the hieroglyphic text of the verso of the Palermo Stone (after Wilkinson 2000: fig. 2)

of the whole fragments in comparison, sometimes, with previous drawings of the same objects (Wilkinson 2000: figs. 1–12).4 This not only prevents us from understanding, and critically evaluating, the correctness of the graphic interpretation/reproduction of the hi4 Besides Wilkinson’s hand-drawings there are also the fac-similes of Naville’s drawing of the verso of the Palermo Stone and Edwards’ drawing of the recto of the “Cairo Fragment 1” (Wilkinson 2000: figs. 3–4).

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eroglyphic text proposed by Wilkinson (see Baud 2003: 147–148 for further criticism), but also does not allow us to understand the process of deterioration of the artifact. In fact, when one compares Wilkinson’s facsimile of the stone with that of Edouard Naville,5 carried out a century earlier (see fig. 2–3 here), one may conclude that the stone has severely been deteriorated over the last century. However, the reality is different and what seems to be an unrelenting process of passing of time turns out to be only a serious methodological mistake by Wilkinson that has affected all the later studies (see Nuzzolo 2021: 91). To fill this gap (and many others, see further below), the present writer has thus decided to undertake – together with other colleagues also participating to this article – a new project for the study and publication of the Palermo Stone and all its associated fragments. The project, called “Palermo Stone Project” and carried out in several phases between September 2017 and September 2019 (see further below for details), was a part of a wider research project aimed at the investigation of the origins and features of the solar cult in Early Egypt, carried out over the time span 2017–19 at the Czech Institute of Egyptology – Charles University Prague, under the auspices of the Czech Science Foundation – Grant Agency of the Czech Republic (GAČR).6 The primary project aim was not only the first-hand investigation of all the fragments, and the historical archives associated with them, but also on the application of advanced imaging methods to the fragments, including, first and foremost, the computational photographic technique known as “Reflectance Transformation Imaging” (RTI, see further below). The latter technique, especially when combined with other types of digital photography and computer processing, such as photogrammetry (see below), can dramatically improve our knowledge of the fragments not only with regard to the legibility of the inscriptions engraved on them and their paleography, but also archaeological and material cultural aspects (e. g. material sourcing; stone working tools and techniques; transformation of the stone; process of inscription; possible display and later reuses; etc. In fact, one of the project aims was also to clarify the nature of the material of which the Palermo Stone and associated fragments are composed. Among the scientific publications on the royal annals (Pellegrini 1895: 297; Schäfer 1902: 4; Giustolisi 1968: 9), the stone is identified as one of three types: amphibolite; diorite; or amphibolic diorite – the latter is also given on the museum website. As a matter of fact, however, neither the Paler­mo Stone nor any of its associated fragments have ever undergone geological 5 As a matter of fact, Naville carried out his personal investigation of the Palermo Stone before Schä­ fer, although he published it one year after the German colleague. It seems, however, that they never confronted with each other on the interpretation and translation of the text, and this makes even more intriguing the fact that in most cases they got the same conclusions (see also part 1 below). Nevertheless, Naville’s study lacks the completeness of Schäfer’s one, for Naville does not provide the translation and interpretation of the entire hieroglyphic text of the PS, but only the analysis of selected passages. In many cases, therefore, to understand how Naville has interpreted the text, it is necessary to refer to the facsimile of the Stone he reproduced at the end of the article (Naville 1903: pl. II). 6 Original title of the project: The Rise and Development of the Solar Cult and Architecture in Third Millennium BC Egypt. See the institute website (https://cegu.ff.cuni.cz/en/re search/grants/the-riseof-solar-cult/) as well as the Facebook page (https://www.facebook.com/theRiseandDevelopment ofSolarCultandCulture/). See also Nuzzolo 2019: 128–137.

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investigation, except for “Cairo Fragment 5”, the most recently discovered, which was analyzed at the microscope in 1963 and identified as “olivine basalt” (De Cenival 1965: 14). Given that invasive analyses on the fragments is not permitted, we opted to analyze all the fragments in a twofold manner (see also Part 2 below): 1) Observation at the Dino-Lite digital microscope; 2) Analysis by means of the portable X-ray fluorescence. Through renewed research and the power of the combined application of the aforementioned techniques, we intend to produce the most complete publication of the Palermo Stone and associated fragments to date. This monograph, currently in preparation, will include a critical review of previous research, philological analysis of the hieroglyphic text, and an in-depth material cultural study including a new proposal for the reconstruction of the fragments, along with supporting high resolution photographs and advanced 2D and 3D images. In the meanwhile, we present below a summary of the previous research (Part 1), an account of our recording methods (Part 2), a selected example of findings concerning the reading of the hieroglyphic text engraved on the Palermo Stone (Part 3), as well as a brief overview of the main observations of the material aspects of the fragments (Part 4). From this new analysis, fundamental information concerning the life history of the Palermo Stone and the history of the Old Kingdom can be gleaned, as well as new insights concerning royal ideology and solar cult, the two main topics of the workshops held in Prague in 2017–2019 from which the contributions to this publication originate. Part 1. The Palermo Stone and associated fragments. History of the research (JK) The more recent history of the Palermo Stone can be traced back to 1877, when a prominent Sicilian lawyer and antiquities collector, Ferdinando Gaudiano, donated it to the Archaeological Museum of Palermo, nowadays re-named after Antonio Salinas, its longest-serving and most famous director. The precise year and exact means by which Gaudiano obtained the stone remains unclear.7 According to Gérard Godron, the stone fragment got to the possession of the family before 1859, being obtained either by Gaudiano himself, or by his father, from a marine captain (Godron 1952: 17). The site in Egypt from where the Palermo fragment originated or circumstances of its discovery were not documented, unfortunately. In the first years after its acquisition, the stone was somewhat forgotten. The situation changed when Gaudiano ordered to produce lithographs of both sides of the fragment. These drawings were sent to the Egyptologist Emmanuel De Rougé who, in 1866, paid his attention to the piece for the first time in the scientific community (De Rougé 1866: 7 Newly discovered archive materials, currently in the course of study by the colleagues Massimiliano Nuzzolo and Massimo Cultraro, seem to provide new elements in this regard. The full account of this material will be provided in the final forthcoming monograph on the Palermo Stone Project.

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88). It was however not before the first half of the 1880s that Egyptologists August Eisenlohr (1885: 58) and Alfred Wiedemann (1885: 77–78) came to the museum in order to inspect personally and document the object itself. The first more profound publication of the Stone was published in Italian by Astorre Pellegrini in 1895. Pellegrini, besides the history of the obtaining of the stone by the Palermo Museum, also discussed the nature the object and published pen-and-ink drawings of the stone’s both sides. In the same period, notably during the years 1896–1897, there was a plan to exchange the stela for other antiquities (a large collection of small, Greco-Roman objects) with the Egyptian Museum in Cairo in order to create an Egyptian hall in the Pa­ ler­mo museum. However, as it had turned out that the Palermo Stone was a very important historical source of information, apparently in connection with Pelle­grini’s publication, An­to­nio Sa­linas refused this exchange, and the plan was stopped (Gordon 1952: 18). This intermezzo, however, cause a start of a thorough scien­tific interest on the annals’ fragment in the Palermo museum. A breakthrough in the research on the Palermo Stone is cer­tainly thus represented by the above-mentioned study of Schä­fer (1902: collation of text was done with the help of Lud­wig Borchardt) published at the very beginning of the Twen­tieth Century. This thin, but very informative monograph, in addition to the description and translation of the text, includes very fine and detailed photographs and facsimiles of every year compartment of the object (photographs were produced specifically for the occasion by the director of the Palermo Museum Antonino Salinas: see introduction above). To this day, it remains the most accurate recording of the text on the stone and an example of a high-quality scientific work. For Schäfer, the annals represented an important source concerning the early ancient Egyptian history and he focused on the dating and the discussion concerning the entries on the height of the Nile in his analysis (Schäfer 1902: 5–13). A year later, Naville published a commentary on the Palermo Stone which represents an important compartment to Schäfer’s tractate, analyzing and commenting the annals, mainly in respect of Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom history. Even though Naville’s publication (1903) was somewhat delayed in comparison with that of Schäfer, it was Naville who started his thorough study of the Palermo stone before his German colleague. In fact, as he underlines in this publication, he had already discussed the Palermo Stone in 1902, in a paper read during the Thirteenth International Congress of Orientalists, held in Hamburg before Schäfer’s publication. Three years later, another translation of the object was published by James H. Breasted (1906), who dealt, besides other important ancient Egyptian written documents, also with the Palermo Stone. The importance of this translation for further discussion on the object lies in the fact that it was the first translation of the stone in English. Otherwise, Breasted followed Schäfer’s translation and ideas concerning the function of the monument. An important impetus for the interest of the Egyptological community on the Palermo Stone certainly represents acquiring of other three black basalt fragments of in the Cairo antiquities (1910). Consequently, in the next few years, a series of works discussing the royal annals and its position in the knowledge of the Egyptian history were published. Among them, the most important are works of Henri Gauthier (1914 and 1915,) George

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Daressy (1916), Williams M. F. Petrie (1916), Frederick W. Read (1916), and Ludwig Borchardt (1917). In general, these scholars attempted to reconstruct the original form of the annals, mainly by using mathematics and assuming the use of a fixed grid according to which the annals’ entries were organized – a proposal already set out by Kurt Sethe in 1905. As for its context of display, Naville hypothesized that the Palermo Stone was erected in the temple of Heliopolis, an hypothesis questioned in the subsequent work of Toby Wilkinson (Wilkinson 2000: 17). Indeed, it is the case that only one of the seven fragments royal annals fragments has a relatively secure provenance, that being the “Cairo Fragment 4” was dug out by sebbakhin in Memphis in 1912 (Daressy 1916; Petrie 1916: 115). This fragment has been seen as a pivotal piece of evidence for supporting the hypothesis that the annals were erected in a sacral environment in the Memphite area (Gau­thier 1915: 30; Vercoutter 1992: 76). Its discovery prompted Godron (1952) to produce his important study on the history of the Palermo Stone, and although based largely on archival material, represents the most important work produced to date on the history of the Stone’s acquisition and its significance. In 1956, Wolfgang Helck began to publish his series of works on royal annals, which lead his attention to the Palermo Stone in several studies (Helck 1956; 1970; 1974a; 1974b; 1982). Beside other important issues, he discussed genuineness and historicity of the Palermo Stone (and the associated fragments) and possibilities of the annals’ reconstruction. The uncertainty about this issue is given not only by the fact that the text was incised into the basalt slab, but also by mistakes in the text which might have been influenced by misunderstanding of the text dated to the Old Kingdom and preserved on a papyrus. Helck used an example of the famous Shabaqa Stone containing the Memphite Theology in which case the same happening has been envisaged. Moreover, for him it was very important that the Palermo Stone was made of what seems to be the same material as the Shabaqa Stone. The dating of the latter document to the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty thus pushes Helck to date the Palermo Stone also to a similar period (Helck 1970: 83). In this way, Helck is among those authors who argue that the Palermo Stone represents a much later copy, and not a document originated in the Fifth Dynasty, or slightly afterwards, as would be indicated by the last preserved royal name (Neferirkara). In the same way, the location of the Shabaqa Stone was one of the arguments of Helck for his supposition that the royal annals were erected in the Ptah Temple in Memphis. According to Helck, the fact that the entries of the annals were inscribed on a hard stone block would also show that the text was not of purely archival function, but it was supposed to be exposed in a temple precinct (Helck 1970: 84–86). At the beginning of the 1960s Werner Kaiser (1961) published a pivotal study on the Palermo Stone in which he paid attention on the annals reliability as an historical document. He believed that they represent an unbiased source of information. He was also convinced of the consistency between the Palermo Stone, the Turin King List and Manetho’s Aegyptiaca. The question of authenticity of the annals has been the debated since the discussion on the fragment in the Palermo museum started, and Kaiser’s approach has been criticized, e. g. by Wilkinson (see further below).

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In 1965 Jean-Louis De Cenival published the “Cairo Fragment 5”, which he himself had acquired on Cairo antiquity market. Besides other factors, he also discussed the historicity of the piece, the question of the material of which this specific piece was made, as well as different thickness of the Palermo stone and this Cairo fragment. It is the only one fragment which has been geochemically analyzed so far and its material was described as “olivine basalt” (De Cenival 1965: 14). Rather problematic are outcomes of analyses made by Patrick O’Mara and they have not been very well accepted in the scholarship dealing with the annals (O’Mara 1979, 1980, 1996). He was able to distinguish six hands that engraved the texts on the Palermo Stone (O’Mara 1996: 206–208), although he did not argue for such distinction. He also does not provide any direct evidence for his presumption concerning the precise date when the annals were made (O’Mara 1979: 109). Another important study was published by Winfried Barta (1981) – he reconstructed the annals in the way following what was published by Kaiser in many respects. Barta firmly believed that the Palermo Stone represents an objective historical source regarding to sources from later periods. In the frame of a broadly established monograph on the ancient Egyptian science, Marshall Clagett (1992) published a rather extensive study also containing the translation of the royal annals. Clagett underlines the significance of the Palermo Stone for our understanding of the ancient Egyptian calendars as well as of the measuring and numerical practice and its beginnings in the Nile Valley. An impetus for an overall re-evaluation of the Palermo Stone and the royal annals in general was certainly represented the publication of the South Saqqara list of kings by Michel Baud and Vassil Dobrev (1995 and 1997). A lid of a basalt sarcophagus housed in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo, once inscribed with a list of kings reigning before the end of the Old Kingdom, was also, as some of the fragments of the basalt stela connected with the Palermo Stone, reused and its texts were intentionally obliterated. In similarly bad condition as most of the Cairo fragments of Palermo Stone, this South Saqqara list brings some details concerning annual or biannual rhythm of the cattle counting, as well as some hints for the discussion about the splitting up of the Egyptian kings into dynasties. It is apparent that also this document has to be taken through the prism of the function for the ruling bodies of Old-Kingdom Egypt, as one of the ancient Egyptian royal lists which are an epitome of the ideology of the divine royal office, documenting the character of the courtly elite in the history of the country and supporting its place in the state’s ruling machine. Its importance also lies in the fact that it provides insight into the role king lists played in the overall political and religious environment and, as with the Palermo Stone, it was also a mix of the religious and mundane aspects of deeds of the kings. In the early 2000s, three studies dealing with royal annals were published. The monograph by Wilkinson (2000) represents the most comprehensive account on the Palermo Stone and associated fragments published up to the present day. Its author thoroughly discusses not only topics connected with the historicity, function, and reconstruction of the original appearance of the annals, but also history of the research of the annals. However, in his copying and collation of the hieroglyphic texts of the annals, there are

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several problems. When copying the Palermo Stone (as recalled in the introduction) the author omitted quite large parts of its hieroglyphic text. This was one of the reasons why a new documentation project of all fragments of the royal annals has been started. In Wilkinson’s opinion, the reconstruction of the original form of the royal annals was possible only with overwhelming problems and its solving had to be left for the next future. Another important issue in his point of view is represented the monument’s reliability to the Early Dynastic kings. In his point of view, the period which passed from the first two dynasties to the moment when the annals were apparently made, was too long for preserving all appropriate historic data. Nevertheless, Wilkinson also adds that names of some Early Dynastic kings (e. g. Ninetjer or Khasekhemwy) were written in their correct form, which makes the origin of the text in the Old Kingdom fairly plausible. An article published by Erik Hornung, Rolf Krauss and David A. Warburton (2006) discusses, beside other issues, also the historicity of the Palermo Stone and other fragments. In its authors’ opinion, the entries written on Palermo stone, and connected with the First Dynasty, which are analogous to year-labels dated to the same period, support the authenticity of the annals. This would indicate, at least, a similar source of information for this period for both the historical sources. The authors state that the reliability of the annals in concern with lengths of reigns of the kings and counting of their regnal years – especially in the case of the early kings is questionable. They were thus consistent with the opinion of Wilkinson who did not consider the royal annals written on the Palermo Stone as a source of historical information per se. Nevertheless, the sequence of succession of the kings seems to be consistent with available documents from the period. The latest paper which appeared on the Palermo Stone and associated fragments is the one published by Shih-Wei Hsu in 2010. It is an overview article that briefly summarizes the current discussion on the Palermo Stone. It focuses on basic givens related to the annals – the method of registration of data, dates and information, and possible reconstruction of the annals. Part 2. Digital Humanities and the Palermo Stone: New Recording Methods. (MO & KEP) Part 2.1 Digital Epigraphy and Photogrammetry (MO) The main aim of the documentation process was to produce a detailed and clear epigraphic record of all the fragments composing the royal annals, starting from the Pa­ lermo Stone (see fig. 4 here), the main fragment of the corpus, and down to the smallest piece kept in the Petrie Museum in London. The work has thus aimed at producing not only detailed illustrations (facsimile drawings) of all the fragments but also the analysis of the paleographic variations among the different fragments, as well as, in case, any noticeable variation within the same fragment. A final, yet pivotal, aspect of the research was then to understand the distribution of the text on the two faces of each fragment, in order to be able to conduct the final reconstruction of the missing parts of the texts for the whole corpus.

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The main challenge for the production of such a comprehensive recording track was the preservation condition of the fragment’s surfaces. In fact, as already said, in many points, especially on the Cairo fragments, the fragments surface is severely worn out. The nature of the fragments, all done in a black shiny polished stone (see previous chapter) as well as the considerably shallow and thin carving lines of the signs further complicated the issue. In order to see and identify all these shallow and thin signs, a series of data acquirement methods have been put in place in more than one set. Earlier attempts of producing the epigraphic records of Palermo Stone (and the other fragments) were mainly depending on traditional direct observation by using normal light and possibly a magnifying glass. This method has proven quite efficient in the case of the Palermo Stone – though yet with a lot of missing/dark areas – but it has definitely proven insufficient with the other fragments as it will be shown in the final monograph. Therefore, it was important to use modern technological documentation methods to acquire data, in order to create a comprehensive data archive of the monument. Eventually, this archive was used to produce the final epigraphic record. The methodology used in this study was structures to follow specific steps: A – Data collection: 1) Traditional photography: this was required to record the general state of the stone fragments and to provide an adequate photographic publication record. 2) Structure from Motion 3D models for each fragment: each fragment had more than one 3D model for both rectos and versos, and under more than one light direction, in order to record the surface and recognize its features in more than one light direction. The production of such 3D models required obviously a considerable number of photos in order to create the photo cloud needed to create the main point cloud and eventually the 3D model. This method also useful to record the geometry of the object. 3) Extract high-resolution and undistorted orthophotos for each surface from the 3D model. The extracted images, main images or detail images, will serve as the base which will be used for the digital illustration process. Therefore, this phase needs to cover all the possible details on the surface of the object. 4) RTI Capture: this method of photography produces images that can be lit from multiple directions, allowing the investigator to visualize surface details dynamically, with the benefit of rendering modes for additional enhancements. This imaging method is of great importance in our investigation because, in addition to enabling remote working on materials held in three different museums, it is a fundamental aid for identifying the faint traces of signs that cannot be observed easily under fixed lighting conditions (see next chapter for more details). 5) Create a manual detailed epigraphic sketch of each inscribed surface: this step requires the combined work of the main epigrapher of the project (MN) and a second epigrapher (MO), who recorded every single sign after identifying it individually and having agreed on the identification. In some cases, the epigraphers did not agree on the signs, or had different opinions about their paleographical aspects. In this case, a

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final decision was taken (and as such it is also illustrated) based on the interpretation of the first epigrapher (MN) and with a different colour marker. B – Data analysis: 1) First draft illustration: in this phase, enough data is already acquired to produce a digital illustration that contains all the text and figures that have been agreed. Orthophotos that have been extracted from the photogrammetric 3D models are used to illustrate this draft. 2) Verification process: this focus on checking every single detail and re-identify all the signs. In this phase, not only the visual observation was used, but also the checking of the signs under an optical microscope using different raking light directions and comparing the results with the dynamic RTI images of selected areas of each fragment. In this step, the discussion of the paleographical aspects of the signs is finalized and a typology is established. 3) A second draft is produced after the verification process, and a final philological check is done. In this step the gaps in the text that are caused by erosion can be filled with analytical text completion and have a different convention code. 4) Part of the Analysis process is to figure out how to join the several fragments of Palermo Stone and fill the gaps between them. In order to do this, the philologist use the final illustration and the paleographic record in order to estimate the right position of each fragment in the hypothetical original block. Final result: A comprehensive final digital illustration of each fragment – and of each face of the fragments – was produced, of which some preliminary results are presented here (see further below). In the final monograph, these illustrations of the fragments will be also completed by a catalogue of the whole signs repertoire found on the annals stones, that will analyze and describe the actual paleography of the text (i. e. how many hands executed the inscriptions) as well as the material aspects connected with its execution (i. e. the different methods/techniques of the sign carving). Part 2.2. Reflectance Transformation Imaging, Dino-Lite Microscopy, Super Macro Photography, Portable X-ray Fluorescence (KEP)8 In addition to conventional photography and photogrammetry, the techniques we used to document and examine the annals stone fragments included Reflectance Transformation Imaging (RTI), Dino-Lite digital microscopy, super-macro photography, and portable X-ray Fluorescence (pXRF). In keeping with a reflexive research method, the techniques are described below in chronological order of application. Whilst we began with the assumption that RTI would largely fulfil our research needs relating to legibil8 The present writer wishes to acknowledge the support of the UCL Centre for Digital Humanities and Robert and Olivia Temple of The Ancient Egypt Foundation.

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ity and the production of the inscription and its subsequent life history (e. g. Piquette 2013; Piquette – Graff – Bailly – Kelany – el-Bialy 2017), as we studied the results, new questions emerged requiring re-evaluation of our data collection methods and augmentation of the suite of documentation techniques. RTI is a type of structured light photography developed in the early 2000s for documenting surface colour and shape and providing enhanced visualization of fine surface texture (see Malzbender – Gelb – Wolters 2001). A series of photographs are shot with illumination applied systematically from different locations and angles in a hemispherical configuration. A lighting dome or illumination arc can be used, but for our purposes, the more portable and low-cost highlight method, H-RTI, represented the most appropriate option (see Mudge – Schroer – Earl – Martinez – Pagi – Toler-Franklin – Ru­sin­ kiewicz – Palma – Wachowiak – Ashley – Matthews – Noble – Delle Piane 2010). Not only was portability important given that image capture was required at the three different museum locations (Antonio Salinas Regional Archaeological Museum in Paler­ mo, Italy; the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology in London, UK; the Egyptian Museum in Cairo, Egypt), but flexibility with regard to set up and configuration was also essential. The Petrie and Cairo fragments could be shot in the horizontal pose, but the Palermo fragment had to be shot in its vertical mount. Whatever the configuration, RTI requires stability between both the camera and the subject so that the capture sequence is registered with subpixel accuracy. Only the light source moves, the photographer applying the flash iteratively around the object in a hemispherical pattern (Cultural Heritage Imaging 2013a: 17). Maintenance of a consistent distant between the light source and the object is aided by use of a string, which also ensures relative accuracy of angle and alignment of the incident light with the centre of the region of interest. One (but preferably two, Cultural Heritage Imaging 2013a: 12) reflective spheres are placed in frame to record the highlight from the illumination source. The light position can then be calculated for each exposure during processing, using software such as RTIBuilder v. 2.0.2 (Barbosa 2009; Barbosa 2011), thus enabling the shots to be fitted together using the Polynomial Texture Mapping (PTM) or the Hemispherical Harmonics (HSH) mathematical algorithms. The resultant image file can be viewed in an RTI viewer (e. g. RTIViewer v. 1.1; Cultural Heritage Imaging 2013b), allowing virtually relighting of the surface and the application of algorithmic rendering modes to enhance the appearance of surface features. It was in 2017 that RTI of the annal stones commenced – the first time for this technique to be applied to these objects. The first phase of capture was undertaken on the Palermo Stone by M. Osman on September 18 (together with the photogrammetric capture undertaken on September 19, see above). Because access was limited to the two days when the museum was closed, we focused imaging on the verso which presented more challenges for legibility. It was therefore our intention to undertake a second, subsequent phase of imaging to complete capture on the stone in its entirety. This first phase thus entailed taking one capture sequence of the entire verso and two detailed sequences of the central and lower portions of the fragment due to particularly poor preservation of the inscription in this area. The setup, as previously noted, was con-

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Fig. 4. The verso of the Palermo Stone (© The Palermo Stone Project & M. Osman photography; courtesy Museo Archeologico Regionale Antonio Salinas, Palermo)

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figured for vertical shooting since removal the Palermo Stone from its gallery display mount was not permitted. Around the same time, capture of the Petrie fragment, including recto and verso, was undertaken by the present writer.9 Equipment included a Canon EOS 5D Mark III digital SLR (22.3MP) camera with a Canon EF 100mm f/2.8 IS USM macro lens (with a B&W UV filter for lens protection) mounted on a Kaiser Fototechnik copy stand. Illumination was applied using a Canon Speedlite 600EX-RT flashgun controlled remotely using a Canon-compatible Calumet Pro Series 4 Channel Wireless Trigger Kit (including transmitter and receiver). After preliminary evaluation of the 2017 work, we decided to carry out a second phase of RTI capture of the Palermo Stone in order to improve the legibility of the most heavily worn areas in the lower part of the verso. The present writer carried out this work in Palermo on 17 September 2018. The camera body, lens, and light source employed were the same as utilized for capture of the Petrie fragment (above), but the camera was mounted on a Manfrotto tripod with a Really Right Stuff ball head for vertical shooting. A Dino-Lite digital microscope (20×–50× / 200×, 1.3MP sensor) was also used to record fine details of sign incisions and other marks relating to production. The digital microscope was also useful for examining marks from use wear and damage that could not be resolved practically using RTI. A particular goal of this microscope work was to also record the presence, distribution, and shape of inclusions in the stone (see below). As regards the RTI on the five Cairo fragments (from now on called simply CF 1 to 5), we decided to divide the work in two phases, to be carried out consecutively. The first phase of the work was undertaken by K. E. Piquette, who carried out a complete and detailed RTI documentation of the five fragments between September 30 and October 16, 2018. The photographic equipment used was the same as for phase two of work on the Palermo fragment (above). All Cairo fragments were imaged in a horizontal setup. The rectos and versos of each wase captured apart from CF2, the original verso of which is not preserved. Due to its large size and the need for high spatial resolution, CF1 was captured in several sections or frames (as done for the Palermo Stone, above). CF5, interestingly, has been separated from its original verso with what appears to have been a circular saw and RTI was applied to document the saw marks. Recording of notable surface features including the stone matrix was also undertaken using a Dino-Lite digital microscope (above). It was also during this same imaging campaign, namely between October 17–22, that M. Osman carried out supplementary RTI work on all the Cairo Fragments, and in particular the entire recto and verso of CF1. This was done to provide context imagery for the aforementioned detailed RTI capture and to aid subsequent study and digital epigraphy. 9 Capture sessions were originally undertaken as a part of two RTI training courses led by the present writer on August 16, 2017, under the auspices of the UCL Centre for Digital Humanities’ consulting arm, UCL Advanced Imaging Consultants, in collaboration with Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology. In May 2018, when the present writer joined the Palermo Stone Project, the data derived from the RTI shooting became part of the whole project.

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Fig. 5a–b. The lower part of the Palermo Stone verso (register 5, reign of Neferirkara): (5a) RTI view after specular enhancement; (5b) transcription of the hieroglyphic text. Drawing of the hieroglyphic text by M. Osman. Interpretation of the hieroglyphic text by M. Nuzzolo based on direct observation of the document and RTI data collected and processed by M. Osman (© The Palermo Stone Project & M. Osman RTI photography: courtesy of the Museo Archeologico Regionale Antonio Sali­nas, Palermo)

During this first phase of RTI on the Cairo fragments, microscopy was also trialed in order to clarify the readings of certain poorly preserved signs and was found to be superior for some questions to the use of the RTI and Dino-Lite digital microscope. We then rapidly came to the realization that for some readings and the detailed study of inscription technique, e. g. incision ductus / sequence and direction of tool travel, and with some indication of depth and angle (at least from a qualitative perspective), greater magnification

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and spatial resolution were required. However, because microscope time in the Egyptian Museum was limited and recording a sufficient sample of marks for later consultation was not feasible, we determined that further photography was necessary. Therefore, a second phase of image capture on the Cairo fragments was planned with the aim of applying higher resolution RTI as well as super macro photography, with the present writer undertaking this work between 23 February and 23 March 2019. With the advantage of a Canon EOS 5DS R with 50.6MP CMOS sensor, an increased spatial resolution of 530ppc was achieved – almost double that of the EOS 5D Mark III (266 ppc) used previously. The 100mm macro lens and Canon Speedlite 600EX II-RT were employed for the RTI. The super macro photography entailed using a Canon MP-E 65 mm f/2.8 1×–5× macro lens. We found that magnification of 2:1 or 3:1 delivered the spatial resolution needed for resolving a sufficient number of tool marks to support systematic comparative analysis. However, this method also requires recording the surface in 3 cm–4 cm × 5 cm–6 cm sections or frames, which then require stitching for easier viewing and contextualization. While these images deliver extremely high-resolution information, they also embed the original challenge for visualizing / characterizing surface marks on the surface of the annals stones – that of light fixity. The working distance between the edge of the Canon MP-E 65 mm lens and the surface is a mere 6 cm–9 cm, which means that one cannot apply the virtual hemisphere of light required by the RTI capture procedure. Even if a solution to the problem of working distance were found, RTI at this scale is costly and the results cumbersome to use as sections cannot yet be stitched together easily (see MacDonald 2015: 254–256). For the same reasons of accuracy and high-resolution work, we untertook another intervention on the Palermo Stone, from September 23–27, 2019. As before, we were required to image the stone in its vertical mount. This time, each face was captured in nine frames measuring about 10 cm × 12 cm to 13 cm each. Thus, increased spatial resolution was achieved not only with the advantage of the 50.6MP CMOS sensor of the Canon EOS 5DS R, but also by moving the sensor closer to the surface. As before, a 100mm macro lens was used, along with the newer Canon 600EX II-RT Speedlite. With the benefit of more imaging time and a higher resolution sensor, we also decided to re-shoot the RTI for each main face as well. To further support the ongoing paleographic analysis and study of tool marks and surface wear, the RTI was followed by super macro photography of both main faces using the Canon MP-E 65 mm f/2.8 1×–5× macro lens (as also done for the Cairo fragments, above). In the course of first-hand inspection and photography we observed various accretions in the incisions of the hieroglyphs and adhering to a small number of olivine phenocryst concavities, as well as the broken / worn edges of the stone. It is very likely that the white matter in the glyphs is a more recent addition, such as calcium carbonate combined with a binder (see also Nuzzolo 2020: 57, n. 13), applied to aid legibility and enhance photography by modern investigators (in this regard see Petrie 1902: 5). Other accretions may be related to taking impressions of the inscription. In order to investigate the accretions, we employed portable X-ray fluorescence spectrometry (pXRF). Primary X-rays bombard the surface of the sample with radiation and then interact with matter

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through scattering or absorption. This causes electrons to be displaced which, in turn, causes a burst of energy to be released. The energy is detected by the device, the amount being diagnostic of a particular element (Forster – Grave – Vickery – Kealhofer 2011). It was our hope that this non-destructive method for elemental analysis could aid identification of any pigments, minerals, or other surface accretions that might provide further clues about the life histories of the fragments. The pXRF was undertaken on the Petrie and Cairo fragments with an Olympus Delta Dynamic X-ray fluorescence analyzer.10 Multiple areas were sampled using three beams; soil, mining, and alloy plus. Analysis of the pXRF data is ongoing, as is processing and study of the image data obtained via the various modalities described above. As already noted, publication of the results is planned in the near future in the form of a volume dedicated to the whole annals stone fragments. Part 3. Preliminary results of the Palermo Stone investigation: philology and text (MN) The analysis on the Palermo Stone and its associated fragments was long and complex and, at the time of writing this article, still to be considered as a work-in-progress. The application of the RTI, especially when joined with the use of the digital microscope, has in fact given many positive and unexpected results. At the same time, it opened up new questions and research objectives. As already specified in the introduction, it is not my intention to go into too much details here on the new readings of the hieroglyphic text engraved on the Stone. In this sense, the main novelties have recently been published in other journals (Nuzzolo 2020; Nuzzolo 2021), and will be presented altogether in the final monograph of the project scheduled for the beginning of the next year (Nuzzolo forthcoming). For the above reasons, and in order to provide at least a significative example of the results we obtained by means of this new methodological and technological approach to the annals, in this article I will concentrate only on one register of the Palermo Stone (from now on called PS), namely the bottom of the verso (see figs. 5–7). This choice is given by two factors: on the one side, this register appears to be the one where the most recent transcription of the hieroglyphic text (i. e. Wilkinson 2000) is more deficient of the original hieroglyphic text in comparison with the early Twentieth Century studies (compare figs. 2–3 above). On the other side, this register contains pivotal information connected to the reign of Neferirkara and to his sun temple, a crucial monument – still unknown archaeologically – for the history of the solar cult, which is the main focus of this volume.

10 The present writer wishes to thank Dr. Patrick Quinn, UCL Institute of Archaeology for making the pXRF device available and to Ruth Siddall for geological advice. The author also wishes to thank Eid Mertah, museum conservator at the Egyptian Museum, Cairo, for assistance with the pXRF analysis.

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3.1. Palermo Stone; Verso; Register V. The historical events recorded in this register regard two years of reign of Neferirkara, i. e. the “year of the fifth cattle count” (the tenth or eleventh year of reign)11 and the following year, of which the dating (year after the fifth cattle count or year of the sixth cattle count?) is not preserved, the stone being broken off on the left margin. The main novelties provided by the use of RTI come from the reading of the right and central parts of the text, i. e. the events (V.1.A–C) connected with the “year of the fifth cattle count” (V.1.D), as well as from the first to third column of the following year (V.2.A and V.2.C–D). As already specified in the introduction the two main scholars who firstly provided a complete transcription of the stone were Schäfer and Naville in 1902 and 1903, respectively. The latter’s transcription of the hieroglyphic text, however, is not accompanied by significant notes and discussion of the text. This is the reason why it is usually Schäfer’s transcription and commentary to be used, although in many cases their interpretations of the hieroglyphic texts match almost perfectly. This is the case of the entire right side of this register (V.1.A–C: see fig. 6 here) – namely the whole part before the mention of the “year of the fifth cattle count” (V.1.D) – of which both Schäfer and Naville provided a quite similar – and textually correct – transcription of the hieroglyphic text, if we exclude one sign in column V.1.A and one more sign in V.1.C (compare fig. 5 here with Schäfer 1902: 40 and Naville 1903: pl. II). Their translation of this area of the PS verso, however, is not complete: Naville, as already said, does not present any commentary of this section, whereas Schäfer omits to translate the entire first column (V.1.A). Wilkinson’s transcription of this area, on the other hand, is very limited and thus totally unreliable (see Wilkinson 2000, pp. 177–178, and fig. 2). We must thus get back to Sethe’s work on the Old Kingdom records to get a more accurate translation of the text (Sethe 1933: 248).12 This work, completely neglected by Wilkinson (see Baud 2003: 147 for criticism), is instead pivotal to have a wider view of the PS records, although here, as widely known, the text is not directly associated with any drawing or 1:1 transcription of the original hieroglyphic text and this sometimes does not facilitate the analysis, reading and use of Sethe’s work. What is remarkable in this context is the fact that Sethe was the first one who correctly read the first column (V.1.A) as the mention of “the fashioning (lit. the birth and opening of the mouth) of a statue of Neferirkara, made in bronze, in the house of gold” ([ mst  wpt] r a  [ m]  Hwt - nbw  [ m]  Hsmn  [twt]  Nfr- ir- kA-Ra). This reading is now fully confirmed by our RTI analysis: in particular, the presence of the lexemes “r a ” (mouth) and “Hsmn ” (bronze) before and after the word “Hwt - nbw ”, respectively, undoubtedly provides the latter word with a value as the “house of gold” (i. e. the workshop where the statues were produced in ancient Egypt), and not as a toponym associated with the quar11 For a summary of the issue of the regnal years and the cattle count as biennal versus annual system of year counting see Verner 2006: 124–143. 12 Sethe’s translation, although sometimes with slightly different changes, has been also adopted by all later scholars dealing with this part of the PS: see Roccati 1982: 51; Clagett 1992: 94; Strudwick 2005: 73.

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Fig. 6. Detail RTI view, after specular enhancement, of the Palermo Stone verso (register 5, right section; reign of Neferirkara). Elaboration by M. Nuzzolo based on RTI data collected and processed by M. Osman (© The Palermo Stone Project & M. Osman RTI photography: courtesy of the Museo Archeologico Regionale Antonio Sali­nas, Palermo)

Fig. 7. Detail RTI view, after specular enhancement, of the Palermo Stone verso (register 5, central section; reign of Neferirkara). Elaboration by M. Nuzzolo based on RTI data collected and processed by M. Osman (© The Palermo Stone Project & M. Osman RTI photography: courtesy of the Museo Archeologico Regionale Antonio Sali­nas, Palermo)

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ries of Hatnub, as proposed by Wilkinson (2000: 177–178).13 It must be also noticed that the recording of the fashioning and opening of the mouth of royal statues is one of the main ritual/cultic activities of the Fifth Dynasty kings on the annals, as now more clearly documented by the new reading of one of the columns of the “Cairo Fragment 1” dated to the reign of King Sahura (see Nuzzolo 2020: 75–81). In concern with the rest of this sector (V.1.B–C) of the PS it is also worth noting that our new RTI analysis confirms the reading of the cartouche in column V.1.C as that of King Huni (nswt  @wj), further testifying of the continuity in the cult of the previous kings even many decades after their death. As to the first column (V.2.A) of the following regnal year of Neferirkara (see left side of fig. 6 and the entire fig. 7), supposedly to be the “year after the fifth cattle count” (year not preserved), we have at the beginning the mention of the “appearance of the king or Upper and Lower Egypt” (xat  nswt  bity), which is correctly recorded by all scholars (Schä­fer 1902: 41; Naville 1903: pl. II; Sethe 1933: 248; Wilkinson 2000: 179 and fig. 2). The RTI analysis, however, shows that after this standardized formula there is for sure a horizontal sign, followed by the HAt sign (Gardiner list F4), and – down on the right – the phonetic complement “ t ”. The identity of the horizontal sign written before the HAt sign is here pivotal to try to understand the meaning of the sentence. Two options appears more likely to me, namely a papyrus roll (signs Y1 or Y2 of Gardiner list) or a channel or any another similar garden pool (Gardiner list N36–38). In the first case, the inscription may refer to “the beginning of the Nile flood” (HAt  prt [ m  it mw], lit. “the first coming of the river”), a sentence which would make much sense, in this context, soon after the formula “the appearance of dual king”. The latter formula is the typical “label” used at the beginning of a new year of reign which, as widely known, in ancient Egypt did correspond to the beginning of the Nile flood. If this interpretation is correct, we would thus be faced here with a quite rare historical information, since the Nile flood is constantly recorded, throughout the PS, only in the minor boxes placed at the bottom of each register (see fig. 4), and only in terms of cubit measurements. This may imply, in turn, that for some reasons that still remain unclear the start of the Nile Flood at the beginning of the “year after the fifth cattle count” (eleventh or twelfth regnal year) of Neferirkara’s reign must have appeared particularly important in terms of royal ideology as to deserve a specific entry in the royal annals. In the second case, namely if we interpret the horizonal sign before the HAt sign as a channel or another similar garden pool (Gardiner list N36–38), a suitable translation might be “the mouth of the Nile” (HAt - rA) which may refer to the Delta area and may be somehow connected to the previous sentence of “the appearance of the dual king”. Based on what we can see through the RTI analysis, this second option appears more likely than the previous one. We have to note, however, that in this case the channel sign should be written after the HAt  sign and not before it, as it is instead the case here. 13 For a case in which, to the contrary, the word “Hw t - n b w” is used as toponym, in a different grammar context, see the hieroglyphic text engraved on the “Cairo Fragment 3” (Daressy 1916: 170).

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Below the HAt sign, it seems that there are two more signs which, however, cannot be interpreted clearly even after RTI. At the very bottom of this column there does not seem to be any other hieroglyphic signs, except for what seems to be a long transverse scratch. Another interesting clarification is provided by the RTI for the third column of this part of the register (V.2.D) – connected to the inscription in line V.2.C – where there is the mention of the “construction by King Neferirkara of two morning and night boats, made in copper and 8 cubits long, for the sun god Ra in the sun temple of Neferirkara” (nswt  bity  Nfr- ir- kA-Ra  ir. n. f  n  mnw. f [n] Ra  m  %t - ib -Ra  Hmt  mH  8  msk tt  manDt). Both Schäfer (1902: 41) and Naville (1903: pl. II) had rightly interpreted the text in the general outline, but each of them had skipped some details: the former had in fact not recorded the sign for copper next to the sign of the boats; the latter had mistakenly transcribed the determinative of the name of the sun temple of Neferirkara by using the sign “st ” (Gardiner list Q1) instead of the correct one (a variant of Gardiner list O25, i. e. an obelisk resting on a high pedestal building which we find also in line V.1.B).14 Once again only Sethe (1933: 249) had correctly recorded the full hieroglyphic text, although he also did a minor mistake: he did not differentiate between the two determinatives employed for the name of the morning and night barks of the sun god Ra. The use of these determinatives is a very interesting element of the PS palaeography, which may also indirectly help dating the text. In fact, if we compare the determinative employed for the name of the two boats of Ra we can see that they present minor – but evidently significant – differences in the central part of the hull, notably in the way of depicting the cabin of the ships. This difference in the use of the determinatives appears even bigger and more visible in the case of the name of the so-called “Maaty” boat, built at the south-eastern corner of an unknown monument, likely to be again the sun temple of Neferirkara, which is mentioned on the previous column V.2.B. Unlike the other two, the “Maaty” boat is actually determined as a ship with two poles in the middle supporting two falcons; the two boats of the sun god (“msk tt ” and “manDt ”) are instead determined by a boat sign with a sort of cabin in the middle and without any pole or falcon. The stern and the bow of the hieroglyphic sign used for the copper boats are also characterized differently from those of the hieroglyphic sign used for the Maaty boat. These differences in the rendering of the three boat signs is for sure targeted as to indicate and emphasize the realistic elements of the ships, which were different in both cultic and ideological terms. The difference is even more remarkable when we consider that all of the ships were in fact associated to the same deity, i. e. the sun god Ra. The difference is not only noteworthy in terms of history of writing and history of religion and cult, but also in terms of possible matching between the historical information provided by the PS and the archaeological data. In this regard, in fact, we may note that the huge mudbricks boat found by Borchardt outside the enclosure wall of the sun tem14 For the sake of completeness, it is worth noting here that Pellegrini (1895: tav. II) had in fact recorded this column (V.2.D) of the Palermo Stone in a more complete way than Schäfer and Naville, although he unfortunately did not provide a real commentary of the text but only a facsimile copy of the hieroglyphic text.

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ple of Niuserra was featured exactly the same way as the determinative of the “Maaty” boat mentioned on the PS (Borchardt 1905: pp. 52–53), and both were located at the south-eastern corner of a sun temple (Nuzzolo 2015: 385; Nuzzolo 2018: 242–243). In my view, this only seemingly coincidence between textual and archaeological data represents a crucial element to be considered when addressing the issue of the historicity of the information provided by the PS, an element that has not found yet appropriate room in the long-lasting debate on the royal annals (see also part 2 above). Part 4. Preliminary results of the Palermo Stone investigation: material aspects (KEP) Having outlined above the different modes of documentation employed for this research, we now offer selected observations deriving from our ongoing analysis. As mentioned, one area of research focus is on the processes used to create the annals stone(s). All seven fragments were probably inscribed on both sides originally (Wilkinson 2000: 18), and although all preserve a significant proportion of at least one original surface, only five faces are well-preserved enough to support meaningful analysis of production techniques. Each surface, including those of the fractured edges, curiously, exhibit different types of wear and damage and to different degrees. It is unfortunate that none of the fragments preserve an original lateral edge as this is a surface that is also often revealing of manufacture processes. Most aspects of production preceding actual inscription must therefore be inferred. Research by Denys Stocks (2003: 3) demonstrates that the ancient Egyptian stoneworker employed a range of techniques including: hammering, sawing, drilling, boring, chiseling, cutting, chipping, punching, scraping, carving, heavy and light pounding, and grinding and polishing (see also Serotta 2014). Although the poor state of preservation means we are restricted to conjecture the methods of extraction and shaping of the basalt slab(s) and surface preparation, it is possible to discern more direct evidence for compositional planning and sign production. On those relatively well-preserved faces, such as the recto of the Palermo fragment, patterns in tool marks attest to the engraving process of the inscription itself. The primary method for these was engraving with a thin sharp tool. Traces can be discerned for stroke sequence, stroke width and angle, direction of tool travel, a general measure of tool control as assessed by the presence / absence of tool slips together with evidence for post-incision polishing. In selected areas, we find examples where the practitioner has engraved lines from left to right, using longer strokes for linear elements and shorter incisions for curved lines. One question from the perspective of inscription production concerns the sequence of incision. On the recto of the Palermo Stone in Register 2, the vertical line forming the division between Columns 3 and 4 exceeds the uppermost line of Register 2, extending until it abuts the lower line of Register 1. It would appear in this instance that the role of this line as a compositional device was prioritized over its function as the vertical element of the rnpt - sign. The curving line forming the top of this sign, whether incised before or after, does not join up with the vertical element as

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Fig. 8. Center: RTI detail of the upper right side (Registers 2–3) of the recto of Palermo Stone with the specular enhancement rendering mode applied. (Upper) Specular enhancement detail of Column 3, Register 2. (Lower) Specular enhancement detail of Column 2–4, Register 3. (© The Palermo Stone Project & Kathryn E. Piquette RTI photography; courtesy of the Museo Archeologico Regionale Antonio Salinas, Palermo)

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seen for the other rnpt -signs (see fig. 8a–b). Such details are difficult to discern in fixed light photography but are clearly discernible thanks to the virtual relighting facility of RTI. Further insight is gained into the creative process when we consider that in Register 3 the tops of many of the rnpt-signs are transected by the horizontal line forming the top of the column (see fig. 8c). This suggests that the horizontal line was incised after the rnpt -signs, or if it the former had been lightly sketch in initially as a guide, it was then cut more deeply after the incision of the rnpt - signs, if not also the contents of the year compartments. As for the type of stone used for the annals stone(s), proposals by previous scholars include amphibolite, dolerite, diorite and others (see the introduction above). Microscopic examination in 1963 determined that CF5 is made of olivine basalt (De Cenival 1965: 14). Ideally, identification is made using petrographic analysis together with field relations data, but this is not really possible for the annals stone fragments. Geologist Ruth Siddall undertook first-hand examination of the Petrie fragment on our behalf and determined that the homogeneous, fine grain-size of the groundmass together with the presence, color, size, shape of phenocrysts, also apparent in all the reflected light Dino-Lite images of the other annals stone fragments, strongly suggest that all fragments are indeed of an olivine basalt. Moreover, phenocryst size, shape, and pattern of distribution within the fine-grained groundmass is very similar across all the seven fragments, suggest further that all fragments are from the same source (fig. 9). Moreover, comparison of these variables (phenocryst size, shape, and pattern of spatial distribution within the fine-grained groundmass) shows similarities across all the seven fragments that strongly suggest all are from the same source. Exposures of basalt are found throughout Egypt but are especially common between Abu Zabal and el-Minya and it is the northern Fayum site of Gebel Qatrani and Widan el-Farras where quarrying is attested in the Old Kingdom (Harrell – Bown 1995: 71, 75–77) and thus would appear to present a good candidate for the source. However, comparison using first-hand and Dino-Lite digital microscope examination15 of basalt samples from the Fayum area collected by Klemm and Klemm, now housed in the Institute of Egyptology and Coptology of Ludwig-Maximilian University in Munich,16 and one sample from Abu Zabal, currently kept in the collections of the Egyptian Museum in Cairo,17 shows that the groundmass of these does not match the groundmass of the annals stone(s) fragments. Therefore, while we can suggest that all fragments of the royal annals probably derive from the same source, the location of that source remains a question that we are still investigating. The results of surface accretions analysis using pXRF analysis is still underway. It should be noted that this was our first time employing pXRF and we soon found that using a device with an analyzer window (through which the radiation is emitted) measuring 6mm in diameter on regions of interest that were often smaller than 4mm presented a 15 Bearing in mind observations without mineralogical context may be unreliable (Dr Ruth Siddall per. comm. 2018). 16 The present writer wishes to thank Prof. Dr. Martina Ulmann for providing access to these samples. 17 The present writer wishes to thank Dr. Gamal el-Balam, curator of the Old Kingdom section of the museum, for making this sample available for examination at very short notice.

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PS / INV 1028

LF / UC 15508

CF1 / JE 44859

CF2 / JE 39735

CF3 / JE 39734

CF4 / JE 44860

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CF5 / TR 15-1-75-2

Fig. 9. Details of the seven (Palermo Stone and associated) fragments showing their similarly finedgrained groundmass with olivine phenocryst inclusions. Note that images are show at about 50x magnification. (© The Palermo Stone Project & Kathryn E. Piquette RTI photography; courtesy of the Museo Archeologico Regionale Antonio Salinas, Palermo; the Egyptian Museum in Cairo; the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, London)

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challenge with regard to ensuring that the X-rays were indeed bombarding the intended region of interest. Multiple areas were therefore sampled using three beams; soil, mining, and alloy plus. Thus far, it appears that many accretions may be comprised of the lighter elements such as salts and calcium carbonate.18 These are not easily detected via pXRF and it may very well be that direct sampling is required if we are to confirm the composition of the substances infilling many of the signs on the various fragments. Conclusions (MN) The new research carried out on the Palermo Stone and its associated fragments during the years 2017–2019 has provided an extraordinary contribution to the knowledge of this unique piece of Egyptian history. For obvious reasons of space and consistency with the theme of the conference in which this contribution was initially presented, we decided to focus here only the main coordinates of the research project as well as on a few targeted examples of the results obtained so far. Even from this short overview, however, a few preliminary elements do emerge in connection with the evolution of the solar cult, its rising dominance, and the pivotal role of specific monuments like the sun temple in the royal ideology during the second part of the Old Kingdom. An important issue connected with annals – i. e. its historicity – also seems to find a fertile ground in our analysis, as indicated by the fact that the Palermo Stone text is paralleled by the archaeological record in both Abusir19 and Abu Ghurab.20 The centrality of the Nile flood in the royal paradigm of the period is also evident on the Palermo Stone and goes much beyond the mere enumeration of the river’s level as an appendix to the main text, as indicated in the column belonging to Neferirkara’s reign. This is clearly connected to the centrality of the Nile (and the inundation) as the primary source of life for Egypt, but also as the pivotal mechanism in guaranteeing the renewal of kingship through the renovation of the wider life/nature cycle. Beyond the individual elements of novelty presented here, however, what the present contribution hopes to have highlighted the most is the increasingly urgent need to rethink and re-analyze a great deal of the material usually taken for granted by the past scholarship in the light of a new synergy between Egyptology and the most modern technologies in the field of digital humanities. This seems to be the case – more often than what we can imagine, as we have seen here – also of most recent publications, which not necessarily have reassessed or re-investigated the primary sources by means of a technologically advanced and scientifically adequate approach. 18 Pers. comms. Ruth Siddall and Eid Mertah 2018. 19 See the case of Sahura’s Punt expedition mentioned on the Palermo Stone and depicted in Sahura’s causeway (El-Awady 2009). For the new reading of the material brought from the Punt expedition and mentioned in the Palermo Stone see Nuzzolo 2020: 68–75. 20 See above for the comparison between the determinatives of the boats mentioned on the Palermo Stone and the real shape of the similar barks found in the site.

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Eisenlohr, August 1885 “Aus einem Briefe des Professor Aug. Eisenlohr an Dr. Ludw. Stern”, Zeitschrift für Ägyp­tische Sprache und Altertumskunde 23, pp. 51–58. El-Awady, Tarek 2009 Abusir XVI. Sahure – The Pyramid Causeway: History and Decoration Program of the Old Kingdom, Prague: Charles University. Forster, Nicola – Grave, Peter – Vickery, Nancy – Kealhofer, Lisa 2011 “Non-destructive analysis using PXRF: Methodology and application to archaeological ceramics”, X-Ray Spectrometry 40/5, pp. 389–398. Gauthier, Henri 1914 “Quatre fragments nouveaux de la Pierre de Palerme au Musée du Caire”, Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 58/5, pp. 489–496 1915 “Quatre nouveaux fragments de la Pierre de Palerme”, in: Maspero, Gaston (ed.), Le musée égyptien: recueil de monuments et de notices sur les fouilles d’Égypte. Le Caire: institut français d’archéologie orientale, pp. 29–53. Giustolisi, Vittorio 1968 “La Pietra di Palermo e la Cronologia dell’Antico Regno”, Sicilia Archeologica 1/4, pp. 5–14. Godron, Gérard 1952 “Quel est le lieu de provenance de la Pierre de Palerme?”, Chronique d’Egypte XXVII, pp. 17–22. Harrell, James A. – Bown, Thomas M. 1995 “An Old Kingdom Basalt Quarry at Widan el-Faras and the Quarry Road to Lake Moeris”, Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 32, pp. 71–91. Helck, Wolfgang 1956 Untersuchungen zu Manetho und den ägyptischen Königslisten, Berlin: Akademie-Verlag 1970 “Zwei Einzelprobleme der thinitische Chronologie ”, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 26, pp. 83–85. 1974a Die altägyptischen Gaue, Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert Verlag 1974b “Bemerkungen zum Annalenstein”, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 30, pp. 31–35. 1982 “Palermostein”, in: LA IV, pp. 652–654. Hornung, Erik – Krauss, Rolf – Warburton, David A. 2006 “Royal Annals”, in: Hornung, Erik – Krauss, Rolf – Warburton, David A. (eds.), Ancient Egyptian chronology, Leiden – Boston: Brill, pp. 19–27. Hsu, Shih-Wei 2010 “The Palermo Stone: The Earliest Royal Inscription from Ancient Egypt”, Altorienta­ lische Forschungen 37/1, pp. 68–89. Kaiser, Werner 1961 “Einige Bemerkungen zur ägyptischen Frühzeit II: Zur Frage einer über Menes hi­nausreichenden ägyptischen Geschichtsüberlieferung”, Zeitschrift für ägyptische Spra­che und Altertumskunde 86, pp. 39–61.

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MacDonald, Lindsay W. 2015 Realistic Visualisation of Cultural Heritage Objects (PhD Dissertation), London: University College. Malzbender, Tom – Gelb, Dan – Wolters, Hans 2001 “Polynomial Texture Maps”, in: SIGGRAPH ‘01: Proceedings of the 28th annual conference on computer graphics and interactive techniques. New York: ACM Press, pp. 519–528. Mudge, Mark – Schroer, Carla – Earl, Graeme – Martinez, Kirk – Pagi, Hembo – Toler-­ Franklin, Corey – Rusinkiewicz, Szymon – Palma, Gianpaolo – Wachowiak, Melvin J. – Ashley, Michael – Matthews, Neffra – Noble, Tommy – Delle Piane, Matteo 2010 “Principles and Practices of Robust, Photography-based Digital Imaging Techniques for Museums”, in: Artusi, Alessandro – Joly, Morwena – Lucet, Geneviève – Ribes, Alejandro – Pitzalis, Denis (eds.), VAST 2010: The 11th International Symposium on Virtual Reality, Archaeology and Cultural Heritage, Aire-La-Ville: The Eurographics Association, pp. 111–137. Naville, Édouard 1903 “La Pierre de Palerme”, Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et l’Archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes XXV, pp. 64–81. Nuzzolo, Massimiliano 2015 “The Sed-Festival of Niuserra and the Fifth Dynasty Sun Temples”, in: Schneider, Thomas – Der Manuelian, Peter (eds.), Towards a New History for the Egyptian Old Kingdom. Perspectives on the Pyramid Age. Boston – Leiden: Brill, pp. 364–388. 2018 The Fifth Dynasty Sun Temples. Kingship, Architecture and Religion in Third Millennium BC Egypt, Prague: Charles University. 2019 “Mapping Sun Cult and Architecture in 5th Dynasty Egypt. Towards an Historical Geographical Information System (HGIS)”, in: Piacentini, Patrizia – Delli Castelli, Alessio (eds.), Old Kingdom Art and Archaeology. Proceedings of the 7. International Conference, Milan: Pontremoli, pp. 128–137. 2020 “La pierre de Palerme et les fragments associés. Nouvelles découvertes sur les plus an­ciennes annales royales égyptiennes”, Bulletin de la Société française d’ égyptologie 202, pp. 55–78. 2021 “The Palermo Stone and its associated fragments. Recent research and new discoveries on the oldest royal annals of ancient Egypt”, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 107, pp. 87–112. Nuzzolo, Massimiliano (ed.) Forthcoming The Palermo Stone and its Associated Fragments. A New Study, Oxford: Archaeo­ press. O’Mara, Patrick F. 1979 The Palermo Stone and the Archaic kings of Egypt, La Canada, California: Paulette. 1980 The Chronology of the Palermo and Turin Canon, La Canada, California: Paulette. 1996 “Was there an Old Kingdom Historiography? Is it datable?”, Orientalia 65, pp. 197–208. Pellegrini, Astorre 1895 “Nota Sopra Un’Iscrizione Egizia del Museo Di Palermo”, Archivio Storico Siciliano XX (nuova serie), pp. 297–316.

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Petrie, William Matthews Flinders 1902 Abydos, London: Egypt Exploration Fund. 1916 “New Portions of the Annals”, Ancient Egypt 1, pp. 114–120. Piquette, Kathryn E. 2013 “It Is Written?: Making, remaking and unmaking early ‘writing’ in the lower Nile Valley”, in: Piquette, Kathryn E. – Whitehouse, Ruth D. (eds.), Writing as Material Practice: Substance, surface and medium, London: Ubiquity Press, pp. 213–238. Piquette, Kathryn E. – Graff, Gwenola – Bailly, Maxence – Kelany, Adel – el-Bialy, Mohamed 2017 “Documenting a New Hunting Scene from Wadi Abu Subeira with Reflectance Transformation Imaging”, in Midant-Reynes, Beatrix – Tristant, Yann (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5 Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo, 13th–18th April 2014, Leuven: Peeters, pp. 883–903. Read, Frederick W. 1916 “Nouvelles remarques sur la Pierre de Palerme”, Bulletin de l’ institut français d’archéo­ lo­gie orientale 12, pp. 215–222. Roccati, Alessandro 1982 La littérature historique sous l’Ancien Empire égyptien, Paris : Cerf. Schäfer, Heinrich 1902 Ein Bruchstück altägyptischer Annalen, Berlin: Königlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Serotta, Anna 2014 “An Investigation of Tool Marks on Ancient Egyptian Hard Stone Sculpture: Preliminary Report”, Metropolitan Museum Studies in Art, Science, and Technology 2, pp. 197–201. Sethe, Kurt 1905 Beiträge zur Ältesten Geschichte Ägyptens, Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs. 1933 Urkunden des Alten Reichs (I Bd.), Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs. Stocks, Denys A. 2003 Experiments in Egyptian Archaeology: Stone-working technology in ancient Egypt, London: Routledge. Strudwick, Nigel 2005 Texts from the Pyramid Age, Leiden – Boston: Brill. Verner, Miroslav 2006 “Dynasties 4 to 5”, in: Hornung, Erik – Krauss, Rolf – Warburton, David (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Chronology, Leiden – Boston: Brill. Wiedemann, Alfred 1885 “Beiträge zur ägyptischen Geschichte”, Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 23, pp. 77–84. Wilkinson, Toby 2000 Royal Annals of Ancient Egypt. The Palermo Stone and its associated fragments, London: Kegan Paul International.

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The ka-chapel of Pepy I in Elephantine Richard Bussmann (Institute of African Studies and Egyptology, University of Cologne)

Abstract The paper combines and partially revises arguments, previously made by the author and others, in order to suggest a new reconstruction of the late Old Kingdom shrine of Satet on Elephantine island. It is argued that the granite naos of Pepy I was set up on a mud-brick pedestal, which was originally used as a pillar to support a roof construction in the “forecourt”. The naos and a sed-festival statue of the king form the local variant of a royal ka-chapel. The reconstruction is based on published archaeological evidence and historical context. It shows how central initiative was reconciled with the physical setting in the local shrine of Elephantine. Keywords: Pepy I, Ka-chapel, Elephantine, Naos, Satet

Introduction The shrine of the goddess Satet, located on the island of Elephantine opposite modern Aswan, is a prime model for studying the changing relationships between local temples and kingship in ancient Egypt. Prior to the excavation of the shrine in the 1970s, evidence for the origins of local temples in Egypt was brittle. The shrine on Elephantine island, together with a similar shrine discovered at Tell Ibrahim Awad in the 1990s (van Haarlem 2019), suggests that the early local temples of Egypt were small idiosyncratic mud brick huts and transformed into stone lined standardised monuments only from the Middle Kingdom onwards (Bussmann 2010). The local realities of this process vary from site to site. According to Barry Kemp (2006: 111–135), the local shrines of Egypt transformed from “pre-formal” temples in the Third Millennium to “formal” temples in the Second and First Millennia BCE, a process mirroring on a sociological level the gradual penetration of kingship into local community cults. In contrast, David O’Connor (1992) argued that temples were under royal patronage from the beginning of the Early Dynastic period and that the excavated examples were not the actual forerunners of later temples, which had not yet been found. He used the temple of Hierakonpolis as a main case study to support his argument. However, archaeologically this temple is an exception among early temples, due to its monumentality and the prestigious nature of votive objects,

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such as the Narmer palette, found in it. Stephan Seidlmayer (1996) has added historical context to the discussion. He has argued that, in the Early Dynastic period, kings only supported the cults of deities relevant to the developing royal ideology, such as Horus at Hierakonpolis, Hathor at Gebelein and Ra at Heliopolis. During the high Old Kingdom, approximately the Fourth and much of the Fifth Dynasty, royal building activity was concentrated on the pyramids. In the Sixth Dynasty, according to Seidlmayer, kings began to set up royal statue cults in local temples, in order to strengthen the ties between the crown and the provinces. These models suggest that the shrine of Elephantine initially was of no interest for kingship. However, Dietrich Raue and Peter Kopp (2008) have proposed that the control of the annual inundation of the river Nile – the key idea underlying cult practices in the shrine of Satet from its very beginning – mattered predominantly to communities living further downstream, specifically kings and courtiers at Memphis, who depended on rich harvests for taxation. For this reason, they believe that the cult in the temple was initiated by kings. The restricted number of votive objects and the resemblance of a few votive types with royal forms would further suggest that these objects were not offered by locals but by court officials on occasional visits to the town. Yet, explicit references to kingship – such as royal names, depictions of kings or standardised architecture – are lacking in the archaeological evidence of the shrine in Elephantine prior to the late Old Kingdom. Hierakonpolis is a far more striking example of how royal patronage and elite votive activity materialises in the archaeological record. I have suggested elsewhere that the early community shrines of Egypt, including at Elephantine, came into existence as a response to the need for new institutions of display for local elites, which had emerged in a process of increasing settlement nucleation during the late predynastic period (Bussmann 2015). The following thoughts build on this discussion. I will revisit the question of how kings connected to the shrine of Elephantine and which form this has taken. I suggest a new reconstruction of the late Old Kingdom shrine, developing and partially revising ideas I had proposed in an earlier paper (Bussmann 2006). The evidence The German Archaeological Institute started excavations on Elephantine island in 1969. In the foundation of the Ptolemaic temple of Satet, which was still preserved at this time, the excavators found reused blocks of previous buildings. They dismantled the foundation and traced the building phases of the temple back to the oldest layers, located just above the natural rock (Dreyer 1986; Raue – Kopp 2008; Kopp 2020). A shaft 2.25 m deep led from the upper level of the foundation down to a rock niche, formed by three granite boulders. The niche was the centre of the earliest shrine of Satet, dating back to the late predynastic period (Kopp 2006; Kopp 2018). The layout of the early mud-brick shrine was maintained with little change throughout the Third Millennium. The inner sanctuary was located in the north-western corner of

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Fig. 1. Shrine of Satet, layer IV, Sixth Dynasty (after Dreyer 1986: Taf. 2a). Courtesy: DAI Kairo

the niche. In the Early Dynastic period, a forecourt was added. In layer IV of the Sixth Dynasty, discussed in this paper, the total size of the temple grew to 8 × 5 m (figs. 1–2). Two wooden floor planks, a pot stand and two vessels, one of which was filled with faience beads, were preserved within the sanctuary. The other parts of the sanctuary were destroyed by the later shaft. The walls were probably covered with faience tiles, found secondarily deposited in the layers of the court and under the walls. The forecourt was better preserved. The square mud brick structure in the centre, termed “altar” by the excavator, was flanked by two pairs of wooden posts 10 cm in diameter. They correspond with two other pairs of posts. One pair was attached to the inner front of the enclosure wall, next to the remains of a toppled-down mud-brick wall. The other pair was set up between the wall, which separated the forecourt from the inner sanctuary, and a heap of crushed stones, later overbuilt with mud bricks. According to the stratigraphy, the posts were added only later to the forecourt, whereas the “altar” was part of the temple almost from its beginning (fig. 3).

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Fig. 2. Shrine of Satet, layer IV, Sixth Dynasty (after Dreyer 1986: Abb. 4). Courtesy: DAI Kairo

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Fig. 3. Stratigraphy of shrine of Satet (after Dreyer 1986: Abb. 7). Drawing: R. Bussmann

The layers in the forecourt contained fish bones and ashes resulting from food preparation. A rubbish pit in the south-eastern corner was stiffened with mud bricks. In a later phase, a massive tank, which probably kept water used for rituals in the temple, and a small hearth were built in the forecourt. The temple was separated from the adjacent settlement by a narrow corridor. In view of its size and building materials, it was more similar to the houses in the living quarters of the town than to monumental, stone-lined temples of later periods. Different from the houses, however, the shrine was cleaned and rebuilt from time to time. For this reason, the late Old Kingdom shrine was lying a few meters deeper than the surrounding settlement of the same period (Raue 2018, 140–142). The finds of the temple include over one thousand votive objects, predominantly faience figurines and pieces of jewellery. They were discovered at different locations, including in a loose deposit in the forecourt, between walls and in the layers of the forecourt. Two sets of discarded votive objects were found in foundation deposits, one below the pivot stone of the door, which led to the inner sanctuary, and the other below the corner of the enclosure wall (Dreyer 1986: 26–27, no. 6972, and 7904e, Taf. 8d–8e). The objects in the deposits differ significantly from royal foundation deposits (Weinstein 1973), suggesting that they stem from local rather than royal building activities in the shrine. The earliest royal inscriptions in the temple date to the Sixth Dynasty. A set of faience tablets was inscribed with the names of Pepy I and II (Dreyer 1986: cat. no. 428–448). Merenra I and Pepy II left inscriptions on one of the granite boulders in the niche

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(Kai­ser – Bommas – Jaritz – Krekeler – von Pilgrim – S­ chultz – Schmidt-Schultz – Zier­mann 1976: 78–80). In 1908, a round-topped granite naos, 132 cm in height, was found near the Ptolemaic temple of Satet (Ricke 1960: 54; Ziegler 1990: 50–53). It has a niche in the centre and is inscribed with the name of Pepy I, followed by the epithet “beloved of Satet” (fig. 4). Pepy’s I successor Merenra I added his name secondarily to the lunette of the naos. Although the naos was found out of context, it was likely set up in the shrine originally. Reconstructions of the shrine The excavator Günther Dreyer labelled the mud brick structure in the centre of the forecourt an “altar” and assumed that the posts were set up in the late Old Kingdom to support a light roof. Mar­ tin Ziermann (2004: Abb. 7) has reconstructed the forecourt on the paper, with water tanks, altar, wooden posts and a cloth spanning over the central part of the forecourt (fig. 5). He believes that the wall between the forecourt and the sanctuary Fig. 4. Naos of Pepy I from Elephantine (after Ziegler 1990: 53). Drawing: R. Bussmann had a window for light and air. Today, a replica of the naos of Pepy I is placed onto a mud-brick pedestal in the restored sanctuary of the shrine. The reconstruction implies that a statue of Satet was set up in the niche of the naos for the cult of this deity. The excavators of the shrine in Tell Ibrahim Awad have proposed that a similar naos was erected in the sanctuary of that temple (Eigner 2000: fig. 5). Barry Kemp has suggested that the “altar” and the four wooden posts, attached to it, originally formed a pavilion with a tent roof made of reed mats. According to Kemp, a statue was set up here under a palanquin. In his words, the forecourt was the “realm of the revealed image” as opposed to the sanctuary, the “realm of the hidden image” (Kemp 2006: 116–121, 144–147). The form of the palanquin, as suggested by Kemp, is derived from depictions of portable tents and by a group of votive objects excavated in various local shrines of the Third Millennium. These objects are small models of tent-like constructions, some with panelled bases and others with projecting knobs. Kemp’s reconstruction is based on parallels from Egyptian material culture and introduces a stronger interpretive dimension to the discussion. However, the dichotomy between “revealed” and “hidden” projects the combination of an open forecourt and a roofed sanctuary, typical of monumental temples, into the “pre-formal” shrine of El-

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Fig. 5. Reconstruction of shrine of Satet by M. Ziermann (after Ziermann 2004: Abb. 7). Courtesy: M. Ziermann.

ephantine. Moreover, two of the four pairs of wooden posts were not considered by Kemp. It is also debatable whether the tent models with panelled basis, again an element of elite architecture (Arnold 1994: 174–176), represent a structure comparable to the “altar”, which has no panels (Bussmann 2006). The “altar” in the forecourt is a good point of departure for developing an alternative re­construction. In the later building phases of the temple, columns were set up in this position. It may well be that this was a traditional feature of the temple maintained throughout the millennia, just as the shaft in the Ptolemaic foundation established a connection to the origin of the temple. The “altar” might, in fact, originally have been a pillar supporting a roof. Mud brick pillars are rare in Egyptian buildings, but there are examples from other provincial shrines. Three square mud-brick structures in the Middle Kingdom temple of Tell Ibrahim Awad very likely belonged to two pairs of mud brick pillars (Eigner 1992). A “pedestal of sundried bricks” was also discovered in the Middle Kingdom shrine of the local saint Heqaib on Elephantine island (Habachi 1985: 20, plan 1 [marked E] and 4). As three stelae leaned against it, it was hardly accessible and probably not used as an altar but as a pillar. Finally, the rectangular mud-brick structures in front of the New Kingdom shrine of Hathor at Mirigissa very likely were pillars (Karlin 1970). As a result, the “forecourt” turns out to have been a roofed antechamber.

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Fig. 6. Animal shed, Middle Egypt 2006. Photo: R. Bussmann

Prior to the late Old Kingdom, the pillar in the shrine of Satet was repeatedly rebuilt, as were other walls. But in the late Old Kingdom it lost its function, and the roof was now supported by the four pairs of wooden posts. Similar posts were found in the local shrine of Gebel Zeit (Castel – Soukiassian 1985: Figs. 1–2). Modern animal sheds demonstrate that even thin and skewed posts, similar to those in the shrine of Satet, are stable enough to support a roof of organic material (fig. 6). The changing roof construction, from pillar to posts, would explain why the posts only appeared in a later phase of the building history, a fact not commented upon by previous authors for their reconstructions. I believe that the pillar was cut down in the late Old Kingdom in order to create a suitable platform, on which the naos of Pepy I was placed. The top surface of the truncated pillar, a square of 110 × 110 cm, provided an ideal space for the naos, which measures 81 × 78 cm at its base. The exact floor level in phase IV of the “forecourt”, i. e. the antechamber, is not known, but it might well have been close to the base of the pillar. If the preserved height of the pillar represents the level, down to which the pillar was cut, the platform would have been one metre above ground, a convenient height for performing rites in front of the naos (fig. 7). In a previous paper, I had suggested that the naos

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stood on the bricks of the toppled-down wall in the “forecourt”, but this reconstruction does not explain the function of the “altar” and why the wooden posts came in only in the late Old Kingdom (Bussmann 2006). Local temple tradition and the distribution pattern of royal inscriptions in the shrine of the Sixth Dynasty offer further arguments in favour of the proposed location of the naos in the antechamber. Werner Kaiser (Kaiser – Dreyer – Gemp­ ler – Grossmann – Haeny – Jaritz – Jun­ge 1993: Abb. 7) suggested convincingly that Intef III erected a chapel for the royal cult in the “fore­ Fig. 7. Reconstruction of shrine of Satet, court” (layer IV), some generations after the reign layer IV by R. Bussmann of Pepy I (fig. 8). Intef III might have chosen this position because he intended to maintain the cult layout of the Sixth Dynasty. Merenra I and Pepy II had their graffiti cut into the granite boul­der behind the pillar, opposite the entrance to the inner sanctuary. Perhaps the sanctuary was avoided because it was considered too sacred for informal inscriptions, or it was simply too dark inside. If visibility and decorum impacted on the choice for the location of the inscriptions, Meren­ ra I might have decided to place his secondary inscription on the naos, because the latter was positioned in the antechamber, rather than the inner sanctuary. Historically, the reconstruction ties in with the erection of royal ka-chapels in other local shrines across the country (Lange 2006). The physical design of royal ka-chapels is often unknown and might have varied from site to site. In Bubastis, the large mud brick building, discovered by Habachi, very likely was a ka-chapel of Pepy I, Fig. 8. Shrine of Satet in the reign of Intef III, as is suggested by the inscription on one of the according to Kaiser (after Kaiser – Dreyer – Gempler – Grossmann – Haeny – Jaritz – lintels found in the building (Habachi 1957; Junge 1993: Abb. 7). Drawing: R. Bussmann Lange-Athinodorou, el-Senoussi 2018). The inscription on a pillar from the adjacent building, again a large mud-brick structure, mentions a ka-chapel of king Teti (el-Sawi 1979). These are the best archaeological examples of royal ka-chapels. However, at other sites, including at Elephantine, royal ka-chapels might have been much smaller.

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Detlef Franke (1994: 121) rightly pointed out that the term ka-chapel designated an economic institution rather than a piece of architecture. He had already suggested that the naos of Pepy I was used for the worship of a royal statue as part of a ka-chapel, but he did not discuss its setting within the architecture of the shrine. No statue of Pepy I was found on Elephantine island. However, the statuary of this king is comparatively well known. Two statues show Pepy I seated in a sed-festival robe (Romano 1998: no. 1–2). One of them, made of limestone and originally measuring ca. 80 cm in height, was found in the temple precinct of Dendera. It is very well possible that the statue was set up in a royal ka-chapel at this site. A similar statue might have been placed in the niche of the naos at Elephantine. The size of the Dendera statue would fit nicely with the dimensions of the niche. Moreover, the sed-festival is also mentioned in the inscriptions of the faience tablets offered by Pepy I, or on his behalf, in the shrine of Elephantine (Dreyer 1986: cat. no. 440–443). The statue cult in the royal ka-chapels was probably funded from royal domains. Towards the late Old Kingdom, the names of the domains included more regularly names of local deities (Jacquet-Gordon 1962). Apparently, in this period, the local shrines began to move into the ambit of central administration (Moreno Garcia 2005). The royal ka-chapels might have contributed to the accumulation of resources centred on the shrines, which were the basis of power for the nomarchs in the First Intermediate Period. The royal ka-chapels focussed on the king rather than the local gods. Similarly, most royal inscriptions on door posts, lintels and reliefs found in the provincial temples of the Old Kingdom made limited reference to local deities (Bussmann 2010: 459–513). The epithet of Pepy I “beloved of Satet” on the naos of Elephantine is one of the exceptions. However, neither the faience tablets, nor the rock inscriptions in the temple mention the goddess Satet. Merenra I wrote that he wished “to strike down the chiefs of the foreign countries”. In another rock inscription of the same king, located on the east bank south of modern Aswan, he was called “beloved of Khnum, lord of the cataract”, while the chiefs of Nubia payed homage (to him?), “giving praise” (Sethe 1933: 110–111). The latter phrase could be interpreted either as referring to the chiefs, giving praise to Merenra, or possibly to Merenra, giving praise to a deity, perhaps Khnum or Satet. The inscription is grammatically ambiguous in this respect. In any case, it appears that Merenra did not travel to Elephantine in order to visit the shrine, but because he was on a military campaign to the south, passing by. Taken the evidence together, the kings of the late Old Kingdom started to connect to the local temples, but their perspective was king-centred, with little intrinsic interest in the local deities. Conclusion To sum up, the late Old Kingdom shrine of Satet had an inner sanctuary and a roofed antechamber. Prior to the late Old Kingdom, the roof was supported by a pillar. The pillar was cut down in the reign of Pepy I and functioned as a platform for his naos and statue. Wooden posts were set up across the antechamber to support a light roof, made of

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palm leaves or other organic material and possibly mud. The worship of the royal statue in the antechamber of the shrine is argued to form the local variant of a royal ka-chapel, evidence for which took different forms and shapes at different places. In the Middle Kingdom, kings continued erecting royal ka-chapels in local temples, a practice that had been developed further in the time of the nomarchy during the First Intermediate Period (Kemp 1995; Franke 1994: 118–127; Hirsch 2004). The aim of this paper was to show how a combination of historical reasoning, archaeological evidence and thoughts derived from a local perspective can be used for modelling the origin of this institution in the architectural setting of one specific local shrine. Bibliography Arnold, Dieter 1994 Lexikon der ägyptischen Baukunst, Zürich: Artemis & Winkler. Bussmann, Richard 2006 “Der Kult im frühen Satet-Tempel von Elephantine“ in: Mylonopoulos, Ioannis – Roeder, Hubert (eds.). Archäologie und Ritual: auf der Suche nach der rituellen Handlung in den antiken Kulturen Ägyptens und Griechenlands, Wien: Phoibos, pp. 25–36. 2010 Die Provinztempel Ägyptens von der 0. bis zur 11. Dynastie. Archäologie und Geschichte einer gesellschaftlichen Institution zwischen Residenz und Provinz, Leiden – Boston: Brill. 2014 “Scaling the state: Egypt in the third millennium BC”, Archaeology International 17, pp. 79–93. 2015 “Temple Religion and Urbanism: A Comment on Hierakonpolis”, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 100, pp. 311–337. Castel, Georges – Soukiassian, Georges 1985 “Dépôt de stèles dans le sanctuaire du Nouvel Empire au Gebel Zeit”, Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale 85, pp. 285–293. Dreyer, Günther 1986 Elephantine VIII. Der Tempel der Satet: Die Funde der Frühzeit und des Alten Reiches. Mainz: Philip von Zabern. Eigner, Dieter 1992 “A Temple of the Early Middle Kingdom at Tell Ibrahim Awad”, in: van den Brink, Edwin (ed.). The Nile Delta in Transition, Tel Aviv: Netherlands Institute of Archaeology and Arabic Studies, pp. 69–77. 2000 “Tell Ibrahim Awad: Divine Residence from Dynasty 0 until Dynasty 11”, Ägypten & Levante 10, pp. 17–36. El-Sawi, Ahmad 1979 Excavations at Tell Basta. Report of seasons 1967–1971 and catalogue of finds, Prague: Charles University. Franke, Detlef 1994 Das Heiligtum des Heqaib auf Elephantine. Geschichte eines Provinzheiligtums im Mittl­eren Reich, Heidelberg: Orientverlag.

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Friedman, Renée 1996 “The ceremonial centre at Hierakonpolis Locality HK29A”, in: Spencer, Jeffrey (ed.). Aspects of Early Egypt, London: British Museum Press, pp. 16–35. 2009 “Hierakonpolis Locality HK29A: the predynastic ceremonial center revisited” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 45, pp. 79–103. Habachi, Labib 1957 Tell Basta, Kairo: Supreme Council of Antiquities. 1963 “King Nebhepetre Menthuhotp: his monuments, place in history, deification and unusual representation in the form of gods”, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 19, pp. 16–52. 1985 Elephantine IV. The Sanctuary of Heqaib, Mainz: Philip von Zabern. Hirsch, Eileen 2004 Kultpolitik und Tempelbauprogramme der 12. Dynastie. Untersuchungen zu den Göt­ ter­tempeln im Alten Ägypten, Berlin: Achet-Verlag. Jacquet-Gordon, Hélène K. 1962 Les noms des domaines funéraires sous l’ancien empire égyptien, Cairo: Institut français d’archéologie orientale. Kaiser, Werner – Dreyer, Günther – Gempler, Robert – Grossmann, Peter – Haeny, Gerhard – Jaritz, Horst – Junge, Friedrich 1976 “Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. Sechster Grabungsbericht”, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 32, pp. 67–112. Kaiser, Werner – Bommas, Martin – Jaritz, Horst – Krekeler, Achim – von Pilgrim, Cornelius – Schultz, Michael – Schmidt-Schultz, Tyede – Ziermann, Martin 1993 “Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine 19./20. Grabungsbericht”, Mitteilungen des Deut­schen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 49, pp. 133–187. Karlin, Carlin 1970 “Le sanctuaire d’Hathor”, in: Vercoutter, Jean (ed.). Mirgissa I, Paris: Direction Générale des Relations Culturelles, Scientifiques et Techniques, pp. 307–366. Kemp, Barry J. 1995 “How Religious Were the Ancient Egyptians?” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 5, pp. 25–54. 2006 Ancient Egypt. Anatomy of a Civilization, London – New York: Routledge. Kopp, Peter 2006 Elephantine XXXII: die Siedlung der Naqadazeit, Mainz am Rhein: von Zabern 2018 Elephantine XXIV. Funde und Befunde aus der Umgebung des Satettempels. Grabungen 2006–2009, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. 2020 Elephantine IX: Der Tempel der Satet. Die Funde des späten Alten bis Neuen Reichs. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Lange, Eva 2006 “Die Ka-Anlage Pepys I. in Bubastis im Kontext königlicher Ka-Anlagen des Alten Reiches”, Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache 133, pp. 121–140.

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Lange-Athinodorou, Eva – el-Senoussi, Ashraf 2018 “A royal ka-temple and the rise of Old Kingdom Bubastis”, Egyptian Archaeology 53, 20–24. McFarlane, Ann 1992 “Holders of Priesthoods, in: Kanawati, Naguib (ed.). Akhmim in the Old Kingdom I: Chronology and Administration, Sydney: Australian Centre for Egyptology, pp. 199– 289. McNamara, Liam 2008 “The Revetted Mound at Hierakonpolis and Early Kingship: A Re-Interpretation”, in: Midant-Reynes, Béatrix – Rowland, Joanne – Tristant, Yann – Hendrickx, Stan (eds.). Egypt at Its Origins II. Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State: Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Toulouse (France), 5th – 8th September 2005, Leuven: Peeters, pp. 901–936. Moreno Garcia, Juan Carlos 2005 “Les temples provinciaux et leur rôle dans l’agriculture institutionnelle de l’Ancien et Moyen Empire”, in Moreno Garcia, Juan Carlos (ed.). L’agriculture institutionnelle en Égypte ancienne: état de la question et perspectives interdisciplinaires, Lille: Université Charles-de-Gaulle, pp. 93–124. O’Connor, David 1992 “The status of early Egyptian temples: an alternative theory”, in: Friedman, Renée – Adams, Barbara (eds.). The followers of Horus: studies dedicated to Michael Allen Hoffman, Oxford: Oxbow Books, pp. 83–98. Raue, Dietrich 2018 Elephantine und Nubien vom 4.–2. Jahrtausend v. Chr (mit einem Beitrag von Peter Kopp), Berlin – Boston: De Gruyter. Raue, Dietrich – Kopp, Peter 2008 “Reinheit, Verborgenheit, Wirksamkeit: Innen-, An- und Außenansichten eines ägyptischen Sanktuars jenseits der zentralen Residenzkulte”, Archiv für Religionsge­ schich­te 10, pp. 31–50. Ricke, Herbert 1960 Die Tempel Nektanebos’ II. in Elephantine und ihre Erweiterungen, Kairo: Schweizerisches Institut für ägyptische Bauforschung und Altertumskunde Kairo. Romano, James F. 1998 “Sixth Dynasty Royal Sculpture”, in: Grimal, Nicolas (ed.). Les critères de datation stylistiques à l’Ancien Empire, Le Caire: Institut français d’archéologie orientale, pp. 235–303. Seidlmayer, Stephan J. 1996 “Town and State in the Early Old Kingdom: A View from Elephantine”, in: Spencer, Jeffrey (ed.), Aspects of Early Egypt, London: British Museum Press, pp. 105–129. Sethe, Kurth 1933 Urkunden des Alten Reichs 1. 2. Auflage. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs.

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van Haarlem, Willem 2019 Temple deposits in Early Dynastic Egypt: the case of Tell Ibrahim Awad. Oxford: BAR. Weinstein, James 1973 Foundation Deposits in Ancient Egypt, Ann Arbor: University Microfilms. Ziegler, Christiane 1990 Catalogue des stèles, peintures et reliefs égyptiens de l’Ancien Empire et de la Première Période Intermédiaire vers 2686–2040 avant J.-C., Paris: Editions du Louvre. Ziermann, Martin 2004 “Macht und Architektur: zwei altägyptische Tempel und ihre städtebauliche Rolle bis zur Wende zum 2. Jts. v. Chr.,” in: Rheidt, Klaus – Schwandner, Ernst-Ludwig (eds.). Macht der Architektur – Architektur der Macht, Bauforschungskolloquium in Ber­lin vom 30. Oktober bis 2. November 2002 veranstaltet vom Architektur-Referat des DAI, Mainz: Philip von Zabern, pp. 34–47.

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Ascension texts in transmission: reaching the skies from Unas to Pedamenopet Antonio J. Morales (University of Alcalá)*

Abstract The group of Pyramid Texts known as “ascension”, “aggregation with the gods”, or “transition” is attested from the reign of Unas to the Late Period. Sources showing the presence of the group are attested in the Middle and New Kingdom, proving the continuous flow of the mortuary literature tradition. One of the most significant questions here is to consider what sections and variants of the ascension group made it into the Kushite and Saite Periods, so that a little more can be clarified about the role of the intermediate sources in the transmission process. The revival of the Pyramid Texts in the Late Period (664–332 BCE) and the substantial presence of the group at that time corroborate the significance of securing the deceased’s transition into the celestial realm even in the environs of new mortuary beliefs and practices. A general introduction to the transmission of the major categories of Pyramid Texts will precede the main discussion on these texts dealing with the transition of the deceased into the afterlife and his integration into the community of gods, usually associated with the sky, the akhet, and Ra. Among others, the means of ascension include emerging from the Ennead’s thighs, traversing the skies in a reed-boat together with Shu and Ra in a reed-boat, going up as smoke, or becoming a star. Keywords: Ascension, Aggregation, Transition, Pyramid Texts, Solar Sky, Akhet

* This article is a revised version of my paper delivered under the aegis of the research project The rise and development of the solar cult and architecture in Third Millennium BC Egypt (GAČR project n. 17– 10799S) and its workshop “The rise and development of solar cult and architecture in ancient Egypt: old evidences, news discoveries, latest approaches”, organized in June 25–26, 2019 at Charles University in Prague. I would like to express my gratitude for this invitation to the Institute of Egyptology, the Faculty of Arts at Charles University in Prague, and more precisely to Massimiliano Nuzzolo and Jaromír Krejčí, organizers of the workshop. This study in progress also owes much to a previous workshop, also organized under the auspices of the same research project in December 2018.

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Introduction The development of the Pyramid Texts corpus is a complex history of continuous transformations and adaptations to new contexts (Morales 2015a; 2015b) The original heterogeneous contexts in which these texts emerged supported the composition of a flexible and variegated construction whose parts or groups could achieve, therefore, different arrangements. The initial monumentalization achieved in the pyramid of Unas was followed partially by his successor, Teti, who commanded to introduce new arrangements and segments in the standing version of Pyramid Texts. To the version of Teti would follow others that also experienced modifications of their parts on the basis of several aspects of the religious thought and practice of the period, mainly connected with the ritual structure that the editors of the corpus aimed at expressing. Therefore, the later selections, adaptations and isolations of Pyramid Text sequences or groups agreed with the Zeitgeist and any associated ritual traditions. The study of the history of these developments reveals a significant flow in the use of these texts from the Old Kingdom pyramid collections to the Late Period. The variations (reduction and increasing processes) in the use of Pyramid Texts had to do with the inception of new texts, the tendency to express ritual activities with other compositions, or a process of revival well attested in the Kushite and Saite Periods. For instance, when we evidence a revival of the Pyramid Texts in the Late Period up to a point to confirm the use of approximately 232 texts, we must think not only on a desire to recuperate, re-adapt and employ old texts but also on an attempt to give context and meaning to old compositions. In this paper I consider questions of the transmission of Pyramid Texts from the Old Kingdom to the Late Period considered previously, focusing on a particular group of Pyramid Texts known as the “ascension” texts. For that, I focus on their transmission, construction, use of isolated texts and full segments, and on some of the main contents of these spells for the benefit of the deceased. By doing so, I try to contextualize some of the changes occurred along its history, as in the case of the use, disappearance, and re-emergence of PT 249 (mainly looking at the particular case of its employment for the substitution of CT 788 in the early Thirteenth Dynasty). No doubt, if the group is transmitted and actively used, the considerations on the ascension of the deceased into the skies and his ferrying and travelling through the celestial circuit will be meaningful in the religious programs of all periods, from the Old Kingdom to the Late Period, but some periods (the Twelfth-Thirteenth Dynasties) might have witnessed a particular intensive use of the group. The transmission of ascension Pyramid Texts The initial form of this series of ascension texts appeared at the end of the Fifth Dynasty in the pyramid of Unas (see tab. 1). Here, one observes the presence of the groups PT 247–253, PT 254–260, and PT 261–272 in three different sections of the pyramid, namely in the western gable, western, and southern walls of the pyramid’s antecham-

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ber. In a certain manner, Teti’s pyramid followed the arrangements observed in Unas’ antechamber and also distributed (part of)1 the texts through the western and southern walls of the antechamber. A careful observation of the transmission of various segments of the group as well as some loose or isolated texts can offer some further information on the phenomenon of transmission. First, in the Old Kingdom group of ascension Pyramid Texts it is already apparent that two segments were considered as distinctive sections. In the pyramids of Unas and Teti (tab. 1), the sections PT 254–260 and PT 262–272 were located in different areas of the inner antechamber walls (W and S respectively). The Middle Kingdom sources, perhaps due to the lack of epigraphic surface, seem to have modified these particular segments.2 What seems interesting at this point, however, is the beginning of the definition of a subgroup (PT 267 to PT 272), that will re-appear in later sources. In addition, we should not forget to recall the use of particular loosen texts in the late Middle Kingdom, such as PT 249, PT 251, PT 252 or PT 253, which came to substitute some other texts, and reflected a new movement toward solar ideas, mainly attested in coffins models, Thirteenth Dynasty coffins, and pyramidia. Later, the sequence is found in the Middle Kingdom tombs of Neha at El-Qatta (Q1Q), Senusretankh (Sen) and Imhotep (L-JMH1) at Lisht, Siese at Dahshur, as well as in the coffin of Satipi (Da1X) from the same cemetery. In the transition from the Twelfth to the Thirteenth Dynasties, in addition, some scholars have observed an interesting phenomenon of textual substitution in compositions related to the same group (Morales 2013: 302–306; Grajetzki 2010; Grajetzki 2006: 5–6; Willems 1988: 168–169). Spells of the ascension type materialized into new textual programs of solar resonance in the late Middle Kingdom: for instance, PT 249 and PT 251 deal with the resurrection of the deceased over a lotus-plant in the form of the god Nefertem and the deceased himself finding his way into the celestial circuit (see tab. 1, above). The former text was attested, for instance, in four Thirteenth Dynasty coffins from Thebes (T5–8NY), the canopic box of Hepi-Ankhtify, and in some other sources such as in the coffin of Khakheperreseneb (M20) from Meir, coffin T7C, the coffin model X1C, and coffins Hu2, Hu5, and Hu6 (Morales 2013: 459, n. 1325; Grajetzki 2010; Luscher 1989: 217, fig. 28). The particular solar tradition represented by PT 249 (Anthes 1983) substituted ideas reflected by the “opening of the vision” formula (wn -Hr  spell), with the removal of CT 788 on the FR-side of coffins, coffin models, and boxes, and the incorporation of PT 249 at that particular position (Grajetzki 2006; Quirke 2007). Previous compositions from the late Twelfth Dynasty show the traditional pattern of CT 788 on the western side of the coffin (FR), such as in the case of the coffin models of Bener (Bnr1) and Wahneferhotep (L-WN1A) (Dorman 1988), and the late Twelfth Dynasty coffin of Sarenput the Younger at Qubbet el-Hawa (Morales 2021). 1 Notice that the group of Pyramid Texts PT 247–253 is not attested in the antechamber of Teti’s pyramid (see list in Allen 2005: 403). 2 See in table 2: Senusretankh (Sen) in its S and E walls, Siese in the four walls, and the tomb of Imhotep (L-JMH1) in its W, S and E walls.

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270

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249

TT 42 (Amenmose)

249

249

TT 112 (Menkheperreseneb)

TT 353 (Senenmut)

TT 87 (Nakhtmin) W

TT 87 (Nakhtmin) N-W

TT 79 (Menkheperreseneb)

249

TT 39 (Puyemre)

Sa-Renenutet

new kingdom 268 269

270 271 272

267

Q1Q S-W

260 261 262 263

260

271 272

268 269 270 271 272

251 252 253

267 268 269 270 271 272

267

272

L-JMH1 E

255

254 255 256 257 258

L-JMH1 W

247 248

247 248 249 250 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 258

L-JMH1 S

264

271

258 259 260 261 262 263 264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271

254 255 256 257 258

247 248 249 250 251 252 253 254

262

268 267

261 262 263 264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272

260 261 262 263

254 255 256 257 258 259 253

254 255 256 257 258 259 260

247 248 249 250 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 258

247 248 249 250 251 252 253

Da1X (frgs.)

Siese N

Siese W

Siese S

Siese E

Sen E

Sen S

middle kingdom

T/P/S

T/A/S

T/A/W

W/A/S

W/A/W

W/A/Wg

old kingdom

Sources (Old Kingdom – New Kingdom)

120 Antonio J. Morales

Table 1. Attestations in the Pyramid Texts corpus of ascension texts (“aggregation with the gods”) in the Old-New Kingdom stage

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In the New Kingdom, further texts of the ascension group are transferred into the offering table of Ra-Senenutet and the tombs of Puyemra (TT 39), Amenmose (TT 42), Menkhe­perreseneb (TT 79), Nakhtmin (TT 87), Menkheperreseneb (TT 112) and Senen­mut (TT 353).3 The copies used in the projection of this group of texts into the Theban necropolis in the New Kingdom, no doubt, might have functioned as models for the attestations of texts of the same group in the Late Period. In the New Kingdom, the situation in terms of the use of particular Pyramid Texts of the ascension group had changed in relation to the previous attestations, and only text-members of the beginning of the group seem to have been used in coalescence with other texts such as Coffin Texts or Book of the Dead chapters. For instance, with the exception of the presence of PT 268–269 in the offering table of Sa-Renenutet, the rest of the ascension witnesses appearing in Theban tombs are limited to the initial part of the group, with PT 247–249 PT 251–253 PT 255. Here one could emphasize the importance of PT 249 (Nefertem spell) as a text that highlighted the solar notion of resurrection in Thirteenth Dynasty sources and made it into the New Kingdom assemblages. It is for this reason, as we will see below, that the spell continued into the Late Period as an isolated text with a particular significance for the resurrection of the deceased, even if separated from the rest of the group. However, it is important to observe the sections of the group that were transferred from the Middle Kingdom to the Twenty-sixth Dynasty (see tab. 2). In the Late Period, the group is attested in Abusir, Saqqara, and Thebes, but no trace of it has been found, for instance, in Heliopolis. The main attestations of the group occur in the tombs of Psametik, Pedineit, Pediniese, Tjannehebu, Hor (known as Sq A) and Imenetef-nakht (labelled Sq B) in Saqqara; Padihor in Abusir; and in the tombs of Sheshonq (TT 27), Pedamenopet (TT 33), Harwa (TT 37), and Pabasa (TT 279) in Asasif. Other monuments such as the sarcophagi of Pakap, Tjannehebu, and Neferibre-Sanit (Sq C) from Saqqara show the presence of PT 249, a classical text in the Late Middle Kingdom (as seen above), now integrated into the textual programs for sarcophagi of this northern cemetery. Likewise, in the cemetery of Abusir, the inner sarcophagus of Iufaa (Iufaa C) shows the presence of two segments of the ascension group as well (PT 267, PT 269 and PT 270–272). In the Late Period, two main segments can be attested. On the one hand, the significant text PT 249 and the incipit of the group – as known in the Old and Middle Kingdom in reference to texts such as PT 247, PT 251 and PT 252) – were integrated into textual programs connected with the decoration of sarcophagi (Pakap, Tjannehebu, Sq C) and the ceiling of Padihor. The relationship seems logical considering that in the late Middle Kingdom PT 249 was associated with coffins and model coffins (although in these previous instances the text was commonly found on the E-side). On the other hand, the segment PT 267–272 is attested in several tombs in Saqqara, Abusir and Asasif. The 3 The tomb of Senenmut incorporates an interesting case since in the central lintel of the false door, artists resolved to use PT 249 and CT 788, the two associated spells of the Middle Kingdom. See Morales 2015b: 145, n. 36. The other cases mentioned above are also discussed in the same study.

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247

251 249 252

267 268 267 268

TT 279 (Pabasa) N

267 268

267

269 270 271 272

269 270 271 272

269 270 271 272

269 270

269 270

270

269 270

269 270

268 269

TT 37 (Harwa)

TT 33 (Pedamenopet) N

TT 33 (Pedamenopet) S

TT 27 (Sheshonq) E

TT 27 (Sheshonq) N

Iufaa C sarc S

Iufaa C sarc N

Padihor ceiling

Padihor N

249

267

Sq C sarc lid

267

Sq B N

249

Sq A N

Tjannehebu sarc lid

Tjannehebu E

267

267

Pediniese S

267

Pedineit E

249

Psammetichus E

Pakap sarc lid

late period

Sources (Late Period)

122 Antonio J. Morales

Table 2. Attestations in the Pyramid Texts corpus of ascension texts (“aggregation with the gods”) in the Late Period stage

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projection of the group mainly into the tomb textual programs of Saqqara and Asasif indicates that such a segment acquired a particular meaning for the resurrection of the deceased in the context of the ritual performances and theological ideas of the Late Period. Interestingly, it can be observed that only the Late Period Asasif witnesses of the group included the segment PT 271–272, which otherwise was not in use in Saqqara and Abusir.4 Regarding the uses of this segment in the Late Period, it is intriguing to notice that the group PT 267–272 as found in the tomb TT 33 of Pedamenopet did follow a similar version to the texts found in Unas, and the presence of the otherwise unattested group in the north PT 270–272 in the sarcophagus of Iufaa C, from Abusir. Although it is beyond the scope of this brief analysis of the transmission and transformation of the ascension group of Pyramid Texts, observation of the textual variants indicate that Pedamenopet must have had access to very old versions of the group, if not a copy from the monument itself. On the contrary, the versions of PT 249 attested in the New Kingdom tombs at Thebes indicate that there was some dependence on the Middle Kingdom copies, not on the Old Kingdom ones. Major themes in association with the skies and the sun The central focus of this paper is the so-called “ascension” or “aggregation with the gods” group of Pyramid Texts (Morales 2017a; 2017b: 480–483). In general terms, as noted by Hays, the group deals with the “transitioning from a mortal state to a world well beyond human experience, signified especially through joining the celestial circuit” (Hays 2012: 106). Such an intent for this particular collection of texts make them a target for those interested on the understanding of the relationship between the deceased transition from the world of the living into death and his acceptance in the solar/ heavenly domain. The group of Pyramid Texts known as “ascension” or “aggregation with the gods” – elsewhere labelled as “transition” (Hays 2006: 279) – is attested from its initial attestation in the pyramid of Unas to the Late Period. Sources exhibiting the presence of the group are attested in the Middle Kingdom and New Kingdom, proving the continuous flow of the mortuary literature tradition. The important question here, however, is to consider what segments and variants of the group made it into the Twenty-fifth and Twenty-sixth Dynasties, so that a little more can be clarified about the influence of the Middle and New Kingdom sources in the transmission process, and the development of ideas concerning the afterlife of the deceased in the sky, the akhet, and his post-mortem existence in association with Ra. The main purpose of the text-members of the group was to ensure the transition of the deceased into the afterlife, and his integration into the community of the gods. Although it is one of the most heterogeneous groups, its fixed position in the Old Kingdom pyramids show that the member-texts were understood as an assemblage with common func4 With the exception of Iufaa C, south wall columns with PT 270–272, discussed below.

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Antonio J. Morales

tion and themes. Although the group does not present any Middle Kingdom text-witness incorporating metatext information, the Eighteenth Dynasty tomb of Nakhtmin at Sheikh Abd el-Qurna (TT 87) provides us with titles for particular spells of the group (PT 247 and PT 251) that revealed their function (as noted in Hays and Schenk 2007: 105).5 In addition, one can identify the major themes of the group, which reveal the possible transitioning alternatives to be experienced by the deceased (see tab. 3). Table 3. Main themes associated with the ascension of the deceased to the skies or his union to the sun circuit (PT 247–272) SPELLS OF THE GROUP AND MAIN THEMES ASCENSION TEXTS (PT 247–272) Spell

Main theme(s) associated to the transition to the skies/sun

PT 247

– the deceased emerges from the Duat (pr=f  m  DwAt)

PT 248

– he has emerged from the Ennead’s thighs (pr.n  NN  jmt  mnty  psDt) – he appears as a star (xa  NN  m  sbA) – he goes up as Nefertem, as the water-lily at the nose of Ra (xa=f  m  Nfr- t m  m  zSSn  r  Srt  Ra) – he emerges from the akhet every day (pr=f  m  Axt  ra  nb) – he deceased will join Ra at the west of the sun (jmnt  Ra) – the deceased is perception at the west of the sun (NN  pj  sjA  jmnt  Ra) – the one in charge of the hours preceding Ra, make way for the deceased (j  Hrw  wnwt  tpw  awy  Ra  jry  wAt  n  NN) – the deceased’s arm cannot be barred in the akhet (nj  xsf  a  n  NN  m  Axt) – he will judge the living in Ra’s shores (wDa  NN  mdw  n  anxw  m  Xnw  jdb  Ra) – he will seat with Ra’s rower (Hms  NN  Hna  Xnnw  Ra) – he has become clean in the Marsh of Raeds (wab.n  NN  pn  m  sxt  jArw) – Shu lifts up the deceased (^w  sSw  sw) – lord of the akhet, make a place for the deceased (j  nb  Axt  jr  st  n  NN  pn) – he shall see Ra in his fetters (mA=k  Ra  m  jnTwt=f) – he shall worship Ra in his escape (dwA=k  Ra  m  prjwt=f) – he is the bull of the sky (NN  pn  pw  wa  kA  n  pt) – he will strike Shu’s arms from under Nut (zx . kA=f  awy  ^w  Xr  Nwt)

PT 249

PT 250 PT 251

PT 252 PT 253 PT 254

PT 255 PT 257 PT 258 PT 259

– he will take the sky and split open its basin (jT=f  pt  pSn=f  bjA=s) – he has acquired the akhet (jT.n=f  Axt) – he goes and comes with Ra, embracing his enclosures (Sm  NN  pn  Hna  Ra  jw  NN  pn  Hna  Ra  zxn=f  Hwwt=f) – he is off to the sky, in Shu with Ra (jw  NN  pn  r  pt  m  ^w  Hna  Ra) – he goes and returns with Ra (Sm  NN  pn  Hna  Ra  jw  NN  pn  Hna  Ra)

5 PT 247: rA  n  rd (. t)  pr  Ax  m  sbA  m  pt  “Spell for causing an akh go forth from the gate into the sky”; and PT 251: rA  n  x pr  NN  m  nTr “Spell for the metamorphose of NN into a god”.

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Ascension texts in transmission: reaching the skies from Unas to Pedamenopet PT 260 PT 261

PT 262

PT 263

PT 264

PT 265

PT 266

PT 267

PT 268

125

– he has emerged today in the true form of a living akh (pr  m  hrw  pn  m  jrw  mAa  n  Ax  anx) – he is a flame in the wind to the ends of the sky (nsr  m-tp  Taw  r  Drw  pt) – he will traverse Shu, travel the ground (SAs  NN  ^w  nmt=f  Akr) – he has used the ascent to the above (jn.n=f  jat  n  Hrt) – he has reached the sky’s height (pH.n  NN  oAww  pt) – the sky’s hail-clouds have taken him and elevate him to Ra (Sd.n  sw  Snjt  pt  sja=sn  NN  r  Ra) – he receives the two reed-boats of the sky (d  zxnwy  pt  n  NN) – he crosses on them to where Horus of the akhet is, where Ra is (DA  @rw  Axty  jm=sn  jr  Axt  xr  Ra) – he will be transported over the eastern side of the akhet (jr  gs  jAbt  n  Axt), to the eastern horizon of the sky (jr  gs  jAbt  n  pt) – his sister is Sothis, his female sibling is the Morning Star (snt=f  %pdt  msTwt=f  dwA) – the deceased receives the two reed-boats of the sky (d  zxnwy  pt  n  NN) – he crosses on them to where Horus of the akhet is (DA  @rw  Axty  jm) – his ferrying might be ferried to the eastern side of the sky (DA.t  Dawt  NN  jm  jr  gs  pf  jAbtj  m  pt) – he will be called for by Ra (njs.t  jr  NN  jn  Ra) – he is standing up at the star that is at the sky’s underbelly (aHa=f  r=f  m  sbA  pw  jr  Xr  Xt  pt) – he receives the two reed-boats of the sky (d  zxnwy  pt  n  NN) – he crosses on them to where Horus of the akhet is, where Ra is (DA  @rw  Axty  jm  xr  Ra) – he will be ferried to the eastern side of the sky (jr  gs  jAbt  n  pt) – his sister is Sothis, his female sibling is the Morning Star (snt  NN  pw  %pdt  msTw  NN  pn  nTr  dwA) – he is at the underside of the sky’s belly with Ra (NN  pw  jr  Xr  Xt  pt  xr  Ra) – he receives the two reed-boats of the sky (d  zxnwy  pt  n  NN) – he crosses on them to where Horus of the akhet is, where Ra is (DA  @rw  Axty  jm  xr  Ra) – Ra has taken NN to the sky in its eastern side (jr  pt  m  gs  jAbtj  n  pt) – his sister is Sothis, his female sibling is the Morning Star (snt=f  %pdt  msTwt=f  dwA) – a footpath to the sky (tA  rdw  r  pt) be laid down for him – he might go up on it to the sky (pr  NN  jm  r  pt) – he will go up on the smoke of a great sensing (prr=f  Hr  Htj  n  jdt  wrt) – he will fly as a bird and alight as a beetle (j.pA  NN  pn  n  Apd  xnn=f  m  xprr) – he rows in the sky in Ra’s bark (Xn  NN  pn  tA  m  wjA=k  Ra) – he will ascend to the sky […] away from wife and kilt (ja=f  n  pt  …  jr  Hmt  SnDwt) – he will wash himself as Ra appears (xaj  Ra) – he will purge the flesh […] with that which is on Ra’s shoulders in the akhet (m  nw  Hr  rmnwy  Ra  m  Axt) – he will lead the imperishable stars (sSm  NN  pn  j.xmw-sk) – he will cross the marshes of reeds with those rowing in the akhet (DA=f  jr  sxwt-jArw  Xn  sw  jmjw  Axt) – he crosses to the field of rushes (DA=f  r  sxt-iArw)

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126 PT 269

PT 270 PT 271

PT 272

Antonio J. Morales – a lit (d  sDt) and incense are set (d  snTr  Hr  sDt), he comes as ascender (j  Swjw) – he ascends upon Isis’s thighs (pr  Hr  mnty  Ist) and climbs on Nephtys’ thighs (hfd  Hr  mnty  Nbt-Hwt) – [to sky’s, Nut’s and god’s ferryman] you shall transport him in the ferryboat you transport the gods (DA=k  NN  m  mXnt  tw  DAAt=k  nTrw  jm=s) – he will jump and put himself on a wing of Thoth (tp  DnH  n  +Hwty) – he is the land-swimmer who emerged from the lake (pr  m  Sj) – he is a fresh water-lily (NN  pw  zSS  wAD) – he goes up on a ladder (Hr  mAot) that his father Ra has made for him – he is at the head of Ra’s followers (jw  NN  t p  Smsw  Ra)

Upon the examination of the major themes of ascension and incorporation into the celestial community of gods, several issues stand out in relation to the language and phraseology used here. First of all, there is almost no exception in the association of the members of the group with the idea of “ascension”. The only distinctive deviation is PT 256, where the central focus of the spell (see Hays 2012: 357) falls upon the idea of the deceased´s inheritance of Geb and Atum (w a. n  NN  Gbb  […]  jw  w a. n  NN  pn  &m) .6 Therefore, the inclination of all the group members to stress the bond with the skies, stars, firmament, and the sun demonstrates the general character of the texts and the ultimate goal: the deceased should reach the skies to achieve his destiny. The theological and mythological miscellanea observed in the texts (see Goebs 2002: 35, following van Baaren 1984) can be explained by the combination of several mythological allusions or mythemes, although all of them encapsulate a common idea, the integration of the deceased – by ascension or progression– into the world of the gods. Thus, the deceased is described as emerging from the Duat (PT 247 ), from the Ennead’s thighs (PT 248), from Isis and Nephthys’ thighs (PT 269), from the lake (PT 271), going up as a water-lily Nefertem (PT 249), as the bull of the sky (PT 254), as a flame in the wind (PT 261), as a bird or a beetle (PT 267), with a ladder (PT 271), on the top of Thoth’s wings (PT 270), rowing with Ra (PT 252), being lifted by Shu (PT 253), ferried by Nut’s ferryman (PT270), receiving and using reed-boats (PT 263–266), and, consequently, reaching the akhet (PT 249), joining Ra at the west of the sun (PT 250), becoming clean in the Marsh of Reeds (PT 253), being off to the skies (PT 259), crossing the field of rushes (PT 268), reaching the eastern side of the sky (PT 265), becoming a star at the sky’s underbelly (PT 264), leading the imperishable stars (PT 268), and reaching where Horus of the akhet and Ra are. In terms of the selection of texts for this group, interestingly, when looking at the contents of one of the last spells of the entire group, PT 271, one notices a reference to the “opening of the vision of the god for the deceased”,7 which is the basic theme also in the case of 6 However, the ending section of the spell (Pyr. §§ 303c–d) refers again to the idea of the deceased rowing with his mother (i. e. Nut), therefore associating again his voyage with the celestial circuit: Xnj  sw  mwt=f  jtH  sw  d mj=f  hjj  nwH=k  “Row him, his mother! Pull him (to) his harbour! Haul your rope!”. 7 PT 271, Pyr. § 392d: j.wn  NN  Hr  nTr  Hms=f  Hr  st  wrt  jr  gs  nTr  – “Open the god’s face for Unas so that he can seat on the great seat beside the god”.

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CT 788, a spell used in the Twelfth Dynasty until it came to be substituted by PT 249 at the early Thirteenth Dynasty. PT 249 shared from the Old Kingdom some motifs such as the water-lily emergence of the deceased. These connections demonstrate that certain associations in the role and characteristics of spells with a theme such as the ascension of the deceased to the skies can be older than we really contemplated. On the basis of this association, I shall focus on a comprehensive analysis of both spells and on how they represent some of the changes observed in the development of the group of ascension texts. As previously explained, CT 788 appeared in several sources of the Twelfth Dynasty until the re-emergence of PT 249 caused this Coffin Texts spell to disappear from the textual evidence. An instance of such an use can be found in the outer FR-side of the coffin of Sarenput the Younger (Qubbet el-Hawa),8 dated to the second part of the reign of Amenemhet III, where the so-called wen-her formula or “opening of the vision of Osiris” (CT 788) is attested (Morales 2021; Lohwasser 1991; see fig. 1 here). Other coffins, such as the coffin of Sobekaa, dating to the very late of the Twelfth Dynasty, still shows the use of CT 788 on the outer FR-side, which indicates that it is only by the early Thirteenth Dynasty that the substitution took place in most of the attested necropoleis with these texts (Grajetzki 2010: 64). The wen-her formula carries particular theological considerations for the deceased and his coffin (Lapp 1994).9 The deceased, opening his eyes toward the east, joins the sun and participates in the solar rebirth (Lohwasser 1991: 7). It seems clear, then, that CT 788 already anticipates the solar tone of an ideal aspiration for the deceased in the afterlife as expressed by the incoming PT 249. Thus, in the coffin of Sarenput the Younger, CT 788 reads: Dd - m dw  wn -Hr  wsjr  jmj - rA  pr  sA- rnp.wt  mAa- xrw  mA=f  nb  Ax . t  dj=f  DA=k  p. t  smA=k  tA  ar=k  n  nTr  aA  nb  p. t  xp=k  nHH  D. t

“Recitation: May the vision of Osiris, the overseer of the house Sarenput, justified, be opened so that he may see the Lord of the Horizon.” May he cause that you sail across the sky, that you join the earth, that you rise up to the great god, lord of the sky, and you walk forever and ever”. The substitution of the Coffin Texts spell by PT 249 is attested in several sources dating to the late Twelfth and early Thirteenth Dynasty. For instance, the Theban coffin of Neferet (T5NY) offers us a good example of the emergence of the old spell PT 249 – also known as the Nefertem formula – in a new setting (see fig. 2 here).10 Another item 8 I would like to express my gratitude to the University of Jaén and the Proyecto Qubbet el-Hawa, led by Dr. Alejandro Jiménez-Serrano, for permission to study the coffin of Sarenput the Younger (QH34ß) and for reproducing here its FR-side. 9 The central focus of the formula stands on the expression mA=f  nb  Ax . t and on the fact that the deceased could see the “lord of the Horizon” (nb  Ax . t) and join him in his daily voyage: Lohwasser 1991: 51–105. 10 Thanks are due to the Department of Egyptian Art, Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, for providing me with photographs of the four late Middle Kingdom coffins T5–8NY; see also Morales 2013: 585–595.

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Fig. 1. Outer FR-side of the coffin of Sarenput the Younger, QH34ß (© Proyecto Qubbet el-Hawa & Patricia Mora Photography)

bearing the same spell is the sarcophagus model of Khonsu (X1C: CGC 48404), which shows the presence of PT 249 on the outer FR-side as well (Grajetzki 2006: 4; Morales 2013: 623–624; Newberry 1957: 342, pl. 1). In addition, the theological solar ideas expressed with the “Nefertem formula” or PT 249 could also be represented, in a way, by other spells of the same group such as PT 250, PT 252, and PT 253, which could appear at times in the new textual programs that emerged in the late Twelfth Dynasty. Interestingly, this new program that we have discussed above with PT 249 only appeared in Upper Egypt. Before the inception of PT 249 in the program, as we saw above, it was the “opening of the vision” formula (CT 788), the spell that was inscribed on the FR-side of the coffins, on its eastern side. Thus, in the north of the country the program would continue without modifications, for example at the site of Lisht, while it would clearly change in the Upper Egyptian necropoleis of Hu and Thebes. In this regard, the coffin of Khakheperreseneb (M20) is a remarkable example (Willems 1988: 37; Kamal 1914: 74–78, fig. 12), since CT 788 and PT 249 are combined on the FR-side of the coffin, perhaps revealing a transition stage in which the Pyramid Texts spell had not yet fully substituted the use of the Coffin Texts spell. In a nutshell, then, the use of the “opening of the vision” formula (CT 788) and later of the Nefertem formula (PT 249) on the FR-side panels of coffins and coffin models seems to reveal the intensification of solar theological ideas whose parallel can be found in the pyramidions of the Middle Kingdom royal monuments (see Arnold 1987: 14–16; Jé­quier 1933: 19–26, pl. 6). Thus, both the pyramidions for the pyramids of Amenemhat III and Khendjer show on their eastern side the presence of the same CT 788, reflecting the relationship between the divine fate of the king and the solar nature of his afterlife. The fact that PT 249 substitutes this spell in the Thirteenth Dynasty sources, then, reveals not only new developments in the expression of the beliefs on resurrection and the solar realm but also continuous exchanges between the royal and the private domains.

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Fig. 2. Outer FR-side of the coffin of Neferet (T5NY), Thebes (© New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, cat. no. MMA 32.3.429)

Conclusions To sum up, the study of the transmission of particular groups of Pyramid Texts from the Old Kingdom to the Late Period should shed more light on the function, uses, and purposes of this category of mortuary literature. The transmission of the group of ascension Pyramid Texts, attested in each of the major periods of the pharaonic history, is an example of the variegations, modifications, and deviations experienced by its member-texts when adapted to new settings, in this case the Late Period tombs and sarcophagi of Saqqara, Abusir, and Asasif. In the transposition of settings used for the Pyramid Texts one observes historical, religious, and social shifts, but what still has to be examined in depth is the adaptation and adoption of the traditional forms of the corpus to the new settings, their ritual and theological background, and the cultural factors that shape the use of particular groups. In this study the Middle Kingdom witnesses of the beginning of the group seem to have emerged again in the New Kingdom few attestations, mainly PT 249 (Nefertem formula). Such a composition re-emerges at the beginning of the Thirteenth Dynasty in substitution for another spell of solar tone (CT 788) dealing with the revealing of the face of the deceased (wen-her formula) in his joining to the sun every morning. In the Late Period, however, the ending segment of the group seems to have been more significant in the scribal and priestly editing of the textual assemblages. A simple look to the use of the group in the tomb of Pedamenopet in Asasif seems to indicate that copying texts directly from the monument could have even been a common practice for the composition of prestigious and exceptional assemblages among the high elite in the First Millennium BCE.

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Bibliography Allen, James P. 2005 The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature. Anthes, Rudolf 1983 “Atum, Nefertem und die Kosmogonie von Heliopolis: ein Versuch”, in: Rudolf, An­thes, Ägyptische Theologie im dritten Jahrtausend v.Chr., Budapest: Université Lo­ránd Eötvös, pp. 55–62. Arnold, Dieter 1987 Der Pyramidenbezirk des Königs Amenemhet III. in Dahschur I, Mainz am Rhein: Zabern. Dorman, Peter F. 1988 “The Inscriptions of the Model Coffins of Wahnoferhotep and Bener”, in: Arnold, Dieter (ed.), The South Cemeteries of Lisht I: The Pyramid of Senwosret I, New York: Metropolitan Museum of Arts Press, pp. 147–149. Goebs, Katja 2002 “A functional approach to Egyptian myths and mythemes”, Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 2, pp. 27–59. Grajeztki, Wolfram 2006 “The Second Intermediate Period model coffin of Teti in the British Museum (EA 35016)”, British Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan 5, pp. 1–12. 2010 The coffin of Zemathor and other rectangular coffins of the late Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period, London: Golden House Hays, Harold 2006 The Typological Structure of the Pyramid Texts and Its Continuities with Middle Kingdom Mortuary Literature, Ann Arbor: UMI. 2012 The Organization of the Pyramid Texts. Typology and Disposition, Leiden-Boston: Brill Hays, Harold – Schenck, William 2007 “Intersection of ritual space and ritual representation: Pyramid Texts in eighteenth dynasty Theban tombs”, in: Dorman, Peter – Betsy, Bryan (eds.), Sacred space and sacred function in ancient Thebes, Chicago: Oriental Institution, pp. 97–115. Jéquier, Gustave 1933 Fouilles à Saqqarah. Deux Pyramides du Moyen Empire, Le Caire: Institut français d’archéologie orientale Kamal, Ahmed B. 1914 “Rapport sur les fouilles exécutées dans le zone comprise entre Déîrout au Nord et Déîr-el-Ganadlah, au Sud”, Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Egypte 14, pp. 45–87. Lapp, Gunther 1994 “Review: Lohwasser, Angelika. Die Formel ‘Öffnen des Gesichts’. Wien. Institut für Afrikanistik, 1991”, Bibliotheca Orientalis 3–4, pp. 295–305. Lohwasser, Angelika 1991 Die Formel “Öffnen des Gesichts”, Wien: Afro-Pu.

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Lüscher, Barbara 1989 “Eine Gruppe von Kanopentästen”, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo 45, pp. 207–238. Morales, Antonio J. 2013 The Transmission of the Pyramid Texts into the Middle Kingdom: philological aspects of a continuous tradition in Egyptian mortuary literature, Ann Arbor, UMI. 2015a “Text-building and Transmission of Pyramid Texts in the Third Millennium BCE: Iteration, Objectification, and Change”, Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 15, pp. 169–201. 2015b “Aspects of Iteration in the Textual Transmission of Pyramid Texts in the Kushite and Saite Periods”, in: Cancik-Kirschbaum, Eva – Traninger, Anita (eds.), Wissen in Bewegung. Institution – Iteration – Transfer, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, pp. 155–180 2017a “Aggregation with the gods”, in: Jurman, Claus – Bader, Bettina – Aston, David (eds.), A true scribe of Abydos. Essays on First Millennium Egypt in Honour of Anthony Leahy, Leuven-Paris-Bristol: Peeters, pp. 287–297. 2017b “Unraveling the thread. Transmission and reception of Pyramid Texts in Late Period Egypt”, in: Bickel, Susanne – Díaz-Iglesias, Lucía (eds.), Studies in Ancient Funerary Literature, Leuven-Paris-Bristol: Peeters, pp. 463–496. 2021 “Opening the vision of Osiris Sarenput. Contextual and typological analysis of the coffin of Sarenput the Younger from Qubbet el-Hawa”, in: Jiménez-Serrano, Alejandro – Morales, Antonio J. (eds.), Middle Kingdom palace culture and its echoes in the provinces, Leiden-Boston: Brill, pp. 330–357. Newberry, Percy Edward 1957 Funerary statuettes and model sarcophagi CGC 46530–48274, Le Caire: Imprimerie Nationale Quirke, Stephen 2007 “Book of the Dead 178: A Late Middle Kingdom Compilation or Excerpts?”, in: Silke, Grallert – Grajetzki, Wolfram (eds.), Life and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt during the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period, London: Golden House, pp. 100– 122. Van Baaren, Theodoor Pieter 1984 “The Flexibility of Myth”, in: Dundes, Alan (ed.), Sacred Narrative: Readings in the Theory of Myth, Berkeley: University of California Press, pp. 217–224. Willems, Harco O. 1988 Chests of Life. A Study of the Typology and Conceptual Development of Middle Kingdom Standard Class Coffins, Leiden: Orientaliste.

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Solar cult in the pyramid complex of Senusret III at Dahshur: an overview* Adela Oppenheim (The Metropolitan Museum of Art)

Abstract Pyramid complexes of the Twelfth Dynasty included a wide variety of solar indications, ranging from generalized references such as winged sun disks and formulaic texts, to more specific representations of the sed-festival, seasons, and solar deities. Little distinctive solar imagery remains from early Twelfth Dynasty pyramid complexes, while those dating to the middle of the period are poorly understood. However, the pyramid complex of Senusret III at Dahshur has yielded a wealth of material related to different aspects of sun cult. From the pyramid temple come depictions of the bau of Iunu, and numerous mentions of (Ra)-Horakhty. Scenes from the causeway show the origins of pharaoh as the divine child of Ra, along with the seasons of the Egyptian year, which are believed to be related to solar cult. Most intriguing is the imagery from Senusret III’s south temple. While the purpose of this enormous structure requires further study, it clearly included elaborate depictions of the sed-festival, as well as sculpture related to this rite. Together the texts and images from the Senusret III complex indicate that it had a substantial solar aspect. Keywords: Causeway, Dahshur, Heliopolis, Middle Kingdom, Pyramid Complex, Pyramid Temple, Sed-festival, Senusret I, Senusret III, Solar Cult, Twelfth Dynasty

Introduction Over time, a considerable array of varying cultic practices and beliefs were assimilated into the imagery and architectural forms of Old Kingdom pyramid complexes, among which were indications of a strong relationship to sun cult.1 From the Fourth Dynasty on, solar connections were exemplified by the east-west orientation of pyramid com* The author wishes to thank Miroslav Bárta, Jaromír Krejčí, and Massimiliano Nuzzolo for their kind invitation to take part in the third conference on solar cult and royal ideology at Charles University, Prague, as well as their assistance with references during the covid pandemic. I also extend my thanks to Mohamed Megahed for inviting me to his conference on depictions of the king and deities in royal relief, which took place a few days later. As always, the conferences organized at Charles University provided remarkable new insights and stimulating discussions. I am also grateful to Dieter Arnold for his comments, suggestions, and discussions, and Robyn Fleming of The

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plexes, which replicated the sun’s daily path across the sky, as well as the pyramid form itself.2 Additional solar references included images and texts related to manifestations of Ra and other solar deities,3 as well as depictions of such rituals as the sed-festival, a rite which seems to have been related to sun cult (Birkstam 1974: 15–35; Hornung – Staehelin 2006: 47–48, 58; Nuzzolo 2018: passim). In the Middle Kingdom, indications for sun cult survive mainly in the pyramid complexes of Senusret I and Senusret III, the two best preserved of the era.4 From the pyramid temple of Senusret I at Lisht, an offering table found in the court includes inscriptions mentioning the king as beloved of Ra-Horakhty,5 while a few relief blocks originate from scenes depicting the sed-festival (Gautier – Jéquier 1902: pl. VI). What seems to be a lack of Middle Kingdom solar references is certainly the result of the poor condition of the monuments as well as the cursory excavation of some of them; future work around the pyramids of Amenemhat II, Senusret II, and Amenemhat III at Hawara may yield additional information about the subject. Nevertheless, certain trends are apparent during the course of the dynasty. To date, the most striking evidence for solar cult in a Middle Kingdom pyramid complex has been found in three structures built for Senusret III at Dahshur, all of which incorporated a multitude of such references. As will be discussed in more detail below, the observation that solar cult was emphasized in this complex does not seem to be solely the result of the larger amount of preserved relief and sculpture fragments in comparison to other royal cult temples of the era. Rather, some iconographic elements found in the Senusret III complex do not have clear (surviving) parallels in earlier complexes, while other aspects seem to have been more prominent at Dahshur. Both tendencies suggest that the perception of solar emphasis in the Senusret III complex is not fortuitous, but rather

1

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Met’s Watson Library, who quickly and efficiently found every article and book chapter I needed during the covid crisis. For discussions of pyramid complexes and their relationship to solar cult, see Arnold 1977: 1–14, esp. 7, n. 40; Brinks 1979: passim; Arnold 1997: 45, 47, 60–63, 71; O’Connor 1998: 135–144; Quirke 2001: 115–134; Stockfisch 2003: 341–342; Verner 2006a: 172–184; Nuzzolo 2007: 1401– 1410; Lehner – Hawass 2017: 136–137; Nuzzolo 2018: 39, 43, 254–255, 462–463. For a summary of theories that reject solar connections to pyramids, see Nuzzolo 2018: 37, n. 43. It has been suggested that the down-up arrangement of Fourth Dynasty pyramid corridors and chambers was intended to replicate the journey of the sun god (Billing 2018: 57–59). However, the overall orientation of interior spaces inside or under pyramids was usually north-south, even if some individual chambers were aligned east-west. One might note in this regard that Senusret III’s corridors and chambers were both oriented east-west, see Arnold 2002: 32–36. For example, at least one of the pillars in the courtyard of Pepy II’s pyramid temple had a depiction of the king with Ra-Horakhty. It is uncertain if all the pillars had similar imagery or a variety of deities were depicted, see Jéquier 1940: 22–24, pl. 45. For an equation of the open court with the room of the seasons in sun temples, see Nuzzolo 2018: 69–70. Solar cult is also attested in the temple of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep II at Deir el-Bahari, but will not be discussed here, see Arnold 1974: 75–80, 84–89; Arnold 1974: 33. Gautier – Jéquier 1902: 17 fig. 10, 21 fig. 14, 22–26, pl. 8. The Fifth Dynasty Abusir papyri mention an “altar of Ra,” but it is uncertain with what it was associated, see Nuzzolo 2018: 106 with further references.

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a manifestation of later Twelfth Dynasty transformations related to kingship, religious belief, and the royal afterlife. It is also perhaps connected to the proposed later Middle Kingdom solarization of local cults throughout Egypt (Vègh 2016: 7–23). The solar references described here do not necessarily indicate that solar deities were cult recipients in the Senusret III complex, though this is certainly a possibility. Rather, sun cult was likely emphasized as part of developing ideologies of kingship and the royal afterlife. Thus far, references to sun cult can be identified in aspects of Senusret III’s pyramid temple, south temple, and causeway; among the decorated structures built for the king only his north chapel seems to lack explicit solar imagery.6 Some of the indications discussed below have been previously published, while others await further excavation and study. On the occasion of the third conference on solar cult held at Charles University, Prague in June 2019, the present author was invited to present these recent findings, which are summarized below. Pyramid Temple Senusret III’s pyramid temple was attached to the east side of his pyramid, the traditional location for such structures. Departing from earlier practice, however, the pyramid temple was considerably smaller than those constructed by pharaohs of the Old and earlier Middle Kingdoms, presumably because beliefs related to kingship and the royal afterlife had changed. The diminution of the pyramid temple seems to have been initiated by the builders of Senusret II’s pyramid complex at Lahun, where the valley temple may have served as the main cult structure (Wegner 2007: 224–226; Quirke 2005: 30–37). Only the mud brick sub-foundations of Senusret III’s pyramid temple survive, occupying an area about 18.5 m north-south and 14.8 m east-west.7 The reduced temple could not have accommodated the large columned courts, statue shrines, and extensive storerooms that were prominent features of Old Kingdom royal cult temples, and it is likely that the structure contained no more than four decorated chambers.8 Unusually, the exterior walls of Senusret III’s pyramid temple were covered with vertically oriented royal-name panels at the corners and horizontal lines of text across the top; the hieroglyphs are particularly notable for their extremely fine interior detail. It is difficult to reconstruct the decorative programs of two of the temple’s four proposed chambers, but they seem to have included large-scale depictions of the king and deities enacting rituals, as well as a procession of fecundity figures (Oppenheim 2008: 486–619). A third chamber, probably square in form, had representations of Egyptian deities on all four 6 A preliminary assessments of the north chapel was published in Oppenheim 2020. The tympana from the north chapel were published in Oppenheim 2012: 397–424. Brinks suggested that the north court of the Djoser complex was related to sun cult (Brinks 1979: 108–109), but Stadelmann rejected this theory (Stadelmann 1983: 373–378). For royal north chapels, see Jánosi 1995: 145–168. 7 For the architecture of the Senusret III pyramid temple, see Arnold 2002: 46–54. For the relief decoration, see Oppenheim in Arnold 2002: 133–142; Oppenheim 2008; Oppenheim 2020. 8 For a suggested reconstruction of Senusret III’s pyramid temple, see Oppenheim 2008: 620–636.

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walls; the iconography was clearly based on the “square antechambers” that were the penultimate spaces in Old and earlier Middle Kingdom pyramid temples (see below). The culminating room seems to have been a fairly traditional offering chamber (Oppenheim 2008: 374–485; Oppenheim 2020: 1157–1171). An emphasis on solar cult in the pyramid temple can be recognized in two places: the exterior inscriptions and the choice of deities depicted in the square antechamber. The exterior of Senusret III’s pyramid temple was adorned with five royal-name panels on each side of the northeast and southeast corners, as well as on the west ends of the north and south walls, which were adjacent to the pyramid. Old and Middle Kingdom parallels for this type of decoration are known only from the enclosure wall and pyramid temple of Pepy I (Labrousse 2019: 47–50, 59–62, figs. 25–26, 30–32, 34, 42, 65, 113, pl. X ) and a temple built by Senusret I at Karnak (Gabolde 1998: 34–36, 46–49, 53–55, 58–59, pls. II–VIII, XI–XIII, XVII–XVIII, XXXVIII, XL; Gabolde 2018: 224–233). The panels at each corner had different compositions focusing on one or more of Senusret III’s five names facing images of Nekhbet (as a vulture) and/or Wadjet (as a cobra); the goddesses sat atop neb-signs supported by lily and papyrus plants. Elements within the panels were arranged in three to four vertical columns without dividing lines. The panels gradually widened from the top to the bottom of the wall, meaning that the lower panels could accommodate additional lines of text. Across the bottom of each panel was a horizontal line listing divine blessings. The orientation of these elements varied based on their relationship to the wall corners: the goddesses always faced away from the corners, while the royal names faced towards them. The overall compositions of the uppermost, center, and lowermost panels are fairly secure; the arrangements of the second and fourth from the top are less certain.9 Most interesting are the lowermost (fifth) panels, all of which had similar though not identical texts concentrating on the bau of Iunu and the royal sed-festival (fig. 1). One column described the king as “the son of Ra of his body, beloved of the bau of Iunu,” while the adjacent outer column mentioned the “first occasion of the sed-festival.”10 The bau of Iunu appear to be the only deities attested in the Senusret III panels other than Nekhbet and Wadjet. Neither the Pepy I nor the Senusret I royal-name panels seem to have incorporated Heliopolitan or sed-festival references, though no portions of their lowermost panels are included in the reconstructions of these earlier examples. The horizontal inscriptions between the uppermost panels on the outside of Senusret III’s pyramid temple likely began in the center of each of the pyramid temple’s three exterior walls and concluded at the wall corners. Included were at least three references to the king as one beloved of [Ra]-Horakhty,11 suggesting that the deity was named at least once if not twice on each wall. [Ra]-Horakhty is the only divinity besides Nekhbet and Wadjet who seems to have been named in the horizontal texts. The prominent inclusion of solar deities 9 An assessment of the exterior panels and horizontal inscriptions from Senusret III’s pyramid temple were published in Oppenheim 2021. 10 These inscriptions cannot be understood as proof of an actual sed-festival ceremony, see Oppenheim 2021. 11 None of the preserved names of Horakhty connect directly to a ra-sign.

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Fig. 1. One of the lowermost panels from the exterior of the Senusret III pyramid temple at Dahshur.

on all sides of the façade indicates that their significance encompassed the entire temple; they did not merely serve as general geographical references on walls with a northern or Heliopolitan orientation. The appearance of multiple inscriptions stressing solar cult and links to Heliopolis on the temple exterior, as well as the absence of other deities besides the two goddesses commonly related to kingship, strongly suggests that the inscriptions were intended to signal important aspects of the pyramid temple’s meaning. The inclusion of a “square” antechamber in the Senusret III pyramid temple is confirmed by the recovery of several hundred pieces depicting processions of deities and their accompanying inscriptions, iconography that is the defining feature of this room type. Based on a variety of factors, including the distribution of figures, masonry edges, and elements such as dadoes and block borders, it has been determined that the figures faced to the right on three walls and to the left on one wall; all deities on a single wall faced in the same direction.12 The best-preserved square antechamber survives from the 12 The chamber is assumed to have been square, but because no floor or wall blocks remain in po-

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Pepy II pyramid temple, though it is also in fragmentary condition. As reconstructed by Jéquier, the three upper registers of each wall depicted deities in procession followed by a register of men butchering animals and a register of bowing officials approaching the king.13 The chamber appears to show the preparation of a feast attended by high officials and deities, the latter presumably in the form of standards or portable statues. The representations may be intended as a reference to the sed-festival, as this rite is mentioned in accompanying texts, or it may be a more generic festive or ritual gathering of the human and divine forces fundamental to the Egyptian political and religious worldview. All registers in Senusret III’s square antechamber were filled with deities, a departure from Old and earlier Middle Kingdom prototypes; depictions of animal slaughter and bowing officials were omitted.14 The chamber was thus transformed from a vision of a festive assembly of divine and human powers into an exclusive interaction of king and deities in a setting divorced from earthly references.15 The types of deities depicted in Senusret III’s square antechamber also differed from earlier examples, which seem to have concentrated on the most important Egyptian gods and goddesses. While some of the Dahshur deities were prominent figures such as Hathor and Anubis (Oppenheim 2008: 145–150, 157–158, 189–193, 231, 233–234, 268–274, 296–298, 342–344, 354, 356, 358–360), others likely did not have independent cult places, including some who represented forces mentioned only in afterlife books (see below). Other deities in the Senusret III antechamber are those whose independent existence before the New Kingdom has been questioned – for example Mut16 and Werethekau.17 The Senusret III square antechamber thus illustrated a multiplicity of divine figures with a wide variety sition, its shape cannot be definitively established. For a detailed analysis of the chamber and its decorative program, see Oppenheim 2008: 22–374. 13 For the square antechamber of Pepy II, see Jéquier 1938: 34–53, pls. 46–60. For a recent study of square antechambers, see Megahed 2016a: 239–258. 14 Several fragments show conclusively that the deity procession covered the entire wall from top to bottom. Furthermore, no fragment of a bowing official has been recovered in the pyramid temple area, see Oppenheim 2008: 55–87, 361–374. 15 For the omission of named human beings in Middle Kingdom pyramid complexes, see Oppenheim 2020. 16 One of the goddesses in Senusret III’s square antechamber is captioned with a vulture-hieroglyph, a sign that can be used to designate either Mut or Nekhbet; it has been previously suggested that Mut was not an independent goddess before the New Kingdom. However, the present author believes that the goddess in the Senusret III square antechamber cannot be Nekhbet, as no Old or Middle Kingdom depictions of her are captioned solely with the vulture-sign. Rather, Nekhbet’s name is always spelled phonetically when a figure is shown, meaning the Senusret III goddess must be considered as an early depiction of Mut. For a detailed discussion of Mut in the Middle Kingdom and the Senusret III relief, see Oppenheim 2008: 284–286, 322–328, 354, 367, pls. 196, 240. A recent article has called into question the identification of the Senusret III goddess as Mut, as well as other examples that seem to indicate her appearance during the Middle Kingdom (Luiselli 2015: 111–131). However, Luiselli does not refute the present author’s contention that Nekhbet is never captioned by a single vulture hieroglyph in Old or Middle Kingdom depictions. 17 Oppenheim 2008: 164–170, 208–209, 231, 366, pls. 68–69. For the possibility that Werethekau had her own cult places during the New Kingdom, see Ouda 2015: 61–86.

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Fig. 2. Beginning of the bau of Iunu group from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber in the Senusret III pyramid temple at Dahshur. (Photo Bruce Schwarz, Imaging Department, The Metropolitan Museum of Art)

of roles: maintaining the ordered Egyptian world, sustaining the king in his earthly role as an intermediary between the human and divine spheres, and aiding the king in his transition to the afterlife. Some of these gods and goddesses incorporated solar aspects. Particular attention is paid to Heliopolitan deities in Senusret III”s square antechamber, especially the bau of Iunu, divinities who also appeared on the temple’s exterior panels (Oppenheim 2008: 88–144, pls. 16–50 with further references; Oppenheim in Arnold 2002: 140). A row of nine male and female figures were depicted facing to the right, all with human heads (fig. 2). Above them was a continuous horizontal text describing them as the lords of the great temple, blessing the king, installing him on the throne of Horus, and confirming his preeminent role as the one who leads the living. The text concluded with the formula “like [Ra] forever.” This is the only (preserved) instance of a continuous horizontal text above a large collection of deities in Senusret III’s square antechamber; the common pattern was to have individual blessing formulas and deity names or epithets separated by vertical dividing lines (Oppenheim 2008: pls 51–52, 54–55, 63, 68, 71, 106, 115, 128–129, 133, 135, 138, 139–141, 143, 145, 148, 154, 167, 180–182, 186,

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196, 198, 205, 219, 222–225, 240–242, 259, 266–268). Behind the bau of Iunu is a depiction of Horus Foremost-of-the-Houses, another divinity connected to Heliopolis, followed by the beak of a falcon-sign, perhaps indicating a depiction of Horakhty. Above the bau of Iunu, a wide band of stars, a horizontal block border, and a khekerfrieze signify that they occupied an uppermost register. A horizontal masonry edge, interrupted by the inclusion of several patchstones, cuts through them just below their eyes. Portions of a vertically oriented, multicolumn deity speech preserves the same masonry edge, indicating that it preceded the bau of Iunu group. The speech concluded above a door lintel with a winged sun disk, likely part of the passageway between the square antechamber and the offering chamber. We can therefore conclude that the bau of Iunu occupied the upper register of the north wall. This is the only (known) Old or Middle Kingdom depiction of the bau of Iunu rendered with nine individual figures.18 Furthermore, the Heliopolitan powers in the upper register represent the only instance in the Senusret III square antechamber in which deities connected to a single cult place occupied an entire register. These two seemingly unique aspects again seem to point to a particular emphasis on sun cult in Senusret III’s pyramid temple. Other figures in the Senusret III square antechamber related to solar cult are attested only in afterlife books, and these divinities seem to have been interspersed with the more readily recognizable gods and goddesses. Two such figures facing left are Wed and Demdjet, both of whom protected the sun in separate hours of the Amduat.19 Wed is found in the book’s 10th hour, where his head has the form of a sun disk. He is said to fend off the “rough-faced one,” which allows the sun god to reach the eastern gate of the horizon.20 Demdjet appears in the 7th and 8th hours of the Amduat, as well as in the Pyramid Texts and the Hymn to the Diadem; she battles Apophis in order to protect the sun bark. A more precise understanding of the rationale behind the square antechamber’s overall composition and its partial emphasis on sun cult must await further reconstructions of the chamber walls. Nevertheless, some aspects of the arrangement are clear. Deities with known cult places were interspersed with those who do not seem to have had them, suggesting that the arrangement was not based solely on geography or the prominence of the deities. Since the bau of Iunu and other Heliopolitan deities face to the right, while Wed and Demdjet face to the left, figures closely related to solar cult (and presumably other categories as well) were not grouped together. As a preliminary conclusion, one can therefore state that the solar aspects in the square antechamber were likely to have 18 Among Old Kingdom pyramid complexes, the only surviving mention of the bau of Iunu comes from the Unas pyramid temple: see Labrousse – Lauer – Leclant 1977: 117, doc. 97, fig. 122. The earliest known depictions of these deities date to the reign of Senusret III, see Oppenheim 2008: 94–97; Quirke 1995: 16–17. 19 For the appearance of the Amduat in the Middle Kingdom, see Billing 2018: 67–70, 81 with references to earlier discussions and Wegner 2009: 103–168. The depiction of these deities in Senusret III’s pyramid temple proves that at least some figures associated with this afterlife book existed before the New Kingdom. 20 Although only the inscriptions of these two divinities are preserved, it is doubtful that the Middle Kingdom figure had a sun disk head. For Wed and Demdjet, see Oppenheim 2008: 288–291, 367, pl. 198.

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been diffuse both in terms of the positioning of the divinities and their role within the Egyptian pantheon. South Temple At a later point in his reign, Senusret III added a large temple to the south of his pyramid complex. The Metropolitan Museum’s Egyptian Expedition opened parts of this structure in the 1990s and resumed comprehensive excavation in 2017. The temple was located outside the original outer enclosure wall, which was extended to surround it, and was not only physically separated from the pyramid, but some distance from it.21 As is the case with other chapels and temples in the complex, no walls or floors remain in position, only a vast, largely undifferentiated mud brick subfoundation that merely provides general clues about the positions of courtyards, halls, and chambers. Other indications of the temple’s arrangement come from recovered architectural fragments such as columns, relief fragments, portions of red granite shrines, and statue fragments. The addition of a major temple that seems to represent a new architectural form carries many implications for our understanding of later Twelfth Dynasty cultic developments that cannot be addressed here. At present it will suffice to note that we do not fully understand why Senusret III constructed a pyramid temple smaller than most earlier examples, then subsequently built a much larger and seemingly quite different structure. The decorative program of the south temple included themes found in Senusret III’s earlier pyramid temple,22 as well as those belonging to the repertoire of Old and earlier Middle Kingdom royal complexes that had been omitted from the reduced Dahshur pyramid temple.23 One may therefore conclude that the ritual purpose of the pyramid temple and south temple probably overlapped to some extent. Furthermore, the south temple’s meaning must have been conveyed not only by its relief and statue programs, but also by means of its architectural form and its consequent impact on the ceremonies and rituals carried out within its chambers. It has been previously suggested that the south temple might represent a structure in which the king and deities shared cult, but one must admit that to date there is no definitive evidence to support such a theory.24 Rather, ongoing excavation work has thus 21 For the excavation of the south temple, see Arnold 2002: 97–105; Arnold – Chen – Oppenheim 2018: 40–53. 22 Particularly offering subjects and what seems to have been a deity procession, see Arnold – Chen – Oppenheim 2018: 51; Oppenheim in Arnold 2002: 142–145. 23 For example, scenes showing the domination of non-Egyptians, which were omitted from the Senusret III pyramid temple, but were included in the south temple, see Arnold – Chen – Oppenheim 2018: 50–51, fig. 22. The depictions of non-Egyptians seem to derive from Old Kingdom representations such as Borchardt 1913: pls. 1–2, 4, 8; Jéquier 1938: pls. 8–9, 11, 35–38, 40. For a comprehensive list of Old Kingdom royal scenes depicting the king vanquishing non-Egyptians, see Stockfisch 2003: 116–118, 131–134, 202–230, 284–285. 24 Oppenheim 2008: 550–574; Oppenheim 2015a: 272; Arnold – Chen – Oppenheim 2018: 52. Such evidence could include statues of deities or relief depictions of deities as cult recipients, although

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far revealed that major elements of the south temple were related to solar cult. One must therefore conclude that this aspect is essential to understanding its purpose, though at this point it is uncertain if the temple was constructed mainly as a ritual space for solar cult as it relates to the king, or it was just one of many features. Indeed the temple’s position to the south of the pyramid might argue against a strictly solar interpretation, as such structures were apparently usually located to the north of a royal burial place and its associated cult temple.25 To date, indications of solar cult in the south temple’s wall decoration include references in its exterior inscription, and what seem to have been extensive depictions of sed-festival rituals. Some of the temple’s statues were also connected to the sed-festival. Only a limited number of fragments from an exterior inscription have been recovered in and around the south temple’s east side, mainly from a horizontal text, though there were likely also panels at some wall corners. We do not know how the horizontal text was harmonized with the juncture of the causeway and south temple façade; since the heights of both structures remain uncertain, we cannot determined if the horizontal text was continuous or was interrupted by the causeway. Those entering the temple from the causeway’s covered center lane would not have been able to see a façade inscription, though presumably it would have been at least partly visible to those using its roofless outer lanes (see below). The south temple’s horizontal text was slightly narrower than the same feature on the pyramid temple façade, and the hieroglyphs lacked the extremely fine interior detail that was such a striking feature of the earlier exterior inscriptions. It is therefore certain that exterior horizontal inscription reliefs assigned to the south temple cannot be displaced pieces from the pyramid temple. One large block from the south temple includes a phrase describing the king as mry Hwt -aAt “beloved [of the lords of the] great temple,” a structure associated with Heliopolis.26 Because the same temple is also mentioned in the line of inscription above the bau of Iunu in the pyramid temple square antechamber (see above), it is likely that the south temple façade referenced these same divinities. On the pyramid temple facade, the bau of Iunu were featured in the royal-name panels, while the horizontal texts seem to have been dominated by [Ra]-Horakhty.27

the later theme is occasionally attested in pyramid temple wall decoration, see Borchardt 1913: 49–51, 56–57, 113–114, 115–116, pls. 35–36, 38, 47; Borchardt 1910: 101–106; El-Awady 2013: 57–63; Labrousse – Lauer – Leclant 1977: 94–95, doc. 46, fig. 72, pl. 33. For the king making offerings to deities in pyramid temples, see El-Awady 2009: 67–68. For an Anubis cult in the pyramid complex of Senusret II, see Quirke 1997: 24–48. 25 It has been noted that sun temples always seem to have been placed to the north of the pyramids of the kings who commissioned them, see Nuzzolo 2018: 98–99. Spaces on the north sides of New Kingdom Theban temples may be partial successors to sun temples, see Janák – Vymazalová – Coppens 2011: 439–440. 26 For a comprehensive discussion of Hwt -aAt in the Old Kingdom, see Garcia 1998: 38–55. See also Gabolde 1998: 145–146 with further references; el-Banna 1985: 149–163. 27 Horakhty is not preserved on the south temple façade inscription, but to date very few pieces of these texts have been recovered.

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The most prominent south temple solar references are relief depictions likely related to the sed-festival, and at least two statues showing the king wearing the garment and/ or carrying implements associated with the rite. It is uncertain if detailed sequences of sed-festival rituals were included, as in the sun temple of Niuserra,28 or if only certain iconic episodes were depicted, as is the case in many Old and earlier Middle Kingdom pyramid temples.29 Each of the preserved relief fragments includes only single elements that seem to be associated with the sed-festival, such as particular standards or the king wearing a certain garment, and the fragmentary nature of the wall decoration makes it impossible to recognize a sequence of events. The fragments seem to originate from scenes with varying scales, suggesting that either the images originate from different parts of the temple or a single chamber included registers in a variety of sizes, as is the case in the Niuserra scenes. The most interesting fragment that likely originates from a sed-festival scene depicts an under life size Senusret III dressed in an uncommon variant of the short sed-festival cloak (fig. 3). The king carries two scepters, presumably a crook and flail, and wears the white crown.30 His eyebrow and cosmetic line are bright blue-green, certainly intended to reflect his transformed, divinized status.31 Relief faces of Senusret III sometimes have applied eyebrows, though rarely cosmetic lines, and these features are also unusual on Senusret III’s sculptures.32 A notable exception in relief occurs on another scene associated with the sed-festival: Senusret III’s lintel from Medamoud, where the king’s face includes both a broad applied eyebrow and a narrower cosmetic line (Roque 1930: pls. IV, VI 1). Perhaps in some circumstances, these eye embellishments were associated with renewal rites. Senusret III’s garment in the south temple relief is a bright blue-green, with a multicolored striped border running along the collar and front edge. Similar stripes are found on 28 For the sed-festival scenes in the Niuserra sun temple, see Bissing 1923; Kees 1928; Kaiser 1971; Voss 2004: 78–98; Nuzzolo 2018: 130–188 all with further references. 29 Iconic sed-festival scenes can include depictions of the running king, though the iconography does not always indicate this ritual (Stockfisch 2003: 107–111, 172–186) and the pharaoh seated in the double throne pavilion (Rummel 2006: 381–407). 30 For the relief, see Arnold – Chen – Oppenheim 2018: 50, Abb. 21; Oppenheim in Arnold 2002: 143–144, pl. 163 with further references to the costume; Hornung – Staehelin 2006: 56–61 also with further references. 31 Relief depictions of earlier Middle Kingdom kings clearly demonstrate that these features were normally painted black, see Oppenheim – Do. Arnold – Di. Arnold – Yamamoto 2015: 48–49, 60–61; in both these examples, some of the black pigment has worn away, exposing the red color underneath that was first used to paint the face. 32 For sculptures of Senusret III, see Oppenheim 2015b: 78–83 with further references. Statue fragments excavated in Senusret III’s south temple at Dahshur have changed our understanding of this king’s facial features, as several pieces depict him with applied eyebrows and cosmetic lines. They will be published in Oppenheim in preparation. For relief depictions of the face of Senusret III, see Oppenheim 2012: 410, fig. 5; Oppenheim – Do. Arnold – Di. Arnold – Yamamoto 2015: 274 fig. 107; Roque – Clère 1928: pls. V–VI (the drawing on plate VI indicates applied eyebrows); Roque – Clère 1929: 51 fig. 40, 52 fig. 42, pl. IV; For the sed-festival lintel of Senusret III from Medamoud, see Roque 1930: pls. IV, VI 1.

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statues and reliefs depicting the king wearing the sed-festival cloak, though none seem to preserve remains of similar colors.33 Projecting in front of the cloak are six stripes at a slightly downward angle, painted with a pattern of falcon feathers, leopard spots, and falcon feathers. It is uncertain how this brilliantly colored garment made from a variety of materials relates to aspects of the king’s wardrobe known from other sources, including idmi-linen, which seems to be a material used for sed-festival robes (Geisen 2018: 169 with further references).34 Smaller fragments with larger scale versions of the same costume have also been found in the south temple, indicating that Senusret III wore the garment in several scenes. Although the sed-festival cloak is commonly worn by kings from the Early Dynastic Period on, the striped, projecting portion of the costume is not attested for the king before the Middle Kingdom.35 The earliest known example originates from the pyramid complex of Amenemhat I at Lisht,36 where fragments seem to preserve parts of such apparel, and there are several Eighteenth Dynasty attestations.37 The projecting stripes most likely allude to another garment worn underneath the short cloak, probably the so-called royal plume dress known from Twelfth and Eighteenth Dynasty scenes unrelated to the sed-festival (Cotelle-Michel 2003: 343–345, fig. 3, pls. II–IV; Giza-Podgórski 1984: 103–121, esp. pp. 112 fig. 8, 113 fig. 9, 114 fig. 10). From depictions in Niuserra’s sun temple, we know that the short cloak was removed during ritual actions that required more vigorous movements.38 Although knee-length enveloping cloaks with (and without) striped projections are generally associated with the sed-festival, the king appears to wear them in other contexts, particularly during rituals surrounding his assumption of the throne (Larson 1981: 180–181). Of the scenes clearly illustrating sed-festival rites, the most prominent examples come from the tomb of Kheruef, where Amenhotep III is depicted several times wearing the garment with projection (The Epigraphic Survey 1980: pls. 24–26, 41–42, 46). However, in other instances, particularly in the Hatshepsut temple at Deir el-Baha33 For statues of the king wearing the sed-festival cloak, see Sourouzian 1994: 499–524; Hornung – Staehelin: 77–86; also see here below. Sed-festival garments were also sometimes covered with a diamond pattern, see Aldred 1969: 74. 34 The use of textiles with different colors is attested from a variety of rituals. For example, green wADt -linen is among the fabrics used in the ritual of consecrating the mrt-chests, a rite related to Osiris that is first known from the New Kingdom, but may be earlier, see Goebs 2011: 57–101 and esp. p. 62 n. 34. 35 Though in Old Kingdom sed-festival scenes non-royal individuals wear what appears to be a similar garment, see, for example, Bissing 1923: pls. 6, 21–22. Although unconnected to the sed-festival cloak, a garment with hanging stripes is depicted in the Snefru statue cult temple, see Fakhry 1961: fig. 150. Human-headed sphinxes also wear a garment with similar stripes across the flanks, see Jéquier 1940: pls. 15–17. These costumes are likely related to the royal plume dress (see below). 36 Jánosi 2016: 123–124, pl. 132. The fragments most likely originate from one or more depictions of sed-festival cloaks with diamond patterns and feather projections, rather than sails. In this case the feather projection appears to alternate with a diamond pattern, rather than the leopard spots found on the Senusret III examples. 37 For references to published examples of the garment, see Oppenheim in Arnold 2002: 144 n. 106. 38 For example, Nuzzolo 2018: 149, fig. III.39a.

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Fig. 3. Senusret III in a sed-festival costume with projecting stripes from the south temple of his pyramid complex at Dahshur. (Photo Stephen Arnold)

ri,39 the robe with projection appears in “coronation” scenes. It is difficult to definitively determine the original scenes in which Senusret III appeared in the cloak with striped projection. First, the contextualized instances of the cloak with projection all date to the New Kingdom; none of the Middle Kingdom examples preserve information about the larger scenes in which they appeared. Second, sequences of scenes depicting the investiture or “coronation” of the king are unattested before the New Kingdom, and no 39 Karkowski 2001: 90–93. A pectoral depicting Tutankhamun in a similar garment has been related to both the sed-festival and his accession to the throne; it has been suggested that these rites might have been related, though others have disputed the association, see Patch 1991: 57–77.

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scene from the Senusret III complex can be definitively linked to these rituals. Finally, reliefs from the sun temple of Niuserra, the most comprehensive pre-New Kingdom visualizations of the sed-festival, do not depict the king wearing the cloak with projection. Its absence in the sun temple suggests that if the Senusret III reliefs do depict this rite, the garment reflects Middle Kingdom developments. Since to date there are no indications that investiture scenes were included in Senusret III’s south temple, while the structure clearly had other sed-festival references (see below), it seems more likely that the depictions of the king in a short cloak with projecting stripes originated from sed-festival scenes. Other images in the south temple likely connected to the sed-festival include a magnificently carved Wepwawet standard (Arnold – Oppenheim 1995: 54, fig. 12), and an iAbt -sign (east) standard, an insignia found in the Niuserra sun temple processions (exc. no. 18.341; unpublished; see Nuzzolo 2018: 145–146, n. 398, fig. III.37). An over life size depiction of the raised back foot, leg, and bull’s tail of Senusret III could originate from a depiction of the king running between markers, another aspect of the sed-festival, but it could equally come from a scene showing the king smiting foreigners;40 the different scene types cannot be distinguished solely from the leg positions. A representation of the pharaoh beneath a baldachin supported by tent poles parallels sed-festival scenes depicting the king seated under or moving away from such a construction (exc. no. 1993.799; unpublished). Additional pieces may represent officials participating in sed-festival rites, but these require further study. Statue fragments indicate that at least two sculptures depicted the king with sed-festival regalia, an interesting discovery as sed-festival statues have not survived from earlier pyramid complexes.41 Among the small pieces recovered from one or more under life size graywacke statues is one with segments of flail beads, an implement held by kings on sed-festival statues (fig. 4).42 A larger group of granodiorite fragments found in 2019 clearly come from a representation of the king wearing a knee-length sed-festival cloak with a stiff collar and a striped border. He carried a crook and flail. Portions of the garment have been recovered, along with pieces of both implements, part of one hand, an incised broad collar, and sections of the throne. Based on the dimensions of the hand, the king appears to have been at least twice life size. Depictions of smaller royal women seem to have flanked the king, an addition to this statue type previously first attested during 40 Several fragments from the south temple originate from a scene of captive foreigners paying homage to the king. Two large blocks originate from a large-scale smiting scene: one shows the abdomen of the king and the elbows of the foreigners, while the other depicts the overlapping feet of foreigners huddled together. Oppenheim in Arnold 2002: 143, pl. 163c. For a smaller scale scene with foreigners, see Arnold – Chen – Oppenheim 2018: 50, pl. 22. For a recent discussion of the symbolism of the running king, see Nuzzolo 2018: 149–152 and 180, n. 541, for a discussion of the proposed solar symbolism of the ritual run. 41 Sed-festival statues were included in the Eleventh Dynasty cult complex of Nebhepetra Mentuhotep II: Arnold 2015a: 50. 42 The king also holds the flail on so-called Osiride statues, see Leblanc 1980: 69–89; Leblanc, 1982: 295–311; see also Arnold 2015b: 50–51.

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Fig. 4. Fragment of a flail from a sed-festival statue of Senusret III. (Photo Oi-Cheong Lee, Imaging Department, The Metropolitan Museum of Art)

the reign of Amenemhat III.43 Despite a seemingly strong association between the south temple and the sed-festival, it remains uncertain if it was actually used for these rites or only included specific expressions of the universal royal wish to reach this milestone.44 At least one of the boat pits found to the south of Senusret III’s later outer enclosure wall also may have had a solar meaning. In the nineteenth century, four of these pits still contained wood boats, which are now in museums in Egypt and the US; these appear to 43 Stünkel 2015: 95, fig. 61 with further references. To date, the remaining parts of the small queen found in the Senusret III south temple do not directly join any of the pieces of the Senusret III sed-festival statue, but the stone is similar and the fragments were recovered in the same area. 44 Despite the extensive and detailed imagery found in his sun temple, it is unlikely that Niuserra reigned until his year 30, when a sed-festival would have ideally taken place; there is no historical evidence that he celebrated the rite. For dated inscriptions from the reign of Niuserra, see Ver­ ner 2006b: 139. For the suggestion that Niuserra did celebrate a sed-festival, see Nuzzolo 2018: 180–181. See also Hornung – Staehelin 2006: 36 for the ambiguity surrounding historical, Old Kingdom sed-festivals. For the most recent comprehensive publication of the Niuserra sed-festival scenes, see Nuzzolo 2018 with extensive references to earlier publications.

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have been used for the transport of objects or burials to the pyramid complex. However, it has been suggested that the largest boat pit, which was found empty, might have been intended as either the actual or symbolic resting place of a solar boat (Arnold 2002: 106–107 with further references). The inclusion of boat pits adjacent to royal burial places is attested outside Early Dynastic enclosures at Abydos, and in pyramid complexes of the Fourth, Fifth, and Twelfth Dynasties. Notable in the context of this article, a ceremonial solar boat was placed south of the sun temple of Niuserra, and the Abusir papyri also mention boats in relation to sun temples (Nuzzolo 2018: 106–107, 130, 242–243). Because most of the Old and Middle Kingdom royal boat pits were found empty, none had explanatory inscriptions, and their position, orientation, and number did not follow a recognizable pattern, they are difficult to understand. Consequently, the boat burials have been the subject of numerous interpretations, including ones related to solar cult, though at present it is difficult to arrive at a definitive conclusion about their meaning.45 The apparent emphasis on solar imagery and related sed-festival rites in the south temple suggest that the enormous structure probably included some sort of solar sanctuary. Also requiring further consideration in this regard is the court located west of the south temple, a space of unknown purpose that does not appear to have contained any above ground structures.46 The area could have been intended simply as an open court for solar rituals, as in the Niuserra sun temple, or actual or anticipated sed-festival rites, as in the Djoser complex. It might also have been intended for a never completed platform similar to those built in Fifth Dynasty sun temples. Causeway The original Senusret III pyramid complex and its small pyramid temple do not appear to have been accessed via a causeway, perhaps because when the earlier complex was completed plans were already in place to expand it. At a later point in the king’s reign, a 250-meter-long causeway was constructed that connected the south temple to the cultivated land and presumably a valley temple that would now lie beneath fields and rising groundwater.47 The causeway had three lanes: two open, outer ones bounded by mud brick walls, and a roofed, inner, limestone passage, the interior of which seems to have been fully decorated. To date, a 50 m long section at the top (west end) of the causeway has been excavated, along with a few areas farther to the east. Two sets of depictions relate to solar cult: a sequence of scenes related to the divine birth of pharaoh, and representations of the seasons of the ancient Egyptian year. Perhaps the most important discovery in the causeway has been a group of previously published blocks and fragments that originate from a sequence of scenes depicting the 45 Old Kingdom boat burials and theories about their meaning are summarized in El-Awady 2009: 232–239 with further references. For the Abydos boats, see Ward 2006: 118–129. 46 For a preliminary assessment, see Arnold 2002: 105–106; test trenches opened subsequent to the publication have not revealed the presence of any structures. 47 For a preliminary study of the causeway and the unexcavated valley temple, see Arnold 2002: 92–97.

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Fig. 5. Part of Senusret III’s divine birth sequence with two deities facing each other and another deity with a yellow disk. From the causeway of the king’s pyramid complex at Dahshur. (Photo Anna Marie Kellen, Imaging Department, The Metropolitan Museum of Art)

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divine conception, birth, and adolescence of pharaoh – in other words the life of pharaoh before he assumes the throne. Prior to this discovery, it was thought that depictions of the pharaoh’s divine origins began only in the New Kingdom with the sequences in the Hatshepsut temple at Deir el-Bahari. Included among the Senusret III fragments is the lower part of an episode in which two deities face each other, followed by one in which a deity bends over a round, yellow object (fig. 5); the juxtaposition of these two scenes and the iconography of the deity and the disk seems to be limited to the divine birth sequence (Oppenheim 2011: 171–188; Oppenheim in press). Other fragments show a child-pharaoh who undergoes purification and is embraced by an enthroned deity. Subsequent to the discovery of the Senusret III divine birth sequence, its origins were pushed back to the Old Kingdom with the publication of a relief found in the pyramid complex of Djedkara that includes iconography belonging to the sequence (Megahed – Vymazalová 2011: 155–164; Megahed – Vymazalová 2015: 275–287; Megahed 2016b: 131–139, pls. 63–64). In the Hatshepsut sequence, the pharaoh is shown as the offspring of a union between Queen Ahmose and Amun, the chief deity of the Theban area. The identification of Amun as the father of Hatshepsut is one of many instances in which the pharaoh stresses her close connection to this deity (Bickel 2014: 21–31; Gabolde 2014: 33–48 with further references). In the Senusret III birth/adolescence sequence, the divine father is identified as Ra, a paternity more appropriate to the Middle Kingdom Memphite area. The union between Ra and an unnamed royal woman is alluded to on a block that contains parts of vertical columns of inscription mentioning birth, a speech made by Ra, and references to an unnamed queen (Oppenheim 2011: 182–183 fig. 5). Coupled with the other solar indications discussed in this article, one can conclude that just as Hatshepsut sought to closely identify herself with Amun, Senusret III stressed his relationship to the chief solar deity. Another group of causeway scenes that appear to have a close connection to sun cult depict the natural world along with some of the human activities that occur within it; they are likely meant as indications of the three seasons of the Egyptian year (fig. 6). Similar though not identical iconography is known from Niuserra’s sun temple (Nuzzolo 2018: 188–198; Seyfried 2019; Edel – Wenig 1974; Bissing 1956: 319–338 all with further references ) and the Unas causeway (Labrousse – Moussa 2002: 36–47, 147–152, figs. 42–59, docs. 28–45, pls. VI–VII). Individual scenes in the Senusret III causeway seem to be have been framed at the top, bottom, and sides by bands filled with two rows of stars. Just below the upper star bands were boxes of varying widths enclosing ra-signs, followed below by boxes with inscriptions and depictions of various human and animal activities. Although the Senusret III scenes are preserved on several larger blocks and many smaller pieces, the material is too fragmentary to allow a full reconstruction. However, the preserved elements do suggest that the season depictions may have been arranged as a type of “calendar,” describing and illustrating events that took place at certain times of the year. One fragment preserves part of an inscription for the peret-season without designating a specific month, perhaps an indication for a group of scenes related to this time of the year. The sun-disk signs may signal the general concept of “day,” though they too

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Fig. 6. Depiction of one of the seasons of the Egyptian year from the Senusret III causeway at Dahshur. (Photo Anna Marie Kellen, Imaging Department, The Metropolitan Museum of Art)

are not specifically enumerated. Since the sun-disk hieroglyph is used both for the word “day,” as well as the sun god Ra, a double meaning may have been intended: it is the power of the sun that regulates the days and therefore the seasonal activities of humans, animals, and the natural world. The inscriptions below seem to explain different events that presumably occurred during a particular season, followed by illustrations of various activities, including some that are depicted in elaborate landscapes.

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Conclusion From the inception of pyramid complexes in the Third and Fourth Dynasties, solar aspects were key components of these sacred areas. The pyramid itself seems to have been a sun symbol and the east-west alignment of pyramid temples likely related to the daily solar cycle. Imagery linked to sun cult included scenes from sed-festival rituals, depictions of and references to Ra and other solar deities, representations of the seasons, and perhaps the divine birth of pharaoh. Certainly the fragmentary nature and uneven preservation of Old and Middle Kingdom pyramid complexes raises questions as to whether or not additional elements related to sun worship have not survived. Existing solar imagery and references are not necessarily indications that Ra was worshipped in these temples,48 but rather that solar cult was invoked to manifest the king’s close connection to and dependence on this deity. The Senusret III pyramid complex incorporated imagery associated with sun cult that has been identified in earlier pyramid complexes, but even in these cases solar aspects appear to have been emphasized. New or variant iconography employed by Senusret III includes: the depiction of divinities with solar relationships who do not seem to have had their own cult places; distinctive representations of deities related to solar cult and Heliopolis in both inscriptions and figure scenes; the probable inclusion of a sequence of sed-festival rituals rather than single iconic representations; the presence of sed-festival statues; representations of Ra as the king’s divine father; and the seasons of the year. As noted above, strong evidence for solar cult has been found in most of the structures dedicated to Senusret III, suggesting that this overarching theme pervaded the sacred spaces. It is perhaps connected to the new architectural forms within the Senusret III pyramid complex itself, along with other changes in later Twelfth Dynasty beliefs. Although conclusions must remain somewhat tentative, particularly while excavation of the south temple continues, it appears certain that solar cult was a significant component of the Senusret III pyramid complex. Bibliography Aldred, Cyril 1969 “The ‘New Year’ Gifts to the Pharaoh,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 55, pp. 73–81. Arnold, Dieter 1974 Der Tempel des Königs Mentuhotep von Deir el-Bahari 2 vols, Mainz: Philipp von Zabern. 1977 “Rituale und Pyramidentempel,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 33, pp. 1–14. 1997 “Royal Cult Complexes of the Old and Middle Kingdoms,” in: Shafer, Byron E. (ed.). Temples of Ancient Egypt, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, pp. 31–85. 48 An idea that Dieter Arnold has argued against, see Arnold 1977: 7, n. 40.

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Bisson de la Roque, Fernand – Clère, Jacques Jean 1928 Rapport sur les Fouilles de Médamoud (1927), Cairo: Imprimerie de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale. 1929 Rapport sur les Fouilles de Médamoud (1929), Cairo: Imprimerie de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale. Borchardt, Ludwig 1910 Das Grabdenkmal des Königs Sahu-Reʿ, vol. 1, Der Bau, Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs. 1913 Das Grabdenkmal des Königs Sahu-Re, vol. II, Die Wandbilder, Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs. Brinks, Jürgen 1979 Die Entwicklung der königlichen Grabanlagen des Alten Reiches: Eine strukturelle und historische Analyse altägyptischer Architektur, Hildesheim: Gerstenberg Verlag. Cotelle-Michel, Laurence 2003 “Présentation Préliminaire des Blocs de la Chapelle de Sésostris Ier Découverte dans le IXe Pylône de Karnak,” Cahiers de Karnak 11, pp. 339–372. Edel, Elmar – Wenig, Steffen 1974 Die Jahreszeitenreliefs aus dem Sonnenheiligtum des Königs Ne-user-Re, Berlin: Akademie Verlag. The Epigraphic Survey 1980 The Tomb of Kheruef: Theban Tomb 192, Chicago: Oriental Institute. Fakhry, Ahmed 1961 The Monuments of Sneferu at Dahshur, vol. II, The Valley Temple, pt. I, The Temple Reliefs, Cairo: Ministry of Culture and National Orientation. Gabolde, Luc 1998 Le “Grande Château d’Amon” de Sésostris Ier à Karnak, Paris: Diffusion de Boccard. 2014 “Hatshepsut at Karnak: A Woman under God’s Commands,” in: Galán, José M. – Bryan, Betsy M. – Dorman, Peter F. (eds.). Creativity and Innovation in the Time of Hatshepsut, Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, pp. 33–48. 2018 Karnak, Amon-Rê: La Genèse d’un Temple, La Naissance d’un Dieu, Le Caire: Institut français d’archéologie orientale. Garcia, Juan Carlos Moreno 1998 “Administration territoriale et organization de l’espace en Égypte au troisième millénaire avant J.-C. (III–IV): nwt  mAwt  et Hwt -aAt ,” Zeitschrift für ägyptische Spra­ che und Altertumskunde 125, pp. 38–55. Gautier, M. M. J.-E. – Jéquier, G. 1902 Mémoire sur les fouilles de Licht, Le Caire: Institut français d’archéologie orientale. Geisen, Christina 2018 A Commemoration Ritual for Senwosret I: P.BM EA 10610.1–5/P. Ramesseum B (Ramesseum Dramatic Papyrus), New Haven: Yale Egyptological Institute. Giza-Podgórski, Tomasz 1984 “Royal Plume Dress of XVIII Dynasty,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologi­schen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 40, pp. 103–121.

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Goebs, Katja 2011 “King as God and God as King: Colour, Light, and Transformation in Egyptian Ritual,” in: Gundlach, Rolf – Spence, Kate (eds.). Palace and Temple: Architecture – Decoration – Ritual. 5th Symposium on Egyptian Royal Ideology, Wiesbaden: Harrasso­ witz, pp. 57–101. Hornung, Erik – Staehelin, Elisabeth 2006 Neue Studien zum Sedfest, Basel: Schwabe Verlag. Janák, Jiří – Vymazalová, Hana – Coppens, Filip 2011 “The Fifth Dynasty ‘Sun Temples’ in a Broader Context,” in: Bárta, Miroslav – Coppens, Filip – Krejčí, Jaromír (eds.). Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2010, Prague: Charles University, pp. 430–442. Jánosi, Peter 1995 “Bemerkungen zu den Nordkapellen des Alten Reichs,” Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 22, pp. 145–168. 2016 The Pyramid Complex of Amenemhat I at Lisht: The Reliefs, New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Jéquier, Gustave 1938 Le monument funéraire de Pepi II, vol. 2, Le temple, Le Caire: Institut français d’ar­ chéo­logie orientale. 1940 Le monument funéraire de Pepi II, vol. 3, Les approaches du temple, Le Caire: Institut français d’archéologie orientale. Kaiser, Werner 1971 “Die Kleine Hebseddarstellung im Sonnenheiligtum des Neuserre,” in: Hae­ny, Gerhard (ed.). Aufsätze zum 70. Geburtstag von Herbert Ricke, Wiesbaden: Franz Stei­ner, pp. 87–105. Karkowski, Janusz 2001 “Pharaoh in the Heb-Sed Robe in Hatshepsut’s Temple at Deir el-Bahari,” Études et Travaux 19, pp. 82–112. Kees, Hermann 1928 Das Re-Heiligtum des Königs Ne-Woser-Re (Rathures), vol. III, Die Grosse Festdarstellung, Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs. Labrousse, Audran 2019 Le Temple Funéraire du Roi Pépy Ier: Le Temps de la Construction, Le Caire: Institut français d’archéologie orientale. Labrousse, Audran  – Lauer, Jean-Philippe – Leclant, Jean 1977 Le temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, Le Caire: Institut français d’ar­ chéo­logie orientale. Labrousse, Audran – Moussa, Ahmed 2002 La chaussée du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, Le Caire: Institut français d’archéo­ logie orientale. Larson, John 1981 “The Heb-sed Robe and the ‘Ceremonial Robe’ of Tut‘ankhamun,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 67, pp. 180–181.

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Leblanc, Christian 1980 “Piliers et colosses de type ‘Osiriaque’ dans le contexte des temples de culte royale,” Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 80, pp. 69–89. 1982 “Le culte rendu aux colosses ‘osiriaques’ durant le Nouvel Empire,” Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 82, pp. 295–311. Lehner, Mark – Hawass, Zahi 2017 Giza and the Pyramids: The Definitive History, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Luiselli, Maria Michela 2015 “Early Mut(s): On the Origins of the Theban Goddess and Her Cult,” Revue d’Égyptologie 66, pp. 111–131. Megahed, Mohamed 2016a “The Antichambre Carrée in the Old Kingdom. Decoration and Function,” in: Landgráfová, Renata – Mynářová, Jana (eds.). Rich and Great: Studies in Honour of Anthony J. Spalinger on the Occasion of his 70th Feast of Thoth, Prague: Charles University, pp. 239–258. 2016b The Pyramid Complex of Djedkare-Isesi at South Saqqara and Its Decorative Program (PhD Dissertation), Prague: Charles University. Megahed, Mohamed – Vymazalová, Hana 2011 “Ancient Egyptian Royal Circumcision from the Pyramid Complex of Djedkare,” Anthropologie XLIX/2, pp. 155–164. 2015 “The South-Saqqara Circumcision Scene: A Fragment of an Old Kingdom Birth-Legend?” in: Coppens, Filip – Janák, Jiří – Vymazalová, Hana (eds.). Royal versus Divine Authority. 7th Symposium on Egyptian Royal Ideology, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, pp. 275–287. Nuzzolo, Massimiliano 2007 “Sun Temples and Kingship in the Ancient Egyptian Kingdom,” in: Goyon, JeanClaude – Cardin, Christine (eds.). Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Egyptologists, Leuven: Peeters, pp. 1401–1410. 2018 The Fifth Dynasty Sun Temples: Kingship, Architecture and Religion in Third Millennium BC Egypt, Prague: Charles University. O’Connor, David 1998 “The Interpretation of the Old Kingdom Pyramid Complex,” in: Guksch, Heike – Polz, Daniel (eds.). Stationen: Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte Ägyptens Rainer Stadelmann gewidmet, Mainz: Phillip von Zabern, pp. 135–144. Oppenheim, Adela 2008 Aspects of the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III at Dahshur: The Pharaoh and Deities (PhD Dissertation), New York: New York University. 2011 “The Early Life of Pharaoh: Divine Birth and Adolescence Scenes in the Causeway of Senwosret III at Dahshur,” in: Bárta, Miroslav – Coppens, Filip – Krejcí, Jaromír (eds.). Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2010, Prague: Charles University, pp. 171–188. 2012 “The North and South Walls of Senwosret III’s North Chapel at Dahshur,” in Evans, Linda (ed.). Ancient Memphis, ‘Enduring Is the Perfection’, Leuven: Peeters, pp. 397– 424.

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2015b “Temples: Secluded Domains for Kings and Gods,” in: Oppenheim, Adela – Arnold, Dorothea – Arnold, Dieter – Yamamoto, Kei (eds.). Ancient Egypt Transformed: The Middle Kingdom, New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, pp. 270–275. 2015b “22–25. Sculptures of Senwosret III,” in: Oppenheim, Adela – Arnold, Dorothea – Arnold, Dieter – Yamamoto, Kei (eds.). Ancient Egypt Transformed: The Middle Kingdom, New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, pp. 78–83. 2020 “Offering Bearers in the Pyramid Complexes of Senwosret I and Senwosret III,” in: Kamrin, Janice – Bárta, Miroslav – Ikram, Salima – Lehner, Mark – Megahed, Mohamed (eds.). Guardian of Ancient Egypt: Studies in Honor of Zahi Hawass, Prague: Charles University, pp. 1157–1171. 2021 “Exterior Inscriptions in the Pyramid Complex of Senwosret III at Dahshur and Other. Temples of the Old and Middle Kingdoms,” in: Geisen, Christina – Li, Jean – Shubert, Steven – Yamamoto, Kei (eds.). In His Good Name: Essays on Identity and Self-Presentation in Ancient Egypt in Honor of Ronald J. Leprohon, Atlanta: Lockwood Press, pp. 317–333. In press “Icon and Narrative: Royal Birth Scenes in the Old and Middle Kingdoms,” in: Budde, Dagmar – Abdelhalim, Ali (eds.). Mammisis of Egypt, in press. In preparation “The Eyes of Senwosret III: New Statuary from the Pyramid Complex of Senwosret III at Dahshur.” Oppenheim, Adela – Arnold, Dorothea – Arnold, Dieter – Yamamoto, Kei (eds.) 2015 Ancient Egypt Transformed: The Middle Kingdom, New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Ouda, Ahmed M. Mekawy 2015 “Werethekau and the Votive Stela of PA- n -aImn (Bristol Museum H 514),” British Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan 22, pp. 61–86. Patch, Diana Craig 1991 “Tutankhamun’s Corselet: A Reconsideration of its Function,” Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar of New York 11, pp. 57–77. Quirke, Stephen 1995 “The Quartzite Lintels of Senusret III, King of Egypt,” British Museum Magazine 23, p. 16. 1997 “Gods in the Temple of the King: Anubis at Lahun,” in: Quirke, Stephen (ed.). The Temple in Ancient Egypt: New Discoveries and Recent Research, London: British Museum, pp. 24–48. 2001 The Cult of Ra: Sun-Worship in Ancient Egypt, New York: Thames and Hudson. 2005 Lahun; A Town in Egypt 1800 BC, and the History of Its Landscape, London: Golden House. Rummel, Ute 2006 “Weihrauch, Salböl und Leinen: Balsamierungsmaterialien als Medium der Erneue­ rung im Sedfest,” Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 34, pp. 381–407. Seyfried, Karl-Joachim 2019 Jahreszeitenreliefs aus dem Sonnenheiligtum des Königs Ne-User-Re, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.

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Sourouzian, Hourig 1994 “Inventaire iconographique des statues en manteaux jubilaire de l’époque thinite jusqu’à leur disparition sous Amenhotep III,” in: Berger, Catherine – Clerc, Gisèle – Grimal, Nicolas (eds.). Hommages à Jean Leclant, vol. 1, Études pharaoniques, Le ­Caire: Institut français d’archéologie orientale, pp. 499–524. Stadelmann, Rainer 1983 “Das Vermeintliche Sonnenheiligtum in Norden des Djoserbezirkes,” Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 69, pp. 373–378. Stockfisch, Dagmar 2003 Untersuchungen zum Totenkult des ägyptischen Königs im Alten Reich: Die Dekoration der königlichen Totenkultanlagen, vol. 1, Hamburg: Dr. Kovac. Stünkel, Isabel 2015 “Royal Women: Ladies of the Two Lands,” in: Oppenheim, Adela – Arnold, Dorothea – Arnold, Dieter – Yamamoto, Kei (eds.). Ancient Egypt Transformed: The Middle Kingdom, New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, pp. 92–95. Vègh, Zsuzsanna 2016 “Solar Cult in Abydos During the Middle Kingdom,” Egitto e Vicino Oriente 39, pp. 7–23. Verner, Miroslav 2006a Abusir IX. The Pyramid Complex of Raneferef: The Archaeology, Prague: Charles University. 2006b “Contemporaneous Evidence for the Relative Chronology of Dyns. 4 and 5,” in: Hornung, Erik – Kraus, Rolf – Warburton, David A. (eds.). Ancient Egyptian Chronology, Boston – Leiden: Brill, pp. 124–143. Voss, Susanne 2004 Untersuchungen zu den Sonnenheiligtümern der 5.Dynastie: Bedeutung und Funktion eines singulären Tempeltyps im Alten Reich (PhD Dissertation), Hamburg: Hamburg University. Ward, Cheryl 2006 “Boat-Building and It’s Social Context in Early Egypt: Interpretations from the First Dynasty Boat-Grave Cemetery at Abydos,” Antiquity 80 (issue 307), pp. 118–129. Wegner, Josef 2007 The Mortuary Temple of Senwosret III at Abydos, New Haven: Peabody Museum of Natural History. 2009 “The Tomb of Senwosret III at Abydos: Considerations on the Origins and Development of the Royal Amduat-Tomb,” in: Silverman, David P. – Simpson, William K. – Wegner, Josef (eds.). Archaism and Innovation: Studies in the Culture of Middle Kingdom Egypt, New Haven – Philadelphia: Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, pp. 103–168.

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Vessels for the lion goddess Contextualizing the New Kingdom royal name faience from Central Abusir Mohamed Ismail Khaled (University of Würzburg – Egyptian Ministry of Antiquities), Martina Bardoňová (Czech Institute of Egyptology,* Charles University Prague)

Abstract The existence of the cult of Sekhmet of Sahura in the king’s pyramid temple has been acknowledged for a long time. It developed around the mid-Eighteenth Dynasty in the south-eastern part of the Old Kingdom monument. Even though a number of related finds were published at the beginning of the Twentieth Century, relatively little attention has so far been paid to the pottery and other types of small finds and their respective contexts. The present article focuses on a New Kingdom assemblage excavated by the mission under the direction of the first author during the spring season 2019 in the upper northern part of the causeway of Sahura’s pyramid. This assemblage yielded remains of two faience vessels inscribed for royalty – Sethy I and Maathorneferura, the Hittite wife of Ramses II – as well as pottery, including blue-painted fragments. As both – blue-painted pottery and faience vessels – are considered to be charged with symbolic meanings, they might have been used in rites performed at the site. The article seeks to present these objects in their archaeological and historical context, in order to explain and discuss their presence in central Abusir. Keywords: New Kingdom, Cult, Sekhmet, Funerary Temple, Sahura

Introduction When Ludwig Borchardt (1910: 101–109, 120–135) excavated the pyramid temple of Sahura at the beginning of the Twentieth Century, he discovered that the south-eastern part of this Old Kingdom monument later housed a particular cult of Sekhmet.1 Ac* The author is a postdoctoral researcher within the framework of the European Regional Development Fund project “Creativity and Adaptability as Conditions of the Success of Europe in an Interrelated World” (reg. no. CZ.02.1.01/0.0/0.0/16_019/0000734). 1 The votive objects from the temple make reference to: Cx m . t -BAs. tt  Hr  Hw. t - nTr  %AHw -Ra  (Bor­ chardt 1910: 121); Mw. t -Cx m . t -BAs. tt (Borchardt 1910: 103); Cx m . t -%AHw -Ra (Borchardt 1910: 122–123); or simply Cx m . t  (Borchardt 1910: 123).

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cording to Borchardt (1910: 101), the cult’s origin could be traced back to the existence of a particular image (be it relief or statue) of a deity. The divine image might, in fact, actually have originally represented Bastet (Borchardt 1910: 120), however, at some point around the mid-Eighteenth Dynasty it started to attract Sekhmet worshippers. According to the hypothesis of Tarek El-Awady (2013: 62–63) the temple became renown as a kind of a “healing centre”. El-Awady believes that there was a kind of a popular belief in Sahura’s medical knowledge. This belief likely originated from the interpretation of one particular scene from Sahura’s causeway. In this scene the king himself provides his mother with the fresh frankincense from the tree brought from Punt. El-Awady further hypothesises that the fact that Sahura’s chief physician – Nyankhsekhmet – had his name combined with that of the goddess, could also have greatly contributed to the cult’s development. Last but not least, he points out that references to Bastet and Sobek of the Fayyum, who were, together with Sekhmet, also related to healing (El-Awady 2013: 62–63), also appear in the temple. The question is, however, when a similar belief might have developed. The New Kingdom inscriptions in the Sekhmet sanctuary at Abusir do not substantially differ from those found at other sites that attracted pilgrims in the Memphite necropolis and they are not limited to expressing the wish to be healed. We can also find petitions for longevity, a good burial and other benefits (Navrátilová 2015: 86). In the beginning stages of the cult, the worshippers of the Abusir temple were of non-royal birth. Only later, between the late Eighteenth and early Nineteenth Dynasty, did Sekhmet of Sahura also attract royal attention and patronage (see below and Baines 1987: 9–14; Borchardt 1910: 103, 122–123). The cult of Sekhmet of Sahura can be traced via finds such as graffiti (Megally 1981: 220–221, 227; Navrátilová 2015: 83–106), stelae (Borchardt 1910: 121–128), amulets (Bor­chardt 1910, 129–130), animal bones (Borchardt 1910: 102–103) and stone (Bor­ chardt 1910, 130), faience (Borchardt 1910: 130–134) and pottery vessels and accessories (Borchardt 1910: 134–135). These finds are broadly comparable to those recovered from various Hathor sanctuaries and Amenhotep II’s sphinx temple in Giza (Naville – Hall 1913: 28, pls. 23, 24, 32; Petrie 1906: 140, pls. 146, 155, 156; Pinch 1993: 78–79). They are usually considered to be votive objects donated by worshippers/supplicants. Eventually it was claimed that some of these objects might have been employed in a ritual (Pinch 1993: 79). However, it is quite difficult to specify their exact purpose and use (overview in Pinch 1993). The ongoing excavations in the pyramid complex of Sahura have provided us with a new comparison, however, this time from the area not directly adjacent to the suggested location of the New Kingdom temple. The excavations took place at the uppermost end of the northern part of the causeway. This sector was filled with the material-rich debris Borchardt cleared away from the funerary temple. It took more than a month to clean and re-excavate the area. The vast majority of the material excavated during the spring of 2019 consists of fragments of discarded vessels which are mostly, but not exclusively, ceramic. The discarded New Kingdom material which has been recovered to this day dates from around the

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reign of Thutmosis IV to the late Ramesside era. The pieces of the latter date have so far prevailed. The subject of this article is a particular New Kingdom assemblage recovered during the spring 2019 season north-east of the temple entrance. More precisely, the study focuses on the interpretation of two faience vessels inscribed with royal names, the first one showing that of Sethy I and the second one that of the Hittite wife of Ramses II, Maathorneferura.2 As has been stated above, similar finds are generally interpreted as ritual and/or votive objects imbued with particular symbolic value (Pinch 1993: 329). The presence of the royal names has several possible explanations, such as an indication of royal patronage of a particular sanctuary (Pinch 1993: 329), an emphasis on the king’s role as intermediary between the human and divine worlds (Pinch 1993: 307), or the objects were royal gifts to the sanctuary or to the individual donating the item. A number of questions can be asked about a faience vessel recovered from a cultic context. They range from purely technical (see e. g. Nicholson 2007: 138) to those regarding the vessels’ symbolism (see e. g. Milward Jones 2015; Pinch 1993). Three issues will be dealt with in this article. Was an object in question merely a votive piece or was it rather a part of the ritual equipment of a sanctuary? Was it dedicated by a private individual or provided by the authorities in charge? Can the vessel with the name of Maathorneferura reveal to us more about her queenship? References to this queen of Hittite origin are very scarce, thus any object with her name is of importance. This study, therefore, aims not only at providing a better understanding of the purpose/use of the objects in question, but also to specifically assess the relevance of the object with the queen’s name. Two different approaches to these questions will be examined. First, in order to further enhance our understanding of the objects, their description is followed by a short overview discussing their modes of production, distribution and suggested uses and meanings. Second, it will be considered whether and how the vessels in question might concur with the royal religious policy in the area. Only after this broader, more general and less relevant context of the vessels’ use is explored will they be analysed from the viewpoint of their immediate archaeological context (i.e. as a part of a specific assemblage). The finds The excavation site, a rectangle of 15 m (north-south) by 25 m (east-west), was divided into a square grid. Each square of the grid measures 5 × 5 metres. The grid begins from the northern borders of the entrance hall ( pr-wr.w), where it is on the same level as the cause­way. The following squares extend to the east and descend gradually by levels. The height of each level is 1 metre. Our assemblage was recovered from the square no. 14,

2 Maathorneferura is not frequently attested in inscriptions. For the references, see Fischer 2013: 75–119; Kitchen 1979: 857. It should also be noted that her arrival in Egypt postdates the death of Sethy I by more than 30 years.

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Fig. 1. Area north of Sahura’s causeway with location of the finds. (© Abusir Project: Drawn by El Sayed Shoura)

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level 7 (fig. 1, plan with location of square 14). Level 7 was approximately 7 metres below the surface of the causeway. Two faience fragments SA_2019_N14_L6/7_3353 a, b (Fig. 2), belonged to what seems to be a rather large ointment container (for similar containers, see Friedman 1998, 139, fig. 121) or a jar. The diameter of the vessel’s rim was 8 cm, the preserved height is 9 cm. The vessel was of a slightly deeper blue colour,3 with a relatively fine core with the colour hue 2.5 YR 7/3. The pot was decorated using the colour black. Right below the vessel’s rim, triangles are depicted, possibly representing petals of the blue lotus (see Tait 1963, 93–139). On the jar’s body, three columns of text are preserved. In the first one, the name and an epithet of Amun-Ra appear: Jmn -Ra  nb  nswt  tA.wy  followed by the word mry. The king was thus designated on this vessel as the beloved of Amun-Ra. The second and third columns make reference to Sethy I. In the second column, we read nb  tA.wy  Mn -MAa. t -Ra  dj  anx , suggesting that the king was still alive when the vessel was fabricated. The third column contains the words zA-Ra  %txj. The third fragment, SA_2019_N14_L6_3354 (Fig. 3), belonged to a faience bowl with a diameter of 16 cm and the preserved height of 3.9 cm. The bowl has a round profile. In comparison with the vessel of Sethy I, the colour of the bowl is less blue, more the colour GLEY 1 7–6/56. The faience core is coarser, with larger grains of sand, and it is of a slightly different colour – 2.5Y 7–6/4. Due to the small size of the fragment, it is difficult to fully reconstruct the interior decoration of the bowl again carried out in black. On the right side is the text, which can be transliterated as follows: Hm . t  nswt  (MA  […]  Ra) […]  pA  wr  aA  n  […]. Despite its incompleteness, it is clear that it refers to MAA. t -Hr- n frw-Ra, the Hittite wife of Ramses II, whose title was sA. t  pA  wr  aA  n  XtA.4 The text is followed by the depiction of a female figure. The figure does not face the text, but it is identified by it , therefore, it must be the queen herself (compare e. g. with Milward Jones 2015: 1702, fig. 11). Production, distribution, uses and meanings The faience objects in general, and vessels in particular were recovered from all contexts – settlement, cultic, as well as funerary. Faience is a relatively inexpensive and widespread material,5 but that does not mean that it was not valued by ancient Egyptians. Its lustre 3 The reference to the particular shade of blue according to the Munsell colour system has not yet been available to the author. 4 The exact orthography of her designation “daughter of the great ruler of Hatti” differs with regard to a particular document and was probably used for aesthetic/space reasons. The orthography closest to the Abusir bowl can be found in the Karnak version of the marriage stela (see Kitchen 1979: 234 [12], 257 [13]). For the recent study on the Hittite queen, see Fischer 2013: 75–119. 5 Its most costly component was the colourant which might either have been from copper or copper ores, eventually a cobalt-based colourant from oases. See Nicholson 2007: 135–136; Patch 1998: 32. Or the distribution at selected New Kingdom royal sites, see Hodgkinson 2017.

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Fig. 2. Faience vessels bearing the name of Sethy I (drawing: Martina Bardoňová and Eduardo Trigo Sánchez).

related it to the solar ideology, while its blue/green colour was related to concepts such as regeneration, rebirth and/or creation (Bianchi 1998: 28). For these qualities, faience was deliberately chosen to fabricate certain ritual objects (Bianchi 1998: 29; Patch 1998: 43). The New Kingdom archaeological evidence demonstrates that the production of faience was diversified. It took place in large specialised, purpose-built complexes, as well as in smaller, less specialised workshops, frequently located in elite houses, and also finally on a household level in sub-elite houses. It is possible that all workshops of the era were, in the first instance, controlled by the royal administration and/or by temples (Bianchi 1998: 23; Gaballa 1979: 45, 51; Friedman 1998: 156, fig. 166). Royal palaces, temples and elite houses were definitely distribution centres of this material (Hodgkinson 2017: 291, fig. 8.2). All these modes of production might have been present at one and the same settlement site (see Hodgkinson 2017: 287–288; Nicholson 2007: 145). Not all these production units, however, necessarily produced all types of goods. It seems reasonable to assume that the production of vessels with royal names took place

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Fig. 3. Faience bowl bearing the name of the queen Maathorneferura (drawing: Martina Bardoňová and Eduardo Trigo Sánchez).

in palace-controlled workshops and that their distribution was restricted and controlled by royal institutions. The production in a palace-controlled workshop does not automatically imply a donation to a sanctuary on behalf of the royalty. A considerable number of objects with royal names seem to once have been in the possession of private individuals. These were frequently, but not exclusively, found in funerary contexts (Bruyere 1934: 76–78; Cox 1979: 277, fig. 453; Pinch 1993: 305–307). The distribution of faience objects inscribed with royal names around Amarna might serve as an example.6 Even though the majority were found in and around the royal palace, royal tomb and cultic places, a smaller number was also recovered in the houses of particular individuals (Stevens 2006: 185–186). These latter objects might have been royal gifts. Pinch, however, suggests that this was not necessarily always the case. The use of the royal cartouches could, according to her, 6 It should be noted that access to some objects such as rings, eventually scarabs, was less restricted than access to, for example, vessels. For example, the royal name jewellery might have been distributed to a larger segment of the population during the religious festivals (Stevens 2007: 282, 286).

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also be related to the king’s role as intermediary between the human and divine worlds (Pinch 1993: 307). She, however, seems to base her assumption on the material from Deir el-Medina. As the village was inhabited by craftsmen working for the king in such a sensitive matter as the construction of the royal tomb was, those inscribed objects might equally be gifts/rewards. Even though all faience vessels might originally have been gifts from royal institutions, those who dedicated them to the divinities might have been and probably frequently were private individuals. Just as the identity of donors is uncertain, so is also the time of the donation. Elaborate pieces with royal names were suitable to become prized family heirlooms. The stone vessel with the name of Hatshepsut, found in the magazines at the Amarna royal palace (Stevens 2007: 167; Garfi 1986: 90, 92) could serve as an example of the period of time during which such pieces were stored. Proceeding specifically to the material recently found in Abusir, the vessels similar to Sethy I’s jar predate the New Kingdom. Faience containers of this type inscribed with royal names were recovered from New Kingdom foundation deposits as well as from sanctuaries (Friedman 1998: 227, no. 121; Stevens 2006: 186). Some nice examples, though not featuring the blue lotus petals and inscribed for Ramses II, were found in the Hathor sanctuary at Serabit el-Khadim (Petrie 1906: pls. 146: 9, 10). Fragments of similarly shaped faience vessels had also been earlier recovered from Ptahshepses’s mastaba and the Sekhmet sanctuary in Abusir. However, these latter pieces were not inscribed with royal cartouches and Borchardt dated them to the post-New Kingdom era (Charvát 1981, 264, J1469; Borchardt 1910: 131–132). The distribution of this particular type of vessel, all the more when inscribed with royal cartouches, thus seems somewhat restricted, which might be related to their use and symbolical associations. It is definitely problematic to attribute one particular function to any vessel type. However, it has been suggested that small jars like that of Sethy I might have served as containers for cosmetics (Pinch 1993: 307). The decoration of the vessel, reminiscent of the blue lotus, would further enhance its association with concepts of regeneration and creation already inherent in the material itself. They might have been donated to sanctuaries as votive and/or ritual objects. However, Pinch is personally inclined to believe that their use as ritual equipment was more frequent. Additionally, she points out that an object might been used in the temple by its donor and later remained there as a votive object, thus the two functions were not mutually exclusive (Pinch 1993: 321). The faience bowls, on the other hand, are among the most frequently attested vessels made of this material (Milward Jones 2015: 1693, 1695). As such, they were recovered from all types of contexts – cultic (Milward Jones 2015: Petrie 1906, pls. 149, 155–156), funerary (Brunton – Engelbach 1927: pl. XXXI.22; Petrie 1907: pl. XXIII.54), as well as domestic (Milward Jones 2015: 1697; Petrie 1891: 16).7 It is, nevertheless, possible

7 Numerous fragments were also collected during the recent excavations of the Gurob Harem Palace Project, see online preliminary reports of the Gurob Harem Palace Project: http://www.gurob.org. uk/seasons.php

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that even in a domestic environment, the vessels might have, in fact, been employed in religious actions (e. g. Milward Jones 2015, 1707). The bowl of Maathorneferura can be classified as belonging to the so-called Ramesside group which replaced the earlier group of the so-called marsh bowls.8 The former type developed sometime around the end of Eighteenth Dynasty and was characterised by a round profile, no external decoration and a missing foot. The rim was either left plain or decorated with black dots. The interior decoration features blossom(s) of a white lotus, offering scenes or pictorial scenes of humans/animals/occasionally plants that filled the surface in a “square shape” (Milward Jones 2015: 1693, 1695). According to Milward Jones (2015: 1707), the decoration of the Ramesside bowls refers to the flood and its celebration, and they might have been employed in popular rites and celebrations, such as offerings of the flood water to deities or the deceased, or the celebration of the flood by drinking its water. It should be noted that some Ramesside bowls bore no interior decoration but the royal name.9 Two such bowls, one with the name of Ramses II and the other with that of Merenptah, were also found in the Sekhmet sanctuary at Abusir (Borchardt 1910: 131). It is not clear whether these bowls with royal names were imbued with the same set of associations and therefore had the same uses as the decorated pieces or not. If any conceptual differences existed between the pieces with royal names and those with other decorations, the question arises as to which group the items with queens’ names should be classified. Maathorneferura’s bowl was definitely decorated with more than just her name and titles and in this, it resembles typical Ramesside group bowls. However, could the presence of the queen’s name have any specific connotations besides those considered above by Milward Jones? In this sense, it is interesting to consider the earlier marsh-bowls. In fact, like the Ramesside vessels, the marsh-bowls might also, among others, have evoked the inundation and/or the waters of Nun (Pinch 1993: 305–313; Strauss 1974: 69–75), from which the inundation originated (Assmann 1984: 77–80). The earlier group of bowls might have served various purposes such as, a substitute for floral offerings, containers for the pure water of inundation, vessels for milk or wine, or they could have been purely votive (Pinch 1993: 312–315). Like some Ramesside bowls, the marsh-bowls also sometimes featured royal names. Normally, those of the queens or princesses related to the cult of Hathor (Pinch 1993: 309, 315). The kings’ names occurred rather in a filial role (Pinch 1993: 315). Might Maathorneferura’s bowl have had similar connotations? The idea of decorating an object with a queen’s name due to her relation with Hathor and the use of similar objects to celebrate the floods could mean that other festivals might be considered compatible. In addition, it should not be forgotten that in ancient Egypt, water in general and the 8 For the name marsh-bowl, see e. g. Pinch 1993: 305, 308–309, 311–312. The vessels are, however, also called “Nun Schalen” (Strauss 1974: 69–75). 9 The bowls inscribed only with royal names are definitely older, see e. g. the bowl with the throne name of Thutmose II found in the tomb of Senenmut’s family (TT71), MMA 36.3.9 (Cox 1979: 277, fig. 453).

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flood water in particular had a strong symbolic meaning, again related to concepts of life, fertility and renewal.10 The vessel thus might have been used during celebrations, festivals or regular rituals as a container for liquid offerings or for purification water. Eventually, it could possibly have been used in some magical ritual. However, it also might have been a votive object given because of the queen’s role as a specific intermediary and/or a patron associated with the Hathor cult, or was sent by her. Based on all that is stated above, it seems clear that both types of faience vessels were originally produced by and distributed from a workshop controlled by royal authorities, be it to the temple or to a private individual. They might have been used in ritual actions and as such, they might both belong to the specific ritual equipment of the temple, potentially donated by the authorities in charge. This ritual use seems slightly more probable in the case of the jar of Sethy I. Nevertheless, the exact use is not inherent in the vessels’ type, neither is it possible to assess the vessels’ function based purely on the fact that they were found in the vicinity of the Sekhmet sanctuary. In the following pages, further historical and archaeological contexts of the finds will therefore be discussed. Votive or ritual:11 the objects in their contexts Evidence of royal activities in the sanctuary As has been already stated, the veneration of Sekhmet of Sahura seems to have developed as a popular cult around the mid-Eighteenth Dynasty. In fact, the first New Kingdom evidence from the area is a graffito dating to the reign of Thutmosis III, in which the author still refers to the monument of the King Sahura and not to that of Sekhmet (Megally 1981: 220–221, 227; Navrátilová 2015: 89). Besides Thutmosis III, who appears in the dating formula of the latter graffito (Megally 1981: 220–221; Navrátilová 2015: 89), the earliest king referred to on reliefs from the Sekhmet sanctuary is Thutmosis IV (Borchardt 1910: 101; Mynářová 2006a: 113–114). The last New Kingdom king presently attested at Abusir is Merenptah (Borchardt 1910: 104).12 In general terms, it can be said that the stronger royal presence in the sanctuary, logically, coincided with the reigns of kings who are known to have at least temporarily resided in the Memphite area. The presence of the king might have potentially been substituted by the presence of his son.13 Based on the finds presented by Borchardt (1910: 101, 120– 123, 131–132), kings are, before the reign of Aye, only attested either on small objects or on stelae of their officials. Aye himself donated a stela in his own name to the sanc-

10 This symbolism led to its use in healing (see Janák – Megahed – Vymazalová 2011: 29–30; Wilkinson 1999: 94–95: 103). 11 The difference between votive objects and regular offerings is one of duration. While sacrifices/ offerings related to perishable materials, votive objects were permanent memorials of a prayer to the deity (Pinch 1993: 335; Rouse 1902: 1). 12 Later on, Ahmosis II is attested on a graffito (Baines 1973: 12). 13 This was the case with Amenhotep III’s son Thutmosis and Ramses II’s son Khaemwaset.

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tuary. The heyday of royal involvement in the sanctuary seems to have been the reign of Horemheb and the early Nineteenth Dynasty (see also Mynářová 2006a: 113–114). While we can, to a certain extent, trace what was behind the visits of private individuals to the various parts of the broad Memphite necropolis – funerary activities, cultic activities, stone quarrying, relief copying14 or sightseeing (see Navrátilová 2015: 105), it is less clear what might have attracted royal attention. The motives of the royal patronage of the Sekhmet sanctuary could be manifold, include the growing popularity of the place, as well as Sahura’s role in the royal ancestor cult (Navrátilová 2015: 83; Wildung 2010: 276). They might also be related to the construction of the nearby temple recently uncovered by the Czech mission at the Abusir Lake (Bárta – Varadzin – Janák – Mynářová – Brůna 2018: 10–14). It is possible that this latter monument was also dedicated to the goddess Sekhmet.15 Indeed, Sekhmet is one of the deities particularly relevant for the royalty. Since the Old Kingdom, she appears in the written sources as the king’s mother (see LD III: 194, 2; PT 262b, 2206c). Additionally, she is the one who defeats the king’s enemies as well as those of the gods (see e. g. CT VII: 157, 173b). Last but not least, an important place also seems to have existed further south, in southern Abusir (Yoshimura 2006: 294–300), that attracted the presence of Memphite elites, including some members of the royal family. It is clear that, like in Thebes and Abydos, festivals in Memphis were also celebrated with processions. It is possible that, as it was the case in Abydos, the heyday of processions in Memphis was also between the end of the Eighteenth and during the early Nineteenth Dynasty (compare with Budka 2015b). It is exactly at this point that the royal patronage of the Sekhmet of Sahura cult seems to have developed and it is also at this point that the royal presence in Memphis was felt the most. Unfortunately, other than the presence of a processional way leaving the temple of Ptah, little is known about the actual route(s) and stops/resting places (see Kitchen 1991). The sanctuary of Sekhmet might at some point have become a place visited by local processions, or its importance might have been bolstered by processions entering its vicinity, for example those travelling to the temple at the Abusir Lake. Regarding the royal presence in the Memphite area, Sethy I possessed a palace there, which might have been, according to Kitchen (1991: 96; see also Kitchen 1975: 243– 281) located somewhere east of the Ptah temple and north of Merenptah’s palace. This place thus might have been at a distance of about 8 km from Central Abusir. Near this palace, Sethy I started to develop one of his ambitious building programmes. In terms of general outline, Sethy I’s building activities in Memphis corresponded to those he undertook in other major centres in the country, namely Thebes and Abydos (Brand 2000: 364). The majority of the work included edifices added to the earlier temple of Ptah from the reign of Amenhotep III (Brand 2000: 352; Kitchen 1991: 88–89). The most 14 Borchardt (1910: 106–107) claims that, until Late Antiquity, this particular temple was in a much better state of preservation than any other Old Kingdom royal funerary monument. Baines (1973: 9–14), however, disagrees with this notion. 15 Personal communication with J. Janák.

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significant monuments were, however, completed only during the reign of Ramses II (Brand 2000: 352; Masquelier-Loorius 2013: 118). However, Sethy I did not limit his building activities in the Memphite area to monuments dedicated to the local patron. It seems that he also constructed a place dedicated to the Theban deities Amun and Mut (Brand 2000: 352). All these activities, naturally, played an important role in Sethy I’s royal propaganda programme (Brand 2000: 365, 380). On the one hand, Sethy I, deeply influenced by the personal piety of his era, presented himself as a pious person. On the other hand, he designed his monuments to promote the royal cult, more specifically the cult of the royal kA, through which he became a manifestation of Amun as well as of other divinities (Brand 2000: 385–391, 392). Sethy I’s involvement in the Sekhmet sanctuary at Abusir exceeded the mere potential donation of objects and included building activities as well.16 Additionally, the king left an inscription in the sanctuary identifying it as the monument of Mw. t -Cx m . t -BAs. tt  (Borchardt 1910, 103–104; Brand 2000: 352). The identification of the local Sekhmet with Amun’s wife, Mut, is not a surprise. Evidence of Mut absorbing aspects of Sekhmet can be found, for example, in the Great Hypostyle Hall of Karnak initiated by Sethy I, as well as in his funerary temple (see e. g. Leitz 2002: 253, 255). Both suggest that Sethy I might have integrated the cult of Sekhmet of Sahura into his religious politics. Furthermore, the latter – the merging of the two goddesses – could potentially explain the presence of Amun’s name on the jar found in Abusir,17 if it was donated to the sanctuary directly from the royal magazines. Considering all the things stated above, it is tempting to interpret the faience vessel with Sethy I’s name as a part of ritual equipment sent to the newly rebuilt/embellished sanctuary by the authorities in charge, provided it had anything like permanent ritual equipment, which is not certain. Another option is that the vessels come from some disturbed foundation deposit in the area.18 Like his father Sethy I, Ramses II might also have resided in Memphis for some time. However, in his case, it would have been at the very beginning of his reign (Obsomer 2012: 105), as he later preferred Pi-Ramses over the ancient capital. Nevertheless, the royal presence in Memphis could be felt via his son Khaemwaset. It is unclear whether Ramses II engaged in any building activity in the Sekhmet sanctuary. One granite block might bear his name, however, the cartouche is incomplete and only the signs Wsr-MAa. t -Ra  mr  […] can be read (Borchardt 1910: 104). There is, therefore, a possibil16 The first author of this article has recently discovered architectural elements inscribed with Sethy I’s name in the area. 17 Additionally, the inscription of Sethy I mentioned above is not the only object from the sanctuary establishing a potential link between Sekhmet and Amun. The other one is the stela donated by the soldiers Pr-aA- nHH  and KAsA, who might have been Sethy’s contemporaries. In the upper part of this stela, Pr-aA- nHH  venerates Sekhmet and in its lower part, KAsA  venerates Amun (Borchardt 1910: 123). 18 Provided a vessel of this size would have been part of a foundation deposit.

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ity that the king named here is Ramses III.19 This testimony, which is so far the only one of its kind and which is also uncertain, of Ramses II’s potential building activities in the sanctuary is, however, substituted by the activities of his son Khaemwaset. The prince left a relief on the temple’s entrance, where he is depicted as bringing a statue of Sekhmet to the sanctuary.20 Additionally, he left one of his famous restoration inscriptions on the pyramid’s casing (Borchardt 1910: 104). In other words, since the presence of the vessel of Sethy I corresponds very well with his supposed religious and building policy in the area, there is a possibility that the object was provided directly from the royal magazines – whatever its use was. The interpretation of the presence of Maathorneferura’s bowl is more problematic. The potential connection of this bowl with the Hathoric rites would comply with Fisher’s (2013: 111) finding that the few pieces on which Maathorneferura’s iconography is preserved represents her in association with Hathor’s rituals. However, this neither means that the queen really performed these rites, nor that the bowl was donated to the Sekhmet sanctuary by the royal house. We might also ask why Maathorneferura is so far the only queen of Ramses II attested in the Sekhmet sanctuary. Of course, we could attribute it to the haphazard preservation of the finds, as well as to the fact that the excavation has not yet been concluded. Nevertheless, it is interesting to ask why it is her name that appears on a ritual vessel and not that of any other of Ramses II’s queens. For example, queen Bentanath, prince’s Khaemwaset full sister and a person who might, via her mother, have had a closer link to the Memphite area, might from our modern point of view seem a better candidate to be represented in the sanctuary. We can think of a number of answers to this question, from personal choice based on whichever unknown reasons, to the existence of sets of vessels in royal magazines from which one was chosen without giving it much thought. On the other hand, similar uncertainties regarding the interpretation of Mathorneferura’s bowl could also lead us to ask whether the bowl reached the sanctuary as a votive object via a non-royal person. Related finds Importantly, the faience fragments with royal names were not the only finds recovered from square 14 (fig. 2). Altogether, one hundred and forty-six pottery fragments were collected in this square (see fig. 1). Fifty-three of them were diagnostic. The vast majority, forty-four sherds, originated from jars. About half of them pertained to the so-called beer jars. The bases of three of them were intentionally pierced. Another base of this 19 In this sense, see, for example, the faience vessel published by Borchardt (1910: 131, fig. 178, bl. 14). Similar vessels, this time inscribed for Ramses III, were found, for example, in Sinai (Petrie 1906: figs. 155–156). Nevertheless, Borchardt (1910: 131) points out that the technique with which it was fabricated had been known since the Eighteenth Dynasty. 20 Borchardt (1910: 124) reads the name WjA- n /m -WAst  on the relief, but it seems plausible that it was left by ¢A- m -wAs. t (also Kitchen 1979: p. 875 (9)).

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type contained remains of white gypsum-like material. The remaining jar fragments belonged to containers for storage and transport. Only six fragments encountered in this context pertained to dishes/bowls. One sherd originated from a red coated bread plate and one from a goblet. Two fragments of yet another Ramesside faience bowl belong to this assemblage, on which only part of the floral motive has survived.21 50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 jar

dish/bowl

bread plate

stand

goblet

Fig. 4. Proportion of the vessel types found in the square 14.

Twelve fragments from the assemblage with faience vessels were painted with blue. One of them shows traces of soot inside. All of them were decorated with linear patterns corresponding to the Ramesside era (see Aston 1998; Hope 2016). They originated from at least seven different vessels. One rim fragment belonged to a large funnel-necked jar (for the type, see Aston 1998: 318 no. 1323, 391 no. 1382). It bore traces of a gypsum-like substance. Altogether, four blue-painted fragments belonged to this vessel. The majority of the vessels were of Nile B2 clay. One small fragment with traces of blue colour was made of marl A4. The blue-painted pottery is probably the most conspicuous part of the New Kingdom corpus. Not only did the vessels have important aesthetic qualities, but the blue pigment used for their fabrication also contained components imported from as far as the Western Desert Oasis (Budka 2013: 205; Nicholson 2007: 157–158. It is, therefore, possible that the production was limited to certain royally supplied centres, from which it went through various channels to other sites in Egypt (Budka 2015a: 139). Additionally, the blue-painted vessels seem to relate to the broad theme of life and regeneration (Budka 21 This vessel was discovered at the beginning of the 2019 autumn season and has not yet been fully studied.

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2013: 204–206). Nevertheless, they served many purposes and their function depended on the particular context (Budka 2013: 206, Hope 2016: 114).22 The uses ranged from the festive and ritual to the storage of commodities, food preparation and consumption, though these latter uses might also have taken place in the context of festivities and celebrations (see Budka 2006; 2013; 2015a; Hope 2016: 114). Budka opines that the common reason for the use of the blue-painted pottery might have been an association with festival occasions and ceremonial activities (Budka 2013: 201). She also shows how pottery found in Abydos South and Umm el Qaab might have been used within the framework of festivals with bark processions. The heyday of these activities – reigns of Sethy I and Ramses II (Budka 2013: 196–202) – coincides with the material recently recovered in Central Abusir. In fact, many votive offerings, besides the blue-painted pottery, were donated precisely on the occasions of religious festivals (Budka 2015a; 2015b; Pinch 1993: 350–351). It has been already suggested that the festival(s) and related celebrations could represent an important framework within which to consider the New Kingdom finds in and around the Sekhmet sanctuary at Abusir. The inscription of Ptahemwia from the neighbouring mastaba of Ptahshepses testifies that similar actions took place. This graffito dates to the year 50 of Ramses II and relates the visit of Ptahemwia and his father to Abusir, where they, alongside others, made offerings to Sekhmet of Sahura. The day that appears in the dating formula is the festival of Shu (see Navrátilová 2015: 99 fig. 4). What more can be said about the use of faience vessels based on the find context? It should be stressed that it is not clear how exactly the deposit was formed. None of the vessels could be completely reconstructed which, together with the burnt blue-painted fragment, suggest that they are completely de-contextualised. It should not be forgotten that several excavations took place in the area, during the Twentieth and early Twenty-first Centuries. Therefore, what has been found north of Sahura’s causeway might be pieces discarded at different times from different places in the area, which were brought to their final place by processes not intercepted in the evidence – the movement of sand, construction in the area etc. We also should not forget that Sekhmet’s cult was not the only reason for human presence in Central Abusir. Individuals also came there to cut and take the stone from local monuments, including that of Sahura, to enlarge and/or embellish the Sekhmet sanctuary, or to perform other activities. However, it is unlikely that the faience vessels, at least the one inscribed for Sethy I, were used by the stonecutters. Regarding the potential use of the pottery within the Sekhmet cult previous to its being discarded, some pieces like the pierced beer jars, possibly the blue-painted pottery and all three faience vessels might have been employed in some rituals (Bourriau 1981: 113). The beer jars in general might represent a suitable container for presenting certain offerings.23 On the other hand, the remaining jars would serve either to transport the goods to Abusir or to store them at the site. If we compare this assemblage with the 22 Regarding Abusir, they were found in tombs and as discarded sherds, were out of context (Mynářová 2006b: 74–82). 23 Consultation with Dr Pamela Rose.

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material recovered, for example, from sanctuary 561/450 at Amarna, we notice that the largest proportion of pottery fragments found in the sanctuary itself pertained to dishes/bowls. Furthermore, a number of them showed traces of incense burning (Rose 1986: 99–117).24 Similar patterns might also have once existed in Hathor’s sanctuary at Mirgissa. Burnt bowls/dishes and also goblets/cups were found here, too (Karlin 1970: 193–194, 322–324). Almost half of the pottery fragments found in square 14 thus could be, on the most basic level, considered to have been used for the storage and transport of goods, including liquids, while the few dishes, the plate and the goblet, could have been used to consume food and liquids, or, in this case, to present the offerings. This could possibly be the case for the beer jars, too. The assemblage from square 14 in its entirety does not look like a discard from the sanctuary itself. If it was discarded from one place only, it could, for example, originate from a storeroom, or some other place where offerings were transferred from transport vessels into the vessels in which they were presented. Nevertheless, considering the nature of the assemblage, it is possible that the vessels in question were discarded from several different places and might in fact be a mixture of ritual, votive and transport/storage pieces. In other words, the archaeological context does not allow one to affirm that the faience vessels were used ritually, although this function seems more likely based on analysing their nature and the historical context. Conclusions The recent excavation of the mission at the uppermost end of the northern part of the causeway of Sahura yielded a considerable amount of New Kingdom material. The majority of this material, in all likelihood, originated from the activities related to the cult of Sekhmet of Sahura. However, we should not forget about the presence of stonecutters, constructors and other individuals at the site. The subject of this article was one particular New Kingdom assemblage. It stands out among other finds from this era and area due to the presence of two fragmented faience vessels inscribed for royalty – a cosmetic jar inscribed with the names of Sethy I and a bowl making reference to the queen Maathorneferura. These were the main focus of the study. In addition, the assemblage in question contained fragments of yet another Ramesside faience bowl, slightly more than the usual amount of the blue-painted fragments and pottery fragments originating mostly from jars. It is not clear how the assemblage was formed. All the vessels are very fragmented and practically de-contextualised. Some pieces, like the pierced beer jars, the sherds with gypsum and the blue-painted pottery could have been used for certain rites or at least within the framework of the cultic activities. However, it is impossible to state whether 24 It should be noted that other contexts excavated in spring 2019 at Central Abusir yielded dishes with traces of burning and remains of resinous content, they were not, however, numerous. These likely represent the discard from rites performed in the sanctuary.

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the pieces were discarded from one place (e. g. a sanctuary) or from several places. The latter possibility seems slightly more probable. Faience as well as pottery destined for the cult could reach the Sekhmet sanctuary either as votive objects donated by private individuals or by royalty, or as offerings (regular or not). There is a possibility that at least some of the fragments mentioned belonged to vessels that arrived in Abusir during a specific religious festival (or festivals), whose celebration might or might not have included processions. All the pieces attest that the area around Sahura’s temple was a busy place at the beginning of the Nineteenth Dynasty and a place important enough to be able to attract royal attention. However, it is not possible to assess the use of the faience vessels based purely on their archaeological context. Both inscribed faience vessels were most probably produced and distributed by the workshops controlled by royal authorities. This might also hold true for the blue-painted fragments. However, it is not clear whether they were destined to go to the sanctuary right from the royal magazine or whether they were donated by the private individuals who received the pieces as a gift. In the case of Sethy I’s vessel, the former possibility seems more probable. First, Sethy I’s activities in the Sekhmet sanctuary seem to suggest that this cult was somehow integrated into his religious policy in the area. Second, the type and the quality of the jar seem to support the theory of it being ritual equipment or a royal gift. The interpretation of the presence of the bowl of Maathorneferura in Abusir is less clear. As has been already stated, the vessel was most probably also a product of a workshop under royal control, and therefore something from the royal palace seems worthy of being produced and desirable to distribute. Additionally, it might link the queen to Hathoric rites and the cult, which is something Fisher (2013) also observed in the case of the remaining iconographic evidence depicting this queen. In other words, Maathorneferura was probably considered, at least by the royal palace, a suitable intermediary in religious affairs and a potential female patron. The find therefore confirms that she was considered, even if it was only on a theoretical level, to play the same role as the royal consorts of indigenous origin. However, the things stated above do not explain the presence and use of the bowl in Central Abusir, as this type of faience object might have been used in rituals, as well as might have been a votive object donated by a private individual. Contrary to Sethy I, Ramses II’s activities in the Sekhmet sanctuary are less clear. At a certain point, he might have been engaged in some building activities here, but the evidence is ambiguous. Around the time Maathorneferure arrived in Egypt, it was Ramses II’s son Khaemwaset who seems to have been more active at the site. Nevertheless, it is difficult to state how his potential activities could be related to the presence of a bowl inscribed for Maathorneferura. Therefore, the question as to whether the bowl was ritual equipment, possibly a gift, sent to the sanctuary from the royal magazines, or a votive object and/or ritual object used by a private individual, cannot be satisfactorily answered.

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Acknowledgment This article was completed within the framework of the DFG Project-ID 389349558 “Archaologie des agyptischen Staates und seiner Wirtschaft im 3. Jahrtausend v. Chr.: eine neue Untersuchung des Sahure-Aufwegs in Abusir” (https://gepris.dfg.de/gepris/ projekt/389349558). Bibliography Assmann, Jan 1984 Ägypten: Theologie und Frömmigkeit einer frühen Hochkultur, Stuttgart: Kohlhammer. Aston, David A. 1998 Die Keramik des Grabungsplatzes Q I. Tl. 1. Corpus of fabrics, wares and shapes, Mainz: Philip von Zabern. Baines, John 1973 “The destruction of the pyramid temple of Saḥure”, Göttinger Miszellen 4, pp. 9–14. Bárta, Miroslav – Varadzin, Ladislav – Janák, Jiří – Mynářová, Jana – Brůna, Vladimír 2018 “The temple of Ramses II in Abusir”, Egyptian Archaeology 52, pp. 10–14. Bianchi, Steven R. 1998 “Symbols and Meanings”, in: Friedman, Florence (ed.). Gifts of the Nile. Ancient Egyptian Faience, New York: Thames and Hudson, pp. 22–31. Borchardt, Ludwig 1910 Das Grabdenkmal des Königs S‘ahu-re. Bd. 1, Der Bau, Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs. Bourriau, Janine 1981 Umm el-Ga’ab: pottery from the Nile valley before the Arab conquest, Cambridge: University Press. Brand, Peter J. 2000 The Monuments of Seti I: Epigraphic, Historical and Art Historical Analysis, Leiden: Brill. Brunton, Guy – Engelbach, Reginald 1927 Gurob, London: Quaritch. Bruyere, Bernard 1934 Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el Médineh (1931–1932). Pt. 1, Cairo: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale. Budka, Julia 2006 “Vessels of life: New evidence for creative aspects in material remains from domestic sites”, in: Bader, Bettina – Knoblauch, Christian – Köhler, E. Christiana (eds.). Vienna 2 – ancient Egyptian ceramics in the 21st century. Proceedings of the international conference held at the University of Vienna, 14th–18th of May, 2012. Leuven: Peeters pp. 85–102.

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2013 “Festival pottery from New Kingdom Egypt: three case studies”, in: Bader, Bettina – Mary F. Ownby (eds.). Functional aspects of Egyptian ceramics in their archaeological context, Leuven: Peeters, pp. 185–213. 2015a “Festival pottery of the New Kingdom: the case of Elephantine”, in: Kousoulis, Panagiotis – Lazaridis, Nicolas (eds.). Proceedings of the Tenth International Congress of Egyptologists: University of the Aegean, Rhodes, Leuven: Peeters, pp. 131–145. 2015b “Marks on Egyptian festival pottery: the use of pot marks in the context of Osirian rituals at Umm el-Qaab, Abydos”, in: Budka, Julia – Kammerzell, Frank – Rzepka, Sławomir (eds.). Non-textual marking systems in ancient Egypt (and elsewhere), Hamburg: Widmaier, pp. 283–297. Cox, Warren E 1979 The Book of Pottery and Porcelain 1, New York: Crown Publishing. El-Awady, Tarek 2013 “Sekhmet-Sahure: new evidence”, Études et Travaux 26, pp. 57–63. Fischer, Marjorie 2013 “A diplomatic marriage in the Ramesside period: Mathorneferure, daughter of the Great Ruler of Hatti”, in: Collins, Billie Jean – Piotr Michalowski (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute of Gary Beckman, Atlanta: Lockwood Press. Friedman, Florence D. 1998 Gifts of the Nile. Ancient Egyptian Faience, New York: Thames and Hudson. Gaballa, Ali Gaballa 1979 “False-door stelae of some Memphite personnel”, Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 7, pp. 41–52. Garfi, Salvatore 1986 “The Amarna Survey: the survey of the city”, in: Kemp, Barry J. (ed.). Amarna reports III, London: Egypt Exploration Society, pp. 90–98. Hodgkinson, Anna K. 2017 Technology and urbanism in Late Bronze Age Egypt, New York: Oxford University Press. Hope, Colin A. 2016 The survey of Memphis X: Kom Rabia: the blue-painted pottery, London: Egypt Exploration Society. Janák, Jiří – Megahed, Mohamed – Vymazalová, Hana 2011 “Healing water in Egyptian tradition: from the ancient cippi to the modern ṭāsit ilkhadda”, in: Vymazalová, Hana – Megahed, Mohamed – Ondráš, František (eds.). Ancient echoes in the culture of modern Egypt, Prague: Charles University, pp. 28–46. Karlin, Claudine 1970 “Le sanctuaire d’Hathor”, in: Vercoutter, Jean, Mirgissa. Vol. 1, Paris: Mission archéologique française au Soudan, pp. 307–366. Kitchen, Kenneth A. 1975 Ramesside inscriptions: historical and biographical. Vol. 1, Oxford: Blackwell. 1979 Ramesside inscriptions: historical and biographical. Vol. 2, Oxford: Blackwell.

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1991 “Towards a reconstruction of Ramesside Memphis”, in: Bleiberg, Edward – Freed, Rita (eds.). Fragments of a shattered visage: the proceedings of the international symposium of Ramses the Great, Memphis, TN: Memphis State University, pp. 87–104. Leitz, Christian 2002 Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen (Bd. 3), Leuven: Peeters. Masquelier-Loorius, Julie 2013 Séthi Ier et le début de la XIXe dynastie, Paris: Pygmalion. Megally, Mounir 1981 “Two visitors’ graffiti from Abûṣîr”, Chronique d’Égypte 56(112), pp. 218–240. Milward Jones, Angela 2015 “Faience bowls of the Late New Kingdom”, in: Kousoulis, Panagiotis – Lazaridis, Nicolas (eds.), Proceedings of the 10th International Congress of Egyptologists, University of the Aegean, Rhodes, 22–29 May 2008, Leuven: Peeters, pp. 1693–1707. Mynářová, Jana 2006a “Abusir in the New Kingdom: current research by the Czech Institute for Egyptology”, in: Dann, Rachael J. (ed.). Current Research in Egyptology 2004, Oxford: Oxbow Books, pp. 112–117. 2006b “Abusir - new evidence for the New Kingdom: LA 5, tomb A, shaft 1 - blue painted pottery”, in: Bárta, Miroslav – Coppens, Filip – Krejčí, Jaromír (eds.). Abusir and Saqqara in the year 2005, Prague: Charles University, pp. 74–82. Naville, Edouard – Hall, Henry R. 1913 The XIth dynasty temple of Deir el Bahari. Pt. III, London: Trübner. Navrátilová, Hana 2015 Visitors’ graffiti of dynasties 18 and 19 in Abusir and Northern Saqqara: with a survey of the graffiti at Giza, Southern Saqqara, Dahshur and Maidum, Wallasey: Abercromby Press. Nicholson, Paul T. 2007 Brilliant things for Akhenaten: the production of glass, vitreous materials and pottery at Amarna Site O45.1, London: EES. Obsomer, Claude 2012 Ramsès II, Paris: Pygmalion. Patch, Diana C. 1998 “By necessity or design: Faience use in Ancient Egypt”, in: Florence Friedman (ed.). Gifts of the Nile. Ancient Egyptian Faience, New York: Thames and Hudson, pp. 32–45. Petrie, William M. F. 1906 Researches in Sinai, London: Murray. 1907 Gizeh and Rifeh. London: Quaritch. Pinch, Geraldine 1993 Votive offerings to Hathor, Oxford: Griffith Institute, Ashmolean Museum. Rose, Pamela 1986 “Pottery from the Main Chapel”, in: Kemp, Barry J. (ed.). Amarna reports III, London: Egypt Exploration Society, pp. 99–117.

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Rouse, William H. 1902 Greek Votive Offerings. An Essay in the History of Greek Religion, London. Stevens, Anna 2006 Private religion at Amarna: the material evidence, Oxford: Archaeopress. Strauss, Elisabeth-Christine 1974 “Die Nunschalen: Eine Gefässgruppe des Neuen Reiches”, Münchner Ägyptologische Studien 30, pp. 69–75. Tait, G. A. D. 1963 “The Egyptian relief chalice”, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 49, pp. 93–139. Wildung, Dietrich 2010 “Das Nachleben des Sahure”, in: Brinkmann, Vinzenz (ed.). Sahure: Tod und Leben eines großen Pharao. Eine Ausstellung der Liebieghaus Skulpturensammlung, Frankfurt am Main. Frankfurt–München: Liebieghaus Skulpturensammlung, pp. 274–277. Wilkinson, Richard H. 1999 Symbol and magic in Egyptian art, London: Thames and Hudson.

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Sahura’s and Hatshepsut’s Punt reliefs in comparison Rosanna Pirelli (University of Naples, l’Orientale)

Abstract The discovery of some new blocks from the causeway of Sahura’s pyramid at Abusir (1994–2004) and their publication (El-Awady 2009) have already given a fundamental contribution to Egyptology. They made it possible both to revise the history of the beginning of the Fifth Dynasty, with a particular focus on the question of royal kinship, and to update our knowledge on the figurative repertoires of Old Kingdom royal temples. Among the bas-reliefs, those referring to the expedition to the land of Punt1 have been the object of great interest among scholars, as they confirm a historical datum previously known only from the Annals of the Palermo Stone. Obviously, this exotic and demanding journey also recalled the well-known scenes from the temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari, so that some studies have already been published and different opinions expressed on Hatshepsut’s “debts” towards earlier figurative programs, although El-Awady himself was extremely cautious in dealing with this.2 In one of my articles of some years ago, I suggested that we should not read the Punt reliefs solely as a realistic representation of that land and of the events that occurred, but analyze the complex of scenes within the entire figurative and textual program of the temple. The present paper intends to return to those considerations and compare the two groups of scenes in order to discuss and verify whether, to what extent and why part of Hatshepsut’s figurative program (and not only the “Punt scenes”) might have been, in some way, borrowed from Sahura’s bas-reliefs. Keywords: Punt Expedition, Hatshepsut’s Bas-Reliefs, Sahura’s Bas-Reliefs, Royal Ideology, Models from the Past

1 The name of Punt was not found in the inscriptions commenting the scenes, but many iconographical elements support this identification. The subject however is not among the purposes of this paper, where I would like to draw attention to the evident parallels between the figurative program of the temple of Hatshepsut and that of the complex of Sahura’s pyramid. For this reason, I will leave aside some of the most debated themes, including the identification of uncertain products, for which the Egyptian terms will be mentioned with a transcription from the hieroglyphic form, while the localization of Punt will be just alluded to in the Excursus on the products from Punt (see below). 2 During a lecture by Tarek El-Awady in 2011, organized by myself in Cairo, where I was responsible for the Italian Archaeological Centre, I tried to encourage a discussion between the speaker and the Director of the Polish Mission at Deir el-Bahari, Zbigniew E. Szafrański, on this subject, but the two scholars did not rise to the challenge.

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Back to the Punt reliefs The literature on Punt and on its localization has been increasing steadily since the discovery and first publication of these scenes from the temple of Hatshepsut in Deir el-Bahari (Mariette 1877; Herzog 1968).3 Moreover, in the past decades, a new series of papers (O’Connor and Quirke 2003) and monographs on this subject (Espinel 2011; Breyer 2016) have appeared, while new archaeological investigations at El-Kab (Davies 2003), Abusir (El-Awady 2009) and Mersa/Wadi Gawasis (Bard and Fattovich 2007; Bard and Fattovich 2018)4 have stimulated further interest in that land and the Punt reliefs both from Deir el-Bahari and from Abusir (Ćwiek 2014: 61–93; Breyer 2014: 47–91). In the conclusions of a rather earlier article of mine (Pirelli 1993: 383–390), I suggested that we should not read Hatshepsut’s Punt reliefs as a completely realistic representation of that land and of the events that occurred, but rather insert and contextualize the complex of scenes within the whole figurative and textual program of the temple. Considering the very recent contributions noted above, I find it necessary and stimulating to go back to this complex of reliefs, to again analyze some details of the sequence of scenes there represented and compare them with the scenes from the causeway of Sahura’s pyramid, in order to verify whether my previous statements can be still maintained and finally whether some new observations can be added to the topic.5 Intrinsic nature of the Punt reliefs Although the Punt reliefs are fairly well known, a synthetic report on their content and a diagram of the arrangement of the scenes are necessary to give a clearer context to the observations that I present in the following paragraphs (fig. 1). The scenes are incised on the walls of the south wing of the Middle Colonnade at Deir el-Bahari (Naville 1898: pls. LXIX–LXXXVI) and represent the expedition that, according to the texts there engraved, Hatshepsut sent to the land of Punt in the ninth year of her reign.6 The narrative generally develops from south to north, except for the arrival of the Egyptian expedition at Punt, placed on the southern edge of the west wall, with 3 For a fairly complete bibliography on this topic, see the recent papers mentioned below. 4 The papers of the members of the Italian-American mission at Wadi/Mersa Gawasis are very numerous and will be mentioned individually only when they concern specific aspects of the investigations. For the general results, reference will be made to the two monographs of 2007 and 2018. 5 In 2015, I presented a communication on this subject at the International Conference Flora Trade between Egypt and Africa in Antiquity, held at the University of Naples, l’Orientale (13 April 2015), but previous engagements prevented me from being in time to publish it in the proceedings. On that date, however, I had not yet had the opportunity to read the articles by Ćwiek (2014) and Breyer (2014). I here take the opportunity to thank Diego Espinel and Massimiliano Nuzzolo, who drew my attention to those studies. I immediately found it interesting that we had reached similar opinions on several aspects of the Punt reliefs, even while tackling the question from different perspectives (see below, § Discussion). 6 On the possible chronology of the expedition, see Ratié 1979: 140.

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Back to Egypt

Arrival of the Egyptian fleet

Weighing metals from the South countries by Dedun, Horus and Seshat

3 large antyw trees, ebony, ivory, galena, pure gold, cattles

Measuring antyw by 5 men and the god Thot

Thutmosis III offering myrrh to the divine boat

Hatshepsut standing

Loading the ships

South countries, boomerang, panthers and panthre-skins, gold, ebony, giraffes

Texts describing the actions

Presenting the queen with their «tributes» by the chiefs of the Nemayw, of Punt and of Irem

Hatshepsut offering to Amun products of Punt and of the Southern countries

Sahura’s and Hatshepsut’s Punt reliefs in comparison

Long text with formal announcement of the successful expedition

Amun on the throne

Fig. 1. Diagram of the content of the Punt reliefs. (Drawing: R. Pirelli)

the prows of the ships oriented towards the south. The reason for this choice is certainly twofold: on the one side, to leave the whole south wall saved for the representation of the land of Punt and, secondly, to indicate the geographical coordinates of the journey. South wall The lower register shows the exotic village (eastern half) and the Puntites with their sovereigns (Parehu and his wife) welcoming the Egyptians (western half); 1) On the second register, the eastern half is still occupied by the representation of the village, while, on the west side, Puntites and Egyptians are shown exchanging gifts; 2) The upper registers (3 and 4) show, on the western half, men carrying an tyw trees towards the Egyptian ships, while the eastern half is not preserved; however, on this part of the wall, we are certainly licensed to place various activities, whose fragmentary remains are shown in one of the plates of Naville’s publication (Naville 1898: LXX). – Excursus on the products from Punt I would like to draw the reader’s attention, for a while, to four of the fragments published by Naville in plate LXX. The first one (fig. 2a) shows a man cutting the branch of a tree (there growing) with an adze; the second (fig. 2b) contains a caption to such an image, saying “Sa  hbnj  r  aA wrt  Hr…” (cutting ebony in great quantity for…); the third (fig. 3a) and fourth (fig. 3b) depict men collecting resin in a basket from living antyw trees. These images point to the fact that here we are not faced with the simple action of delivering products ready made, which might come from different countries,7 to the Egyptian expedition, but with the contextual production and preparation of those precious products, then to be loaded on the Egyptian ships. If we compare this assumption with some of the recent data resulting from the recent excavations of the Italian-American mission to Wadi/Mersa Gawasis (Fattovich 2018), I

7 Already in 1993, and again in 2007 (Pirelli 2007: 95, n. 42), I suggested that the land of Punt was an extensive region, and that its products were collected from different countries.

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Fig. 2a–b. Cutting ebony from the terraces of Punt (after Naville 1898: LXX)

think we can try to give a contribution to the hypotheses on the provenance of the an tyw, and on the placement of the harbour where the Egyptians used to land to trade with Punt.8 Significant information comes from the analysis of three categories of materials found at Wadi/Mersa Gawasis: a) pottery; b) obsidian; c) ebony. a) The foreign pottery from the southern Red Sea region include potsherds mainly from the Southern Yemen and the Eritrean-Sudanese lowlands, and are pertinent to a chronological horizon perfectly consistent with the Egyptian ceramics found on the site (Manzo 2010; Fattovich 2012) b) At Wadi/Mersa Gawasis, the archaeologists also collected fragments of obsidian: this volcanic glass is found on both sides of the Southern Red Sea region: Eritrea, Ethiopia and South Arabia (Zarins 1989; Fattovich 2012) c) Finally, particularly revealing were the results of the analyses of the ebony: according to Reiner Gerisch, the fragments of the precious wood found so far at Wadi/Mersa Gawasis are samples of Diospyros sp. (Gerisch 2007: 183–184); it is widespread in Africa, including the lowlands of Eritrea.

8 Although the structures and the documents from the harbour of Mersa Gawasis all belong (with a few exceptions from the late Old Kingdom and of the beginning of the New Kingdom) to the Middle Kingdom, the archaeological evidence (Fattovich 2018) perfectly fits with the information provided by the reliefs of Deir el-Bahari; see further below.

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Fig. 3a–b. Collecting resin from the antyw trees (after Naville 1898: LXX)

Based on these data, the lowlands of Eritrea prove to be the only common denominator for ceramics, obsidian and Diospyris sp. It is indeed a very slender thread, which would connect the archaeological evidence of the Middle Kingdom harbour at Wadi/Mersa Gawasis with the figurative/textual documentation of the New Kingdom at Deir el-Bahari. This correspondence is, however, further confirmed by the discovery, in Wadi/Mersa Gawasis, of fragmentary rod-like pieces of ebony, closely matching the images of stacked pieces of the precious wood represented in Deir el-Bahari (Naville 1898: tav. LXX). According to Gerisch (2010: 51–52, 56), the wood was cut in this shape in Punt to be more easily transported to Egypt. In my opinion, the observed correspondence of the Puntite products represented at Deir el-Bahari with those listed in the texts, represented in private tombs, 9 and attested in the Middle Kingdom harbour enables us to very cautiously suggest that the an tyw and the ebony – imported by the Egyptians – were produced in the same place, somewhere on the coasts of Eritrea, and it was there that these and other exotic products were collected and from where they were sent to Egypt,10 at least from the Middle to the New Kingdom.11

9 In the tale of the Shipwrecked Sailor and in the tomb of Rekhmire (TT 100), for instance. 10 For a recent overview on this subject see Espinel (2011) with previous bibliography, and Fattovich (2012: 2–3). 11 However, if one accepts the hypothesis here stated, and rather commonly shared by many scholars, that Hatshepsut’s reliefs were partly realized on an Old Kingdom model (see below), we could extend this chronological datum to the Old Kingdom.

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West wall As we have previously alluded to, the southern edge of the western wall, shows, at the base register, the arrival of the Egyptian boats in Punt (Naville 1989: LXXII). Continuing with the narrative, the intermediate register shows the loading of the Egyptian ships and their departure from Punt (Naville 1989: LXXIV), while on the upper register, foreign chiefs of various southern countries (wrw  nw  NmAyw,  wrw  nw  Irm  and  wrw  nw  Pwnt) present tributes to the queen, symbolized by her names/cartouches (Naville 1989: LXXVI). The next group of scenes (Naville 1989: LXXVII–LXXX) shows the queen (erased) with the atef crown followed by her ka, presenting the god Amun with the products of the foreign countries, placed on two registers. The products of the southern countries are on the upper register; some of them are being weighed on a scale by the gods Horus and Dedun, and recorded by the goddess Seshat. Those from Punt are on the lower register; they are measured and weighed by men and are recorded by the god Thot (Naville 1989: LXXXI). It may be interesting to have a look at them: a) The products of the southern countries include: panthers, cheetahs, one giraffe, bovines, panther skins, wooden clubs, electrum and gold in rings, bows; b) The products of Punt include ivory, bovines, ebony, wooden clubs, electrum, galena, and, of course, living antyw  trees and stockpiled antyw resin. The next scene is an offering scene, largely erased and partly restored by Ramses II after the Amarna period. Thutmosis III (whose names are partly effaced) presents the divine barge (brought by priests) with two cups of choice antyw (Naville 1989: Pls. LXXXII– LXXXIII). Following this, the queen is represented standing in front of the god Amun enthroned; between them, a long text describes the success of the expedition: both the figures and the text were completely effaced (Naville 1989: pls. LXXXIII–LXXXIV). North wall The final scene is depicted on the north wall: here Hatshepsut is represented sitting in a pavilion, while addressing her courtiers and announcing the success of the expedition (Naville 1989: pls. LXXXV–LXXXVI ). – Arrangement of the Punt reliefs within the architectural and figurative space of the temple In 1993, I highlighted the central position of the “Punt reliefs” within the architectural and figurative space of the temple (Pirelli 1993: 384; fig. 4 here). The following points were stressed: a) The picture occupies the whole complex of walls of the southern wing of the Middle Colonnade. The colonnade is contiguous to the Hathor Shrine (immediately to the South), where important rituals connected to coronation ceremonies were depicted,

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Fig. 4. Plan of Hatshepsut temple with position of the Punt reliefs within the architectural and figurative space of the temple: 1) S: God Dedum and southern enemies; W: transportation and offering of the obelisks; offering a field to Amun-Min; foundation of a pylon; 2) S: King/sphinx stepping on the enemies; W: offering of the 4 calves; procession of kings/ancestors; fishing in the marshes; N: badly preserved; 3) Punt reliefs; 4) Hathor shrine; 5) Theogamy, divine birth, pilgrimage to Upper and Lower Egyptian sanctuaries; 6) Lower Anubis shrine; 7) Coronation; 8) Beautiful Feast of the Valley; 9) Festival of Opet; 10) Sanctuary. (Drawing: R. Pirelli after Arnold 2005: 136, fig. 157)

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namely the dressing of the prince, who is suckled by the cow goddess Hathor and receives the “Menat” from a female deity (Pirelli 1994: 455–463); b) It is preceded, on the walls of the southern half of the First Colonnade, by the picture representing the transport of one of the couples of obelisks, which the queen consecrated to Amun in Karnak (Naville 1908: pls. CLIII–CLVI) and, c) on the Northern half of the same colonnade, by a series of scenes (hunting in the reed thicket, the king as a sphinx trampling enemies, the God Dedun leading the Nubian prisoners;) which points to the role of the king as a warrantor of the state (Naville 1908: CLX–CLXIII; Tefnin 1979: 218–244); d) It is opposed, in the same terrace, but on the northern half, to the group of scenes of the theogamy, the divine birth of Hatshepsut and her designation to the throne (Naville 1896: pls. XLVI–LV; Deb III: pls. LVI–LXIV); e) Finally, the two halves of the Middle colonnade are on both sides of a ramp leading to the upper colonnade with its coronation texts and then to the innermost halls of the temple and to its Sancta Sanctorum. As to the texts accompanying the Punt scenes, one should underline the close relation with some texts from the Hathor shrine and from the scenes of the divine birth (Pirelli 1993: 384–385). When comparing their contents, what emerges is a close interrelation that was intentionally created - among these three sets of scenes and texts, placed at the same level of the temple.12 One of the most significant aspects is the interdependence between the divine manifestation and the perfumes of Punt, both when dealing with the figure of Amun, or with the goddess Hathor, or even with queen Hatshepsut. Moreover, one can observe the trend to identify god/dess and pharaoh “through a continuous interplays of analogies and oppositions, where the actions and words of the former always find a correspondence in the activities and statements of the latter” (Pirelli 1993: 385).13 Observing the temple in its general arrangement, either of the architectural features or of the complex of scenes and texts, it comes out very clearly that a homogeneous plan subtends all its conception: within this frame, the Punt reliefs are certainly not a lesser group of scenes; rather they strongly contribute to build up a solid picture of the queen and of her reign. The “new” reliefs from Sahura’s causeway in Abusir The appearance, late in the Fifth Dynasty, of the Pyramid texts remarkably changed the aspect of the funerary chambers of the royal tombs, enabling us to go further in the understanding of the religious thought of the Old Kingdom and the eschatological destiny of the pharaoh. Before that moment however, a major role – for interpreting and explaining most of the ancient royal temples and ideology – was given by Egyptologists to architectural elements and to the repertories of scenes (with shorter texts) decorating their walls. 12 A similar opinion was expressed some years later by David O’Connor (2009: 325–337). 13 On this subject, see also more recently Susanne Bickel (2014: 21–31 and in particular 23.25).

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The solid architecture of the funerary complexes of the Fourth Dynasty, the refined structures of the royal tombs and sun temples of the Fifth Dynasty, along with their figurative programs, distributed among the Valley Temple, the Causeway and the so called “Funerary Temple”, were, for this reason, a fundamental source to interpret royal and funerary ideology until the reign of Unas. Until recent times, however, the fragmentary and partial situation of these repertories and the lack of a sure context for many of them14 did not allow scholars to get a precise and exhaustive knowledge of the figurative programs of Old Kingdom temples, notwithstanding important publications in both last and this century (Ćwiek 2014 and bibliography). The results of the archaeological investigations of the Supreme Council of Antiquities (1994–2004) of the causeway of Sahura’s funerary complex at Abusir enormously changed our perception of the royal repertories and greatly enriched our knowledge of them (El-Awady 2009), giving a fundamental contribution to this topic. – Intrinsic nature of the Punt reliefs in Abusir Sahura’s expedition to Punt15 is represented on two of the newly discovered blocks south of the causeway leading from the Valley to the Funerary temple of the pyramid (SC/ south/2003/6 and SC/south/2003/7, El-Awady 2009: 155–186, pl. 5–6). On a third block the rewarding of the officials who led the expedition is represented (block SC/ south/2002/05 and 05A1, El-Awady 2009: pl. 7, 8). Block SC/south/2003/7 (El-Awady 2009: pl. 5). The scene – oriented towards the west – is horizontally divided into two main registers, in turn divided into more subsidiary registers. On the upper one, king Sahura (oriented west) is represented standing in front of two subsidiary registers; he holds a walking stick in the left hand and an adze in the right, used to cut the cortex of the carvel of one of the two antyw trees, placed on the upper subsidiary register. On the lower subsidiary register, three officials are bowing in front of the king. Behind (beside) Sahura, two women of lesser proportions are standing: the queen mother, Neferhetepes, and the royal spouse Meretnebty; they are followed, on three more subsidiary registers, by bowing officials. The names and/or titles of the royal figures and of all the officials are precisely recorded. The lower main register is occupied by four boats (two larger and two smaller) with their prows oriented towards the west, placed on two subsidiary registers. Twenty-four persons (among Egyptians and Puntites) are on each large boat, together with dogs and baboons; fourteen persons are on a small boat with monkeys and dogs. At the eastern edge of the bottom register, a row of marching soldiers is represented.

14 Due to different reasons: ancient reuse of the precious stones, modern divestments, neglect by archaeologists of the past of some monumental structures. 15 See above, note 1.

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Block SC/south/2003/6 (El-Awady 2009: pl. 6) This scene is also horizontally divided into two main registers, in turn divided into several subsidiary registers; unlike in the previous one, in this scene, the king is oriented towards the east. In the upper main register, he is sitting on a throne supported by lions and is touching the branches of an antyw tree presenting it to his mother and his spouse. They are sitting in front of him together with several officials, all of them placed on five subsidiary registers. Behind Sahura, a banquet scene occupies four subsidiary registers. The lower main register show artists playing harps and flutes and clapping their hands. In the lowermost western edge, some officials are represented while entering the scene. In this scene too, the titles and names of the royal figures and of all the officials are carefully recorded. Block SC/south/2002/05–05A1 (El-Awady 2009: pl. 7–8) On two smaller blocks, a fragmentary scene of rewards depicts some officials being rewarded with gold necklaces. Even in this case, the names and titles of the persons involved are registered. – Distribution of the newly discovered scenes within the figurative program of the complex As in the previous paragraph on the position of the Punt reliefs within the general plan of the temple of Deir el-Bahari, I think it useful to have a look at the provenance and supposed original position of the newly discovered scenes in the framework of Sahura’s funerary complex. In doing so, I simply follow the reconstruction presented by Tarek El-Awady in his publication. Beside the identification of each scene, I will also provide the following information: a) The position of each scene inside the temple, including scenes previously discovered by Borchardt, with their conjectured position; b) A note indicating when the scene is represented for the first time; c) Italic fonts are used when the scene is present also in the temple of Hatshepsut. Brackets are used to indicate where the scene is placed in the temple of the queen (DeB: and collocation). Valley temple:

Sahura as a sphinx slaying enemies (1st time) (DeB: Lower colonnade, North Half) King suckled by a goddess (1st time) (DeB: Hathor Shrine) Assembly of deities (1st time) (DeB: various cases)

Causeway (South side): Visiting sanctuaries (DeB: Middle Colonnade, North Wing)

Causeway (North side): Fowling in the marshes (DeB: Lower colonnade, North Wing)

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Expedition to Punt (three blocks) (DeB: the whole Middle Colonnade, South Wing)

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Fishing with clap nets (DeB: Lower colonnade, North Wing)

Transporting architectural elements (DeB: Lower Colonnade, South Wing) Military exercises and training of Sahura nautical crews (DeB: Hathor Shrine?) Funerary temple: Driving 4 calves (DeB: Lower Colonnade, North Half); Smiting enemies (DeB: Lower Colonnade, North Half) Unknown places: Jubilee: reused block with Hb  sd , from Apa Geremia Monastery (DeB, several scenes); receiving anx from gods (1st time) (DeB: several scenes). Others: king offering to gods (1st time) (DeB: several scenes)

Discussion As we have just seen, in Sahura’s complex, the number of themes - recorded for the first time in a royal repertoire - is noteworthy for a single monument, but this may also depend on the incomplete state of the documentation that has come down to us, and we cannot be sure that future investigations will not change this datum, due to the discovery of earlier examples of the same scenes. What is very significant is the number of subjects (14 out of the 15 known from Sahura’s pyramid complex and listed above) that the artists of Hatshepsut borrowed from the Old Kingdom antecedent, although their distribution within the architectural space of the two temples is not necessarily the same (north or south of the main axis of the temple, for instance). They represent more than the 90% of the decorative program known to us from the Old Kingdom complex. The datum is not significant per se, as we do not know how much of the lost repertoire was comparable to that of the New Kingdom temple of Hatshepsut, however, it clearly demonstrates the queen’s strong interest in following a model whose characteristics were particularly suited to her self-representation. We will come back to this topic later, as I would now emphasize that, notwithstanding the noteworthy analogies between the decorative programs of the two temples, the two sets of bas-reliefs narrating the Punt expedition are not exactly comparable. Considering that different groups of scenes were depicted along the causeway of Sahura’s pyramid, the total space devoted to the Punt expedition should not be much larger than the blocks still extant, while in Hatshepsut’s temple three walls are completely reserved for the representation of this enterprise. This is depicted with a large number of details, illustrating the various phases of the expedition and the contexts involved: the village, the Puntites, the Egyptian boats with all the related activities, the products and the long royal and divine texts commenting the scenes. How should we interpret the formal analogies and the deep differences between these two sets?

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Two dense papers have recently discussed, in different ways, the significant and numerous “debts” of Hatshepsut’s figurative, architectural and textual programs towards those of the past sovereigns (Ćwiek 2014: 62–93; Breyer 2014: 47–91). Ćwiek’s paper in particular is a very wide and exhaustive review of all the old patterns employed by Hatshepsut in her temples, and more specifically in Djeser Djeserw. Through a detailed survey of the architectural and decorative program of the temple, Ćwiek identifies, among the major models followed by Hatshepsut’s architects and artisans, monuments and documents from the early dynastic times, the Old Kingdom and the Middle Kingdom. Although his text is illustrated with only a few pictures, comparisons are easy and allow to immediately confirm what he states. I add that it is extremely interesting that, while, in some cases, we are simply confronted with a general resemblance in the choice of subjects and themes, in others we can observe a strict formal correspondence of Hatshepsut’s version of a subject, with particular reference to the Fifth dynasty antecedent, so that in those cases individual elements, or even a whole scene, appear as a precise copy from the earlier model.16 For all these reasons, Ćwiek is rather cautious in accepting the historicity of Hatshepsut’s expedition to Punt, as he states: “This is not to say that there was no expedition to Punt in the Year 9, but the choice of the subject for depiction might have been influenced by an already ancient tradition, and one has to be perhaps a bit more cautious about the historicity of depicted events, recorded names and details.” (Ćwiek 2014: 5). In his Conclusions, however, the author gives only general motivations to the “Vast and deep references to the past” by the queen (and also by her posterity), even invoking “a need to additionally legitimize the rule that might be contested” (Ćwiek 2014: 93). Breyer’s article is different in that it is specifically devoted to identify the Old Kingdom “Vorlagen zur ‘Punthalle’ von Dair al-Baḥrī” (Breyer 2014). It starts from a philological analysis of the inscriptions commenting Hatshepsut’s expedition to Punt. After a thorough philological and palaeographic study of the whole complex of texts, the author also tackles important iconographic questions relating to both the racial features and ethnic characteristics of the peoples depicted, 17 and the representation of the foreign landscape and of the different phases of the expedition. In his opinion, language, orthography and specific iconographic elements clearly suggest that more than one Old Kingdom model was used in Deir el-Bahari (Breyer 2014: 87), but he also firmly believes “dass es unter Hatschepsut tatsächlich eine Expedition nach Punt gegeben hat, scheint aufgrund des hohen Grades an Individualisierung kaum zweifelhaft zu sein” (Breyer 2014: 85). In this regard, I completely agree with Breyer’s opinion, also in consideration of the points illustrated in the previous pages. Actually, in the final remarks of my presentations both at the 2015 Neapolitan seminar and at the 2017 Prague conference, I concluded: “However, apart from single images, the intrinsic nature of the two sets is heavily individualized; if we observe specifically the Punt reliefs, the scenes depicted in Deir el-Bahari are much richer and more circumstantial and I confirm my previous statement that “the figuration 16 See for instance the scene of “driving the four calves” and that of the “sovereign sphinx slaying enemies”. 17 These subjects are extensively debated in a recent monograph of the same Breyer 2016.

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is not the issue of an imaginary creation”. In other words, I maintained that Hatshepsut did really send an expedition to Punt, although the report of her enterprise was edited also by using earlier images and texts,18 as she did also for other parts of the decorative program of her temples, as Ćwiek rigorously reconstructs in his paper.19 Why did Hatshepsut decide to “copy” so many topics from her predecessors of the Old and Middle Kingdom? The revival of ancient traditions is a common and recurring trait in Egyptian history, and Ćwiek summarizes its reasons as follows: “It could be a natural consequence of development of the ideology of kingship and its display, using well known forms. Best schemes, most proper forms could be sought in the works of the past” (Ćwiek 2014: 93).20 After all, we know very well that the manifestation of Egyptian thought through different types of textual compositions, architecture, bas-reliefs and more generally what we call “ figurative art” has always been the result of a dynamism that led to continuous transformations, the results of which remained, however, strongly tied to respect for tradition and to that mythical creative moment that had given rise to the Pharaonic state. Likewise, Breyer, following Spalinger, speaks of a “kreativere emulatio”, rather than a proper imitatio (Breyer 2014: 85), motivating it with the need felt by Hatshepsut to reconnect her kingdom to powerful models that, according to him, “waren nun einmal im Alten Reich zu finden” (Breyer 2014: 85).21 I think however that we might go a bit further, if we dwell, for a moment, on the models privileged in Hatshepsut’s temples. According to Ćwiek’s thorough analysis, we can identify them in Menes, Djoser, Sahura, Mentuhotep Nebhepetra and some kings of the Twelfth dynasty, mainly Senusret I and Senusret III. They could be easily divided into two distinct groups: the kings who had created or recreated the unitary state (Menes and Mentuhotep Nebhepetra) and the sovereigns whose kingship bears witness to a strong link with the solar cult and related rituals (Sahura, Senusret I and Senusret III). It is therefore not a question of a generic reference to powerful and revered sovereigns of the past, nor of a further legitimization of Hatshepsut’s sovereignty,22 but a conscious revival 18 On this subject, see also Espinel 2011: 341. 19 In this regard, I cannot share Breyer’s opinion that the mistakes of the feminine endings - observed by him in the Punthalle - depend on the model employed by the scribes, who – according to him – copied a text originally written for a male pharaoh (Breyer 2014: 78). Actually the same error occurs also in other texts, all along the walls of the temple; in some cases, we also see the opposite error, that is, the presence of the female termination following the name of Thutmosis III. See for instance on the pillars of the First Hypostyle Hall of the Hathor Chapel (Pirelli 1999: 223, 233–238, note 9 and 23). I think that these errors were caused by the particular situation in which the scribes had come to find: actually, they had to transcribe texts dedicated to a female pharaoh who was often accompanied by a male co-ruler. 20 As suggested by the graffiti left by her people at important Old Kingdom sites, e.g. at Saqqara (Ćwiek 2014: 65). 21 However the results of Ćwiek’s study clearly show that, among Hatshepsut’s privileged models, many were also from the Middle Kingdom. 22 I do not think this is a valid motivation, because the construction of a monument such as the temple of Deir el-Bahari already presupposes sufficient consensus, legitimacy and power.

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of themes and features peculiar of the royalty of some specific ancestors. Those ancestors on whose ideology and religious policy the queen reflected and whom she wanted to constitute the essence of her own sovereignty. In this sense, I think that a major role should be attributed to the queen’s strong wish to renew the role of the solar cult and increase its connection with the regality. This religious policy is clearly mirrored in her whole building activity, above all in Karnak and Deir el-Bahari, the two sanctuaries put on an ideal axis that united the east and west bank of the Nile, virtually following the voyage of Amun-Ra. On the eastern gate of the temple of Karnak, Hatshepsut planned the erection of the two obelisks whose transportation is narrated on the lower northern colonnade of Deir el-Bahari; while in this latter, she built and enlarged a great alabaster altar put in an open (SOLAR) court, north of the third terrace. It is on this solar altar that the queen would unite herself to the sun-god and become, as she mentions in the Punthalle, a female Sun (Naville 1898: tav. LXXVI). It is with this in mind that we can refer to a creative emulatio, which, only in some cases, gave rise to copies conforming to the original. More frequently, the Egyptian artists included in the decorative program of a temple a series of “cultured quotations” from the past, which they re-elaborated and integrated with refined wisdom into a model combining tradition and innovation to create an individualized representation of their own sovereign. One last question remains to be addressed to complete the comparison between the two sets of repertoires: given that the tradition of the past lived on in a form that is partially comparable, what are the features that differentiate the composition of the decorative programs and the self-representations of the Egyptian rulers between the Old and New Kingdoms? If we return for a moment to the schematic description of the two sets of bas-reliefs (see above), we can see that the role and the attitude of the two sovereigns within the entire compositions is quite different: Sahura is represented twice, once on the first block facing west, towards the same direction as the boats, i. e. coming back from the expedition towards the temple; once on the second block, facing east, while, sitting on a throne, he receives the products of the antyw  tree. Hatshepsut, instead, is present, once, symbolized by her cartouches while receiving homage by the southern peoples, bowing down in front of her; then she is represented twice in front of Amun, while presenting him with the tribute and reporting the successful enterprise, and a fourth time while announcing the successful results to the court. In other words, Sahura is seen both as the direct leader of the expedition to Punt and as the true recipient of the precious and divine products coming from that land, whereas Hatshepsut is shown as an indirect leader of the expedition (the actual leader being represented in Punt) and as an intermediary recipient of the produce, whose final addressee is the god Amun, whom she presents the issues of her enterprise. Hatshepsut in other words, is depicted as a human sovereign, as is also demonstrated by her role of guarantee of the state in front of its officials. Putting the question in these terms, we should deduce that it is the god Amun who, in the Temple of Millions of Years, assumes the function that the pharaoh of the Old Kingdom performed in his funerary temple. This shift certainly mirrors the remarkable

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NEW KINGDOM Tomb = funerary cult palce and eschatology

S

W

OLD KINGDOM

Pyramid = Osiric and Royal cult place and tomb

Sun Temple = Ra and Royal cult place

Royal/Divine Temple of Millions of Years

N

Divine/Royal temple in Karnak

King/Royal Residence

E Fig. 5. Diagram of the role of the Old Kingdom vs New Kingdom royal temples. (Drawing: R. Pirelli)

difference in the conceptions of the royal-divine cult in the two periods (fig. 5). What we consider the royal necropolis of the Fifth Dynasty is probably to be seen also as the cult place of Osiris and the Sun-god (both considered immanent in the nature of the sovereign), respectively in the pyramid and the sun temples.23 On the other side, the Temples of Millions of Years on the west bank of Thebes are to be considered cult places of the living pharaoh (and the God) and complementary to the temples on the east bank devoted to the God (and the king), who were eventually united by means of the rituals that regularly took place in them. Starting from these assumptions, the royal tomb of the New Kingdom – located further west in the Kings’ Valley – plays a completely different role from that of the Old Kingdom: there is nothing connecting it with the divine cult; it is really a place reserved to the funerary cult of the sovereign – who will reach his divine fathers in the netherworld – and the related eschatology, and marks once more the changes that occurred in the conception of the royal nature, whose dichotomy between the divine and human essence was evidently strongly felt in this period.

23 In this sense, it is worth noting that the abandonment of solar temple construction almost coincides with the appearance, in the royal burial chambers, of the Pyramid Texts summarizing the solar and the Osirian aspects of the divine transfiguration of the king.

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Bibliography Arnold, Dieter 2005 “The Temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahri”, in: Roehrig, Catherine H. (ed.), Hatshepsut. From Queen to Pharaoh, New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Arts, pp. 135–140 Bard, Kathryn – Fattovich, Rodolfo (eds.) 2007 Harbor of the pharaohs to the land of Punt: Archaeological investigations at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis, Egypt, 2001–2005, Naples: Università di Napoli, “l’Orientale”. Bickel, Susanne 2014 “Worldview and Royal Discourse in the Time of Hatshepsut”, in: Galán, José – Bryan, Betsy – Dorman, Peter (eds.), Creativity and Innovation in the Reign of Hatshepsut, Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, pp. 21–31. Breyer, Francis 2014 “Vorlagen zur ‘Punthalle’ von Dair al-Baḥrῑ aus dem Alten Reich”, Studien zur Alt­ ägyp­tischen Kultur 43, pp. 47‒91. 2016 Punt. Die Suche nach dem “Gottesland.” Leiden and Boston: Brill. Ćwiek, Andrzej 2014 “Old and Middle Kingdom Tradition in the Temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari”, Études et Travaux 27, pp. 62–93 Davies, Vivian Witney 2003 “Sobeknakht of Elkab and the coming of Kush”, Egyptian Archaeology 23, pp. 3–6 El-Awady, Tarek 2009 Abusir XVI. Sahure – The Pyramid Causeway: History and Decoration Program of the Old Kingdom, Prague: Charles University. Espinel, Diego Andres 2011 Abriendo los caminos de Punt: contacto entre Egypto y los ámbito afroárabe durante la edad de Bronce (ca. 3000 a.C. – 1065 a.C.), Madrid: Edicions Bellaterra, Arqueologia. Fattovich, Rodolfo 2012 “Egypt’s Trade with Punt: New Discoveries on the Red Sea Coast”, British Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan 18, pp. 1–59. Fattovich, Rodolfo and Bard, Kathryn 2018 Seafaring Expeditions to Punt in the Middle Kingdom. Excavations at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis, Egypt, Leiden – Boston: Brill. Gerisch, Reiner 2007 “Identification of charcoal and wood”, in: Bard, Kathryn – Fattovich, Rodolfo (eds.), Harbor of the Pharaohs to the Land of Punt. Archaeological Investigations at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis Egypt 2001–2005, Naples: Università di Napoli “L’Orientale,” pp. 170–188. 2010 “Charcoal and Wood Remains,” in: Bard, Kathryn – Fattovich, Rodolfo (eds.), Mersa/Wadi Gawasis 2009–2010, Naples: Università di Napoli “L’Orientale,” pp. 51–58. Manzo, Andrea

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2010 “Exotic Ceramic Materials from Mersa Gawasis, Red Sea, Egypt”, in: Godlewski, Włodzimierz – Łajtar, Adam (eds.), Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the 11th Conference of Nubian Studies, Warsaw: PCMA – University of Warsaw, pp. 439–453. Naville, Edouard 1894–1908 The Temple of Deir el-Bahari (7 vols.), London: Egypt Exploration Society. O’Connor, David 2009 “The Middle Colonnade at Deir el-Bahari: compositional integrity and ‘intertextuality’ in Egyptian art”, in: Ikram, Salima – Dodson, Aidan (eds.), Beyond the Horizon. Studies in Egyptian Art, Archaeology and History in Honour of Barry J. Kemp, Cairo: Supreme Council of Antiquities, pp. 325–337. Pirelli, Rosanna 1993 “Punt in Egyptian Myth and Trade”, in: Zaccone, Gian Maria – Di Netro, Tomaso Ricardi (eds.), Atti del Sesto Congresso Internazionale di Egittologia (Vol. II), Torino: Istituto Italiano per la Civiltà Egiziana, pp. 383–390. 1994 “Some considerations on the temple of Queen Hatshepsut at Deir el Bahari”, Annali dell’Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli 54, pp. 455–463. 1999 “The Pillars of the Outer Hypostyle of the Hathor Shrine in the Hatshepsut Temple at Deir el Bahari: a Preliminary Report”, Etudes et Travaux 18, p. 221–243. 2007 “Two new stelae from Mersa Gawasis”, Revue d’Égyptologie 58, pp. 87–106. Ratié, Susanne 1979 La Reine Hatchepsout. Sources et Problèmes, Leiden – Boston: Brill. Tefnin, Roland 1979 “Image et histoire. Réflexions sur l’usage documentaire de l’image égyptienne”, Chronique d’Egypte 54, pp. 218–244. Zarins, Juris 1989 “Ancient Egypt and the Red Sea Trade: The Case for Obsidian in the Predynastic and Archaic Periods,” in: Leonard, Albert Jr. – Williams, Bruce B. (eds.), Essays in Ancient Civilization Presented to Helene Kantor, Chicago: University Press, pp. 339–368.

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New Kingdom royal succession strategies and their possible Old Kingdom antecedents * Martin Pehal (Charles University Prague)

Abstract This essay argues that an intricate system of succession strategies existed in ancient Egypt with the so-called “positional succession” at its centre. It explains how these succession strategies (mix of bio-genealogically and culturally defined kinship relations) were valid simultaneously, resulting in paradoxes axial to the ancient Egyptian symbolic system. The argument also illustrates that even though these succession strategies concern the pinnacle of ancient Egyptian society (office of the king), the underlying symbolic dynamics, conceptualised by the ka, are constitutive for ancient Egyptian society as a whole and can thus be readily applied to other areas as well (funerary concepts, kinship system, cosmology, etc.). The identified social and symbolic dynamics – based primarily on New Kingdom material – are then extrapolated to the Old Kingdom context with the intent of identifying possible similarities and antecedents. If the supporting arguments of this article’s thesis are found satisfactory, then the suggested workings of the “positional succession” strategy within the ancient Egyptian symbolic system would have major impact on our understanding of ancient Egyptian royal ideology, kinship system and cultural dynamics in general. Keywords: Positional Succession, Royal Ideology, Kinship, Ka, Succession Strategies, Kamutef, Cultural Fratricide

Introduction. Transformative and mediating functions of the royal office By way of an introduction, I will lay out several basic working principles of the ancient Egyptian symbolic system relating to the office of the pharaoh, which will then serve as the premises of my further analysis: 1) The king’s central role was to mediate between people and gods. For this reason, the king was ritually set apart from other human beings and divinised (during ritual occasions such as the sed-festival, celebrations of the New Year or the Opet festival). * Work on this study was supported by the European Regional Development Fund-Project “Creativity and Adaptability as Conditions of the Success of Europe in an Interrelated World” (No. CZ. 02.1.01/0.0/0.0/16_019/0000734).

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The king was thus considered the archetypal human-divine facilitator whose main role is to create and maintain order (maat), for example through ritual activity (in his role of nb -jr. t - x . t , “Lord of doing things” in the sense of performing cultic/ritual acts (Routledge 2007), with priests acting as his delegated representatives. 2) The effect of his successful mediation resulted in “structuring” the universe according to the orderly matrix of maat to which the king had direct access through his proximity to the gods by sharing their divine status: “[p]roperly speaking, his role in the Universe was more important than that of most of the gods, for he – and only he – prevented the cosmic catastrophe.” (Bolšakov 1997: 293). Catastrophe-preventing imposition of order is a process through which the infinite possibilities of the un-ordered “chaotic” are selected, sorted and arranged in a complex web of meaning spun around all crucial aspects of an individual’s life.1 3) Ancient Egyptians formulated a concept of a dual body of the king to overcome the inherent paradox of a divine king incarnate in a mortal, gradually decaying body (see below). This emphasis on the central mediating function of the royal office led to the existence of a paradox at the heart of the ancient Egyptian symbolic system. By divinizing a royal mediator, ancient Egyptians had to conceptualise his inevitable physical demise: “[g] iven the intimate relationship between abstract concepts and the physical properties of the item through which they are expressed, what happens when the very symbol of permanence and high authority begins to sink rapidly into putrescence?” (Metcalf – Huntington 1991: 154). The Egyptian pharaoh had to be both mortally human and eternally divine at the same time. Dual body of the king The paradox of a human-divine ruler seems to be present in every monarchical system which associates (royal) authority with some type of a transcendental source or origin. Each symbolic system then develops various solutions to this conundrum. Thus, the Shilluk – a Nilotic people of southern Sudan – understood their reigning king as a mere receptacle of the genuine “royal power” represented by the immortal cultural hero Nyikang “[who] does not die, but the kings through whom he rules do. […] The spirit of 1 Selecting certain patterns necessarily implies discarding alternatives. This “discarding process” can be culturally supressed (status quo is presented as having been established at the beginning of time), or it can be performatively expressed as (ritual) violence, which – correctly regulated – is then regarded as a socially constructive dynamic. Order is thus maintained only thanks to a regular interaction with this alternative (disorderly) element. The essential dynamic of every society is both internal and external violence the ultimate aim of which is, paradoxically, the construction of a positive cultural reality and the protection of the community as a whole. This often occurs at the physical expense of other communities or, possibly, individual members of the societies themselves (see especially the “rebounding violence” model of Bloch 1992 and Leach 2000).

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Nyikang is represented by an effigy that is kept in a shrine during each king’s reign, only to be reanimated, so to speak, during each interregnum to participate in the installation of the new king.” (Metcalf – Huntington 1991: 157).2 Another possible solution to this cultural paradox can be illustrated on the French and English Renaissance doctrine of the “King’s Two Bodies”: the eternal “body-politic” (representative of the office, the state and its institutions) and the “body-physical” (the physical person of the individual king).3 The English model expressed this cultural idiom in legal terms,4 whereas the French model focused on ritual, developing very elaborate funerary/coronation ceremonies which included, among other aspects, an effigy of the deceased king treated as the living monarch (whilst the successor was being gradually introduced to the royal office).5 As Nuzzolo (2017; Nuzzolo 2018: 25ff) convincingly argued in relation to the Old Kingdom period, and Morales (2014) for the Middle and New Kingdom, the phenomenon of the king’s “two bodies” can also be distinguished in the ancient Egyptian symbolical system. On the ideological level, this dichotomy seems to have been expressed by the various sets of dual terms designating the king as a physical person on the one hand, and the eternal office of the pharaoh, such as the Hm and nswt .6 Central to this idea was the concept of the royal ka, passed on from one generation to the other (see below). Ancient Egyptians also devised (and combined) both “legal” and ritual mechanisms that were meant to mitigate the aging and disintegrating process of the “body physical” of the pharaoh. Rituals such as the sed-festival (Hb  sd ) – with its focus on revitalising the strength and therefore the legitimacy of the ruling pharaoh – would stress the transcendental nature of kingship.7 Both the longevity of the Hb  sd tradition (attested already

2 For a very thorough assessment of the bibliography relevant to the topic of the Shilluk and other African kingship systems, see for example Graeber 2011. The case of the Shilluk is even more relevant to the Egyptologist as the symbolism is in many aspects very similar to that encountered in ancient Egypt (especially the Shilluk stress on a central symbolical North-South polarity). For similar concepts relating to the royal office in ancient Mesopotamia, see Frankfort 1948: 223–250. 3 For classic studies on the topic, see Kantorowicz 1957 and Giesey 1960. Later authors explicitly compared these European patterns with those of the Shilluk, for example Schnepel 1995 and Arens 1984. See also Graeber 2011: 4. 4 The killing of Charles I in mid-seventeenth century was legally substantiated by arguing that the body-politic of Charles I, represented by the armies summoned by parliament, had authority to fight the body-physical of the very same monarch (see Metcalf – Huntington 1991: 167). 5 For a succinct summary of the topic, see especially Metcalf – Huntington 1991: 159–175. 6 See Goedicke 1960: 52, 68, followed by Windus – Staginsky 2006: 165–206 and Blumenthal 1970: 23. According to Omlin 1962: 107–108, Hm in the Middle Kingdom designated the king in his interaction with people (as army commander, head of the state bureaucratic apparatus) and nswt  as the performer of priestly duties. Although the “colloquial” translation for Hm is “Majesty”, many authors have suggested a similarly physical etymology like “body” or “impersonation” for the word (see Spiegel 1939: 112–121; Beckerath 1984: 32). See also Dahms – Pehal – Willems 2014: 407, n. 64–65. 7 Ausec 2010 analyses evidence from the New Kingdom onwards. For previous periods see Hornung – Staehelin 1974; Hornung – Staehelin 2006.

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on the ebony label of king Den)8 and the frequency with which it was observed9 is a testimony to the cultural centrality of the issues it addressed: 1) royal ka (divine aspect of kingship); 2) purification (indicating the king’s ritual preparedness to act as a human-divine mediator); 3) presentation of maat (king as the sole guarantor of order executing his mediating functions); 4) offering to gods (ritual aptitude of the king); 5) ritual of driving the calves (affirming the protective function of the royal office); 6) coronation (confirmation of the legitimate earthly rule of a specific individual).10 The Hb  sd performatively expressed how the divine (immortal) kingship (represented by the transmission of the royal ka, see below) could be incorporated within a mortal, human form (coronation ceremonies focusing on the person of the specific king) through intermediary ritual performances.11 This is explicitly stressed by the decoration in the so-called sun temple of Niuserra, which essentially focuses on two types of scenes: the sed-festival of the king (chapel and southern corridor), representing the eternally divine aspect of the office, and the celebration of the life cycle of nature (room of the seasons), representing the eternally re-current natural aspect of life. In this text, I want to claim that outside of the above-mentioned strategies the ancient Egyptians devised yet another framework through which the paradox of divine kingship could be addressed: the interaction of the bio-genealogical and the positional succession strategies. Part I: New Kingdom succession strategies “Bio-genealogical” succession strategy. Overview Ideologically, the ancient Egyptian succession system was a patrilinear (bio-genealogical) one with the office of the king passing on to the oldest son of the ruling pharaoh.12 Thus, we learn from the Sphinx stela of Thutmosis IV (Klug 2002: 296–304) that: “When his Majesty was an Inpu, like the young Horus in Chemnis, his goodness already like the ‘father-protector’, he was seen like the god himself”13 (trans. by Revez 2010: 64). Thut­ mose is described here as the legitimate successor of his father, whom he protects in the 8 Hornung – Staehelin 2006: 14. For an image see Spencer 1993: 66, fig. 4.5 9 According to Hornung – Staehelin 2006: 33, Amenhotep III celebrated three sed-festivals. Habachi 1971: 67, assigns a total of fourteen sed-festivals to Ramses II. 10 This list is based chiefly on New Kingdom evidence, see for example Ausec 2010. 11 For a detailed description of the transformative function of the sed-festival in the Old Kingdom, see Nuzzolo 2017. 12 In the New Kingdom, this custom seems to be restricted primarily to the royal context. There are a few exceptions from the private sphere, such as the early Nineteenth Dynasty stela of the chief draughtsman Amun Dedia and his wife Iuy (Louvre C 50: see Kitchen 1975: 327–329; Lowle 1976). During the Twenty-First Dynasty, the custom of creating relatively long patrilinear genealogies also outside the royal context became quite popular peaking towards the end of Third Intermediate Period (Jansen-Winkeln 2005) primarily as a means to document a family’s claim to certain offices. The same reason is later attested for such genealogies in the Greco-Roman period among the priestly class, as it is explicitly indicated for example in the Book of the Temple (Quack 2005). 13 (1) jst  Hm=f  jn pw  mj  ¡r  m  £mnw  (2) n fr.w=f  mj  Hr- nD-jt=f (3) mAA. t=f  mj  nTr  Ds=f ; Urk IV,

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Horian protective form of Harendotes (Hr- nD-jt=f ). Stress on patrilineality can be well illustrated on the custom of creating the so-called king lists,14 which provide a clear bio-genealogical male line reaching all the way back to divine ancestors. In fact, the famous example from Abydos depicts not only a direct (visual) relationship between father (Sethy I) and his son (Ramses II), but associates both of them with the first king, Meni. The Abydos list establishes the bio-genealogical principle quite overtly with the sequence running: Father ⟶ son ⇉ (fore)fathers. Other noteworthy monuments focusing on the filial relationship between a pharaoh (Horus) and his father (Osiris) include the dedicatory inscriptions of Sethy I, Ramses II (Kitchen 1979: 323–336; Spalinger 2008; Revez 2010: 51–52), and Ramses IV,15 all found in a funerary context in Abydos. In the New Kingdom, the dominating mythological idioms through which the father-son relationship was expressed focused on Osiris16 and Ra. In relation to the Osirian cycle, the legitimacy passed on from father to son (represented by the throne/office of the king of Egypt itself) with the son simultaneously providing funerary provisions for his father (represented as the Eye of Horus). At the same time, royal titles developed the filial relationship of the pharaoh to the supreme solar deity through the title “Son of Ra” (zA  Ra) already in the Fourth Dynasty. The bio-genealogical succession strategy was also relevant outside the royal context. During the Opening of the Mouth ritual, the social position of the son as a successor to his father was affirmed (Otto 1960; Assmann 1976; Finnestad 1978). The main mythological idiom evoked in this context was the Osirian myth cycle, thus extending the royal and temple models (Cruz-Uribe 1999). The bio-genealogical principle is also detectable in New Kingdom narratives. For example, the main Hero of the story of the Doomed Prince is “the only son of the pharaoh”. Similarly, in the Tale of Two Brothers, Bata, even though being a brother to Anubis, is said to be “like a son to him” and, in the end, through Bata’s corporeal transformations during which he fathers himself, they exchange the father-son roles (Pehal 2014). The importance of the bio-genealogical succession strategy was recognised by students of Egyptian religion. However, certain indicia point to the fact that alternative kinship dynamics were simultaneously at play (Campagno 2009: 3). 1541, 1–3; “Inpu” was a term for a king designating the period prior to him assuming the throne (Vandersleyen 1992). 14 Redford 1986. For a brief discussion of the definition of a “king list” with relevant literature, see Bács 2017. 15 Cairo Stela JE 48331 (Porter – Moss 1962: 73; Kitchen 1983: 20–25). Revez 2010 provides a thorough analysis showing that this monument differs from the previous two. Ramses III, the Osirian father, is not mentioned at all. The text rather stresses the legitimacy of Ramses IV through his Horian aspect in opposition to Seth. Revez concludes that this shift was caused by a possibly turbulent transfer of power (attempted assassination of Ramses III), which necessitated not only Ramses IV’s distancing from the (Sethian) usurpers, but also any exculpation of his role in the subsequent trial proceedings, which ended with the execution/suicide of his would-be usurper (half-) brother, Pentaweret. See also n. 25. 16 This also includes the above-mentioned stelae, which explicitly link the topic of succession to the Osirian funerary context. See also Revez 2010.

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The polyvalent Egyptian kinship term sn One of these indicia is the complicated term sn . Standardly translated as “brother” (from the bio-genealogical perspective: “a male who has the same parents as another or one parent in common with another”),17 the term for the ancient Egyptians comprised a much broader range of relationships designating also an uncle, cousin or nephew (Willems 1983).18 Furthermore, J. Revez showed that the symbolical meaning of sn designates a simultaneous relationship of complementary duality and rivalry. For us, the cultural idiom of the term “brother” is restricted only to the former, essentially positive meaning.19 This was not so for the ancient Egyptians. For example, Ramses II calls the Hittite king Hattusili “brother” to indicate their equal standing as allies. Even though he does so in the context of a peace treaty, it is necessary to realise that the creation of this document followed the famed battle of Kadesh, where the Egyptian armies got nearly crushed and Ramses II almost lost his life. Thus, the peace treaty (between “brothers”) is set within a framework of recent hostilities. The aspect of rivalry is even more clearly expressed in ancient Egyptian legal documents in which the term “brothers” designates contending parties in court: “(N) the one who causes the two brothers (= rivals/disputants/two men) to come out satisfied with his verdict”.20 From the material provided by Revez, it is clear that neither concept of “complementary duality” or “rivalry” had priority. Not only do both appear in legal and religious contexts throughout all periods of Egyptian history, but the context always implies both meanings to be present simultaneously. This is especially important once related to the office of the king. Up to the Nubian Twenty-fifth Dynasty, we have no attestation of the title “King’s Brother” (sn  snw)21 even in those cases in which we know that several successive pharaohs were in fact siblings, such as was the case of the pharaohs of the Thirteenth Dynasty and, in relation to the main focus of this volume, also the Fourth and Fifth Dynasties. Revez provides an explanation: Granting someone the title sn  snw, “King’s Brother”, would have led to the official recognition alongside the pharaoh of someone who would have been his “equal”, and thus his “rival”. In a highly hierarchical society […] where the almighty pharaoh was nn  snw. f “without his equal”,[22] such acknowledgment was not possible (Revez 2014: 539). 17 The Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary, s.v. “brother (n.),” accessed December 1, 2019, https://www. merriam-webster.com/dictionary/brother. 18 See also Revez 2003 for an appreciation of relevant literature. 19 Outside the bio-genealogical kinship aspect, English further defines “brothers” as “[…] related to another by common ties or interests”, or “[someone] who shares with another a common national or racial origin”. All of the varying definitions presume there is an inherently positive relationship of common origin or purpose between the individuals thus related. The Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary, s. v. “brother (n.),” accessed December 1, 2019, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/brother. 20 ddw  pr  sn .wy  Ht p  m  prw  n  rA=f; CGC 20539, 1B, 5; see Lange – Schäfer 1909: 152–154, pl. 41, as referenced by Revez 2003: 128, n. 42. 21 Nubian kingship tied royal legitimacy to female members of the royal dynasty. Thus, being a “brother” to the ruling king did not, essentially, pose a legitimacy threat. On the central role of Kushite royal women, see Lohwasser 2001; Gozzoli 2010; Revez 2010; 2014. 22 The term nn  snw=f in the royal context is analysed by Blumenthal 1970: 94. See also Assmann 1990: 242–252.

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The (New Kingdom) pharaohs must have had brothers in the bio-genealogical understanding of the term. Simultaneously, this relationship to the pharaoh was culturally muted. Given the large semantic span of the Egyptian term “brother”, which encompassed a much broader male group of the (royal) family,23 the potential threat to the legitimacy of the divine king was exponentially higher in the Egyptian case: thus, the throne could not have any brothers. What is a newly appointed divine king to do with his brothers, then? Performative vs. cultural solution. One solution, preferred by certain societies, is a performative approach – the newly appointed ruler murders potential successors, most often his (half-)brothers in a socially sanctioned fratricidal framework.24 In such a case, the king is not only exempt from the norms regulating homicide, but it might even be socially tolerable or legally sanctioned for the king to act in such a manner. Even though fratricide must have undoubtedly happened in ancient Egypt as well,25 it does not seem to have been a culturally sanctioned mechanism. Instead, the system found a symbolical solution in the form of “cultural fratricide”: potential contenders to the ruling pharaoh belonging to the rather widely conceived sn -group had their bio-genealogical fraternal ties to the ruling pharaoh culturally severed by being transformed into a large group of “cultural sons”.26 This cultural mechanism solved two issues: it eliminated a potentially very dangerous group of individuals (royal brothers), but it also complied with the preferred bio-genealogical paternal 23 Dodson 2010 speaks of major shifts in the concept of the royal family, which occurred in the New Kingdom especially under the Ramessides: “[…] by the end of the reign of Ramses II there was a concept of royalty that extended beyond the conventional couple of the king and queen. There now existed a large group of individuals who were publicly ‘royal’ and belonged to more than one lineage, two of which had nominally the same seniority.” (p. 9) “[…] the existence of more than one Great Wife would seem to have held the potential for dispute as to which ‘Eldest Son’ should be nominated as crown prince.” (p. 8). For a reconstruction of the complicated succession situation surrounding the death of Ramses II, including the ascension of Sethy II, see (Gilmour – Kitchen 2012). 24 In the middle of the Fifteenth century, Sultan Mehmed II the Conqueror codified a law which imparted the right of his heir-presumptive to execute male members of the dynasty in order to prevent interregnum. According to (Fletcher 1979), this tradition might have evolved from a similar succession procedure present among many of the Turco-Mongolian dynasties preceding the Ottomans. 25 We may recall the plot to assassinate Ramses III, which – according to the court proceedings – involved 32 members of the royal harem (Robins 1979; Koenig 1989; Koenig 2001). The proceedings were conducted by Ramses IV, who ordered the execution/suicide of a certain Pentaweret – probably his own half-brother by one of his father’s concubines, who was intended by the plotters to succeed as usurper after the coup (for arguments pro and against the theory that Ramses III actually died during the coup, see Vernus 2004; for a concise overview of other relevant literature, see Revez 2010: 50–51). 26 Revez 2014: 538–540 analyses the genealogical situation in the Thirteenth Dynasty: “[o]f the 11 occasions that the four king’s brothers […] are mentioned, they never hold the title sn  nswt “King’s Brother” […]. They always hold the title zA  nswt “King’s Son”, although they are clearly not true king’s sons […].” He concludes that: “Although the examples from the 13th Dynasty given above are chosen from a mere span of 20 years, I think that the concluding remarks about the absence of the title sn  nswt ‘King’s Brother’ are valid for most of ancient Egyptian history.” (Revez 2014: 539)

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succession idiom. In theory, this group of “cultural sons” would then conflate several family tiers and generations (brothers, uncles, cousins, half-brothers, nephews) into one, leaving the pharaoh completely peer-less and “without his equal”. Even though the Egyptian “cultural fratricide” mechanism seems more palatable to our cultural sensibilities then actual assassinations, it created a paradox within the heart of the Egyptian symbolic system precisely because it clashed with the very logic of the bio-genealogical succession strategy: the claim of the bio-genealogical heir could be challenged by the very mechanism which ensured the unchallenged position of his father during his regnal life by conflating individuals with varying bio-genealogical ties to the pharaoh into a generic category of “cultural sons” (potential successors), i. e. “cultural brothers” in relation to each other.27 An alternative strategy designed to balance out the effect of the “cultural fratricide” mechanism must have been at play since the bio-genealogical succession strategy is one of the causes of the paradox. This alternative strategy would have to: 1) be essentially linked to the specific cultural role of the king, as described above (divine-human mediator); 2) accommodate the mechanism of cultural transformation of (bio-genealogical) “brothers” into (cultural) “sons”; 3) provide a framework in which a stranger, bio-genealogically unrelated to the royal family, could actually ascend the throne and still be considered a legitimate ruler by the various relevant social players; 4) be constitutive for other strata of ancient Egyptian society outside the royal context.28 These criteria are met by the so-called “positional succession” strategy. “Positional succession” strategy.29 Anthropological overview The term “positional succession”30 seems to have been coined by (Richards 1934) and concerns the practice spread worldwide of an individual, upon succession, adopting the name, role, status and often also kin relationships of his predecessor. Most of the studies devoted to this phenomenon centre on peoples located in Central Africa (today’s Angola, southern Democratic Republic of Congo, Zambia, Malawi, Mozambique, and southern Tanzania) and especially those belonging to the Bantu language family.31 A 27 Robins 1979 first identified the terms jt (“father”), mw. t (“mother”), zA(. t) (“son/daughter”) as terms for lineal descendants, whereas sn (. t) (“brother/sister”) as terms for collaterals across several generations. See also Franke 1983; Lehmann 2012. 28 The royal office, being so central and symbol laden, can be thought of in terms of a condensation and explicitness of symbolical meanings which are otherwise dispersed or more implicit within the symbolical system outside royal context proper. 29 Anthropologist Edmund Leach, an outsider to Egyptology, was the first to have identified the positional succession principle at work in ancient Egypt (Leach 1976). Unsurprisingly, his article remained largely ignored by Egyptology, save a laudatory but brief recognition in the very same volume by Baines 1976 and one critical remark by Egberts 1984, who dismissed it on inconsistencies of Leach’s understanding of ancient Egyptian kinship terms. As interesting as Egberts’s article is, he addresses only a small part of Leach’s argumentation. I have touched upon this subject in my previous texts (Pehal 2014: 207–208; Pehal 2018: 152–157). However, this essay is intended as a more detailed exposition. 30 Cunnison 1956 uses the name “perpetual kinship”. 31 Richards 1960 described the positional succession phenomenon among the Bemba tribes (today’s

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revealing description was provided by Robert Gary for the African tribe of Wambugwe (Bantu-speaking group occupying – in mid-Twentieth Century – an area in the Northern Province of Tanganyika): “[…] when a person dies a member of the same lineage is designated to take his place in the kinship structure. The substitute assumes most of the kinship relations of the dead person and also, in the case of a married person, his affinal relations” (Gray 1953: 233). Even though there are, again, almost endless permutations of this cultural mechanism, the core aim is some type of cultural merging of the involved individuals. Even though I am well aware that it might seem problematic to deduce any type of relationship across half a continent and from evidence approximately 3500 years apart, in anthropology this is not an illegitimate strategy, often producing very interesting results (see Wendrich 2018). In the following paragraphs I want to argue that in ancient Egyptian society a version of the positional succession mechanism was at play alongside the bio-genealogical model and that their interaction defined some of the crucial paradoxes of the ancient Egyptian symbolic system. The self-engendering pharaoh: positional succession conceptualised through the cyclical Kamutef dynamic. The central mechanism through which we can understand the functioning of the “positional succession” mechanism in New Kingdom Egypt is the Kamutef (kA- mw. t=f,  “Bull of his mother”) concept (Jacobsohn 1981; Hollis 2008: 175–179). It narrates the idea that every future king had been conceived by his predecessor united with a god (Amun, Ra, Min, etc.). After becoming king and taking on his predecessor’s/father’s office, the new king, too, was united with a god in a self-begetting cycle. On the cosmological level, this idea was expressed in the daily cycle of the sun by Ra impregnating the goddess Nut, forming a sky vault, only to travel inside her body to be born from her the following morning. Assmann (1991: 115–137) understands the Kamutef motif as being structurally similar to the Osirian cycle. This can be illustrated for example on the Coffin Texts Spell 94 (CT II 67c–68d): “I am the great bA of Osiris, through whom the gods commanded that he (Osiris) copulates, living up high during the day, whom Osiris created with the rDw -fluid which is in his flesh, the sperm which emerged from his (son’s/Osiris’s) phallus in order to go out into the day and (in order that) he may copulate through him.”32 In fact, the relationship of the deceased to Osiris (as his father), as understood by Willems (1996: 377) in his analysis of the texts on the coffin of Heqata, follows precisely this cyclical pattern: (…) Heqata identifies himself with Osiris, Zambia), Mitchell 1956 among the Yao (southern end of Lake Malawi in today’s Malawi and Mozambique), Cunnison 1956 among the Luapula (Zambia), and Watson 1959 among the Mambwe (north-eastern Zambia and Tanzania). Bay 1998 observed this custom to be standard especially in relation to the royal family among the Dahomey in today’s Benin. Greene 1998 focused on specific positional woman-marriage among the Con people of Being and Igbo of Nigeria. We may however also note examples from outside Africa. 32 (67c) jnk  bA  pw  qA  n (y)  Wsjr (67d) wD. n  nTr.w  nk=f  jm=f (68a) q nX(w)  Hr  qA  m  h rw (68b) jr. n  Wsjr  m  rDw  jm (y)  jwf=f  (68c) m tw. t  pr. t (j)  m  Hnn=f (68d) r  pr. t  m  h rw  nk=f  jm=f.

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the obvious aim being to be granted the same benefices as the god (i. e. being embalmed). As a result of his ensuing resuscitation, he is able, however, to become an embalmer himself. After being initiated, he enters the Place of Embalming and assists in the mummification of Osiris. Considering that it was Osiris who ordained that the mummification of the deceased should take place (…), the whole process might be termed a cycle of resuscitation. A similar cyclical pattern can be discerned, for example, in the supplementary chapter 166 of the Book of the Dead (Dahms – Pehal – Willems 2014). Paradoxical effects of positional succession on kinship patterns To understand how exactly the positional succession strategy operated within the ancient Egyptian context, let us now address the four criteria formulated above. The alternative succession strategy must: 1) be linked to the specific cultural role of the king as a divine-human mediator. Positional succession, conceptualised through the Kamutef principle, enables to negotiate between the double identity of the king. The pharaoh is thus an individual human (born of a woman), yet he is divinised by being identified with his divine father. The mediating principle is the royal ka (see below), which forms the basis of cultural identity and is passed from one generation to the next. Pharaoh is thus capable of mediating between the human and divine during his lifetime through his composite identity. 2) Accommodate the mechanism of cultural transformation of “brothers” (in the Egyptian wide understanding of the term) into “cultural sons”. Once a new king was enthroned and by being identified with the preceding pharaoh (ideally his own father) through positional succession, whatever bio-genealogical relationships existed had to be rearranged to work in harmony with the newly acquired social position of the ruler. As the pharaoh was “without equals”, the bio-genealogical kinship system was overlaid by the cultural kinship matrix (“cultural fratricide”). Socially, his father’s brothers and his own (half-)brothers then became his “sons” alongside his bio-genealogical sons, whom he fathered. This created a latent but undeniable tension between the bio-genealogical and the cultural kinship strategies, which manifested itself also within the group of the “cultural sons/brothers”. It seems to have been bearable so long as the ruling pharaoh functioned as the defining axis of these two systems. At the moment of his death, however, theoretically at least two contenders for the throne arose. The pharaoh’s oldest son would have been the legitimate ruler from the bio-genealogical point of view. From the cultural point of view, however, the pharaoh’s oldest son would have been the pharaoh’s oldest brother.33 Both of these “sons” would then be in a culturally fraternal relationship fraught with high level of 33 See also Pehal 2014: 206–208. Campagno 2009: 3, comes to a similar conclusion on the level of kinship structures: “The strong distinction between kin connected to ego by descent (‘fathers’ and ‘mothers’ being in the ascendant line, and ‘sons’ and ‘daughters’ being in the descendant line) and other kin (all of them subsumed under the collateral term sn /sn t) may suggest that two different criteria for kin membership coexisted.” The mechanism of “cultural fratricide” would, in fact, fuse

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tension given their equal claim to the throne but a varying degree of bio-genealogical closeness to the pharaoh. In fact, this is precisely what we see in case of the kinship term sn, “brother” (see above): a relationship in which two very close individuals are in a parallel relationship of complementary duality and conflict. 3) Provide a framework in which a “stranger” could actually ascend the throne and still be considered a legitimate ruler by the various relevant social players. The positional succession mechanism is the ultimate mechanism of cultural accommodation of “strangers”. Upon actually becoming a pharaoh, the cultural kinship framework trumped any previously (non)existing bio-genealogical relationships. This means that anyone, as long as they acted as a pharaoh, could be perceived as such and could even, retrospectively, claim their bio-genealogical relationship with the royal line complying with this crucial legitimisation prerequisite. This is precisely what we witness throughout Egyptian history when various non-Egyptian “strangers”, be they Nubians, Libyans, Greeks, etc. claim royal titles and divine descent and are then treated as legitimate Egyptian rulers. However, this principle has even a more subtle form applicable to the issue at hand. As we have seen, the application of the positional succession mechanism created a culturally homogenous group out of individuals who were in very much differing levels of bio-genealogical relationship to the pharaoh. Furthermore, the group of potential successors was composed not only of uncles and (half-)brothers of the one specific pharaoh who ascended the throne, but also of individuals related to the given king’s predecessors with whom the reigning pharaoh shared an aspect of his identity through the dual body principle. The group of potential successors could thus include also the current pharaoh’s (great-grand)father’s uncles, giving all of these individuals some level of legitimacy to the throne. However, from the bio-genealogical point of view (the axial legitimisation strategy in ancient Egypt), these individuals could be very distant in the genealogical line; so distant that they could be viewed as “strangers”. Yet, the cultural idiom put them on the same level, or very close to, a biological son of the pharaoh. The problematic effects of this cultural mechanism are then illustrated in the Contendings on Seth, the prototypical “stranger” of Egyptian mythology unlawfully claiming the throne. a) Isis defines Seth as exactly such an illegitimate “stranger” (rmT  DrDr) in the famous Island-in-the-middle episode (LES 45,3, MS 6,10). More specifically, she uses this term after she had transformed into an old woman. Isis’s performative ruse hints that we are to expect parallel tactics also on the contentual level. Previous commentators have noted that this whole exchange is comical because Seth does not realise the graphic puns Isis is making in relation to the term “cattle” and “royal office” (Lichtheim 1976: 223, n. 10). Given the fact that the only difference is the classifier, which would be indistinguishable for a listener, the proclaimed idiocy of Seth seems a bit unfounded, mean almost. However, the positional succession principle provides an alternative interpretation which would, in fact, explain the these two systems, creating a strong tension between the individuals concerned – such as we see in case of the term “brother”.

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derision Seth then receives. From this perspective, the comical effect seems to be caused by the fact that Isis is speaking within the bio-genealogical idiom (Horus is the bio-genealogical son), whereas Seth stubbornly sticks to the cultural idiom through which he defines his legitimacy as a “cultural son”. From her point of view, Seth is indeed a “stranger” to the office, because Horus is a direct bio-genealogical son of Osiris as opposed to Seth, a mere “cultural son”. This is the ruse, and the fact that Seth does not realise it is comical precisely because he should have been aware of this cultural mechanism as he was part of the innermost royal circle. What the Contendings does is that it uncovers the paradox of the existence of two succession mechanisms and pits them against each other.34 It does so, however, within a comical and thus a seemingly safe narrative framework. The effect of this tactic is to reflect on the paradox of the existence of this double succession strategy within the system, but, at the same time, not delegitimize the system as such. Afterall, it’s just a joke, right? That this is in fact what is happening in the text can be illustrated even further. Seth is at one moment described as Horus’s uncle (sn  n  mw. t , “mother’s brother”) (LES 42,1, MS 4,7) and a line later as his older brother (sn  aA) (LES 42,3, MS 4,8). This “unclear” relationship of Horus and Seth is used by diverging parties within the narrative itself in an argument about successor legitimacy (LES 41,16–42,3, MS 4,6–4,8): Then Onuris and Thoth cried out, saying: “Shall one give the office to the uncle (sn  n  mw. t , “mother’s brother”) [Seth] while the bodily son (zA  n  x . t) [of Osiris – Horus] is there?” Then Banebdjede, the great living god, said: “Shall one give the office to the youngster (aDd) [Horus] while Seth, his [Horus’s] elder brother (sn  aA), is there?” The other characters acknowledge the polyvalence of Seth and Horus’s relationship to further their preferred candidate’s chances of ascending the throne. This polyvalence is not a mistake, nor is it a product of some distinct (Upper and Lower Egyptian) political traditions, as Wettengel (2003: 255–258) suggests. These are symbolical narrative representations of alternative legitimisation strategies valid simultaneously. Onuris and Thoth are referring to the bio-genealogical idiom in which Seth is indeed an “uncle” and Horus is the “bodily son”. On the other hand, Banebdjede is referring to the cultural idiom which defines the contenders’ relationship in fraternal terms making Horus the less experienced and thus less legitimate, younger brother of Seth. Again, this is not an inconsistency of the text, precisely because this exchange of arguments between Onuris and Thoth and Banebjede does not flip the weights in favour of either candidate. The end of the Contendings is quite explicit about it in the sense that both Horus and Seth are presented as equally legitimate contenders: Horus by actually succeeding Osiris, Seth by being associated with Ra himself in his bark (Pehal 2014: 191, n. 491). 34 Similar suggestions but in a different context have been proposed by Verhoeven 1996: 361–363 and Campagno 2006, who speaks of “two logics of social organization”– one based solely on kinship relations and the other encompassing all other modes of interaction not regulated by kinship terms mainly directed from the state-elite to the rest of the population.

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b) The second application of the “stranger” argument expands the first. It occurs in the context of the enigmatic hippopotamus competition (LES 48,6–49,11, MS 8,9–9,7). After Horus and Seth transform into hippopotami and start fighting, Isis becomes scared that Seth will kill Horus and intervenes by thrusting a harpoon into the water. At first, she hits Horus, who addresses her: “Come to me, mother Isis, my mother! Tell your weapon to let go of me! I am Horus, son of Isis!” (LES 48,16–49,2, MS 9,1–9,2). The harpoon lets go and Isis throws it again, this time hitting Seth, who shouts out (LES 49,5–49,11, MS 9,4–9,7): “What have I done to you, my sister Isis? Tell your weapon to let go of me! I am your maternal brother, O Isis!” Then she felt very sorry for him. And Seth called to her, saying: “Do you love the stranger (z  DrDr) more than your maternal brother (sn  n  mw. t) Seth?” Then Isis called her weapon, saying: “Let go of him! It is the maternal brother of Isis whom you are biting.” And the weapon let go of him. This passage stresses the primary importance of the bio-genealogical succession idiom mediated by the woman – both Horus and Seth are freed from the harpoon (who seems to be acting autonomously) only once they identify their bio-genealogical link to Isis. However, this passage also uncovers that from a certain perspective, even a “bodily son” of a woman could be considered a “stranger”. What the narrative does through Seth is that it provides an alternative succession strategy: Seth cunningly abandons the cultural idiom he used previously in favour of the bio-genealogical idiom, which worked so well for Horus, but shifts it one generation higher stressing the common bio-genealogical link of both Seth and Isis to their maternal mother, thus completely avoiding Osiris and his kin. From this point of view, Horus is indeed a “stranger”. This shows that whereas the relationship of a male to his father was always ambiguous and could have been viewed either as legitimate or/ and illegitimate at the same time, the relationship of a male to his mother was unambiguous to the extent that it could actually offset even Horus’s bio-genealogical legitimacy claim through his father. Hypothetically, within an imagined historical succession feud, a deceased pharaoh’s brother could claim legitimacy not only culturally, as the deceased pharaoh’s oldest “son”, but also bio-genealogically by shifting the argument one generation higher to the mother he shares with his contender’s mother, i. e. his own sister (a sn  n  mw. t). Furthermore, as the narrative shows, he could even try to re-define his contender’s position as a “stranger” in this way. c) This strategy could also be turned inside-out by a complete stranger (i. e. an individual lacking any bio-genealogical link to the royal family in any line) claiming the throne by pronouncing himself a “stranger” in the Horian sense, thus implicating the opposing parties of acting as “Sethian” entities, just like in the previously mentioned episode of the Contendings. This tactic would be culturally backed by the positional succession mechanism, which would enable such a contender to subsequently claim a filial relationship to Amun-Ra (and thus the preceding pharaohs) through the Kamutef principle.

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4) Be constitutive for other strata of ancient Egyptian society outside the royal context. The royal office can be conceptualised as a condensation of the symbolical aspects present in ancient Egyptian culture as a whole. The king, being its physical manifestation, is therefore the ritualist depicted on temple scenes, even though practically he was substituted by individual priests all across the land in the daily cult of the gods. In the same sense, principles and cultural dynamics associated with the royal office/ king should be detectable as a more general social pattern outside the royal context as well, and vice versa. I will try to show that the concept of the ka served precisely as a gearing mechanism which enabled the adjustment of the positional succession principle to different socio-cultural contexts, thus making it a central axiom of ancient Egyptian culture as a whole. Ka has been the focus of many a study throughout the history of Egyptology as a discipline.35 The most recent and most relevant to the present topic is a text by Nyord (2019), who, rather than understanding the ka in an essentialist manner as a type of quality attributable to an individual’s personality, stresses its relational and ontological aspects. I will therefore use Nyord’s systematization of the function of the ka (Nyord 2019: 166), expanding on it where appropriate: 1) The ka of living persons a) Origin of a range of behaviour, such as commanding, wishing, abhorring, as well as more concrete actions (Nyord 2019: 167–171) [in the examples, which Nyord provides, a pattern arises of the ka as “[…] a kind of meta-person forming the condition of possibility of a person’s behaviour” (Nyord 2019: 169ff)] b) Qualities of the ka can be recognised in oneself or others (Nyord 2019: 172–173) [in relation to 1a, an individual’s actions can be viewed as specific manifestations of their relation to the ka as a “condition of possibility”, i. e. a principle (we would say “conscience”); however, Nyord explains that “[…] whereas conscience in the modern sense is a reaction to the memory of deeds carried out in the past, the ka rather plays the role as the origin of particular acts.” (Nyord 2019: 172)] c) Occasional references are found to kas being made, typically by a person’s superior (Nyord 2019: 173–175) [the ka used in this context represents a means of establishing a person’s position within the social hierarchy or an encompassing order, as illustrated by those examples in which the ka is created by the gods – the “ultimate superiors” – themselves] d) A number of different personal names make reference to the identity or qualities of the ka (Nyord 2019: 175–179) [the ka: 1) manifests itself (for example through birth of an individual); 2) evokes power, might, purity; 3) is described as being 35 Most recent published studies include: Bolshakov (1997); Junge (2003); Borioni (2005). For a thorough overview of the various scholarly traditions, see Nyord (2019: 151–166), who identifies three “schools” or interpretative traditions within the Egyptological discourse which view the ka as: 1) a person’s double; 2) a psychological aspect of one’s “personality” or “self ”; 3) a “vital force” of a person (esp. in the funerary context).

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“caught”, “found”, “woken”; onomastics therefore generally describe the ka as a pure potential realised through individual beings] e) The ka of the living king is represented on royal monuments accompanying him in various situations (Nyord 2019: 180–183) [the king’s ka: 1) is placed at the head of his subjects according to the hierarchical principle (see category 1c); 2) is depicted alongside the king on monuments, but is clearly distinguishable from him (dress, iconography); 3) often carries a standard with the king’s Horus-name; 4) has divine attributes (beard); see more detailed discussion below] 2) The ka of deceased persons a) Upon death, the deceased person “goes to his ka” (Nyord 2019: 184–188) [“The distance between person and ka in life (…) becomes an expression of the continuous actualisation of the person, and the return of the person to the ka dissolves that actualisation” (Nyord 2019: 184); the deceased, having been divinized through mortuary rituals, connects with or accompanies the ka (either can follow the other or go hand in hand) and together they embark on “various cosmic journeys” (Nyord 2019: 188)] b) Mortuary offerings are presented to the ka of the deceased – and correspondingly offerings for gods are made for their kas (Nyord 2019: 188–190) [As Nyord in his text does not relate this specific aspect to the other categories, I would like to offer a suggestion. From an anthropological perspective, the usage of lists of any kind indicates a taxonomizing process – they order the world according to appropriate categories (for example into families/kin groups etc.).36 In the Egyptian context, individual substances are often related to a broader mythological framework for example through their phonetic similarity with divine epithets, various entities or the activities which they perform, as is the case of the so-called “Cannibal Hymn”. This composition lists the various aspects of the deceased king’s power and rule (Goebs 2008), which the king devours as if foodstuffs. This “storing” of cultural knowledge/foodstuffs happens through a simultaneous effect of “list-condensation” and “list-amplification” (redundancy of form enables to effectively connect otherwise disparate categories within the list through their mythological associations). Nyord argues that the ka is a type of meta-person, a representative of a bond relating an individual to a wider, orderly (social) framework. Listing offerings is therefore only a different way to link the deceased to a cosmic framework delineated by the food offerings (kA.w, WB V: 91.3–92.16) of which his ka – a personification of the deceased’s meta-person – is the ultimate receiver as a meta-category of the ancient Egyptian onto-semiotic universe] c) Relationships between various divine beings are described in terms of being or having ka (Nyord 2019: 190–195) [This is a crucial aspect of the ka for our argument (see 36 Understanding lists in such a manner is characteristic of the functionalist/structuralist interpretative approach. See for example Leach (1966), who analyses the genealogical relationships of King Solomon. Goody (1977: 74–111) analyses list-making in ancient civilizations, including Egypt. For an appreciation of more general studies, see Doležalová (2009).

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below for further elaboration) and an extension of 1c but now related especially to the father-son/god-king relationship in a funerary context: “with the father embodying the existential potential of which the son is the manifestation.” (Nyord 2019: 190)] d) A number of more specific actions by and relations to kas in the mortuary literature (Nyord 2019: 195–200) [a) Both the ka and the person are said to be “pure/ purified”, “true of voice”, “unperishable”; b) ka is associated with power (sx m); c) manipulation of the ka affects the ontological status of its manifest form (kas of other beings can be eaten); d) “swallowing/uniting” of kas implies charging of the potentiality they represent, whereas “sending out one’s ka” describes the process of differentiation; e) kas can be “allotted” (nHb) to control the specific form and limits of their manifestations (personified in the character of Nehebkau, nHb kA.w, “Alloter of kas”)] 3) Ka as the gearing mechanism of positional succession in different strata of Egyptian society Royal context All of the instances of the usage of the ka as described by Nyord show that it should be understood relationally as a means of inter-connecting various entities (people, pharaoh, gods, food-stufs etc.) within a complex web of legitimacy, tapping into the source of order and distributing it along social networks by forming cultural identities.37 In relation to the issue of positional succession, the most relevant categories of Nyord’s list are 1c (ka related to the establishment of filial relations), 1e (royal ka), and 2c (interrelatedness of divine beings in terms of ka). The royal context (1e) fits perfectly well with the positional succession argument. The royal ka was of central concern already in the Old Kingdom.38 Outside of the Hb  sd , which was already discussed (see above), the Opet festival specifically focused on the renewal and restoration of the royal ka (Bell 1985; Darnell 2010: 4–5): The transformation of Amenhotep III from an individual ruler to the personification of the royal ka through a blurring of the boundary between the person of the king and the royal ka-nature in the rear rooms of the Luxor Temple suggests that the Opet festival under Amenhotep III and his successors became amongst other things a ritual reconfirming the transmission of the royal ka. Darnell even suggests the existence of a custom very similar to the one we have previously described in relation to the positional succession practices recorded for the Shilluk 37 Assmann (2011: 137), in an essentialist manner, speaks of the ka as a “social soul”. 38 A stone vessel found in Djoser’s pyramid complex juxtaposes Ninetjer’s serekh and the ka-chapel o Hetepsekhemwy (Lacau – Lauer 1961: pl. 15 no. 74) possibly suggesting royal succession through the maintenance of the mortuary cult of the predecessor (Wilkinson 1999: 72); Pepy I constructed a ka-chapel at the site of ancient Bubastis in the south-eastern Nile delta (Lange-Athinodorou – El-Senussi 2018; Tietze 2008). For a chronological overview of the development of royal ka-foundations through the Third Millennium BCE, see Lange (2006); Papazian (2008).

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(see above): A later ruler might also begin to mingle his identity with that of an earlier incarnation of the royal ka […], and a statue of the celebrating ruler’s immediate (legitimate) predecessor may have participated in the festival (Darnell 2010: 5 with reference to Waitkus 2008: 232–233, 240–241). One might also include the kA-Hr- kA festival (also known as the Khoiak festival or the Mysteries of Osiris, see conveniently Smith 2017: 232–234). Gardiner (1906: 139), followed by Černý (1958: 207), translates this name as “ka [was] upon ka”, noting that the Khoiak festival was connected to the Nehebkau festival (nHb - kA.w, “Uniting the kas”) in the sense that both of these relate to “one and the same festival”. This seems to be confirmed by a custom recorded for the New Kingdom pharaohs of celebrating a double accession ceremony, as was the case of Ramses III described by (Darnell 2014) in the context of examining the Stela of Usersatet, a monumental version of a decree issued by Amenhotep II to the viceroy of Nubia: According to the lunar based festival calendar at Medinet Habu, in addition to the celebration of what appears to have been the actual date of his accession to the throne on I Smw 26, Ramses III also celebrated – on I pr. t  1 – the “ day of the Nehebkau festival of the royal appearance of King Usermaatre-meryamun.” The two dates […] indicate that Ramses III was able to celebrate his accession on both the chronologically significant, regnal-year-beginning date of the event, and on another day significant for the royal ideology (Darnell 2014: 262). Citing other evidence, Darnell concludes that: “[…] three events appear as though celebrated simultaneously on I pr. t 1: the festival of Nehebkau, the festival of kA-Hr- kA, and the opening of the year” (Darnell 2014: 262). This would connect the central concern of royal ideology (accession ceremony) specifically to the funerary context of the kA-Hr- kA (Khoiak) festival, focusing on Osiris, placing it within the celebrations of the New Year – a symbolically highly charged moment. If we follow Nyord (2019: 162, 199) in understanding of Nehebkau as an entity overseeing the process of appropriate “allotment” of individual manifestations of their ka-potentialities, then celebrating the accession on the New Year would symbolically proclaim – through the positional succession principle – the new king as an “appropriate manifestation” of a linear line of royal predecessor(s), united in a circular dynamic through their sharing of the body-politic, represented by the royal ka. On the mythological level, the whole event would be framed by a funerary idiom as the “uniting of ka/kas [of Osiris-deceased pharaoh] upon ka [of Horus-successor]”. The effect which these festivals had on the ontological status of the king seem to have been directly depicted, such as in the White Chapel of Senusret I (Hirsch 2008: 47– 49). Here the royal ka, depicted as a divine figure, wears the king’s Horus name as its headdress. Nyord (2019: 180) stresses that the ka is not the king’s “double” but is clearly distinguished from him. Thus, the specific individual on the throne (Senusret I – body-physical) seems to be “worn” (as a name) by the royal-ka (body-politic) in the manner of a crown-like ornament in a similar vein as the royal ka holds in its hand a standard with the bust of a human with royal insignia. (Nyord 2019: 181) even speculates on the scene in the terms of a “person as a puppet held on a stick controlled or strongly influenced by its divine origin […].”

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Even more fascinating is an iconographically “unremarkable” (simple divine wig and beard) wooden ka-statue of the king Auibre Hor (CG 259: discovered by De Morgan in 1894, see conveniently Aufrère 2005) with a sculpted ka-hieroglyph poised on its head. Outside of being explicitly identified as a “living (royal) ka”, it was linked to the pr- nw shrine as one of a pair of such statues (the other, smaller, being badly preserved). Nyord (2019: 183) suggests that this second statue might have been associated with the pr-wr shrine. This would make complete sense from the positional succession strategy viewpoint with both statues representing the unity and entirety of the Egyptian body-politic of which the royal ka was a representation. The already mentioned “design austerity” of the statue could also be understood as accentuating the unifying, general aspects of the royal office as opposed to the individualised elements of the manifestations actually occupying the throne. Dignitaries The positional succession principle, mediated through the concept of the ka as described above, is identifiable also in other strata of ancient Egyptian society. As opposed to the king, who was depicted with his ka already during life, non-royals would “go to their ka” only after death. Thus, Pepy II issued a royal decree by which he granted the Old Kingdom governors of the Dakhla Oasis the privilege to possess ka-chapels (Hw. t - kA) for sustaining their mortuary cult (Soukiassian 2013; Soukiassian – Wuttmann – Pantalacci 2002; for a comparison with Dayr al-Barshā, see Willems 2014: 120–121). This decree not only shows the replication of the royal model, but relates the ka to pharaonic power as the source of political and social cohesiveness (i. e. the body-politic). Similarly, the nomarchs of the Hare nome constructed elaborate ka-chapels, even equipping them with colossal statuary (De Meyer – Willems 2016). Given the level of administrative autonomy they seem to have enjoyed, it is understandable that their mortuary practices are similar to the royal idiom: Perhaps, nomarchs were not more influential or important than high officials living in places like al-Lisht, but yet there may well have been a difference of perspective. […] for the population of the nome, [they] undoubtedly constituted the apex of the locally visible hierarchical pyramid (Willems 2014: 207). The main effect of the existence of these ka-chapels was the divinization of the governors themselves, who would, on occasions, be addressed as “nTr / god” (Willems 2014: 121, 207–208; Franke 1994: 136, n. 407). However, functionally, these structures were also to be found in private contexts, in which the term ka-chapel (Hw. t - kA) designated various types of private statue shrines or even tomb chapels (Franke 1994: 119–127; Willems 2014: 208). Not only the highest echelons of Egyptian administration, but every individual holding some type of an office could be seen as somehow participating in the conduct (sxr) of the divine. As Nyord observes, it is very telling that the discourse used to describe this participation tends to be centred around the concept of the ka, as we see, for example, in the Teachings of Ptahhotep39 (7,2–7,3): When a nobleman is at a meal 39 For convenience, I based my translation on the transcription in Allen 2015: 178.

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(lit. “bread”), his conduct is according to the command of his ka. It40[the ka] will give to him whom it favours. The outcome/actualisation (x pr) is a matter of obscurity (lit. “night”): it is the ka that stretches out its hands.41 A nobleman gives without anyone asking. The meal is therefore under god’s conduct (sxr). Only a fool will complain about it! 42 This passage is very telling in that it not only presents the nobleman as a mere “surrogate” of the ka, which is leading his actions, but that his conduct is likened to that of a god (nTr) precisely through his close connection with the divinizing potentiality of the ka. Even though there is still a long way for this specific nobleman’s actual divinization as a local patron-saint in a ka-chapel, as we have seen in case of the nomarchs, the teaching depicts the very dynamic behind this process (see also Willems 2014: 209). Private context Let us now examine the private context, for which Nyord’s categories 1c (relationships between the living established through ka) and 2c (ka as the centre of an individual’s funerary cult) are especially relevant. Assmann (1976) repeatedly stressed the centrality of the concept of the ka for the correct understanding of the father-son relationship, considering it a “paternal, dynastic principle” par excellence (Assmann 2005: 101). We have already seen above in Coffin Texts Spell 94 (CT II 67c–68d) that funerary texts described the wish of the deceased (ba of Osiris) to be manifest through his son by means of copulation. Similarly, Coffin Texts Spell 313 (CT IV 88b–c) speaks of the affirming of the deceased father’s kas by his son, who is alive: “I am indeed your father, o my children upon earth. May you make my kas firm.”43 Olabarria (2018: 95) understands this passage as referring to the maintenance of the deceased’s funerary cult, but also to the execution of his father’s social responsibilities towards his “manifestations”, i. e. family members, very much in the same way as Nyord understands the realisation process of the ka-potentiality. This would put the son in the structural position of his own father (he takes up his father’s social position) in a very similar vein as we saw in the royal context with the Kamutef motif.44 The ka is then the medium through which this trans-generational unity is achieved, transmitted between “father” and “son” during mortuary rituals 40 In relating the masc. sing. suffix =f  to the ka (also a masc. sg. noun) rather than to the nobleman himself, I follow Nyord’s suggestion as opposed to other standard translations. Even though the nobleman is a possible referent, this translation is appropriate also in relation to other parts of the composition and its general intent. 41 Nyord 2019: 169: “[…] what is meant by this is that the vectors and processes leading to actualisation are shrouded in darkness and thus beyond mundane influence.” The ka would then be the actor, almost as if leading/“carrying” the nobleman in a similar manner as the royal ka “carries” the specific pharaoh on its head/in its hand as a puppet (see above). 42 jr  wr  wnn=f  HA  t /sx r=f  xf t  wD  kA=f /jw=f  r  rdj. t  n  Hzy=f /sx r  pw  n  grH  x pr/jn  kA  dwn  awj=f / wr  dj=f  nj  pH. n  z(j) /jw  wn m  t  Xr  sx r  nTr/jn  x m  anay=f  Hr=s

43 jnk  pw  Hm  jt=k  mztj.w=j  t p  tA  zmn=k  kA.w=j 44 Olabarria 2018 provides a thorough analysis of the function of the ka in private context as a means of delineating kinship patterns, basing her conclusions on the study of Middle Kingdom funerary stelae. See also Olabarria 2014.

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through embrace (Assmann 1969: 103–105) and founded upon the initial act of Atum’s embrace of his children, Shu and Tefnut, during creation itself (Pyramid Texts Spell 600, Pyr. 1652c–1653a): “Atum-Cheprer! You became high, as the hill. You rose as the benben in the Benben Enclosure in Heliopolis. You sneezed Shu and spat Tefnut. You put your arms around them as ka-arms so that your ka might be in them.” 45 What is important in relation to the topic of positional succession is the fact that even though the whole process is framed in a bio-genealogical father-son idiom, the position of the “son” could have been performed by an individual with no actual biological ties to the deceased “father”. Based on various depictions and ritual descriptions of the Opening of the Mouth ritual, the role of the “son” is ritually always occupied by a sem-priest, distinguishable by his leopard-skin garment and an open scroll in hand, from which he presumably recites. Even though in an ideal situation the sem-priest would have been identical with the actual biological son of the deceased, more often than not this role must have been ritually outsourced to trained specialists capable of carrying out the desired rituals in the correct manner (after all, there was a lot at stake for both the deceased and the family). Even though this might seem as a very small detail, it is in fact crucial as it shows that the symbolical system allowed complete bio-genealogical “strangers” (sem-priests) to ritually function in the role of bio-genealogically legitimate “sons” to the deceased in a very similar manner as the positional succession system allowed even complete “strangers” to function as “bio-genealogically” legitimate “sons” to the deceased pharaoh. This means that in the Egyptian understanding, the bio-genealogical idiom, which was the primary way of framing kinship patterns, was based on a culturally transferable category of the ka. Thus, the ka (of the father) can be conceived as actually copulating through his “son-manifestation”, as is described in Coffin Texts Spell 94 (CT II 67c–68d); the Teachings of Ptahhotep (7,11) combine the sign of an ejaculating phallus (bio-genealogical idiom) with the ka sign (cultural idiom) to express the process of the creation of an obedient son: “He is your son, he belongs to your ka’s ejaculation”,46 i. e. one that is willingly in compliance with the principles upholding Egyptian society expressed through the specific wishes of his father.47 Summary: ka and positional succession as an all-pervading cultural mechanism. The ka represented a potential of orderly, socially sanctioned behaviour (kas could be created by superiors/gods) of which individuals were manifestations; ka was an intergenerational principle, connecting specific individuals within a social network reaching also into the transcendental. The positional succession mechanism on the royal level can thus 45 (1652a) ¦ m  x prr  qA. n=k  m  qAA (1652b) wbn . n=k  m  bnbn  m  ¡w. t - bnw  m  Jwnw (1652c) jSS. n=k  m  ¥w  t f. n=k  m  ¦fn . t  (1653a) d . n=k  awj=k  HA=sn  m  awj=k  wb  kA=k  jm=sn 46 zA=k  pw  nsw  st  kA=k 47 Nyord 2019: 174–175 is even more radical in his interpretation of the relevant passage (Ptahhotep 7,10–8,1) understanding it as a refutation of the bio-genealogical relationship between the father and son in case he refuses to obey his father’s orders in the sense that such a son cannot be a manifestation of the father’s ka.

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be viewed only as an extreme actualisation of the dynamics detectable in all strata of ancompliance with the principles upholding Egyptian society expressed the specific of compliance withThe the principles upholding Egyptian society expressed through thethrough specific of wishes cient Egyptian society. king manifested thewith body-politic in the same waysociety aswishes individcompliance the principles upholding Egyptian expressed through the specific wishes 47 47 his father. the body-social his father. 47 ual Egyptians manifested as expressions of the ka. The main difference his father. between the royal and non-royal context was that whereas the non-royals “went to their ka and positional succession as anpositional all-pervading cultural ka” after death, theSummary: was depicted literally with his kaasmechanism. already during his mechanism. Summary: kaking and positional succession as an all-pervading cultural mechanism. Summary: ka walking and succession an all-pervading cultural life, which reflected his unique function of the central mediator and guarantor of order. Individual representatives the royal office acquired thissanctioned closeness ritual transformaThe ka represented aofpotential ofsocially orderly, socially behaviour (kas could be by (kas could be created by The ka represented aof potential orderly, sanctioned behaviour (kasby could be created bycreated The ka represented a potential of orderly, socially sanctioned behaviour tion duringsuperiors/gods) accession ceremonies. Thisindividuals connection was then regularly reaffirmed during superiors/gods) of which were manifestations; ka was an intergenerational principle, of which individuals were manifestations; ka was an intergenerational principle, superiors/gods) of which individuals were manifestations; ka was an intergenerational principle, various festivals (Hb  sd,  jpt,  kA-HrkAconnecting ).aThe extraordinary closeness ofintothe to the connecting specific individuals within a socialreaching networkalso reaching the king transcendental. connecting specific individuals within social network into the transcendental. The specific individuals within aalso social network reaching alsoThe into the transcendental. The source of order through the royal ka founded the identity ofanindividual reprepositional succession mechanism on the royal level can thus be viewed only as an extreme positional succession mechanism onactually the royal level can thus be viewed only as extreme positional succession mechanism on the royal level can thus be viewed only as an extreme sentatives on the throne, emically expressed by the bio-genealogically framed cultural actualisation of the detectable dynamics detectable strata of ancient Egyptian society. The kingEgyptian society. The king actualisation of the dynamics in all strata ofallancient Egyptian society. king actualisation ofin48 the dynamics detectable in allThe strata of ancient etically describable by the positional idiom of themanifested royal ka and the “Bull of his mother”, manifested the body-political the same way as individual the Egyptians body-socialmanifested the body-socia the body-political in the manifested sameinway asthe individual Egyptians manifested the body-social body-political in theEgyptians same waymanifested as individual succession mechanism tool fit main for our symbolical system to the extent thatwas thethat as expressions of the ka. difference The difference between the royal and non-royal context as expressions of(analytical the ka. The main between the royal and non-royal context was that as expressions of the ka. The main difference between the royal and non-royal context was that ka is not). The concept of the ka therefore created a gearing mechanism through which whereas the non-royals “went their ka” after thetodepicted king depicted literally walking with whereas the non-royals “went to their ka”toafter the death, king was literally walking whereas thedeath, non-royals “went theirwas ka” after death, the with king was depicted literally walking wit the microcosm of every individual could connect withfunction the macrocosmic level, facilitated his ka already his life, which reflected function of the central mediator andof the central mediator and his ka already during his during life, which reflected his unique the central mediator and his ka already duringhis hisunique life, of which reflected his unique function by the existence ofguarantor aorder. human-divine mediator – the king – theoffice actual living manifestaof order. Individual representatives ofoffice the royal acquired closeness byacquired ritual this closeness by ritual guarantor of Individual representatives of royal acquired this closeness ritual guarantor of the order. Individual representatives ofthis the by royal office tion-incarnate of his predecessor in the same way as Egyptians were symbolical living transformation during ceremonies. accession ceremonies. This connection was then regularly reaffirmed transformation during accession This connection was then regularly reaffirmed during transformation during accession ceremonies. This connection was during then regularly reaffirmed durin manifestations-incarnate of their predecessors through the mortuary cult. Even though various(Hb festivals sd, jpt, kA-Hr-kA). The (Hb extraordinary closeness ofto the to the source ofoforder various festivals sd, jpt,(Hb kA-Hr-kA). The extraordinary closeness of the king theking source ofcloseness order various festivals sd, jpt, kA-Hr-kA). The extraordinary we may speak of positional succession manifest solely on the level of royalty, it stemmed the king to the source of ord theactually royal kafounded actually founded the of individual on the throne, through thethrough royal ka the identity ofidentity individual representatives on the throne, through the royal ka actually founded representatives the identity individual from the foundational principles of the ancient Egyptian symbolical systemofas such. representatives on the throne, emically expressed by theemically bio-genealogically framed cultural idiom the royal ka andof the “Bull of royal ka and the “Bull emically expressed by the bio-genealogically framed cultural of the royalofka and thecultural “Bull expressed by theidiom bio-genealogically framed idiom of the

48 his48mother”, etically describable by the succession (analytical fit for his mother”, etically describable byhisthemother”, positional succession mechanism (analytical tool fit fortool 48 positional etically describable by mechanism the positional succession mechanism (analytical tool fit for

our symbolical system to the extent that the ka is not). The concept of the ka therefore created a

symbolical system to the extent our that symbolical the ka is not). The to concept of thethat ka the therefore created system the extent ka is not). Theaconcept of the ka therefore created a Conclusion:ourfive basic types of succession strategies gearing mechanism through which the microcosm of every individual could connect with the could connect with the gearing mechanism through which the microcosm of every individual could connect with the gearing mechanism through which microcosm individual The preceding exposé on the central role of the concept of the ka the brings us toofaevery summary macrocosmic level, facilitated by the of existence of a human-divine mediator—the king—the macrocosmic level, facilitated by themacrocosmic existence alevel, human-divine mediator—the king—the actual facilitated by ideal the existence of a human-divine mediator—the king—the actua of the various modalities of royal succession strategies. In an situation, the mostactual living manifestation-incarnate of his predecessor in the same way as Egyptians were symbolical living manifestation-incarnate of his predecessor in the same way as Egyptians were symbolical living manifestation-incarnate of his and predecessor in theaspects same wayofas Egyptians were symbolical legitimate successor would have combined both bio-genealogical cultural living manifestations-incarnate of their predecessors the cult. mortuary Even we living manifestations-incarnate their predecessors through thethrough mortuary Even cult. though wethough living manifestations-incarnate of their predecessors through the mortuary cult. Even though we filial relationships: he would have of been the eldest biological son (bio-genealogical male may speak of positional succession manifest solely on the level of royalty, it stemmed from the may speak of positional succession manifest solely on the level of royalty, it stemmed from the line: succession strategy [a]) and the eldest “cultural” sonsuccession (cultural malesolely line:onsuccession may speak of positional manifest the level of royalty, it stemmed from the 49 50 foundational principles offoundational the ancient(female Egyptian symbolical system as strategy such. principles of theofancient Egyptian symbolical system as such. strategy [b]foundational ) of his father and the queen line: [c]); heas such. principles of thesuccession ancient Egyptian symbolical system would secure the completion of his father’s tomb, carry out appropriate funerary rituals Conclusion: five basic types ofof succession Conclusion: five basiccult types strategies. and maintain his funerary asof asuccession deed proper performative filial strategies. relationship (sucConclusion: five strategies. basic types of succession cession strategy [d]). This would lead to his enthronement and identification with his royal predecessor (ancestors) through the concept of the divine aspect of the royal office 47 Nyord 2019: 174–175 even47more in his interpretation of the relevant passage7,10–8,1) (Ptahhotep 7,10–8,1) Nyord 2019: 174–175 is even moreisradical in hisradical interpretation of is theeven relevant (Ptahhotep Nyord 2019: 174–175 morepassage radical in his interpretation of the relevant passage (Ptahhotep 7,10–8,1) understanding it as of a refutation of the bio-genealogical relationship between theson father andhe son in casetohe refuses to understanding it as a refutation the bio-genealogical relationship betweenofthe and in case refuses understanding it as a refutation thefather bio-genealogical relationship between the father and son in case he refuses to obey his father’s orders in the sense that such a son cannot be a manifestation of the father’s obey his father’s orders in the sense that such a son a manifestation the such father’s ka.cannot be ka. obey his cannot father’sbeorders in the senseofthat a son a manifestation of the father’s ka. 47

48 words kA “bull” ( 48 48 The closeness the )andand ( are ) are understandable once as The words kA48“bull” andthe kA asprinciple the principle understandable once conceptualised The of closeness of closeness the wordsof kAthe “bull” kA askA theas understandable The closeness ofprinciple the words kAare “bull” andonce kA asconceptualised the principle as are understandable once conceptualised a and, as 259, (Bell 1985: 259, nn.1985: 40–41) remarks: “consistent with the ‘reproductive’ or “(re)generative power” and, power” as (Bell 1985: nn. 40–41) remarks: “consistent with the ‘reproductive’ or “consistent conceptualised as “(re)generative “(re)generative power” and, as (Bell 259, remarks: “(re)generative power” and, as (Bellnn. 40–41) 1985: 259, nn. 40–41) remarks: “consistent with the ‘reproductive’ or ‘regenerative’ connotations ofconnotations their common root.” kA.tcommon means “vulva” or thetword “bull” includes a ‘regenerative’ connotations of their common root.” kA.t means “vulva” orcommon “vagina”; the“vagina”; word includes a “vulwith the ‘reproductive’ or ‘regenerative’ of their root.” ( “bull” kA. means ‘regenerative’ connotations of their root.” kA.t means “vulva” or “vagina”; the word “bull” includes a phallus sign).phallus sign). sign). sign). va” or “vagina”; the word “bull” includesphallus a phallus 49 It must be noted, however, that succession strategy (b) is enabled by the existence of succession strategy (e). This illustrates the inextricable connection of both the bio-genealogical and cultural kinship principles, which is alien to our symbolical language. 50 The patrilinear title of the Harendotes (Hr- nD-jt=f, “Protector-of-his-father”) could be opposed to the title Horsaisis (Hr-sA-Ast , “Horus-son-of-Isis”), which emphasized the maternal filiation (Forgeau 2002: 20; Revez 2010: 64, n. 75).

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(body-politic, see above) mediated by the royal ka (cultural filial relationship) – i. e. positional succession (succession strategy [e]). In reality, however, any of these individual criteria seems to have been enough to enable contenders to lay legitimate claim to the throne. – Example 1: a biological (“bodily”) son (sn  n  xt=f ) through the male line (succession strategy [a]) could have been contested by a biological son through the female line claiming his right as the “bodily son” of the “pharaoh’s daughter” (zA. t  nswt) (succession strategy [c]) thus circumventing the direct male line of the deceased pharaoh (as Seth attempted in one of the Contendings episode, see above). Both of them could use the argument along the lines that the other was a “stranger” (z/rmT  DrDr) to the office. However, the whole model gets more complex if we realise that even within the seemingly clear-cut category of the biological male line, the positional succession principle (“cultural fratricide”) established that at least two individuals would have been culturally thought of as the “eldest sons” (male line: succession strategy [b]): the biological son of the deceased pharaoh and also his oldest biological (half-)brother, who could also present their succession claim. – Example 2: contender without any bio-genealogical relationship to the previous pharaoh (succession strategy [a] and [c]) and even excluded from the category of “cultural sons” (succession strategy [b]), could have claimed performative filial relationship by completing his predecessor’s funerary structure and establishing and providing for the funerary cult and/or aligning one’s monuments with those of his predecessors deemed symbolically significant (succession strategy [d]). – Example 3: any individual, upon succession, could disregard even the funeral performative filial relationship and retroactively claim cultural filial relationship to the deceased king or, even better, to (Amun-)Ra himself (succession strategy [e]) through the cultural concept of positional succession. In most cases, a combination of these strategies would have always been present, cementing the claim of the individual contenders from various sides. The cultural and historical circumstances would then condition which of these strategies and in what combination would have been deemed sufficient. In etic terms, once one of the contenders actually ascended the throne, the “positional succession” mechanisms would redefine the whole network of relationships of the members of the royal family to comply with the newly acquired status of the pharaoh of one of its members and make the other (bio-genealogical) legitimisation strategies irrelevant (“cultural fratricide”). This created a tension within the symbolical system. As we have seen, the father-son (bio-genealogical) relationship was axial to the ancient Egyptian symbolical thinking. Its cultural “muting” could never have been completely achieved. This is evident from the fact that the bio-genealogical framework would be immediately evoked with the death of the reigning pharaoh as alternative legitimisation strategies by various contenders (succession strategies [a] and [c]). Furthermore, the purely cultural mechanisms of “cultural fratricide” and “positional succession” (succession strategies [b] and [e]) were conceptualised solely through bio-genealogical terms. Every pharaoh was therefore a self-begetting divine entity; his brothers were transformed into his sons to

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whom he was in a paternal position. We must therefore be aware that as much as the analytical opposition of culture × nature is actually very helpful for the analysis itself, once confronted with the material itself, it must be dissolved.51 This is evident in the ancient Egyptian emic discourse. The royal office, functioning as the central defining axis of social and kinship relations, puts an end to the “strife” of Horus and Seth, who – through this lens – in turn represent the various cultural × natural legitimisation strategies and their combinations, as I tried to illustrate on the Contendings. Not only were both contenders regarded as equally legitimate, but they both participated in the founding of order as two complementary and mutually definitory principles. In the royal office, personified by the king through the principle of his double body, the basic dichotomy of culture × nature dissolves, human-divine mediation is enabled, and the order of the world is upheld, once again. Part II: Legitimisation strategies in the Old Kingdom Old Kingdom evidence at a glance in relation to the five New Kingdom succession strategies The central question in relation to Old Kingdom material, therefore, is, whether we are capable of identifying any of the succession strategies as defined above. This could have major impact on the interpretations Egyptologists adopt when trying to understand the succession dynamics of this period. 1) Genealogy (succession strategies a, b, c, e): Dobrev (1993) and Nuzzolo (2018: 474–475) argued, respectively, that the form of the Golden Horus names of Snefru – Khufu – Djedefra and those of Userkaf – Sahura – Neferirkara indicate a stress on the grandfather – father – son structure.52 This would be an indication of the succession strategy (a) (direct bio-genealogical male succession). Also, royal women, such as Hetepheres I and II, Khentkaus I and II, seem to have played a central part as reference individuals in relation to whom certain kings founded their bio-genealogical legitimacy (Al­ten­müller 1970; Gundacker 2008; Callender 2011:136–147). Assigning the title “Mother of the two Kings of Upper and Lower Egypt” ( mw. t  nswt  bjty  nswt  bjty) to both Khentkaus I and II 53 – combined with the title of the “king’s

51 The tendency to work along the lines of dichotomies is a staple of the structuralist approach, gravely criticised by many. This, however, is in a sense a misunderstanding of the method the aim of which is to detect the specific symbolic mechanisms which enable the dissolution of these dichotomies, providing a means of relating the individual to larger symbolic frameworks (society, cosmos, etc.). “Nature and culture are in mutual movement into and through each other. Their continuum is a dynamic unity of reciprocal variation” (Massumi 2013: 11). See also Lewis 2013: chap. 5–6. 52 Each king in fact added one falcon-Horus figure to his name as to create a chronological sequence. 53 For a general discussion, see Nuzzolo 2018: 469–471; Verner 2014: 20–24; Callender 2011: 147– 149, 175–179; Verner 2001: 168–178.

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daughter” (zA. t  nswt) in case of Khentkaus II 54 – might have been an attempt by their younger sons to stress their connection with the previous dynastic line through their mother, given their possibly unexpected ascent to the throne after their older brothers have died (Nuzzolo 2018: 475). These younger sons might have, however, also wanted to prevent the kin of their (deceased) older brothers’ to potentially lay any claim to the office by circumventing their male line, just as Seth attempted to do in the hippopotamus episode of the Contendings (see above). This would be indicative of the presence of the succession strategy (c) (direct bio-genealogical succession through the female line). By affirming their mothers’ relationship to their royal predecessors, these pharaohs could further claim their legitimacy by applying succession strategy (b) as the cultural “eldest sons” of their predecessor. In this way they would strengthen their legitimacy along the male line but not through the bio-genealogical, but rather the cultural idiom (succession strategy [e]). 2) Mythology and ideology (succession strategies a, b, e): one of the most important innovations of the Old Kingdom was the introduction of the title zA  Ra, “Son of Ra”. This not only founded a direct filial relationship of the ruling pharaoh with the supreme god, but also enabled the postulation of a shared identity of the individual representatives of the royal office (coexistence of the body-physical and body-politic, succession strategy [e]). What is fascinating is that this essentially cultural mechanism is shrouded in bio-genealogical terms. This can be illustrated on the two most important mythological frameworks evoked in relation to the role and identity of the king in the Old Kingdom – that of Osiris and Ra(-Atum).55 Within the Osirian complex, the son culturally participates in the social identity of his father by replacing him within the societal matrix upon his death. This is, however, framed by a biological discourse which fuses the two through the biological activity of procreation. Similarly, the title “Son of Ra” founds a cultural identity of its holders, yet this identity is framed by the biological framework of son-hood, just like in the Osirian complex. Furthermore, the cycle of the sun is understood as an eternal biological cycle of rebirth through self-creation (Ra impregnates Nut, who gives birth to him the following day). This means that the dichotomy between the biological filiation (succession strategy [a]) and cultural filiation (succession strategy [b]) can be completely dissolved within the ancient Egyptian discourse: thanks to the existence of the cultural positional succession mechanism, “cultural sons” can be thought of as “biological sons” as far as cultural succession is concerned. This means that purely “cultural sons” could (upon 54 The lack of this title in case of Khentkaus I could be caused by little surviving evidence, as suggested by Callender 2011: 163–165, and does not necessarily mean that she did not possess one, being a sister of both Shepseskaf and Userkaf, as instead argued by Verner 2014: 30–31. 55 These two gods represent the two axes around which the Pyramid Texts are centred. For a detailed evaluation of the issue of the solar cult in the Old Kingdom and an appreciation of the scholarly discourse, see Nuzzolo 2018: 477–490. Kaiser 1956: 115 was the first to propose a relation between the disappearance of the sun temples and the rise of the cult of Osiris. This thesis has been lately taken up by several authors (Verner 2014: 225–226; Shalomi-Hen 2015; Nuzzolo 2016; Nuzzolo 2018: 490–504); contra see Voss 2004: 184–192.

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becoming pharaohs) fuse the two discourses and speak of themselves as biological sons even in those cases when a direct succession male-line was lacking. From the emic perspective, there is essentially no difference (cultural son-ship founds biological son-ship and vice versa). However, pharaohs could choose to stress both discourses separately so as to boost their legitimacy claim by taking advantage of more legitimisation strategies (for example in those cases where a patrilineal line of descent did exist). Being a direct family member of the previous pharaoh is simply better than being “just” a culturally defined descendant. Even if the cultural discourse in the end always “trumps” the biological kinship system (succession strategy [e]), the stress put by the emic discourse throughout the ages on patrilineality is indicative of its symbolical importance. The Ra-Osirian mythological complexes, which fuse both “cultural” and “biological” imagery, are then the trove of images used to express these processes. It is essentially an example of symbolical redundancy, which, however, enables the cultural system to express one of its essential paradoxes in relation to the symbolically condensed and charged office of the king. 3) Architecture and ritual (succession strategies b, d, e): Voss and Verner have put forward the theory that the appearance of the solar temples was an intentional attempt at bolstering Userkaf’s succession claim (Voss 2004; Verner 2014; Nuzzolo 2018). In light of the previous exposé, this seems to be a very apt observation. Constructing a specialised monument (sun temple) – accompanied by an obligatory cult linking the two structures (Vymazalová 2011) – that would affirm his cultural identification with his royal predecessors (succession strategy [b] and [e]) seems a logical move. Nuzzolo (2018: 465) even links the the pyramid complex and the sun temple to the concept of the two bodies (or natures) of the king, the funerary and the solar. If we stay with the example of king Userkaf, his construction activities also signal a stress on the establishment of a culturally-performative (filial) relationship (succession strategy [d]) through associating his monuments with those of symbolically significant kings of the Third and Fourth Dynasties (Djoser, Snefru, Shepseskaf): he built his pyramid in a very unconventional and spatially constricted area between the outer wall of Djoser’s pyramid complex and the Dry Moat and visually linked it to other important monuments (Nuzzolo 2017: 189–190). From the tentative overview of the Old Kingdom evidence, it seems that the dynamics of all five of the succession strategies identified in the New Kingdom were present already in the Old Kingdom. Further inquiry into the topic is of course necessary in order to discern possible similarities or differences. However, this preliminary study suggests that a much more nuanced and fluid understanding of succession dynamics is appropriate in the study of Old Kingdom royal succession.

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Conclusion: fluid understanding of ancient Egyptian succession mechanisms This text tries to describe the existence of a series of cultural mechanisms in the ancient Egyptian symbolical system which negotiated between internal tensions created by the existence of mutually divergent socio-cultural realities. The axial premise of the Egyptian system was the definition of a unique, human-divine mediator in the person of the king. This was enabled by the cultural concept of the coexistence of the body-physical and body-politic within every king, mediated by the royal ka. At the same time, the system also preferred that sons succeed their fathers. To ascertain the uniqueness of the king’s position (“without his equal”), bio-genealogical filial relationships to the ruling pharaoh were severed through the mechanism of “cultural fratricide”, creating “sons” out of a large group of male kinsmen with various degrees of bio-genealogical relationship to the king. This created a strong tension within the symbolical system by pitting the bio-genealogical order (sons succeed fathers) against the cultural order (“cultural fratricide”). At the moment of pharaoh’s death, at least two equally legitimate “sons” arose. The deceased’s king’s oldest biological son and the oldest “cultural son” (brother/ uncle, but theoretically any male relative). This tension is mirrored in the ambivalent term sn designating simultaneously a relationship of complementary duality and rivalry. To mitigate this tension, another cultural mechanism was introduced – positional succession. Once applied, the issue of which “eldest son” has the right to the throne becomes irrelevant, because the individual on the throne becomes identified with his own predecessor, i. e. his own (divine) father, redefining the kinship structure of those in relation to him. This ascertains the pharaoh’s unique position through his self-begetting ability, making him reproductively subsistent. Even though the positional succession mechanism is cultural par excellence, it is (paradoxically) framed in a bio-genealogical idiom of son-ship. This means that even though we can, on the one hand, analytically distinguish bio-genealogical succession strategies (focusing either directly on the father’s male line in case of lineal descendants, or – alternatively – through the female line in case of collateral descendants), and cultural strategies (“cultural fratricide”, positional succession), the emic Egyptian discourse fused both idioms by speaking about cultural strategies in bio-genealogical terms. Thus, the ka, being a cultural concept of filial relationship, is understood in terms of procreation. The title “Son of Ra” founded a cultural identity of all royal office holders, yet the solar cycle of the pharaoh’s divine father was described as a biological process related to his daily birth as the sun from Nut. This Egyptian approach, in fact, creates a more fluid environment of various succession strategies, in which individuals could negotiate their specific needs by taking advantage of the paradoxes imbedded within the system and contextually switching between bio-genealogical and cultural codes, as their situation required, without the danger of uprooting the symbolical system itself. We may go even a step further and claim that precisely through the diverging needs of the individuals are symbolic systems, composed of series of unsolvable paradoxes, made firmer. Order has always been founded upon disorder, one cannot exist without the other.

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“Apis is Ptah, Apis is Ra, Apis is Horus, son of Isis”: the solar aspects of the divine Apis bull and the royal ideology of the Late Period (664–332 BCE) Nenad Marković (Department of History, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Novi Sad)

Abstract The Apis bull, known as the herald and living son of the creator-god Ptah at Memphis since the early New Kingdom onward, physically embodied the ideology of ancient Egyptian kingship during the First Millennium BCE. Two passages of the so-called Demotic Chronicle (col. 5.12–13), a series of oracular sayings mixed with allusions to historical and dynastic events during the fourth century BCE, contain the full explanation of the divine nature of the living Memphite divine bull (“Apis is Ptah, Apis is Ra, Apis is Horus, son of Isis”). The close association of the Apis bull with the creator and sun god Atum of Heliopolis, who represented the sunset and the nightly journey of the sun and the god that crowned the new king in a Lower Egyptian context, as well as the royal god Horus, son of Osiris and Isis, became important already during the Ramesside era in the form “Apis-Atum-Horus in one”. This concept symbolizes the royal circle and fully corresponds to the ideas expressed in the Demotic Chronicle. Atum is also directly associated with the Apis bull as “Apis-Atum with two horns on his head” on the official royal stelae from the Serapeum at North Saqqara, starting with regnal year 23 of Amasis (548 BCE). This paper aims to investigate the development of the solar aspects and their influence on the royal ideology of the Late Period, stressing the importance of the Apis cult for usurper- and foreign-kings. Keywords: Apis bull, Royal Ideology, Religion, Late Period, Demotic Chronicle

Introduction In Egypt, like in all other ancient cultures in general, the socio-political system cannot be truly detached from the religious sphere. In fact, the economic and religious roles of temples were firmly intertwined with all political issues of the country; this is especially well attested during the New Kingdom (c. 1539–1077 BCE), when the most important priesthoods, that of Ptah at Memphis (Maystre 1992; Raedler 2011; Dalino 2018), Atum / Ra-Horakhty at Heliopolis (Raue 1999: 42–49), and Amun at Thebes (Lefebvre 1929; Kubisch 2018), achieved enormous religious, political, and economic power. By managing vast material and human resources, and often directing the royal ideology

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and the actual executive power of the king (see Moreno Garcia 2019: 31–36, 78–82, 115–117, 155–158, 172–182, 202), these priesthoods generally remained extremely influential and prestigious throughout the First Millennium BCE, when the power of universal kingship became fragmented throughout the Nile Valley and several local kings came from the sacerdotal milieu (see Moje 2014; Meffre 2016). As an integral part of the state structure, temples actively participated in individual ruler’s means of legitimization and the formulation of their royal ideologies, and they were especially valuable for non-Egyptian rulers. The kings of the First Millennium BCE regularly needed to be sure of the loyalty and advice of both the local and highest priesthoods, not only to get the approval of the gods by their interpretation of the divine will, but also to help them rule according to the traditional laws, especially during the Late and Ptolemaic Periods (664–30 BCE), when temples and their personnel served as guardians of native Egyptian culture and institutional continuity (see e.g. Spencer 2006: 51; Spencer 2010: 441–446; Minas-Nerpel 2018: 120–165). The Demotic Chronicle The passages of the so-called Demotic Chronicle (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale 215 Ro), a series of prophecies and oracular sayings composed likely in the second half of the third century BCE mixed with allusions to historical and dynastic events during the fourth century BCE (Johnson 1974: 1–17; Devauchelle 1995: 73; Felber 2002: 67–69), are now recognized as a treatise on Late Period kingship, i.e. what proper kingship is and how a good king acts (Johnson 1983: 66–71; Gozzoli 2006: 283–290). Accordingly, a good king needs to respect the law (hp), protect Egypt from foreign invasions, receive a proper coronation, make offerings to the gods, and keep temples prosperous. Col. 5.12 introduces the Apis bull by invocation and explanation of his complex divine nature specifically connected to kingship itself: “Apis, Apis, Apis! That is to say: Ptah, Ra, Horus, son of Isis, who are the lords of the office of the ruler. You have forgotten them while you strive after the gaining of rulership” (Felber 2002: 86). The next line, col. 5.13, further states: “His fortune lies with these three signs! That is to say: Apis is the three gods who were named above. Apis is Ptah, Apis is Ra, Apis is Horus, son of Isis” (Felber 2002: 86). By accusing the king that he has forgotten the gods of kingship in order to physically get the throne, priests directly established the idea that every good king must support the living Apis bull at Memphis in order to get the approval of gods and corresponding sacerdotal circles during the second half of the First Millennium BCE, which will be discussed below. This aspect is particularly important for a better understanding of the prominence of the Apis bull in the Graeco-Roman writings about Egypt.

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Apis-Atum-Horus, Apis-Horus and Apis-Atum The association of the Apis bull with the king-gods Ptah, Ra, and Horus has its origins in earlier periods of Egyptian history. Arguably being one of the most important religious developments in Memphis, the administrative centre of the New Kingdom Egypt (Martin 2000: 99–120; Raven 2009), the association of the Apis bull and the god Ptah, the primary divinity of Memphis (Sandman Holmberg 1946: 204–220), appears in surviving evidence at the earliest in the mid-Eighteenth Dynasty, in particular under Amenhotep III (c. 1390–1353 BCE). The living Apis bull was accordingly identified as “living son of Ptah (sA  anx  n  PtH)” (Otto 1938: 26; Dodson 1999: 60–61), “herald of Ptah (wHm  n  PtH)” (Otto 1938: 25–26), and “august ba of Ptah (bA  Spss  n  PtH)” (Grandet 1994: I, 285; II, 166, n. 674).1 Furthermore, the deceased Apis bull was associated with the underworld-god Osiris in forms of Osiris-Apis and Apis-Osiris (Devauchelle 1998: 593–595; Devauchelle 2010: 54–55, 60–62; Devauchelle 2012: 213–225; Smith 2017: 392–394). On a relief in the chapel of the earliest known Apis burial at North Saqqara, depicting Amenhotep III in company of his son, crown prince Djehutmose, in front of the Apis bull (see Pasquali 2011: 32), is written: “Speech by the living ApisOsiris, lord of the sky, Atum with two horns on his head (DD  m dw  jn  @p  anx  Wsjr  nb  p. t  &m  ab.wj  =f  t p=f )”, followed by a verb with a third person singular suffix pronoun subject ( dj=f, “he gives”) (Mariette 1857: 8; Mariette – Maspero 1882: 124–125). This is usually interpreted as a syncretism of involved divinities (Leclant 1975: 12; Coulon 2009: 14–15),2 in this case, the Osirified Apis bull, holding one of the epithets of Ptah (Sandman Holmberg 1946: 105–107), and the creator and solar god Atum of Heliopolis, who represents the sunset and the nightly journey of the sun, therefore directly connects two major religious traditions, the Memphite and the Heliopolitan, into one. Further development may have occurred under Ramses II (c. 1279–1213 BCE) when the Apis bull was directly connected to both Atum and Horus. Probably at the same time, but almost certainly during the Nineteenth Dynasty (c. 1292–1191 BCE), the Memphite Theology, preserved on the so-called Shabaka stone (London BM EA 498) from the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty (c. 722–707 BCE), was created and, among numerous other existing traditions, accepted and incorporated the Heliopolitan tradition of creation into the Memphite religious system: Ptah created the world through the heart and the tongue, while his teeth and lips were equated with the semen and hands of Atum, the instruments through which Atum brought creation into being (Ockinga 2010: 100–101; Sousa 2017: 155–166). The Memphite theology links Ptah directly to the kingship, identifying him as “this unifier who has appeared as king of Upper Egypt, who has appeared as king of Lower Egypt (smA.w  pn  xaj  m  nsw. t  xaj  m  bjtj)” (col. 4), 1 There is no recent monograph or in-depth study of the Apis bulls. Still useful, but slightly outdated, is Otto 1938: 10–35. See also Jurman 2010a; Marković 2015; Marković 2017; Devauchelle 2020. 2 Numerous examples from the Middle Kingdom however demonstrate that “often, a singular suffix-pronoun ( dj=j) was used, when there was more than one god mentioned earlier in the god’s formulas” (Franke 2003: 54).

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and presents Horus, the god of kingship who traditionally unites the land, as a manifestation of Ptah-Tatjenen (PtH-&ATnn) (col. 13c: numeration according to Breasted 1901: 39–54). A shortened form, “Apis-Atum-Horus at the same time ( @p  PtH  &m  @r  n  sp)”, 3 appears on several monuments from the Serapeum at North Saqqara dated to the reign of Ramses II, which might represent a result of the efforts of the king’s well-known son, crown prince Khaemwaset, who actively participated in a major programme of remodelling of the sacred landscape of Memphis during his father’s reign (Snape 2011: 465–473; Navrátilová 2016: 259–266). A full form of Apis’ association with Atum and Horus is given on the royal Serapeum stela (Louvre IM 3747) of future king Merenptah who replaced the deceased Khaemwaset in Memphis during the later years of Ramses II: this syncretistic divinity has the compound name “Apis, herald of Ptah-Atum-Horus at the same time”. All surviving attestations belong to the Memphite area, either the Ptah precinct within the city proper or the Serapeum at North Saqqara. At present, the latest known attestation of “Apis-Atum-Horus at the same time” is from late in the reign of Darius I (522–486 BCE), the second Persian king of Egypt (see Table 1).4 Table 1. Attestations of Apis-Atum-Horus at the same time No. Document Dating 1.

Relief from Tomb G

2.

Between year 16 and year Statue base Cairo TN 17/11/24/2 of Khaemwaset5 55 of Ramses II Stela Louvre IM 3747 After year 55 of Ramses II

3. 4.

Year 16 of Ramses II

6.

Column from the temple of Ramses III Ptah at Mit Rahina Blocks from the place of Sheshonq I Apis within the temple of Ptah at Mit Rahina Stela Louvre IM 3090 Year 23 of Osorkon II

7.

Stela Louvre IM 3084

Year 37 of Sheshonq V

8.

Stela Louvre IM 3595

Year 37 of Sheshonq V

5.

Reference Mariette 1957: 12–15, pl. 8; Mariette – Maspero 1882: 61–65, 137–142. Quibell 1909: 4–5; Maystre 1992: 315–316. Malinine – Posener – Vercoutter 1968: I, 14; II, pl. 5, cat. no. 14. KRI V, 269, 3. Jansen-Winkeln 2007: 3; Jurman 2020: 413–420. Jansen-Winkeln 2007: 129–130. Jansen-Winkeln 2007: 284. Jansen-Winkeln 2007: 284–285.

3 For discussion of the meaning of n  sp, see Devauchelle 2010: 52 n. 20. See also Jurman 2020: 418–419 nn. 2048–2050. 4 It is important to note that a corpus of the so-called Serapeum stelae has never been entirely published. Hence, this chronological border is only preliminary. 5 Found in the monastery of Apa Jeremias at North Saqqara.

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No.

Document

Dating

Reference

9.

Stela in Cairo JE 21830

Year 37 of Sheshonq V

Jansen-Winkeln 2007: 291.

10.

Stela Louvre IM 3008

Twenty-Second Dynasty

11.

Stela Louvre IM 3037

Twenty-Fourth Dynasty

12.

Stela Louvre IM 3058

Twenty-Fifth Dynasty

Malinine – Posener – Vercoutter 1968: I, 61–62; II, pl. 21, cat. no. 70. Malinine – Posener – Vercoutter 1968: I, 97–98; II, pl. 34, cat. no. 122. Jansen-Winkeln 2009: 379.

13.

Twenty-Sixth to Twenty-Seventh Dynasty Year 34 of Darius I

Devauchelle 1994: 77–80.

14.

Stela ‘Per-neb’ collection no.56 Stela Louvre IM 4109

15.

Stela Louvre IM 4032

Year 34 of Darius I

Vercoutter 1962: 88–92.

Vercoutter 1962: 78–81.

Nature of this association is distinctively royal. Ptah is regularly called “King of Two Lands (nsw. t  tA.wj)” or “lord of Two Lands (nb  tA.wj)” in Ramesside texts (Ockinga 2010: 106), Atum is shown on a block, perhaps from Heliopolis, depicting Ramses II’s coronation (Shorter 1934: 18–19, pl. 3), while the king himself was identified as an incarnation of the god Horus on earth since the beginning of Egyptian history (von Beckerath 1999: 6–7, 36–41). Finally, the Apis bull’s original function was associated with the xaj. t  bjtj or xaj. t  nsw. t  bjtj festivals, including the coronation ceremonies, already attested during the Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom Periods (Otto 1938: 12; Wilkinson 1999: 300; Jurman 2010: 225–226; Devauchelle 2020: 166–175), which might have been revived only during the New Kingdom.6 For instance, Hatshepsut (1479–1458 BCE) is shown clearly running with the Apis bull wearing both the White and Red Crowns respectively on the walls of the Chapelle Rouge at Karnak (Burgos – Larché 2006–2008: 63, 110). The same ritual run of Hatshepsut is just hinted on recently published fragments of reliefs from Dra’ Abu el-Naga (Aglan 2018: 17–26). Also, several other examples of the same scene are known from the Ramesside era, found within the main temple precincts of Memphis (Petrie – Mackay – Wainwright 1910: 39, pl. 30, 3), Tanis (Petrie 1885–1888: pl. 6, no. 130), and Thebes.7 It is certainly not 6 Although mentioned in the Coffin Texts (cf. Devauchelle 2020: 172–174), there is a rather clear break in direct evidence regarding the Apis bulls between the end of the Old and the beginning of the New Kingdoms. The only possible attestation is a bull-headed divinity in a procession of divinities from the Pyramid Temple of Senusret II at Lahun (New York, MMA 14.125a, b; Hayes 1953: 200). On the other hand, the title “herdsman of Apis (m d .w  @p)” is attested among duties of three nomarchs buried at Deir el-Gebrawi and Assiut in Upper Egypt during the Middle Kingdom (Ward 1982: 97, no. 811), strongly indicating that the Apis bulls existed during the epoch in question. This title is not attested during the New Kingdom. Nevertheless, in the foundations of the so-called Ramesside Western Hall of the great temenos of Ptah at Memphis, early Eighteenth Dynasty votive stelae were found reused and one of these is dedicated to the living Apis ( @p  anx). See Petrie 1909: 8, pl. 15 G. 7 For the run of Seti I in the Great Hypostyle Hall at Karnak, see Brand – Revez – Karkowski – Laroze – Gobeil 2013: pl. 227–228; for the run of Ramses II in the Great Hypostyle Hall at Kar-

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accidental that precisely Hatshepsut and the Ramesside kings might revive royal interest in the Apis bull, keeping in mind their shared interest in the past, especially regarding the Old and Middle Kingdom traditions.8 Additionally, it has already been noted that Amenhotep III, whose son Djehutmose served as first royal high priest of Memphis and was possibly responsible for the earliest known Apis burial (Dodson 1990: 87–88), had been a great role-model for Ramses II, while the latter also served as a source of the inspiration for Ramses III (Snape 2011: 466–467). The connection of the Apis bull with Horus became even more explicit later. An expression “Horus yesterday, Osiris today (@r  n  sf  Wsjr  pA  hrw)” is attested in the first column of the Apis Embalming Ritual, a strict manual for the bull’s embalming process, preserved on a late Ptolemaic copy (P. Zagreb 597–2 + P. Wien KHM ÄS 3873) and referring to different episodes from the Twenty-Sixth (664–526 BCE) and the Thirtieth (380–343 BCE) Dynasties respectively (Vos 1993: 7, 13; Quack 1995; Meyrat 2014: 315; Marković 2017: 146). A similar expression is attested on the non-royal Serapeum stela Louvre IM 4097 of year 34 of Darius I (488 BCE): “The Majesty of Apis has gone to heaven. It is Horus who becomes Osiris ( pr  Hm  n  @p  r  p. t  @r  pw  xpr=f  m  Wsjr)” (Chassinat 1901: 79). In addition, the direct association of Apis and Horus is known from a bronze statuette of a bull (Baltimore WAG 54.538), tentatively dated to the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty, where the divinity is invoked as Apis-Horus (Kater-Sibbes – Vermaseren 1975: 44, pl. 107, 376), but also from the late Ptolemaic papyrus Jumilhac (P. Louvre E 1711; cf. Vandier 1961: 131, 138, 141, pls. 7, 30; Devauchelle 2020: 182). The relation with the sun god Ra, as is claimed in the Demotic Chronicle, is the least attested: at present, only two published non-royal Serapeum stelae, Louvre N.206, attributed to the Twenty-Fourth Dynasty (Chassinat 1900: 23 lxx), and Louvre IM 4003, attributed to the reign of Darius I (Chassinat 1901: 88 cli), explicitly identify Apis as the son of Ra. However, since every ruling king was also regarded as a son of Ra from the Fourth and Fifth Dynasties onwards (von Beckerath 1999: 25–26), the connection is self-evident. Also, the Apis bull was closely connected to the Mnevis bull of Heliopolis, known as “herald of Ra, who brings the truth to Atum (wHm  n  Ra  s ar  n  mAa. t  n  &m)” (see Otto 1938: 34–40; Moursi 1983: 247–267; Moursi 1987: 225–237; Dodson 2005: 92–95). The two appear portrayed together on a votive dedication from year 30 of Ramses II (Malinine – Posener – Vercoutter 1968: I, 3–5; II, pl. 2, cat. no. 4; see also Frood 2016: 69–87), while a visit of the Mnevis bull from Heliopolis to Memphis is attested in 182 BCE, under Ptolemy V Epiphanes (Thompson 2012: 112). The sole link of Apis and Atum, more specifically as “with two horns on his head”, appears on monuments from the Memphite Serapeum at North Saqqara dating from the reign of Amenhotep III until the end of the second century BCE (Table 2). Apis-Atum is almost exclusively depicted as a bull, either standing or laying down within a naos. nak, see Nelson – Murnane, 1981, pl. 81; for the Gateway of Ramses IX at Karnak, see Amer 1999: 43, pl. 3. 8 A nice summary is Navrátilová 2016: 260–261. For a summary of Hatshepsut’s use of the past, see most recently Ćwiek 2014: 61–93.

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The only exception is stela no. 3 in Table 2, where this divinity is depicted as a standing human with bull’s head. Such a portrayal of Apis-Atum is hardly accidental since Atum was also known as “bull of Heliopolis (kA  Iwnw)” (see Otto 1938: 38 with n. 5; Myśliwiec 1978: 32); therefore, this divinity represents the unification of the divine bulls of Memphis and Heliopolis. Table 2. Attestations of Apis-Atum with two horns on his head No. Documents Dating

References Mariette 1857: 8; Mariet­ te – Maspero 1882: 124–125. Malinine – Posener – Vercoutter 1968: I, 7–8; II, pl. 3, cat. no. 7. Jansen-Winkeln 2007: 185–186. Jansen-Winkeln 2007: 182.

1.

Relief from Tomb A

Amenhotep III

2.

Stela Louvre IM 4964

Year 30 of Ramses II

3.

Stela Louvre IM 3749

Year 28 of Sheshonq III

4.

Stela Louvre IM 3061

Year 11 of Sheshonq V

5.

Stela Louvre IM 2717

Twenty-Second to Twenty-Fourth Dynasty

6.

Stela Louvre IM 2784

Twenty-Second to Twenty-Fourth Dynasty

7.

Stela Louvre IM 3440

Year 4 of Taharqa

8.

Stela Louvre IM 4051

Amasis

9.

Stela Louvre IM 4053

Amasis

10.

Stela Louvre IM 4110

Amasis

11.

Stela Louvre IM 4065

Twenty-Sixth Dynasty

Jansen-Winkeln 2014: 484–485. Jansen-Winkeln 2014: 550–551. Jansen-Winkeln 2014: 919.

12.

Stela Louvre N 421/522

Twenty-Sixth Dynasty

Chassinat 1900: 175, cxv.

13.

Stela Louvre IM 5943

Twenty-Sixth Dynasty

Chassinat 1900: 171, cii.

14.

Stela Louvre IM 3071

Twenty-Sixth Dynasty

15.

Stela Cairo JE 43204

16. 17.

Stela Per-neb collection no. 56 Stela Louvre IM 4003

Twenty-Sixth to Twenty-Seventh Dynasty Twenty-Sixth to Twenty-Seventh Dynasty Darius I

Chassinat 1900: 164, lxxxiv. Jansen-Winkeln 2014: 922–923. Jansen-Winkeln 2014: 923–924. Chassinat 1901: 88, cli.

18.

Stela Louvre C 316

Before year 22 of Ptolemy V

Malinine – Posener – Vercoutter 1968: I, 117; II, pl. 37, cat. no. 150. Malinine – Posener – Vercoutter 1968: I, 106; II, pl. 41, cat. no. 133. Jansen-Winkeln 2009: 192–193. Jansen-Winkeln 2014: 552.

Panov 2017: 281–284.

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No.

Documents

Dating

References

19.

Statue Chicago F 31697

Mid-second century BCE

Panov 2017: 390–391.

20.

Stela Louvre IM 3336

Year 15 of Ptolemy IX and Cleopatra III

Farid 2000: 185–189.

The place of the Apis bull within the Late Period royal ideology (and later) Ideally, the main events in the life of the Apis bull incorporated into the temple-based performances – birth, installation, death, and burial – required personal participation of the ruling king himself or his eldest son in his absence, as well as other members of the royal family and the royal household (see Meyrat 2014: 266, 268, 278–281). Personal pious involvement in rituals was often accompanied by rich royal gifts in a form of vast land holdings, occasional embellishments of the sacred precincts where the divine bulls lived or were buried, funding the costs of the burial itself and ultimately a large stone sarcophagus. These specific rules were consistently respected and fulfilled by almost all Egyptian and non-Egyptian rulers from Psammetichus I (661–610 BCE) until Cleo­ pa­tra VII (51–30 BCE) for more than six hundred years (Table 3). However, there is a clear break in the Apis succession between year 34 of Darius II (488 BCE) and year 11 of Darius II (413 BCE), where at least three so far unknown Apis bulls could be inserted. It has also been noted that no Apis bulls were discovered in the turbulent reigns of Xerxes I and Artaxerxes I (see Vercoutter 1958: 343–345), which seems a plausible explanation since the life in Egypt had been heavily disrupted during this time, mostly because numerous local uprisings against the Persians occurred rather frequently and ephemeral local kings were trying to take over the power from them (see Rottpeter 2007; Wijnsma 2018; Wijnsma 2019). Otherwise, the attestations of the Apis bulls under Xerxes I and Artaxerxes I are yet to be found. Table 3 List of the Apis bulls from the seventh to the first century BCE No. Apis bull Date of death 1.

26.1

Psammetichus I – Year 20/21 (645/644 BCE)

2.

26.2

Psammetichus I – Year 52 (613 BCE)

3.

26.3

Necho II – Year 16 (595 BCE)

4.

26.4

Apries – Year 12 (578 BCE)

5.

26.5

Amasis – Year 4/5 (567/568 BCE)

6.

26.6

Amasis – Year 23 (548 BCE)

7.

27.1

Cambyses II – Year 6 (525 BCE)

8.

27.2

Darius I – Year 4 (518 BCE)

9.

27.3

Darius I – Year 31 (491 BCE)

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“Apis is Ptah, Apis is Ra, Apis is Horus, son of Isis” No.

Apis bull

Date of death

10.

27.4

Darius I – Year 34 (488 BCE)

11.

27.5?

Xerxes I?

12.

27.6?

Artaxerxes I?

13.

27.7?

Artaxerxes I?

14.

27.8?

Darius II – Year 11 (413 BCE)

15.

29.1

Nepherites I – Year 2 (398 BCE)

16.

29.2

Achoris – Year 3 (392/391 BCE)

17.

30.1

Nectanebo I – Year 3 (378 BCE)

18.

30.2

Nectanebo II – Year 3 (358 BCE)

19.

30.3

Nectanebo II – Year 10 (351 BCE)

20.

31.1

Khababash – Year 2 (336 BCE)

21.

Arg.1

Philip III Arrhidaeus – Year 2 (321 BCE)

22.

Ptol.1

Ptolemy I Soter – Year 6 (299 BCE)

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23.

Ptol.2

Ptolemy II Philadelphus – Year 5 (281 BCE)

24.

Ptol.3

Ptolemy II Philadelphus – Year 29 (257 BCE)

25.

Ptol.4

Ptolemy III Euergetes – Year 15 (232 BCE)

26.

Ptol.5

Ptolemy IV Philometor – Year 13 (210 BCE)

27.

Ptol.6

Ptolemy V Epiphanes – Year 19 (187 BCE)

28.

Ptol.7

Ptolemy VI Philometor – Year 17 (164 BCE)

29.

Ptol.8

Ptolemy VIII Euergetes II – Year 27 (143 BCE)

30.

Ptol.9

Ptolemy VIII Euergetes II – Year 51 (119 BCE)

31.

Ptol.10

Ptolemy X Alexander I – Year 17 (96 BCE)

32.

Ptol.11

Ptolemy XII Neos Dionysos – Year 7 (75 BCE)

33.

Ptol.12

Cleopatra VII – Year 3 (50/49 BCE)

Precisely “Apis-Atum with two horns on his head” was invoked on the official royal Apis stelae starting with regnal year 23 of Amasis and continuing through into the Ptolemaic period (Table 4). Four royal Apis stelae – set up for the burials in regnal year 21 of Psammetichus I (Louvre IM 3733; Jansen-Winkeln 2014: 9), regnal year 16 of Necho II (Louvre IM 133; Jansen-Winkeln 2014: 275), regnal year 12 of Apries (Louvre IM 132; Jansen-Winkeln 2014: 372), and regnal year 23 of Amasis (Louvre IM 4131; Jansen-Winkeln 2014: 440–441) – are known from the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty, although at least two more bulls are attested (Devauchelle 2011). The stelae display important differences in both representation and used phraseology (see Blöbaum 2006: 113–117). Psammetichus I is depicted standing in front of the Apis bull, while the figures of Necho II and Apries are completely absent from their corresponding stelae whose lunettes are dominated by a bull-headed Apis in human form. On the other hand, Ama-

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sis is the first known Egyptian king represented kneeling in front of an offering table in front of the Apis bull in animal form (Devauchelle 2011: 147 with n.66). Unlike his predecessors, Amasis developed a precise and complex phraseology underlining his personal relation to the living Apis bull ( js  mrj  Hm=f  @p  anx  r  nsw. t  nb, “His Majesty love the living Apis more than any king”) and enumerated all the things he did for him after the bull died ( jrj  n=f  DbA. t  aA. t  m  mAT, “made for him large sarcophagus of granite”; jrj  n=f  DbA.w  n  mnx . t  sSd  n  Rsn. t  MHn. t , “made for him garment of linen bandages from Resnet and Mehenet”;9 rdj  hAj  n=f  sA.w=f  Xk r.w=f  nb  m  nbw  aA. t  nb  Sps  n fr=sn  r  jrj. t  m - bAH, “give and place down on him his protective amulets, his ornaments, all in gold and costly stone, more beautiful than what had been done before”). The Persian and Ptolemaic kings therefore directly followed the tradition established under Amasis (see Posener 1936: 30, 39; Gozzoli 2006: 111–115; Marković – Ilić 2018: 87–103). Table 4. Royal Apis stelae dedicated to Apis-Atum with two horns of his head No. Document Dating References 1.

Stela Louvre IM 4131

year 23 of Amasis

PM III2: 797.

2.

Stela Louvre IM 4133

year 6 of Cambyses II

PM III2: 799.

3.

Stela Louvre IM 4187

year 4 of Darius I

PM III2: 799.

4.

Stela Louvre N.409 + E.3866

year 6 of Ptolemy VI, Ptol- PM III2: 804. emy VIII and Cleopatra II

Furthermore, the Apis bull remained rather significant for most of the post-Saite rulers, culminating in the late Ptolemaic period (180–51 BCE), when several successive Hellenistic kings (Ptolemy VI Philometor, Ptolemy VIII Euergetes II, Ptolemy IX Soter II, Ptolemy X Alexander I Philometor, Ptolemy XII Neos Dionysos) included the living Apis bull ( @p  anx) into the Horus name of their official royal titularies (see Sales 2007: 1679–1682). Even though certain ancient authors claimed that a new ruler of Egypt, Octavian, refused to visit the Apis bull after the Roman conquest (Suet. Aug. 93; Cass. Dio 51.16,5), the Memphite divine bull, in fact, found its way into his official Egyptian royal titulary, attested on the walls of traditional temples at Dendera and Kalabsha, where the first Roman ruler of Egypt is invoked as “beloved of the living Apis, herald of Ptah, who announced to him a time rich with good things” (mrj  sw  @p  anx  wHm  PtH  sr=f  n=f  hA.w  aSA.w  Xr  n fr.w) (see Herklotz 2007: 413–418). Also, during the fourth century BCE, all indigenous kings that in some way usurped the throne, most notably Nepherites I (398–393 BCE), Nectanebo I (380–362 BCE), Nectanebo II (360– 340 BCE), and Khababash (c. 336 BCE), invested vast resources into the Apis cult (see Devauchelle 2017: 95–117). The requirements of the Apis Embalming Ritual were put together only under Nectanebo II and the manual was used extensively during the Ptolemaic period; a hieratic and demotic text of this ritual can be dated to the late Ptolemaic 9 Two main components of the temple of Neith at Sais; see Wilson 2019: 343.

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period as well (see Vos 1993: 7). The Demotic Chronicle was probably created within the same royal, intellectual, and religious circles of the fourth century BCE, identified as “a time of considerable religious scholarship and artistic production” (Klotz 2012: 143). Heliopolis and Memphis were indeed major centres of such creativity. The significance of the Apis bull within the framework of the Late Period royal ideology is further reflected in the Graeco-Roman writings about Egypt. The Apis bull became directly associated with the land of Egypt, especially when Hellenic and Roman authors had been writing about the conquest of the Nile valley by a foreign ruler (see Smelik – Hemelrijk 1984: 1863–1864). The Persian kings were portrayed as extremely hostile, a hostility which is demonstrated by their treatment of the Apis bull: Cambyses II killed an Apis calf (Hdt. 3.29), while Artaxerxes III not only murdered an Apis bull, but also made a feast out of his meat (Ael. NA 11.10). On the other hand, the Hellenistic rulers were benevolent: Alexander III visited Memphis and made offerings for the divine bull (Arr. Anab. 3.1,4) and his successor Ptolemy I Soter made donations for the burial of probably the same bull (Diod. Sic. 1.84,8). Finally, Octavian refused to visit Memphis and an Apis bull cried during the Roman conquest of Egypt (Suet. Aug. 93; Cass. Dio 51.17,5). Bibliography Aglan, Hassan 2018 “Hatshepsut and the Apis race: new quartzite relief fragments from Dra’ Abu el-Naga”, Études et Travaux 31, pp. 17–26. Amer, Amin A. M. A. 1999 The gateway of Ramesses IX in the temple of Amun at Karnak. Warminster: Aris & Phillips. Blöbaum, Anke Ilona 2006 „Denn ich bin ein König, der die Maat liebt“: Herrscherlegitimation im spätzeitlichen Ägypten. Aachen: Shaker. Brand, Peter J. – Revez, Jean – Karkowski, Janusz – Laroze, Emmanuel – Gobeil, Cedric 2013 “Karnak Hypostyle Hall Project, report on the 2011 field season for the University of Memphis & the Université du Québec à Montréal”, Cahiers de Karnak 14, pp. 193–229. Breasted, James Henry 1901 “The philosophy of a Memphite priest”, Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 39, pp. 39–54. Burgos, Franck – Larché, François 2006–2008 La chapelle Rouge: le sanctuaire de barque d’Hatshepsout (2 vols.), Paris: Recherche sur les civilisations. Chassinat, Émile 1900 “Textes provenant du Sérapéum de Memphis (suite)”, Recueil de travaux relatifs à la philologie et à l’archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes 22, pp. 9–26, 163–180. 1901 “Textes provenant du Sérapéum de Memphis (suite)”, Recueil de travaux relatifs à la philologie et à l’archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes 23, pp. 76–91.

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Coulon, Laurent 2009 “Une trinité d’Osiris thébains d’après un relief découvert à Karnak”, in: Thiers, Christophe (ed.), Documents de théologies thébaines tardives (D3T 1), Montpellier: Université Paul Valéry, pp. 1–18. Ćwiek, Andrzej 2014 “Old and Middle Kingdom tradition in the Temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari”, Études et Travaux 27, pp. 61–93. Dalino, Edwin 2018 “Histoire des grands prêtres de Ptah de Memphis à l’époque ramesside Égypte”, Afriq­ue & Orient 91, pp. 41–54. Devauchelle, Didier 1994 “Notes et documents pour servir à l’histoire du Sérapéum de Memphis (I–V)”, Revue d’Egyptologie 45, pp. 75–86. 1995 “Le sentiment anti-perse chez les anciens Égyptiens”, Transeuphratène 9, pp. 67–80. 1998 “Une invocation aux dieux du Sérapéum de Memphis”, in: Clarysse, Willy – Schors, Antoon – Willems, Harco (eds.), Egyptian religion: the last thousand years. Studies dedicated to the memory of Jan Quaegebeur: part I, Leuven: Peeters, 589–611. 2010 “Osiris, Apis, Serapis et les autres: remarques sur les Osiris Memphites au Ier millénaire av. J.-C.”, in: Coulon, Laurent (ed.), Le culte d’Osiris au 1er millénaire av. J.-C.: découvertes et travaux récents, Cairo: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, pp. 49–62. 2012 “Pas d’Apis pour Sarapis”, in: Gasse, Annie – Servajean, Frédéric – Thiers, Christophe (eds.), Et in Ægypto et ad Ægyptum: recueil d’ études dédiées à Jean-Claude Grenier II, Montpellier: Université Paul Valéry, pp. 213–226. 2017 “Les enterrements d’Apis au temps des Nectanébos”, in: Jurman, Claus – Bader, Bettina – Aston, David A. (eds.), A true scribe of Abydos: essays on first millennium Egypt in honour of Anthony Leahy, Leuven: Peeters, pp. 95–117. 2020 “Quel taureau pour Apis?”, in: Aufrère, Sydney H. (ed.), Les taureaux de l’Égypte ancienne: publication éditée à l’occasion de la 14e rencontre d’ égyptologie de Nîmes, Nîmes: Association égyptologique du Gard, pp. 165–196. Dodson, Aidan 1990 “Crown prince Djhutmose and the royal sons of the Eighteenth Dynasty”, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 76, pp. 87–96. 1999 “The canopic equipment from the Serapeum of Memphis”, in: Leahy, Anthony – Tait, John (eds.), Studies on ancient Egypt in honor of H. S. Smith, London: EES, pp. 59–75. 2005 “Bull cults”, in: Ikram, Salima (ed.), Divine creatures: animal mummies in ancient Egypt, Cairo; New York: American University in Cairo Press, pp. 72–105. Farid, Adel 2000 “Sechs demotische Serapeumstelen im Louvre Paris und im Kunsthistorischen Museum Wien”, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 56, pp. 181–201. Felber, Heinz 2002 “Die Demotische Chronik”, in: Blasius, Andreas – Schipper, Bernd U. (eds.), Apoka­ lyp­tik und Ägypten: eine kritische Analyse der relevanten Texte aus dem griechisch-römi­ schen Ägypten, Leuven: Peeters, pp. 65–111.

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