The Regimen sanitatis of “Avenzoar”: Stages in the Production of a Medieval Translation 9789004406452, 9789004406445

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The Regimen sanitatis of “Avenzoar”

Études sur le Judaisme Médiéval Fondées par Georges Vajda Rédacteur en chef Paul B. Fenton Dirigées par Phillip Ackerman-Lieberman Benjamin Hary Katja Vehlow

tome LXXIX

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/ejm

The Regimen sanitatis of “Avenzoar” Stages in the Production of a Medieval Translation By

Michael McVaugh Gerrit Bos Joseph Shatzmiller

LEIDEN | BOSTON

The Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: McVaugh, M. R. (Michael Rogers), 1938– author. | Bos, Gerrit, 1948–  author. | Shatzmiller, Joseph, author. | Ibn Zuhr, ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Abī  al-ʿAlāʾ, 1130–31, writer of added text. Title: The Regimen Sanitatis of Avenzoar : stages in the production of a  medieval translation / by Michael McVaugh, Gerrit Bos, Joseph Shatzmiller. Description: Leiden : Boston : Brill, [2019] | Series: Études sur le  Judaisme Médiéval ; 79 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2019016261 (print) | LCCN 2019016925 (ebook) | ISBN  9789004406452 (E-book) | ISBN 9789004406445 (hardback : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Ibn Zuhr, ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Abī al-ʿAlāʾ, 1130–31. Taysīr  fī al-mudāwāh wa-al-tadbīr—Translations into Occitan—History and  criticism. | Ibn Zuhr, ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Abī al-ʿAlāʾ, 1130–31. Taysīr  fī al-mudāwāh wa-al-tadbīr—Translations into Latin—History and  criticism. | Ibn Zuhr, ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Abī al-ʿAlāʾ, 1130–31. Taysīr  fī al-mudāwāh wa-al-tadbīr—Translations into Hebrew—History and  criticism. | Medicine, Arab. | Translating and  interpreting—Europe—History. Classification: LCC R128.3.I253 (ebook) | LCC R128.3.I253 M38 2019 (print) |  DDC 610.917/4927—dc 3 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019016261

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. ISSN 0169-815X ISBN 978-90-04-40644-5 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-40645-2 (e-book) Copyright 2019 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi, Brill Sense, Hotei Publishing, mentis Verlag, Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh and Wilhelm Fink Verlag. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Contents Preface vii 1 Historical Introduction 1 1 The Regimen sanitatis Attributed to “Avenzoar”: Its Genesis and Its Organization 1 2 The Latin Text of the Regimen sanitatis: Two Recensions 11 3 The Hebrew Translation and Its Relation to the Latin Versions 16 4 A Possible Scenario for the Production of the Three Texts (Two Latin, One Hebrew) 22 5 The Translation Process 29 5.1 The Translation Team: Profatius 30 5.2 The Translation Team: Bernat Honofredi 46 5.3 The Hebrew Translator: Jacob ben Machir (Profatius) 60 6 The Later History of the Latin Translation 65 2 The Latin Texts of the Regimen sanitatis 72 1 The Version of 1618 72 2 The Present Editions 74 2.1 The Initial Draft (Version A) 74 2.2 The Revision (Version B) 76 2.3 Editorial Policies 81 3 The Text of the Original Latin Draft 83 4 The Text of the Final Latin Version 107 3 The Hebrew Text 137 1 Editorial Introduction 137 2 The Text of the Hebrew Translation 143 4 “Avenzoar’s” Regimen of Health: an English Version 168 Bibliography 205 Index Verborum to the Latin Text 212 Index to the Hebrew Translation by Jacob ben Machir 227 General Index 241

Preface This study had its inception in a project to prepare the first modern edition of a particular medieval medical text, a Latin translation made in Montpellier in 1299 of a regimen of health attributed to the famous Spanish physician Ibn Zuhr (Latin, “Avenzoar”): a Jewish philosopher had translated the Arabic into a Romance vernacular and read it out loud to a Christian surgeon, who wrote it down in Latin. When the surviving manuscripts of the result were examined and collated, however, it began to appear as though there were not one but two similar yet distinct versions of the text scattered among them. A comparison with the original Arabic text might have helped establish the relation between the two Latin versions, but a search of the literature indicated that no manuscript of the original had survived. However, a Hebrew translation seemingly prepared by the Jewish member of the team was available in two copies, so the study had to expand: the Hebrew text had to be established in order to see what light it could throw on the two Latin versions and the lost Arabic that underpinned all three—for, as it proved, the Hebrew translator had left in transliteration the Arabic passages that he had been unable to understand. Our comparative study of the three texts confirmed that our first perception had been correct, that the Latin texts were indeed different and, not only that, embodied a first draft and a subsequent revision of the translation. We also became convinced that our close comparison of those two texts turned up many signs of the actual translation procedure: e.g., a deliberate omission in the first draft of passages that the translators could not immediately understand and planned to come back to on a second pass; a misunderstanding of words spoken out loud as they passed from one member of the team to the other; stylistic and rhetorical “improvements” made to the revision, with the aim of matching its language to the needs and expectations of the academic community for which it was being composed. The result that we arrived at was a picture in unparalleled detail of how such a “four-hands” translation was produced, of how the different backgrounds and preparations of the two members of the team played into—negotiated, perhaps—the form and language of the eventual product. To substantiate these conclusions, we offer here 1) an extended historical introduction incorporating the rationale for our argument; 2) an edition of what we believe to be the initial draft hastily prepared by our translators, followed by an edition of the final translation as they eventually revised it; 3) an edition of the Hebrew text, including all its Arabisms; and 4) an annotated English translation of that Hebrew text, which comes as close as is presently

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possible to communicating the content of the original Arabic regimen of health that launched this long tradition. We hope that providing all this evidence will allow readers to evaluate our conclusions and to decide whether we have proved our case. At the very least, however, we have achieved (in #2 and #4 above) the limited goal that originally motivated us, an edition and English translation of this Arabic regimen of health in the form in which it was read and studied in later medieval Europe. We are grateful to the history departments of the University of North Carolina and of Duke University for their willingness to provide logistical support for two of their emeritus members over the past several years. We are also particularly grateful to a number of scholars for advice and substantive contributions: to Cristina Alvarez Millán for advice pertaining to the lost Arabic original; to Joël Chandelier for confirming manuscript readings; to Seymour Mauskopf for bibliographical researches; and to Julia Zwink and Guido Mensching for help in identifying Romance (Occitan) terminology. One of the greatest pleasures of this research program, carried on over the last half-dozen years, has been for us to appreciate how much can be gained from the close interaction of three individuals trained in three rather different scholarly traditions; it has been a wonderful experience. Readers will find a mark of that in our individual practice in such things as transliteration—e.g., that Arabic ‫ ج‬is sometimes rendered as j, sometimes as ǧ, and once (in a quota� tion) as ŷ. We thought of course of imposing a standard system, but in the end we decided to let the inconsistency remain, to bring home to readers the active character of this collaboration that has meant so much to us.

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Historical Introduction 1 The Regimen sanitatis Attributed to “Avenzoar”: Its Genesis and Its Organization The movement to translate Arabic-language texts into Latin, especially medical and scientific ones, was one of the transformative features of the European Middle Ages. It has long held great fascination for historians, and the process by which a typical such translation was produced is well understood in its general outlines. Since few if any of the early translators were fluent in Arabic as well as Latin, they worked with an associate: one member of the team could read the Arabic, and translated it aloud into the European vernacular that he and his partner shared; the other then proceeded to translate that spoken text and write it down in Latin. But the intricacies of that process as it lay behind an individual translation are inevitably opaque and resistant to analysis. Even when we have sound editions of an Arabic text and of its Latin version, all evidence of the intermediation is missing, so that we cannot appreciate the detailed negotiation of syntax and vocabulary that the translation team went through, the specific contributions that each partner made. We believe that we have come upon an exception to that opacity, and that in what follows we can open a window on the details of the way in which one particular team went about translating a medical work from Arabic into Latin—even though, as we will see, the original Arabic text no longer exists. The work in question is a Latin Regimen sanitatis attributed to “Avenzoar.” Though long known to scholars, it has always remained an item of at best casual interest. Historians of Arabic-language medicine and its Latin translation have largely passed it by, since no copy of an original Arabic text has ever been discovered. But it would not have been surprising if a work attributed to an “Avenzoar” had attracted the attention of late thirteenth-century Western physicians.1 Abū Marwān ‘abd al-Mālik ibn Zuhr (Avenzoar, d. 1162) was a 1  The best and most comprehensive introduction to the lives and works of the three generations comprising the Ibn Zuhr dynasty of physicians (Abū ’l-‘Alā’, Abū Marwān, and Abū Bakr) is the following suite of articles: Cristina Álvarez Millán, “Abū l-‘Alā’ Zuhr,” in Enciclopedia de la cultura andalusí. Biblioteca de al-Andalus, ed. Jorge Lirola Delgado, vol. 6 (Almería: Fundación Ibn Tufayl, 2009), 340–50; R. Valencia, “Abū Bakr Ibn Zuhr,” in ibid., 350–52; and C. Álvarez Millán, R. Kuhne Brabant, and E. García Sánchez, “Abū Marwān ‘Abd al-Malik b. Zuhr,” in ibid., 352–68.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2019 | doi:10.1163/9789004406452_002

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brilliant clinician of twelfth-century Seville whose Kitāb al-taisīr was a broad survey of pathology that largely set theory aside as it discussed the symptoms and treatments of diseases drawing extensively on his own experience; his younger Cordovan contemporary, Ibn Rushd (Averroes, d. 1198), concluded his own more theoretically-oriented survey of medicine, the Kitāb al-kulliyāt, by referring readers to Ibn Zuhr’s work for practical detail.2 A Latin translation made the Kitāb al-taisīr available to European readers in 1281, and a few years later the Latin translation of Averroes’s work under the title of the Colliget helped enhance Avenzoar’s reputation in the West. A new work by “Avenzoar” would surely have caused a stir c. 1300. To be sure, the author of the presumed Arabic original need not have been the famous Abū Marwān ibn Zuhr: his father Abū ’l-‘Alā’ Zuhr (d. 1130/31) was also a physician of note, who we are told was distinctly unimpressed by Avicenna’s Qānūn when it first came into his hands.3 But because there is no independent confirmation that either man ever composed a work of this sort (and no Arabic text to study), Arabists have tended to ignore our regimen.4 Other communities of scholars have had their own reasons for a lack of interest in the text. Some manuscripts assign the translation to Arnau de Vilanova (d. 1311), but Arnaldian students have concluded that the ascription is apocryphal and have dismissed the work from their attention. Historians of the regimina-tradition have indeed given passing notice to it, but it has been a difficult work for them to consult:5 while well over a dozen manuscripts of 2  Danielle Jacquart and Françoise Troupeau, La médecine arabe et l’occident médiéval (Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose, 1990), 142–44, where Averroes’s praise for Ibn Zuhr (at the end of the Colliget) is translated. The Latin Colliget is less effusive, but it does say “Unicuique volenti ad huiusmodi praeclaritatis scientiam pervenire, bonum est ut libros Abumeron Avenzoar studiose legat, nam illic medicine thesaurus patet manifeste”; ed. Venice, 1562, fol. 175vb. 3  Gabriel Colin, Avenzoar: Sa vie et ses oeuvres (Paris: Leroux, 1911), 17–18. 4  The underlying Arabic text is often identified with the Kitāb al-aghdiya, or “Book of Foods,” which Ibn Abī Uṣaibi‘a said that Abū Marwān wrote and dedicated to Abū Muḥammad ‘Abd al-Mu’min ibn ‘Alī; see, e.g., Danielle Jacquart, “The influence of Arabic medicine in the medieval West,” in Encyclopedia of Islamic Science, ed. R. Rashed and R. Morelon (London: Routledge, 1996), 3:984 (Table 1). We have not been able to trace the origin of this common identification. The K. al-aghdiya as edited by E. García Sánchez (Abū Marwān ʿAbd al-Malik b. Zuhr, Kitāb al-Agdiya = Tratado de los alimentos [Madrid: C.S.I.C., 1992]), is very different from our Regimen, being entirely organized around kinds of foodstuffs and the methods of their preparation. See also below, p. 17 n. 32. 5  The only recent study of the work of which we are aware is that of Wolfram Schmitt, Medizinische Lebenskunst: Gesundheitslehre und Gesundheitsregimen im Mittelalter (Munster: Lit Verlag, 2013), 155–62, which is based entirely on the printed edition. (The volume is a revised and updated version of the author’s 1973 Heidelberg Habilitationsschrift, which we have not consulted.) A précis of its contents is given in the account of medieval regimina

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the text exist, the only printed version is an extremely rare and textually problematic edition of 1618. Yet a detailed examination of the manuscripts reveals a text of very great interest, not perhaps for what it has to tell us about twelfthcentury counsels of health, but for what it seems to reveal about the process by which it was translated, the techniques that were used in its translation and the stages through which it passed. And while there may be no Arabic text with which to compare the Latin, there does exist a medieval Hebrew version, which in conjunction with the Latin manuscripts illuminates the translation process still further so as to give us a remarkably close look at the route by which one particular Arabic medical work passed into Latin at the end of the thirteenth century. We may start with what the Latin manuscripts tell us directly about the work’s genesis. In some the translation is anonymous, in one or two it is assigned to Arnau de Vilanova, but the majority say that it was translated at Montpellier by “Profatius,” and one early one specifies that the translation was made “ad instantiam magistri Petri de Capite stagno in Monte pessulano translatus a Bernardo Honofredi cyrurgico ex interventione Profacii iudei de arabico in latinum Anno Domini Mo.CCo.nonagesimo nono”—that is, 1299. The statement is so circumstantial, and fits so well with what we know of Montpellier at the end of the thirteenth century, that it is hard not to accept it. “Profatius” is a well-known personage, indeed famous: he is Jacob ben Machir ibn Tibbon, an outstanding figure in the history of medieval astronomy, whose many scientific writings circulated in Latin translation as authored by “Profatius Judeus,” from his Provençal name “Profet.”6 He was a member contained in the introduction to Arnau de Vilanova, Regimen sanitatis ad regem Aragonum, ed. P. Gil-Sotres, Arnaldi de Villanova Opera Medica Omnia X.1 (Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 1996), 509–11. 6  The account given by E. Renan, “Les rabbins français du commencement du XIV e siècle,” Histoire Littéraire de la France 27 (1877): 431–734, at 599–623, is still extremely valuable. See also the biographical article by J. Vernet, “Ibn Tibbon, Jacob ben Machir,” in Dictionary of Scientific Biography, vol. 13 (New York: Scribners, 1976), 400–401. On the Jewish name Profet, very common in Occitania, see Robert I. Burns, Jews in the Notarial Culture: Latinate Wills in Mediterranean Spain, 1250–1350 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), 4–5, 221: “Though many male Jews in the Catalan regions, and an occasional female, bore biblical or equivalently traditional names, a considerable number operated under Romance names…. It thus became common for males to have a sacred Hebrew name (shem ha-qodesh) for liturgical or religious purposes and a parallel Romance name (kinnui) for business and daily life. This Romance name was sometimes used in the Jewish community as well as among gentiles. It frequently translated or approximated a Hebrew or biblical original—Cresques as biblical-messianic Tzemach for ‘branch,’ Vidal as Hayyim for ‘life’…. Perfet is the past participle of Catalan perfer, meaning whole or complete and ‘translating’ (as does Benvenist) Hebrew Shalom as a crossover name; other forms include Barfat. Seror argues that it is a

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of the great Tibbonid family, perhaps the grandson of the notable translator Samuel ben Judah ibn Tibbon, who rendered Maimonides’s Guide to the Perplexed from Arabic into Hebrew,7 and the nephew of Samuel’s son Moses ibn Tibbon. Profatius was born in Marseille, probably in the 1230s, lived for some time in Lunel, but resided in Montpellier from at least the 1260s until his death about 1305. The frequently repeated legend that he studied medicine at the university there, indeed that he was the chancellor of its medical faculty, may owe something to his involvement in the translation we are considering here but is certainly without foundation.8 Rather than medicine, the subjects that commanded his lifelong attention were mathematics and astronomy. David Romano has suggested that we should divide Jacob ben Machir’s accomplishment into two chronological halves.9 In the first, beginning perhaps as early as the 1250s but extending down into the mid-1270s, he used his knowledge of Arabic to translate an astonishing series of scientific texts from that language into Hebrew, producing Hebrew versions of Euclid’s Elements and Data and Menelaus’s Spherics, and of astronomical works by Ibn al-Ṣaffār, Ibn al-Haytham, Qusṭā ibn Lūqā, and many others. Then for some reason he turned away from translation, Romano suggests, and after a hiatus of many years turned to compose works of his own on astronomy, original treatises of great importance. The first of these (Rova’ Yisrael) was an account of a new kind of astronomical measuring instrument of his own devising, an astrolabe reduced to a quadrant with no moving parts; it was completed in 1288. But he did not leave the treatise there, for from the very first stages of his career ben Machir had evidently had a vision of the possibility of collaborating with Christian scholars to make possible an interchange of knowledge between Hebrew (and Arabic) and Latin.10 Indeed, shortly after coming to Montpellier variant of Profiat, for ‘profit’ (Noms des juifs, 221; but see Kaganoff, Jewish Names, 13).” Vernet, DSB, says that it is simply “a translation of the Hebrew mehir into the languages of southern France.” 7  On the Tibbonid family, see Encyclopedia Judaica, 2nd ed., 19:712–14. 8  Geneviève Dumas, Santé et société à Montpellier à la fin du Moyen Âge (Leiden: Brill, 2015), provides (456–60) a summary of Profatius’s/ben Machir’s involvement in astronomy against the Montpellier background. Dumas repeatedly refers to him as a physician as well as an astronomer (201–2, 454, 485), but we have found no good evidence to support this. 9  David Romano, “La transmission des sciences arabes par les Juifs en Languedoc,” Cahiers de Fanjeaux 12 (1977): 362–86, at 374–77. Romano’s assessment of ben Machir’s accomplishment as a translator is concerned only with his work on mathematical and astronomical texts and makes no reference to the medical text we are considering here. 10  Luke Demaitre, “Theory and Practice in Medical Education at the University of Montpellier in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,” Journal of the History of Medicine 30 (1975): 108–9. See also Dumas, Santé et société, 102–3.

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he had joined in an Arabic-Latin translation of the Treatise on the assafea of al-Zarqālī.11 The colophon to the Latin version describes the process: translatum est hoc opus apud Montem Pessulanum de arabico in latinum in anno domini nostri Ihesu Xristi 1263, Profatio gentis hebreorum vulgarizante et Johanne Brixiensi in latinum reducente, indicating that Profatius had read the Arabic out loud in the Romance vernacular, and that a certain Giovanni da Brescia had then turned the Romance into Latin. When Profatius finished his Hebrew treatise on the new quadrant, twenty-five years later, his vision had not changed; he evidently wanted to make his own work available to Latin readers as well, and for this he turned to Armengaud Blaise, a medical master at Montpellier (and the nephew of the more famous Arnau de Vilanova), who shared ben Machir’s interest in translation from Arabic and had prepared a Latin version of Ibn Sīnā’s Urjūza fī’ṭ-ṭibb from that language (under the title of the Cantica), together with Averroes’s commentary on the work, half a dozen years before.12 Indeed, we might wonder (though there exists no evidence for it) whether the two men might originally have become acquainted by collaborating on the Cantica-translation. Armengaud himself knew no Hebrew; his translation of the Quadrans novus (completed in 1290) was made, he explained to his readers, “iuxta vocem eiusdem”—that is, with Profatius translating his own Hebrew original orally into Romance, and Armengaud putting that account into Latin prose.13 Perhaps significantly, it was only a few years later that Armengaud launched on what would eventually become his own long-range program of translation, rendering into Latin a number of the medical writings of Maimonides from the Arabic in which they were composed. Might we imagine that his former close associate Profatius had suggested it to him, encouraging him and perhaps even making copies of the Arabic texts available to him? The first of the Maimonidean works that Armengaud translated was De asmate, completed at Montpellier in 1294 (though then he decided to make revisions to his text and held the final version back until 1302), as he says, mediante fideli interprete,

11  Don Profeit Tibbon, Tractat de l’assafea d’Azarquiel, ed. J. Millàs i Vallicrosa (Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, 1933). 12  Avicenna, Avicennae Cantica: Texto árabe, versión latina y traducción española, ed. Jaime Coullaut Cordero, Emiliano Fernández Vallina, and María Concepción Vázquez de Benito (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 2010). 13  Lynn Thorndike, “Date of the Translation by Ermengaud Blasius of the Work on the Quadrant by Profatius Judaeus,” Isis 26 (1937): 306–9.

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“with the help of a trustworthy intermediary”; it would not be at all surprising if that interpres had been Jacob ben Machir.14 The image of Jacob ben Machir that we see emerging out of this somewhat insubstantial assemblage of events is that of a scholar for whom the search for knowledge transcends sectarian difference, for whom intellectual problems have come to matter more than religious identity. The image gains solidity from the defense of the philosophical sciences that Jacob ben Machir sent just before his death to Salomon ben Adret of Barcelona, about 1305: Nous devons démontrer aux Gentils notre connaissance et notre compréhension [de cette discipline]. Pour qu’on ne dise pas: ils sont denues de tout savoir et de toute science. Il nous faudrait suivre les voies des Gentils—des plus éclairés d’entre eux. Ils ont traduit les ouvrages scientifiques dans leurs diverses langues. Ils respectent les sciences et ceux qui en sont maîtres, et peu leur importe de quelle croyance ils sont— he might even have been thinking of his friend Armengaud Blaise as he wrote.15 Decades earlier, in introducing his Hebrew version of Euclid’s Elements (perhaps the earliest of his translations), ben Machir had revealed a certain defensiveness about Jewish knowledge of science by saying that he had composed it “in order to avoid the mockery of the Christians, who say that we lack all the sciences,”16 but in his later years he had clearly come to believe in the reality of a broad community of learning in which religious divisions played no part. All this helps illuminate the context in which our translation of “Avenzoar” was produced. Surely it was Profatius who came upon the Arabic original in the late 1290s and remarked on it to acquaintances—colleagues—in Montpellier’s faculty, men like Armengaud. One of them, Petrus de Capite Stagno, must have been intrigued enough to commission Profatius to undertake the translation— for in the first instance a reader of Arabic was essential. “Petrus de Capite stagno,” or Pierre de Capestang (a village 15 km. west of Béziers), is recorded as a member of the Montpellier medical faculty in 1313, and there is no difficulty in believing that he was already a master there in the late 1290s. This would have made him a colleague of Armengaud, who could have provided the connection 14  Maimonides, On Asthma, ed. Gerrit Bos with Michael McVaugh, 2 vols. (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 2002–2008), 2:xx–xxii. 15  Joseph Shatzmiller, “Contactes et échanges entre savants juifs et chrétiens à Montpellier vers 1300,” Cahiers de Fanjeaux 12 (1977): 337–44. 16  Romano, “La transmission,” 375; Moritz Steinschneider, Die Hebraeischen Übersetzungen des Mittelalters und die Juden als Dolmetscher (Berlin, 1893; rpt. Graz: Akademische Drucku. Verlagsanstalt, 1956), 505.

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to Profatius. A few of Pierre’s classroom commentaries survive, showing that he took his medical learning seriously.17 Armengaud himself would of course have been a logical choice to work with his friend Profatius “secundum vocem eius,” but the last years of the 1290s were a very busy period for Armengaud: he was engaged on translating a little work by Galen, De cognitione propriorum defectuum, which he completed in August 1299,18 and he must simultaneously have been drafting his translation of a second medical treatise by Maimonides, De hemorroidibus, which he finished in January 1300.19 It is not surprising that someone else had to be found who would be willing to turn Profatius’s vernacular version into Latin. About the individual who eventually agreed to do so, the surgeon Bernat Honofredi, we have as yet no independent information (though we should note that “Honofredi” is already a well-attested Catalan surname in the twelfth century), but we will see reasons further on why Honofredi might have been quite prepared for the task.20 In addition to Profatius’s collaborative Latin translation of al-Zarqālī’s Treatise on the assafea (1263), there also exists a medieval Hebrew version of that work. José Maria Millàs Vallicrosa, who edited both the Latin and the Hebrew texts, concluded that the latter too had been made by Profatius, basing his judgment on the parallel literalism of the Latin and Hebrew translations and the variant readings and omissions common to the two versions when compared to the Arabic original. Trying to understand why Profatius would have made two versions, Millàs suggested, plausibly, “might he not also have translated it for his co-religionists to use, and to bring Hebrew science up to the level of Christian science?”21—we might remember that Profatius 17  His Montpellier teaching is touched on briefly in Michael McVaugh, “In a Montpellier Classroom,” in Professors, Physicians and Practices in the History of Medicine: Essays in Honor of Nancy Siraisi, ed. Gideon Manning and Cynthia Klestinec (Berlin: Springer, 2017), 29–48. On Pierre’s later career at Paris, see below, pp. 66, 71. 18  Michael McVaugh, “Armengaud Blaise as a Translator of Galen,” in Texts and Contexts: Studies in Ancient and Medieval Science in Honor of John E. Murdoch’s Seventieth Birthday, ed. Edith Sylla and Michael McVaugh (Leiden: Brill, 1997), 115–33. 19  Maimonides, On Hemorrhoids, ed. Gerrit Bos with Michael R. McVaugh (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 2012), xxxvii–xxxix. The manuscript is damaged, and the date has to be reconstructed from a clearly mistaken quotation in a catalogue of 1901, where it is given as “anno domini mo ccixo viio kalendas februarii.” In the edition of the Latin text it was argued that the original date probably read “ccxcixo” rather than “ccixo” and so proposed that the work was finished in January 1299; but it now seems likely that Armengaud dated the year from the Incarnation or Easter, as was common in Languedoc and Provence (and Catalunya), and that the work should probably be dated to January 1300. 20  Below, pp. 46ff. 21  “No l’auria tambe traduit a l’hebreu per a us dels seus correligionaris, i per a fer emular a sciencia hebraica al nivell de la cristiana?” Profeit Tibbon, Tractat de l’assafea, L–LI.

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subsequently saw to it that his treatise on the quadrant, too, circulated in both Hebrew and Latin. The parallel between al-Zarqālī’s Treatise and Avenzoar’s Regimen is certainly striking: in each case we have a Profatian translation from Arabic into Latin carried out in collaboration with a Christian scholar, as well as a Hebrew translation made of the same text. We think it is reasonable to assume provisionally that the Hebrew translation of the Regimen is also a work by Profatius, expecting that if this is true a systematic comparison will show the Latin and Hebrew texts to be very similar in detail, close complementary reflections of the same lost Arabic original. Collaborative translations like these, made “a quattro mani,”22 had been the rule since the first wave of translations had begun in twelfth-century Spain.23 Eager would-be Latinists who discovered how difficult a language Arabic was would seek out local Arabic readers, typically Jews or Mozarabs, to translate the words of a text and communicate them orally in the peninsular vernacular, so that they could then translate them further into Latin. Only in exceptional instances—as in the case of a celebrated translation of Avicenna’s De anima— could the first member of the team (today usually anonymous) have known anything at all of the subject matter. In that case the Archbishop of Toledo commissioned (c. 1152) a noted Jewish philosopher, Avendauth (“Ibn Daud”), to translate the Arabic out loud for a cathedral archdeacon to Latinize. As is always true, the exact mechanics of the process remain mysterious (did the archdeacon write the Latin down directly? did he dictate it to scribes?), but the pair followed the Arabic word for word. “Four-handed” translations are still to be found in the thirteenth century, though the pace of the general movement inevitably slowed. The most famous emerged from the program of translations carried out at the command of Alfonso el Sabio, which involved Arabophones—Jews, Mozarabs, even Muslims—who were contracted to read Arabic texts aloud, translating as they went into Castilian for royal secretaries to set down in writing. Some of these Arabic-Castilian translations were later rendered into Latin. Yet while these Alfonsine texts illustrate vividly the possible practices that an ambitious patron could mobilize, they are quite unlike the more common virtually simultaneous Arabic-vernacular-Latin translations. The latter continued to be 22  The phrase is that of David Romano, “Le opere scientifiche di Alfonso X e l’intervento degli ebrei,” Oriente e Occidente nel Medioevo. Filosofia e scienze (Rome: Accademia dei Lincei, 1971), 677–711. 23  See Marie-Thérèse d’Alverny, “Les traductions à deux interprètes, d’arabe en langue vernaculaire et de langue vernaculaire en latin,” in Traduction et traducteurs au moyen âge, ed. Geneviève Contamine (Paris: Editions CNRS, 1989), 193–206.

Historical Introduction

9

produced when circumstances favored them, as Marie-Thérèse d’Alverny has made plain in her study of collaborative translations: one of her examples is actually the collaboration of Profatius and Giovanni da Brescia (1263) mentioned above, in their translation of al-Zarqālī. But she noted regretfully that for the thirteenth century as for the twelfth, “on n’a guère de détailles sur les circonstances de l’opération.”24 The Latin text of our Regimen sanitatis is known to exist in fourteen manuscripts, usually under a variant of the title “liber de conservatione corporis humani et regimine sanitatis”:25 (A) Paris, Arsenal 972; (B) Bern, Burgerbibliothek 428; (C) Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 177; (D) Basel, Universitätsbibliothek D.II.3; (H) Heidelberg, Universitätsbibliothek 1098 = Vatican City, BAV Palat. lat. 1098; (K) Klagenfurt XXX.d.25; (M) Marburg 17 (olim B.11); (N) Marburg 28 (olim B.22); (Q) London, British Library, Sloane 130; (R) London, British Library, Sloane 59; (S) London, British Library, Sloane 213; (T) Paris, Univ. 131; (U) Paris, Univ. 1031; (W) Vienna, ÖNB 5501. The manuscripts generally agree in dividing the text into thirty-four chapters, sometimes actually numbered sequentially as though to emphasize that it is a unitary whole.26 Yet there are disconcerting signs that the text might actually be a composite one, for it divides easily into two quite different sections, each with its own distinctive character. Chapters 1–20 comprise an account of how to maintain or restore the health of particular parts of the body by following specified procedures and medicinal treatments, very like the treatises known in the medieval West as de conferentibus et nocentibus. They proceed from the head downwards, starting with the scalp and hair and ending with 24  Ibid., 201. She made no reference to Profatius’s collaboration with Honofredi. 25  The manuscripts are analyzed in more detail below, pp. 73–74. 26  The manuscripts with numbered chapters are ACDQSTU.

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the extremities, the hands and feet. Chapters 21–34, on the other hand, present a more typical regimen sanitatis: after an introductory chapter listing the six non-naturals, the succeeding chapters treat the correct adjustment of each one (food, sleep, drink, exercise, etc.) and the appropriate prophylaxis through purging and bleeding needed to preserve the individual in health.27 Not only are the contents of these two sections quite different, but each section contains features implying its independence from the other. Chapter 20, the last in the first section, is brought to an end with the statement that “dicta in presenti opusculo sufficient cum dei auxilio,” seeming to conclude not just a chapter but a complete treatise. And there is a reference in the second section (but not the first) that directs the reader to a specific chapter in a text quite different from anything in the first section of this Regimen: in chapter 28, explaining that stupor is a sign of paralisis and requires a specific treatment, the author adds “sicut in suo capitulo dictum est.” In fact, there are no chapters on stupor or paralisis in the first section of our treatise, nor would one ordinarily expect to find treatments of a specific disease in a regimen: might the present second section have originally been part of a larger treatise that contained material not just on maintaining health but on treating individual illnesses? The very different character of the two sections was certainly obvious to medieval students of the work. Our manuscript S tried to explain the contrast as something intended by the author by following chapter 20 with the statement that “explicit particula prima de regimine sanitatis … incipit secunda.” The progenitor of ATU, on the other hand, obviously thought that the second section of the work might have been written by another author, for those manuscripts all include a marginal note opposite chapter 21 to the effect that “sequentia sunt compilata per magistrum arnoldum [i.e., de villanova] secundum quosdam.” In W, an interventionist editor has not only made frequent alterations and cuts in the language of the text itself, he has also given expression to an implicit conviction that the two halves are independent works by inverting their sequence: the work is here divided into two treatises, the first (de regimine tocius corporis) consisting of our chapters 20–25, 28–30, 32, and 34, and the second (que res singulis membris prosunt aut nocent) of chapters 1–4, 6–7, 10–11, 13, 9, 12, 14–17, and 19, in that order. 27  Schmitt, Medizinische Lebenskunst, 158–62, recognized that the first 20 chapters of the text seemed to form a coherent unit, but he believed that the remainder of the work should be divided up into three other units, distinguished by their contents: chapters 21–27 covering the res non naturales, chapter 28 dealing with prognosis but also with a “Mischmasch” of other subjects, and chapters 29–34 returning again to the res non naturales.

Historical Introduction

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If our text is actually the fusion of two originally independent regimina, then, as seems quite possible, when did that fusion occur? The two could have been originally separate Arabic texts which Profatius found already joined together, or which he found separate and decided to assemble into a new whole. Here it is important to note that in two of the Latin manuscripts (CQ) the text simply ends with chapter 20 while the second part is entirely missing, which seems to show that at least to a limited degree the first part of the work circulated on its own as an independent treatise. In any case, the apparently composite nature of the work suggests that, as it stands, it might not be the single work of an “Ibn Zuhr,” though that name may well have been attached to it in the manuscripts that Profatius worked from.28 We will need to return to these questions later. 2

The Latin Text of the Regimen sanitatis: Two Recensions

If we now turn from a consideration of the structure of the work to examine the Latin text itself as presented in the individual manuscripts, a number of interesting relationships emerge. Some of the surviving manuscripts are of little use for the study of the text, but we have examined them all, collating each in whole or in part. Taken as a whole, they present the typical range of verbal alterations and unintended omissions that a textual editor can use to help reconstruct their interrelationship, but more than that, they divide into two broad groups that we believe represent different recensions or versions of the text: version A, found in MSS CDQSW, and version B, found in MSS ABHKMNRTU. The differences between the two versions are ordinarily comparatively slight, even though each version is remarkably stable from manuscript to manuscript within its group. (For reasons that we will explain later, we will be focusing on CQS and ABTU in comparing the two versions.) Indeed, if we were only to consider the early chapters of the first section of the work, it could seem conceivable that the two versions were really one, and that their differences had arisen from an accumulation over time of editorial and stylistic choices made by individual copyists, not from the decisions of a single editor. Chapter 2, for example, looks at first sight rather like a single text that copyists have altered idiosyncratically over time. CQS and ABTU do indeed give occasional signs here of representing different families, but the differences between them are mostly minor and casual, and there is no reason to suppose that any of them have to be changes made 28  See below, n. 39.

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Chapter 1

deliberately by a reviser. Even so, it should be noted that there are two passages in this chapter where CQS omits material that is found in the Hebrew and that is translated in ABTU. One of these is a sentence (“Comedere parvos pullos …”) that could have been part of the original text but later dropped out of CQS by eye-skip, since the next sentence begins “Comedere …”. The other is more significant: CQS omit, and ABTU include, an itemized list, in Arabic transliteration, of sweet-smelling flowers good against headache, a list which is likewise to be found in the Hebrew. (We will come back to this second passage later.) As we move further into section I of the Regimen, however, another kind of difference begins to appear between the two families. Thus the first part of chapter 13 contains repeated examples of the small changes we have already commented upon in chapter 2, verbal transpositions and the like, but towards the end of the chapter we come upon two passages of two dozen words, each of which seems to have undergone a transformation as a whole: for example, quando bibitur cum instrumentorum delectabilibus melodiis canticis et musicis modulis, vel sedeat etiam homo in pratis et viridariis viridibus in quibus sint herbe redolentes odoremque delectabilem producentes (A-version) has become si cum sonis instrumentorum delectabilibus et melodiis sumatur. Iuvat etiam sedere in locis amenis ut viridariis et pratis viridibus ubi herbe sint odorem delectabilem producentes (B-version). There is an obvious intentionality about such a reorganization that cannot easily be put down to haphazard choices by a succession of individual scribes. Chapter 19 reveals this intentionality particularly well. At the beginning of this chapter, many changes in wording between CQS and ABTU turn on concrete matters and seem to hint at deliberate editorial choice rather than copyists’ slips. Then, in the latter half of the chapter, rather than simply changes in individual words, we find again whole phrases and entire series of sentences rewritten; as was the case in the example from chapter 13, their meaning is virtually always unchanged, but the phrasing is quite different and reflects a different sense of style. Finite verbs in CQS, for example, are often turned into participles in ABTU.

Historical Introduction

… Provocare etiam materiam ad sellam vel ad dormitationem … utilitas eius est conservare matrices mulierum, et conservat sanitatem ani et desiccat humorem currentem illuc et confortat eum. Et quod plus ceteris nocet ano est sedere super terram duram et frigidam et precipue in yeme. Hoc enim lacertum qui anum constringit relaxat in tantum quod egestionem retinere non potest sed exit involuntarie, et similiter quando quis utitur sepe cum abstertione lapidis. (ch. 19, A-version)

13 … Provocetur etiam natura ad assellandum ante dormitionem … quoniam matricem mulierum confortat et sanitatem ani conservat et humorem malum illuc decurrentem desiccat, ipsum confortando. Sedere autem supra terram duram et frigidam, precipue in hyeme, plus ceteris nocet ano, quoniam lacertum anum constringentem laxat adeo quod egestiones retinere non potest sed exeunt involuntarie, frequens etiam sessio in lapide idem facit. (ch. 19, B-version)

A broad linguistic transformation like this hints strongly that this chapter, at least, has been revised by a single mind at work, not by a random accumulation of individual transformations over time. When we go on to consider the second section, chapters 21–34, we find that the hypothesis of a single revision is reinforced and confirmed by the increasingly obvious differences that are to be seen there between our two groups or versions. It has already been remarked that two of the Latin manuscripts, CQ, contain only the first section of the text. As it happens (perhaps significantly, as we will see), these are two of the five manuscripts containing what we are calling “version A,” which means that the second section is only available in manuscripts DSW from that group. DW have been heavily altered by one or more interventionist editors, and for this reason they can only intermittently be used in reconstructing the original text. Unfortunately S too is sometimes a problematic witness: its text occasionally seems obviously corrupt, and it is marked by number of long omitted passages, though some of these can be tentatively supplied from DW. Even given these limitations, however, S presents a marked contrast with the manuscripts of “version B,” yielding the same indications of stylistic revision of the second section of the text that we glimpsed in the first, but now much more consistently. Here, for example, is the opening of chapter 26 in the two versions: A-version: Necessarium est nobis ut corpus mundum a suis superfluitatibus teneamus, et hoc fit laxando ventrem et provocando urinam et negotiis seu laboribus moderatis exercendo. Hec enim omnes expellunt

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a corpore superfluitates, et si licet homini purgatio per comparationem ad cibum et potum fuerit modica, pretermittentes hec predicta, laxabunt ventrem cum rebus mediocriter ventrem solventibus. B-version: Necesse tamen nobis est corpus mundum a suis superfluitatibus tenere, quod fit provocando secessum et urinam et temperatis gignasiis exercitando. Hec enim a corpore omnem expellunt superfluitatem, ad quam expellandam si predicta purgatio per comparationem ad cibum non sufficiat, pretermissis predictis, laxetur venter cum solutivis, —and here is that of chapter 30: A: Quando volueris sumere purgationem, munda te ante per v. dies quam illud sumas, et unge corpus tuum aqua rosata et cum farina et utere balneo et bardatione, sicud superius dictum est, antequam accipias purgationem; hoc enim tenerum reddit corpus tuum et clarificabit colorem faciei et fortificabit te et clarificabit visum et medullas ossium augmentabit. B: Quando purgativum sumere debueris, prius mundifica corpus per v. dies et unge eum cum aqua rosata et farina, et utere balneo cum linicionibus et calcinationibus predictis antequam incipias evacuari, hec enim tenerum reddunt corpus, confortando eum, et colorem clarificant faciei et visum acuunt medullasque augmentant. In these cases there can again be scarcely any doubt that one version is the conscious revision of the other. The thought and argument of the text remains the same in both instances, but it has been expressed in different language. In chapter 2, phrases and even sentences were carried over identically from one version to the other; here that happens much less often. Stylistic considerations are being applied not just piecemeal but throughout these passages— individual words are being changed in minor ways, verb forms are being altered. We will proceed with our analysis, therefore, under the assumption that these two groups represent two different recensions of a single text; this will allow us to marshal and present other kinds of evidence that will provide further, independent, support for that assumption. There is, however, a rough test that we can immediately perform to check this hypothesis. If groups A and B represent two versions of the translation, one a systematic revision of the other, we would expect the revision to be a smoother and more polished text whose argument was more transparent. One way the reviser might try to bring about this clarity is by the selective

15

Historical Introduction

introduction of mostly untranslatable Latin words, adversative and concessive conjunctions (largely lacking in Arabic) like “autem” and “tamen” and “vero,” which, rather like modern punctuation, orient the reader to the way he is to move from one thought to the next.29 If we count the occurrences of these words in each of the two versions, we find the following distribution: A-version autem: section I 2 section II 6

B-version 14 20

tamen: section I 2 section II 4

2 9

vero:

15 18

section I 12 section II 8

Our test words are used more frequently by the B-version than by the A-version, not just in section II of the work but in section I as well. So marked and consistent a difference seems unlikely to be the result of chance or of accumulated scribal whim but suggests instead a thoughtful author’s attempt to highlight and make as clear as possible the course of his argument; and it implies not only that we are indeed dealing with a text and its revision, but that version A—the less common recension, contained only in CQS[DW]— was the earlier version of the text. And the fact that the difference can be remarked in section I of the text (though in less pronounced form) as well as in section II confirms that section I was indeed revised to some extent, similar though the readings of section I in versions A and B may appear at first glance. A closer comparison of the two recensions permits us to identify one of our reviser’s stylistic priorities: he appears to have disliked the use of simple finite verb forms, because he often chose to convert them into gerundive or participial constructions, especially when they stand at the beginning of a chapter. This feature, again, is particularly obvious in section II of the work:

29  Similarly, Dag Hasse has shown that the twelfth-century translator Herman of Carinthia used a higher proportion of such terms in measure as his translations were not literal verions of the Arabic (Hasse compared him with John of Seville) but periphrastic and attentive to considerations of Latin style; Dag Nikolaus Hasse, “Abbreviation in Medieval Latin Translations from Arabic,” in Vehicles of Transmission, Translation, and Transformation in Medieval Textual Culture, ed. Robert Wisnovsky et al. (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), 159–72, at 164.

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Chapter 1

A: Qui sanitatem propriam custodire voluerit (ch. 22) B: Volens sanitatem custodire propriam A: Melius est homini quod comedat quando (ch. 24) B: Hora cibandi est cum A: Omnes debent generaliter vitare loca fetida (ch. 27) B: Loca siquidem fetida … ab omnibus universaliter sint vitanda A: Et si vis surditatem vitare (ch. 28) B: Ad vitandum autem surditatem A: et indue vestes mundas redolentes …, et pone in summitate capitis tui unum sacculum … et abstineas a coitu per diem et noctem (ch. 29) B: deinde vestibus mundis et odoriferis indutus …, apposito capiti … sacculo, … per diem et noctem cavendo a coitu But it can also be observed in section I, as in A: Stomachi sanitas conservatur cum provocatione vomitus (ch. 10) B: Ad sanitatem stomaci conservandam provocetur vomitus or in the extracts compared just above from chapter 19. We will subsequently see some of the reviser’s other concerns. 3

The Hebrew Translation and Its Relation to the Latin Versions

Let us now turn to consider the Hebrew translation of our Regimen sanitatis, which we are treating presumptively as a version made by Jacob ben Machir ibn Tibbon (Profatius). Scholars have long recognized that the Hebrew text in what is now MS Bologna 3574B is essentially the same text as is found in the Latin manuscripts: the identification was made in 1893 by Moritz Steinschneider, referring to the Bologna manuscript by its then shelfmark, “20.”30 We have also identified a second copy of the work in Jerusalem, National Library MS Heb. 8o85, fols. 133v–122r. This second copy (J) is called by its scribe a “shortened [qiṣṣur] version” of a regimen by “abu ali ben zuhr.” In fact, however, when we 30  Steinschneider, Hebraeischen Übersetzungen, 751–52.

Historical Introduction

17

compare it with the Bologna version (B), we find that J presents essentially the same text but in quite a different order. J begins with chapters 1–8 as given in B (and in the Latin versions). Its following chapters, still numbered sequentially, are identical with B’s chapters 21–33 (though B’s chapter 21 is not numbered separately in J). They often actually acknowledge that they are part of a rearrangement of a prior version, even giving the alternative chapter numeration as found in B: J’s chapter 9 adds that it is chapter 22 “in the great book [ha-ḥibbur ha-gadol].” Then J presents B’s chapters 9–20, and concludes with its chapter 34. This organization was almost certainly accidental, occurring when the loose leaves on which a precursor of J was written were accidentally shuffled into a different order; it is merely a coincidence that the second section of the work did not lose its continuity.31 In any case, however, the reorganization did not affect the language of the translation. We have based our edition of the Hebrew on B, but J has been of great use to us in establishing the text.32 The first question of interest is, to which Latin recension—if either— does the Hebrew text seem to be more closely related? We have already proposed that, since ben Machir is known to have been a quite literal translator from Arabic, both his Hebrew and Latin translations of the Arabic Regimen are likely to have been attempts at close verbal equivalence to the original and therefore might be expected to show a corresponding similarity to each other. Consequently, the earlier recension should look more like the Hebrew than the later, revised one. Do we then find that the A-version, which we have argued on other grounds is likely to have been earlier than the B-version, is closer to the Hebrew and therefore presumably the original version drawn up by Profatius and Bernat Honofredi? Indeed we do, as one can see by comparing translations of various passages from the Hebrew text with the corresponding Latin ones from versions A and B. Consider the beginning of chapter 25, discussing what one should and should not drink in order to maintain one’s health. Here the A-version employs the exact Latin 31  See our discussion below, pp. 138–39. 32  García Sánchez (Kitāb al-Agdiya, 20–21 [above, n.4]) compared the titles of the chapters in J with those in the K. al-Aghdiya and recognized that they coincided in part, since in both cases there were chapters devoted to what Galen called the “non-naturals”: exercise, sleep, food and drink, baths, coitus, etc.; this seems to have led her to conclude that J contained a Hebrew translation of her Arabic text. But a close comparison of the content of those chapters in Arabic and in Hebrew shows that they are quite different. It is of course not surprising that both the K. al-Aghdiya and the original of “Avenzoar’s” work that was translated into Latin and Hebrew should independently have devoted attention to these traditional hygienic norms.

18

Chapter 1

equivalent of a particular Hebrew word (again, presumably mirroring the underlying Arabic); its literalism leaves a certain amount of confusion as a result, and the B-version recasts the Latin so as to eliminate the confusion (and the word) entirely: Heb.: One should make a rule in drinking not to drink water on an empty stomach, not at the table [shulḥan] … A-version: Quilibet debet cavere ne in ieiuno aquam bibat, nec etiam in mensa … B-version: Quisque cavere debet ne aquam in ieiuno neque in comedendo bibat … There can be scarcely any question that version A does indeed show us a first stage in the Latin translation, involving occasional word-for-word replacements in its source, and that the person who produced version B has altered that literalness in order to make clearer what the author thinks the reader should understand by the phrase. Furthermore, such indications that the A-version is the first, more literal, draft are also to be found in the first section of the work, chapters 1–20. Consider the following example from chapter 8: Heb.: chewing them will produce something that will soften the windpipe A-version: nam quando masticantur hoc quod ab ipsis in ore effunditur, cannam lenit et mollificat B-version: quoniam liquor ab his in ore cannam lenit et mollificat Here the reference to chewing has been eliminated in the B-version, and the liquid product of mastication emphasized instead. Or again, from chapter 12: Heb.: and … when you sprinkle into wine the fruit of caper or its flower … A-version: dicitur … quod si in vino proiciantur flores vel fructus … B-version: dicitur … quod vinum in quo steterint fructus vel flores … The B-version has abandoned the reference to the specific activity of “sprinkling” in the A-version (and the Hebrew) in favor of a verb suggesting the need for the herbs to steep for a time in the wine. And finally, from chapter 13:

Historical Introduction

19

Heb.: … and to hunt with birds like the ’STWR and the PLQWN and the ’ŠPRWYR, which makes the soul happy …33 A-version: … necnon venationi cum avibus, ancipitris videlicet austertione et falcone, intendat; hoc enim gaudium … B-version: … necnon et venationi cum venatoriis avibus intendat, hec enim gaudium … In this passage the Hebrew seems to be giving names for three different birds of prey, substituting Romance for Arabic terminology, and the A-version similarly gives the Latin cognates for the three, but all the manuscripts of the B-version omit the names, perhaps as detail unnecessary for its intended audience. The comparison of these passages thus strongly suggests that the A-version was a first draft of the translation, related closely to the Arabic (as independently reflected in the Hebrew wording), and that the B-version was a revision of that draft by someone who was trying to smooth out and clarify its meaning. The attentive reader will probably be wondering whether the evidence presented up to this point, showing the close verbal parallels between the Hebrew translation and the A-version of the Latin, might conceivably indicate that Profatius first translated the Arabic into Hebrew, and then, with Honofredi, produced a draft Latin text based on the Hebrew translation. Profatius’s earlier joint translation, the translation with Giovanni da Brescia of al-Zarqālī’s astronomical work, could raise the same question, too, given the fact that here as well a Hebrew translation exists and that, as Millàs observed, “there are so many particular symptomatic coincidences between the two translations, Hebrew and Latin, that we are forced to acknowledge that they come from one and the same author…. We have to recognize that in some passages the two versions disagree with the original Arabic in the identical manner, or indeed omit the same passages.”34 As a matter of fact, some modern scholars have actually assumed that a preliminary Hebrew translation of the work is

33  When reporting medieval unvocalized Hebrew words below, since their pronunciation is not established, we give them in transliteration, capitalized; when citing modern Hebrew, where the pronunciation is established, we give the word transliterated and vocalized in lower case. 34  “Entre les dues traduccions: l’hebraica i la llatina, hi ha unes quantes coincidències tan especials i simptomàtiques que ens obliguen quasi a creure aquelles com a procedents d’un mateix autor…. Hem de remarcar que en alguns passatges les dues versions discrepen igualment de l’original aràbic, o bé n’omiteixen els mateixos passatges”; Profeit Tibbon, Tractat de l’assafea, L–LI.

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Chapter 1

“probable.”35 Millàs himself never raised the possibility of an initial Hebrew translation and assumed that it had been made from Arabic, in part perhaps because the colophon asserted definitely that it had been made ex arabico, and in the absence of further independent evidence the assertion certainly deserves some weight in deciding the question. However, for both translations it is a nearly impossible question to resolve, because just such parallel phrasings or omissions would have arisen naturally if, as is not at all unlikely, Profatius based both his Hebrew version and his vernacular basis for a Latin version on the same Arabic manuscript. There are passages in the Hebrew al-Zarqālī that do not appear in the Latin version, and passages in the Latin not found in the Hebrew, but, as Millàs recognized, these discrepancies could be due to decisions made by later Hebrew or Latin copyists. In the case of our Regimen, we can at least look for evidence of various specific kinds that would test the possibility that Hebrew, rather than Arabic, is the immediate source of what seems to be the initial Latin draft (“version A”). 1) A few passages in the A-version of the Regimen sanitatis are very different from the literal Hebrew and seem to derive instead from the original Arabic, nor are they easy to explain as contributions by a later Latin copyist. Here is an example from chapter 1: Heb.: the hair of the eyebrows [‘af‘appayim] will be preserved with sawsan [Ar. = lily] oil if it is regularly anointed with it, and the hair of the eyelids [again ‘af‘appayim] will be preserved when a collyrium of lapis lazuli powder is applied to it [lit. they will blue it with dust of the pounding of the stone L’ZWRD (Ar. lāzaward)].

35  d’Alverny suggested that “Il est probable que la version dite en langue vulgaire par Profacius ne dérivait qu’indirectement de l’arabe, puisqu’il avait traduit ce traité d’Azarquiel en hébreu” (“Les traductions,” 201n1). Subsequently Mauro Zonta made the same suggestions, evidently drawing on d’Alverny’s argument, given his unsupported statement: “had already translated the work into Hebrew”; Mauro Zonta, “The Jewish Mediation in the Transmission of Arabo-Islamic Science and Philosophy to the Latin Middle Ages,” in Wissen über Grenzen: arabisches Wissen und lateinisches Mittelalter, ed. Andreas Speer and Lydia Wegener (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2006), 89–105, at 95. Nevertheless, there is actually no evidence that ben Machir “had translated” the work into Hebrew before preparing the Latin, nor did Millàs believe it; his language (quoted above, n. 21) suggests that he believed working on the Latin translation was what had led ben Machir to think of then making a Hebrew version, too, for other Jews to consult.

Historical Introduction

21

A-version: Et pili superciliorum conservantur cum sepe oleo lilii inungantur, et similiter pili palpebrarum si liniantur cum pulvere lapidis lazuli, dicti arabico azoroi. The normal literal correspondence between the A-version and the Hebrew has clearly broken down here: for example, the A-version distinguishes between eyebrows and eyelashes, as the Hebrew does not, and adds a gloss on the underlying Arabic not found in the Hebrew. 2) There are certain passages in the A-version that supply more information than does the usually word-for-word Hebrew: Heb.: And if we find that his stomach is upset and his appetite has declined so that he only wants very sharp things (ch. 26) A-version: Si viderimus quod stomacus fuerit impeditus et quod eius calor deficerit quia non appetit nisi acetosa. 3) Finally, in a number of passages a statement in the Hebrew obviously contradicts the Latin in version A and thus cannot have served as its immediate source: Heb.: [grief] will make the heat feverish A-version: [tristitia] calorem naturalem extinguit (ch. 13) Heb.: it will moderate the black bile together with the blood A-version: a sanguineis et colericis egritudinibus preservabit (ch. 28) Certainly it would not be at all impossible for any of these inconsistencies between the Hebrew and the A-version to have arisen in the copying and recopying of one text or the other, over time, but on balance we have concluded that the statement in T’s colophon that our Regimen sanitatis was produced ex arabico is likely to be correct, and that the Latin A-version was not drawn directly from a previously translated Hebrew as an intermediary but was translated directly from Arabic. The discussions that follow assume that this was the case. We will see additional evidence consistent with that origin from the Arabic further on. In any event, whether the Hebrew was prepared before or after the Latin versions does not materially affect our conclusions about the relationship between those versions, for in either case the Hebrew can stand as a surrogate for the lost Arabic.

22 4

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A Possible Scenario for the Production of the Three Texts (Two Latin, One Hebrew)

A natural question that arises at this point is: what can be established about the origins of the revised text, version B? We have already said that it is dated 1299 in the colophon of one manuscript of this recension, T. Here our text follows immediately after Avenzoar’s Teisir, the two works separated by the following lines: Explicit Liber Taysir medicinarum magni viri sapientis albenzoar translatus ex lingua ebraica in latinam ad honorem catholice fidei et sancte vite augmentum honorabilis patris et domini M. archiepiscopi bracar’ per manum Johannis humilis servi Christi de capua qui per dei gratiam in utraque lingua peritus existit. * * Summe trinitati et beatissime dei genetrici gloriose sint laudes infinite ante et ultra secula seculorum. Amen. ¶ Anno domini Mo.ccco.xixo.xv.a die mensis novembris * Incipit liber abolay abenzoar de regimine et conservatione sanitatis. Samaran and Marichal interpreted this date of 15 November 1319 as that of Giovanni da Capua’s translation of the Teisir, and therefore rejected it as the date of T.36 Giovanni was a converted Jew who is known to have been active as a medical translator at the papal court in the 1290s and last appears there in the pontificate of Boniface VIII (d. 1303); Archbishop Martin of Braga was at the court 1292–1313, and the dedication to him, undated, appears in a number of other manuscripts of the Teisir.37 The argument against dating T to 1319 is therefore untenable, and an examination of the scribal hand indicates that it may indeed be of that very date.38 We believe that it is, but even if it were not, even if it were a date recopied from an earlier copy of these texts, it would still mean that the second recension of Avenzoar’s Regimen, version B, had been completed by 1319, and that the date of 1299 for its completion is not implausible. But who revised it? Here the titles and colophons to the various manuscripts of both versions may have a little more to offer us. We might begin by reflecting 36  Charles Samaran and Robert Marichal, Catalogue des manuscrits en écriture latine portant des indications de date, de lieu ou de copiste, vol. 1 (Paris: Centre national de la recherche scientifique, 1959), 444: “l’explicit daté, au f. 54vo, est celui de l’oeuvre.” 37  Maimonides, Asthma, 2:xxvii. 38  This is also the judgment of Danielle Jacquart and Gérard Troupeau, eds.: Yûḥannâ ibn Mâsawayh ( Jean Mesue), Le livre des axiomes médicaux (Aphorismi) (Geneva: Droz, 1980), 16n2.

23

Historical Introduction

on the precise name given to the author in the various manuscripts of both versions, A and B, in incipit/explicit: version A

version B

C Albanzohar / [Arnau de Vilanova] A Aboaly Avenzoar/D Avenzaoris B -/Albohali evenzoay Q Albenzohar/- H Abohaly Abenzoar/Abhohaly Abenzoar S Albenzoar/Albenzoar K Albumeron Avenzoar/W evanzoar/- M -/Abolay Avenzoar N -/ R - / [Arnau de Vilanova] T Abolay Abenzoar / Ylay Hylohaly Abenzoar U Avenzoar/Alhohai ebenzoar We think it is likely to be significant that all of the manuscripts containing version A refer to the author simply by the single nasab, “Abenzoar” (spelled variously) or Ibn Zuhr, whereas seven of the nine containing version B give him an additional nasab as well. Usually (ABHMTU) they specify that the “Abenzoar” in question is “Ylay Hylohaly” or “Alhohai” or “Alboaly,” which is evidently a corruption of “Abū ’l-‘Alā’ [Zuhr].” Abū ’l-‘Alā’s name was at all not well known in Latin Europe—the name of his son, Abū Marwān (cf. K: Albumeron Avenzoar), was far better known because of the fame of his recently translated Liber teisir—so to find this evidence for the father’s name here suggests that it was really a part of the published translation, a kind of lectio difficilior,39 and derives from the original Arabic manuscript. This is certainly a further indication that versions A and B have different histories; indeed, it is a strong hint that version A (section I) was translated from an Arabic text attributed to an 39  Colin, Avenzoar (52n1), was perhaps the first to draw the conclusion from the Latin form of the name that Abū l-‘Alā’ and not his famous son was named as the author of the work; most recently, in her careful studies of the works of Abū l-‘Alā’ (1994, 2009), Cristina Álvarez Millán has accepted this view. Moreover, she has examined the Georg Schenck text of 1618 and concluded that it corresponds to none of the known compositions of Abū l-‘Alā’; she proposes tentatively that the work was mis-attributed to him by an Arabic scribe. “Salvo que aparezca el texto árabe original o una noticia que relacione esta obra con los Banū Zuhr, cabe sospechar que el manuscrito original del Regimen Sanitatis podría estar incluido en un códice misceláneo, que el copista no habría consignado el nombre del autor y que, posteriormente, habría sido atribuido al que constaba en la obra anterior o en la siguiente”; Enciclopedia de la cultura andalus (above, n. 1), 349.

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unspecified “Ibn Zuhr” and that section II, added later, was attributed specifically to Abū ’l-‘Alā’. Another feature of seeming significance is the presence of a broadly similar account of the translation process embedded in the colophons of three of the manuscripts (BTU) of version B. Among themselves they provide a great deal of quite circumstantial detail about the translation, much of which is entirely plausible. They assert in their colophons that the text was produced “de interpretatione profachi de arabico in latinum” (BU) in the year “m.cc.xcix” (B) or “m.cc.xxix” (U), and, as we have seen, T (the earliest of the manuscripts) is particularly explicit, reporting that it was made “ad instantiam magistri Petri de Capite stagno in Monte pessulano a Bernardo Honofredi cyrurgico ex interventione Profacii iudei de arabico in latinum Anno Domini M.CC.nonagesimo nono.” Presumably all this detailed information originated with the reviser who produced version B, but where did he come by it? Clearly not from the copy of version A that he was working from, at least as far as we can tell at the moment from the surviving manuscripts, for the manuscripts of version A (CDQSW) supply very little concrete information to the reader, some of it quite mistaken. Of the three whose texts have undergone the least editorial intervention over time, S has nothing at all to tell the reader, while CQ declare that the work was translated by Arnau de Vilanova, with C inventively giving 1368 as the date of translation. The version given in W, which was both expanded and drastically rearranged at some point in its history (W was copied in 1467), is prefaced by a long editorial introduction attributing the work to “evanzoar medico peritissimus qui fuit centum et triginta annorum quando moriebatur,” a statement taken (it claims) from the Colliget of Averroes; the translator remains unnamed. D (fifteenth century) has also undergone considerable editorial modification but of a different sort,40 with most of its chapters shortened and some eliminated entirely, and it ends abruptly with no more than the title of chapter 31, “de minutione facienda.” It thus has no final colophon, yet it is headed 40   D contains first the Breviarium practice often (almost certainly wrongly), as here, attributed to Arnau de Vilanova (fols. 6–149v, dated by its scribe to 1429) followed by the “Practica [summaria]” of Arnau, this one a genuine work (fols. 150–155v). This has been bound together with another short manuscript, consisting of a table of contents (fol. 156r); fols. 156v–157v are blank, but then comes a work beginning “Scribit Ysaac in libro viatici …” on fols. 158r–161r (cf. TK2 1313–14); and then, starting on fol. 161v, a copy of our Regimen that has been sharply compressed but is certainly a representative of version A. The condensed text continues through chapter 30 on purging (chapter 18 on the testicles has been omitted) and then, also omitting the chapter that should have followed on coitus, gives the title of the chapter after that, “de minutione facienda,” and there stops abruptly halfway down fol. 167v; the remainder of the little manuscript, through fol. 169v, is blank.

Historical Introduction

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Sequitur tractatulus quidam Avenzaoris de Regimine sanitatis omnium membrorum totius corporis humani a capite usque ad pedes translatus de arabico in Latinum a Porfatio iudeo in monte pessulano anno 1399 et pronunciatus in Heidelberga per quendam magistrum artium. This title obviously derives from the colophon attached recurrently to the B-version, but how did it get there? It might of course be that it was attached originally to the A-version as well as to the B-version and that D is the only manuscript from the former group in which it still survives, having somehow migrated, deformed, from the end of the text to the beginning; but it might equally well have been copied from a B-version manuscript to give a title to the work as written out in D—perhaps even by the anonymous Heidelberg MA. DW have undergone so many editorial changes in the course of time that it is impossible to take their evidence at face value. What tentative conclusions might be drawn from all this? It is at least conceivable, it seems to us, and consistent with the varied pieces of evidence that we have so far presented, that version B contains the final text of the Regimen as Profatius and Honofredi prepared it. We therefore propose a tentative scenario in which the first section of the text as found in version A represents a virtually finished text of that section by itself, one that could have begun to circulate at Montpellier as an independent work (as in the version surviving in CQ). Perhaps the translators showed a copy of this to Pierre de Capestang, who had asked for it in the first place, which escaped into circulation in that way under the mere name of “Avenzoar.” Then a second Arabic regimen attracted their attention, which they hastily decided to translate and append to what they had already completed; their first draft of this new combination, we suggest, is reflected in S and, more corruptly, DW. Subsequently, conscious of the gaps they had left in their translation of the second section of the new composite treatise, they went back and revised it, while taking the opportunity at the same time to make a few further changes to the first section that they had previously finished and set aside (thus explaining why the evidence for revision is weaker in section I than section II). The resulting combined “Avenzoar” text,41 to which they appended the author’s full name, the circumstances of the translation’s production, and the date, is the version B we find in ABTU etc. Only thereafter, we imagine, would Profatius have had the leisure to prepare 41  The reader should keep in mind from now on the uncertainty of the attribution of one or the other section of our text to either Abū ’l-‘Alā’ or Abū Marwān ibn Zuhr. Nevertheless, for convenience’s sake, we will refer to it as by “Avenzoar,” sometimes placing it in quotation marks when we want to emphasize that uncertainty.

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an independent translation into Hebrew of the compound Arabic text on his own.42 We should point out that this scenario conforms well with evidence that the Latin Avenzoar attracted immediate attention at Montpellier. Three of the best manuscripts of the revised version, ATU, probably derive from a single source, for, as we have already remarked, they all bear the same marginal notation opposite chapter 21: “sequentia sunt compilata per magistrum arnoldum [i.e., de villanova] secundum quosdam,” and the familiar reference to Arnau suggests that its source was probably Montpellierain. We know that T was copied in 1319, so that the tentative ascription to Arnau has to have been made less than eight years before his death, when he would still have been a wellremembered figure there. The suggested location is reinforced by the fact that the contents of both A and U are strongly linked to Montpellier, and indeed to Arnau and his circle. A, copied for Jean Budé in the second half of the fifteenth century, contains four works by Arnau as well as one of the two known copies of his nephew Armengaud Blaise’s Aphorisms.43 Still more suggestively, U, another fifteenth-century manuscript, embodies a collection of Montpellier Arabic-Latin translations: after Michael Scot’s translation of Avicenna’s De animalibus, it contains Arnau’s rendering of Avicenna, De viribus cordis; Armengaud’s translation of Avicenna’s Cantica; and then, after our “Avenzoar” text, Armengaud’s translation of Maimonides’s De venenis. We might also reasonably wonder whether the Latin translation of “Avenzoar’s” Regimen might have played something of a formative role in the writing of the two regimens of health composed in 1307–8 by Montpellier’s two most famous masters of that day, Arnau and Bernard de Gordon.44 Bernard’s 42  It will be seen that this proposed sequence of events is consistent with our belief that the Latin translation was made from Arabic, not from a preliminary Hebrew version (above, p. 21). If the Latin was indeed prepared in two separate stages, the same would have to be true of the prior Hebrew, but there is no suggestion of this in the two Hebrew manuscripts, which both present a text seemingly written as a continuous whole. Whereas the manuscripts of the Latin draft all signal that chapter 20 is the end of a treatise, and S declares that chapter 21 begins “particula secunda” of the work, Hebrew manuscript B is like the manuscripts of the Latin revision in moving seamlessly from chapter 20 to chapter 21, and J merely prefaces chapter 21 with the descriptive phrase, “chapter on the conservation of health as regards every circumstance that may befall you.” 43   Michael McVaugh, “The Aphorisms of Armengaud Blaise,” in Cultuurhistorische Caleidoscoop (Festschrift for W. L. Braekman), ed. C. de Backer (Ghent: Stichting Mens en Kultuur, 1992), 415–19. 44  Our discussion below was stimulated by reading Melitta Weiss Adamson, “Bernard de Gordon and Arnald de Villanova: A Tale of Two Regimes,” in 1308: eine Topographie historischer Gleichzeitigkeit, ed. Andreas Speer and David Wirmer (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2010), 419–35.

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regimen is a part of his De conservatione vite humane, which he began to write in February 1308 and finished in November of that year, probably as a kind of riposte to his rival Arnau’s Regimen sanitatis that had been composed in the previous year for the benefit of his royal patron King Jaume II of Aragon.45 Arnau’s Regimen was constructed almost entirely around the regulation of the “non-naturals,” the external factors shaping health (sleep, food and drink, exercise, etc.) that Johannitius’s Isagoge had canonized for academic medicine, and Arnau’s work was so successful that it became the foundational model for many subsequent medieval regimens of health.46 Marilyn Nicoud has even proposed that the common title thereafter for such Latin works, Regimen sanitatis, may have originated with Arnau, inspired perhaps by seeing it used as a title for the Latin translation c. 1300 of Maimonides’s Fi tadbīr aṣ-ṣiḥḥa; but the recent appearance at Montpellier of Avenzoar’s work under the same title seems to us an equally plausible source.47 Bernard’s response to Arnau, if response it was, came in a rather different form. His De conservatione addressed the health concerns of three different age groups: the young, adults, and the aged, of which the second group received the most attention. Here he discussed first how to regulate the non-naturals, in eleven chapters that went over the same ground as did Arnau’s Regimen and also, of course, as did section II of the Avenzoar translation.48 Then, leaving the non-naturals, he included among other chapters a long one De preservatione membri debilis, and within that chapter he dealt in turn with regimes for the head, the eyes, the ears, the teeth, the chest, the heart, the stomach, and so 45  Michael McVaugh, “The Writing of the Speculum medicine and Its Place in Arnau de Vilanova’s Last Years,” Arxiu de Textos Catalans Antics 30 (2011–2013): 293–304. 46  Marilyn Nicoud, Les régimes de santé au moyen âge (Rome: Ecole Française de Rome, 2007), 1:153–54. 47  Ibid., 1:160–62. Maimonides’s Regimen sanitatis was translated in Rome by Giovanni da Capua and presented to Pope Boniface VIII (d. 1303), and Arnau could have come upon it on his visits to Boniface’s court in 1301 and 1302. Arnau’s nephew Armengaud Blaise began a translation of the same work after 1305, though he died before finishing it, and whether he characterized it to his uncle as a Regimen sanitatis is impossible to know. (The dating of the two translations will be discussed in the introduction to the forthcoming edition by Gerrit Bos and Michael McVaugh of the Arabic and Latin texts of the work.) As we have just seen, Avenzoar’s work was certainly circulating under the title of “regimen sanitatis” by 1319 and presumably earlier. See further below, p. 68. 48  It is curious though obviously in no way conclusive that their discussions sometimes run closely in parallel: in dealing with water as a tool of regimen, for example, their advice develops as follows: “Quisque cavere debet ne aquam in ieiunio … bibat … et post coitum et post nimium laborem…. De nocte etiam non bibat …” (Avenzoar); “Nullus audeat bibere aliquam stomacho vacuo, nec post coitum aut exercitium nisi quieverit, nec etiam de nocte …” (Bernard).

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on down through the body—that is, this chapter treated essentially the same subjects as had section I of Avenzoar’s text, though its specific recommendations were consistently different. The combination in a single regimen of these two very different approaches to health, one arranged by non-naturals and the other by bodily members, is not at all common, and it is a curious coincidence indeed to find that it is a feature of two Montpellier regimina of exactly the same period. Again we might wonder whether it was an acquaintance with the Profatius-Honofredi translation that influenced Bernard to give De conservatione vite humane its eventual shape. It is certainly difficult to imagine that, bent on outdoing his rival Arnau, he would not have tried to profit from a new Arabic regimen that had just arrived on the Montpellier scene.

…

A number of historians before us have used textual variants occurring in two different manuscript traditions of a medieval translation to argue that one was the revision of another—specifically, in translations ordinarily attributed to Gerard of Cremona in twelfth-century Toledo. Danielle Jacquart has identified two manuscript traditions of Rhazes’s Liber ad almansorem (K. al-manṣūrī), of which only the version she recognizes as the revision is marked by the literalism and incorporation of Arabisms that are characteristic of Gerard’s work, and she therefore concludes that Gerard was the reviser of an earlier, now unattributable translation.49 Similarly, Charles Burnett has been able to use differences in vocabulary and style to separate two versions of Abū Ma‘schar’s De magnis coniunctionibus; in this case he views them not necessarily as “two distinct stages in the production of a single ‘good’ Latin translation,” but as two of perhaps many versions that were being evolved as scholars (including Gerard of Cremona) worked together on translations in what amounted to a Toledan school.50 In both these cases—as in ours—the earlier translation was not supplanted by the later one, and both entered independently into European circulation. Such studies have provided us with models for our thinking, though of course the cases they examine contain certain features quite different from ours. For example, both Jacquart’s and Burnett’s revisions were apparently based in part on access to a second Arabic manuscript of the 49  Danielle Jacquart, “Note sur la traduction latine du Kitāb al-manṣūrī de Rhazès,” Revue d’Histoire des Textes 24 (1994): 359–74. 50  Charles Burnett, “The Strategy of Revision in the Arabic-Latin Translations from Toledo: The Case of Abū Ma‘schar’s On the Great Conjunctions,” in Les traducteurs au travail: leurs manuscrits et leurs méthodes, ed. J. Hamesse (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001), 51–113, esp. 77–79.

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base text, where our team was forced to make what it could out of reconsidering a single one. Both these historians offer a wider range of particular readings to comment on than we can (their texts are of course much longer than our little regimen) which they can compare with a surviving Arabic version, but on the other hand we can offer names and identities for our agents that may help make sense of their choices. Overall, the parallel conclusions of these historians are so powerful, and their approach so reminiscent of our own, as to give us increased confidence in our own efforts. The scenario sketched out above as to the creation and immediate reception of Avenzoar’s Regimen sanitatis is highly speculative, but it has the advantage of being largely able to explain, in a single comprehensive hypothesis, a variety of different kinds of evidence: the surprisingly disparate intellectual character of the content of the two sections of the work, for example, and the evidence of textual revision that is much more thorough-going in section II of the Latin text than in section I. We will keep this scenario before the reader’s eyes as we consider further the relationships between versions A and B and the Hebrew text. 5

The Translation Process

We may feel reasonably confident, then, that we are dealing with a draft Latin translation (that is, version A) and its revision (version B), but can we offer any plausible detail concerning the manner in which they were produced? Erik Kwakkel has shown how much can be learned from manuscript copies about the process of translation revision, given the right circumstances.51 He has been able to demonstrate that the copy of the Abbreviatio Avicenne in MS Vat. Chisianus E VIII 251 is a copy revised directly from Michael Scot’s first Arabic-Latin draft version; he has been able to differentiate among six scribes who had a role in its production, under Scot’s supervision, and among the contributions peculiar to each, some copying the text and some correcting it; he has been able to show that the copy originally prepared by four of them was then checked through by another two, who marked its errors with a special symbol and subsequently corrected them. He has even been able to show that as the scribes prepared their careful revision they left lacunae in the text from time to time for later clarification, in places where they could not read the original draft or when a momentarily unclear Arabic word or phrase presented 51  Erik Kwakkel, “Behind the Scenes of a Revision: Michael Scot and the Oldest Manuscript of his Abbreviatio Avicenne,” Viator 40 (2009): 107–32.

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itself—lacunae which we can recognize were filled in, after research, at a later stage. It is almost as though we were there with them in the scriptorium. But all this is possible because the Vatican manuscript is an unmediated physical witness to the details of their activity, even though the draft from which they worked has not survived. We of course are in a considerably weaker situation. We think we have not only the final version of our Latin translation but a previous draft as well, yet both have passed through so many copies that their exact wording is bound to be to some degree conjectural, and direct evidence of the original manuscript’s annotations, or of the precise contributions specific to the individual contributors, can be only a wistful dream. Still, while we may not have that original manuscript, we at least have an independent witness of sorts to it in the Hebrew translation. And we are fortunate in that our protagonists are not simply manuscript hands, they have names and identities; we can individualize them to some extent, enough to encourage some guarded judgments about their relative roles in the translation and revision process. 5.1 The Translation Team: Profatius As a scholar and a famous man of learning, Profatius—Jacob ben Machir ibn Tibbon—resembles the exceptional Avendauth much more closely than he does the anonymous Arabic readers contracted by twelfth-century Latin translators for their “four-hand” versions. We can certainly imagine that it was he who initially came upon the Arabic texts and brought them to Montpellier’s attention, and that he was by no means a merely passive and obedient instrument as the translation was prepared. The text underlying both versions (in our scenario) was written in Arabic, which Profatius could read and Bernat Honofredi could not. His mother tongue was of course not Arabic (and certainly not Hebrew), but the Romance vernacular, Occitan; he would have thought about the Arabic in Occitan and communicated it in that language to Honofredi. To be sure, the Arabic texts that Profatius knew best and had read most carefully were astronomical in nature, but in structural ways they would have prepared him for other kinds of writings. One feature of any Arabic text—astronomical, medical, or other—would have been perfectly familiar to ben Machir: that is, a frequent formulaic appeal to God. It might not be surprising if he had omitted such phrases from his rendition of the “Avenzoar” regimen, but in fact they can often be recognized in the Hebrew version that we take to be the most nearly complete translation of the Arabic, in both the first and second sections of our text. In the first, the Hebrew employs the phrase “with the help of God” (be-‘ezrat ha-Shem; perhaps rendering Arabic bi-‘auni llāh) at the end of chapter 6, and uses “according to God’s decree” (bi-gezerat

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ha-Shem; Ar. bi-taqdiri llāh) in bringing the section to an end in chapter 20. In the second, the Hebrew chooses to use the new phrase “God willing” (be-ḥefeṣ ha-Shem; perhaps Ar. in shāʼa llāh) in chapter 27, but repeats “according to God’s decree” in chapter 29.52 Bernat Honofredi was evidently less concerned to carry these formulas over into the Latin, dropping them from chapters 6 and 27, though he concluded chapters 20 and 29 with a perfunctory cum dei adiutorio. Of course, there may have been other such invocations in the underlying text that the team chose to pass over entirely. It should perhaps be noted that neither the Hebrew nor the Latin versions preserve any trace of the phrase “In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate” that one would expect had stood at the beginning of the original Arabic. Nevertheless, the medical content of the little Arabic regimen was bound to have caused him some difficulties. While we suggested earlier that he is likely to have helped his friend Armengaud Blaise prepare a medical translation from Maimonides’s Arabic in the early 1290s, we ought not automatically to presume that he had read a number of Arabic-language medical works with care and that he was closely familiar with a wide variety of Arabic medical terminology. In the case of short straightforward Arabic sentences about specific actions and concrete objects (like tables) he would have had little question about how to denote the things at issue, but in narrow clinical descriptions or abstract physiological explanations he must often have tried to explore the exact meaning of the technical Arabic with his surgeon-collaborator. That leaves a broad middle range of terms needing interpretation, terms relating to health and illness that nevertheless might also have a role in nontechnical language, and we suspect that in one way or another ben Machir ordinarily found himself able to identify their meaning with very little difficulty. To take one example: in chapter 5 Avenzoar had made use of the concept of a “psychical pneuma” to help explain dysfunction of the sense of smell—he almost certainly called it ar-rūḥ an-nafsānī, literally “the spirit (breath) pertaining to the soul.” He was referring to one of the three pneumata or spirits, dynamic principles assumed to be responsible for the various classes of function within the body, that were an essential feature of Galenic physiological theory.53 If ben Machir had in fact helped Armengaud Blaise translate Maimonides’s On Asthma a few years before, he would already have 52  The words following chap. 34 that conclude the text—“turn to God, and he will fulfill your requests” in the Hebrew, “committe deo et ipse complebit vota tua” in the Latin—are also likely to be a direct reflection of the Arabic. 53   They are briefly summarized by Manfred Ullmann, Islamic Medicine (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1978), 62.

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encountered in that work an enumeration of the three pneumata, including one called rūḥ an-nafsānīya, a term that Armengaud translated as spiritus animalis.54 On the other hand, if the Arabic term had left no impression in ben Machir’s mind, or if he came fresh to the words in Avenzoar’s text, the similarities between Arabic and Hebrew would have given him a general recognition of their meaning; he would not have needed to understand the extended medical implications of the term to be able to provide a literal Hebrew equivalent of the Arabic, Hebrew words that he actually used when he later prepared his own Hebrew translation of the work: ha-ru’aḥ ha-nafshi. If ben Machir had conveyed this concept of a “spirit of the soul” out loud in the Romance vernacular to Honofredi, whether he fully understood what it meant or not, the latter would have easily been able to infer its identity with the concept of a spiritus animalis that Latin scholastic medicine maintained,55 and it was indeed that term that Honofredi regularly used in his Latin version of chapter 5. In many such cases, we believe, a literal translation of Avenzoar’s Arabic by ben Machir was invested with meaning by Honofredi, settling it into the context of Latin medical learning as he understood it. Still, they were not always so fortunate in the search for common ground. Towards the end of that same chapter the team translated a treatment recommended by Avenzoar, which in the Latin draft they identified as based on lignum aloes, ambra (ambergris), been (Ar. bān, probably a species of Moringa), and cinnamon, which in the revision they corrected to lignum aloes, ambra, and what they called “good” (boni) cinnamon. When ben Machir later rendered this same list into Hebrew, he named its ingredients as aloeswood, ambergris, and not cinnamon but what he called “the good cane,” ha-qaneh ha-ṭov—a plant given that name in Jer. 6.20 was called the valued product of “a distant land.” We might certainly imagine that ben Machir had come upon the Arabic phrase qaṣab al- ṭīb (today, usually “lemongrass”) as the corresponding item in Avenzoar’s list (read as ṭayyib, Arabic qaṣab al-ṭīb too means “the good cane”); he would have supposed not unreasonably that Avenzoar was referring to the plant that he knew from the Bible, without of course having any very good picture of the plant that Jeremiah had been referring to, except (from other Biblical passages) that it was powerfully fragrant. Assuming that similar thoughts went through his mind when he and Honofredi were preparing their first draft, it would have been natural for him to describe it to Honofredi as a fragrant cane, and equally natural for Honofredi to identify this fragrant cane as cinnamon,

54  Arabic text in Maimonides, Asthma, 1:80–81; Latin text in Maimonides, Asthma, 2:191. 55  “[Spiritus] animalis … per nervos in totum corpus a cerebro dirigitur”; Johannitius, Isagoge, in Articella (Venice 1523), fol. 2rb.

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especially if he was familiar with the spice in its natural stick form. This time a set of perfectly reasonable inferences had led to a mis-identification. The team’s revision of been to boni in this example is a useful reminder that ben Machir was presumably giving a running translation of the Arabic out loud in Romance for Honofredi to convert mentally into Latin and jot down. The process obviously provided opportunities for misunderstanding and confusion. In the present instance, as Honofredi was setting down the draft he could perfectly well have imagined hearing ben Machir say “been, cinnamon” rather than “good (boni) cinnamon,” an error corrected by the team in the revision. We will come upon other passages that also hint at this kind of vocal miscommunication between the two. If we now begin to look systematically through the texts, it soon becomes apparent that Profatius proceeded by finding equivalents for individual Arabic words. No matter whether he was translating from Arabic into Romance (to be Latinized by Honofredi) or subsequently into Hebrew (for himself), he began by tackling and translating the Arabic word for word, without trying to recast sentences or passages as wholes. We have already noted in passing (above, pp. 13–14) that the opening sentence of each chapter, which generally explains what is to come, tends to be treated this way in both the Hebrew and the A-version: in both, the sentence follows the same word order almost mechanically, an order that the B-version of the Latin then regularly reorganizes and smooths out. A different but equally telling kind of evidence for this approach is the distinctive words or phrases that regularly occur at the same place in the Hebrew and the A-version (and have then often been altered in the B-version): for example, A-version: radix omnium egritudinum (ch. 2) Heb.: root of all illness A-version: quando minister balnei corpus balneat cum melle (ch. 20) (B-version: unctio facta in balneo cum melle) Heb.: when the bath attendant [balan; Ar. ballān] washes the body with honey A-version: sit vero cibus in yeme actu calidus (ch. 24) Heb.: let his food be actually [be-fo ‘al; cf. Ar. bi’l-fi‘l] hot A-version: debent generaliter vitare loca fetida et fumosa et nebulosa (ch. 27) (B-version: loca siquidem fetida vaporosa seu opaca … sint vitanda) Heb.: None of these should have a fetid smell … no smoke or vapor

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A-version: huius capitulum est excellentissimum in regimine sanitatis (ch. 28) (B-version: excellentissimum est in regimine sanitatis et necessarium) Heb.: this is an important chapter in the conservation of health A-version: elevetur mensa adhuc manente appetitu comedendi (ch. 28) (B-version: cum appetite comedere desinas) Heb.: when you move away from the table, do so while you still have some appetite It is very difficult not to interpret such closely parallel passages as independent mirrors of the same words in the underlying Arabic text, especially when the coincident words are particularly distinctive: A-version: mastica etiam bene cibum tuum et mole eum (ch. 30) (B-version: cibus etiam bene masticandus est et molendus) Heb.: chew your food thoroughly and grind [lit. mill] it down. But significantly the Hebrew text also contains a considerable number of obvious Arabic words or phrases written in Hebrew characters.56 These evidently were passages where Profatius had failed to understand the Arabic; since he did not know a Romance equivalent (much less Hebrew), he simply transcribed those words that he found unintelligible, perhaps hoping to discover their meaning in the future. The words have been corrupted by later copyists for whom they had no more meaning, and it is sometimes virtually impossible today to reconstruct the original Arabic, even hypothetically. We think it is significant that while individual Arabic words were very occasionally carried over into the Latin translation, ordinarily passages in the Hebrew version that incorporate untranslated Arabic have been entirely omitted from the Latin versions of the text, with no hint that anything has been omitted: it is a strong indication that ben Machir’s Hebrew translation corresponds more exactly than the Latin to the specific language of the Arabic original, with systematic word-by-word replacement, even if some of these words are now incomprehensible. We can thus cautiously use the Hebrew version with all its Arabisms as a surrogate for the lost Arabic and as a basis against which to assess the Arabic-Latin version.

56  They have dropped out of the B tradition of the Hebrew, presumably as unintelligible to a scribe along the way, but they have been preserved in J. See below, p. 141.

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When we turn our attention to the Latin texts, and look closely at the individual spots where passages with Arabisms, present in the corresponding Hebrew, are missing in the Latin, we discover that in many instances they are missing from the A- but not the B-version, while in other cases they are missing from both. (Almost none is missing from B but not A.) Sometimes such passages may of course simply have disappeared by eye-skip when Profatius was reading from the Arabic: in chapter 24, for example, there is a passage in the Hebrew that begins and ends with “cold” which is missing in both A and B and could have been lost when Profatius’s eye moved from one bard (Ar. = cold) to another as he spoke his vernacular translation aloud to Honofredi, but which he read accurately when he prepared the Hebrew by himself. But not all such passages can be explained in this way. In the following example from chapter 2, all three versions say that “the brain’s health will be conserved by smelling fragrant plants … like TRNG’N57…,” but they continue differently: Heb.: … and by smelling … flowers like ’LGSMYN [Ar. yāsamīn, jasmine] and SWSN [Ar. sawsan, lily] and NRGS [probably a corruption of Ar. narjis, narcissus]; these will strengthen the brain … A-version: … sic dictum arabice. Omnia enim ista confortant cerebrum … B-version: … sic dictum arabice, et odorare flores sicut iesenim vel yli vel varias [narias?]; omnia enim ista confortant cerebrum … We suggest that in preparing the first draft (version A) the translators skipped over the three Arabic plant names (preserved for us in the word-for-word Hebrew text written later), which Profatius could not identify at that moment, and proceeded on with the text; then, in the revision, they tried to supply some sort of identification for each, even if no more than a transliteration. That is, exactly the same sort of lacunae that Kwakkel identified directly in the Abbreviatio Avicenne can be detected indirectly here. To our mind, it is further suggestive that virtually the only places where the first Latin draft incorporates Arabic words into the text—emphasized “arabice,” as in the example above, and sometimes followed by a Latin calque— are in the first two chapters; thereafter such Arabisms virtually disappear. It is as though the translators had abruptly decided at that early stage to adopt another way of coping with difficult Arabic words as they proceeded, for what we have called the “lacunae” begin in chapter 3. Something of an exception to this generalization might appear to come in the conclusion of a passage from 57  “TRNG’N” is Ar. turunjān, probably “bastard balm” or Mellitis melissophyllum.

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chapter 12 that we have already looked at, and seems to take us more deeply into the way in which the two men worked together: Heb.: and … when they sprinkle into wine the fruit of HKBR [Ar. alkabbar, capers] or its flower that has been soaked in vinegar, this will strengthen the spleen A-version: dicitur … quod si in vino proiciantur flores vel fructus dulcium herbarum, confortat splenem B-version: dicitur … quod vinum in quo steterint fructus vel flores delcobar in potu sumptum confortat splenem On the surface, it might look as though in preparing the first draft the two had guessed that al-kabbar was some sort of comestible plant and avoided the Arabic by rendering it as dulcium herbarum, giving it a more precise identification when they came back to it in the revision. Yet one could also imagine that when Profatius read out the words the first time for Honofredi to write down, he integrated the Arabic syllables into his running spoken Romance translation and said something very much like what we actually find in the second version, “de al-kabar.” If Honofredi had jotted this meaningless phrase down in haste as they went through the chapter, and if he had come back to his rough notes later to prepare a more careful text, not remembering any particular difficulties with this passage, he might well have expanded the “delcabar” he found there into dulc[ium h]erbar[um], a mistake which Profatius would have caught and corrected when they went through the text the second time.58 This explanation may be wildly wide of the mark, and we do not insist on it, but if it should be correct, it allows us another glimpse of the kinds of petty problems that Arabic-Romance-Latin translation must continually have raised for our team. This hypothesis that the translators left lacunae in their first draft, which they hoped to fill in later when they had time to think more carefully about the Arabic, is reinforced by other similar instances. In chapter 10, for example, there is a passage of perhaps twenty words in the Hebrew that has no counterpart at all in version A, but of which the last part appears in the later version B:

58  For another possible instance of the preservation of a spoken Arabic phrase, see above, p. 33.

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Heb.: Likewise foods like cooked birds, such as small partridges and doves, cooked in water of fresh BSBS [Ar. basbāsa, mace59] or prepared in a pan or in an oven, so long as left-overs are not added to it. He should not … A-version: utatur etiam cibo facto ex avibus sicud perdicibus iuvenibus et turturibus in aqua coctis. Caveat … B-version: utatur etiam cibo facto de avibus sicut perdicibus iuvenibus et turturibus in aqua coctis, non tamen post alium cibum. Caveat…. Here, we propose, the translators stopped short in their first draft when they came to the unknown herb and skipped ahead to the next sentence.60 When they revised their translation they decided to include the last part of the omitted passage, which they felt they understood, but continued to leave out the words whose meaning depended on Profatius’s ability to translate basbāsa— which he was still unable to do by the time that he made his own Hebrew translation, though he was able to represent the Arabic names of the birds with one vernacular and one Biblical word. In these cases the translators were unable to deal completely satisfactorily with the underlying Arabic terminology, even when they came back to it the second time, but in other instances they were more successful. In chapter 31 Avenzoar wrote that engaging in coitus when over-full Heb.: will generate deformation of the face61 and HNQRS and occasionally the dripping of urine A-version: generatur inde tortura faciei et generatur quandoque distillatio urine B-version: generantur inde tortura faciei et podagra et distillatio urine. In preparing the first draft, the translators skipped the problematic Arabic term. When they returned to the revision, they were able to recognize that Ar. 59  At the end of our treatise in MS T, in the blank space at the bottom of fol. 59va–b, is a brief Arabic-to-Latin glossary of medical terms, including both plant names and disease names. It has no connection with the preceding Avenzoar text, for most of its Arabic terms do not occur in that text, nor do most of the Arabic terms in the Avenzoar figure in the glossary. Nevertheless, among its entries is “barbasa .i. macis.” 60  The procedure was of course not unique; for example, Armengaud Blaise adopted the same procedure in his contemporary translation of Maimonides’s Regimen sanitatis; see Maimonides, On the Regimen of Health, ed. Gerrit Bos with Michael R. McVaugh (Brill, forthcoming). 61  That is, facial paresis; see Gerrit Bos, “Isaac Todros on Facial Paresis: Edition of the Hebrew Text with Introduction, English Translation and Glossary,” Korot 20 (2009–2010): 181–203.

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al-niqris meant “gout” or podagra, though Profatius seems to have known no Hebrew equivalent when he later prepared his Hebrew translation.62 Naturally it would be over-optimistic to expect that the team could have solved all their problems when they went through the text the second time, and indeed there are a number of passages that appear in the Hebrew but are missing in both the A- and B-versions—for example, in chapter 12, where the Hebrew words in angle brackets are missing in both the Latin recensions: Heb.: it will generate depression and bad thoughts and agitation and grief will not depart from its owner. A/B-versions: et generat tristitiam et cogitationes malas et anxietatem cordis continuam. Here, seemingly, Profatius was not at all sure what the Arabic term might mean, even working through the Latin a second time, and he and Honofredi thus simply decided to omit the unessential phrase from their translation. When he prepared his Hebrew version, he made an intelligent guess as to what it meant but provided the Arabic original as well. However, there are a number of other passages in Profatius’s Hebrew translation that are missing in Latin versions A and/or B and yet, unlike the ones above, do not contain transliterated Arabic words that might have led the translators to omit them. It seems clear that they sometimes felt that, though they knew what the individual Arabic words in a phrase meant, they were not completely confident that they understood the sense of the phrase as a whole, and therefore dropped the phrase from their translation. At one point in chapter 31, discussing coitus, the version that we take to be the original rough draft of the Latin translation reads: “Cave a motu nimio postquam compleveris, quoniam hoc supercalefactionem faceret. Et cum extraxeris virgam, noli tam cito lavare….” The second, revised, version leaves out entirely the four words from the first sentence that warned of overheating: “Post coitum insuper a motu cave, immo nec statim post extractionem leves….” When we turn to look at the manuscripts of ben Machir’s Hebrew translation of this passage, we find that B leaves the space for those words blank, and that J supplies what appears to be the original Arabic: ‫פאן דילאך יטה ויסתחב אל הד )*חד( וסעה‬, which we interpret as corruptly transliterating “fa-inna dhālika yiṭṭeh wa-yastaḥarru ilā ḥadd wus‘ihi,” that is to say, “for this will tend to create hotness to the limit 62  Earlier, in chapter 28, they had omitted a reference to al-niqris in both A and B, apparently at that point still unaware of the identification with podagra.

Historical Introduction

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of your strength.” If this interpretation is correct, it would appear that the team translated the Arabic satisfactorily in the first draft, but when they came back to revise it they felt unconvinced that they had understood it correctly and therefore chose to omit it from the final Latin version. And in his eventual Hebrew version ben Machir testified to that same uncertainty by transliterating the Arabic and leaving it at that. This is the only case we have found where the team first offered a translation and then abandoned it. Normally we come upon passages where for some syntactical reason Profatius found it impossible to understand the Arabic both times that he went through it with Honofredi, but decided to make a stab at translation when he finally turned to a Hebrew version, all the more since some of them are still equivocal or even incomprehensible in the Hebrew. In chapter 34, for example, we ourselves have struggled mightily to understand the statement that since fasting generates choler (“the red [bile]”) in the stomach, .‫ומפני זה יתילדו הקדחות ותטה עם תגבורת הטבע מהחום וזולתו‬ because of this, fevers will be generated, and when they become strong, one’s nature will depart from its heat [i.e., the natural heat will be altered], and other such things. The team’s Latin version simply omitted the last part of this statement. But another factor may also have been in play behind these omissions. Almost all these other passages, often involving the omission of long blocks of material (thirty to fifty words), occur in section II of the work, usually at points where the Latin that is present is merely a paraphrased parallel of the Hebrew, with the B-version often summarizing the A-version still further. We have found ourselves wondering whether Profatius and Honofredi, having taken great pains with section I before suddenly deciding to invest additional time in section II, felt pressure in the course of translating the latter to wind up their project and therefore gave less attention to section II, omitting or merely summarizing material that they felt was not worth the effort required to translate verbatim; but this will remain speculation unless an Arabic text of the Regimen turns up to allow us to compare it with the Hebrew and the Latin. We are accustomed to think of medieval translators from the Arabic as intentionally following a de verbo ad verbum policy, like Gerard of Cremona at Toledo, replacing each word in the original with an equivalent word in Latin, trying in this way to maintain the exact thought and specific meaning of the Arabic author. However, Dag Hasse has encouraged the recognition of another

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type of Arabic-Latin translation, the deliberate abbreviation, where the translator purposefully shortens the original text by using a variety of techniques: omitting material that reveals the cultural context of the Arabic author, perhaps, or paraphrasing and condensing the original into a relatively polished Latin, or leaving out entirely certain kinds of passages while giving a wordfor-word translation of the remainder. Just as much intentionality can be perceived in such abbreviations as in the literalness of the Toledan scholars, he suggests: in their different ways the abbreviators are trying to ensure that the text should be readable and not too long; it should supply the information needed in the discipline, but nothing superfluous; it should be welcomed as … a treatise belonging to the home culture of Latin; it should be of a stylistic niveau acceptable to the intellectuals of the day.63 The translation of Avenzoar that ben Machir and Honofredi produced sometimes reveals instances of abbreviation, yet it has not been deliberately abbreviated to meet the ends that Hasse has identified. By comparing the Hebrew (standing in for the lost Arabic) with the initial Latin draft and its subsequent revision, we have come to the conclusion that much of their abbreviation was forced upon them by their inability fully to understand the Arabic, but that the ideal of completeness was still there, as is shown by their efforts to translate the Arabic and to fill out the abbreviated passages in their second pass through the work. This kind of reluctant abbreviation can be recognized in both sections of the work (chapters 1–20 and 21–34), where passages in the Hebrew containing Arabic words are skipped over not only in the draft but also in the revision. Moreover, in the second section of the work we think we can detect another kind of enforced abbreviation, for here there are a number of whole sentences in the Hebrew that are missing in the Latin yet do not contain problematic Arabic terminology. We have already argued that section II of the work was drafted and revised after section I had been completed and had begun to circulate, and we think it plausible that at this point the translation team felt constrained by time pressure to leave out material that with more leisure (as they had had for section I) they would have chosen to include. What features of the Arabic gave Profatius the most difficulty, then? Not, as far as we can tell, grammar and syntax. Virtually none of the Arabic material that the Hebrew translation leaves in transliteration consists of more than two or three words: he evidently felt confident that he understood the structure of the original, though he could not always translate specific Arabic nouns. Only 63  Hasse, “Abbreviation,” 171–72.

Historical Introduction

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in one instance have we found what might be his mistaken understanding of an Arabic sentence structure, and if so, it was a mistake he perceived and was able to correct. In a passage at the end of chapter 12 we seem to see him correcting himself from the first draft to the second. Heb.: … this will strengthen the spleen and will reduce its thickness. And it will also preserve a man’s health if he stands up first on his left leg before the right … A-version: … confortat splenem et eius spissitudinem attenuat et sanitatem eius conservat. Et ut quando ire volueris sinistrum pedem … B-version: … confortat splenem et eius grossiciem attenuat. Et quod sanitatem splenis conservat est ut quando ire voluerit sinistrum pedem…. Here it looks very much as though in producing the first draft Profatius had misunderstood the Arabic phrase “conserves its health” as an addition to the end of the preceding sentence, whereas in the revised version he changed his mind and recognized it as the opening of the following sentence, an interpretation he maintained when he produced his Hebrew translation.64 A number of small verbal changes between the A- and B-versions reveal that Profatius was improving on his original translation as he thought about it the second time, as the following examples indicate: Heb.: … it will help to free their tongue in talking and will make their feet walk faster (ch. 7) A-version: … ipsos [infants] adiuvant ad cito loquendum B-version: … eos accelerant ad loquendum et cito incedendum Heb.: … salty dishes, which will leave dirt in the windpipe (ch. 9) A-version: … faciunt [salty foods] enim remanere cibum in canalibus B-version: … quoniam in ipsis canalibus includunt sordiciem These examples, both from section I, confirm that the apparent similarity between the A- and B-texts in that section suggested above (pp. 11–12) breaks down somewhat when looked at more closely; only the final chapters of

64  Manuscript C goes on to insert a phrase from the revision, “quod sanitatem splenis conservat est” (thus providing a kind of fusion of the two versions), as if a progenitor of C had had access to a manuscript of the revision, where this new phrase caught its copyist’s eye. See further in our introduction to the Latin edition; below, p. 81.

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section I were generally rewritten in the second version, but changes were certainly made throughout as the Arabic text was looked at once more.65 We have been speaking of the “Arabic” text(s), but perhaps we should emphasize our conviction that ben Machir was reading Arabic words written in Hebrew characters. Twelfth-century Jews living in Islamic Spain read Arabic as a matter of course, but when they migrated to southern France over the next hundred years they no longer needed to master Arabic script, and Arabic manuscripts were soon being copied and recopied in Hebrew lettering. Our Avenzoar text has one feature that is an indication of this. Section II of the Latin, in its polished version, twice (chapters 24, 26) refers to an unintelligible drug that it calls tripoda parva, which seems to have been a purge comparable to yera pigra (hiera picra)—the passage is entirely missing from the first rough draft of that section. The Hebrew text, prepared later, renders this term as H’ṬRYPL ha-qaṭan—’ṬRYPL is a Hebrew transliteration of Arabic iṭrīfal, an electuary based on myrabolans.66 It is possible that the original author of Section II had referred to it as a “small trifera”—“tryphera” was the Greek term 65  We should mention that one of the next generation of translators claimed that ben Machir had only a limited understanding of Arabic. Samuel ben Judah of Marseille (“Barbavayre”), active in the first half of the fourteenth century, completed a retranslation of ben Machir’s Hebrew version of Averroes’s short commentary on the Organon in 1339, offering the following indictment: “It had been translated before, but with so many mistakes that the book was hopelessly damaged. Some important persons of our time, wellversed in the Arabic language, strove to correct this translation, but in vain. So the book remained faulty and confused, impossible for us, the community of scholars, to understand” (Paris BN heb. 956, fol. 350r). In fact, however, Samuel’s translation seems to differ only slightly from ben Machir’s. Some day a systematic study of the Hebrew and Arabic texts may make it possible to evaluate Samuel’s objections, but it might be noted that he enjoyed a reputation for criticizing senior figures: he also harshly attacked the great Levi ben Gershon (Gersonides, 1288–1344), the senior scholar of his generation, for his dependence on Averroes and his alleged misunderstanding of the Organon and its commentators. See Mauro Zonta, “Una disputa sugli universali nella logica ebraica del Trecento. Shemuel di Marsiglia contro Gersonide nel ‘Supercommento all’Isagoge’ di Yehudah b. Ishaq Cohen,” Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale 11 (2000): 409–58. 66  Cf. O. Kahl, The Sanskrit, Syriac and Persian Sources in the Comprehensive Book of Rhazes (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 123–24: “iṭrīfal is a straightforward transliteration of Sanskrit triphala, lit. ‘having three fruits,’ and specifically denoting the fruits of the three myrobalan trees harītakī > Arabic halīlaǧ or ihlīlaǧ (chebulic) myrabolan (Terminalia chebula), vibhītakī > Arabic balīlaǧ ‘beleric myrobalan’ (Terminalia bellerica) and āmalaki > Arabic amlaǧ ‘emblic myrobalan’ (Phyllanthus emblica)…. In Ayurvedic pharmacy … triphala means nothing more than ‘the three myrobalans’; in Arabic pharmacy, however, the term iṭrīfal soon after its adaptation became a generic drug name, lent to certain compound prepartions that were considered to be ‘based’ on myrobalans, and often further split into types of ‘smaller’ or ‘larger’ complexity and strength….”

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43

for such an electuary of myrobalans. Now Hebrew “r” (resh) and “d” (dalet) are notoriously easy to confuse. When Arabic trifera was spelled out in Hebrew characters, it would be easy for a Hebrew scribe or a reader to see the word as trifeda or tripeda (there is no “p” sound in Arabic, but Hebrew “pe” can be either “f” or “p”). We suggest that in blocking out their rough draft, the team found the term incomprehensible and skipped this passage entirely, but when they returned to their second version they decided to transliterate what they saw and called it the “small tripoda,” thus revealing to us the original Hebrew lettering that lay behind the word.67 It is interesting that this drug also is mentioned in section I of our text but is there treated quite differently. It appears in chapter 19, where it is explained as made up of the juices of the three kinds of mirabolans (chebulic, indic, and emblic) and is described as being good for hemorrhoids. When the team had prepared their Latin translation of section I, they failed to give it any name, tripoda or anything else, and simply recommended treatment “cum succo kebulorum et indorum et emblicorum,” in both their first draft and its later revision. When ben Machir later made his Hebrew translation of the whole text, he first came upon the medicine in chapter 19 and did give it a name, the “small atrifal” (H’ṬRYPL ha-qaṭan), half-translating, half-transliterating the Arabic phrase iṭrīfal ṣaghīr, which was indeed the normal Arabic term for such an electuary made from the three myrabolans.68 When he came to chapters 24 and 26 he must have recognized that their “small tripoda” was to be identified with the “small atrifal,” for now he called it H’ṬRYPL ha-qaṭan each time. The episode tends to confirm us in our suspicion that the authors of sections I and II were different authors, with occasionally different vocabularies, although ben Machir was able to unify the two. Yet a close comparison of the Hebrew and Latin texts makes it obvious that the team was ultimately unable to identify a number of Avenzoar’s drugs from their Arabic names, even in consultation. We have already discussed the process by which Avenzoar’s “fragrant cane” became transmuted into “cinnamon” in the Latin translation.69 Another example occurs in chapter 17, where Avenzoar 67  In fact, a confection very similar to “the small tripoda” is called trifera sarracenica in the Antidotarium Nicolai and repeated under the same name in the Antidotarium ascribed to Arnau de Vilanova. W. S. van den Berg, ed., Eene Middelnederlandsche Vertaling van het Antidotarium Nicolai (Brill: Leiden, 1917), 148–51; Arnau de Vilanova, Antidotarium, in Opera (Lyons, 1504), fol. 328vb. 68  Irene Fellmann, Das Aqrābādin al-Qalānisī (Beirut: Orient-Institut der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 1986), 213–14; Martin Levey, Early Arabic Pharmacology (Leiden: Brill, 1973), 83, 86. 69  See above, pp. 32–33.

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listed electuaries that would strengthen the bladder, based on five different drugs that again Profatius was not altogether confident about identifying. They are named individually in his word-for-word Hebrew translation, giving those he was sure of in Hebrew or Romance while leaving in Arabic the ones he did not understand: GLYG’R (Old Occitan galengar) we-DRṢYNY (Arabic) we-ŠYZN’YH (Arabic) we-pilpelin (Hebrew) we-ligna aloven (Romance). Now when he and Honofredi had translated these words into Latin, they had recognized only a few of the drugs, and they omitted the others for the time being: they wrote simply galanga et pipere longo et ligno aloes. The first and last of Avenzoar’s drugs they had been able to identify with drugs of their own day and had given the Latin equivalents, which Profatius later repeated in his Hebrew version. Pilpelin had not been a serious problem either, for the Arabic and Hebrew words for pepper are very similar, though we cannot know why Honofredi decided that the term referred to long pepper (Piper longum) rather than the more common Piper nigrum. But DRṢYNY and ŠYZN’YH had apparently left them at a loss, so that they left them out of the first and eventually the second draft as well. ŠYZN’YH is probably the electuary sajisnīnā (spelled variously in Arabic sources),70 and we can sympathize with their incomprehension. It is harder to understand their difficulties with DRṢYNY, which is clearly cinnamon, Arabic dār ṣīnī, and which for some reason ben Machir was unable to identify, though his uncle Moses ibn Tibbon had had no trouble recognizing it as Latin-Romance SYNMWMY.71 In these two passages we see exemplified some of the obstacles confronting Profatius as he tried to deal with Avenzoar’s medicines: his limited familiarity with the language of Arabic pharmacy coupled with the limited resources of Hebrew in this area, further complicated by the potential for miscommunication or disagreement with his Latin colleague. As a result, while we first found cinnamon listed as a remedy in a Latin passage where it was actually absent from the Arabic, here it was omitted from the Latin despite being recommended in the Arabic. Though in certain instances (often relating to the names of medicines) Profatius and Honofredi may not have understood each other fully, it is clear that in many respects Honofredi was able to refine Profatius’s preliminary response to the Arabic—for instance, in the realm of anatomy. The first section of Avenzoar’s Regimen was built, chapter by chapter, around the health of the most important bodily members—eyes, lungs, stomach, kidney, 70  Fellman, Aqrābādin, 235. 71  Ibn al-Jazzār’s Zād al-musāfir wa-qūt al-ḥādir; Professions for the Traveller and Nourishment for the Sedentary, Book 7 (7–30), ed. Gerrit Bos (Brill: Leiden, 2015), 22 (Arabic text), 136 (Hebrew translation).

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liver—whose names Profatius knew in Arabic and which had Hebrew equivalents (often biblical) that he also knew. For the lesser members, the difference between the way they are named in the Hebrew and in the Latin implies not only that the surgeon had identified them precisely for the latter version but that Profatius did not always fully assimilate or retain the change that his collaborator had made. In chapter 1, for example, the Latin text distinguishes between the eyelashes and the eyebrows, but the Hebrew text responds to the Arabic with the same phrase each time, “hair of the eyelids [‘af‘apayim].” In chapter 8, concerning the health of the respiratory members, the team at one point represented Avenzoar as speaking of a medicine that would “soothe the windpipe [canna] and soften the uvula and esophagus [mery] and open the channels of the chest.” When Profatius eventually translated the Arabic into Hebrew he rendered this as “it will soften the qaneh and the uvila, will soften the veshet, and will open the passages….” There are a number of interesting features about this Hebrew sentence. “Qaneh” was already the Hebrew word for the trachea, but Profatius seems to have assimilated the Latin word for the uvula. To render “esophagus” in Latin, the team had naturally employed the Latin term mery, a well-established transliteration of Arabic marī’: no doubt marī’ was the Arabic reading here. When translating it on his own later, however, Profatius responded with the Hebrew term, veshet, and had no need for a transliterated loan word. Another curious case concerns the Hebrew word ‘aṣav, “nerve,” which Profatius employed three times (in chapters 7, 12, and 25) to translate an Arabic term that he and Honofredi in collaboration had previously rendered every time as articuli (“joints”); again we might wonder whether Profatius needed his surgeon-colleague in order to be sure of naming anatomical entities correctly. One historian has expressed surprise that in 1302, decades after ben Machir had apparently given up his commitment to the translation of scientific texts from Arabic, he should suddenly have again undertaken the translation of a major Arabic scientific work—and, even more surprising, a biological rather than an astronomical or mathematical one:72 his translation of Averroes’ commentary on two portions of Aristotle’s On Animals—De partibus and De generatione—is dated to December of that year.73 But the change seems less surprising when we consider that his involvement only a few years before in translating the Avenzoar text must have started him thinking, no doubt for the first time, about the problem of adapting Hebrew to the expression

72  Romano, “La transmission,” 374–75. 73  Steinschneider, Hebraeischen Uebersetzungen, 144–46.

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of anatomical and physiological material—exactly Aristotle’s subjects in On Animals.74 If ben Machir’s translation of Averroes’s commentary is ever edited, it will be fascinating to compare it with his Hebrew “Avenzoar” and to look for the development of his anatomical and physiological terminology.75 5.2 The Translation Team: Bernat Honofredi It would seem, then, that in preparing the first draft of the Latin translation (“version A”) the brunt of the task was borne by Profatius, who read out the text word for word in the Romance vernacular to be directly Latinized by Honofredi in the same order, though they may well have debated particular word choices now and then as they went along. No doubt in this way Honofredi put something of his own stamp on the first draft, but in producing the subsequent revision the responsibility must have been entirely his, by virtue of his linguistic abilities. Besides their shared vernacular, Profatius brought two languages to their encounter, Arabic and Hebrew; but Honofredi did the same, 74  We have been able to look at this commentary as copied in MS Paris, BN hebr. 956, and have found that it does indeed reveal a better command of Hebrew anatomical terminology than does Jacob ben Machir’s previous translation of “Avenzoar.” The commentary uses pereq rather than aṣav to refer to joints, and rather than use ‘af‘apayim to refer indiscriminately to all the external structures around the eye, it restricts that word to mean “eyelids” and uses gabot to refer to the eyebrows. However, Gerrit Bos is at work on a critical edition of the Hebrew De animalibus with modern English translation and commentary (a preliminary version is accessible at https://uni-koeln.academia.edu/GerritBos/ Drafts), and his colleague David Wirmer has established that the version in this particular manuscript was to some extent revised by Samuel ben Judah of Marseille (“Barbavayre,” b. 1294); at present it is impossible to tell whether the improved anatomical language was Jacob ben Machir’s or Samuel ben Judah’s. (Samuel also complained about the quality of ben Machir’s translation of Averroes’ compendium to the Aristotelian Organon, declaring that it needed systematic retranslation, and undertook the work himself; today manuscripts of the text sometimes carry the names of both Jacob and Samuel as the translator.) 75  Remarkably, at the very end of his life ben Machir was apparently still intrigued enough by Avenzoar as an author that he set about translating another work attributed to the Muslim physician. In the early fourteenth century a certain Samuel ben Solomon ben Nathan attached a long introductory preface to a Hebrew translation he had prepared of a text that he attributed to “Muhammad [sic] ibn Zuhr” entitled “The Candelabrum of Medicine [Ha-menorah ba-refu’ah]”; it had nine sections, beginning with medical definitions and ending with an aqrābādin or antidotary—see Steinschneider, Hebraeischen Übersetzungen, 752. He went on to apologize for having dared to put himself on an equal footing with master Jacob ben Tibbon Ha-harari (“of the Mountains,” i.e. of Montpellier) who had previously begun his own translation of the same work—a translation that had been lost at the time of the expulsion of the Jews from France; MS Escorial G.III.20, fol. 47v. The manuscript has most recently been described by Francisco Javier del Barco del Barco, Catálogo de Manuscritos Hebreos de la Comunidad de Madrid (Madrid: CSIC, 2006), 3:190–91, who does not however remark on ben Nathan’s preface.

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bringing not merely Latin but Galenic medical discourse as well. It may seem counter-intuitive that a medical surgeon, no academic, should have had these resources to offer, but this was a unique moment for the medieval craft. Two generations before, in the early thirteenth century, European surgery had still been essentially an empirical subject, with no grounding in Galenic anatomy or physiological theory; two generations later, surgery had at some level become a learned or text-based subject but was now becoming communicated in the vernacular. But in 1300 surgeons had just acquired a considerable Latin literature for their field and were being drawn to medical faculties to study texts of Galen, Avicenna, and Abulcasis, texts that helped ground surgical practice in contemporary medical theory.76 A case in point is the Catalan surgeon Guillem Correger, who had been in practice for nearly twenty years when in 1302 he was given permission to leave the kingdom of Aragon to study medicine since (as King Jaume II wrote) “at present no one teaches this subject in our realms.”77 The evidence suggests overwhelmingly that Correger went to Montpellier to pursue these studies. There he would have found a medical faculty with a marked interest in surgery, attentive to the new Latin surgical literature. Indeed, at about this time Correger himself decided to produce a Catalan translation of perhaps the most important work of Latin surgery, the Chirurgia of Teodorico Borgognoni, so that his colleagues who could not read Latin would have access to it—but in so doing, of course, Correger himself testifies to the existence in 1300 of capable and ambitious surgeons who could read Latin, and to the attraction that schools like Montpellier held for them.78 Although Bernat Honofredi is otherwise unknown, he sounds very much like another Guillem Correger, someone who would have had no trouble putting Profatius’s vernacular résumé not merely into Latin but into the distinctive terminology of contemporary Latin medical learning. And when we compare the A- and B-versions, the first draft and its revision, we find three broad classes of changes introduced into the latter, all of which 76  Michael McVaugh, The Rational Surgery of the Middle Ages (Florence: Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2006). 77  “… cum de arte ipsa [cirurgie] in terra nostra non legatur ad presens”; Barcelona, Arxiu de la Corona de Aragó, Canc. reg. 125, fol. 96v (15 October 1302). 78  Michael McVaugh, “Academic Medicine and the Vernacularization of Medieval Surgery: The Case of Bernat de Berriac,” in El saber i les llengües vernacles a l’època de Llull i Eximenis, ed. Anna Alberni, Lola Badia, Lluís Cifuentes, and Alexander Fidora (Barcelona: Abadia de Montserrat, 2012), 257–81. Dumas, Santé et société, 203n275, is certainly overstating the case to say that “Bernard Honofredi est le seul exemple aussi précoce d’un chirurgien prenant part à une activité intellectuelle.”

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presuppose the skills of a learned Latinate medical practitioner such as we have described. These classes overlap to a certain extent, but we might distinguish (a) stylistic change, for ease and smoothness of reading; (b) changes in wording and the insertion of short passages meant to clarify or explain terse assertions in the underlying text, and to show the harmony of Avenzoar’s ideas with contemporary Latin medicine; and (c) the use of technical and scientific terminology, to bring the text into conformity with current European medical discourse: (a) We have already seen some of the most prominent concerns of the reviser of the original draft, a reviser whom we can now identify with a high degree of probability as Bernard Honofredi: his frequent introduction of adversative particles like autem or tamen in order to reinforce his sense of the direction of Avenzoar’s argument, giving each chapter its own coherence and continuity and carrying the reader from one topic to another; and his liking for introducing participles as a way to vary the effect of a string of finite verbs. The same sensitivity to repetitiveness may be behind his treatment of the verb cavere, which the two collaborators had employed 22 times in the A-version of section II, probably each time reflecting the same Arabic word (in his literalist Hebrew translation, Profatius almost always used the word yarḥiq [from hirḥiq, “to remove”]). In the revised B-version, Honofredi has reduced the twenty-two to fourteen by finding alternative locutions. This tendency to make the mechanically translated first draft feel more supple is nicely illustrated by a passage in chapter 19, where the text of the A-version is written in rather forced and awkward Latin, with a dangling clause at the beginning that follows the word order in the Hebrew and, one might guess, in the original Arabic: Provocare etiam materiam ad sellam vel ad dormitationem cum succo kebulorum et indorum et emblicorum, utilitas eius est conservare matrices mulierum et conservat santitatem ani et desiccat humorem currentem illuc et confortat eum. The B-version recasts this so as to read more logically— Provocetur etiam natura ad assellandum ante dormitionem cum succo kebulorum et indorum et emblicorum, quoniam matricem mulierum confortat et sanitatem ani conservat et humorem malum illuc decurrentem desiccat, ipsum confortando— taking the opportunity at the very end of the passage to indulge Honofredi’s perennial impulse to convert one more finite verb into a participle.

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Obviously many—perhaps most—verbal differences among draft, revision, and Hebrew translation can reasonably be put down to scribal decisions or lapses of concentration during the transmission of the texts. A phrase missing in the draft of chapter 1 that is present in the Hebrew is almost certainly due to a copyist’s eye skipping from one “ashes of olives” to another, not to deliberate suppression by the Latin translators, for it is restored in the revision. The change in chapter 8 from the draft’s “small bones of birds” (ossium parvorum avium) to “bones of small birds” (ossium parvarum avium) is equally unlikely to reflect a conscious decision on their part. Yet a certain number of passages do still seem to show the team at work making small verbal changes to clarify the text of the final version. Sometimes they increase explicitness, as when the draft’s vague instruction to eat certain meats “temperately” (temperate) becomes the revision’s injunction to consume them “with a little water” (cum modica aqua). Sometimes they introduce concision, as when, describing someone so disturbed by the smell of bad air that he still smells the stench when he is in fresh air (chapter 5), they condense “se motus a loco fetenti” to “in fetoris absentia.” (b) This first class of stylistic changes shades gradually into subtler decisions about language. Honofredi’s concern to choose exactly the right Latin words for his translation is obvious, even though the reasons for his choices may not be. Sometimes he seems to be searching for a more elevated language, as when in chapter 26 the first draft’s negotiis seu laboribus moderatis turns into temperatis gignasiis; sometimes, on the contrary, he seems to have regretted his original impulse to use an unusual word, as when equitare equos currentes vel hastiludiare [= joust] was moderated in chapter 18 to read equitare equos currentes atque saltantes. But in many cases it is impossible to decide why he chose to elaborate on the literalness of the draft: Heb.: he should increase his sleep and activity (ch. 24) A-version: augeat sompnum et motum B-version: longum sompnum aut motum procuret temperatum Heb.: some time after picking [fresh fruit] [should come] eating (ch. 24) A-version: post quorum assumptionem usque ad eorum comestionem aliquantulum faciat intervallum. B-version: post quorum assumptionem non statim sed post paululum cibaria hora sua comedat assueta. In any case, it is clear that individual words mattered to him.

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Still, some at least of his decisions were evidently motivated by a desire to make the translation as clear and forceful as possible. In chapter 5, presenting a regimen for the nose and smell, Avenzoar explained that bad smells arising from thick and heavy air were to be avoided because they were bad for the health, and Profatius used a variety of words in his Hebrew translation to describe the undesirable character of both the air and the smells, not improbably following the Arabic original; we may guess that he would have used a similar range of words in speaking to Honofredi as they prepared their first draft. But Honofredi’s Latin version constantly transforms this variety into just two words, over and over again, to describe odors and airs: bad smells are always fetens or fetores (used six times in the passage), and they arise because the air is corruptus or corrumpens (used four times). The result was to tighten and drive home an implicit physiological model and argument for the Latin reader, rather than present a purely descriptive argument for avoiding bad smells. Similarly, in chapter 22 Honofredi not only elaborated on the literalness of the first draft, he also rewrote its conclusion in order to turn an implicit contrast into an openly didactic parallel: Because activity before eating purifies the natural heat, and the stomach will receive the food with pleasure and the member will receive it and the body will get fat, while activity after eating will incur added sicknesses. (Hebrew)

Motus enim ante cibum mundificat calorem naturalem, et stomachus ex hoc sumit cibum cum appetitu et membra recipiunt nutrimenta et corpus ingrossatur, et motus post cibum est causa egritudinum. (A-version)

Exercitium enim ante cibum calorem fortificat et mundificat naturalem, et appetitum ex hoc in stomacho vigoratur et exinde copiosius membra recipiunt nutrimentum, quare corpus ingrossatur. Et sicut exercitium temperatum ante cibum causat sanitatem, sic post cibum causat egritudinem. (B-version)

The A-version follows the Hebrew word by word and phrase by phrase; the B-version has used many more words to say essentially the same thing, introducing new phrases, and rounding the passage off stylistically with an entirely new clause to bring out a concluding contrast: “sicut…, sic….” (c) Honofredi’s command of Latin was important to the enterprise, then, but just as important and more remarkable was his familiarity with the terminology of medieval medicine. One of the most revealing of his revisions comes

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in chapter 21 of the work, which the author evidently meant as an introduction to section II and offers a list of external or non-physiological conditions in which moderation needs to be observed. The Latin draft parallels the Hebrew closely: Heb.: The conservation of health depends on the right measure of movement and of rest, of sleeping and waking and food and drink, on evacuating the superfluities, on balanced places [i.e., with a moderate climate], and on exercise, on avoiding bad accidents before they become more frequent and more severe, thoughts, and avoiding close quarters, and on maintaining a normal routine. A-version: Regimen sanitatis consistit in temperamento motus et quietis et sompni et vigilie, cibi et potus, et emissionis superfluitatum secundum assumpta, et in temperamento loco ubi habitat, et a custodia a contrariis accidentibus et cogitationibus malis et observatione usus assueti. This list derives from the six “non-natural things” enumerated by Galen in many of his works, factors external to the body that can cause illness and whose regulation is therefore necessary to health, and they were passed on and incorporated into first Arabic and then Latin medicine.79 They are listed in two of the short Latin works that made up the ars medicine (the collection that comprised the basic curriculum studied by students of medicine throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries), the Isagoge of Johannitius and the Techne or Ars parva of Galen,80 but students would also have come upon them in the Pantegni or in Avicenna’s Canon.81 Anyone associated with a medical faculty would certainly have had them ingrained in his mind. 79  P  eter H. Niebyl, “The Non-Naturals,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 45 (1971): 482–85. Luís García-Ballester, “On the Origin of the ‘Six Non-Natural Things’ in Galen,” Sudhoffs Archiv 32 (1993): 105–15; reprinted in Galen and Galenism: Theory and Medical Practice from Antiquity to the European Renaissance, ed. Jon Arrizabalaga et al. (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002), no. 4. 80  Galen, Microtechni, III text 9; in Articella (Venice, 1523), fol. 124rb: “Et primum causarum que mutant corpus necessario est ex obviatione aeris continentia corpora nostra. Et secundum genus est ex motu et quiete in toto corpore et in unoquoque membrorum eius. Et tertium est ex somno et vigiliis. Et quartum est ex eis que sumuntur. Et quintum est ex eis que fluunt ex corpore et constringunt in eo. Et sextum est ex accidentibus anime.” 81  Avicenna, Liber canonis, I.2.2.1.1 (Venice, 1507; rpt. Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1964), fol. 28ra: “Genus aeris circundatis et genus eius quod comeditur et bibitur et genus potus et quietis corporee et genus motuum animalium et genus somni et vigilie et genus evacuationis et retentionis.”

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Honofredi was clearly no exception. As he converted ben Machir’s Occitan into Latin the first time, in the A-version, he obviously recognized that the nonnaturals were in question and he began by naming the terminology familiar in the contemporary schools from the Pantegni,82 but only for the first part of the list, after which he returned to “Avenzoar’s” re-wording. When he came back to revise the text, however, he was careful to use that current terminology as consistently as possible in recasting Ibn Zuhr’s words: B-version: Regimen sanitatis consistit in temperamento motus et quietis, sompni et vigilie, cibi est potus, inanitionis et repletionis, loci habitationis, et anime accidentium seu cogitationis necnon assueti observationis. The result, of course, was to bring Ibn Zuhr’s Regimen a little bit more into harmony with the language and thought-patterns of contemporary physicians and to allow them to read it with less of a sense of distance. Honofredi’s attentiveness to the translation’s prospective audience is evident throughout the work in other, perhaps less striking instances. As the team worked through the first draft, he no doubt hoped to come upon quick Latin equivalents for the vernacular terms Profatius was passing on to him that would correspond to the language of the medical faculty. Among the things caused by retention of semen, says the Hebrew translation of chapter 18, are “black thoughts”; in the Latin draft the physiological model underlying Avenzoar’s recommendation was immediately made more detailed and more precise: “sincopis que causatur ex colera.” Sometimes, as in this case, Honofredi was essentially satisfied with his first reaction when the team went back to the text the second time (in this case he merely specified “colera nigra”), but very often he felt that his first translation could be improved. That exercise before a meal should not be carried on until it “becomes heavy on him” (ch. 22) he translated first “non ad lassitudinem vel ultra modum” and then in the final version, still more precisely, “non ad lassitudinem sed ad initium calefactionis.” In chapter 24 the Hebrew refers to a group of fruits which when eaten stay in 82  “Cause non naturales sunt .vi.: aer qui circumdat corpus humanum, motus et quies, cibus et potus, somnis et vigilia, inanitio et repletio, et contingentia anime accidentia”; Haly Abbas, Pantegni, theorice 1.3, in Omnia opera Ysaac (Lyons, 1515), [II] fol. 1vb. The first or theoretical section of the Pantegni is essentially a translation of a part of the Kitāb al-Malakī of al-Majūsī (d. 994); see Constantine the African and ‘Alī ibn al-‘Abbās al-Mağūsī: The Pantegni and Related Texts, ed. Charles Burnett and Danielle Jacquart (Leiden: Brill, 1994). Manfred Ullmann, Islamic Medicine, 99–103, uses al-Majūsī’s discussion of the six non-naturals in the K. al-Malakī to make clear their centrality to medieval Arabic medicine.

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the stomach for a long time, and Honofredi’s first draft parallels this closely: “qui diutius morantur in stomacho”; but in the revision he added the technical phrase “ex proprietate,” to give a reason for these fruits’ behavior and to connect it with the new academic recognition that substances had proprietates, unpredictable properties, that were regular and experimentally proven features of their nature that the physician needed to take into account.83 Again, early in chapter 28 the team translated Avenzoar’s attribution of headache literally as due to a “descensus aque ad oculos” in the draft, which Honofredi changed to “fluxum reumatis ad oculos” in the final version, specifying the humoral nature of the flow. Many other passages show the technical terminology of pathology introduced into versions of the Latin text so as to enhance its academic relevance. Honofredi’s priorities in revision offer an interesting contrast to those manifested by a twelfth-century reviser. Danielle Jacquart has shown convincingly that the Liber ad almansorem of Rhazes, long supposed to be a translation by Gerard of Cremona, was first rendered into Latin by someone else and that Gerard subsequently revised that original version.84 She has called attention to two different classes of change that Gerard seems to have been concerned to make: achieving increased faithfulness to the original by returning to Arabic words in transliteration or in calques; and attempting always to translate Arabic words with the same Latin words rather than to use a variety of synonyms. It was literalness that Gerard was striving for, not niceties of Latin vocabulary or rhetorical style. But Gerard was writing when Latin medical language was still unformed; in that pre-university age, no sophisticated medical audience yet existed whose expectations he had to meet. A century and more later, Honofredi was revising while keeping in mind the needs of a very specific public, a community of trained academic masters. Where had Honofredi acquired this familiarity with the language of contemporary academic medicine? In part from his reading, no doubt. We have already argued that he was one of a new breed of Latinate surgeons emerging in the later thirteenth century who based their practice on the surgical portions of works by medical authorities like Galen and Avicenna and who composed Latin surgical treatises of their own. They read the same authors as did academic physicians, and thus spoke (or read and wrote) the same language. But Honofredi had more resources available to him than just books: he 83  See, for example, S. Giralt, “‘Proprietas’: las propiedades ocultas según Arnau de Vilanova,” Traditio 63 (2008): 327–60. 84  Danielle Jacquart, “Note sur la traduction latine du Kitāb al-Manṣūrī de Rhazès,” Revue d’Histoire des Textes 24 (1994): 359–74.

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would surely have had contacts in the Montpellier faculty with whom he could discuss the text. By 1300 the Montpellier faculty had grown very interested in the new surgical literature and were incorporating it into their practice: Bernard Gordon discussed a wide range of basic surgical procedures in his Lilium medicine (1303–5), Arnau de Vilanova acquired a copy of the Chirurgia of Teodorico Borgognoni that Guillem Correger would single out for translation into Catalan. Honofredi would have been acquainted with, perhaps even sought out by, Montpellier masters like these—as well, of course, as with master Pierre de Capestang, who had commissioned the translation and would certainly have been ready to discuss whatever issues Honofredi raised with him, such as the terminological decisions above. Bernat might very well have known Johannitius’s Isagoge himself and have chosen to use its familiar scholastic language in revising chapter 21 (see above, pp. 50–52),85 but if he did not, any of his medical acquaintances could have called his attention to the work. Moreover, a number of the Montpellier masters of the 1290s knew Arabic at least moderately well and could have helped Honofredi interpret some of Avenzoar’s original language in cases where Profatius had not been able to translate a particular Arabic word or words—Arnau de Vilanova, for example, whose command of Arabic had allowed him to prepare a Latin translation of Avicenna’s On Cardiac Medicines, or Arnau’s nephew Armengaud Blaise, who had translated Maimonides’s On Asthma in 1294 (the first of his many Maimonidean translations) and, what is more, was a good friend of Profatius. One can easily imagine the team coming up repeatedly against the unknown Arabic word al-niqris on their first pass through Avenzoar’s text, learning from Honofredi’s friends that it meant podagra, and inserting the Latin word as appropriate in their revision. Even so, while recognizing that Honofredi could have drawn on Arabists in the Montpellier faculty in revising his translation makes his accomplishment easier to understand, his work was still remarkable. Without the Arabic text for comparison, we cannot explore his methods very far. Still, two passages in which we can infer something of the underlying Arabic give hints of the detailed routes by which Honofredi could have brought learned medicine to bear on his translation. One of these comes in chapter 28, in which Avenzoar dealt with the need for prognosis of individual illnesses in order to respond properly to them when they occur. Early in that chapter, which begins with a discussion of mental illnesses, Avenzoar enumerated the 85  Johannitius’s Isagoge, and specifically its enumeration of the six non-naturals, is cited by Henri de Mondeville, a French surgeon who actually taught anatomy at Montpellier just a few years after Honofredi was involved in translating Avenzoar; Julius Leopold Pagel, ed., Die Chirurgie des Heinrich von Mondeville (Berlin: Hirschwald, 1892), 78.

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various symptoms—red face and eyes, swollen veins, light sensitivity—of a condition he apparently called al-birsām. Profatius clearly did not understand the Arabic term, which he left transliterated in that form when he eventually made his independent Hebrew translation. But Honofredi certainly did believe that he understood it, for in the first Latin draft that the team produced we find Avenzoar explaining that “omnia inquam ista significant frenesim.” How might Honofredi have been immediately able to recognize the meaning of this Arabic term that Profatius read out to him? At just the time when Honofredi and Profatius were at work on their translation, the works of Rhazes (al-Rāzī) were coming into vogue at Montpellier, and in his Liber divisionum Rhazes had discussed a condition that he called “birsen” and divided into litargia and frenesis.86 In book IX of his Liber ad almansorem (soon to become a standard object of commentary at the school) Rhazes listed the symptoms of frenesis, which agreed exactly with those of our Regimen’s “al-birsām”: “in facie atque oculis vehemens fuerit rubedo et capitis dolor et horror luminis affuerit et in pulsu velocitas et frequentie superfluitas … signa frenesis certissima iudicabuntur.”87 Confusingly, however, Rhazes had said elsewhere that birsen referred to pleurisy,88 and in his Canon Avicenna (an even greater authority than Rhazes) had agreed, mocking those “qui prenomina ignorantes existimant quod birse sit nomen apostematis huius [i.e., frenesis]” and stating that the correct term was sirsen. “For birse is a Persian word, from bir meaning chest and sen meaning inflammation; and sirsen is also Persian, for sir means head and sen means inflammation or illness.”89 The disagreement between these two great authors must have made for lively debate at the school.90 86  Rhazes, Liber divisionum, cap. 6: “De birsen id est litargia et frenesi”; in Opera Rasis (Venice, 1497), fol. 62ra. On the growing importance of Rhazes to early fourteenth-century Montpellier, see Michael McVaugh, “Why Rhazes?,” Micrologus 24 (2016): 43–71, at 43–48. 87  Rhazes, Liber almansoris IX.3 (De frenesi); Opera Rasis (Venice, 1497), fol. 41ra. 88  “Hec passio vocatur birsen, cuius causa est apostema quod oritur interius in costis ypocundriorum”; ibid., IX.57, fol. 45vb. 89  “Nam birse est dictio persica, bir enim est pectus et sen est apostema; et sirsen etiam est persicum, sir enim est caput et sen est apostema et egritudo”; Avicenna, Liber canonis, III.1.3.1, fol. 180va. 90  Arnau de Vilanova was teaching there at the very moment when Honofredi and Profatius were at work on their translation, and he was there ten years later when he drafted a treatise De parte operativa left incomplete at his death in 1311. This work discusses the nature, symptoms, and treatment of various mental illnesses, and it has the following to say about frenesis, in a passage that can be seen as trying to mediate the controversy between Rhazes and Avicenna: “Frenesis grece sonat proprie in latino pellicularum aut velaminum lesio et cetera. Unde per antonomasiam attribuitur apostemati calido pellicularum indifferenter, tam capitis quam pectoris, quoniam ex utraque passione causatur illa

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We now recognize that this disagreement originated in antiquity, for in De interioribus (De locis affectis) Galen tells his readers that some authors believe that an inflammation of the chest is the cause of some mental disorders, which had no doubt engendered the term birsen.91 Rhazes tended to pay more attention to symptoms and the sick than to nosological precision (Avicenna did quite the opposite), and in fact he can be found using both terms somewhat interchangeably in the Arabic originals of his writings, as for example in Almansor IX.3, where he twice employs the term sirsām for the mental condition. As it happens, however, the Latin version of that work both times rendered his sirsām as frenesis. As far as Montpellier’s readers knew, therefore, birsen was a word that was distinctively Rhazean, so that it seems virtually inescapable that Rhazes was the source of Honofredi’s knowledge here, directly or indirectly. Whether he himself was familiar with the Liber divisionum or, perhaps more likely, whether he had discussed the term al-birsām with acquaintances in the medical faculty, it would not have been difficult for him to arrive at the conclusion that Avenzoar’s al-birsām was Rhazes’s birsen and was to be identified with frenesis, especially because the symptoms Avenzoar had attributed to al-birsām fitted those of frenesis so well. This passage is of interest for another quite different reason, since it bears on the question of our text’s Arabic origin. The author of chapter 28—part of what we have called “section II,” the regimen putatively produced by Abū ’l-‘Alā’ Zuhr—evidently had no qualms at all about using the word birsām to refer to this mental illness, nor did he even acknowledge that there was an alternative term that important authorities insisted was correct. So it is significant that when Abū ’l-‘Alā’’s son Abū Marwān ibn Zuhr drew up his great Kitāb al-taisīr, he included in it a chapter on phrenitis caused by heat, entitled “hot širsām,” which he began by declaring grudgingly “but if you choose you can call it simply ‘birsām,’ as many of our predecessors called it.”92 Abū Marwān’s own expressed preference for the name širsām would seem to increase the unlikelihood that he could have been the “Avenzoar” who recommended “birsām” in summa et absoluta hominis lesio que est amissio rationis. Persice tamen propriis vocabulis dicuntur, nam tale apostema in velaminibus pectoris nominatur birsen, in velaminibus capitis sirsen”; Arnau de Vilanova, De parte operativa, in Opera (1504), fol. 136rb. The basis for Arnau’s account is Avicenna’s Canon (180v). 91  Ullmann, Islamic Medicine, 28–30. His discussion is extended and deepened by Danielle Jacquart, “Les avatars de la phrénitis chez Avicenne et Rhazès,” in Maladie et maladies, histoire et conceptualisation, Mélanges en l’honneur de Mirko Grmek (Geneva: Droz, 1992), 181–92. 92   Abu Marwān ‘Abd al-Mālik ibn Zuhr, Kitāb al-Taysīr fī al-mudāwāh wa-al-tadbīr (Damascus: Dār al-Fikr, 1983), 107.

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section II of our treatise, and that judgment should probably be extended to Abū ’l-‘Alā’, who is known to have closely supervised his son’s training and reading in medicine.93 It is one more indication that the Regimen’s attribution to any “Avenzoar” should be treated as apocryphal.94 In the remainder of chapter 28 Honofredi demonstrated a familiarity with the current academic terminology for other mental illnesses. In many cases the team’s Arabic text had apparently identified such an illness simply with a loose description, for example “a falling asleep of the members” (in Profatius’s Hebrew translation), which Honofredi had translated directly as “obdormitatio membrorum” in the first draft; in the second draft we find that this becomes “stupor sive dormitatio membrorum.” Similarly, “inquies seu aggravatio seu oppressio” in the first draft became “incubus sive compressio” in the second. Stupor and incubus95 were well-known disease labels in the academic medicine of 1300 (both are discussed in the Canon), and Honofredi was evidently continuing to try to link up Avenzoar’s descriptive characterization with the standard technical language of his own day. In the case of frenesis, Rhazes was his conduit, but we can imagine that Honofredi had a variety of ways to acquaint himself with the technical details of current medical discourse and was able to apply them to the interpretation of Avenzoar’s text as he worked with Profatius on their translation, though there were bound to be frequent limits to his understanding of the issues involved.96 Another revealing passage occurs in chapter 17, where Avenzoar explained that vomiting was good for illnesses of the bladder, and went on to say (as reported in the eventual Hebrew version) that “eating the sweet that is well known for its eating , and this is the GRYŠ of the wheat. When 93  Álvarez Millán, “Ibn Zuhr, Abū l-‘Ala’ Zuhr” (n. 1), 353. 94  Nicola Carpentieri, “On the Meaning of Birsām and Sirsām: A Survey of the Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms,” Mideo 32 (2017): 81–92, provides further support for the belief that by the twelfth century (i.e., the century of the Banū Zuhr) it was widely acknowledged by Arabic physicians that birsām was an illness of the chest, not the head. 95  Maaike van der Lugt, “The Incubus in Scholastic Debate: Medicine, Theology and Popular Belief,” in Religion and Medicine in the Middle Ages, ed. Peter Biller and Joseph Ziegler (York: York Medieval Press, 2001), 175–200. 96  Later in chapter 28, in a part dealing generally with illnesses of the chest and stomach, the Hebrew translation recommends licking honey as a remedy for “BRSM,” this time almost certainly meaning “pleurisy” (which is birsām in Arabic today). In the first draft of the Latin translation, this recipe was omitted; in the final version it was incorporated and said to be a remedy for “frenesis.” Honofredi had evidently not absorbed the fact that Rhazes’s use of the word to indicate “frenesis” was peculiar to him and that other Arabic authors—like Avicenna—used it in the sense of “pleurisy.”

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mixed with butter it is good; if you knead it with honey it has the property to strengthen the bladder.” In writing GRYŠ, Profatius was using a Hebrew (Talmudic) word for crushed grain or grits as the equivalent for whatever Arabic he saw in his manuscript, which would surely not have been the cognate Arabic word, jarīsh: Arabic came to use the word in a similar sense, as a noun meaning “a dish of crushed [grain],” but in the twelfth century jarīsh was still used only as an adjective meaning “coarse,” not as a noun. The whole of this passage was left out of the Latin A-version, presumably because Profatius and Honofredi had initially been unsure of what mysterious substance was being referred to by the Arabic word and decided to put off tackling it until later. By the time they came back to the revision, however, Honofredi had arrived at an identification of the material, and he now rendered the missing passage as follows: “Et savich tritici preparatum cum butiro aut cum melle magnam habet virtutem ad confortandum vesicam.” This reveals that the Arabic word they found unintelligible on first reading must have been sawīq, today referring to a mush of grain (wheat or barley) with sugar and dates,97 not very different from its historic meaning.98 How might Honofredi have found his way to his identification of the Arabic? As it happens, this is again an Arabism that contemporary Montpellier had become acquainted with through Rhazes, e.g., in his Liber ad almansorem IX (defined rather differently): “aqua savich ordei … ita fit: ordeum fractum in aqua ipsum cooperiente buliat donec aqua inspissetur, deinde coletur.”99 Once again, might not Honofredi have been led to this uncommon word in Rhazes’s work, either by his own reading or by conversation with the medical masters, and assimilated it to his own purposes? But there are other passages where Honofredi’s own background as a Latinate surgeon seems to have contributed to his translation. Thus at two points in the text (chapters 1 and 32) Avenzoar warns against an itch and 97  See Jacquart and Troupeau, La médecine arabe, 219. 98  Thus we find the word used in Nawal Nasrallah, Annals of the Caliphs’ Kitchens (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 573, to refer to “toasted and finely crushed grains mixed with sugar, and made into a refreshing drink by adding water or milk.” Here we have such a dish or beverage made with wheat. Cf. R. P. A. Dozy, Supplément aux Dictionnaires arabes (Leiden: Brill, 1927), 1:706: “sawik, the old and modern Arabic name for a dish of green grain, toasted, pounded, mixed with dates or sugar, and eaten on journeys when it is difficult to cook.” 99  Rhazes, Liber almansoris, IX.72; Opera Rasis, fol. 48va. In his Clavis sanationis, apparently also composed in the 1290s, Simon of Genoa too drew his definition of sauich first of all from its characterization in Ad Almansorem: see Simon Online, www.simonofgenoa.org/ index.php?title=Sauich. In the next century the term established itself in the Latin medical vocabulary: Danielle Jacquart, “Arabisants du Moyen Age et de la Renaissance: Jérome Ramusio (d. 1486) correcteur de Gérard de Crémone (d. 1187),” Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des chartes 147 (1989): 399–415, at 409–10.

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the sore that it can lead to: the Hebrew translation uses two different words for the itch, ikkul and ḥikkuḥ, in the two passages. Honofredi unified the two vague conditions into a single familiar surgical entity, using the word scabies in both places so as to make the vague “itch” into a definite illness that had been a focus of Latin surgical treatises for at least a century. Another example is found in Avenzoar’s discussion of the bath (chapter 29). The original Arabic text of this chapter opened with a discussion of depilation as an adjunct to bathing, including a recipe for a depilatory. When Profatius came to make his Hebrew translation, he began the chapter by rendering Avenzoar’s introduction as “He who wishes to apply sīd [quicklime] in the bath,” probably translating the Arabic word for the substance, nūra. But the draft Latin translation had begun with the words, “Qui in balneo voluerit psilotro….” Psilotrum is a Greek-derived word for a depilatory (already Latinized long before, by Pliny) which was being widely employed by the new “rational surgeons” of the thirteenth century to denote a caustic medicine that could be used in the treatment of skin diseases like tinea and even cancer—diseases that fell into the sphere of surgical practice, not medical practice. Roland of Parma recommends mixing four ounces of quicklime (calx viva) with two drachms of orpiment and warns against leaving this psilotrum on the head longer than necessary.100 In Honofredi’s day, the surgeon Mondeville describes a psilotrum as a purely cosmetic treatment but warns of the problems associated with its use.101 The term must have immediately sprung to Honofredi’s mind as Profatius translated the text out loud to him, and he uses it again a little further on in this chapter of the A-version when he refers to “the lime of the psilotrum (calce psilotri).” It is curious that in the revised B-version Honofredi abandons the surgeons’ term, and instead every time employs the word calcinatio, which had no such surgical or medical meaning yet—if anything, it meant “the act of calcining,” to produce calx, but here Honofredi is using it to mean “the application of calx,” thus: “Cum in balneo uti volueris calcinatione….” It is not at all clear why he felt it desirable to make the change, for Montpellier physicians were well acquainted with contemporary surgical language and literature, and would certainly not have been confused by psilotrum.

100  G  losulae quatuor magistrorum super chirurgiam Rogerii et Rolandi, Collectio Salernitani, ed. Salvatore de Renzi, vol. 2 (Naples, 1853), 609–10, 644. 101  “Aliqui practici et practice … toti corpori applicant psillotrum abradens pilos in quo conficiendo magisterium est et ars, magnus sumptus, longus labor et profectus mulieribus modicus sive nullus, et cum hoc non est omnino sine periculo”; Pagel, Die Chirurgie, 402.

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5.3 The Hebrew Translator: Jacob ben Machir (Profatius) Up to this point we have treated the Hebrew translation as a surrogate for the lost Arabic from which the Latin version was created, viewing its language as likely to have approached a word-for-word replacement of the original. But it should be considered, too, in its own right as one of the early Arabic-Hebrew medical translations. For the translation of Arabic medical texts into Hebrew was really just beginning in ben Machir’s lifetime, by Shem Tov ben Isaac in Marseille c. 1250,102 and more importantly by Moses ibn Tibbon. The latter was the son of Samuel ibn Tibbon and therefore probably Jacob ben Machir’s uncle: he translated an astonishing number of Arabic scientific and philosophical texts in his lifetime, but ventured into medicine with a translation of Maimonides’s Regimen of Health as well as a number of other works, among them Ibn al-Jazzār’s remarkable Zād al-musāfir (called the Viaticum in its Latin version by Constantine the African).103 He was briefly a contemporary of Shem Tov in Marseille before moving to Montpellier in 1252, where he died sometime after 1274/1283. Then later in the century, two even more prolific Arabic-Hebrew medical translators were active at Rome, Nathan ha-Me’ati and Zeraḥyah Ḥen, translating among other works Avicenna’s Qānūn together with medical writings of Maimonides, foremost among them his Medical Aphorisms. Arabic medical literature enjoyed a generally unified medical terminology because of the great influence of the translations of Ḥunain ibn Isḥāq and his circle from the ninth century on. But Hebrew was not in the same fortunate situation: these earliest medical translators seem to have worked essentially independently, with the result that a common or unified Hebrew medical language had not yet emerged; each translator often found himself forced to create his own new vocabulary in order to convey the details of Arabic medical theory and practice. Jacob ben Machir was in exactly this position when he began to translate. We have already argued that he did not begin a Hebrew version until he and Honofredi had finished with both sections of the Latin text, nor have we found any convincing evidence that he might have been systematically referring back to a Latin text as he proceeded.104 That he and Honofredi had together managed 102  For this translator, known especially for his translation of al-Zahrāwī’s K. al-taṣrīf, see Gerrit Bos, Novel Medical and General Hebrew Terminology from the 13th Century. Translations by Hillel Ben Samuel of Verona, Moses Ben Samuel Ibn Tibbon, Shem Tov Ben Isaac of Tortosa, and Zeraḥyah Ben Isaac Ben She’altiel Ḥen; Journal of Semitic Studies, Supplement Series 27 (Oxford, 2011), 73–75. 103  See ibid., 49–50. 104  There are many Romance words imbedded in the Hebrew, but no convincing trace of Latin that would positively demonstrate a borrowing from what they had earlier completed. It

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to find Occitan equivalents for most of the text did not make a Hebrew version easier to produce. In fact, it may even have been a minor obstacle. Having rehearsed the Occitan words already would certainly have brought them quickly back to mind when the Hebrew was not immediately obvious. This was a particular difficulty when the variety and specificity of the natural world was in question. The Arabic names for foodstuffs in general gave ben Machir no difficulty, and he used Hebrew words to represent them when they were available to him: shumar (fennel), shǝqedim (almonds), ḥabbushim (quinces), kǝruv (cabbage), etrog (citron), and so forth. For common medicines, fewer Hebrew equivalents were known to him, and here he typically used transliterations of words of Latin derivation that were in widespread vernacular use: MǦWR’NH (majorana), LYṢY’WM (licium), MWSQ (muscus), LYGNH LWBYN (lignum aloes), ’ŠPYQ NRDY (spica nardi), MSTYQ (mastix), GYRWPLY (gariofili, cloves). Licorice (cirq al-sūs in Arabic) he refers to (ch. 9) as RQLṢY’H, apparently transliterating the Romance word (O. Occ. recales[s]ia; réglisse in modern French) rather than the Latin (liquiritia). But he was certainly not obsessed with maintaining linguistic consistency. A famous Hippocratic honey-vinegar mixture he usually referred to by its Latinate name, oxymel, but once (in ch. 24) he simply transliterated the Arabic term sikanjubīn as SKNǦBYN. Hebrew and Romance terms must have been bubbling up almost randomly in his mind as he thought about the Arabic. Nutmeg, nux muscata in Latin, he gave in a Latinate form in chapter 6—“NWZ MWSQD’”—but in the very next chapter he gave it in Hebrew: “egoz [Heb. “nut”] MWSQ’DH.” These were all names for things that were common features of the local Mediterranean region, above all well-known plants with medicinal properties, but Romance terminology came easily to ben Machir for other things too: he gave common vernacular equivalents for the three different kinds of hunting birds that Ibn Zuhr had listed in chapter 13, and did not bother to search for terms in Hebrew that could differentiate them precisely. is suggestive that in chapter 32, where the team referred to a “cupping glass” four times in translating Avenzoar’s advice on blood-letting, Profatius chose to transliterate the Latin ventosas twice (WNṬWŠ’Š) and to use a Hebrew equivalent twice (kosot ha-meṣiṣah); was he not quite sure that Hebrew readers would understand the former term? In chapter 20 the Latin reads strictos vel artos and the Hebrew reads ṣarim we-’RQWQŠ; might that second word be a case where Profatius could not decide about the Arabic and went back to the Latin (assuming that he read artos as arcos)? In chapter 3 the first draft shows that the translators were uncertain about an Arabic word which they rendered as licium vel lixivia, settling on licium in the final version; Profatius wrote LYSY’WM. Was he going back to the Latin, or did he know a close Romance equivalent? But such possibilities are exceptional.

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Ben Machir was by no means unique in using Romance equivalents— le’azim—in an Arabic-Hebrew translation; his contemporary translators were doing the same, and Romance terms are a normal feature of the Latin-toHebrew medical translations that were becoming increasingly frequent during the fourteenth century.105 Scholars have explained their occurrence by the fact that Hebrew had no equivalents for the names of many medicines and drugs and that the new terms were effectively forced on the translators, who recognized that in any case the Jewish audience for these translations was better versed in Romance than in Hebrew and would probably understand the le’azim with no difficulty. It has also been proposed that some of these Romance terms may have been inserted deliberately into the Hebrew in order to familiarize (and impress) the intended audience with the newly emerging inter-lingual and inter-cultural technical terminology that was at the heart of a Latinate medicine which was coming increasingly to dominate European life.106 But of course these considerations can go only so far in explaining the le’azim in ben Machir’s translation, because he was translating from Arabic into Hebrew, and knew Latin poorly if at all. When we find le’azim in transliteration in his Hebrew text, it is impossible to imagine that these are deliberate attempts to expose readers to the new technical Latin terminology, for those terms would have been just as unfamiliar to him as to them, after all—he was an astronomer, not a physician—and in any case the Latin words were not in front of him as he translated. Instead, he was likely thinking to himself in Romance as he translated an Arabic word for which no Hebrew alternative came immediately to mind, and knew that his readers would probably understand the Romance equivalent just as he had done. But when the first translators of an Arabic medical text came upon a word with no obvious Hebrew or Romance equivalent, they had to devise new strategies for dealing with it107—if they did not choose simply to suppress it. Jacob ben Machir came up with many of the same strategies as he prepared his text, entitled Hanhagat ha-Beriʼut le-Abu ‘Ali ben Zuhr. To begin with, when the Arabic term was understandable but no equivalent came easily to mind, he 105  For some of these translations and their context, see Luis García-Ballester, Lola Ferre, and Eduard Feliu, “Jewish Appreciation of Fourteenth-Century Scholastic Medicine,” Osiris, 2nd ser., 6 (1990): 85–117. 106  Naama Cohen-Hanegbi, “Transmitting Medicine across Religions: Jean of Avignon’s Hebrew Translation of the Lilium Medicine,” in Latin-into-Hebrew: Texts and Studies, ed. Resianne Fontaine and Gad Freudenthal (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 1:121–59, esp. 126–31. 107  For such strategies, see Gerrit Bos, Novel Medical and General Hebrew Terminology from the 13th Century, vol. 2; Journal of Semitic Studies, Supplement Series 30 (Oxford, 2013), 25–27, 100–107.

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sometimes sought Hebrew equivalents in biblical or rabbinic sources: we have already seen how he correlated Arabic qaṣab al-ṭīb, “good cane,” with the biblical “good cane” (qaneh ha-ṭov) of Jer. 6.23. Another example can be found in chapter 1, where the Arabic had named a substance as curing ulceration of the scalp. In his Hebrew version, ben Machir found such a caustic in borit, a term found twice in the bible (Jer. 2:22 and Malachi 3:2) and referring to a cleansing substance or fuller’s lye—the Arabic original may have been bawraq (borax) or perhaps naṭrūn (natron). In the earlier Latin translation, the team had simply offered the neutral term sapo. Another strategy that ben Machir employed, when the approximate sense of the Arabic word seemed clear, was simply to offer a calque or loan translation of the Arabic in Hebrew characters. In chapter 19, the Arabic had referred to the medicinal properties of the skins of three different animals, the lion, the sable (sammūr), and the fennec or fox ( fanak); ben Machir recognized the lion and could easily supply its Hebrew name but he had no names for the sable and the fennec and left them in transliteration: ha-aryeh we-haSHMWR we-ha-PWQ (*PNQ). Again, in chapter 28 the Arabic recommended administering three “somethings” of honey every day as a treatment for frenesis. The translators decided cautiously to pass over the whole sentence the first time through, but in the revision they settled on the vague word morcella as a catch-all translation. In his subsequent Hebrew version ben Machir offered the word LY‘WQ—he had evidently decided to take over directly what must have been the Arabic word used to describe the method of treatment, la‘ūq (a linctus, a medicine to be licked with the tongue).108 If, however, even the rough meaning of the Arabic word was unclear, ben Machir would simply transliterate it directly in Hebrew characters—in such cases it seems mistaken to refer to the new word as a loan translation. In the earliest chapters of the Latin version, as we have seen, the team actually chose to admit that some of the words in their text were unidentifiable Arabisms, as in chapter 2’s reference to “trangen (sic dictum arabice)”—turunjān (“bastard balm”) in Arabic, which ben Machir transliterated almost letter for letter in his Hebrew text: TRNG’N. In chapter 28, the Arabic author had identified a strong facial tic as a precursor of facial paralysis, evidently using the term al-laqwa. The team had had no idea what to do with the term in their translation, guessing at apoplexia in the draft and then at alienatio in their revision. When ben Machir came to this word in his Hebrew version, he simply transliterated it as

108  Read as ‫לעוק‬, it is possibly a loan word; see Gerrit Bos, Novel Medical and General Hebrew Terminology, vol. 4 (Leiden: Brill, 2019), 92.

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’LLQWH, including the definite article for good measure; he could have had no idea of its meaning. It is not surprising to find that all the other thirteenth-century ArabicHebrew translators evolved and applied these same strategies from time to time. Perhaps they were occasionally able to share each other’s insights— Shem Tov ben Isaac and Moses ibn Tibbon may have known each other briefly in Marseille;109 once in Montpellier, Moses ibn Tibbon may have commented on translation technique with his nephew Jacob—but once they settled at the translator’s desk each would have constantly confronted intractable problems that could be finessed, or papered over, in only so many ways. Yet Jacob ben Machir is unique in one respect: the transliterations we find in his text are not only of the names of unidentifiable plants, remedies, or illnesses, they are also of general phrases (not necessarily medical) that ben Machir was evidently uncertain how to translate and which he therefore left for the moment in Hebrew characters, perhaps hoping to resolve his uncertainty at a later date. (One example is discussed above, pp. 38–39.) As a result, our reconstructed text corresponds more completely to the Arabic than does the Latin, offering something close to word-by-word replacement—even if some of those words are still incomprehensible. It is this approach that has enabled us cautiously to use his Hebrew version as a surrogate for the lost Arabic and as a basis against which to assess the Arabic-Latin version.

…

To recapitulate: It seems reasonable to propose that Profatius and Bernat Honofredi originally set about translating an Arabic-language Regimen sanitatis oriented towards the care of the individual members, and that they were in the process of finishing and polishing this translation to their satisfaction when they came upon another such regimen, this time oriented towards the healthful management of the non-naturals. They quickly translated this second regimen as an attachment to the first, and then took the combined text and revised it as a whole, putting it into circulation under their name and with the date of 1299. (We will elaborate this proposal further below, p. 79, on the basis of the additional evidence provided by the different manuscript traditions of our texts.) It would be absurd to deny that this scenario is a tissue of speculation: the creation of the work in two stages out of two separate Arabic-language 109  In this connection it might be noted that both these authors use identical Occitan terms to refer to several of the same plants and remedies; see Ibn al-Jazzār’s Zād, ed. Bos (n. 67), 7.

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regimina; the existence of two recensions of the Latin text, each due to Profatius and/or Honofredi; and the Hebrew translation as a version produced by Profatius after the second Latin recension was finished—these are our most glaring assumptions, but there are others too. Yet managed carefully, tissues can hold together and sustain weight. None of our assumptions seems to us unreasonable, each is consistent with what evidence is available, and taken together they not only cohere into a plausible new narrative, it is a narrative that in turn makes sense out of additional independent evidence about the intellectual context in which the translation was produced. If our script can give intelligibility to a body of disparate, confusing, and fragmentary evidence, we hope that readers will at least agree that it is worth serious consideration. 6

The Later History of the Latin Translation

We have been so focused on the evolution of the language of our Regimen that we have not yet discussed it as a literary document, and we will conclude our account by considering the work as a whole, its origins and its impact. We have already argued that the original Arabic text translated by Profatius and Honofredi is likely to have been a fusion of two originally distinct regimina rather than a single composition. Now we must also question the attribution to “Avenzoar,” whether that name be understood as referring to Abū ’l-‘Alā’ or to Abū Marwān. Cristina Álvarez Millán has studied the medical writings of the Ibn Zuhr family in great detail, and as part of her study she has attempted to see whether any of them could be the actual precursor of our Latin Regimen: she has concluded that they cannot be.110 The only work of theirs that might seem to be a possible antecedent is the K. nuŷḥ al-nuŷḥ of Abū ’l-‘Alā’: this begins just as the first part of the Regimen does, by listing the bodily members from head to toe, starting just like the Regimen with the skin of the head, and goes on to explain in turn how to preserve the health of each.111 But Álvarez Millán has edited portions of the Arabic text from two Rabat manuscripts and compared them with the Latin text published by Schenk, concluding that they are obviously different works. Comparing her text with the rather different medieval version of the Regimen has led us to the same conclusion: for example, while most of the first Latin chapter deals with head hair, including 110  Cristina Álvarez Millán, “Las traducciones latinas atribuidas a Abū l-‘Ala’ Zuhr,” Anaquel de Estudios Árabes 5 (1994): 11–17. 111  Cristina Álvarez Millán, “El Kitāb Nuŷḥ al-nuŷḥ de Abū l-‘Ala’ Zuhr (ob. 1130–1131),” Al-Andalus Magreb 3 (1995): 83–94.

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eyebrows and especially the beard, hair plays no part in the corresponding Arabic chapter, which deals with specific conditions that have no counterpart in the Latin. We see no reason whatsover to question her judgment that “no existe relación entre este Regimen Sanitatis y ninguna de las obras conservadas de los Banū Zuhr.”112 Álvarez Millán has proposed that the original Arabic manuscript might have been included, without title or author’s name, in a codex containing a number of miscellaneous texts, and that it might eventually have been ascribed to the author of the text that preceded or followed it in the codex. This is one of many quite possible ways by which Ibn Zuhr’s name could have been mistakenly attached to the work that Profatius and Honofredi translated. We would only add that, if we are right in viewing the original Arabic text as composed of two independent halves, it is likely that his name was originally found attached to the first half, and then, by extension, given to the composite as a whole. This would also be consistent with the hint (above, p. 10) that the second half was not a self-contained composition but was part of a larger and equally unidentified work. In any case, it is likely to be a long time before the Arabic substrates can be identified—if they ever are. And what of the subsequent history of the Latin Regimen? We might ask, first, whether “Avenzoar’s” Regimen had any immediate impact on Montpellier and its medical faculty. Did it leave any traces there? It was master Pierre de Capestang who commissioned it; did he make any demonstrable use of it? Pierre was still teaching at Montpellier in 1313, but his only surviving medical work, a commentary on Hippocrates’s Regimen acutorum, makes no reference to the translation, though of course the subject he chose for a commentary might suggest a persistent interest in approaching medicine through regimen. When he appears in Paris in 1319 as physician to King Philippe V and his wife Jeanne, we can easily imagine that advice on regimen would have been at the heart of his counsel for his royal clients;113 it would not be surprising if 112  Álvarez Millán, “Abū l-‘Ala’ Zuhr” (n. 1), 348. 113  In his Dictionnaire biographique des médecins en France au Moyen Age (Geneva: Droz, 1936), Ernest Wickersheimer was careful to distinguish between two physicians called “Pierre de Capestang.” One, Pierre Borelli alias P.C., he identified (p. 620) as the Montpellier master who commissioned our translation and was still teaching at the school in 1313, but had become physician to the king of France by 1319 and to Jeanne de Bourgogne by 1321; the latter arranged for him the first of a series of ecclesiastical offices in Narbonne that he held until 1330, when he disappears from history. The other, Pierre Homnisdei de Capitestagno (p. 640), Wickersheimer first found in 1330, exchanging one ecclesiastical office in Narbonne for another, and then in the following year as regent master in the Parisian faculty of medicine. Wickersheimer’s insistence on distinguishing these two figures is difficult for us to accept.

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he had brought his Avenzoar with him, but there is no hard evidence that the translation attracted much attention at Montpellier itself. Marginal notes in manuscripts going back at least to 1319 suggest that it had some circulation in the Montpellier area, as we have seen, but they do not suggest that it was particularly influential there. The two most prolific medical writers at Montpellier in the decade after 1299 were Arnau de Vilanova and Bernard de Gordon, and despite some suggestive parallels (above, pp. 26–27), neither of them ever mentions the work.114 There is, however, a faint echo of our Regimen in a consilium by someone with evident associations with Montpellier in the early fourteenth century: Guglielmo da Brescia, physician to the Avignon popes Clement V and John XXII, who in 1309 was associated with Arnau de Villanova in guiding Pope Clement in the formation of the Montpellier medical curriculum. His awareness of medical debates at the school is well established, though there is no reason to think that he was ever a member of its medical faculty.115 In an undated consilium making recommendations on how to improve the eyesight, Guglielmo noted that the color green was good for the sight, and added “ut dicit abauli filius Avenzoar agricultores qui in viridibus cottidie conversantur bonum habent visum.” There can be scarcely any doubt that this reference is to chapter 3 of our regimen—“usus etiam respiciendi herbas virides et in viridariis et in pratis prodest multum, et hoc est quod conservat visum rusticis, licet in suo regimine pluribus utantur contrariis”—especially given the apparent reference to Abū ’l-‘Alā’.116 But the language is very different, and it appears that Guglielmo was reporting an observation that he had read at some point and remembered, rather than quoting from a text that he had at hand. Where and when he had come upon it we cannot say. It is entirely possible, of course, that his Montpellier connections had brought the book to his attention while

114   Jean-Louis Bosc, Montpellier et la médicine andalouse au Moyen Age (Montpellier: Presses Universitaires de Montpellier, 2016), 203, contends that a reference to “Avenzoar in dictis suis” in the De vinis sometimes assigned to Arnau de Villanova “pourrait … s’agir d’une citation, approximative, du Regimine sanitatis,” but the passages he offers to support this show at most only a tenuous parallelism. Moreover, Bosc is more confident than most Arnaldian scholars that De vinis can be counted as an authentic work, and actually reads the expressed reservations of one of us (M.M.) as endorsing Arnau’s authorship: “authenticité qu’il hésite encore à accepter formellement, même s’il ne peut non plus la rejeter” (38). Those reservations have now been given even stronger expression in Michael McVaugh, “Arnau de Vilanova in Naples,” in Arnaldo da Villanova e la Sicilia, ed. Giuseppe Pantano (Palermo: Officina di Studi Medievali, 2017), 77–87. 115  Michael McVaugh, “Theriac at Montpellier 1285–1325,” Sudhoffs Archiv 56 (1972): 113–44. 116  The citation was first reported by Bosc, Montpellier, 203–5.

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he was resident at the papal court, but Guglielmo was in Paris by 1325,117 and we will see shortly that by that time the Regimen was available to academic physicians in that city. Of course, impact need not be mirrored in citations alone. Two historians of European “regimens of health,” Pedro Gil-Sotres and Marilyn Nicoud, have recently remarked on the sudden appearance of a number of such regimens at Montpellier at this very moment, the beginning of the fourteenth century: Bernard de Gordon’s De conservatione vite humane of 1308, Arnau de Vilanova’s Regimen sanitatis composed c. 1307–8 for Jaume II of Aragon, Armengaud Blaise’s translation of Maimonides’s Regimen sanitatis (Fī tadbīr aṣ-ṣiḥḥa), left unfinished at his death c. 1310. Nicoud has gone so far as to suggest that Arnau’s work was “peut-être à l’origine du succes d’une forme « littéraire » qui fut appelée après lui, « régime de santé »,” for his conceptualization of the king’s regimen as needing to be structured by the res non naturales that are fundamental to the preservation of health was the first in a long series of Latin regimina organized in the same way. In his turn, Gil-Sotres has argued that Avenzoar’s Regimen should be seen as an additional proof of Montpellier’s interest in the subject at the turn of the century. He has analyzed its content— studying it in manuscript sources (using our manuscripts AW) rather than in Schenck’s edition118—and has called attention to the contrast between the two halves of the work, though in the end he has concluded that “la tardía traducción del texto de Avenzoar hará que su influencia sobre los regimina fuera nulla.” We are somewhat less sceptical. Avenzoar’s Regimen was, after all (as far as we know), the first of Montpellier’s self-proclaimed regimina (translating “tadbīr aṣ-ṣiḥḥa”) to be circulated there. Might not this translated regimen have been the stimulus for the Latin regimina that followed from the faculty, especially since its innovative structure around the non-naturals (in its second half) was imitated by Arnau in his own Regimen less than ten years later? But the connection can at the moment only be speculative. The earliest unquestionable use of our Regimen by a medieval author that we have so far discovered is in the Regimen sanitatis composed by Maino de Maineri and dedicated to Andrea de Florentia while the latter was bishop of Arras (between 1331 and 1334), at a moment when Maino was a master in the Paris medical faculty.119 As it happens, Maino’s widely influential Regimen was 117  Paolo Guerrini, “Guglielmo da Brescia e il Collegio bresciano in Bologna,” Studi e Memorie per la Storia dell’ Università di Bologna 7 (1922): 48, 83–86, establishes his presence in Paris in July of 1325; he died in Paris the next year. 118  On Schenck’s idiosyncratic edition of 1618, see below, pp. 72–73. 119  Caroline Proctor, “Perfecting Prevention: The Medical Writings of Maino de Maineri (d. c. 1368)” (PhD thesis, University of St. Andrews, 2006).

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something of a path-breaking composition in its own right. Earlier Latin regimina were beginning to be built partly around the framework of the Galenic res non naturales, but Marilyn Nicoud has pointed out that Maino seems to have gone beyond this and constructed much of his Regimen upon the broader physiological scaffolding provided by Avicenna’s Canon, especially its first book. In so doing, she proposes, Maino should be understood as redirecting the medieval regimen from a set of instructions meant for the relatively uninformed reader, like the regimen for Jaume II, to a text meant also to engage an academic audience by casting dietary counsel systematically in an overall framework of theory.120 Pedro Gil-Sotres has given some indications of how Maino went about constructing his work, by entering into a direct dialogue with previous regiminal works. Maino made remarkably few explicit references to earlier authors, among whom Galen and Avicenna are by far the commonest, but he did not try to conceal his technique: he acknowledged in his prologue that he had built the work up from “regulas regiminis sanitatis a diversis auctoribus medicine prioribus et posterioribus collectas, quos [quas?] ante initium huius operis laboravi diligenter inspicere et clare … compilare.”121 Gil-Sotres has shown convincingly that Arnau de Vilanova and Bernard de Gordon, though unnamed here (merely called “quidam” or “aliqui”), were two of those authors Maino was responding to and even quoting on occasion.122 He directly challenged some of Arnau’s views expressed in the Regimen for Jaume II, while in contrast he picked up and elaborated on a number of Bernard’s teachings in the De conservatione. It is worth remarking in passing on the evident availability in Paris of the Montpellier regimina only twenty-five years or so after their composition. Now we can demonstrate that Avenzoar’s translated Regimen was yet another of those Montpellier texts that Maino used in drawing up his own, using it however in a new way: rather than examining and discussing it (suggesting the inspicere of the prologue), he incorporated large blocks of its text directly into his own (compilare). Much of Maino’s Regimen II.6, dealing with a regimen for individual organs, has been drawn almost verbatim from the first half of Avenzoar’s work, as indeed at one point he actually acknowledges without naming the specific work he has used:

120  Nicoud, Les régimes, 229–32, 242–45. 121  Regimen sanitatis Magnini Mediolanensis (Paris, 1495), fol. 1v. 122  Arnau de Vilanova, Regimen, 539–42.

70 Avenzoar, Regimen cap. 2 [ABTU]: Et dicit philosophus quod sternutationes deopilant cerebrum et ingrossant collum et clarificant faciem, confortant sensus et retardant caniciem et dissolvunt fumositates cerebro inclusas.

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Maino (1495 ed., 17v): Nam ut dicit magnus Avemzoar sternutationes deopilant cerebrum et ingrossant collum mundificant faciem confortant sensus caniciem retardant et dissolunt fumositates inclusas in cerebro.

It is easy to see from such passages how Maino was incorporating the text of Avenzoar’s Regimen into his own, and there are occasional signs that he may have been working from a copy of the work in the form as revised by the translators. For example: Avenzoar, Regimen cap. 15 [ABTU]: Et dixerunt sapientes quod uve passe non enucleate [cum suis granis CQS] in ieiuno comeste qualibet die pre ceteris rebus intestina confortant [cotidie plus intestina confortant ceteribus rebus CQS].

Maino (1495 ed., 22r): Amplius scias quod uve passe non enucleate in ieiuno comeste pre ceteris intestina confortant.

Ibid., cap. 16 [ABTU]: Quod pre [post CQS] ceteris confortat renes quando sunt debiles ad attrahendum aquositatem [succositatem CQS] sanguinis sunt spinarchia cum carnibus pinguibus arietinis decocta.

(Ibid., 22v): Quod pre ceteris conservat renes et confortat quando debiles sunt in propria operatione puta ad attrahendum propriam aquositatem urinalem sanguinis dicitur spirnagia cum carnibus arietis decocta et comesta.

In similar fashion, Maino’s account of prognostic features in IV.1 reveals that his copy of the Regimen contained the second section of Avenzoar’s text as well as the first: Avenzoar, Regimen cap. 28 [ABTU]: Comedere simul diversa cibaria sicut pira et ova emorroidas et iliorum dolores et ventositatem generat. Vinum et lac simul sumpta coniuncta in stomacho podagram generant. Caseus et pisces simul sumpti cum in stomacho adunantur colicam generant passionem.

Maino (1495 ed., 90v): Sciendum igitur quod comedere similiter pira sive poma et ova colicam generant et ventositates iliorum dolores et emorroydas. Vinum et lac simul sumpta podagram generant. Caseus et piscis simul sumpta colicam generant passionem.

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This time there can be no doubt that Maino was quoting from the revision, which had here markedly reworked the draft (here reading in part “et similiter quando lac et vinum sumuntur simul, quando in stomaco coniugurur, generat podagram”). It does not in the least diminish the interest of Maino’s Regimen to identify Avenzoar’s work as one of its immediate sources. Maino de Maineri’s family name identifies him as originally from Milan, but the first direct testimony that we have to his life reveals him as a regent master of medicine in Paris in 1326; since Maino died in 1368, we might reasonably guess that he must have been born about 1300. How might he have come upon our Regimen? Conceivably at Montpellier, if after leaving Milan he had studied at that faculty on his way to Paris. There is another possibility, however, that is highly intriguing as well as entirely plausible. In 1331, within ten years after coming to Paris as royal physician, Pierre de Capestang is recorded as a master in the Paris medical faculty, and he had evidently been there for at least a year or so before that date. Maino de Maineri had left Paris in the late 1320s for a brief period of service in Scotland to Robert Bruce, but he had rejoined the Paris faculty by 1331; indeed, Maino and Pierre appear together along with other masters in a university controversy of that year.123 If Pierre had brought the final version of the Regimen that he had commissioned with him to Paris, what would be more natural than that he should have shared it with his Italian colleague, whose future writings show that he was just as enthusiastic as Pierre about regimen and its potential for health? It was by this unacknowledged route, we propose, that much of the Latin translation completed by Jacob ben Machir and Bernat Honofredi in 1299 first began to be incorporated into a wider European medical learning, just thirty years or so after its composition.

123  C  hartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, ed. H. Denifle and E. Chatelain (Brussels: Culture et Civilisation, 1964), 2:352 (for Pierre), 360 (for Maino). The controversy took up much of the month of January 1331 and turned on whether Pierre had acted correctly earlier in presenting the bachelor Afonso of Portugal to the chancellor for the master’s degree. That Wickersheimer’s two Pierres de Capestang (above, n. 113) should both be associated with our Avenzoar text, one commissioning it in Montpellier, the other evidently its conduit to Maino at Paris, seems to establish decisively that the two really are one and the same.

Chapter 2

The Latin Texts of the Regimen sanitatis 1

The Version of 1618

A text of the Regimen sanitatis attributed to Avenzoar has been printed before. Gabriel Colin in 1911 was apparently the first to recognize that a version of our Regimen had been published by Georg Schenck at Basel in 1618; Colin identified it by comparing it with the version in MS Paris Arsenal 972 (our A). However, he seems not to have appreciated the extent to which that edition had altered the original medieval text. The edition occupies pp. 1–73 in Abohaly Abenzoar De Regimine sanitatis liber,1 where the editor, J. G. Schenck von Grafenburg, tells the reader that he had come upon the work in a manuscript that he owned and decided that it deserved to be put into print. Examined carefully in the light of the manuscript tradition, however, the text turns out to be that of neither the A- nor the B-recension of the Regimen. Instead, it stands in relation to B rather as B stands to A: someone, presumably Schenck, has reworded the text of the B-version of the Regimen in order to vary its Latin vocabulary and improve its style. The relationship (and the extent of the changes made in the printed edition) can quickly be established simply from the first words of the various chapters:2 A: Melius est homini quod comedat quando feces cibi antiqui ad inferiora ventris descenderint et venter tensus non fuerit et cum appetitum habuerit comedendi (ch. 24). B: Hora cibandi est cum feces cibi precedentis ad inferiora ventris descenderint et stomachus vacuus et sine tensione fuerit et appetitus fuerit comedendi. 1618: Hora pastus instituatur, ubi jam excrementa ad intestina delapsa et stomachus exinanitus fuerit. A: Decet loca quibus homo habitaverit non esse tantum calida ut homo sudet nec tantum frigida ut rigeat … (ch. 27) B: Loca quibus habitaverit quis non debent esse usque ad sudorem calida neque frigida ad rigorem …

1  Abohaly Abenzoar De Regimine sanitatis liber, ed. J. G. Schenck (Basel, Schroeter, 1618). 2  The four examples are taken from pp. 46, 56, 57, and 71, respectively, of the printed edition. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2019 | doi:10.1163/9789004406452_003

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1618: Locus cui immanemus et immoramur, necesse est ut nec ad sudorem usque fervidus, sed nec ad rigorem usque frigidus existat … A: Necessarium est ut homo prevideat egritudines in principio antequam augmententur … (ch. 28) B: Future egritudines, antequam ad augmentum perveniant … 1618: Futuras aegritudines, priusquam vires acquirant eundo … A: Sis solicitus [in hyeme] sumere cibaria tepida … (ch. 34) B: Cibaria sumenda sunt in hyeme mediocriter calida … 1618: Cibi conveniunt hyeme mediocriter calida … The descent of the 1618 edition from a manuscript containing the B-version rather than the A-version is obvious, as is its unimportance for any attempt to establish the medieval text. There is thus good reason to publish a new text of the Regimen based solely on the manuscript evidence. But assuming that our interpretation of that evidence is broadly correct, what form should such an edition of the Regimen have? Here let us list again the manuscript witnesses to the two recensions, as we interpret the evidence: initial draft (version A)

final text (version B)

C Cambridge, Corpus Christi College A Paris, Arsenal 972 (15c), 177 (15:2), 183–187v (old numeration 134r–1634 261-265v)3 D Basel, Universitätsbibliothek B Bern, Burgerbibliothek 428 D.II.3 (15c), 161v–167v (14c), 1–14r5 Q London, British Library, Sloane 130 H Heidelberg, Universitätsbibliothek (15c), 41–48 1098 = Vatican City, BAV Palat. lat. 1098 (1464 AD), 33–41v6 3  The manuscript is described and images are available at: Corpus Christi College Cambridge manuscripts, Parker Library on the Web, http://parkerweb.stanford.edu/parker/actions/ manuscript_description_search_results.do?provenance=&textTitle=&msTitle=&decoration =&explicit=&msNo=177&language=&incipit=&rubric=. 4  Yūhannā ibn Māsawayh, Le livre des axiomes médicaux (Aphorismi), ed. D. Jacquart and G. Troupeau (Geneva: Droz, 1980), 35–36. 5  Hermannus Hagen, Catalogus Codicum Bernensium (Bern, 1875), 377. 6  Ludwig Schuba, Die medizinischen Handschriften der Codices Palatini Latini in der Vatikanischen Bibliothek (Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert, 1981), 36–42. The text is accessible on-line from the digital Biblioteca Palatina.

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S London, British Library, Sloane 213 K Klagenfurt, Bischöfliche Bibliothek (?1400 AD), 47–51v7 XXX.d.25 (1463 AD), 314–3328 W Vienna, ÖNB 5501 (1447 AD), 24–37v M Marburg 17 [olim B.11] (15:2), 14v–22r9 N Marburg 28 [olim B.22] (15c), 13v–18v10 R London, British Library, Sloane 59 (15c), 21v–35v11 T Paris, Univ. 131 (1319 AD), 54v–59v12 U Paris, Univ. 1031 (14c), 163ra–171v13 2

The Present Editions

2.1 The Initial Draft (Version A) Our reconstruction of the history of the text has led us to believe that manuscripts CQ preserve the original version produced by ben Machir and Honofredi of the first Arabic regimen that they worked on, which we have called above “version A.” At this point the team had translated its twenty chapters and (as we have proposed) had significantly polished or reworked much of what they had done. There is no hint in CQ that as yet they viewed their twenty chapters as part of a larger composition, quite the contrary; in both, chapter 20 is introduced with the statement that it “est ultimum capitulum totius operis [or ‘libri’].”

7  Secretum Secretorum: Nine English Versions, ed. M. A. Manzalaoui, vol. 1, EETS 276 (1977). 8  Hermann Menhardt, Handschriftenverzeichnis der Kärntner Bibliotheken I: Klagenfurt, Maria Saal, Friesach (Handschriftenverzeichnisse österreichischer Bibliotheken, Kärnten I) (Vienna: Österreichische Staatsdruckerei, 1927), 55–56. 9  Carolus Fridericus Hermann, Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum qui in bibliotheca academica marburgensi asservantur latinorum (Marburg, 1838), 17–20. 10  Ibid., 38–40. 11  L. E. Voigts, “A Doctor and His books: The Manuscripts of Roger Marchall (d. 1477),” in New Science out of Old Books: Studies in Manuscripts and Early Printed Books in Honour of A. I. Doyle, ed. Richard Beadle and A. J. Piper (Aldershot: Scolar Presss, 1995), 249–314, at 281 (no. 34). 12  Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques de France. Université de Paris et universités des départements (Paris: Plon-Nourrit, 1918), 33–34. 13  M.-T. d’Alverny, “Avicenna latinus III,” Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Age, Année 1963 (Paris, 1964), 223–24.

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These two manuscripts give very much a common text of version A, and the version of this section in manuscript S is quite similar, but here it ends very differently, “explicit particula prima de regimine sanitatis … incipit secunda,” and the fourteen chapters of the second regimen (“version B”) follow immediately, ending simply “explicit Albenzoar de regimine sanitatis.” The most likely explanation of this that has occurred to us in the light of the other evidence is that this manuscript shows us the team in the late stages of drafting a translation of the newly discovered text, which they had grafted onto the translation they had already completed. There were still gaps in their draft at this stage, but it appears from manuscript D that the final version of this draft filled in most or all of them. This reasoning has decided us to use S as the basis for our edition of the team’s initial draft translation, despite its many scribal errors. For its first twenty chapters (“section I”) these errors do not pose a serious problem, because we have been able to control and often correct its readings by reference to CQ when their readings were obviously closer to those of the Hebrew version prepared independently from the Arabic, or seemed preferable for other reasons. However, the final fourteen chapters in S present special difficulties, because, with all its errors, S is essentially our only witness for this material. While it is clear that DW derive from the same source as S, both are of only limited use. D contains a drastically abbreviated text of this section, regularly omitting entire sentences from the original. Fortunately, much of the text that remains is very close to the text of S, and we have occasionally been able to use the wording of D to emend some of the most obvious mistakes in the language of S, or to fill in some of its gaps, but we have seen no point in systematically recording its variant readings; we have noted only a few of its long omissions, in order to clarify why a particular variant has not been indicated. More problematic still, the scribe of D left his copy unfinished: its chapter 30 is followed immediately by the title for chapter 32 but no further text, so that chapters 31–34 in D are effectively absent, leaving us to venture an unusual number of emendations of our own to the text of S. W is an even less helpful witness: it has been changed from the original, not by compression (though it too omits a number of chapters), but by some later editor’s continual rewriting and elaboration, and we have been able to make very little use of it. Even so, we have decided to insert in angle brackets into chapter 34 (a chapter missing, as we have said, in D) some lines from W that fill in a gap in S where material has evidently dropped out over time; yet while this restores continuity to the text and establishes something of the general character of the original draft, it would be highly unwise to imagine that this bracketed passage closely reflects its exact language.

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2.2 The Revision (Version B) Many more manuscripts survive of the revised version of our text than of its first draft, but not all are of equal value for an edition. Of these manuscripts, ABHKMNRTU, R is incomplete, only containing the work through chapter 27, and the texts of MN have been consistently condensed from the original. The best manuscripts seem to be ATU, which present much the same text and probably derive from a single source, for as we have already remarked they all bear the same marginal notation opposite chapter 21: “sequentia sunt compilata per magistrum arnoldum [i.e., de villanova] secundum quosdam,” and the familiar reference to Arnau suggests that that source might have been Montpellierain. The suggestion is reinforced by the fact that the contents of both A and U are strongly linked to Montpellier, and indeed to Arnau and his circle. A, copied for Jean Budé in the second half of the fifteenth century, contains four works by Arnau as well as one of the two known copies of his nephew Armengaud Blaise’s Aphorisms. Still more suggestively, U, another fifteenth-century manuscript, embodies a collection of Montpellier Arabic-Latin translations: after Michael Scot’s translation of Avicenna’s De animalibus, it contains Arnau’s rendering of Avicenna, De viribus cordis; Armengaud’s translation of Avicenna’s Cantica; and then, after our “Avenzoar” text, Armengaud’s translation of Maimonides’s De venenis. In general, AT present very much a common text, while U has a number of apparent omissions and mistakes whose marginal corrections have brought it generally into accord with AT. There are still disagreements between AT and U, however, and it is striking that in many of these instances U very often conforms to the text of the team’s first draft (as seen in S) against AT. Sampling the remaining three complete copies of this second recension, BHK, has revealed that the text of B is in effect that of an uncorrected U, so that AT and BU seem to show us two slightly different versions of the revised translation as they circulated in Montpellier ca. 1319 (the date of T).14 Is one version, or one manuscript, preferable to the other(s) as a basis for an edition? Our eventual response to this question emerged out of our study of the individual changes we believed we had detected between CQS and ABTU. We have commented above on an apparent evolution in the kinds of changes that the translators made, an evolution from the earlier chapters to the later ones. In the early chapters—say, perhaps, chapters 1 to 16—the bulk of the changes could be called stylistic, and involve the alteration of one or two words. Passages certainly do occur in these chapters where an extended phrase in CQS 14  Here let us add that the incomplete manuscript R belongs to the BU group, and HKMN to the AT group.

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has been recast as a whole in ABTU in an attempt to clarify or revise its meaning, but they are not particularly common; as a result, as we have remarked above, the two traditions look quite similar in the early part of the work. Then, in perhaps the last four chapters or so of section I (chs. 17–20) and in all of section II (chs. 21–34), the balance shifts, and we find that successive phrases and even sentences have been regularly rewritten in ABTU. With these judgments in mind, we looked closely at the revisions made in section I. For this portion there are three witnesses to what we are calling the draft version, the common text provided by CQS, so that a gap in one manuscript (as revealed by ben Machir’s independent Hebrew translation of the underlying Arabic) is almost always supplied by another. Thus in chapters 11, 13, 19, and elsewhere, S contains a sentence missing in CQ that is also in the Hebrew; the same is true of C against QS in chapters 6 and 10. By consulting all three manuscripts, therefore, the comparison between draft and revision can be made quite confidently in section I, and this makes it easy to recognize the extent to which the draft’s precise phrasing was carried over unchanged into the revision. But when we studied the individual manuscripts of the revision, ABTU, we discovered that while at times either AT or BU might sometimes preserve the exact wording of the draft against an alternate reading in the other tradition, this occurred noticeably more frequently in BU: omni tumultu omnique strepitu vel (CU, ch. 4) omni tumultuoso impetu ut (AT) private loquentis (CT, ch. 4) private sequens (U, corr. mg. ad loquentis) et dixerunt sapientes quod fricare (CU, ch. 6) et dico quod fricare (AT) sciendum quod carnes serine decocte (SU, ch. 12 [semicocte U]) notandum etiam quod ex uve passe cocte (AT) ex coadunatione vini (CU, ch. 13) ex assumptione vini (AT) pineis (C, ch. 17) pineis vel amigdalis dulcis (U) amigdalis dulcis (AT)

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conservatur cum balneatione cum aqua calida (C, ch. 20) conservatur balneationibus in aqua calida (U) conservatur in aqua calida (AT) Impressionistically, therefore, BU seemed in general to have altered less of the language of the earlier draft than did AT, and we thus began to think that an edition of the revision of section I might better be based on BU, while following the reading of AT in passages where it seemed clear that AT rather than BU had left unchanged the language of the draft. This conclusion was reinforced by our study of section II, even though we had only the text of S to compare with ABTU. When we examined the differences between AT and BU, we found that one or the other often repeated the language of S, again seeming to reveal passages where Profatius and Honofredi left their first draft unmodified as they made their revision, though later scribal choices occasionally hid the continuity. Occasionally, indeed, different parts of the draft version have evidently been preserved by each tradition in the same sentence: when it [i.e., sleep] is excessive, it will cause the body to swell and will increase its phlegm and will cool it, especially in fatty bodies (Heb., ch. 23) somnus immoderatus ingrossat corpus et augmentat flegma et refrigerat eum et precipue corpus pingue (S) somnus immoderatus ingrossat corpus et infrigidat augmentat et coagulat et precipue corpore pingues (U; in the margin, “al. et precipue torporem inducit in pinguibus”) somnus immoderatus ingrossat corpus et fleuma augmentat et coagulat et precipue torporem inducit in pinguibus (A) In this case the translators apparently did not modify their draft at all when revising the passage (except perhaps to change refrigerat to coagulat), but the alterations by subsequent copyists have concealed the fact. More often, one tradition or the other shows the translators’ language remaining unchanged. These are typical examples: non se impleat cibo usque ad tensionem (S, ch. 24) nec tunc usque ad tensionem … cibo stomacum repleat (U; above, U writes “vel fatiget”) nec tunc usque at tensionem … cibo stomacum fatiget (AT)

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necessarium est uti fortioribus medicinis (S, ch. 26) fortioribus necessarium est uti medicinis (U) predictis necessarium est uti medicinis (A) eris securus a dolore splenis et apostemate lateris (S, ch. 28) valet contra dolorem splenis et apostema lateris (U; in the margin, “al. ardorem”) valet contra ardorem splenis et apostemata lateris (A) cum modico olei de lilio actu frigido (S, ch. 29) cum modico olei de lilio frigido (BU; in the margin, U adds “actu”) cum modico olei de lilio actu frigido (A) This seemed to us to confirm that basing an edition of the revision primarily on BU might better help show the extent to which the first draft’s language was carried over into the final text. Why did the team feel a need to revise the latter chapters of the work so much more extensively? We found ourselves wondering whether the difference might be a consequence of the stages in which the final text was produced. One could perhaps imagine that after the team had finished its first draft of section I, and had carried out its revision down to chapter 16 or so, the new Arabic text that would become chapters 21–34 came to their attention. They set section I aside as it stood at that moment (this became the progenitor of CQ) and hastily turned to prepare a draft translation of the new material. Once this was done, they put sections I and II together and polished all 34 chapters as a whole, from the beginning—the first 16, of course, needing much less revision than the remainder. This is of course merely speculation, and we do not insist on it. This then is the reasoning that has led us to prepare a text of the team’s draft (based on S) to compare with a text of their revision (based on BU), and it has been repeatedly supported by its power to make intellectual sense out of a number of curious passages. One illustration will suffice. At the beginning of chapter 11, De conservatione epatis, Jacob ben Machir came upon a phrase in the Arabic that he represented in his eventual Hebrew translation as saying that “Whenever the liver weakens, it can be set right by drinking Chinese rhubarb, or by consuming an electuary of rose or an electuary of Chinese rhubarb.” We think it likely that his Hebrew term HRYWBRBRY HṢYNY, “Chinese rhubarb,” directly reflects the Arabic term he found in the original, presumably rawand ṣini (but written, as we have explained elsewhere, in Hebrew characters). He translated the Arabic word for rhubarb, rawand, into his own vernacular Occitan, but he did not need to change the second word of the phrase, since its Hebrew

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transliteration of Arabic ṣini was already the Hebrew word for “Chinese,” though beginning with a tsade rather than the samech that is normal today. After ben Machir and Honofredi initially turned this into Latin, the phrase was copied and recopied by a succession of scribes of the first draft until in C it became: “Epar si debilitatum fuerit confortetur cum decoctione reubarbari diebus singulis et comestione electuarii de lacca et de rosis et de reubarbaro diebus singulis.”15 Subsequently the two men revised this first version; according to our interpretation, BU reveal the new language that they settled upon, while AT show the revised text as evolved separately in a different scribal tradition: BU: Epar debilitatum confortatur cum potione decoctionis reubarbari desin [mg. U al. absinthii] et assumptione electuarii de lacca et de rosis et de reubarbaro desin AT: Epar debilitatum confortatur cum potione decoctionis reubarbari et absintii et assumptione electuarii de lacca et de rosis et de reubarbaro. Our understanding of the relationship between the different Latin manuscripts suggests that in drafting their first version ben Machir and Honofredi understood that rhubarb of some sort was the remedy in question, but they were unsure how to Latinize the Arabic adjective ṢYNY (in Hebrew lettering) attached to it, so they translated the noun into Latin in the draft while leaving the less important adjective in transliteration, and ṢYNY (pronounced “t͟sini” with its initial tsade) thus became something like d-s-n in Latin both times it appeared. As the draft was copied and recopied in later decades, scribes attempted to expand intelligently what appeared to them like an abbreviation, dsn, and the diebus singulis set down in C is one consequence of that. When Profatius and Honofredi returned to revise their draft, they remained unsure how to deal with the adjective “t͟sini” and so continued to leave it in transliteration in their final version as reubarbarum desin, the form in which it persists in BU, testifying to its original form. But another version of the text soon took shape in scriptoria, and in this tradition the apparently meaningless desin came to be expanded into the speculative guess absintium that we find in AT, which U’s scribe recorded as an alternative reading in circulation. Suggestive instances of this sort reinforce our conviction that BU provide the best foundation for an edition of the revision. 15  In S the passage reads simply “… decoctione radicis reubarbari diebus singulis,” and in Q “… decoctione reubarbari diebus singulis et comestione electuarii de lacca.” Neither mentions rhubarb a second time.

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2.3 Editorial Policies These considerations have shaped our practices in preparing editions of the two versions that we believe we can distinguish of the Regimen sanitatis of “Avenzoar,” both its first draft and its revision as finally published by Profatius and Honofredi in 1299. For the first draft (“version A”), for reasons explained above, we have based our text on S. This copy contains a number of obviously incorrect readings scattered throughout, but for section I (chs. 1–20) there are two other valuable manuscript witnesses, C and Q, that we have used to modify the text of S when CQ, or Q, plainly conformed better to the Hebrew or sometimes to the Latin of the final version. We found ourselves ultimately unwilling to trust unsupported readings from C, however superior, because in a few cases they seemed to reveal an awareness of the text of the final version as present in ABTU. Thus in chapter 2 the text of QS speaks of boiling camomilla and mentastrum in water; CABTU add a third herb to these two, one that is “called alabage [or alahage; presumably albahaqa, basil] in Arabic.” The Hebrew translation also gives three names, camamila and mentasta and alhahaka. This would seem to be another case where the translating team skipped the Arabic term on first reading but tried to deal with it the second time around, while ben Machir took care to transliterate all the Arabic into Hebrew in that version; somehow a progenitor of C appears to have had access to the expanded language of the second recension. Something similar seems to have happened in chapter 6; here the Hebrew version evidently fell back on transliteration to represent the Arabic when it spoke of gargling with the “root of yetua,” and QS did the same, simply guessing at the meaning of the foreign term, when in their turn they rendered the Arabic as radix de getua vel gentiane. C deals quite differently with this herb: it renders it as “radix gentiane al. palme Christi,” as if fusing the guess of the original Latin draft with the terminology of the second recension, where it is identified simply as “palma Christi.” A further apparent instance of this same relationship has already been commented upon above (p. 41 n. 64). In all, there are some two dozen cases where a reading in C not shared by Q or S conforms to the language of the final version; probably some of these may perfectly well record the original reading of the draft, but under the circumstances we thought it safer not to use most of them. The last chapters of the team’s initial draft (chs. 21–34; “section II”) are given here in what is essentially the text of S, the only manuscript to preserve these chapters complete. As explained above, we have been able to fill occasional gaps in its text and to correct some of its evidently mistaken readings by appealing to the fragmentary manuscripts DW, but there are a number of clearly corrupt passages in S for which no other witnesses survive, and in some of these instances we have very cautiously proposed our own editorial alternatives.

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For our edition of what we take to be the team’s final revision (“version B”) we work from the readings of ABTU. This has frequently left us the problem of deciding which of the two sub-groups, BU or AT, has the better reading, one more likely to have been their revision of the corresponding passage in version A. As it happens, we are by no means the first to weigh the relative merits of the AT- and BU-traditions. The text in our manuscript U is accompanied by extensive marginal notes calling attention to alternate readings in another manuscript of the “Avenzoar” text. One of these notes supplies the full text of chapter 14, treating the gall bladder (we have already mentioned that chapters 14 and 18 are omitted in BU) in wording that is undoubtedly identical with that of the chapter as it stands in our AT. But most of U’s alternate readings are much shorter. Sometimes a phrase is changed or new words are introduced into the text (always missing in B as well as in U) in accordance with AT, without comment; at other times an alternative phrase is entered into the margin of U, usually introduced “al[io]” to show that another manuscript had been consulted, and invariably those phrases coincide with readings in AT. The annotator has entered these alternative readings selectively—many but not all of the differences between the AT version and his text have been recorded—and perhaps we can assume that he was noting only the differences he felt most important for the reader to take into consideration. But of course in most instances it is impossible to know which reading he preferred. Similarly, in preparing our edition of the team’s final version we found ourselves repeatedly needing to decide on the merits of different readings in its two very early traditions, AT and BU, and our understanding of the way in which that version was produced has helped shape our choices. We assumed that a reading markedly closer to that in the draft was unlikely to be coincidental and should be favored, as was closeness to the Hebrew when the revision added new text that had been omitted from the draft; but when these considerations did not come into play, we have tended to favor the readings of BU, for reasons explained above. Still, both BU and AT sometimes clearly preserve correct readings, and we have been able to establish no fixed policy. We have generally normalized the spelling of our texts, but we have not tried to impose consistency, and we have retained a few common medieval forms (e.g., nichil, sompnus, [h]yems). But because so much of our argument turns on the interpretation of individual readings, we have included all variants from CQS and ABTU in the apparatus to our texts (except for minor variations in spelling, the forms of numerals, etc.) so that readers can come to their own judgments about interrelationships, and we have thought it important to allow grammatical errors and inconsistencies to stand with only minimal editorial interference. (In a few places a consideration of parallel passages in

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the Latin and Hebrew texts has led us to endorse our own alternative reading in the apparatus: e.g., “lege creta” in chapter 1 of the revision.) One very obvious inconsistency is the way in which the Latin texts regularly shift back and forth between the third and second persons in describing a treatment: e.g., “he should bathe … you should rub.” Yet perhaps significantly the same variability is to be seen in the Hebrew text, and it is not inconceivable that the underlying Arabic did the same. We have introduced modern punctuation freely in order to make the meaning of the Latin clear. Not all manuscripts of the work number its chapters, so all chapter headings have been prefixed with their chapter number in square brackets, for ease of reference. 3

The Text of the Original Latin Draft

Incipit albenzoar de regimine sanitatis

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[1.] Capitulum primum de regimine cutis et capillorum capitis Capitis cutis conservabitur si eam balneaveris prius cum melle iniunxeris; hoc enim eam mundificat et a scabie et ulceratione preservat. Idem facit sapo si cum eo ipsam predicto modo inunxeris, et precipue in yeme; deinde infunde aquam pluries mediocriter calidam super caput antequam a vapore balnei calidi calefias. Et hoc est quod quidam sapiens medicus cuidam precepit regi: quando (inquit) balneari volueris, prius effunde septies super caput tuum aquam calidam, et sic non timeas de dolore capitis. Pectina eum qualibet die ieiunus, quoniam poros aperit et fumositates ad superiora evaporare facit. Et si capilli debiles seu exiles fuerint, laventur cum cineribus olivarum et inde fricentur radices capillorum, quoniam confortat et decorat, et hoc idem oleum mirti et oleum edere et eorum lexivia operantur. Et dixerunt sapientes quod fricatio capillorum capitis cum oleo antiquo fortificat eos et conservat et retardat caniciem. Et pili superciliorum conservantur cum sepe oleo lilii iniungantur, et 2 Incipit albenzoar de regimine sanitatis S Incipit liber de conservatione corporis humani et regimine sanitatis C Incipit liber de conservatione corporis humani et regimine sanitatis sapientissimi senis arabici albenzohar translatus ab arnaldo de villa nova Q. 3 cutis et Q cutis C om. S. 4 eam SCQ lege cum? ‖ balneaveris S balneari volueris CQ. ‖ prius SQ primum debes C. ‖ inunxeris SQ immixto cum lexivo inungere C. 5 a SQ ab omni C. 7 pluries tr. C post calidam. ‖ in C. 8 calefias C calefiat SQ, add. CQS vel comprehendaris. ‖ quid’m C. 10 timebis CQ. ‖ eum S etiam caput C etiam eum Q. ‖ quolibet Q. 11 ieiunus S in ieiunio CQ, add. Q cum pectine eburneo. 12 cineribus olivarum Q cineribus olivarum vel cum eorum lixivia vel oleo C oleo olivarum S. 13 post decorat add. C eos conservat et multiplicat. ‖ post idem add. S facit. ‖ post oleum add. C al. anetinum. 14 post lexivia add. S idem. 15 post antiquo add. C al. anetino.

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similiter pili palpebrarum si liniantur cum pulvere lapidis lazuli (dicti arabice azaroy). Barbe vero pili conservantur si cum creta distemperata cum vino et cum succo radicum blete laventur. Et dicunt sapientes quod diligens cultus capitis attenuat cutem quoniam penetrant fumi a stomacho ad caput ascendentes, dummodo post cibum non fiat. Dicit etiam Aristoteles quod frequens barbe ablutio cum aqua frigida retardat eius caniciem et prohibet depilationem. Et in hoc concordaverunt omnes sapientes antiqui, quod qui pilos in sua naturali nigredine in vita sua conservare voluerit, utatur qualibet die mirabolanis kebulis, et hoc plurimi sunt experti. [2.] Capitulum secundum de conservatione cerebri Sanitas cerebri conservatur cum suffumigationibus et odorationibus specierum aromaticarum, ut est suffumigatio ligni aloes et ambre, et odorare herbas odoriferas sicut maioranam basiliconem balsamitam et tragireth (sic dictum arabice); omnia enim ista confortant cerebrum et mundificant et prohibent reuma et dolorem emigraneum ex quo fluxus oculorum causatur, et precipue in yeme. Estate vero fient suffumigationes de sandalis et rosis et aqua rosarum vel mirti. Et fiant cibi sapores de carnibus ut sunt pulli et agni iuve(S47rb)nes qui decoquantur et sumantur moderate. Conservant enim cerebri sanitatem et augent ipsius virtutem; eius sensus conservat, sicut dicit Aristoteles. Comedere etiam grossos pullos seu etiam gallos confortat cerebrum et acuit visum et intellectum, et precipue cerebrum gallorum veterum seu etiam turturum acuit mirabiliter intellectum. Suffumigetur insuper caput super fumum aque calide in qua bullierint camomilla et mentastrum. Provocetur sternutatio in ieiunio cum rebus convenientibus secundum temporis qualitatem, in yeme videlicet cum radice blete aut cum tenerrimis summitatibus ruiricis cum odore condisi, in estate vero cum tenta papiri. Et dicit philosophus quod sternutationes deopilant cerebrum et ingrossant collum et clarificant faciem, confortant spiritus et retardant caniciem et dissolvunt fumositates cerebro inclusas. Et dicunt medici quod sternutationes facte in

1 post palpebrarum add. CQ et. 2 azoroi CQ. ‖ ante creta add. SC cocta vel. 4 quam C. ‖ penetrata fumos Q. 5 dum Q. ‖ fiet Q. ‖ frequens: moderata S. 7 post qui add. CQ suos. 8 in vita sua SQ om. C. 9 plurimi C plurimum S plures Q. 13 post maioranam add. Q et. ‖ tragireth S turigert C tragert Q. 14 huiusmodi CQ. 16 estate: in estate C. 17 post sapores add. C delectabiles. 18 fundantur C. ‖ moderate S temperate CQ. 20 eius sensus … Aristoteles S om. CQ. ‖ seu etiam gallos SQ et gallos ut dicit Aristoteles C. 21 post et add. C etiam. 22 seu etiam Q seu et S sive C. ‖ et precipue … intellectum om. C et add. mg. m. rec. ‖ insuper CQ etiam S. 23 fumigium S. ‖ bullierunt C. ‖ et om. SC. ‖ post mentastrum add. C .i. alabage arabice dictum et. 25 teneris CQ. 26 runicis S ruitis? C runcis? Q. 28 et2 om. CQ. ‖ et3 om. S.

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ieiunio alleviant cerebrum et hebetationes sensus removent. Et que maxime cerebrum iuvant sunt thus et acorus et huiusmodi, simplicia et composita; confortant enim et rectificant. Et quod plus nocet cerebro est indigestio vel digestionis corruptio; hoc enim est radix omnium egritudinum. Que vero plus ceteris sensus et intellectum purificant sunt gaudium et letitia cordis, delectatio seu letitie. Dicit enim sapiens quod spatiari et rememorari deserviunt intellectui. [3.] Capitulum tertium de regimine oculorum Oculorum sanitatem qui custodire voluerit abstineat a cena nocturna, et ne statim post cibum dormiat stomacho pleno. Utatur etiam estate et autumpno antequam cubitum intret pulvere lapidis dicti epithima, distemperato cum succo fungi seu feniculi seu maiorane, hec enim multum prosunt in yeme et estate oculis. Et dixerunt sapientes quod si oculi suffumigentur supra vaporem aque calide, mundificantur a viscositate grossa et lippitudine, et similiter si aperti super aquam claram ipsam diu intueantur. Usus etiam respiciendi herbas virides et in viridariis et in pratis prodest multum, et hoc est quod conservat visum rusticis, licet in suo regimine pluribus utantur contrariis. Indumenta iterum viridia conservant visum induentibus et intuentibus ea, et universaliter omnis color viridis confortat visum et conservat eum delectabiliter intuenti; contrarium est de nigro. Utatur etiam cibis subtilissimis, ut sunt pulli parvi, perdices, turtures, aves parve, et similia. Et melior modus preparandi hoc est assatura illa que fit supra aquam claram; uti etiam in suo cibo feniculo crudo vel cocto (S47va) acuit et conservat visum. Caveat omnino a coitu post satietatem et etiam a dormitione. Nichil enim adeo visui nocet sicut sompnus cum repletione, quia ex hoc repletur cerebrum fumositatibus obtenebrantibus visum. Et quod potissime visum conservat est linire palpebras cum licio vel lexivia semel aut bis in ebdomada; hoc enim ab humiditate grossa viscosa oculos mundificat. 1 et1 om. S. ‖ hebetationes S ebetudinem C hebitudinem Q. 2 et1 om. S. ‖ et huiusmodi CQ om. S. ‖ et3: aut CQ. 3 post enim add. CQ cerebrum. ‖ post rectificant add. CQ memoriam. ‖ vel: et Q. 4 indigestionis C.5 sensum C. ‖ purificant CQ om. S. ‖ et2 om. S. ‖ post letitia add. Q et. 6 seu letitie S leticie et tranquillitas C om. Q. 8 capitulum … oculorum CQ de conservatione oculorum S. 10 non C. ‖ etiam S etiam in C in Q. 11 epithima S epithia CQ, C scr. supra lazuli. 12 temperato CQ. ‖ seu2: vel C. 13 in yeme et estate oculis SQ in yeme oculis et in estate similiter C. ‖ si om. SQ. ‖suffumigentur SC suffumigerentur Q. 14 post calide add. S quia. ‖ mundificantur C mundificat SQ. 15 intuantur CQ. ‖ etiam om. Q. 16 post pratis add. C spatiari. 18 etiam C. 19 et1: cum CQ. ‖ eum om. S. 20 delatabiliter C. ‖ eum … intuenti om. Q. ‖ post contrarium add. C vero. 21 sicut CQ. ‖ pulli parvi SQ parvi pulli et C. ‖ aves parve et similia S aves parve et earum assatur CQ. 22 melior … hoc S meliora CQ. ‖ assatura est CQ. ‖ super CQ. 23 post cocto add. C nam. 24 nichil enim: nichil? S. 27 licio vel lexivia S locio vel lexivio CQ. 28 post grossa add. C et. ‖ post mundificat add. Q infra breve.

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[4.] Capitulum quartum de conservatione auditus In hoc concordati sunt sapientes quod acetum forte tepidum guttatim in ieiunio auribus instillatum plus ceteris medicaminibus confert auditui, quoniam instrumentum auditus confortat et prohibet fluxum reumatis a cerebro ne ad ipsum descendat. Et si in ipso aceto aliquantulum nitri dissolvatur ac deinde tepidum auribus instilletur, utilius erit in opilatione sua; hoc enim optime meatus aurium mundificat a superfluitatibus grossis ipsas opilantibus, que interdum auditum gravant et in auribus diversas egritudines generant. Oleum amigdalarum amararum aut diamoris aut nucleorum persici auribus instillatum meatus auditus aperit et conservat. Summo opere est cavendum ab omni tumultuoso strepitu, ut molendini vel aquarum de alto cadentium vel tumultuosi tympani, quoniam adeo ledit auditum ut nec vox socii aut proximi private loquentis possit audiri. Et dicunt medici quod illud quod pre ceteris auditum conservat est suffumigare aurem super fumum aque calide, hoc enim coagulatam auris superfluitatem liquefacit et dissoluit. Et si in ipsa aqua pulegium bullierit, utilius erit. Caveat etiam ne balneetur in aqua lutosa turbulenta, ne aures ingrediens sua sordicie et spissitudine ipsas opilet. Et si succum memite cum aceto mixtum in aurem distillaveris, prohibebit fluxum reumatis ad ipsam a capite distillantis. [5.] Capitulum quintum de conservatione odoratus Odoratus regimen conservatur cum resolutione grosse viscositatis in naribus generate et ipsius mundificatione ut in ipsis nichil de ea remaneat. Hec enim in naribus remanens humida, fetorem generat et olfatum corrumpit. Caveat etiam ab omni fetore, ut latrinarum et stercorum, et maxime in angustis et profundis habitaculis opacum et corruptum aerem habentibus in quo sol omnino intrare non potest, ut ipsos vapores corruptos consumere possit et aerem ab ipsis mundificare. Ex corruptione enim aeris corrumpitur spiritus animalis, et assueto fetore adeo conturbatur et consumitur quod se motus a loco fetenti olfactus et consueto fetore corruptus fetorem non cessat sentire. 1 capitulum … auditus CQ de conservatione aurium et auditus S. 3 plus om. SQ. 5 ipsa S. ‖ nitri CQ vitri S. 6 operatione C. 7 ipsum CQ. 9 post oleum add. C etiam. ‖ amigdalorum amarorum C. ‖ aut diamoris C aut de moris Q om. S. ‖ persicorum C. 11 omni tumultuoso (tremuloso S) strepitu ut SQ omni tumultu omnique strepitu vel C. 12 ledunt C. 13 proximi aut socii C. ‖ loquentis CQ letificantis S. 14 aures supra S. 15 auris: aui’d S. 16 aqua pulegium bullierit S aqua bullierit pulegium C aqua bullierint pulegium Q. ‖ etiam om. S. ‖ balneatur C. 17 post turbulenta add. C vel immunda. ‖ aurem Q. 18 mente CQ. 20 capitulum … odoratus CQ de conservatione narium et odoratus S. 22 et ipsius: precedente C. ‖ in ipsis: ibi C. 23 in naribus … in C que S que in Q || odorem CQ. 25 post et1 add. C in. 26 possit Q. 28 in dissueto C in assueto Q. ‖ post fetore add. C et.

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Ideoque (S47vb) odorem rerum redolencium et aromaticarum ex assuefactione contrarii non potest percipere. Et ideo necesse est ut assuefaciat odorare redolentia et suffumigationes rerum aromaticarum, sicut ligni aloes et ambre, ben et cinamomi; odoret specialiter muscum, ad confortandum et conservandum spiritum animalem et ad confortandum odoratum et recreandum. [6.] Capitulum sextum de conservatione oris Os incolumne conservabitur si ante comestionem et post cum aqua calida abluatur; hoc enim ipsum mundificat et humiditates gingivarum a capite et uvula descendentes consumit et desiccat. Mundificatur etiam ex hoc illud quod a stomacho ad os ascendens, et gingivis remanens, humores generat corruptos et dentes citrinat. Fricentur etiam dentes cum ligno cipressi vel olive, non fortiter sed suaviter, nam fortis fricatio dentes obfuscat et destruit eorum planitiem et asperitatem generat cui ciborum reliquie adherentes hanelitum corrumpunt. Et dixerunt sapientes quod fricare dentes seu gingivas cum pulvere gariofilorum et nucis muscate et spice die qualibet in ieiunio fetorem oris removet et hanelitum redolentem reddit. Et similiter fricatio facta cum cortice radicis carsane destruit fetorem oris et dissoluit humiditatem palati et removet corruptionem hanelitus oris. Et nota quod omnis planta habens saporem stipticum acutum, sicut nux vel cadde, mundificat dentes et consumit fleuma gingivarum et subtiliat linguam et mundificat palatum et acuit appetitum, ita tamen quod ex ea non fiat fortis neque violenta fricatio sed suavis, sicut superius dictum est. Et scribitur in experimentis Tybrin quod si caput leporis comburatur ac deinde cineribus fricetur, curat gingivas vel palatum a catarro. Et qui gargarizaverit acetum in quo bullierit radix de getua vel gentiana non timebit dolorem gingivarum. Et fricatio cum zuccara vel melle mundificat palatum et gingivas ab omni corruptione et curat excoriationem a

1 et om. CQ. 2 assuescat S. 3 odorare: et odoret Q. ‖ post sicut add. S fumum. 4 ben et Q et been S ben’et C. 5 spiritum animalem CQ virtutem animalem S. 6 capitulum … oris CQ de conservatione oris et membrorum ipsius S. 7 conservatur CQ. 10 ad os ascendens Q ad os ascendentes S ad os ascendit C. ‖ et gingivis remanens SQ et gingivis tempore famis C, add. C supr. remanet post gingivis, add. Q tempore famis. ‖ unde generatur humor CQ. 11 corruptus CQ. ‖ citrinant C. 12 non: a S. 13 et om. S. 14 seu: similiter S. 15 et1 om. S. ‖ et2: seu C. ‖ spicanardi Q. ‖ qualibet die S. 16 facit redolere C. ‖ facta om. S. ‖ cum om. C. 17 et om. CQ. 18 hanelitus om. CQ. 19 odorem C. ‖ sicut nux vel cadde S om. CQ. 20 et subtiliat … palatum om. SQ. 21 fiat ins. C. 22 suavis SCQ, add. C et lenis. ‖ post et add. CQ etiam. ‖ in experimentis Tybrin Q in experimentis [vacat] S om. C. 23 post deinde add. C de. 24 catarro SQ cancro C. 25 de getua vel gentiane S gentiane al. palme Christi C getua vel gentiane Q. ‖ non timebit dolorem gingivarum SQ non timebit dolorem dentium vel gingivarum C. 26 et1: vel Q. ‖ a: ex C.

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cibo calido acquisitam. Et si dissolvatur aliquantulum masticis in oleo rosato et iniungatur, confert palatum et conservat eum.

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[7.] Capitulum septimum de conservatione lingue Lingua in sua crasi conservatur cum ablutione aque calide in ieiunio et cum fricatione cum pulvere zinziberis; hoc enim linguam attenuat, faciens fleuma descendere, et eius gravedinem removet. Aves etiam cocte in casola alleviant linguam ab omni gravitate, et precipue usus ficuum siccarum in cibo consumit humiditatem lingue et custodit eam ab omni impedimento. Nuces tamen comeste virides vel cocte impediunt (S48ra) linguam et etiam loquelam, et ideo ab eis omnino est cavendum. Et dicitur etiam quod caules et cepe frequenter in cibo sumpti liberant linguam a fleumate aggravatam. Et si dentur in cibum infantibus, ipsos adiuvat ad cito loquendum, et hoc ideo quia articulos eorum confortat. Et qui utitur in ore tenere species aromaticas, sicut gariofilos, nucem muscatam, et cubebas, removet gravedinem lingue et ipsam ad loquendum reddit liberam ipsiusque sanitatem conservat. [8.] Capitulum octavum de conservatione canne mery et uvule Canna mery et uvula conservantur cum potu brodii pinguis gallinarum et parvorum pullorum aut carnium agni cum rebus dulcibus conditarum, et cum potu vini dulcis. Caveat a comestione ossium parvarum avium sive pullorum perdicum seu piscium spinosorum et similibus, exceptis ossibus castrati arietis, nam quando masticantur hoc quod ab ipsis in ore effunditur, cannam mollificat et uvulam et mery et cannales pectoris elargat et cibum ad fundum

2 confert (confortat Q) … eum CQ conservat palatum S / add. C Lava os tuum semel in mense cum vino decoctionis radicis titimalli vel lacerolie quod idem est et nunquam dolebit dens. Item sal confectum a pasta cremata in igne, fiat emplastrum et ponatur super dentem et sanat sine dubio. Item ad fortem dolorem ponatur succus de edera terrestri in aure dextra si dolor est in sinistra et econverso et cessabit dolor secundum Diascoridem et Galienum. Item ponatur semen de herba sana id est iusquiamo secundum aliquos, secundum alios de menta, super carbones et recipias fumum in dentibus per cannam aliquam et vermes occidit et tollit dolorem. 3 capitulum … lingue: de conservatione lingue S. 5 post cum add. C melle et cum. 6 aves etiam cocte in S bonus cibus vel aves cocte cum (in Q) CQ. 7 ab omni gravitate om. S / gravedine Q. 8 tamen om. S. 9 cocte SQ sicce C. 10 et cepe frequenter C et sepe S et cepe Q. 11 post sumpti del. C frequenter. ‖ post dentur add. C frequenter. 12 ad cito loquendum ipsos adiuvant C. ‖ post quia add. C musculos et. 13 confortant C. ‖ ore: eis S. ‖ gariofilis Q. 14 et om. S. ‖ cubelas C. ‖ et om. S.15 ipsius SQ. ‖ sanitatemque Q. ‖ conservant Q. 16 capitulum … uvule: de conservatione canne pulmonis S. 18 et1: aut C. ‖ aut C et Q om. S. ‖ carnibus Q. ‖ conditarum S conditis Q decoctarum C. ‖ post et2 add. C similiter. 19 sive om. S. 20 et S. ‖ et similibus exceptis S nec similia comedat exceptis teneris C. ‖ sive pullorum … ossibus om. Q. 21 arietis SQ agni C. ‖ masticantur SC masticant Q. ‖ post cannam add. C lenit et. 22 mery: nervum Q. ‖ pectorum S.

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stomachi descendere iuvat. Caveat etiam ne comedat carnes grossas ad decoquendum quasi impossibiles, et ab omnibus salsis et lacte acetoso et aceto et cibo condito, que omnia cannam et mery ledunt. Et dixerunt sapientes quod vitellum ovi in aqua calida elixatum mollificat et cannam et mery, et servat lenitatem eorum. Potus etiam iulep et liquiritie mirabiliter prodest canne. Gargarismus cum oximelle cum aqua calida factus confortat cannam et conservat, et gargarismus decoctionis pirorum similiter iuvat. Et ille cuius uvula cadit sive elongatur debet cavere a vomitu et oscitatione in ieiunio; hec enim casum uvule faciunt et multum ledunt, et ideo ab hiis cavendum est. [9.] Capitulum nonum de confortatione pectoris pulmonis et eius cannicule Confortatur pulmo cicerum excorticatarum decoctione cum lacte caprino, et uti in cibo penidiis cum amigdalis dulcibus a cortice mundatis, et bibere lac caprinum cum zuccara. Canna vero pulmonis conservatur cum zuccara canne ad ignem torrefacte; hoc enim ipsius asperitatem lenit et mollificat. Et dixerunt sapientes medici esus passularum enucleatarum in ieiunio confortat cannam pulmonis. Caveat etiam a cibis multum salsis, faciunt enim remanere cibum in cannalibus et raucificant vocem. Et quod plus ceteris cannales pulmonis confortat et mundificat est mirra quando sub lingua ponitur, et quod de ea liquefit. Et similiter tenere in ore succum caulis ortolani cum melle mixtum prodest pulmonis (S48rb) cannali et clarificat vocem. Et similiter hinuoli cum zuccara et amigdalis et liquiritia multum iuvant pulmonem et eius cannales et pectus. Succus etiam uvarum dulcium albarum super ignem per decoctionem subtiliatus et a grossa substantia et fece clarificatus plus ceteris rebus prodest pulmoni et eius cannali, et canne etiam superiori, sumptus ante cibum et post. [10.] Capitulum decimum de conservatione stomachi Stomachi sanitas conservatur cum provocatione vomitus semel in mense saltem cum aqua calida, hoc enim ipsum mundificat et superfluitatibus cibi 2 quasi ad decoquendum CQ. ‖ salsis et lacte acetoso Q salsis lacte et acetosis S salsis et frigidis et a lacte acetoso C. 3 post cibo add. CQ nimio aceto. ‖ que SQ quoniam hec C. ‖ mery: nervum Q. 4 in aqua calida C om. SQ. ‖ mery: nervum Q. 6 post gargarismus add. Q etiam. 7 cum aqua … gargarismus om. CQ. 8 sive: sinun’ (?) S. 9 faciunt et C om. SQ. 10 capitulum … cannicule CQ De conservatione pulmonis S. 13 canne S om. CQ. 14 torrefacta Q. ‖ hec C hoc Q. ‖ mollit S. 16 eum remare C. 17 plus quod Q. 18 et2 om. CQ. 19 et om. S. ‖ in ore tenere S. ‖ succum S pleno succum CQ. ‖ mixtum S mixto CQ. 20 hinuoli C hinuoli facti Q confectio S. ‖ cum: ex S. 21 add. C et pineis mundatis. ‖ add. CQ munda. ‖ iuvant multum CQ. ‖ pulmoni S. ‖ cannalibus et pectori S. 22 per decoctionem om. S. 23 prodest ceteris rebus CQ. 24 etiam: et S. ‖ sumptus CQ sumptum S. 25 capitulum decimum om. SQ. ‖ consideratione C. 26 post vomitus add. C facilis, add. Q facit. 27 post calida add. C vel cum oximelle sallitico vel cum decoctione rafani. ‖ superfluitatibus S a superfluitate CQ.

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et potus et humoribus malis. Et similiter comedere uvas passas in ieiunio cum suis granis confortat stomachum et mundificat eius malam complexionem. Bibere autem absinthium vel spicam confortat eum et sanitatem eius servat et expellit eius superfluitates. Et usus electuarii quod fit ex mastice et ligno aloes confortat stomachum et eius malam complexionem que in ipso est. Item usus absinthii supradictus dissoluit duriciem stomachi et expellit ab ipso grossos fumos; utatur etiam cibo facto ex avibus sicut perdicibus iuvenibus et turturibus in aqua coctis. Caveat ne potet aquam frigidam in comedendo nisi forsitan in fine comestionis, et si non usus erat ante, non bibat, et tunc nisi parum. Bibere etiam sirupum de ligno aloes de india prodest multum stomacho et conservat eius sanitatem. Et dicit Aristoteles quod comedere in ieinuio quatuor ʒ electuarii de ligno aloes et reubarbaro qualibet die confortat calorem stomachi et adiuvat digestionem et mundificat eius orificium a fleumate et procurat appetitum et expellit ventositatem. Et similiter si quando volueris dormire ipsum a parte exteriori cum oleo de ben vel nardino prius iniunxeris, ipsius bonam digestionem procurabis et eius complexionem rectificabis. [11.] Capitulum undecimum de conservatione epatis Epar si debilitatum fuerit confortatur cum decoctione radicis reubarbari diebus singulis et assumptione electuarii de lacca et de rosis et de reubarbaro diebus singulis et cum cibis carnium subtilium calidarum ut sunt carnes perdicum que capiuntur cum avibus de rapina, decoctis cum ciceribus nigris assatis cum aqua calida. Hec enim est melior assatura que possit esse, nam illa que ad carbones ignitos fit non evadit ab adustione nec omnimoda siccitate nisi diligenter custodiatur, sed assatura que fit supra aquam calidam sola indiget revolutione veru sicut equaliter torrefit et assatur et ab adustione ignis omnino servatur. Uve vero passe condite et carice albe copiosius et citius epar impinguant quia ipsum in dulcibus delectatur (S48va) et ideo appetit, quod experiri poteris in gallina vel ansere ficubus impinguatis; erit enim

1 post et2 add. C ab. 2 malam eius mundificat C. 3 post absinthium add. CQ persicam. ‖ conservat CQ. 9 usus non CQ. ‖ et tunc om. C. 10 etiam: insuper Q. ‖ post sirupum add. C ros. vel, add. Q vel. ‖ de india om. Q. 12 quatuor ʒ SQ .iiii. dragmas C. 13 eius: etiam Q. 15 aperte Q. ‖ oleo CQ oculo S. 16 post rectificabis add. C et similiter aqua rosarum cum mastice vel cum carnibus citoniorum confecta rectificat stomacum. 17 capitulum undecimum om. S. 18 confortatur S confortetur CQ. 19 comestione CQ. 20 reubarbaro diebus singulis C / et assumptione … singulis om. S et de rosis … singulis om. Q. ‖ cibis calidis subtilium carnium Q. ‖ sint C. 21 decoctis CQ viventibus decocte S. ‖ post nigris add. C vel. 22 assatis CQ assate S. 23 ignotos C. ‖ ab corr. C ad absque. 24 aqua calida C. 25 sicut S sic que CQ. ‖ a combustione ignis CQ. 26 omnino: non Q. ‖ condite ... albe: et condite CQ. 27 post ideo add. C ea avidius. 28 anseris S.

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cibus de illis pinguis et humidus et delectabilis et epar eius dulcissimus ad comedendum. Fistici vero et uve passe enucleate si comedantur confortant epar et deopilant et eius complexionem rectificant. Et similiter pulla parva in aqua modica decocta confortat epar et in propria crasi conservat si in cibum sumatur. Notandum etiam quod carnes serine decocte in cibum sumpte rectificant malam complexionem epatis et mirabiliter confortant ipsum quando est infrigidatum. Item usus malorum granatorum dulcium et usus uvarum passarum magnificant epar et impinguant et rectificant eius complexionem, quia comedentem ridere faciunt. Vinum etiam subtile in substantia moderate bibitum mundificat epatis opilationes et rectificat ipsum et calefacit ipsum et sanat, ex cuius sanitate totum corpus tranquillum efficitur. [12.] Capitulum duodecimum de conservatione splenis Splen est causa et instrumentum ridendi, ut dicit Pictagorus, quoniam sanguinem nigrum et turbidum mundificat; quem cum perfecte mundificare non potest, nutritur corpus ex eo et generat tristitiam et cogitationes malas et anxietatem cordis et continuam tristitiam. Quare necesse est ut mundificetur cum coleram nigram mundificantibus et confortetur cum cibis corpus nutrientibus et ingrossantibus, sicut gallinis coctis cum modico brodio et carnibus edulinis et pullis cum modico aceto conditis et potu lactis noviter mulsi cum modico de zuccara; hoc enim splenis opilationes aperit et eius sanitatem custodit. Vinum etiam rubeum in comestione sumatur et generaliter omne quod impinguat prodest, et hoc est quod dicit Galienus. Omne enim quod impinguat restringit splenem et ipsum diminuit, et parvitas splenis signat bonam complexionem et sua grossicies econtrario. Absinthium in potu sumptum cum oximelle prodest spleni et rectificat eius complexionem. Et dixerunt medici quod potare aquam que diu stetit in ligno tamarisci conservat splenem. Caveat vero a grossis fructibus, sicut sunt coctana, pira, faba, sorba, hec enim orificia venarum splenis constringunt et articulos debilitant. Vitet 1 de illis C tam SQ. ‖ post delectabilis add. C ad vescendum. ‖ epar: per S. ‖ eius SQ eorum C. ‖ dulcissimum S. 3 ficus C, scr. supra m.r. fistici. ‖ et1 om. S. 4 modica aqua CQ. 5 et om. Q. ‖ conservat S om. CQ. ‖ servatur S. 6 carnes serine decocte S ex uve passe cocte CQ. 8 notandum … infrigidatum S conservat C om. Q. ‖ post usus add. C frequens. 9 impinguant et SQ in tantum C. 10 quia SQ quod C. 11 et calefacit ipsum om. CQ. 13 capitulum duodecimum om. S. 14 pictagoras CQ. 15 turbidum et nigrum CQ. 16 generam S. 17 tristitiam … continuam: continuam Q. 19 post sicut add. C cum. 21 enim CQ est S. 22 post comestione add. C temperate. 23 prodest SQ et prodest spleni C. ‖ enim CQ inquit S. 27 post conservat add. C et confortat. 28 post grossis add. C et stipticis. ‖ sunt om. S. ‖ post sorba add. CQ et similia. 29 hoc S. ‖ venarum orificia et C. ‖ constringunt splenis Q.

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etiam omnes carnes grossas, sicut bovinas, caprinas, bubalinas, leporinas, porcellinas, et omne legumen et omne quod ex lacte fit sicut caseum lac acetosum, hec enim spleni nocent, destruunt epatis complexionem, et generant coleram nigram. Utatur etiam vino albo vel citrino quia splenis attenuat grossiciem. Dicitur (S48vb) etiam in experimentis Tibryn quod si in vino proiciantur flores vel fructus dulcium herbarum, confortant splenem et eius spissitudinem attenuat et sanitatem eius conservat. Et ut quando ire volueris, sinistrum pedem antequam dextrum moveas, hoc idem servatur in ascendendo et descendendo. [13.] Capitulum tertiumdecimum de conservatione cordis Quod magis cor conservat est uti bonis sirupis, sicut decoctione pomorum et decoctione corticum citri et decoctione buglosse et mirti decoctione iulep et odorare redolentia ut muscum et ambram et lignum aloes; fugiat etiam iram et angustiam parientia. Nam sicut dicit Ypocras, cor habet duos nocivos hostes, scilicet desperationem et tristitiam. Ex desperatione provenit corporis pigritia sive inhertia, ex tristitia vero senectutis acceleratio; hec ergo duo nocent cordi, sed nocumentum tristitie maius et fortius est ceteris, quoniam calorem naturalem extinguit et spiritus confundit et compositionem cordis dissoluit et tandem interficit. Et precipiunt sapientes quod habens terrorem vel iram, tristitiam vel desperationem in corde suo, quod eiciat electuariis, et gaudio spatio necnon venatione cum avibus—ancipitris videlicet austertione et falcone—intendat; hoc enim gaudium et letitiam et audaciam generat et animam confortat. Utatur cibis subtilibus, pullis videlicet gallinarum et columbarum, perdicibus et etiam turturibus et agnis seu capriolis et ceteris cibis subtilem et mundum sanguinem generantibus. Aer etiam taliter

1 omnes om. CQ. ‖ grossas carnes CQ. ‖ bubulinas S. 3 nocent spleni et CQ. ‖ epatis Q eius C om. S. ‖ generat Q. 4 etiam om. CQ. ‖ post splenis add. C opilationes aperit et eius. 5 tibryn Q om. CS. 6 fructus vel flores CQ. ‖ confortat C. 7 attenuant Q. ‖ conservant Q. ‖ ut S est ut C om. Q. 8 servatur S servetur C servat Q. 10 capitulum tertiumdecimum om. S. 12 cortices C. ‖ decoctione corticum … mirti om. Q. ‖ et iulep decoctione CQ. 13 fugitat S. 14 angustiam et Q. ‖ pirencia C, scr supr. parencia. ‖ Ypolitus Q. 15 scilicet om. S. ‖ provenit CQ proveniunt S. 16 ergo om. C. 17 est et fortius CQ. 18 complexionem C. 19 interfecit Q. ‖ post et2 add. C ideo. 20 terrorem … desperationem S tristitiam vel iram vel desperationem et similia C terrorem vel iram vel desperationem Q. ‖ quod eiciat S ipsa eiciat et expellat C quod eiciat se Q. 21 electuariis et om. Q, add. C letitia et, add. Q letitie. ‖ spatio S et spatiamento sive exercitio delectetur C et spatio Q. ‖ post necnon add. C et. ‖ venationi C. ‖ post avibus add. C venatoriis. ‖ ancipitris videlicet SQ scilicet ancipitris C. 22 austertione (asturtione Q) et falcone SQ falcone intendat C. ‖ intendat om. S. ‖ et2 et om. Q. 23 generant S. ‖ confortatur S. ‖ post utatur add. C etiam. 24 et etiam om. C. 25 cibis om. C.

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adaptetur ne fetore seu malo vapore corruptus fetorem horribilem offerat, et hoc est quod dicit Aristoteles ad Alexandrum: rectificetur inquit aer loci in quo habitare volueris, quoniam non conservatur spiritus vitalis nisi cum attractione boni aeris, et quoniam animus confortatur et regitur et eo ipso confortat, letificat cor et nutrit sanguinem in venis. Et dicunt medici quod non inveniuntur que ita animum confortant et cor et calorem naturalem augeant sicut vinum odoriferum moderate sumptum et quod sit vetus et in estate temperate limphatum; si vero novum fuerit seu album et tempus yemis, non indiget aqua, quoniam tunc calor eius est debilis. Vinum huiusmodi sanguinem mundificat cordis et eius tenebrositatem removet, et precipue quando bibitur cum instrumentorum delectabilibus melodiis canticis et musicis modulis, vel sedeat etiam homo in pratis et viridariis viridibus (S49ra) in quibus sint herbe redolentes odoremque delectabilem producentes. Habeant etiam exitum ut sint cursus aque ab alto ad yma suaviter et sine magno strepitu decurrentis; strepitus enim nocet animo sicut auditus instrumento. Et dicunt sapientes quod audire instrumenta expellit fletum ab anima et tristitiam et a corde stuporem, et dicit etiam Plato quod vinum in corde, sonus delectabilis in spiritu, quando congregant, omnia bona. Et nota quod bonus sonus supplet vices audiendi media instrumentorum quando est bonus amicus et eius narrationes sunt delectabiles et que in solaciis delectatur. [14.] Capitulum quatuordecimum de conservatione fellis Sanitas fellis conservatur cum sirupo oximelle et sirupis de scabiola et cuscute; hec enim opilationes fellis aperiunt. Decoctio etiam endivie fellis contemperat calorem. Utatur etiam carnibus edulinis castratis cum aceto vel atriplicibus decoctis. Serum bibat, specialiter vaccinum; optimum enim est ad mundificationem fellis et ad eius amaritudinem reprimendam et eius calefactionem refrigerendam. Et quandoque mundificat ipsum a colera nigra et 1 adaptatur C. ‖ fetorem om. CQ. ‖ offerat SQ efficiat attrahenti C. 2 post Alexandrum add. C regem. ‖ aer CQ aere S. 4 et1 om. CQ. ‖ et2 CQ om. S. ‖ post et3 add. C in. 5 confortatur et letificatur C / letificat: et letificat Q. 6 et cor confortant C. ‖ colorem Q. 8 indeget Q. 11 melodiis … modulis S melodiis C modulis Q. 12 etiam om. Q. ‖ viridibus om. Q. 14 habeant … sint S et ubi sit exitus et CQ. 16 sapientes: medici Q. 17 a corde tristitiam et stuporem C. ‖ vinum Q nimium S ex coadunatione vini in C. ‖ sonus S et solis C sonos Q. ‖ delectabilibus C delectabiles Q. 18 quando congregant S coadunantur C congregat Q. ‖ nota om. Q. ‖ post sonus add. C vel dilectus amicus. 19 amicus: auditus CQ. 20 om. CQ. ‖ quoniam Q. ‖ delectantur CQ. 21 capitulum quatuordecimum om. S. ‖ post fellis add. C nota ergo bene. 22 scabiola S scariol’ C / sirupo de scariol’ Q. 23 cuscuto C. ‖ endivie scr. omnis S eius omnem CQ. 24 temperat CQ. ‖ utetur Q. ‖ edulinis SQ edinis C. 25 atriplicibus SQC lege amigdalis? 26 post et2 add. C ad. 27 post et2 add. Q etiam.

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prodest cordi, et securatur cum hoc quod non potest renovari in ipso egritudo colerica sicut ydropisis et similia.

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[15.] Capitulum quindecimum de conservatione intestinorum Intestina conservantur cum a fecibus et sordibus mundantur que congregantur in ipsis et humore viscoso qui eis adheret et inviscantur et prohibet exitum. Et mundificatio fiat cum exhibitione aque mellis vel comestione caricarum pinguium vel potu aque remollitionis ipsarum aut assumptione in potu pinguis brodii pullorum vel agnorum coctorum in bletis. Et dixerunt sapientes quod uve passe cum suis granis in ieiunio comeste cotidie plus intestina confortant ceteris rebus. Risi etiam in recenti lacte coctum mire confortant intestina et prosunt fluxui menstruorum mulierum, et similiter cepe in potu sumantur de arbore prodest intestino. Caveat etiam ab omni cibo acetoso et acuto. Hoc enim in intestinis humorem generat viscosum, et ipsum ibidem faciunt sicut facit acetum quando tangit metallum. Et dixerunt sapientes quod alleum coctum cum edulo pingui dat intestinis requiem et impetuosam ventositatem removet et eorum inflationem. Uti (S49rb) etiam alleis crudis sicut christiani faciunt removet dolorem intestinorum frigidam et grossam eorum ventositatem, et ideo sapientes vocant alleum tiriacam rusticorum. [16.] Capitulum sextemdecimum de conservatione renum Quod plus ceteris renes confortat quando sunt debiles ad attrahendum succositatem sanguinis sunt spinarchia cum carnibus pinguibus arietinis decocta, et plus quod hec comedantur ut uve passe bone; hec enim renes nutriunt et impinguant et eos a fece urine fetentis mundificant, et similiter pepones seu melones dulces quando eorum pulpa comeditur cum zuccara in ieiunio. Agni etiam cocti in bletis vel spinarchiis sale aspersi si comedantur hoc idem operantur. Iaceat insuper in matariciis et lana bene mundata carpinata factis de cotone albo. Comedat etiam pineas mundatas et uvas passas pingues ab arillis mundatas. Caveat ne iaceat supra rem duram, et precipue supra corium album, neque desuper dormiat; vitet etiam sudorem et balneum aque frigide et specialiter quando flat ventus septentrionalis et aer est frigidus. Et dicunt 3 capitulum quindecimum om. S. 4 post intestina add. C sua sanitate. ‖ om. CQ, add. C mundificantur post in ipsis. 5 post et1 add. C ab. 6 post et add. C hec. 10 post coctum add. C et in cibo sumptum. ‖ confortant: confortat et nutrit C. 11 prodest C. 12 et similiter … intestino om. CQ. ‖ etiam om. CQ. 13 acutoso Q. ‖ viscosum humorem generant CQ. ‖ post ibidem add. C remanere. 14 aliud S. 16 post inflationem add. CQ consumit. ‖ post crudis add. CQ in cibo. 19 capitulum sextemdecimum om. S. 21 succositatem Q siccositatem S om. C, mg. C succositatem. 22 decoctis CQ. ‖ quod SQ om. C. ‖ hoc C. ‖ ut om. C. 23 ut C. ‖ fetentes C. ‖ similiter CQ dicit S. 24 post ieiunio add. C carnes. 26 mataliciis C matariciis S nataliciis Q. ‖ ex CQ. ‖ munda CQ. ‖ post factis add. CQ vel. 28 super Q. ‖ super Q. 30 precipue CQ.

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sapientes quod nuces vel pinee mundate quando cum melle comeduntur conferunt multum renibus et conservant eorum sanitatem et eos conservant. Farina etiam ordei cum lacte preparata impinguat renes et conservat eorum sanitatem; penidie si cum pineis mundatis comedantur confortant renes et amigdale dulces eos nutriunt. Omnia etiam frigida, specialiter fructus, plus nocent renibus et similiter acetum et carnes grosse, sicut bovine caprine, et lac non recens seu antiquum. Omnes herbe frigide nocent renibus multum, excepta rapa, prout aliquantulum prodest. [17.] Capitulum septimumdecimum de conservatione vesice Specialiter etiam plus ceteris ad conservandum et confortandum vesicam et ipsius sanitatem custodiendam valent glandes dulces quando cum passis nigris comeduntur, et uti electuariis calidis sicut electuario de galanga et pipere longo et ligno aloes quando mediocris quantitas qualibet die de eis sumitur. Caveat vero a potu aque frigide et aque nivis, et precipue in ieiunio. Et dicunt sapientes quod comedere sepe thus confortat et dat virtutem vesice; vomitus etiam prodest egritudinibus vesice. Item si quis biberit qualibet die ʒ de ligno aloes, prodesset multum debilitati et frigiditati vesice et confortat eius virtutem. Et nichil nocet tantum vesice quantum retentio (S49va) longa urine contra voluntatem mingendi. Et similiter carnes bovine et herbe frigide in ieunio egritudines generant in vesica. Et quod plus vesicam ledit est usus aceti in cibo vel in potu. [18.] Capitulum octavumdecimum de conservatione testiculorum Testiculorum crasis et inflatio conservatur cum evacuatione spermatis quando quis indiget coitu cum domicellabus et precipue cum pulchris et delectabilibus. Et dicitur in libro experimentorum Galieni quod ex retentione spermatis generatur repletio humorum, ex qua multa mala accidentia generantur, sicut sincopis que causatur ex colera et dolor totius corporis et insompnietas et debilitas visus. Et ad hoc non est medicina utilior quam predicta. Accidit enim cuidam in moderno tempore mulieri iuveni propter retentionem

2 conservat Q. ‖ post eos add. C optime. ‖ conservant: conservat in bono statu Q. 4 post penidie add. C vero. ‖ confortat Q. 5 specialiter fructus Q et specialiter fructus C specialiter S. 8 prout: que C. 9 capitulum septimumdecimum om. S. 10 et CQ. ‖ confortandum et conservandum Q. 11 et … custodiendam om. C. 12 electuarium C. 14 vero om. CQ. ‖ et aque nivis: nimis S. 16 vesice egritudinibus C. ‖ ʒ C om. SQ. 17 prodest C. 18 eius virtutem S eam CQ. ‖ tantum nocet CQ. 19 bovine … frigide S: bovinas comedere et herbas frigidas et bibere aquam frigidam CQ.20 generat Q. 21 in2 om. CQ. 22 capitulum octavumdecimum om. S. ‖ regimine CQ. 23 et inflatio om. Q. 25 et Q etiam S. 27 que … co[lera] S cardiaca Q. ‖ et2 om. Q. 28 melior Q. 29 enim Q etiam S.

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spermatis suffocatio matricis, que curari non potuit donec cum quodam iuvene concubuit. Et quod magis testiculos custodit est ut caveat ne homo equitet in stricta sella aut duro corio cooperta, et dicunt quidam sapientes quod uti equitare equos currentes seu hastiludiare seu currere nocet testiculis. Est quandoque causa constrictionis eorum frequenter eos abluere cum aqua frigida vel stare in ipsa vel cum ea balneari nocet testiculis. [19.] Capitulum nonumdecimum de conservatione ani Quod plus sanitatem ani conservat est sedere super sedem factam de corio animalium silvestrium, sicut corium sennus et somur et faniac. Sedere autem in sede que fit de corio leonis prodest magis patientibus emorridas propter virtutem que in ipso est, sed sedes que fiunt de somur et faniac universaliter calefaciunt et removent dolores accidentes propter ventositatem et dolorem emorroidarum. Provocare etiam materiam ad sellam vel ad dormitationem cum succo kebulorum et indorum et emblicorum, utilitas eius est conservare matrices mulierum et conservat sanitatem ani et desiccat humorem currentem illuc et confortat eum. Et quod plus ceteris nocet ano est sedere super terram duram et frigidam et precipue in yeme. Hoc enim lacertum qui anum constringit relaxat in tantum quod egestionem retinere non potest sed exit involuntarie, et similiter quando quis utitur sepe cum abstertione lapidis. Nocent etiam ano plus cibi dure digestionis spissum sanguinem ex se generantibus, sicut carnes bovine leporine caprioline et panis furfureus, et universaliter omne quod auget coleram nigram nocet ano. Et dixerunt sapientes quod sedere aliquantulum super lapidem balnei calidi ano prodest multum, et hoc propter humiditatem (S49vb) calidam que ibi est. Necesse est ut sedes sepe calefiat. Utatur etiam cibis naturam renovantibus, sicut carnibus arietis castrati iuvenis et pinguis cum modico brodio ciceris decoctis. Cepe enim ex hoc ledunt quia orificia venarum aperiunt. Nam sicut dicit Galienus, anus est 2 testiculorum crasis … et om. C. 3 aut om. C. ‖ quidam om. Q. ‖ uti om. S. 4 vel CQ. 5 est quandoque S et est CQ. ‖ eos om. S. 6 balneare C. 7 capitulum nonumdecimum om. S. 9 corium sennus S cum corio semis (supra: al. leonis) C cum corio senis Q. ‖ somur S samir (supra: al. cameli) C samir Q. ‖ faniac S samac (supra: al. fanas) C samac Q. 10 fit tr. C post leonis. ‖ maxime C. ‖ emo[rroida]rum S. 11 est in ipso CQ. ‖ camelo et fanas C somyr et famac Q. 12 dolorem accidentem CQ. 16 provocare etiam … eum om. CQ. 17 et … yeme: in yeme precipue CQ. 18 post quod add. CQ aliquando. 19 post similiter add. CQ fit. ‖ post lapidis add. CQ et longa mora in latrina et loco frigido cum (vel Q) magno conatu ex quibus utique generantur quandoque emorroidas et alia mala accidentia. 21 caprioline S caprine et anseres C et anseres caprine Q. ‖ et om. CQ. 23 prodest multum ano C. 24 post necesse add. CQ enim. 26 post decoctis om. CQ. ‖ cepe enim S cepe etiam C sepe etiam Q. 27 om. CQ ex hoc. ‖ nam … Galienus S dicit enim Galienus CQ.

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membrum quod cito leditur, et quando lesionem suscepit difficiliter curatur, et ideo indiget bono regimine cum cibis et aliis rebus convenientibus.

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[20.] Capitulum vicesimum de conservatione extremitatum Secundum quod credimus corpus conservatur cum balneatione cum aqua calida et placenti balneo et mundificatione stomachi, et corporis mundificatio fit cum fricatione suavi et linitione cum oleo antiquo olivarum delectabili bonique odorum tempore yemis et cum oleo rosato vel violato in estate. Et dixerunt sapientes quod quando minister balnei corpus balneat cum melle extrahit de corpore hoc quod est inter carnem et cutem de superfluis humoribus fumosis quod fuerat inclusum et aperit opilationes et mundificat sordiciem. Hoc idem etiam facit farina cicerum vel fabarum cum fricatione panni asperi, hec enim calorem aliqualiter vivificant et cutem attenuant. Idem facit spongia quia liquefacit quod de fumosis superfluitatibus continetur sub cute et facit exire per poros et elargat motus iuncturarum et confortat membra fleumatica. Extremitates laventur cum aqua tepida in yeme, in estate cum frigida. Et dicunt sapientes quod fricare ungues manuum et pedum cum aqua et aceto conservat eos ne rugantur nec denigrentur nec etiam scindantur. Similiter quando oleo cum sale unguntur confortant, et generaliter plus prosunt eis aque calide quam frigide. Calciare etiam sotulares strictos que sunt arti nocent digitis pedum, et quandoque est causa positionis unius digiti super alium et torquendi ungues. Et quandoque necessarium est, ex fesso itinere seu lassitudine, pedibus affecto ex dicta ambulatione, quod levet pedes et teneat in altum, applicando eos ad parietem, et hoc faciet in fine laboris. Hoc idem faciat cum exierit balneum. Et quando ex longa equitatione pedes

1 susceperit CQ. 2 post rebus add. C sibi. 3 capitulum vicesimum om. S, add. Q et ultimum huius libri est. ‖ de conservatione extremitatum S de conservatione manuum brachiorum pedum et (om. C) unguium et de ablutione et balneo CQ, add. C et est ultimum capitulum totius operis. 4 conservatur tr. Q post balneo. ‖ cum2: in Q. 5 placenti: recenti et Q. ‖ et2 S et cum CQ. 6 post linitione add. CQ leni. ‖ olive CQ. ‖ delectabili S delectabilis CQ. 7 odoris CQ. 8 corpus CQ om. S. 9 supercutaneis CQ. 11 idem etiam SQ est idem C. 12 rectificant CQ. 13 quia C et Q om. S. 14 et elargat S elargat C et largat Q. ‖ post motus add. S meatus. 15 membra: corpora C. ‖ post extremitates add. C autem. 16 fricatio unguium CQ. 17 conservat eos SQ confortat eos et conservat C. ‖ rugantur scr.: rigantur C effugiant S sugantur et ne rugantur Q. 18 deffendantur et C / add. Q et. ‖ unguntur S lineantur conservantur et C ligantur Q. ‖ confortantur CQ. 20 que sunt arti S vel artos C vel artos qui sunt sicut artim Q. ‖ post digitis add. Q et articulis. 21 post et1 add. Q causa est. ‖ et quandoque necessarium est (est necessarium Q) ex CQ et quando necessarium est S. 22 vel C. ‖ pedibus affecto S in pedibus CQ. ‖ ex dicta SQ ex C. ‖ levet scr.: lavet SCQ. 23 et2 om. CQ. ‖ post laboris add. CQ et. 24 hoc idem SC horridem Q. ‖ faciet C.

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pendentes tenuerit, est necesse similiter eos elevare et stando in alto tenere, quoniam hoc delet lassitudinem. Et incedere per lutum vel ire discalciatus est res plus ceteris nociva cerebro frigido et debilibus oculis et ei qui de facili affligitur reumate, et est causa distillationis urine (S50ra) propter debilitatem virtutis retentive in vesica ex frigore causata. Et dixerunt sapientes quod ludus pile quando homo eam in altum proicit et ambabus simul manibus iacit prodest brachiis multum et eorum conservat sanitatem et migitat dolores generatos ex crudis humoribus et frigidis ventis et alleviat eorum duriciem et specialiter hominibus non assuetis laborare. In pedibus vero fricatio similiter est, nam quando fit stomacho vacuo, tunc removet eorum gravedinem et eundi lassitudinem et motus duriciem Et quod similiter ab hiis pedes et crura conservat est fomentatio aque maris, prodest enim qui passus est rupturam vel concussionem, quoniam tumores destruit, et precipue contingit et cui accidit tumor ex complicatione vel longa itineratione. Et quod dictum est in hoc presenti capitulo debet sufficere cum dei adiutorio. Explicit particula prima de regimine sanitatis sapientis senis albenzoar; incipit secunda. [21]. De regimine generali sanitatis Regimen sanitatis consistit in temperamento motus et quietis et sompni et vigilie, cibi et potus, et emissionis superfluitatum secundum assumpta, et in temperamento loci ubi habitat, et a custodia a contrariis accidentibus et cogitationibus malis, et observatione usus assueti. Et similiter de unoquoque horum tractabimus secundum intentionem in hoc libro. [22.] De regimine motus vel exercitii Qui sanitatem propriam custodire voluerit, motu indiget ante cibum secundum modum assuetum et secundum virtutem, secundum quod fuerit antea assuetum equitare vel pedes incedere; et non ad lassitudinem vel ultra modum deducere, sed ante dimittere. Motus enim ante cibum mundificat

1 similiter eos S tr. C eos Q. 3 et2: ut CQ. 6 iacit om. Q. 9 similiter … nam om. CQ. 10 tunc om. CQ. ‖ gravedinem CQ egritudinem S. 12 prodest enim S et prodest ei C prodest ei Q. ‖ vel C et Q om. S. 13 contingit et cui S cui contingit CQ. ‖ accidit om. CQ. 14 tumor ins. C. ‖ post vel add. CQ ex. 15 precedenti S. ‖ opusculo CQ. 17 Explicit particula prima de regimine sanitatis sapientis senis albenzoar incipit secunda S Explicit liber magistri arnoldi de villa nova de c onservatione corporis humane et de regimine sanitatis C Explicit liber de regimine sanitatis magistri arnaldi de villa nova Q. 18 De … sanitatis D om. S. 20 quietis … emissionis D emissione S. 21 secundum … habitat D om. S. 24 De … exercitii S De regimine motus DW. 27 secundum virtutem … assuetum S virtutem .i. si sunt asuetus D.

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[23.] De regimine sompni et vigiliarum Sompnus vero fiat post comestionem, cum cibus ab orificio stomachi descenderit ad fundum, quod percipitur si gravitas et grossicies allevientur et descenderit, cuius descensus si tardetur, procuretur cum suavi deambulatione. Et caveat ne subito de uno latere ad aliud se vertat, quoniam digestionem retardat et grossiciem generat. Pulvinar autem sit eminens, et precipue quando cibus ad fundum stomachi nondum descendit. Et utilitas sompni est quando anima delectatur et intellectus et memoria subtiliatur, et totus homo alleviatur et digestio melius celebratur et corpus copiosius ingrossatur. Et sompnus immoderatus (S50rb) ingrossat corpus et augmentat fleuma et refrigerat eum, et precipue corpus pingue. Vigilare etiam immoderate calorem innaturalem generat et calorem naturalem destruit, et precipue corpora macilenta. Caveat autem ne provocet animam ad vigilandum cum lassa fuerit et confecta, nec ad dormiendum quando sensus eius fortes sint atque leves. [24.] De regimine comedendi Melius est homini quod comedat quando feces cibi antiqui ad inferiora ventris descenderint et venter tensus non fuerit et cum appetitum habuerit comedendi. Non differat comedere quando aderit appetitus nisi appetitus fuerit innaturalis, sicut fit propter ebrietatem quandoque. Vel propter comestionem differre donec perdiderit appetitum, bibat de iulep vel de oximelle vel aqua calida, et differat comedere. Elargetur secessus vel appetat comedere, tunc comedat; et non se impleat cibo usque ad tensionem et gravitatem stomachi et hanelitus oppressionem. Quod si contingat, reiciat antequam cibus ad stomachi fundum descenderit. Et si hoc facere non esset in promptu, augeat sompnum et motum et sumat aliquod quod faciat cibum descendere, et in crastino diminuat de cibo consueto. Et decet quemlibet uti cibariis consuetis nisi consuetudo illa esset mala, tunc paulatine esset in melius reducenda. Et 4 De … vigiliarum S De regimine dormiendi DW. 5 vero D om. S. 7 procuretur D properetur S. 10 quoniam … cibus D quando S. 11 intellectus et memoria scr. intentus et memoria S intellectus et intentio D. 14 refrigerat eum S restringit D. 17 nec D non S. ‖ sensus D sbius S. 18 fortis sint D fuerint sordes fortes S. 19 De … comedendi S Regimen cibandi DW. 24 perdiderit D perditum S. ‖ post bibat add. S de iubat. 29 quod D om. S. 30 de D se S. 31 in melius D ad medium S.

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conveniens est comedere ter in duobus diebus; semel comedere in die nocet corporibus macilentis, sed bis comedere nocet corporibus grossis, et hominibus magis motus et laboris expedit uti ampliori cibo, et aliis econtrario. Et expedit cursoribus ut cibentur et nutriantur cibis sibi convenientibus; aliquibus enim conveniunt aliqua cibaria que alii essent forte contraria nisi ex toto essent perniciosa, tunc enim nullo modo sunt sumenda. Quibus si usus fuerit, purgetur cum purgatione facta habente virtutem purgandi illum humorem qui ex ciborum usu malorum in corpore fuerint generati. Et sicut quando sumit eam, necesse est precedere aliquid quod bonam faciat digestionem. Et quod plus digestionem impedit est diversa sumere cibaria simul, quoniam grossa impediunt subtilia, et morari longo tempore super mensam. Sit vero cibus in yeme actu calidus, in estate frigidus, sed nunquam nimis frigidus nec nimis calidus sumi debet. Tempora vero ad comedendum meliora sunt tempora frigida, quibus deficientibus eligat loca frigida et tempus quo quiescat post cibum. Fructus autem recentes pre aliis cibariis comedat; illos (S50va) scilicet qui diutius morantur in stomacho, habentes acredinem in se et stipticitatem sicut sunt coctana et mala granata, non tantum de eis sumat. Qui enim propriam voluerit custodire sanitatem, a fructibus caveat. Si enim contingat nimis comedere, evacuatione purgetur. Quando tamen ex labore nimio vel ira stomachus inflammationem incurrit, bonum est comedere fructus recentes, sicut sunt racemi et ficus et pruna et mora, aqua frigida infrigidatis; post quorum assumptionem usque ad eorum comestionem aliquantulum faciat intervallum. Et caveat ab indigestione, et si eam incurrerit, sit sollicitus accipere evacuationem quam indiget, purget etiam stomachum et intestina mundificet sicut petit; et est medicina utilis yera pigra vel turbit et similia ei. Et sunt aliqui quibus magis conveniunt cibaria grossa, eo quod subtilia in eorum stomacho corrumpuntur, et ideo quilibet debet eis uti modo proprie complexionis. [25.] De regimine potus aque Quilibet debet cavere ne in ieiuno aquam bibat nec etiam in mensa nisi hoc faceret ad nimiam sitim extinguendam quantum sufficeret mitigandum. Et si in mensa contigerit bibere de aqua, bibat parum; post comestionem vero cum cibus descenderit aliquantulum sui potus accipiat complementum. Caveat autem a potu aque nivis quisquis habet debilitatem articulorum vel epar frigidum vel stomachum, et universaliter quicumque patitur defectum digestionis; 4 cursoribus S cuilibet D. 10 quoniam D et quando S. 12 nimis1 corr. S ex minus. 14 ad … frigida D meliora sunt frigida ad comedendum S. 20 inflammationem D inflationem S. ‖ bonum D vom S. 21 quorum D eorum S. 28 De … aque S Regimen potus DW. 30 faceret ad nimiam D fatus et ad materiam S.

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carnosus autem vel sanguineus ab hoc non debet timere hoc, licet nulli conveniat bibere aquam frigidam in ieiuno nisi propter adustionem in corpore. Caveat a nimio potu aque in exitu balnei et post coitum et post laborem nimium, sed ore pleno hauriendo transglutiat donec sitis nimia extincta fuerit. Nec bibat de nocte nisi perciperet esse falsa, sicut si fuisset ebrius, vel si pransum aquam sufficienter et sompnum, et tunc abstineat donec sitis evanescat. Vinum vero nemo bibat ieiunus nec cum cibariis acutis nec post laborem vel balneum donec comederit, et hoc cum medietatem cibi sui iam sumpserit, et tunc eligat vinum quod sibi convenientius est. Ebrietatem caveat, adducit enim malas egritudines. Inebriari tamen semel vel bis in mense prodest, dummodo non sit nimia ebrietas quam sustinere non possit, quia ex tali interdum corrumpitur cibus in stomacho et tunc advenit frequentius febris. [26.] De expulsionibus superfluitatum Necessarium est nobis ut corpus mundum a suis superfluitatibus teneamus, et hoc fit laxando ventrem et provocando urinam et negotiis seu laboribus moderatis exercendo. Hec enim omnes expellunt a corpore superfluitates, et si licet homini purgatio per comparationem ad cibum et potum fuerit modica, pretermittentes hec predicta, laxabunt ventrem cum rebus mediocriter ventrem solventibus, sicut sunt vinum subtile, oximelle, semen peponum, et cassiafistula et apii et feniculus et cucumer et cucurbita et similia. Et si hoc non sufficiant et tempus fuerit temperatum, iuvabimus cum curationibus et balneis in hunc modum. Quicumque usus fuerit cibis colericis, sumat quod sine nocumento coleram evacuet, sicut mirabolani citrini, pruna, thamarindi, (S50vb) et aqua malorum granatorum cum pulpa sua conquassata. Si hec non sufficiant propter multitudinem materie in corpore aggregate, tunc necessarium est uti fortioribus medicinis secundum quod ponuntur in libris medicinarum. Et si cibaria quibus fuerat usus fuerint colere nigre generantia, iuvabimus eum cum mirabolanis indis et epithimo. Et si fuerint fleumatis generativa, iuvabimus eum cum tripoda mixta cum yera pigra vel electuariis factis de zinzibere, turbit, et zuccara. Et si viderimus quod stomachus fuerit impeditus et quod eius calor defecerit, quia non appetit nisi acetosa et abhorreret dulcia et saporosa, tunc necessarius est vomitus; post aliquantulum salis sumpserit vel sinapium vel de bletis vel de raphano, et tunc bibat de oximelle vel ydromelle. 1 licet nulli D alicui non S. 5 falsa scr. salsa S. 6 si scr.: san S. ‖ sitis scr. situs S. 7 nec bibat … evanescat om. D. 13 vinum vero … febris D om. S. 14 De … superfluitatum S De mundificatione corporis D om. W. 15 suis D om. S. 22 temperatum scr. preparatum S. 23 et si licet … hunc modum S om. D. 30 tripoda scr. tepida S. 33 salis D sal S.

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Et si viderimus corpus tumidum et ponderosum tactuque calidum, venas plenas habens, necessarium est sibi aliquantulum flebotomare et de quantitate ciborum diminuere, et ab usu carnium abstinere et vino et dulcibus rebus, et quod ponantur in cibis suis acetosa et stiptica donec cessaverint accidentia. Utatur etiam moderato concubitu mulieris quando aderit appetitus coeundi, non cogendo naturam. Caveat ne urinam retineat ultra voluntatem, retentio enim urine immoderata colicam et difficultatem urinandi et alias plures egritudines in vesica generat. [27.] De loco habitaculi Decet loca quibus homo habitaverit non esse tantum calida ut homo sudet nec tantum frigida ut rigeat. Loca autem pulverosa aqua rigentur, et in locis frigidis sedeat super scoriis de palea, et sit in solario. Et hoc est utile corporibus temperatis et sanis, tamen macilentis conveniunt loca frigida et humida, pinguibus vero et fleumaticis loca calida et sicca. Omnes debent generaliter vitare loca fetida et fumosa et nebulosa. [28.] De pronosticatione malorum accidentium Necessarium est ut homo prevideat egritudines in principio antequam augmententur, et huius capitulum est excellentissimum in regimine sanitatis. Dicemus ergo quod dolor capitis et timporum cum frequenter acciderint signat descensus aque ad oculos et casum pilorum palpebrarum; quando dolor ille continuatur, necesse est ut medicemur egrum truncando venas pulsatiles timporum per quas aque transeunt. Tortura faciei pronosticat apoplexia cito ventura, et ideo indiget forti purgatione et frictione faciei cum aceto vini forti in quo bullierit peucedanum, et quod diminuat de cibo et caveat a potu nimis, et faciat gargarisma sternutationes secundum quod est ordinatum in medicina. Item tortura totius corporis quando crescit et frequentatur signat spasmum, et ideo indiget diuturna purgatione et magna fricatione et subtiliatione ciborum et quod sumat species calidas. Obdormitatio membrorum signat paralisim, et ideo indiget ut subtilietur (S51ra) cibus et utatur speciebus calidis. Rubor faciei et oculorum et apparitio venarum et lacrimatio oculorum, et fugit claritatem et dol[et vehementer, omnia inquam ista signant frenesim, et ideo indiget diligenti curatione cum minutione et purgatione et quod

6 retineat D teneat S. 9 De … habitaculi S De mundificatione corporis ex ordinatione sedendi et standi D om. W. 12 solario scr. solatio S. 16 malorum accidentium D morborum S om. W. 20 signat D om. S. 21 egrum scr. earum S. ‖ truncando D tractando S. 28 item tortura … calidas D om. S. 32 minutione D incisione S.

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ponatur super caput acetum cum oleo rosarum et quod totum corpus infrigidetur. Inquies seu aggravatio seu oppressio que in sompno accidit quando fortificatur et augmentatur signat epilepsiam, et ideo indiget expurgefactione et curatione cum competenti medicamine. Tristitia quando continuatur et frequentatur sine causa exturbationem anime signat et melancoliam, et ideo indiget curatione cum medicina propria. Quando apparent ante oculos corpuscula sicut musce vel pilus volitantia vel sicut nebula vel fumus, signat aquam descendere ad oculos, que dicitur catharacta, et ideo indiget propria curatione. Comestio cibariorum sicut sunt ova pira generant emorroidas et dolores iliorum et ventositatem, et similiter quando lac et vinum sumuntur simul, quando in stomacho coniunguntur generat podagram. Caseus et pisces quando simul sumuntur et congregantur in stomacho generant colicam passionem. Item sepe comedere ova et uti frequenter generant maculas et ventositatem. Intrare in balneum ante evacuationem urine generat colicam, comedere de nocte pomum citrinum angustiam et laborem. Coire ante evacuationem urine generat arenulas. Coire etiam cum duabus mulieribus una statim post aliam generat lepram. Et si balneum intraveris, antequam te balnees oleo violarum te unxeris, a scabie preservaberis. Et comedens, aquam non bibas donec in comestione processeris, quoniam hoc alleviat stomachum et accelerat ipsum ad digerendum cibum. Potus vero aque nimis generat stomachi relaxationem et ipsius mollificationem. Et si in nocte quando dormire volueris tres haustus aque calide sumpseris, custodiet te a tussi et ventositate. Et si in nocte pisces comedas, non dormiras donec sint digesti, quoniam hoc facit accidere torturam faciei. Quod si evitare non poteris, bibas parum mellis vel vini. Et de nocte cum cenaveris, parum comede, et mane te levem invenies. Item si posses uti semel in septimana mirabolanis grossis cum zuccaro albo conquassatis, preservaret ne tibi venirent egritudines de sanguine vel colera. Et dicunt experimentatores quod si prescindantur ungues in die iovis, custodiuntur a fissuris, et si splenem a dolore conservare volueris, sumes in septimana unum haustum de aceto forti et cum hoc securaberis. Et in calciando sotulares, calcia primo dextrum et discalcia primo sinistrum: eris securus a dolore splenis et apostemate lateris. (S51rb) Et si vis ne dentes concaventur nec alterentur, munda eos cum ligno persici. Et si vis surditatem vitare, mitte in aurem semel in septimana aliquantulum decoctionis modice lilii tepido et bono. Et si vis sanitatem conservare, observa ut cibus sit equalis, et non plus

1 super caput D om. S. 5 sine causa D om. S. 28 Item si posses … colera D om. S. 35 conservare D observare S.

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sumas una vice quam alia, et elevetur mensa adhuc manente appetitu comedendi. Et cum aquam biberis, bibe ad medium satietatis; hoc enim corpus conservabit sanum et confortabit stomachum ut digerat cibum. Et cum lectum intraveris vigilando, concumbes in latere dextro, et cum dormieris in sinistro, revertere in duabus partibus noctis. Et cum mane surrexeris, frica dentes cum ligno aloes et sale nitro et rosis adustis tritis et cribellatis, quoniam hec dentes mundificant et dealbant et faciunt fleuma descendere de gingivas et removet oris fetorem. [29.] De balneo Qui in balneo uti voluerit psilotro, caveat ante per quatuor horas a coitu. Et non intraret balneum nimis calidum, nec intraret subito nec exeat subito, et tempora exeundi sint equalia temporibus introeundi; et non transeat a calore ad frigus subito nec a frigore ad calorem. Et melius tempus ad balneandum est ver et autumpnus. Et est bonum ut in calce silotri predicti ponas mirre, aloes, et coloquintide, ana ʒ .iii. Et cum te laveris, fricabis eum cum pepone et farina rizi; hec enim corpus mundificant et carnem tenera reddunt et calorem temperant naturalem et corpus decorant. Et si caput lavare volueris, pone ibi de malvis et mirabolanis bellericis et de zuccara aliquantulum conquassatis et impastatis cum modico olei de lilio actu frigido, quoniam hoc lippitudinem et dolorem capitis de calida removet et caput a pediculis liberat. Et si quando volueris egredi balneum, infunde super caput et corpus tuum in domo propinqua balneo aquam tepidam, et indue vestes mundas redolentes vel quiescas in lecto per horam unam, et pone in summitate capitis tui unum sacculum de floribus violarum cooperi caput tuum. Et abstineas a coitu per diem et noctem, quoniam hec diminuunt omne tedium et laborem corporis tui cum dei adiutorio. [30.] De sumenda purgatione Quando volueris sumere purgationem, munda te ante per .v. dies quam illud sumas, et unge corpus tuum aqua rosarum et cum farina et utere balneo et bardatione, sicut superius dictum est, antequam accipias purgationem; hoc enim tenerum reddit corpus tuum et clarificabit colorem faciei et fortificabit te et clarificabit visum et medullas (S51va) ossium augmentabit. Et vide diligenter

4 decumbes D. 9 De balneo S De ingressu balnei et modo exeundi DW. 18 zuccara scr. zinzibere S. 20 et est bonum … liberat om. D. 24 cooperi scr. operi S. 26 et pone … adiutorio om. D. 27 De … purgatione S De purgatione accipienda D De purgatione sumenda W. 28 munda S mundiffica D. ‖ .v. D .vi. S.

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quid comedes vel bibes post purgationem, quoniam si aquam frigidam bibas, generabit dolorem intestinorum et in stomacho ventositatem. Et si vinum calidum potaris, lederet tibi stomachum et naturam et tuam destrueret purgationem, quare necesse est ut sumas in potu illud quo indiget natura et ei convenit. Caveat a labore et ne odoret res acutas pigmentales generaliter; hoc enim desiccaret te et debilitaret. [31.] De regimine coitus Observa diligenter quod non coeas nisi stomachus fuerit vacuus a cibo et potu, quoniam si gravatus fuerit et vene plene fuerint et coieris, generatur inde tortura faciei et generatur quandoque distillatio urine, quoniam cum delectatio in ipso coitu vigoratur et stomachus nutrimentum ceteris membris transmittere nititur, te ipsum lederes si stomacho pleno coires. Et si stomachus levis fuerit, securus eris ab omni nocumento et appetes et delectaberis coitu ipso, et attendas prolem generare. Et non properes coire cum ipsa muliere donec cum ea luseris et pectus et mammas manibus tuis pertemptaveris, ut amborum delectatio in unum conveniat, et hoc erit utile corpori et omnibus factis tuis. Et cum expleveris votum tuum, non cito surgas nec descendes desuper ipsam, sed suaviter declines versus partem dextram. Vidi enim in quibusdam libris de aqua pluviali cum melle; hoc enim semen roborat in virtute. Et cave ne redeas ad eam donec semel fueris lotus, redire enim ad coitum non loti graves generant egritudines. Cave etiam ne ipsa super te ascendat, et dubita multum de sua subagitatione super te et de suis linitationibus, quoniam hoc posset tibi generare tedium et emissionem proprii spermatis et impedire et causare rupturam. Et cave a motu nimio postquam compleveris, quoniam hoc supercalefactionem faceret. Et cum extraxeris virgam, noli tam cito lavare cum aqua frigida donec steteris aliquantulum, et tunc lava eam suaviter et non fortiter. [32.] De minutione sanguinis Expedit cuilibet minutionem facere secundum virtutem, quoniam si magnus fuerit et sanguinee complexionis caveat a ventosis et minutione nisi forte in tempore veris. Caveat ergo ne ponat ventosas in coxis et spatulis, nec etiam in collo, quoniam ventose auferunt generandi vim et semen debilitant. Et si minutionem facere voluerit, caveat ante per unum diem a coitu. Caveat etiam ne comedat res salsas post minutionem et ventosarum appo(S51vb)sitionem, quoniam generatur scabies et gratigo.

8 observa scr. conserva S. 19 pluviali scr. vel plu S. 27 De minutione sanguinis S De minutione facienda DW.

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[33.] De regimine potus Quando vinum potare volueris, cum aqua frigida in qua sit aliquantulum de camphora, quoniam hoc reprimit et extinguit acuitatem vini, nec propter hoc quando ipsum temperes in cipho et cum de ipso potare volueris bibe haustum de aqua frigida. Et quod potaveris sit quantitas quatuor lib. in die et non amplius, quoniam hec quantitas erit bona et utilis tuo corpori et procurabit sompnum et digeret cibum et proderit omnibus accidentibus supervenientibus. [34.] De regimine secundum tempora anni Sis solicitus sumere cibaria tepida, quoniam incidunt et dividunt fleuma, et in estate frigida, quoniam coleram refrenant. Et cave nimiam repletionem cibi, quoniam stomachus est in corpore sicut olla super ignem; si ultra modum impleveris, cessabit distribuere membris nutrimentum et extinguetur calor decoquens cibum. Et ex hoc nascitur mala digestio et humida seu lubrica, et cum sumptum stomachi cibus alteratur acredinem et membra nolunt eum suscipere et aufert homini appetitum comedendi et facit corpus superari Dispone et comedere tempore determinato, et non mutes eum de una hora in aliam. Et cave a cena nocturna, et cum hoc observaberis ab obscuritate oculorum. Mastica etiam bene cibum tuum et mole eum, quoniam cibus facilius digeritur, et fac parvos bolos, nam si magnos feceris per os deducere non posses nec per consequens masticari nec decoqui posset. Et non excedas in cibo nec potu, quoniam per hoc securitatem habebis in corpore. Et si cibus quem sumpsisti te aggravet vel ledat, reice eum et non remaneat in ventre tuo; non tamen assuescas sepe vomitum, quoniam hoc appellatur egritudo canina. Et non comedas stricto cingulo nec braccali; nec sedeas in loco quo mensa sit altior quam tu, immo potius econverso scilicet ut sis tu altior. Iam completus est istorum capitulorum intellectus. Observa ergo que in ipsis precipitur, quoniam hoc tibi sufficiet adeo quod medico non indigebis. Et committe te deo et ipse complebit vota tua. Fiat fiat amen. Explicit Albenzoar de regimine sanitatis.

8 De … anni S De regimine cibandi W. 10 refrenant scr. refrigerant S. 11 ignem scr. quam S. 28 istorum capitulorum scr. istarum curarum S.

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[1.] Capitulum primum. De conservatione cutis capitis et capillorum Capitis cutis conservabitur si cum balneare debueris, primum cum melle iniunxeris; hoc enim ipsam mundificat et a scabie et ulceratione preservat. Idem facit sapo si cum eo ipsam predicto modo inunxeris, et precipue in hyeme. Deinde effunde aquam pluries mediocriter calidam super caput antequam a vapore (U163rb) balnei calidi calefias. Et hoc est quod quidam sapiens medicus cuidam precepit regi: quando (inquit) volueris balneari, prius effunde septies super caput tuum aquam calidam, et sic non timeas de dolore capitis. Pectina etiam qualibet die in ieiuno caput, quoniam poros aperit et fumositates ad superiora evaporare facit. Et si capilli debiles aut exiles fuerint, laventur cum cineribus olivarum, aut cum eorum lexivio. Hoc enim capillos conservat et eos multiplicat. Misceatur etiam de predictis cineribus cum oleo olivarum et inde fricentur radices capillorum, quoniam eos fortificant et decorant; hoc idem oleum mirti et oleum edere et eorum lexivia operantur. Et dixerunt sapientes quod fricatio capillorum capitis cum oleo antiquo fortificat eos et conservat et retardat caniciem. Pili etiam superciliorum conservantur cum sepe oleo lilii inunguntur, et similiter pili palpebrarum si liniantur cum pulvere lapidis lazuli, dicti arabice azorard. Barbe vero pili conservantur si cum 2 Incipit liber Avenzoar de regimine sanitatis U Incipit liber de regimine sanitatis B Incipit liber aboaly avenzoar de regimine et conservacione sanitatis A Incipit liber abolay abenzoar de regimine et conservatione sanitatis T. 3 capitulum primum de conservatione cutis capitis et capillorum AT om. BU. 4 balneare debueris U balneari debueris ABT. ‖ primum BU prius AT. 5 inunxeris B inunxerit ipsam U ipsam inunxeris AT. ‖ hoc (ins. U) enim ipsam (ins. U) ATU ipsam enim B. ‖ post preservat add. AT item. 6 cum om. BAT. ‖ eo ipsam BU ipsum A ipsam T. 7 aquam pluries U pluries aquam B tr. AT post caput. ‖ ante aquam T. 8 balnei calido B calido balnei U. ‖ calefias B calefiat U, mg. U al. humidificat, calefacias AT. ‖ hoc BU hinc AT. 9 cuidam precepit B, tr. U cuidam preceperit AT. ‖ volueris balneari BU tr. AT. 10 et sic BU si AT. ‖ mg. U al. si non non timeas dolorem capitis. 11 etiam BU et eum A etiam eum T. ‖ qualibet BU quolibet AT. ‖ caput om. AT. ‖ post poros add. AT fumosos. 12 ad superiora om. AT. ‖ seu AT. 14 post multiplicat add. BU hoc idem oleum nucum et oleum edere operantur. et dixerunt sapientes quod fricatio capillorum cum oleo anetino fortificat. ‖ etiam de BU et in A etiam in T. ‖ cum oleo BU oleum AT. 15 eos BU ipsos AT. ‖ fortificat et decorat B. 16 mirti AT anetinum B aneticum U, mg. U al. mirti. 17 capillorum capitis: capillorum BUT capitis A. ‖ antiquo AT anetino B anetico U, mg. U al. antiquo. 18 pili etiam BU et pili A et pili etiam T. ‖ quando AT. 19 de lilio BU. ‖ inunguntur AT intinguntur BU, mg. U al. iniunguntur. 20 lapidis om. AT. ‖ dicti: .i. petre iude condicti B. ‖ arab. azorard U, mg. U al. azoaroys, arab. alhoit’ .i. nasturcii B arial’ azoaroy AT.

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creta distemperata cum vino vel cum succo blete laventur. Et dicunt sapientes quod diligens cultus capitis attenuat cutem quam penetrant fumi a stomacho ad caput ascendentes, dum(U163va)modo post cibum non fiat. Dicit Aristoteles quod frequens barbe ablutio cum aqua frigida retardat ipsius caniciem et prohibet depilationem. Et in hoc concordaverunt omnes antiqui sapientes, quod qui pilos in sua naturali ni(B1v)gredine in vita sua conservare voluerit, utatur qualibet die mirabolanis kebulis, et hoc plurimum sunt experti. [2.] Capitulum 2. De conservatione cerebri Sanitas cerebri conservatur cum fumigationibus et odorationibus specierum aromaticarum, ut cum suffumigatione ligni aloes ambre, et odorare herbas odoriferas sicut maioranam, basiliconem, et balsamitam et trangen (sic dictam arabice), et odorare flores sicut yessenum vel yli vel varias—omnia enim ista confortant et mundificant cerebrum et prohibent reuma et dolorem emigraneum ex quo fluxus oculorum causatur—et precipue in hyeme; estate autem fiant suffumigationes de sandalis et rosis vel rosarum aqua vel mirti. Et fiant cibi saporis delectabilis ut sunt pulli et agni iuvenes qui decoquantur seu elixentur cum modica aqua, conservant enim cerebri sanitatem et augent ipsius virtutem; et sic dicit Aristoteles, comedere parvos pullos augmentat et confortat cerebrum, et eius sensus conservat. Comedere etiam grossos pullos sive gallos confortat cerebrum et acuit visum (U163vb) et intellectum, et precipue cerebrum gallorum veterum sive turturum mirabiliter acuit intellectum. Suffumigetur insuper caput super fumum aque calide in qua bullierint camomilla, mentastrum, et alabage (arabice dictum sic). Provocetur etiam sternutatio in ieiunio cum rebus convenientibus secundum temporis qualitatem, in

1 creta scr. cocta ATU om. B. ‖ distemperata cum vino: distemperato vino B. ‖ vel cum TU vel AB. ‖ lavantur B. 4 ipsius BU om. AT. 5 antiqui sapientes BU tr. AT. 6 capillos BU, mg. U al. pilos pilos AT. ‖ in vita sua AT om. BU. 7 post utatur add. B et. ‖ qualibet die: quotidie A. ‖ post kebulis add. B .i. fructibus silvestribus. ‖ plurimi BU plures AT. 8 capitulum … cerebri AT, mg. U de cerebro B. 9 odoribus AT. 10 cum suffumigatione BU est fumigatio AT. 11 post balsamitam add. A balsamum violam sarracenicam. ‖ trangen ATU tanac .i. gallia muscata B Ar. turunjān. 12 dictum AT. ‖ arabice et: arabis T. ‖ yessenum BU (add. B .i. viola crocea) iesemin A (add. A vel iesenui) iesenin T. ‖ yli: yu .i. viola alba B. ‖ varias ATU bebinus .i. camomilla B Ar. nadjas. 13 enim ista AT ista BU. ‖ prohibunt BA. 14 emigranee A. ‖ causatur TU, mg. U al. curator, curatur AB. 15 autem BU vero AT. ‖ fiant BTU fiunt A. ‖ fumigationes AT. ‖ rosis et sandalis AT. ‖ vel mirti AT et mirti U vel mirra B. 16 qui BU om. AT. ‖ decoquantur AT decoquentur B decoquuntur U. 17 seu elixentur AT sive sosententur BU, mg. U al. elixentur. ‖ sanitatem cerebri AT. 19 sensus eius etiam A. 20 sive gallos BU om. AT. ‖ visum et om. AT. 21 sive BU seu A seu etiam T. 22 insuper ATU, corr. B ad si super. ‖ supra BU. ‖ bullierint AB bullient T bullierunt U. 23 matastrum B. ‖ et alabage U et alhabaziz .i. centaurea B sticados et alahage A et alahage T. ‖ provocetur: et provocetur AT.

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hyeme videlicet cum radice blete aut cum teneris summitatibus ramitis vel cum odore condisi, in estate vero cum tenta papiri. Et dicit philosophus quod sternutationes deopilant cerebrum et ingrossant collum et clarificant faciem, confortant sensus et retardant caniciem et dissolvunt fumositates cerebro inclusas. Et dicunt medici quod sternu(B2r)tationes facte in ieiuno alleviant cerebrum et torporem sive hebetudinem removent sensuum. Et que maxime cerebrum iuvant sunt thus et acorus et sahada simplicia vel composita; confortant enim et purificant intellectum. Et quod plus nocet cerebro est indigestio vel digestionis corruptio; hoc enim est radix omnium egritudinum. Que vero plus sensus et intellectum purificant sunt gaudium et letitia cordis, delectatio seu delicie, et tranquillitas. Dicit enim sapiens quod spatiari et rememorari deserviunt intellectui. [3.] Capitulum 3. De conservatione visus Oculorum sanitatem custodire qui voluerit abstineat (U164ra) a cena nocturna, et ne statim post cibum dormiat stomacho pleno. Utatur etiam in estate et autumpno antequam cubitum intret pulvere lapidis dicti epithimia distemperato cum succo fungi vel feniculi vel maiorane, hec enim multum prodest oculis hyeme et estate. Et dixerunt sapientes quod si oculi suffumigentur supra vaporem aque calide, mundificantur a viscositate grossa et lippitudine, et similiter si aperti super aquam claram ipsam diu intueantur. Usus etiam respiciendi herbas virides et in viridariis et pratis prodest multum, et hoc est quod conservat visum rusticis, licet in suo regimine pluribus utantur contrariis. Indumenta iterum viridia conservant visum intuentibus ea, et 1 teneris summitatibus BU teneritatibus summitatum AT. ‖ ramitis vel U tanucis vel B rudaicis al. rumi T rudaic’ al. ruiti A runicis? C rinicis? Q ruiricis S. 2 pariri T. 3 duplicant B. ‖ et1 om. B. ‖ post faciem add. AT et. 4 dissolvunt BU retardant AT. 6 seu AT. ‖ hebetudinem BU h’itudinem AT. ‖ removent sensuum B removentur sensuum U sensum AT. 7 post acorus add. A spicus sticados maiorana mirabolani et specialiter kebuli. ‖ et sahada ATU et cahada .i. vinum album debile B. 9 indigestionis B, corr. U ex indigestionis. ‖ radix est AT. 10 sensum AT. ‖ et1 om. BU. 11 delectationes B. ‖ seu delicie ATU leticie B. ‖ et tranquillitas BTU tranquillitas A. ‖ dicit enim quidam sapiens BU dicunt enim quidam sapientes AT. 12 post rememorari add. T deserpiunt al. ‖ intellectum T. 13 capitulum … visus AT, mg. U de occulis B. 14 voluerit T vult A desiderat BU. 15 om. B post cibum. ‖ etiam BU quidem AT. 16 cubitum BUT balneum A. ‖ epithimia BU, mg. U al. copitimera, copitimera AT. 17 fungi T om. A fugit BU, scr. supra U al. fungi. ‖ vel BU seu T om. A. ‖ vel BU seu AT. ‖ hoc AT. 18 prodest oculis hyeme et estate AT oculis hyeme conferunt et estate BU. ‖ post dixerunt add. AT quidam. ‖ si BU om. AT. ‖ suffumigentur BU fumigentur AT. 19 post calide add. A decoctionis feniculi et. ‖ post mundificantur add. AT ex hoc. ‖ a om. T. 20 limpitudine BTU. ‖ claram om. BU. ‖ ipsa A. ‖ intueantur BU, corr. U ex intuantur, intuantur T intueatur A. 21 vel AT om. BU. ‖ post et2 add. AT in. 23 rusticis … visum om. BU, mg. U al. Et hoc est quod conservat visum rusticis licet in suo regimine pluribus utantur contrariis. Indumenta etiam viridia conservant visum intuentibus sensibiliter etc. ‖ ea et BU om. AT.

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universaliter omnis color viridis confortat visum et acuit eum et conservat eum delectabiliter intuenti, contrarium vero est de nigro. Utatur etiam cibis subtilissimis, ut sunt pulli parvi, perdices, turtures, parveque aves. Et melior modus hoc preparandi est susenta, et melior assatura illa que fit super aquam calidam. Uti etiam in cibo feniculo crudo vel cocto acuit et conservat visum. Caveat omnino a coitu post satietatem, et dormitione; nichil enim adeo visui nocet sicut sompnus cum repletione, quoniam ex hoc repletur cerebrum fumositatibus obtenebrantibus visum. Et quod potissime visum conservat (B2v) est linire palpebras cum licio semel aut bis in ebdomada; hoc enim ab humiditate grossa et viscosa oculos mundificat. [4.] Capitulum 4. De conservatione auditus (U164rb) In hoc concordati sunt sapientes, quod acetum forte tepidum guttatim in ieiuno auribus instillatum plus ceteris medicaminibus confert auditui, quoniam auditus instrumentum confortat et prohibet fluxum reumatis ne ad ipsum a cerebro descendat. Et si in ipso aceto aliquantulum nitri dissolvatur, et demum tepidum auribus instilletur, utilius erit in operatione sua; hoc enim optime meatum aurium mundificat a superfluitatibus grossis ipsum opilantibus, que interdum auditum gravant et in auribus diversas egritudines generant. Oleum etiam amigdalarum amararum aut diamoridis aut nucleorum persicorum auribus instillatum meatum auditus aperit et conservat. Summo opere cavendum est ab omni tumultu omnique strepitu, vel molendini vel aquarum ab alto cadentium vel tumultuosi timpani, quoniam adeo auditum ledunt ut nec vox socii aut proximi private loquentis possit audiri. Et 1 confortat visum et acuit eum et conservat BU conservat visum vel confortat AT. 3 cibis subtilissimis AT de rebus subtilibus BU. ‖ pulli parvi BUT pulli A. ‖ parveque aves BU aves parve AT. 4 melior modus hoc (hic modus U) preparandi est susenta BU melior modus preservandi hoc est susenta (est susenta om. A) AT. ‖ et melior assatura TU est melior assatura est A. 5 assatura est … calidam om. B. ‖ uti AT unde BU. ‖ vel A. 6 et dormitione B et dormitionem AU, add. A etiam evitet post satietatem, etiam adormitionem T. ‖ visui a deo A visui adeo T. 7 cum repletione BU, mg. U al. post repletionem post repletionem AT. 8 purissime BU. ‖ observat AT. 9 vel A. 10 et viscosa U om. ABT. 11 capitulum … auditus AT, mg. U de conservation auditus de auribus B. 13 plus BU om. AT. ‖ medicaminibus B medica’bus U medicationibus AT. 14 auditus instrumentum BTU instrumentum auditus A 15 ne ad ipsum a cerebro BU ne a cerebro ad ipsam AT. ‖ nitri A,T? succi memite BU, mg. U in al. nitri, add. B .i. celidonie agrestis. 16 et BU ac AT. ‖ post tepidum add. T in. ‖ distilletur T. ‖ utilius AT tunc BU (add. utilius mg. U) ‖ operatione ABU opilatione T. 17 meatum BU meatus AT. 18 auditum om. B. 19 aut diamoridis U aut dyamorrois .i. succi herbarum amararum B om. AT. 20 persici AT. ‖ conservat AT confortat BU. 21 omni tumultu omnique strepitu vel BU, mg. U al. tumultuosa impetu vel molendini etc. omni tumultuoso impetu ut AT. 22 tumultuosi timpani BU, mg. U tumultus auditum leditur tumultum campane timpani AT. ‖ adeo BTU ab eo A, add. tumultus AT. 23 auditum ledunt BUT ledit auditum A. ‖ loquentis AT sequens BU, corr. U mg. ad loquentis.

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dicunt medici quod illud quod pre ceteris auditum conservat est suffumigare aurem supra fumum aque calide, hoc enim coagulatam auris superfluitatem liquefacit et dissoluit. Et si in ipsa aqua bullierit pulegium, utilius erit. Caveat etiam ne balneetur in aqua lutosa turbida nec immunda, ne aures ingrediens sua sordicie et spissitudine ipsas opilet. Et si succum memithe cum aceto mixtum (U164va) in aurem distillaveris, prohibet fluxum reumatis ad ipsam a capite distillantis. [5.] Capitulum 5. De conservatione odoratus Odoratus regimen conservatur cum resolutione grosse viscositatis in naribus generate et ipsius mundificatione ut in ipsis nichil de ea remaneat. Hec enim (B3r) in naribus remanens humida fetorem generat et olfatum corrumpit. Caveat etiam ab omni fetore, ut latrinarum et stercorum, et maxime in angustis et profundis habitaculis opacum et corruptum aerem habentibus, in quo sol intrare omnino non potest ut ipsos vapores corruptos consumere possit et aerem ab ipsis mundificare. Ex corruptione enim aeris corrumpitur spiritus animalis, et assueto fetore adeo leditur quod in fetoris absentia olfatus assueto fetore corruptus fetorem sentire non cessat, ideoque odorem rerum redolencium ex assuefactione contrarium non potest percipere. Et ideo necesse est ut assuefaciat odorare redolentia et per suffumigationem rerum aromaticarum sicut ligni aloes et ambre, et boni cinamomi. Odoret specialiter muscum ad confortandum et conservandum animalem spiritum et odoratum delectandum. [6.] Capitulum 6. De conservatione oris Os incolume conservabitur si ante comestionem et post cum aqua calida abluatur; hoc enim ipsum mundificat et humiditates gingivarum a capite et uvula descendentes (U164vb) consumit et desiccat. Mundificatur etiam ex

1 dixerunt BU. 2 super AT. 3 aqua bullierit pulegium BU bulliatur pulegium AT, add. A et absinthium. ‖ utilius BU utilis AT. 4 balneetur BAT balneatur U, corr. U ad balneetur. ‖ turbida AT om. BU. ‖ nec immunda BU nec omnimoda AT. ‖ ingrediens BTU ingredientes A. 5 et1: in T. ‖ opilat T. ‖ si succum: siccum B. ‖ acepto B. 6 aure B. ‖ distillaveris prohibet BU distillaverit prohibebit AT. ‖ ipsas U. 8 capitulum … odoratus AT, mg. U de odoratu B. 10 hec BU om. AT. 11 in naribus … enim in BU in naribus AT. ‖ remanens BU remanentis AT. ‖ generat fetorem BU. ‖ et om. B, mg. U. 12 etiam T et BU om. A. ‖ et om. BU. ‖ et om. A. 13 angustiis A. 14 que BU. ‖ intrare omnino AT intrare BU. 15 mundificantes AT. ‖ ex: et B. ‖ enim ins. U, om. B. 17 adeo … fetore om. AT. ‖ corruptus ABT corrupto U. ‖ sentire non cessat BU cessat sentire AT. ‖ ideo quia T. 18 rerum (om. B) redolencium (redolescentium U) BU resolventium rerum AT. ‖ contrarium AT rari BU. ‖ percipere AT capere BU. 19 ideo BU enim AT. ‖ per suffumigationem BU per fumigationem AT. 21 ad: et B. ‖ animalem om. B. 23 capitulum … oris AT, mg. U de ore B.

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hoc illud quod a stomacho ad os ascendens et in gingivis remanens, in ore fumos generat corruptos ac fetidos dentesque citrinat. Fricentur etiam dentes cum ligno cipressi vel olive, non fortiter sed leniter, nam fortis fricatio dentes obfuscat et, destructa eorum planitie, asperitatem generat cui ciborum reliquie adherentes hanelitum corrumpunt. Et dixerunt sapientes quod dentifricium factum cum pulvere gariofilorum seu nucis muscati et spice nardi die qualibet in ieiuno fetorem oris removet et hanelitum reddit redolentem. Et similiter fricatio facta cum cortice radicis carsane destruit fetorem oris et dissoluit humiditatem palati et removet corruptum fumum oris. Et nota quod omnis planta habens saporem stipticum acutum, sicut nux muscata, mundificat dentes et consumit fleuma gingivarum et subtiliat linguam et mundificat palatum et acuit appeti(B3v)tum, ita tamen quod ex ea non fiat fortis fricatio nec violenta sed lenis, ut superius dictum est. Et dicitur in experimentis Tiberini quod si caput leporis comburatur ac deinde eius cineribus locus fricetur, cancer palate et gingivarum si ibi fuerit curabitur. Et qui gargarizaverit acetum in quo bullierit radix palme christi (dicta arabice getua) curabitur de dolore dentium et gingivarum nec timebit eum. Et fricatio cum zuccara vel cum melle mundificat palatum et gingivas ab omni sordicie et curat (U165ra) excoriationem ex cibo calido acquisitam. Et si dissolvatur aliquantulum masticis in oleo rosato et iniungatur, palatum confortat et conservat eum. [7.] Capitulum 7. De conservatione lingue Lingue sanitas custoditur cum ablutione aque calide in ieiunio et cum fricatione cum melle et cum pulvere zinziberis; hoc enim linguam attenuat, 2 mundificatur etiam ex hoc T mundificatur BU, om. U et ins. mg. etiam ex hoc, et mundificat et ex hoc A. ‖ quidem BU. 2 et in gingivis remanens BU et gingivas remanet AT. ‖ et AT. ‖ dentesque citrinat: dentes BU, mg. U que citrinat vel. 3 leniter A leviter T. ‖ quoniam AT. 4 fricentur … dentes om. BU. 5 dixerunt sapientes BU dico AT. 6 dentifricium factum BTU dentifricium siccum A. ‖ gariofili A. 7 de AT. ‖ removet oris BU removens oris est A removent oris T. 8 similiter om. B. ‖ carsane TU, add. T .i. iringi, mg. U .i. yringi, carsene A, add. A .i. yringi, castanee B. 9 et dissoluit BU et destruit AT. ‖ post humiditatem add. AT vel dissoluit. ‖ palam AT. 10 stipticum BU om. AT. 11 sicut nux mus. U, mg. U et glandes, sicut glande B sicut nux muscata et glandes et stipticum AT. ‖ post subtiliat add. A dentes, del. T dentes. 12 palatum mundificat AT. 13 lenis U levis AB, T? 14 in experimentis tiberini (tibium? AT) tr. B post quod. 15 eius cineribus locus AT, eis (mg. U vel eius) cineribus locum BU. ‖ cancer corr. mg. T ex ca. ‖ palate: labii AT. ‖ affuerit AT. 16 bullierit BU bullita erit AT. 17 getua om. AT. ‖ iter. A et qui gargarizaverit … dentium. 18 zuccaro U. ‖ cum melle mundificat palatum BU melle palatum mundificat A cum melle palatum mundificat T. 20 masticis in BU mastici cum A masticum cum T. ‖ intingatur B. 22 capitulum … lingue AT, mg. U de lingua B. 23 custoditur ATU custodiatur B. ‖ calide om. BU. 24 cum2 om. AT.

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faciens fleuma descendere, et eius gravitatem removet. Et omnis cibus factus ab avibus coctis in cassola alleviat linguam ab omni gravedine, usus etiam ficuum siccarum consumit humiditatem lingue et ab ea omne impedimentum removet. Nuces vero comeste, virides vel sicce, impediunt linguam et loquelam, ideoque omnino ab eis cavendum est. Dicitur etiam quod caules frequenter in cibum sumpti liberant linguam a fleumate aggravatam. Et si frequenter in cibum exhibeantur infantibus, eos accelerant ad loquendum et cito incedendum, quoniam musculos et articulos eorum confortant. Utatur etiam tenere in ore species aromaticas, sicut gariofilos nucem muscatam et cubebas, quoniam linguam a gravedine liberant et ad loquendum facilitant et eius sanitatem conservant. [8.] Capitulum 8. De conservatione mery Canna mery et uvula conservantur cum potu brodii pinguium gallinarum aut parvorum pullorum aut carnium agni cum rebus dulcibus decoctarum, et similiter cum potu vini dulcis. Ca(B4r)veat autem ne ossa parvarum avium sive pullorum perdicum, sive (U165rb) piscium spinosorum, nec eis similia comedat, exceptis tenuibus ossibus castrati agni, quoniam liquor ab his effusus in ore cannam lenit et mollificat et uvulam et mery et meatus pectoris elargat et cibum ad fundum stomachi descendere iuvat. Caveat autem ne comedat carnes grossas que vix aut nunquam perfecte decoqui possunt, et ab omnibus cibis salsis et lacte acetoso et aceto et cibo eo condito, quoniam hec omnia ledunt cannam et mery. Et sapientes dixerunt quod comedere vitellum ovi in aqua calida elixati mollificat et lenit mery et cannam et ea in sua lenitate conservat. Potus etiam iulep et liquiritie mirabiliter prodest canne; gargarismus ex oximelle cum aqua calida factus confortat cannam et conservat, et 1 gravitatem removet BU gravedinem removens AT. 2 et omnis cibus factus ab (cum A) avibus coctis (om. A) in ABU et omnis factus cum avibus in T, mg. AT al. et omnis ficus cum ovibus in capsula. ‖ cassola: cazola .i. patella vel olla plumbea B. 3 usus etiam ficuum siccarum AT usque in superficiem BU. 5 ideoque BU et ideo A ideo T. ‖ cavendum est BU tr. AT. 8 et cito incedendum mg. U. 9 tenere B teneat U et teneat AT. ‖ et nucem muscatam A et nuc. mus. T nucem U mirt. B. 10 loquendum facilitant ATU sompnum facilitatem dant B. 12 capitulum … mery AT, mg. U, de canna et mery B. 13 brodii pinguium BU pinguis brodii AT. 14 parvulorum BU. ‖ decoctarum BU coctarum AT. 15 parvarum BU parvorum AT. 16 sive pullorum B sive pullulorum U seu pullorum AT. ‖ sive BU seu AT. ‖ ei B. ‖ similia mg. T. 17 tenuibus AT teneris BU. ‖ om. AT effusus. 18 om. A et2. ‖ meatus AT meatum BU. 19 stomachi fundum BU. ‖ caveat autem BTU cave etiam A. 20 perfecte om. AT. 21 eo TU om. A. ‖ cibo … condito: oleo B, mg. U et oleo. 22 ledunt cannam et meri BU cannam ledunt et meri AT. ‖ sapientes dixerunt BU d’t sa. A dix. sa. T. 23 elixati ATU elixata B. ‖ eam B. 24 iulep: et iulep .i. sirupus ex aqua rosacea et vino albo simplici B. ‖ liquiritia A. ‖ post canne add. AT et. 25 ex oximelle AT ex melle BU.

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gargarismus cum decoctione pirorum factus similiter iuvat. Et qui patitur casum seu elongationem uvule debet cavere a vomitu et confricatione in ieiuno, quoniam hoc casum uvule faciunt, et ideo ab hiis cavendum est.

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[9.] Capitulum 9. De conservatione pectoris et pulmonis Confortatur pulmo et conservatur cum farina cicerum excorticatarum decocta cum lacte caprino, et utatur penidiis cum amigdalis dulcibus a cortice mundatis, et bibat lac caprinum cum zuccara. Canna vero pulmonis conservatur cum succo canne mellis ad ignem torrefacte vel cum zuccara; hoc enim asperitatem (U165va) lenit et mollificat. Et dixerunt medici quod usus passularum enucleatarum in ieiuno confortat cannam pulmonis. Caveat autem a cibis multum salsis; quoniam in ipsis canalibus includunt sordiciem et raucificant vocem. Et quod pre ceteris canales pulmonis confortat et mundificat est mirra cum sub lingua tenetur, et quod de ea liquefit, paulatim trahicitur. Et similiter tenere in ore unum haustum (B4v) de succo caulis ortolani cum melle mixto prodest canne et clarificat vocem. Item buyholi facti cum zuccara et amigdalis et pineis mundatis et liquiritia multum iuvant pulmonem et eius canales et pectus. Succus etiam uvarum dulcium albarum ad ignem per decoctionem subtiliatus et a grossa substantia et fece clarificatus plus ceteris rebus prodest pulmoni et eius canalibus et superiori canne sumptus ante cibum et post.

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[10.] Capitulum 10. De conservatione stomachi Ad sanitatem stomachi conservandam provocetur vomitus semel in mense saltem cum aqua calida quoniam ipsum mundificat a superfluitatibus cibi et potus et humoribus malis; et comedere uvas passas cum granis suis in ieiuno confortat stomachum et rectificat eius malam complexionem. Absinthium et

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3 cum decoctione BU cum aqua A fac cum decoctione T. ‖ pirorum: porrorum B porcorum? U. ‖ factus similiter BU factus etiam AT. 2 sive elargationem BU. ‖ confricatione BU exsiccatio A exsiccatione T. 3 hec U. ‖ casus T. 4 capitulum … pulmonis AT, mg. U, de pulmone B. 5 et conservatur AT conservaturque BU. ‖ cicerum AT al. cicerum B om. U, mg. U cicerum. 6 cum om. BU, mg. U al. cum amigdalis. ‖ dulcibus AT amaris BU. 7 lac om. B. 9 canna vero … mollificat om. AT. ‖ dixerunt BU dicunt AT. 11 a cibis ABT concibire? U. ‖ salsis multum A. 12 et raucificant vocem BU om. AT. ‖ canales AT canalem BU. 13 ea BU ipsa AT. ‖ liqueat B. ‖ paulatim trahicitur AT trahicitur BU, mg. U paulatim et ante trahicitur. 14 in ore T om. ABU, mg. U. 15 buyholi BU (mg. U vel buhyoli) buhyoli AT. ‖ facti U id est panis aloes facti B si A sive T. 16 mundificatis AT. ‖ iuvat AT. 17 canones et pectus T. ‖ ad BU et ad AT. 18 et fece om. BU. 19 sumptus ATU (corr. U ex sumptum) sumptum B. 20 ante cibum et post BU, add. U m.r. cibum, post cibum vel ante cibum A ante cibum et post cibum T. 21 capitulum … stomachi AT, mg. U de regimine stomachi B. 23 saltem U saltm B solum AT. ‖ ipsum om. AT. 24 ieiunio B.

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spica in potu sumpta confortant eum et sanum conservant eiusque superfluitates ex(U165vb)pellunt, et similiter usus electuarii facti de mastice et ligno aloes confortat stomachum et rectificat malam eius complexionem. Item potus absinthii supradictus dissoluit stomachi duriciem et expellit ab ipso grossos fumos. Utatur etiam cibo facto de avibus sicut perdicibus iuvenibus et turturibus in aqua coctis, non tamen post alium cibum. Caveat etiam ne comedendo aquam frigidam bibat, nisi forsan in fine comestionis et tunc parum nisi ante fuerit usus bibere, et sirupus rosatus vel de ligno aloes de india prodest stomacho valde et sanitatem eius conservat. Dixit etiam Aristoteles quod sumere in ieiuno .x. ʒ electuarii de ligno aloes et reubarbaro qualibet die confortat calorem stomachi et adiuvat eius digestionem et eius orificium a fleumate mundificat et procurat appetitum et expellit ventositatem. Et similiter zuccara cum mastice vel cum carnibus citoniorum confecta rectificat stomachum et confortat. Item si cum dormire voluerit ipsum exterius cum oleo de ben vel nardino prius iniunxerit, bonam digestionem procurabit et eius malam complexionem rectificabit. (B5r) [11.] Capitulum 11. De conservatione epatis Epar debilitatum confortatur cum potione decoctionis reubarbari desin et assumptione electuarii de lacca et de rosis et de reubarbaro desin et esu carnium subtilium calidarum, ut sunt carnes perdicum que ab avibus venatoriis capiuntur, decocte cum ciceribus nigris vel assate cum aqua calida. Quoniam hoc est melior assatura que fieri (U166ra) possit; illa enim que fit ad carbones ignitos non evadit ab adustione vel omnimoda siccitate nisi diligenter custodiatur, sed assatura que super aquam fit calidam cum sola veruti revolutione equaliter et uniformiter assatur et ab adustione omnino securatur. Uve vero passe et carice albe copiose et cito epar magnificant, et quoniam in dulcibus delectatur, ideo facilius ea appetit et avidius, cuius probatio est quia si anser 3 confortant … rectificant AT. ‖ eius BU om. AT. 5 etiam om. BU. 6 aquam A. ‖ caveat etiam ne BU unde caveat ne in AT. 7 forsitan AT. 8 fuerit usus BU tr. AT. ‖ vel: in B. ‖ india B, U? mane datus AT. ‖ frigido? U. 9 valde BU om. AT. ‖ eius BU om. AT. ‖ dicit BAT dixit U. 10 .x. BU .iv. AT. ‖ cum T. 11 eius AT om. BU, ins. U. 12 procurat BU provocat AT. ‖ zuccara AT aqua ros. BU, mg. U al. zuccara. 13 stomachum et confortat om. BU, ins. U. 14 vel nardino AT om. et ins. U, id est radicis albe al. piperis longi vel B. 15 malam AT om. BU, ins. U. 16 rectificat B. 17 capitulum … epatis AT, mg. U om. B. 18 desin: et absintii AT, mg. U al. absinth[ii] 19 reubarbaro desin BU reubarbaro AT. 20 perdicum: avium A. ‖ venationis A. 23 fit ad carbones ignitos ATU fit ad carbonem B. ‖ vel omnimoda AT vel a nimia BU, mg. U al. omnimoda. 24 super aquam fit calidam B fit supra aquam calidam U super aquam fit AT. ‖ veruti AT unica BU, mg. U al. veruti. 25 omnino securatur BU omnino securata AT. 26 cito: rate B. ‖ et quoniam BU quoniam AT. 27 facilius ea appetit et avidius BU, mg. U al. amplius amplius ipsa appetit AT. ‖ quia BU quoniam AT. ‖ anser BU epar AT.

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vel gallina ficubus fuerit impinguata, carnes eorum pingues erunt et humide et delectabiles ad vescendum et epar eorum dulcissimum. Fistici vero et uve passe enucleate si comedantur deopilant et confortant epar et ipsius complexionem rectificant. Et similiter parva pulla in modica aqua decocta sumpta in cibum confortat epar et conservat. Sciendum est quod carnes serine decocte in cibum sumpte rectificant malam complexionem epatis et mirabiliter confortant ipsum quando est infrigidatum. Item usus frequens malorum granatorum dulcium et uvarum passarum magnificat epar et in tantum eius complexionem rectificat quod ridere facit comedentem. Vinum etiam subtile in substantia moderate bibitum epar deopilat et calefacit et confortat et etiam sanat, cuius sanitas totum corpus constituit in quiete. [12.] Capitulum 12. De conservatione splenis Splen est causa et instrumentum ridendi, sicut dicit Pitagoras, quoniam sanguinem nigrum et turbidum mundificat. (U166rb) Quem cum perfecte mundificare non potest, nutritur ex eo corpus et generat tristitiam et cogitationes malas et anxietatem cordis continuam, et ideo (B5v) indiget mundificatione cum coleram nigram mundificantibus. Confortetur etiam corpus cum cibis nutrientibus et ingrossantibus, gallinis scilicet coctis cum modico brodio et carnibus edulinis et pullinis cum modico aceto conditis, et potu lactis noviter mulsi cum modico de zuccara. Hoc enim splenis opilationes aperit et eius sanitatem custodit. Vinum etiam rubeum in comestione temperate sumatur. Et generaliter omne quod impinguat prodest spleni. Et hoc est quod dicit Galienus: omne (inquit) quod impinguat restringit splenem et ipsum diminuit, et parvitas splenis significat bonam complexionem corporis et sua grossicies econtrario. Absinthium in potu sumptum cum oximelle prodest spleni et eius

1 erant B. 2 et1 om. A. ‖ rescendum B. 3 fistici AT ficus BU. 5 conservat AT. ‖ conservat U confortat ABT. 6 sciendum est quod carnes serine (serine om. U) semicocte BU, mg. U in al. ex uve et in al. cum cocte, notandum etiam quod ex uve passe (extra uve T) cocte AT. 8 usus frequens BTU frequens usus A. ‖ magnificat BU magnificant AT. 9 eius complexionem rectificat BU, mg. U al. fortificat, add. B complexionem, eius complexionem fortificat AT. 10 substantiale B. ‖ moderata B, add. B sumptum et. ‖ epar deopilat et AT epar deopilat U deopilat et B. 11 cuius sanitas totum corpus constituit in quiete BU et cum sanitate totum corpus constituit AT. 12 capitulum … splenis AT, mg. U de splene B. 13 splen est ABT splenem U. 14 quem BU quod AT. 15 mundare A. ‖ et1: etiam B. ‖ tristiciam BU tristicias AT. 16 et anxietatem cordis BU, add. U mg. continuam, ex anxietate cordis continua A et anxietate cordis continuam T. 18 incrassantibus A. 20 opilationes aperit A opilationes aperiunt BU complexiones aperit T. 21 custodiunt BU. ‖ rubeum: bibitum AT. 22 omne BU om. AT. 23 quod impinguat inquit BU. 24 corpori T. 25 post econtrario add. AT et. ‖ oximelle AT melle BU, mg. U al. oximelle. ‖ mg. U al. compositionem, add. T compositionem al.

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complexionem rectificat. Et dixerunt medici quod bibere aquam que diu steterit in ligno tamarisci conservat et confortat splenem. Caveat vero a grossis et stipticis fructibus sicut sunt coctana pira sorba et carrobia, quoniam orificia venarum splenis constringunt et articulos debilitant. Caveat autem a grossis carnibus sicut bovinis caprinis bubalinis leporinis porcellinis et ab omni legumine et ab omni quod fit de lacte, sicut a caseo et lacte acetoso, hec enim omnia splenem ledunt (U166va) et epatis complexionem destruunt et coleram nigram generant. Utatur autem vino albo vel citrino quia splenem attenuat et opilationes aperit et eius grossitudinem subtiliat. Dicitur etiam in experimentis Tiberini quod vinum in quo steterint fructus vel flores delcobar in potu sumptum confortat splenem et eius grossiciem attenuat. Et quod sanitatem splenis conservat est ut quando movere volueris sinistrum pedem antequam dextrum moveas, et hoc idem in ascendendo et descendendo servetur. [13.] Capitulum 13. De conservatione cordis Quod pre ceteris cor conservat est uti bonis sirupis sicut decoctione pomorum et decoctione corticis citri et (B6r) decoctione buglosse et mirti et iulep, et odorare redolentia ut muscum et ambra vel lignum aloes. Fugiat etiam provocantia ad iram et angustiam, quoniam sicut dicit Ypocras duos habet nocivos hostes, desperationem scilicet et tristitiam. Ex desperatione proveniunt torpor et pigritia seu inhertia, ex tristitia vero senectutis festinatio. Hec enim duo nocent cordi; sed nocumentum tristitie maius est et fortius ceteris, quoniam calorem naturalem extinguit et spiritus confundit et complexionem cordis dissoluit et tandem interficit. Et ideo precipiunt sapientes 1 et dixerunt medici BU et dicit m[edicus?] AT. 2 confortat BU, mg. U al. fortificat, fortificat AT. ‖ autem A. 3 post stipticis add. T et. ‖ et om. U, eras. B, add. B pisa plata. ‖ post quoniam add. T venarum et. 4 venarum om. B, ins. U. ‖ autem BU etiam AT. 5 bubalinis BU bubolinis A brutolinis T. ‖ leporinis om. BU, ins. U? [illeg.] 6 ab BU om. AT. ‖ hec enim U hec B et hec AT. 7 post epatis add. T opilationem al. 8 autem om. AT. 9 et opilationes … subtiliat om. AT. 10 tiberni BU, corr. B ad Galieni tib’ni AT. ‖ steterit T. ‖ delcobar BU deltebar cum AT. 11 sumitur AT. ‖ et quod BU quod AT. 12 ire BU movere A om. T. ‖ volueris BU voluerit AT. 13 moveas B moveat ATU. ‖ idem BU quidem AT. ‖ servetur BU, corr. U mg. ad conservetur, conservetur AT. 14 capitulum … cordis AT, mg. U de corde B. 16 prunorum A. ‖ corticum AT. ‖ post buglosse add. B id est lingue bovine. ‖ post mirti add. B id est folii herbe. ‖ om. A mirti et. 17 post et1 add. T redolore vel. ‖ redolescentia T. ‖ et BU vel A om. T. 19 et om. B. 20 ex desperatione proveniunt (venit B) torpor et pigritia seu inhertia, ex tristitia vero senectutis (senectus T) festinatio BAT Ex tristitia vero senectutus provenit festinatio, et ex desperatione venit torpor et pigritia seu inhercia U. 21 enim duo AT genera duo U duo genera B. ‖ tristicie BU ex tristicia AT. ‖ et fortius A fortius T, add. T et mg. ante fortius, forte U, mg. U al. et fortis, forte forte B. 22 confundit AT profundit U, mg. U al. confundit, profundat B. ‖ post et2 add. T compressionem al. 23 idcirco B.

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quod habens iram vel tristitiam et similia ipsam a corde suo expellat et letitia et gaudio et spatiamenti sive exercitio delectabili necnon et (U166vb) venatione cum venatoriis avibus intendat. Hec enim gaudium et letitiam et audaciam generant et animum confortant. Utatur insuper cibis subtilibus, pullis videlicet columbarum et gallinarum, perdicibus et turturibus, agnis et capriolis, et ceteris cibis subtilem et mundum sanguinem generantibus. Aer etiam taliter adaptetur ne fetore seu malo vapore corruptus fetorem horribilem offerat attrahenti. Et hoc est quod dicit Aristoteles ad Alexandrum: rectificetur inquit aer loci in quo habitare volueris, quoniam non conservatur spiritus vitalis nisi cum attractione boni odoris. Et cum animus regitur confortatur, et eo ipso confortat et letificat cor et in venis sanguinem nutrit. Et dicunt medici quod nichil reperitur quod adeo spiritum et cor confortet et calorem naturalem evigilet sicut bonum vinum odoriferum vetus moderate sumptum, in estate mediocriter limphatum. Si vero novum et in hyeme fuerit, purum non limphatum, sumatur ex eo quod calor eius debilis est. Vinum huius sanguinem mundificat cordis et eius tenebrositatem (B6v) removet, et precipue si cum sonis instrumentorum delectabilibus et melodiis sumatur. Iuvat etiam sedere in locis amenis et viridariis et pratis viridibus ubi herbe sint odorem delectabilem producentes et in ortis ubi sint cursus aquarum ab alto ad ima suaviter et sine magno strepitu decurrentium. Strepitus enim ledit animum et auditus instrumentum. Et dicunt sapientes quod audire (U167ra) instrumenta expellit fletum ab anima et a corde tristitiam et stuporem. Dicit etiam Plato quod ex assumptione vini in corde et soni delectabilis in spiritu coadunantur omnia bona. Et nota quod dilectus socius et bonus amicus suis solaciosis narrationibus et delectabilibus solaciis instrumentorum supplent melodiam. [14.] Capitulum 14. De conservatione fellis Fellis sanitatem conservant oximel et sirupus de scariola et de cuscuta, ex eo quod opilationes aperiunt. Decoctio endivie fellis calorem obtemperat. Utatur 1 habentes A. ‖ similia ipsam BU similia T consimilia A. ‖ expellant AT. ‖ letitia BT letitie U cum letitia A. 2 et spatiamenti BU spatiamenti T om. A. ‖ sive BU seu T se exerceant in A. 3 intendat BU se occupent A om. T. 4 et audaciam generant BU generant et audaciam AT. ‖ post utatur add. AT etiam. ‖ utilibus AT. 5 perdicum A. 7 totaliter AT. 8 efferat B. 9 voluerit AT. 10 nisi om. et mg. T. 11 in venis: invenas AT. 12 adeo quod AT. 13 post vinum add. A et. 14 et om. AT. 15 vinum huius sanguinem AT huius vinum sanguinem U sanguineum B. 16 cordis AT om. BU, ins. B. 17 instrumentorum om. BU. ‖ delectantibus T. 18 et A et in T ut BU. ‖ sunt B, add. A odorifere in al. ‖ odorifere T. 19 sunt A. 20 descendentium A. 21 dicit sapiens AT. 22 fletum AT strepitum BU. ‖ a om. et ins. U. ‖ corpore AT. ‖ dixit U. 23 coadunatione BU. ‖ in spiritu BU auditu AT. 24 sed BU. 25 sociis B, mg. U al. sociis. ‖ supplet BU. 26 capitulum … fellis AT. 27 de cuscuta A de cuscute T. 28 calorem obtemperat A obtemperat calorem T.

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carnibus edinis castratis cum aceto vel atriplicibus decoctis. Serum bibat, precipue vaccarum, quoniam optimum est; mundificat enim fel et eius amaritudinem reprimit et calefactionem eius refrigerat, et interdum ipsum a colera nigra mundificat. Et prodest etiam cordi et preservat a renovatione seu recidivatione egritudinum colericarum. [15.] Capitulum 15. De conservatione intestinorum Intestina in sua sanitate conservantur cum a fecibus in ipsis congregatis mundificantur, et ab humore etiam viscoso qui eis adheret et inviscatur, fecum exitum prohibente. Et hec mundificatio fiet cum assumptione aque mellis vel comestione caricarum pinguium vel potatione aque remollitionis sive decoctionis ipsarum; sumatur etiam ad hoc brodium pingue pullorum vel carnium agnorum coctarum in bletis. Et dixerunt sapientes quod uve passe non enucleate in ieiuno comeste qualibet die pre ceteris rebus intestina confortant. Risi etiam in recenti lacte decoctum in cibum sumptum confortat et nutrit intestina et provocat menstrua et emorroidas, orificia venarum aperiendo; et similiter si sepe in potu sumatur prodest intestinis et precipue recto intestino. Caveat autem ab omni cibo acetoso et acuto, quoniam humorem viscosum in intestino generant et ipsum in eo remanere faciunt et eum maculant, sicut facit acetum quando tangit metallum. Et dixerunt sapientes (U167rb) quod allium coctum cum carnibus pinguibus edi mitigat intestina et impetuosam eorum removet ventositatem et inflatio(B7r)nem consumit. Comedere etiam allia cruda, sicut faciunt Christiani, mitigat dolores intestinorum frigidos et grossam expellit ventositatem, et ideo vocatur a sapientibus allium tiriacam rusticorum. 5 fellis sanitatem … colericarum om. BU, mg. U Cm 14m de conservatione fellis. illud capitulum debet esse ad hoc signum # Fellis sanitatem conservant oximel et sirupus de scariola et de cuscuta ex eo quod opilationes aperiunt. Decoctio endi. fellis calorem obtemperat. Utatur carnibus edinis castratis cum aceto vel a triplicibus decoctis. Serum bibat precipue vaccarum quoniam optimum est mundificat enim fel et eius amaritudinem reprimit et calefactionem eius refrigerat, et interdum ipsum a colera nigra mundificat. Et prodest etiam cordi et preservat a renovatione seu recidivatione egritudinum colericarum. 6 capitulum … intestinorum AT de intestinis B capitulum 15m U. 7 aggregatis A. 8 etiam ATU et B. 10 seu AT. 11 etiam ad U et ad B ad A ob T. 12 coctarum ABU coctorum T. ‖ dixerunt sapientes BU, mg. U [illeg.] dicit sapiens AT. 13 in ieiuno BTU ieiuno A. ‖ qualibet die BTU om. A. 14 risi etiam BU risum autem A risi autem T. ‖ decoctum ABU decoct. T. 15 menstrua et emorroidas UT menstruas et emorroidarum B menstruam et emorroidas A. 16 sepe ATU cepe B. 17 autem BU tamen AT. 18 in intestino viscosum AT. ‖ generat B. 19 contangit U. ‖ post metallum add. AT De alliis. 20 et om. A. ‖ dixerunt sapientes BU dic(it) sap(iens) AT. ‖ pinguis AT. 22 etiam U autem B om. AT. 23 faciunt Christiani tr. AT. ‖ mitigat AT om. BU, mg. U mitigat. ‖ post dolores add. ABT et. ‖ frigidam A. 24 ideo UT in B in hoc A. ‖ vocantur AT. ‖ allium tyriacam (tyriaca B) BU allia tyriaca AT.

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[16.] Capitulum 16. De conservatione renum Quod pre ceteris confortat renes quando sunt debiles ad attrahendum aquositatem sanguinis, sunt spinarchia cum carnibus pinguibus arietinis decocta, ac deinde comedantur uve passe bone. Hec enim renes nutriunt et 5 impinguant et eos a fece sive feculentia urine mundificant. Pepones etiam dulces seu melones quando eorum pulpa comeditur cum zuccara in ieiuno idem operatur; carnes similiter agni cum bletis cocte vel cum spinarchiis vel etiam sale aspersi si comedantur ad hoc sunt utiles. Iaceat etiam in mathalacis de lana munda bene carpinata factis de cotoneo albo. Comedat pineas 10 mundatas et uvas passas enucleatas. Et caveat ne super rem duram iaceat, et precipue super corium album neque desuper dormiat. Vitet etiam sudorem et balneum aque frigide et specialiter cum ventus flat septentrionalis et aer frigidus. Et dicunt sapientes quod nuces vel pinee mundate cum melle confecte, quando comeduntur, conferunt multum renibus et conservant eorum 15 sanitatem et eos confortant. Farina etiam ordei cum lacte preparata impinguat renes et eorum sanitatem conservat; penidii vero si cum pineis vel amigdalis dulcibus mundatis comedantur confortant et nutriunt renes. Omnia autem frigida et precipue fructus pre ceteris rebus nocent renibus, et similiter acetum et carnes grosse sicut bovine et caprine et lac acetosum. Et omnes herbe frigide 20 (U167va) nocent multum renibus, excepta rapa que aliquantulum prodest.

1 capitulum … renum AT capitulum 16 mg. U de renibus B. 2 confortat renes BU tr. AT. 3 pinguibus AT communibus BU, mg. U al. pinguibus. ‖ arietinis: arietis si A. 4 decocta BU decoquantur A decocti T. ‖ ac deinde BU et deinde AT. ‖ post comedantur add. A similiter. ‖ post passe add. A sunt. ‖ hec BU h’ T hee A. 5 peculencia B. ‖ pipinos B. 7 operantur AT. ‖ agnis U. 8 vel etiam B vel (del.) et U om. AT. ‖ sale … comedantur BU om. AT. ‖ ad hoc sunt utiles A idem cum emundantur sale conspersi T. ‖ in om. T. 11 super T supra A. 14 iaceat etiam … comeduntur om. BU, mg. U Iaceat etiam mathalacis de lana munda bene carpinata factis de cotono al. Comedat pineas mundatas et uvas passas bene pingues enucleatas. Et caveat ne super rem duram iaceat et precipue super corium al neque desuper dormiat. Vitet etiam sudorem et balneum aque frigide et specialiter cum ventus flat septentrionalis et aer frigidus. Et dicunt sapi quod nuces vel pinee mund cum melle confecte quando comeduntur conferunt multum renibus etc. 15 et conservant (conservat B) eorum sanitatem (viscositatem B, ventositatem U, corr. U supra) BU et sanitati (sanitatem T) eorum AT. ‖ eos AT ipsos B etiam ipsos U. ‖ confortant BU conservant AT. 16 impinguat renes et BU et impinguationes A et impinguationes et T. ‖ penidii BUT penidie A. 17 pineis vel amigdalis dulcibus BU amigdalis dulcibus AT. ‖ mundatis BU mundificatis AT. ‖ conservant AT. ‖ autem BU om. AT. 20 multum renibus BTU tr. A. ‖ pappasie B rappa U. ‖ prodest BU, ins. U eis, eis prodest AT.

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[17.] Capitulum 17. De conservatione vesice Specialiter et pre ceteris ad conservandum et confortandum vesicam et eius sanitatem custodiendam valent glandes dulces quando cum passis nigris comeduntur et in electuariis calidis sicut electuario calido de galanga et pipere longo et ligno aloes sumptis qualibet die in temperata quantitate. Caveat vero a potu aque frigide et aque nivis et potissime in ieiuno. Et dicunt sapientes quod sepe comedere thus confortat et corroborat vesicam. Vomitus etiam prodest contra egritudines vesice. Et savich tritum preparatum cum butiro aut cum melle magnam habet virtutem ad confortandam vesicam. Item ʒ s. de ligno aloes qualibet die in potu sumpta multum (B7v) valet contra debilitatem et frigiditatem vesice et confortat eam. Et nichil adeo vesicam ledit sicut longa urine retentio ultra voluntatem mingendi. Comedere etiam carnes bovinas et herbas frigidas et bibere aquam frigidam in ieiuno egritudines multas generat in vesica, et pre ceteris vesicam ledit frequens usus aceti cibo vel potu. [18.] Capitulum 18. De conservatione testiculorum Testiculi conservantur cum emissione spermatis in coitu cum mulieribus pulcherrimis iuvenibus et dilectis. Et dicit Galienus in libro experimentorum quod ex retentione spermatis nimia repletio seu corruptio humiditatis convenit ex qua multa mala accidentia generantur sicut sincopis que causatur ex colera nigra et gravitas totius corporis et insompnietas et visus debilitas. Et ad hoc nulla medicina est melior evacuatione predicta. Accidit enim modo cuidam iuveni mulieri propter retentionem spermatis suffocatio matricis que curare non potuit donec cum quodam iuvene concubuit. Caveat cupiens testiculos conservare ne in sella stricta equitet duro corio cooperta. Equitare etiam sepe equos currentes atque saltantes nocet testiculis cum quandoque est causa astrictionis eorum. Item abluere pedes frequenter cum aqua frigida vel stare in ipsa vel balneari nocet testiculis.

1 capitulum … vesice AT, mg. U de vesica B. 2 conservandum et confortandum AT confortandum et conservandum U confortandum B. ‖ eius om. AT. 3 quando AT que BU. 4 calido BU om. AT. 5 qualibet AT quolibet BU. 8 savich tritici BT sanch tritici U savich tritium A. 9 confortandum U. ‖ s. om. et ins. U, om. et mg. B m. r. id est pondus. 10 qualibet AT quolibet BU. ‖ debilitatem et om. AT. 14 frequens om. AT. ‖ cibo vel potu A in cibo vel potu sumptus BU. 16 evacuatione T. 17 pulcris T. 21 melior: utilior T. 22 post suffocatio add. et vacat T cum quodam iuvene concubuit. 27 Capitulum  … testiculis AT om. BU.

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[19.] Capitulum 19. De conservatione ani Quod pre ceteris conservat sanitatem ani est sedere super sedem (U167vb) factam de corio quorundam animalium silvestrium, sicut est corium senis et sennut et fanac. Sedere in sede facta de corio leonis prodest maxime patientibus emorroidas propter virtutem que in ipso est. Sed sedes que fiunt de cami et de fanac totum corpus calefaciunt; mitigant dolores ex ventositate accidentes et dolorem emorroidarum. Provocetur etiam natura ad assellandum ante dormitionem cum succo kebulorum et indorum et emblicorum, quoniam matricem mulierum confortat, et sanitatem ani conservat et humorem malum illuc decurrentem desiccat ipsum confortando. Sedere autem super terram duram et frigidam, precipue in hyeme, plus ceteris nocet ano, quoniam lacertum anum constringentem relaxat adeo quod egestiones retinere non potest sed exeunt involuntarie, frequens etiam sessio in lapide idem facit. Cibi dure digestionis grossum et spissum sanguinem ex se generantes, sicut carnes bovine leporine, et silvestres sicut caprioline et consimiles, et olive et panis furfureus, pre omnibus rebus aliis nocent ano, et universaliter omne quod nigram coleram auget nocet ano. Et dicunt sapientes quod sedere aliquandiu in lapide calido balnei prodest multum ano et hoc propter humiditatem calidam ibidem existentem. Necesse enim est ut sedes illa sepe calefiat. Utatur etiam cibis nature restaurativis, sicut carnibus arietis castrati iuvenis pinguis cum modico brodio et absque cepis decoctis; cepe enim (U168ra) ex hoc ledunt quoniam orificia venarum aperiunt. Et sicut dicit Galienus: anus est membrum (B8r) 1 capitulum … ani AT de ano B mg. U hic deficit unum capitulum. cm. 19 2 conservat sanitatem ani BU sanitatem ani conservat AT. 3 de corio factam AT. 4 senis et sennut AT scenis et canueth? U, scr. supr. seniac, leonis et cami B. ‖ fanac ATU fanas B. ‖ sedere in sede facta de corio BU sedes vero que in corio fit AT. ‖ maxime BU magis AT. 5 est in ipso AT. ‖ cami BU mug? A mur T. 6 et de fanec (fanac TU) ATU et de fanas B. ‖ calefiunt T / post calefaciunt add. AT et. 7 dolores ex ventositate accidentes et dolorem AT dolores BU, add. U mg. ex ventositate accidentes et dol … ‖ provocetur etiam: provocent omnia B. ‖ naturam BU, corr. U ad natura. 8 post emblicorum add. B fructus sunt. 9 mulieris AT. ‖ et sanitatem ani U et sanitatem eius B ac A et sanitatem ani confortat T. 10 supra AT. 11 et frigidam … ceteris om. BU, mg. U et frigide precipue etiam hieme plus ceteris. 12 ani AT. ‖ relaxat BU laxat AT. ‖ adeo U ideo B ex eo AT. ‖ quod ins. U. 13 post exeunt add. AT violenter vel. ‖ involuntarium B, ins. U vel violenter. ‖ etiam om. BU, mg. U. ‖ tercio T. ‖ post cibi add. AT etiam. 14 et om. BU. ‖ ex se om. AT. 15 et1 om. BU. ‖ similes AT. ‖ et4 om. B. ‖ penis B. ‖ furfurei B furfure U. 16 rebus aliis U rebus B aliis rebus AT. ‖ nocet B. ‖ etiam T. 17 nigram coleram auget nocet ano U coleram auget nigram AT / et universaliter … nocet ano om. B. ‖ dicunt sapientes BU dicit sapiens AT. ‖ cum T. ‖ lapidem B. 18 calido balnei BU bal. calido A bal. ca. T. ‖ hoc ins. U. ‖humiditatem calidam AT humidiorem calidam humiditatem B humiditatem calidam humiditatem U. 19 ibidem existentem BU ibi existentem A ibi existente T. ‖ sepe calefiat U sepe calefaciat B calefiat sepe AT. 20 modio B. 21 decoctis U decoctus B om. AT. ‖ sepe B. ‖ enim BU autem AT. 22 aperiunt mg. U. ‖ et sicut dicit BTU et dicit A. ‖ anus om. A.

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[20.] Capitulum 20. De conservatione totius corporis Sicut credimus, corpus conservatur balneationibus in aqua calida et suavi et balneo aereo mediocriter et mundificatione stomachi; corporum autem mundificatio in balneo fit cum suavi confricatione cutis et leni unctione cum oleo olive antiquo odoris suavis in tempore hyemis, cum oleo vero rosarum aut violarum in estate. Et dixerunt sapientes quod unctio facta in balneo cum melle mundificat cutem a sordicie et extrahit inde quod ex superfluitatibus humoribus et fumosis inter carnem et cutem fuerat interclusum, aperit enim opilationes. Hoc idem facit farina cicerum et fabarum cum fricatione panni asperi; hec enim calorem equaliter fortificant et cutem attenuant. Idem facit spongia, quoniam liquefacit quod de fumosis superfluitatibus continetur sub cute et per poros exire facit, et elargat motus iuncturarum confortat corpora fleumatica. Extremitates autem laventur cum aqua tepida in hyeme et frigida in estate. Et dicunt sapientes quod fricare ungues manuum et pedum cum aqua et aceto conservat eos a constrictione et denigratione et etiam ne findantur; (U168rb) inunctio etiam facta cum oleo et sale mixtis conservat eos et confortat. Et universaliter plus prosunt eis aque calide quam frigide. Calciamenta vero stricta digitos ledunt pedum, et quandoque sunt causa superpositionis unius super alium et distortionis. Lassatis autem pedibus ex itinere longo ac laborioso, expedit ut cum quieverit pedes et crura elevando altiora teneat appodiando ad parietem. Et in exitu balnei et post diuturnam equitationem idem faciant. Ire autem per lutum precipue pedibus nudis pre

1 suscipiens BU incurrens AT. ‖ difficiliter T. 3 capitulum … corporis AT, mg. U de balneo B. 4 balneationibus BU om. AT. 5 post stomachi add. U mg. et corporis ipsius. ‖ stomachi corporum autem BU totius corporis aut stomachi A ipsius corpore et stomacho aut corpori T. 6 confricatione BU fricatione AT. ‖ et ins. U, om. B. 7 rosarum vero A. 8 violarum A violis B viol. UT. ‖ dicunt A d. T. ‖ inunctio AT. 10 humoribus U et humoribus B humoralibus AT. ‖ cutem et carnem fuerit B. ‖ interclusum AT inclusum BU, mg. U al. interclusum. 11 idem BU enim AT. 12 hec BU hoc AT. ‖ equaliter AT om. BU. ‖ fortificant BU fortificat AT. ‖ attenuat AT. ‖ idem: quod B. 13 quoniam BU quando AT. ‖ liquefit AT. ‖ continet BU. 14 et1: vel AT. ‖ largitio? motum U largire motum B. 16 dixerunt BU. 18 findantur U fedantur B scindantur A findatur T. ‖ etiam AT, ins. U, om. B. 19 conservat eos et confortat AT confortat eos BU, corr. U mg. ad conservat et confortat eos. ‖ ei T. 20 digestos B. ‖ pedum U pedes B om. AT. ‖ corr. T ex quando. 21 et distorsionis U, mg. U vel districtionis unguium, et distorsiones B districtionis vel distortionis unguium T districtionis unguium A. ‖ lassatis A lasso B lapso U lassa T. 22 et itinerare T. ‖ et A. ‖ post laborioso add. T itinere. ‖ quieverint A. 23 teneant B. ‖ parientem U. ‖ post om. A. ‖ diurnam B. 24 diuturna equitatione A. ‖ faciant BU facias AT. ‖ precipue om. AT.

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ceteris cerebrum frigidum (B8v) ledit et oculos debiles, et maxime reumatico de causa frigida et est cum hoc causa distillationis urine propter debilitatem virtutis retentive vesice ex frigore causatam. Et dixerunt sapientes quod ludus pile ambabus manibus simul in altum proiciendo prodest brachiis multum quoniam eorum conservat sanitatem; mitigat dolores ex crudis humoribus et frigidis ventositatibus generatos et eorum duriciem alleviat, et precipue hominibus laboriosis insuetis. Fricatio autem pedum, quando fit stomacho vacuo, eorum gravedinem et itinerandi lassitudinem ac motus duriciem removet. Et similiter fomentatio crurium et pedum cum aqua maris contritionem sive concussionem, tumorem quoque ac distortionem ex lassitudine et longa itineratione acquisitam curat. Et dicta in presenti capitulo sufficiant cum auxilio dei benedicti. Amen. (U168va) [21.] Capitulum 21. De regimine sanitatis naturalis Regimen sanitatis consistit in temperamento motus et quietis, sompni et vigilie, cibi et potus, inanitionis et repletionis, loci habitationis, et anime accidentium seu cogitationis necnon assueti observationis. De unoquoque autem horum tractare intendimus in hoc libro. [22.] Capitulum 22. De motu et exercitio Volens sanitatem custodire propriam exercitio ante cibum indiget assueto, et hoc secundum propriam virtutem, verbi gratia assuetus equitare vel pedes incedere, non ad lassitudinem sed ad initium calefactionis deducere. Exercitium enim ante cibum calorem fortificat et mundificat naturalem, et appetitum ex hoc in stomacho vigoratur et exinde copiosius membra recipiunt nutrimentum, quare corpus ingrossatur. Et sicut exercitium temperatum ante cibum causat sanitatem, sic post cibum causat egritudinem. 1 frigidum ledit tr. AT. ‖ maxime in AT et maxime in B et maxime U, ins. U in. 2 frigida causa T. ‖ et est BU est autem AT. ‖ distillationem B. 3 post frigore add. AT scilicet. ‖ causatam UT causata BA. ‖ dicunt A. 4 simul manibus AT. 5 et T. 7 laboriosis om. BU. ‖ fricatio autem BU et fricatio autem T et fricatio A. ‖ fit stomacho vacuo: stomacho fit vacuatio T. 8 gravitatem A. ‖ iterandi T. ‖ motus ATU mecum .i. coriorum grossorum B. 10 contritionem sive concussionem BU constrictionem seu contusionem AT. 11 iteratione T. ‖ acquisitam ATU acquisita B. 12 auxilio dei benedicti Amen BU dei auxilio AT. ‖ add. UAT mg. sequentia sunt compilata per magistrum Arnaldum secundum quosdam. 13 capitulum 21 de regimine naturalis sanitatis AT, mg. U (sanitatis naturalis U), de exercitio et aliis B. 15 vigile U. ‖ humiditatis B. 16 cogitationum B. ‖ assuetus A. 17 autem horum B autem ipsorum U horum AT. ‖ libro hoc U. 18 capitulum … et exercitio AT, mg. U, de motu et quiete B. 20 propriam … secundum AT et BU (propriam ins. U, exercitio … assueto mg. U, et hoc secundum mg. U) ‖ post virtutem add. T ut. ‖ assuetos A. 22 enim om. B. ‖ et mundificat AT, ins. U, om. B. ‖ et2 om. AT. ‖ appetitiva BT. 23 vigoratur et exinde BU vigorat et inde AT. 24 temperatum UAT om. B.

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[23.] Capitulum 23. De regimine sanitatis dormiendi Sompnus vero post comestionem fiat, cum videlicet cibus ab orificio stomachi ad fundum descenderit, cuius signum est si gravitas et tensio sive grossicies stomachi (B9r) defecerunt, et si cibi descensus tardaret, suavem deambulationem procurent. Caveat autem ne subito de uno latere ad aliud se convertat, quoniam digestionem retardat et tumorem generat. Pulvinar etiam sit eminens, et precipue cum cibus ad fundum stomachi nondum descendit. Iuvamentum sompni est quoniam anima quiescit et delectatur intellectus et memoria subtiliatur; homo alleviatur, digestio melius celebratur, et corpus copiosius nutritur et ingrossatur. Sompnus vero immoderatus ingrossat corpus et infrigidat et fleuma augmentat et coagulat et precipue corpore pingues. Vigilie autem immoderate (U168vb) corpus calefaciunt, calorem naturalem diminuunt, et maxime in corporibus macilentis. Cavendum ergo ne fatigetur vigilare nec fortis ac levis dormire cogatur. [24.] Capitulum 24. De regimine cibandi Hora cibandi est cum feces cibi precedentis ad inferiora ventris descenderint et stomachus vacuus et sine tensione fuerit et appetitus fuerit comedendi. Nec differat comedere cum appetitus fuerit nisi innaturalis esset appetitus, sicut quando fit per ebrietatem. Si autem comedere distulerit donec appetitum perdiderit, bibat de iulep vel de oximelle cum aqua calida. Et non comedat donec natura per secessum fuerit elargata et appetitus redierit comedendi, nec tunc usque ad tensionem et gravitatem et hanelitus compressionem cibo stomachum repleat. Quod si contingat, protinus antequam cibus ad fundum descenderit stomachi reiciat. Et si hoc difficile sive abhominabile sibi

1 capitulum … dormiendi AT, mg. U de sompno et vigilia B. 3 ad fundum A, mg. U, om. B / ad fundum stomachi T. ‖ et BU ac AT. ‖ seu AT. 4 deserunt AT. ‖ tardaret ATU, corr. U ex retardaret retardaret B. 5 suavi deambulatione B / mg. U al. suavi deambulatione procuretur. ‖ procuretur B. 6 etiam BTU om. A. 7 stomachi nondum descendit AT nondum descenderit stomachi U nondum sic descenderit B. 8 iuvamentum sompni: stomachi iuvamentum autem sompnus B. ‖ intellectus AT, mg. U, om. B. 10 immoderatus A immoderatur T moderatus BU, corr. U ad immoderatus. 11 infrigidat et fleuma scr.: infrigidat BU, mg. U add. et flegma, fleuma AT. ‖ corpore pingues BU, mg. U al. et precipue torporem inducit in pinguibus, et precipue torporem inducit in pinguibus A corpora pinguitia T. 12 vigile U. ‖ autem BUT, corr. T ex vero vero A. ‖ naturalem calorem AT. 14 fatigetur vigilare BU vigilare fatigetur (fatigatus T) AT. ‖ fortis ac levis dormire cogatur T fortiter nimis dormire cogatur A fortis ac levis BU, add. U mg. dormire cogatur. 15 capitulum … cibandi AT, mg. U de hora cenandi B. 16 inferiorem B. 17 aderit U. ‖ et appetitus … comedendi om. B. 18 nec (ne B) … fuerit BU om. AT. 19 quando fit per BAT quandoque fit propter U. ‖ distullerint T. 20 de2 om. AT. 21 per secessum (recessum B) fuerit BU fuerit per secessum A fuerit percessum T. 22 et2 om. BU. ‖ oppressionem B. 23 repleat BU, scr. U supra vel fatiget, fatiget AT. 24 sibi BUT ei A.

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esset, longum sompnum aut motum procuret temperatum, sumens aliquod quod cibum ad fundum faciat descendere stomachi, et in crastino de cibo diminuat assueto. Assuetis etiam utatur cibariis horis consuetis. Si tamen consuetudo solita non fuerit congrua, paulatine et non subito ad melius reducatur. Conveniens est comedere ter (B9v) in duobis diebus, semel tamen comedere nocet corporibus macilentis, bis vero grossis et pinguibus hominibus. Et laboriosis expetit uti cibo ampliori et aliis econverso. Cibetur etiam unusquisque cibariis sibi convenientibus, quoniam alicui sunt aliqua convenientia que forsan aliis essent contraria. Et ideo proprie nature convenientia sunt (U169ra) sumenda nisi ex toto fuerint perniciosa, quibus nullatenus est utendum. Quod si ipsis fuerit usus, purgetur cum medicina illius humoris purgativa qui ex usu malorum ciborum in corpore fuerat generatus. Et cum ea sumpsit, necesse est sumere aliquid quod bonam faciat digestionem. Sumere autem simul in eadem hora diversa cibaria pre ceteris digestionem impedit, quoniam grossa impediunt subtilia, et similiter inter ea longa facere intervalla. Sint etiam cibaria in hyeme actu calida et estate actu frigida, tamen nunquam nimis calida nec nimis frigida sunt sumenda. Tempora vero ad comedendum meliora sunt tempora frigida, quibus deficientibus loca frigida eligantur in quibus post cibi assumptionem spatium habeatur quiescendi. Fructus autem recentes pre aliis sumat cibariis, illos videlicet qui ex proprietate diu in stomacho morantur, habentes in se acredinem et stipticitatem sicut coctana et mala granata, de quibus tamen modicum sumatur. Et qui sanitatem propriam custodire desiderat, a fructibus summo opere caveat, de quibus si nimis contingeret sumere, evacuatione purgetur. Si tamen stomachus ex ira sive labore nimio supercalefactus fuerit, utile est fructus sumere recentes sicut racemos ficus et pruna et mora, prius aqua frigida infrigidatos, post quorum assumptionem non statim sed post 1 procuret BU procurent AT. ‖ temperatum AB temperamentum TU, corr. U ad temperatum. ‖ aliquid AT. 2 in om. BU. 4 solita om. AT. ‖ congrue B. ‖ et om. AT. 5 ter comedere AT. ‖ tamen B tantum U tamen in die AT. 6 etiam BU. 7 laborioris T, om. AT expetit. ‖ econverso cibetur AT econtra cibentur BU. 8 convenientibus sibi AT. ‖ quia AT. ‖ alicui sunt aliqua convenientia BU aliqui sunt contraria aliquibus AT. 9 essent contraria BU essent convenientia T erunt convenientia A. ‖ proprie BU propter AT. ‖ nature convenientia BU, mg. U al. et ideo propter nature convenientiam sunt sumenda, naturalem convenientiam A nature convenientiam T. 12 malorum om. B. ‖ cum AT, ins. U, qui B. ‖ ea om. AT. ‖ sumpsit BU sumpserit AT. 13 digestionem faciat A. 14 pre ceteris om. B. 15 impediunt subtilia BU, mg. U al. grossa impediuntur subtilibus, impediuntur subtilibus AT. ‖ facit B. ‖ sint etiam BU sunt iterum AT. 16 actu calida et estate actu BU acuta et calida in estate AT. ‖ nec: seu AT. 18 post frigida1 add. AT in. ‖ in AT mg. U, om. B. 19 habeatur U habeat B habeatur conveniens A conveniens habeatur T. 20 sumantur AT. ‖ illos BU illi AT. 21 et stipticitatem BU (et mg. U) om. AT. ‖ coctana BU, mg. U al. sicut cerasa, cerasa AT. ‖ malo B. 22 propriam AT om. BU. 24 sive BU vel AT. 25 pruna BUT pira A. 26 prius BU et morayg’ T om. A. ‖ infrigidata B.

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paululum cibaria hora sua comedat assueta. Ab indigestione caveat, quam si incurrit, diligenter evacuet, et ab ipsa stomachum et intestina mundificet cum parva tripoda vel yera pigra sive turbith et similibus. Et quoniam sunt aliqui quibus magis cibaria (B10r) conveniunt grossa (U169rb) quam subtilia, propter eorum in stomacho facilem corruptionem, idcirco secundum propriam complexionem ipsis cibus impertiatur. [25.] Capitulum 25. De regimine potus Quisque cavere debet ne aquam in ieiuno neque in comedendo bibat nisi quantum ad sitim sufficiat extinguendam, et tunc etiam non nisi quantum sibi esset necessarium sumatur; post comestionem vero cum cibus fere descenderit sui potus accipiat complementum. Caveat autem a potu aque quisquis debiles habet articulos et epar stomachumque frigidum ac debilem digestionem. Carnosus vero aut sanguineus ab hac non oportet cavere, licet nulli conveniat nisi pre nimia corporis adustione aquam bibere in ieiuno. Caveat et a nimio potu aque in exitu balnei et post coitum et post laborem nimium. Potest tamen tunc convenire colluendo os eam tenendo in ore frigidam et sepe hauriendo renovare et reicere, tamdiu faciendo donec illa supersitio sive sitis nimia fuerit mitigata. De nocte etiam non bibat nisi sitim perciperet falsam, sicut si fuisset ebrius. Si autem priusquam dormiret aquam sufficienter biberit et in nocte sitierit, a potu abstineat nec bibat, quoniam forsitan evanescet. Vinum vero in ieiuno aut cum cibariis acutis aut post balneum vel laborem nimium non bibat nisi comederet, nec tunc etiam nisi postquam medium sumpserit cibi sui, et tunc non nimis bibat nisi sibi medicinaliter expediret, et tunc vinum sibi eligat convenientius. Ebrietatem fugiat, quoniam pessimas generat egritudines. Prodest tamen semel in mense aut bis inebriari, dummodo

2 incurrit BU incurrerit AT. ‖ et1 ins. U, om. B. ‖ et2 om. B. 3 parva tripoda vel om. A. ‖ sive BU vel A seu T. ‖ post aliqui add. T de. 4 magis cibaria TBU, add. B magis, cibaria magis A. 6 cibus impertiatur BU quibuslibet tribuantur A quibuslibet percitiatur(?) T. 7 capitulum … potus AT, mg. U, de potu aque B. 8 ieiunio A. ‖ nec AT. 9 sufficiat ad sitim AT. ‖ etiam BU de ea AT. 10 quantum sibi esset necessarium BU ad necessitatem AT. ‖ descenderit ABU descendit T. 12 habet T ins. U, tr. B post digestionem, tr. A post articulos. ‖ add. T et. 13 vel A. ‖ sanguineus AT sanguinosus BU. ‖ ab hac BU ad hoc AT. ‖ debet B. 14 corporis BU, mg. U al. corporis adustione aquam bibere in ieiunio. Caveat a vino etc. et a nimio etc., in corpore AT. ‖ ieiunio A. ‖ et a nimio BU a vino et AT. 15 nimium laborem AT. 16 convenire colluendo os A vel colluere os T colericus BU, mg. U al. colluere os etc. ‖ in ore BU om. AT. 17 renovare (removere T) hauriendo AT. ‖ reicere B eicere et hoc AT. ‖ supersitio B supercalefactio U calefactio AT. ‖ seu AT. ‖ nimia om. B. ‖ sit AT. 18 falsam BU fore AT. 19 dormiat AT. ‖ biberet B. 20 a potu abstineat nec BU nihil AT. 22 comederit A. ‖ nisi postquam BU donec AT. 25 in mense aut bis BU aut bis in mense T vel bis in mense A. ‖ dummodo BU dum AT.

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non excedat modum qui tolerari (U169va) non possit; corrumpitur enim interdum ex hoc in stomacho cibus, et inde advenit febris.

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[26.] Capitulum 26. De mundificatione a superfluitatibus Necesse tamen nobis est corpus mundum a suis superfluitatibus tenere, quod fit provocando secessum et urinam et temperatis gignasiis exercitando. Hec enim a corpore omnem expellunt superfluitatem, ad quam expellendam si predicta purgatio per com(B10v)parationem ad cibum non sufficiat, pretermissis predictis, laxetur venter cum mediocriter solutivis, sicut sunt vinum subtile, oximel, cassia fistula, et semina frigida, semenque apii et feniculi et similia. Hiis autem non sufficientibus, si tempus temperatum fuerit, cum curationibus et balneis iuvabimus in hunc modum. Quoniam si cibariis usus erat colericis, sumat quod coleram sine nocumento evacuet, sicut mirabolani citrini, pruna, thamarindi, et succum mali granati cum pulpa sua conquassata. Quibus pre multitudine materie in corpore aggregate adhuc non sufficientibus, fortioribus necessarium est uti medicinis secundum quod in medicinarum ponuntur libris. Cum hoc ergo mirabilem curandi effectum in corpore producemus, ceteris sanitatem producentibus et conservantibus non neglectis. Quod si dieta qua fuerat usus fuerit colere nigre generativa, mundificabimus cum mirabolanis indis et epithimo. Si vero fleumatis, cum tripoda parva mixta cum yera pigra aut cum electuario facto de zinzibere et turbith et zuccara. Si autem stomachum videmus impeditum eiusque complexionem corruptam et naturali calore defectum, ex eo quod non appetit nisi acetosa, abhorrens dulcia et saporosa, provocetur vomitus postquam aliquantulum salis (U169vb)

2 interdum om. A. 3 capitulum … a superfluitatibus AT, mg. U om. B. 4 tamen nobis BU om. AT. ‖ mundum tr. B post tenere. ‖ suis BU om. AT. 5 provocando secessum AT purgando secessu BU, mg. U al. provocando cessessum etc. ‖ urina BU urinam AT. 6 expellandam T. 7 sufficit BU sufficiat AT. 8 cum mediocriter BU om. AT. 11 curabimus B. ‖ quoniam si BU qui A quoniam T. 12 colericis BTU colicis A. ‖ post sicut add. A sunt. 13 citrini BU om. AT. ‖ tamarindorum T. ‖ concassata B concassatam U conquassati AT. 14 pre multitudine BU secundum multitudinem AT. ‖ materia A. ‖ aggregate BTU aggregata fuerit multa A. ‖ adhuc BTU ad hiis A. 15 fortioribus BU predictis A om. T. ‖ in ins. U. 16 ponuntur BU ponitur AT. ‖ igitur B. ‖ mirabilem AT mirabiliter U mirabili B. ‖ effectum curandi AT. ‖ in corpore: promptiore B. 17 producemus AT procedemus BU, mg. U producemus. ‖ producentibus et AT ins. U, om. B. ‖ neglectis AT neglexeris U, scr. supra al. neglectis, negletis B. 18 fuerit colerice (colerice nature B) nigre generativa BU coleram nigram multiplicaverit in corpore A co. ni fuerat usus T. 19 flegmaticis T. ‖ cum tripoda parva mixta BTU dieta fuerit generativa fleumatis purgabimus corpus A. 21 videamus TU (corr. U ex videmus) videmus AB. ‖ corruptam BU impeditam AT. 22 naturali calore BU naturalem calorem AT. ‖ quod BU quia AT. ‖ abhorrens BU aut AT. 23 et BU aut AT. ‖ postquam BU priusquam AT. ‖ salis AT similis BU.

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sumpserit vel sinapium aut de bletis vel raphanum, et tunc bibat cum oximelle vel ydromelle. Si autem corpus viderimus plectoricum et ponderosum tactuque calidum, cum venarum plenitudine, aliquantulum flebotometur et de quantitate sibi solita diminuatur. Abstineatque ab usu carnium et vino insuper et rebus dulcibus, et utatur stipticis et acetosis in cibis suis donec timorosa cessaverint accidentia. Moderato etiam utatur coitu et hoc cum eum provocaverit appetitus, non violentando naturam. Urinam contra voluntatem non retineat, quoniam diuturna urine retentio colicam et urinandi postea difficultatem et plures alias generat egritudines in vesica. [27.] Capitulum 27. De regimine habitandi (B11r) Loca quibus habitaverit quis non debent esse usque ad sudorem calida neque frigida ad rigorem. Sicca vero et pulverosa rorentur aqua, frigida scoriis sive paleis aut aliis congruis straminibus consternantur, solarium etiam preeligatur; hec enim corporibus conveniunt temperatis et sanis. Corporibus vero macilentis loca conveniunt frigida et humida, pinguibus et fleumaticis calida. Loca siquidem fetida vaporosa seu opaca ab omnibus universaliter sint vitanda. [28.] Capitulum 28. De significationibus malorum accidentium Future egritudines antequam ad augmentum perveniant (si possibile fuerit) sunt vitande et ideo a principio previdende, quod excellentissimum est in regimine sanitatis et necessarium. Dicemus ergo dolorem capitis et timporum, cum frequenter acciderit, significare fluxum reumatis ad oculos et casum pilorum palpebrarum; tunc ergo necesse est ut egrum medicemus truncando seu

1 vel BU aut AT. ‖ bibat cum AT comedat de BU. 2 vel ydromelle om. BU. ‖ tactuque BU sive tactui AT. 4 sibi BUA cibi T. ‖ vino BU om. AT. ‖ et BU a AT. 5 tumorosa T. 6 moderate BU moderato AT. ‖ et hoc BU om. AT. ‖ post provocaverit add. A ei. 7 violentando BU molestando AT. ‖ post urinam add. AT etiam. 9 generat AT, om. BU et ins. ante et plures. 10 capitulum … habitandi AT, mg. U, de habitatione locorum B. 11 loca quibus BU locus in quo A. ‖ debent: om. BU, ins. U debent, debet AT. ‖ usque om. A / quibus … usque: om. T, mg. m.r. al. locus in quo habitaverit quis non debet esse ad sudorem calidus nec frigidus ad rigorem. 12 calida neque frigida BU calidus nec frigidius A ca. nec fri. T. ‖ rigorem: add. T mg. m.r. sibi esse debent. ‖ sicca vero (vero om. T) et pulverosa BTU loca vero sicca et pulverulosa A. ‖ rigentur BU, corr. U ad rorentur. ‖ scoriis AT aut scoria U .i. canua aut scoria B. 13 sive BU seu AT. ‖ solacium B. ‖ et B. 14 preeligatur AT potius eligatur BU. 15 conveniunt temperatis … corporibus vero AT, mg. U, om. B. 16 calida BU siquidem predictis contraria A om. T. ‖ sunt B. 18 capitulum … malorum accidentium AT, mg. U, de egritudinibus futuris B. 20 vitanda B. ‖ principio ATB primo U, mg. U al. a principio. 22 accidit BT. ‖ casum BU casus AT. ‖ post pilorum add. AT et. 23 palpebrum? A. ‖ egrum AU egra T egr B. ‖ seu BU vel AT.

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extrahendo venas pulsatiles (U170ra) timporum quibus fluxus ille transit, et hoc cum predictus dolor diu perseveraverit. Tortura faciei significat alienationem venturam, et ideo indiget forti purgatione et fricatione forti cum aceto vini fortis in quo bullierit peucedanus; et de cibo et potu diminuat et faciat gargarismum et sternutationem secundum quod ordinatum est in libro. Alitationes sive membrorum distentiones fortes et distortiones frequentes et cum augmento significant spasmum, et ideo indiget diuturna manus tractatione et multa fricatione ac diete subtiliatione necnon calidarum specierum, sicut dictum est in proprio capitulo assumptione. Stupor sive dormitatio membrorum significat paralisim, et ideo tunc necessaria est subtiliatio diete et usus specierum calidarum, sicut in suo capitulo dictum est. Rubor faciei et oculorum et apparitio venarum, lacrimatio oculorum et impotentia (B11v) intuendi claritatem, dolorque vehemens, significant frenesim futuram, et ideo indiget curatione diligenti cum minutione et purgatione et aceti cum oleo rosato mixti super caput in passione et totius corporis infrigidatione. Incubus sive compressio que accidit in sompno quando augetur et frequentatur significat epilentiam, et ideo indiget ut exercitetur et curetur medicamine competenti. Tristitia seu anxietas animi frequens et continua sine causa significat melancoliam, ad quam curandam propria indiget medicina. Corpuscula parva sicut musce (U170rb) vel pilus vel sicut nebula vel fumus coram oculis volitantia significant aquam ad oculos descendere, que alio nomine dicitur cataracta, que sua propria indiget curatione. Comedere simul diversa cibaria sicut pira et ova emorroidas et iliorum dolores et ventositatem generat. Vinum et lac simul sumpta coniuncta in stomacho podagram 1 pulsatiles AT pulsantes BU. ‖ timporum BU om. AT. 2 om. AT hoc. ‖ post dolor add. AT prius. ‖ perseveraverit AB permanserit T preservaverit U. 3 significat alienationem venturam BU minatur A significatur ablato cito ventum T. ‖ purgatione et fricatione BU fricatione et purgatione AT. ‖ forti BU cito AT. 4 cum … peucedanus BU om. AT, post peucedanus add. et del. U ablatio venarum timporum quibus fluxus ille transit et hoc cum predictus dolor diu perseveravit et, add. B .i. feniculum agreste ablatio venarum timporum quibus fluxus ille transit et hoc cum predictus dolor diu perseveraverit. 6 alitationes BU (corr. U ad alicitationes, mg. B alites) alices in al. alicitationes A alicitationes T. ‖ sive BU seu AT. ‖ distentiones fortes et (ins. U et) BU om. AT. ‖ frequentes BU frequenter AT. 7 et cum mg. T. ‖ significant AT significat BU. ‖ diuturna BU diurna AT. 8 tractatione BU tractione AT. ‖ ac BU om. AT. 9 proprio BU primo AT. ‖ sive BU seu AT. 10 necessaria est tunc AT. 11 calidarum specierum BU. ‖ suo AT ins. U, om. B. 12 et apparitio BU apparicio A aperitio T. 13 significant T significat ABU. 14 futuram BU venturam AT. ‖ et purgatione et A purgatione BUT. 15 passione B positione ATU. ‖ et BU ac AT. 16 accidunt T. 17 excitetur et curetur AT exercitetur BU, mg. U al. exercetur et curetur. 18 medicamine BU medicina AT. 20 corpulcula A. 21 sicut … coram BU om. AT. 22 nomine BTU modo A. ‖ indiget sua propria AT. ‖ post comedere add. AT etiam. 24 coniuncta BU iuncta AT.

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generant. Caseus et pisces simul sumpti cum in stomacho adunantur colicam generant passionem. Ova frequenter in cibum sumpta maculas generant et ventositatem, in quarum remotione stupor accidit. Balneari stomacho pleno generat colicam. Sero comedere pomum citrinum angustiam generat et laborem. Coire ante evacuationem urine arenulas generat. Coire etiam cum duabus mulieribus immediate generat lepram. Unctio cum oleo violato in introitu balnei preservat a scabie. In comestione, aquam non bibas nisi quasi in fine; ex hoc enim stomachus alleviatur et ad citius digerendum disponitur, potus enim aque nimius relaxationem seu mollificationem causat stomachi. Tria morcella mellis sive favi sumpta custodiunt a frenesi. In nocte et in introitu lecti, tres haustus aque calide sumpti a tussi et ventositate preservant. Cum pisces comederis, non dormias donec in (B12r) stomacho sint digesti, quoniam torturam faciunt accidere faciei. Quod si sompnum evitare non potes, parum mellis vel vini sume; si nocte cenaveris, parum comede, et mane te levem invenies. Et (U170va) si quolibet mane uvas passas comederis, bonum erit, proiectis inde arillis. Si etiam semel in septimana mirabolanos grossos cum zuccara alba concassatos sumpseris, a colericis et sanguineis egritudinibus preservaberis. Et dicunt experimentatores quod si ungues in die iovis prescindantur, a fissuris et aliis eorum egritudinibus preservantur. Et si semel in septimana unum haustum fortis aceti sumpseris, a dolore splenis preservaberis. In calciando sotulares, primo dextrum calcia, in discalciando vero sinistrum, quoniam valet contra dolorem splenis et apostema lateris. Si vis iterum ne dentes concaventur nec alterentur, munda eos cum ligno persice. Ad vitandum autem surditatem, mitte in aures semel in septimana aliquantulum de aceto in oleo de lilio tepido intincto. Si sanitatem corporis conservare volueris, 5 etiam om. A. 6 immediate mulieribus AT. ‖ post violato add. AT facta. 7 post aquam add. A quis. ‖ bibas B bibat ATU. 8 hoc mg. T. ‖ citius BU melius A cuius T. ‖ degerendum B. 9 potus enim BU et potus AT. ‖ stomachi causat AT. 10 molsella B. ‖ sive BU seu AT. ‖ sumpta om. AT. ‖ custodiunt BU preservant A comesta custodit T. ‖ post frenesi add. A si comedantur. ‖ et in BT et A etiam in U. 11 a tussi et ventositate BU tussim et ventositatem AT. 12 comedit, non dormiat nisi prius AT. 13 faciunt BU faceret AT. ‖ evitare AT fugere BU. 14 potes B potest U posset AT. ‖ mellis vel vini sume BU vini vel mellis AT. ‖ cenaveris BU cenaverit AT. ‖ parum BU sume vel A parum sume vel T. 15 te mane BU. ‖ comederis BU comederit AT. 16 axillis B. ‖ semel in septimana BU scavil’ in vii T om. A. ‖ grossos om. A. 17 sumpseris BU sumpserit AT. ‖ colericis et sanguineis BTU sanguineis et colericis A. 18 preservaberis BU preservabit AT. 19 eorum om. U. 20 aceti fortis A. ‖ sumpseris U sumpserit ABT. ‖ preservaberis BU preservabit AT. 21 post calciando add. AT etiam. ‖ sotulare T. ‖ calcia dextrum B. 22 dolores B dolorem U, mg. U al. ardorem ardorem AT. ‖ apostemata AT. ‖ vis iterum AT vis etiam B vis etiam iterum U. 23 neque U. ‖ persice BU persici A persisse T. 24 vitandum autem BU evitandum AT. ‖ mitte in: unge B. ‖ aliquantulum BU om. AT. ‖ aceto: lege cotone? 24 tepido ins. U, om. B. ‖ add. (ut titulus) B De cibo et potu. ‖ conservare BU observare AT. ‖ voluerit U.

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observa ut sit cibus tuus equalis, ne scilicet plus una vice quam alia sumas, ac cum appetitu comedere desinas. Et cum sitieris, bibe ad medium satietatis; hoc enim corpus conservat, stomachum confortat, et ad cibum digerendum adiuvat. Et cum existens in lecto vigilaveris, decumbe in dextro latere, et cum dormire volueris in sinistro, sompno utere duabus partibus noctis. Et cum mane surrexeris, frica dentes cum ligno aloes et sale nitro et rosis adustis pulverizatis; hoc enim dentes mundificat et dealbat gingivasque a fleumate liberat et fetorem oris removet. [29.] Capitulum 29. De regimine et modo balneandi (U170vb) Cum in balneo uti volueris calcinatione, cave ante a coitu per duas horas et balnea fricaque te ac demum uti calcinatione. Balneum autem non (B12v) sit nimis calidum, nec etiam intret nec exeat subito, sed tempora exeundi et introeundi temporibus sint equalia, nec subito transeat a calore ad frigus nec a frigore ad calorem. Et melius tempus ad balneandum est ver et autumpnus. Bonum est ut in calcinatione predicta ponas mirre, ligni aloes, coloquintide, ana ʒ .ii., et postquam cum hoc te ablueris, fricabis cum pepone et farina risi. Hoc enim cutem mundificat, subtilem et tenuem reddit, et calorem naturalem temperat totumque corpus decorat. Si vero caput lavare volueris, pone ibi de malvis et mirabolanis belliricis et de zuccara aliquantulum conquassata et distemperata cum modico olei de lilio actu frigido; hoc enim oculorum lippitudinem et capitis dolorem de causa calida removet et eum a pediculis liberat. Cum autem post predictam calcinationem et etiam linitionem capitis cum predictis alcanneque barbe appositionem balneari volueris, ipsa fiant in

1 cibus tuus sit B. ‖ equalis BU equaliter sumptus A equaliter T. ‖ scilicet BU om. AT. ‖ sumas BU sumatur A sumat T. ‖ ac BU aut AT. 2 desinas BU desinat AT. ‖ siscieris T. ‖ satietatis BTU saturitatis A. 4 vigilaveris BU vigilaverit AT. ‖ decumbe scr. decube U decumbere B decubat AT. 5 cum dormire volueris AT dormire BU, corr. U supra ad cum dormire volueris. 6 surrexeris BU surrexerit AT. 7 gingivasque BU et gingivas AT. 9 capitulum … balneandi AT, mg. U, de balneo B. 10 in balneo U balneo B om. T. ‖ post cave add. B .i. nimia caliditate. ‖ ante a U et etiam a B aut T. ‖ per duas: .i. et T. 11 cum in … calcinatione om. A / fricaque … utere (utere mg. U, om. B) calcinatione BU et fricare ac deinde calcinationem T. 12 intres nec exeas BU. ‖ et om. AT. 13 sunt A. ‖ nec BU non AT. ‖ transeas BU. 14 et: est B. ‖ et ins. U, om. B. 15 est ut B est U etiam est ut A etiam ut T. ‖ calcinatione predicta BTU calcinatio A. 16 ablueris BU linieris AT. ‖ popone T sapone ABU. 17 mundificat BU mundificant et AT. ‖ et BU ac A ad T. ‖ tenuem ABU teneram T. ‖ et2 om. B. 18 reddit … temperat … decorat BTU reddunt … temperant … decorant A. ‖ lavare caput B. 19 et BT et de A om. U. ‖ aliquantulum BU modicum AT. 20 actu AT mg. U, om. B. ‖ facto B. 21 limpitudinem T. 22 autem BTU vero A. ‖ predictas calcinationes U predictas calcinationem B predictam calcinationem A. ‖ etiam om. AT. 23 capitis cum predictis T capitis A om. BU, mg. U capitis cum predictis. ‖ alcanneque: alcane .i. radicis garencie que B. ‖ fiant tr. AT post noctis.

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principio noctis ac demum balneum subintrabis. Hoc enim capillos inspissat et multiplicare facit. In exitu vero balnei, in domo balneo propinqua effunde super caput et corpus tuum aquas tepidas, ac deinde vestibus mundis et odoriferis indutus in lecto per horam quiesce unam, apposito capiti sacculo de floribus camomille; (U171ra) caput ab aere frigido summo opere custodiatur, per diem et noctem cavendo a coitu. Ista predicta enim, predicto ordine observata, tedium et lassitudinem removent corporis et ad alia cum dei adiutorio multa prosunt. [30.] Capitulum 30. De purgatione facienda Quando purgativum sumere debueris, prius mundifica corpus per .v. dies, et unge eum cum aqua rosata et farina et utere balneo et linitionibus et calcinationibus predictis antequam incipias evacuari, hec enim tenerum reddunt corpus, confortando eum, et colorem clarificant faciei et visum acuunt medullasque augmen(B13r)tant. Diligenter iterum observandum est ut post purgationem cibi et potus convenientes assumantur, quoniam si aquam biberes frigidam, dolorem in intestinis et ventositatem in stomacho generaret. Si vinum potares calidum, stomachum lederet et virtutem destrueret purgativi, quare necesse est ut in cibo potuque nature necessaria et convenientia assumantur. Cavendum etiam est a labore et rerum acutarum sive pigmentalium odore, quoniam corpus debilitant et desiccant. [31.] Capitulum 31. De modo coeundi Diligenter observandum est ne quis coeat nisi stomacho a cibo et potu exonerato, quoniam si hiis gravatus et vene fuerint plene et coitu quis utatur, 1 principio noctis ABT primo veris U. ‖ deinde AT. ‖ subintrabis B, U? subintrabit A, T? 2 facit BU intendit AT. ‖ balneo BU balnei A baln’e T. ‖ propinqua BU incipiat A appropinquat T. ‖ effunde BTU effundere A. 3 om. A. ‖ cor T. ‖ tuum U timet B totum AT. 4 inductus B. ‖ quiesce BU quiescere AT. ‖ unam A,T? ins. U, om. B. ‖ tr. AT post camomille. 5 caput BU quod inquam AT. ‖ facto B. 6 cavendo a coitu tr. BU post observato, etiam scr. hic mg. U cavendo a coitu. ‖ ista A ita T in BU. ‖ predicta enim BTU enim predicta A. 7 observato BU. ‖ removent A removeat T removet BU. 8 ad alia cum dei adiutorio multa (multum T) BTU ad alia multa cum dei auxilio A. 9 capitulum … facienda AT, mg. U, de purgatione sumenda B. 10 .v. AT .xv. BU, corr. U ad .v. 11 et BU cum AT. 12 et calcinationibus mg. U om. B. ‖ incipias ABU, scr. U supra al. accipias, accipias T. ‖ hec enim BU quoniam hec AT. 13 reddunt AT reddit BU. ‖ eum om. A. ‖ post et1 add. BU hec. ‖ calorem BU, corr. U ad colorem? ‖ clarificant om. AT. 14 medullasque A medullas BU. 15 assumantur BU sumantur AT. ‖ si mg. T. 16 biberes BU biberint A biberit T. ‖ in1 om. U. 17 generaret U, corr. U ex generares generares B generat AT. ‖ potares BU potaret AT. ‖ calidum ins. U, om. B. ‖ lederet et T redderet et A lederes BU. ‖ destrueres BU. 18 purgativi BU, mg. U al. purgati, purgati AT. ‖ post nature add. AT vicina. ‖ et BU habeat ac AT. 19 assumentur B. ‖ est etiam AT. ‖ sive BU seu AT. 21 capitulm … coeundi AT, mg. U, quomodo abstinendum est a coitu B. 22 ex T.23 plene fuerint AT.

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generatur inde tortura faciei et podagra et distillatio urine, quod est quoniam cum delectatio in ipso actu vigoratur et stomachus nutrimentum ceteris membris delegare nititur. Si autem stomacho a cibo et potu alleviato coitu uti volueris, a predictis assecuraberis nocumentis. Principalis autem intentio in appetitu et delectatione in ipso coitu sit prolem generare. Nec properes coire (U171rb) cum ipsa muliere donec cum ea deluseris aliquantulum pecten et mamillas et peritoneon, ipsum tuis manibus attractando ut utriusque consensus et delectatio in unum conveniant. Post effusionem vero seminis non subito desuper eam descendas, sed suaviter una cum ipsa versus partem dextram declina. In quibusdam enim inveni libris quod sic habent masculi generari, quod solus novit deus. Si vero post coitum sitias, bibe aquam pluvialem cum melle; hoc enim semen corroborat et confirmat in virtute. Ad coitum siquidem iterato redire noli nisi prius uterque ablutione fueritis mundati, quoniam graves inde solent generari dolores. Abhominare etiam ne ipsa mulier super te ascendens subagitet et sic suis humiditatibus te commaculet, quoniam hoc tibi tedium posset parere et emissionem proprii spermatis impedire rupturamque causare. Post coitum insuper a motu cave, immo nec (B13v) statim post extractionem leves donec post moram, quoniam tunc cum aqua frigida perlavabis. [32.] Capitulum 32. De minutione facienda Minutionem quisque debet facere secundum virtutem propriam (et potissime sanguineus complexione) et in etate congrua. Corpora vero alterius complexionis a sanguinea a minutione et ventosatione caveant, nisi forte in vere vel alia

1 generatur BU generantur AT. ‖ post et2 add. T etiam. 2 urine quod est quoniam cum delectatione AT mg. U, om. B. ‖ actu ins. U om. B. 3 nititur BU mg. U al. prohibeatur, prohibeatur A vitatur al. prohibeatur T. ‖ alleviato AT alienato BU. 4 assecuraberis U assecurabis B curaberis AT. ipso BU om. AT. 6 cum ipsa muliere BTU om. A. ‖ deluseris aliquantulum BU aliquamdiu eluseris AT. 7 post et2 add. T etiam. ‖ pecten … peritoneon (peritoneum T) AT pectus et (om. B) peritoneon BU, mg. U al. pecten et mamillas. ‖ attractando BU attrahendo AT. 8 consensus: corr. U ex sensus, sensus B. ‖ conveniat A. ‖ vero BU om. AT. 10 declina dexteram B. ‖ libris inveni AT. ‖ habent masculi U habeant masculi B masculi habent A. 11 solum AT. ‖ sitias BU cogeris bibere AT. 13 noli redire AT. ‖ prius uterque ablutione fueritis BU, mg. U al. nisi utriusque ablutione spermatis sint mundata, utriusque ablutione spermatis sint AT. 15 post ascendens add. A te. ‖ corr. U ex commacularet. 16 tedium tibi U (tibi ins.) ‖ parere A, T? parare BU, corr. U ad parere. 17 om. A post coitum. ‖ cave ins. U, om. B. 18 extractionem AT /ex/stractionem U stractionem B. ‖ leves om. AT. ‖ post BTU per A. ‖ quoniam U quod A quam BT. 19 corr. T ex perlavebis. 20 capitulum … de minutione facienda AT, mg. U, de minutione B. 21 quoque B. ‖ potissime BTU proprie A. 22 in om. B. ‖ corpora vero alterius complexionis BTU in complexione vero altera A. 23 a sanguinea: consanguineo T. ‖ a minutione TU minuere A minutione B. ‖ ventosatione caveant BTU ventosare caveas A. ‖ vel om. B, ins. U.

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aliqua necessitate. Ventose autem in coxis vel in spatulis vel in collo nullo modo apponantur, quoniam vim auferunt generandi semen debilitando. Ante minutionem vero per unam diem a coitu abstineatur. (U171va) Et postea nullo modo res salsas comedat nec etiam post ventosationem, quoniam ex hoc generatur scabies et gratigo. [33.] Capitulum 33. De regimine potandi Nocte precedenti, vinum quod potare debueris cum aqua frigida in qua aliquantulum camphore dissolutum fuerit temperabis; ex hoc enim vini acuitas reprimitur et extinguitur, nec propter hoc desistendum est quin iterum temperetur in cipho, quod cum potaveris, haustum unum de aqua frigida bibes. Quantitas autem eius iiiior lib. pondus non excedat; quantitas enim hec utilis et bona corpori existens, sompnum procurat, cibum digerit, aliisque supervenientibus subvenit accidentibus. [34.] Capitulum 34. De regimine comedendi Cibaria sumenda sunt in hyeme mediocriter calida, quoniam fleuma incidunt et dividunt, estate autem frigida quoniam coleram refrenant. Repletio autem nimia diligenter cavenda est, quoniam stomachus est in corpore sicut super ignem olla. Si igitur stomachum impleveris ultra temperamentum, cessabit distribuere membris nutrimentum et calor cibum decoquens extinguetur, ex quo mala nascitur digestio et humida stomachum lubricans; et ideo cibum ad acredinem alteratum membra non possunt recipere et cor debilem influit calorem et tandem virtus appetitiva prostratur, et inde totum corpus egrum (B14r) efficitur. Abstinentia enim nimia stomachum ledit, in quo cibo non invento quo natura sustentari possit coleram generat que febrem causat. Tempore etiam constituto sumendus est cibus, nec variari debet sive mutari 1 alia aliqua necessitate scr. alia aliqua ventositate BU, mg. U al. necessitate, magna necessitate A alia aliis necessitate T. ‖ in2 om. AT. 2 vim om. AT. 3 vero om. AT. ‖ unum AT. ‖ abstineat B. ‖ post eum B. 4 comedat BU comedas AT. 5 et gratigo TU et gravedo B etc. A. 6 capitulum … potandi AT, mg. U de vini temperamen. B. 7 post potare add. B volueris vel. ‖ aqua frigida BU frigida aqua AT. ‖ in qua om. T. 8 cum fere B. 9 extingitur BU etiam restringitur AT. ‖ propter hoc BU propterea AT. 10 in cipho AU mofo B uno cipho T. ‖ haustum unum de: cum BU, mg. U ante cum al. haustum unum de aqua etc. 11 autem eius BU huius A autem huius T. ‖ iiiior lib. TU 4or lib. A in quatuor libris B. ‖ excedat BA excedant T exedat U. ‖ enim BU autem AT. ‖ post utilis ins. U est. 12 digeris A. subvenit accidentibus U subvenit B accidentibus subvenit AT. 14 capitulum … comedendi AT, mg. U, de vari[etate?] ciborum B. 15 in: vel B. 16 vero AT. 17 vero AT. ‖ diligenter AT om. B, ins. U. ‖ est2 om. BU. 18 super mg. T. ‖ cessabit BU cessabis AT. 20 humida stomachum (stomachi B) lubricans BU, mg. U al. humectat stomachum lubricitate, humectat stomachum lubricitate AT. 22 appetitiva (appetiva U) prosternitur BU. ‖ ideo AT. 23 efficit B. ‖ non om. T. 24 post febrem add. AT facit vel. 25 constituto BTU estivo A. ‖ sive mutari BTU om. A.

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de una hora in aliam comedendi tempus. (U171vb) Cena insuper nocturna vitanda est, ut oculos ab obscuritate conserves. Cibus etiam bene masticandus est et molendus, ut facilius digeratur, parvos faciendo morcellos, magnum enim per os deduci nec per consequens masticari nec decoqui possunt. In cibo vero vel potu modum non excedat, salutem corporum cupiens conservare. Quod si cibus sumptus sua qualitate vel quantitate ledat, illico vomitu reiciatur nec in stomacho remanere permittatur. Vomitus tamen non multotiens provocandus est, quoniam per hunc sortiretur egritudinem que canina communiter appellatur. In comedendo non te stringas cingulo vel bracali; tali discumbes loco ut sis altior quam sit mensa. Iam completus est intellectus istorum capitulorum premissorum. Observa ergo eorum precepta, quoniam ipsa tibi sufficient ut nec medico indigebis. Et committe tecum deo glorioso et sublimi et ipse adimplebit vota tua. Amen.

1 tempus A terminus BU. ‖ super B. 2 conservet U. 3 magni A. 5 modum om. B, ins. U. ‖ excedas B. ‖ corporis AT. 6 quantitate vel qualitate AT. 7 vomitus om. AT. 8 hoc AT. ‖ carina T, add. BTU communiter. ‖ communiter om. A. 9 te non B. ‖ nec U. ‖ tali discumbes BU calidis et sedas in A calidis et sedeas in T. 10 ut sis BU qui sit AT. 11 expletus B. ‖ intellectus BU, mg. U vel sermo, sermo AT. 12 eorum om. B. 13 et om. BU. ‖ Amen om. U / add. BU Completus est tractatus de regimine sanitatis alohali evenzoay (allhohai ebenzoar U) ad honorem dei et beate virginis matris eius de interpretatione profachi de arabico in latinum. Anno domini (verbi dei U) xcoixo explicit tractatus de regimine sanitatis B (mo. cco. xxixo. U) add. T Completus est tractatus de regimine sanitatis abylay hylohaly abenzoar ad honorem dei matris eius beate virginis ad instantiam magistri petri de capite stagno in monte pessulano translatus a bernardo honofredi cyrurgico ex intervention Profacii iudei de arabico in latinum Anno domini Mo CCo nonagesimo nono.

Chapter 3

The Hebrew Text 1

Editorial Introduction

Our initial studies of the Hebrew text were based on the copy in MS Bologna, Biblioteca Universitaria 3574b, fols. 139a–147b (our B), written in a fifteenthcentury Sephardi hand, a copy that Moritz Steinschneider identified long ago.1 Its 34 chapter divisions follow the same order as those in the Latin text. This codex is a medical miscellany that contains two more regimina besides the one attributed to Ibn Zuhr: (1) Maimonides’s Hanhagat ha-Beri’ut (Regimen of Health), Hebrew translation by Moses Ibn Tibbon, fols. 94a–104a;2 and (2) Judah Ben Jacob, Hanhagat ha-Beri’ut (Regimen of Health), fols. 128a–138b.3 In addition the manuscript contains four more Hebrew translations of medical works by Moses Maimonides, namely (1) Pirkei Moshe (Medical Aphorisms), fols. 1b–85a;4 (2) Ma’amar ha-Nikhbad (On Poisons), fols. 85b–93b;5 (3) Ma’amar ba-Ṭeḥorim (On Hemorrhoids), fols. 104a–105b;6 and Sefer ha-Mis‘adim (On Asthma), fols. 106b–127b.7 Subsequently we discovered that a second copy of the Hebrew is found in MS Jerusalem, National Library of Israel Heb. 8o85, fols. 122a–133b (our J), 1  One of the former owners of the manuscript, a physician named Levi Nomico, son of Elijah Nomico and living in Crete, has written down an inventory of his library on fol. 1a; cf. L. Modona, Catalogo dei codici ebraici della Biblioteca della R. Università de Bologna; in Cataloghi dei codici Orientali de alcunde Biblioteche d’Italia (Florence, 1878), 721–72, no. 20; idem, “Deux inventaires d’anciens livres hébreux conservés dans un manuscrit de la bibliothèque de l’université de Bologne,” Revue des Études Juives 20 (1890): 117–35. 2  Maimonides, On the Regimen of Health, ed. Gerrit Bos with Michael R. McVaugh (Leiden: Brill, forthcoming). 3  Recha Allgaier-Honal, “Jehuda ben Jakob, Hanhagat ha-Beri’ut (Traktat zur Gesundheitslehre). Kritische Edition, Übersetzung und Kommentar” (Inaug. Diss., Hamburg, 2013). 4  According to the colophon on fol. 85a this treatise was copied in the year 1306; the other texts in this manuscript are much later. See Maimonides, Medical Aphorisms. Medieval Hebrew translations by Nathan ha-Me’ati and Zeraḥyah Ḥen, ed. Gerrit Bos (forthcoming). 5  The Hebrew version is that of Moses ibn Tibbon; see Maimonides, On Poisons and the Protection against Lethal Drugs, ed. Gerrit Bos with Michael R. McVaugh (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 2009), xxv. 6  The text was not used in the preparation of Maimonides, On Hemorrhoids, ed. Gerrit Bos with Michael R. McVaugh (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 2012). 7  The Hebrew version is that of Samuel Benveniste: see Maimonides, On Asthma, ed. Gerrit Bos with Michael R. McVaugh, vol. 2 (Provo: Brigham Young University Press), 2008, lv.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2019 | doi:10.1163/9789004406452_004

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written in a fourteenth-century Sephardi hand (perhaps Provence). The codex is a medical miscellany of 163 folios that was copied by different hands in the 14th–15th centuries. In addition to the regimen attributed to Ibn Zuhr it contains another regimen entitled Hanhagah Kolelet la-Matḥilim baRefu’ah (General Regimen for Beginners in the Medical Art), fols. 134a–142a. Among its further contents are Moses Maimonides, Perush Aphorismi (Commentary on Hippocrates’s Aphorisms), and John of Tornamira, Ma’amar ‘al ha-Sheten (On Urine). In this Jerusalem manuscript the chapters of our text have been rearranged so that most of the material of section II of the work (chapters 21–33 in our edition) has been moved up to come between chapters 8 and 9 of section I, in such a way that the final lines of our chapter 21 merge more or less seamlessly into the end of chapter 8, with no indication of a break; then our chapter  22 follows—in J, however, now numbered 9—with chapters 23–33 proceeding normally (but numbered of course 10–20). After this comes a chapter break (but no chapter number) and the first few words of chapter 8, followed by our chapter 34, with title but no chapter number. We think it likely that this rearrangement originated when a scribe copying a precursor of J accidentally shuffled the loose leaves (or fascicles) of his copy text and did not notice the textual rearrangement that had been created; though he continued to note the original chapter numbers, he also re-numbered the chapters in consecutive order as he went along, and both sets of numbers were occasionally preserved by the scribes of later copies. Recognizing that their version was derived from a more primitive text, these later scribes came to suppose that theirs must have been an abbreviation or summary (qiṣṣur) of a larger original, so that (for example) chapter 9 in J is also called “chapter 22 in the great treatise [ha-ḥibbur ha-gadol].” In fact, however, allowing for the rearrangement, the text in J is essentially that of B, though when over time the discontinuities in chapters 8 and 33 were recognized by scribes of the J-version, they made slight changes in the text at those spots in order to minimize the apparent inconsistencies. The following table gives the correspondence between the chapters as numbered in our text (and B) and their location (and number there) in J: Chapter in B

Subject

Chapter in J

Folio in J

1 2 3 4

hair brain eyes hearing

1 2 3 4

122r 122r 122v 123r

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The Hebrew Text (cont.)

Chapter in B

Subject

Chapter in J

Folio in J

5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34

nose mouth tongue windpipe chest stomach liver spleen heart gall bladder intestines kidneys bladder testicles anus body non-naturals exercise sleep food drinking cleansing excess houses prognosis baths purgation coitus blood-letting drinking eating

5 6 7 8 21 22 23 (11) 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 [unnumbered] 9 (22) 10 (23) 11 12 13 (26) 14 15 16 17 18 19 (32) 20 (33) [unnumbered]

123r 123v 123v 124r 129r 129r 129v 130r 130v 131r 131r 131v 131v 132r 132r 132v 133r, 124r 124v 124v 124v 125v 126r 126v 127v 127v 128r 128r 128v 128v 133r

In our edition, therefore, we have chosen in the main to follow the text of B, as having undergone less editorial intervention than J. Another very different and particularly obvious instance of such intervention is the insertion into J’s text of two significant blocks of material that are

140

Chapter 3

not found in either B or the Latin; they are of enough intrinsic interest to be recorded here. One comes at the end of J’s chapter 12, on fol. 126r—chapter 25 in our edition—and reads: ‫ויהיה נטית כל אדם אליו בשעור סבלו לחמם האצטו׳ הנשים המעוברות בענין שלא‬ ‫יזיק לעובר ומה הם הדברים גם כן שמביאים העובר שבמעיה ומחזקים אותו בהבטחה‬ ‫הזכיר הרופא האלכרוניאה בסגלה נפלאה ואם ירצה לערב עמה שום דבר מהרכבה‬ ‫מהדברים הטובים כדי שלא יוכר הנה מה טוב‬ ‫וענין האשה המעוברת שנפחו שוקיה על הרוב הוא בחדש השמיני והוא שאותו‬ ‫הפרק כבר נתגדל העובר ומואס להיותו מתפרנס מדם הוסת כאשר בתחלה ויורד‬ ‫הדם על שוקיה ועושין לה משיחות‬

And the inclination of every man to its on how much he is able to tolerate the heating of the stomach, a pregnant woman, so that it will not harm the fetus. And the things that heal the fetus in [the uterus] and strengthen him securely were mentioned by the [Alexandrian] doctor together with an extraordinary medication [segullah]. And if he will mix and combine this with any of the good things so that it is not recognized, much better so. And the matter of the pregnant woman whose calves are swollen, generally it is in the eighth month, and this is because at this stage the fetus is already large and detests being sustained by the menstrual blood, as it was at the beginning, so that the blood passes down to her calves; and she is treated by applying salves. The other is inserted on fol. 128v just before J’s chapter 10 (our chapter 23), and reads: ‫שער תאר אשרופש בטוחים לשלשל לבנה ואחרים לשלשל אדומה ואחרים לשלשל‬ ‫שחורה ומן הרביעית גם כן מן הדם אין צריך לכתוב תאר הרכבתן וצריך לידע‬ ‫נסחאות עשויות לכל אחד מאלו עם שיעורן ואם יהיה במקום שלא נמצאו החנוונים‬ ‫או הדברים הצריכים מה יבא במקומן מן הדברים הנמצאים בכל מקום‬

A chapter describing some syrups reliable for purging phlegm, and others for purging red bile, and yet others for black bile, and for [purging] the fourth [humor] also, namely, the blood. It is unnecessary to describe their composition, [but] it is necessary to know the formulas for each one of them, with their amounts. And if it will happen in a place where there are no shopkeepers or the necessary ingredients, [the chapters

The Hebrew Text

141

describe] what can substitute for them from things that can be found everywhere. We interpret these insertions as interpolations volunteered by later scribes or editors who meant them as additions to Avenzoar’s recommendations at those points in his work. As can be seen, they are certainly of interest for the history of fourteenth-century Hebrew medical thought or practice, but they have no contribution to make to ben Machir’s translation. There are two principal exceptions to our dependence on B. First, because we view the Latin as an independent witness to the underlying Arabic, in cases where J obviously corresponds more closely to the Latin we accept the reading of J and report our action in the critical apparatus: when we substitute J’s reading for B’s in this way, we indicate this in the apparatus in the form “J ‫האכרים‬ [= peasants] B ‫ =[ האברים‬members],” as in chapter 3, where the corresponding Latin term is rusticis. The divergence evidently arose from scribal confusion over two very similar Hebrew letters, bet and kaf. A similar confusion led B to write in chapter 25 that one could enjoy as much wine as the brain (‫)שכל‬ could tolerate, while J recommended as much as one’s capacity (‫ )סבל‬would allow; the Latin agrees with J that non sit nimia ebrietas quam sustinere non possit. Second, there are many short passages in J that appear to be corruptions of Arabic words, passages that are often not found in B; a number of these are discussed in our introduction. We believe that these passages go back to ben Machir’s original Hebrew translation and record words that he found in his original, was unable to find a Hebrew equivalent for, but chose to record in transliteration. They are preserved in J but were frequently dropped at some point by the scribes of the B-tradition, probably because they found the transliterations meaningless, and ben Machir’s failure to understand these terms means that they are naturally missing from the Latin as well. These passages too we have included in our Hebrew text. When we insert a passage in J that is entirely missing in B, we indicate this in the apparatus as “J ‫ טולה עיך‬om. B” (as in chapter 33). One interesting retention of Arabic occurs in chapter 28, where B recommends, for numbness of the limbs, “the medicines mentioned in the chapter ‫ف‬ on paralysis,” ‫—פאלג‬a transliteration of Arabic ‫“ ��ا ج �ل‬hemiplegia,” a word that � ben Machir evidently had never encountered (the word does not appear anywhere else in our text): indeed, the entire phrase had been omitted in the first Latin draft, and in the revision the team simply wrote “sicut in suo capitulo dictum est.” The word is important because it may someday help identify the actual Arabic text being translated. We have argued above that section II

142

Chapter 3

of the work (chapters 21–34) is a separate Arabic text from that translated � in chapters 1–20; the reference back to a chapter on ‫ ��ف�ا ج �ل‬now indicates that � that text was an extract from a larger treatise, and actually gives us a hint of that work’s structure and contents that may someday help us identify it.8 We should point out that B’s Hebrew is quite distinctive, as will be seen in the text edited here. Compared to J, it appears to be consistently shortened or compressed, not by cutting out phrases or parts of sentences, but by consistently using a variety of techniques of abbreviation or elision that were available to Jewish scribes. The article -‫ה‬, “ha” or “he,” systematically used all through J to create a definite noun, is very often omitted in B in the same situations— half of the definite articles in chapter 32 of J, for example, are missing in B. The omissions read curiously, but they do not compromise the meaning of the sentence. Again, B consistently converts the words ‫“( מן‬from”) and ‫כאשר‬ (“when”) into the abbreviations -‫ מ‬and -‫ כ‬or -‫ כש‬that it prefixes to the following word, while J usually gives the words in full. Another tolerated medieval scribal practice was to shorten the ends of words with a mark to indicate an abbreviation that the reader was to infer, and B’s scribe has almost always done this in writing the word ‫אצטומכה‬, “stomach”—a word derived from classical Greek (our text never uses the Biblical and Talmudic term ‫—)קיבה‬which he abbreviates as ‫אצטומ׳‬. J also uses much more often what in today’s Hebrew would be called “plain spelling,” and this too entails a longer text. Hebrew had characters only for long vowels, and short vowels were indicated by points placed (mostly) below the letters, but by ben Machir’s time the use of pointing in texts was reserved principally for the benefit of beginners; ordinarily readers were expected to infer the word and its pronunciation from context, which was not always easy. It is tempting to wonder whether these evidences of systematic compression in B might not be due to scribal parsimony, saving on paper and ink, but instead might actually be a record of ben Machir’s original draft translation. After all, if ben Machir was making a rough translation of the Arabic for his own purposes, which is entirely possible, he need not have been careful of the literary quality of his draft. Translating quickly for himself, he would not have needed always to be explicit, he could have used abbreviations and skipped definite articles, and later scribes could have tried to polish his telegraphic Hebrew. Other features of B also fit this hypothesis. J tends over and over to 8  The statement in J, discussed above, that its text was derived from a “big book,” might well be a scribe’s inference from this and other similar allusions in section II of our Regimen. Thus immediately before referring the reader to “the chapter on paralysis,” the text recommends, in cases of violent bodily spasm, that the patient “should take the hot drugs that we mentioned on the healing of sicknesses, in them especially.”

143

The Hebrew Text

use the word ‫“( הנה‬thus”) to connect two thoughts and carry an argument forward, whereas it occurs much more sparingly in B; it is of course a word that would be a natural part of an editor’s attempt to develop and clarify a draft text. B is notably careless about Hebrew grammar—using the future tense where the present is proper, for example, or failing to maintain agreement in number or gender between nouns and adjectives—where J is not; once more, J’s practices could easily be understood as an editor’s attempt to correct and refine a hasty draft. These differences (“improvements”) in J, too, are not recorded in our apparatus. Even if the Hebrew text of J is grammatically and syntactically superior to that of B, we have seen no reason to correct our text for grammar and style. Hence in general we have left the text of B as it is without noting J’s variants, with the exceptions mentioned above, although we have sometimes reported readings in J that do not contribute to the text but which seem to us to be of some interest, including its variant spellings of many (Romance) names of medicines, for these variant spellings may indicate different Romance dialects. We have ordinarily maintained the idiosyncratic spelling of B throughout, occasionally inserting missing letters in square brackets, and in the rare occasions where we emend the spelling or correct a mistake in B( J), we will indicate this in the apparatus in the form “‫ והנרגס‬emendation editors: B ‫ והגדגס‬J ‫( ”והכדגס‬as in chapter 2). From time to time we have reported the corresponding word in the Latin text, or an Arabic parallel, to help the reader understand our editorial decisions. 2

The Text of the Hebrew Translation ‫[ הנהגת הבריאות לאבו עלי בן זוהר‬139A]

‫ אמר שישמר הראש ברחוץ אותו במרחץ בדבש שזה‬.‫[ השער הראשון בשמירת הראש‬1] ‫ וישפוך‬.‫ בזמן הסתו‬9‫ינקה העור וימנע מחדושי הגרב והאכול והנגע׳ ; או בבורית ובפרט‬ ‫ ויועיל כמו שאמ׳ רופא המלך‬10.‫עליו מן המים החמים קודם שישיגהו דבר מאויר המרחץ‬ ‫ כאשר תכנס במרחץ תשפוך על ראשך ז׳ מזרקי מים חמים ובזה לא תפחד מכאב‬:‫למלך‬ ‫ ואם היה‬.‫ שזה יפתח הנקבים ויעלו העשנים‬,‫ ויסלסל שערו בכל יום על הצום‬.‫הראש‬ ‫ או יערב‬,‫השער חלוש בצמיחתו ירחץ אותו במי אפר הזתים שהוא ירבה השער ויצמיחהו‬

9  J ‫ ובפרט‬B ‫ופרט‬. 10   B ‫ המרחץ‬om. J.

‫‪Chapter 3‬‬

‫‪144‬‬

‫אפר הזיתים בשמן ויחוף בו שרש השער שהוא‪ 11‬יחזק אותו וייפהו‪ .‬ושמן ההדס ושמן‪12‬‬ ‫הלאדן‪ 13‬מחזקים אותו‪ .‬ואמרו חכמים כאשר יחפפו שער הראש בשמן ישן תמיד יחזקהו‬ ‫וישמרהו וימנע ממהירות השיבה מלבא עליו‪ .‬ואולם שער העפעפים ישמר‪ 14‬בשמן סוסן‬ ‫כאשר יומשח בו תמיד‪ .‬ושער העפעפים ישמר כאשר יכחלו אותו באבק בכתישת אבן‬

‫הלאזורד‪ 15.‬ואולם שער הזקן ישמר ברחיצתו בגליטה‪ 16‬המעורבת ביין או במי שרשי‪17‬‬ ‫השלקית‪ 18‬אמרו חכמים‪ :‬פעולות הדברים לראש ירכך הטבע לפי שהם חותכים העשנים‬ ‫העולים מן האצטומ׳ אל הראש‪ ,‬אבל >לא< עם עזיבת השבע מן המאכל‪ .‬אמר ארסטו׳‪:‬‬ ‫רחיצת הזקן במים קרים תמיד ימנע ממהירות הלובן ומנפילתו‪ .‬והסכימו‪ ]139B[ 19‬חכמים‬

‫הראשונים שמי שיקח מיראבולנש לאכל בכל יום על הצום יעמיד השער על שחרותו כל‬ ‫ימיו ולא יתלבן‪ .20‬וזה דבר מנוסה‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]2‬השער השני בשמירת השכל והמוח‪ .‬ישמר בריאות המוח במוגמרים והרחת הבשמים‬ ‫כמו עשן הלנגלובן‪ 21‬והענבר והרחת הזרעים כמו המג׳וראנה ובלשמיט‪ 22‬אלחבקין‬ ‫והתרנגאן‪ 23‬והרחת הפרחים כאלגסמין והסוסן והנרגס‪ 24,‬שהם יחזקוהו וינקוהו מחדושי‬ ‫הרבמס וכאב חצי הראש המביא אל ירידת המים בעין‪ ,‬ובפרט בימי הסתו והחורף ואולם‪25‬‬ ‫בקיץ בעשן הסנדיל והורד ומי הורד וההדס כאשר יריחו בו‪ 26.‬עוד במזונות הערבים כמו‬ ‫התרנגולים הקטנים וצעירי הצאן הזכרים מהם מבושלים במעט מים‪ ,‬שהם ישמרו בריאותו‬ ‫ויגדלו כוחו ויוסיפו בעצמותו‪ ,‬כמו שאמר אריסטו‪ :‬אכילת התרנגולים יוסיפו במוח ויחזקהו‬ ‫ויחזק השכל‪ .‬ואכילת התרנגול יחזק המח ויחדד הראות והשכל וכל שכן מוחי הזקנים‪.‬‬ ‫וישמר גם כן בכפיית הראש והנחירים על עשן בשול קממילא ומנטשטרי‪ 27‬ואלחשא‪.‬‬ ‫והעטוש על הצום במה שיאות לזמן‪ :‬אם היה סתו במי שרש הסלק ומי פגי הסנה ובהרחת‬ ‫הכנדס‪ 28,‬ואם היה קיץ בפתילה דקה הנעשית מכאגד‪ .‬ואמר ארסטו שהעטושים יפתחו‬ ‫סתומי המח ויעבה הצואר וייטיב הפנים ויחזק החושי׳ ויאחר השיבה ויפזר עשני המוח‬ ‫העצורים בו‪ .‬ואמרו הרופאים שעשית העטוש עם הצום יגיר מן המוח הכבדות ומהחושים‬ ‫השברון‪ .‬ומן הדברים העוזרים לשכל הוא הסעדה והזנגביל והלבונה והאקורוש‪ 29‬נפרדים‬

‫  ‪11‬‬ ‫‪.‬שזה יחזק השער ‪ J‬שהוא יחזק אותו ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪12‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬ושמן ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪13‬‬ ‫‪.‬הלדאן ‪ J‬הלאדן ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪14‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬ישמר בשמן סוסן כאשר יומשח בו תמיד‪ .‬ושער העפעפים ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪15‬‬ ‫‪.‬אלוורד ‪ B‬הלאזורד ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪16‬‬ ‫‪ cf. Lat. creta.‬באגלשה הוא אלנופל ‪ J‬בגליטה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪17‬‬ ‫‪.‬בשול ‪ J‬שרשי ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪18‬‬ ‫‪.‬שלקות ‪ B‬השלקית ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪19‬‬ ‫‪.‬וכהם ‪ J‬והסכימו ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪20‬‬ ‫‪.‬יתבן ‪ B‬יתלבן ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪21‬‬ ‫‪.‬הליגנא אלואין ‪ J‬הלנגלובן ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪22‬‬ ‫‪.‬ובלשמיטא ‪ J‬ובלשמיט ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪23‬‬ ‫‪.‬והתרצאן ‪ B‬והתרנגאן ‪J‬‬ ‫‪.‬והכדגס ‪ J‬והגדגס ‪ emendation editors: B‬והנרגס  ‪24‬‬ ‫  ‪25‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬ואולם בקיץ בעשן הסנדיל והורד ומי הורד וההדס ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪26‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬בו עוד ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪27‬‬ ‫‪.‬ופודנג ‪ J‬ומנטשטרי ‪B‬‬ ‫ن‬ ‫‪�.‬‬ ‫  ‪28‬‬ ‫�ك��د ��س ‪ Lat. condisi Ar.‬הכנבס ‪ B‬הכנדס ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪29‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬והאקורוש ‪J‬‬

‫‪145‬‬

‫‪The Hebrew Text‬‬

‫או מקובצים כאשר לוקח מהם בשווי יחזקו ויזככו אותו‪ .‬ואין דבר מזיק למוח כמו הפסד‬ ‫כל‪ 30‬הבשול שהוא שרש כל חלי‪ .‬והיותר מופלג מכל הדברים בזכוך השכל שמחת הלב‬ ‫והתענוג והמנוחה‪ .‬ואמר אחד מן החכמים‪ :‬התמדת הטיולים‪ 31‬וההזדככות‪ 32‬עבדי השכל‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]3‬השער השלישי בשמירת הראות‪ .‬תשמר בריאות העין בעזוב האכילה‪ 33‬בלילה והשינה‬ ‫על המלוי והתמדת הכחול‪ 34‬אצל השינה באבק אנטימוני‪ 35‬הנמחק במי‪ 36‬הכמהין שמועיל‬ ‫בקיץ ובחורף‪ ,‬או במי שומר או במי מג׳ארונה‪ 37‬שמועיל בסתו לזקנים ולישישים‪ .‬ואמרו‬ ‫חכמים‪ :‬כפית העין על עשן המים החמים ירחיצהו מעכירות אשר בו ויזככהו‪ ,‬וכן גם כן‬ ‫אם יפתח אותו על המים הזכים ויעיין בהם‪ .‬והתמדת הראות בירק הפרדסים מועיל אליו‪.‬‬ ‫והעיון בירוקות סבה להתמדת בריאות ראות‪ 38‬האכרים‪ 39‬עם רוע הנהגתם במטעמיהם‪.‬‬ ‫וכן לבישת‪ 40‬הבגדים הירוקים יחזקו ראות הלובש אותו‪ .‬וכן כל מראה ירוק יחזק הראות‬ ‫כי יקבל אותו הרוח הרואה קבול ערב בבלתי‪ 41‬עמל‪ ,‬הפך מה שיעשה המראה השחור‬ ‫בראות‪ ,‬שהוא יקבל אותו‪ 42‬בלאות ובקושי‪ .‬עוד ההזנה במזונות דקי העצם כפרדיץ‬ ‫והתורים ותרנגולים קטנים והצפרים‪ .‬ויותר טוב מן הבשולים הבשול הנקרא שבדינקה‪43.‬‬ ‫ואמרו חכמ׳‪ :‬הטוב מן הצלי והיותר מבושל הוא צלי‪ 44‬המים‪ .‬וכן אכילת השומר‪ 45‬הלח‬ ‫נא ומבושל ישמר [‪ ]140A‬הראות ויחזק חדודו‪ .‬ויעזוב המשגל על המלוי ממאכל ומשתה‬ ‫ואם לא ישמר מזה יוליד הבקיעה וחולי הנקרס‪ .‬ואין דבר יותר מזיק מהשינה על המלוי‬ ‫מהמאכל והמשתה‪ 46‬לפי שימלא המוח עשנים רעים יזיקו בראות‪ ,‬והוא סבת ירידת המים‬ ‫בעין‪ .‬וממה שישמר הראות גם כן שיכחיל בליציאום פעם אחת בשבוע‪ 47,‬שהוא ינקה מה‬ ‫שבעין מן הלחות‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]4‬השער הרביעי בשמירת השמע‪ .‬הסכימו החכמים שיותר מועיל מהדברים לשמע‬ ‫הוא‪ 48‬החומץ החזק המחומם כאשר יוטף באזן על הצום‪ ,‬שהוא יחזק האזן וישמר השמע‬ ‫וימנע משפיכת המותרות אליו‪ .‬ואם התיך בחומץ‪ 49‬מעט מן השל נטרי ויוטף באזן ינקה‬ ‫  ‪30‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬כל ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪31‬‬ ‫‪.‬הזדככות הטיולים ‪ add. J‬הטיולים ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪32‬‬ ‫‪.‬ההזדככות ‪ J‬וההזדככות ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪33‬‬ ‫‪.‬אכיל ‪ B‬האכילה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪34‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬הכחול ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪35‬‬ ‫‪.‬באבן החותמלי ‪ B‬באבק אנטימוני ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪36‬‬ ‫‪.‬כמו ‪ B‬במי ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪37‬‬ ‫‪.‬מיוראנה ‪ J‬מג׳ארוינה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪38‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬ראות ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪39‬‬ ‫‪.‬העינים ‪ J‬האכרים ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪40‬‬ ‫‪.‬לשאת ‪ B‬לבישת ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪41‬‬ ‫‪.‬בלתי ‪ B‬בבלתי ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪42‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬אותו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪43‬‬ ‫‪.‬שברנקא ‪ J‬שבדינקה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪44‬‬ ‫‪.‬על ‪ J‬צלי ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪45‬‬ ‫‪.‬בסבאס ‪ add. J‬השומר ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪46‬‬ ‫דבר יותר מזיק מהשינה על המלוי מהמאכל והמשתה ואין ‪.‬ואם לא ישמר מזה יוליד הבקיעה ‪J‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬וחולי הנקרס‬ ‫  ‪47‬‬ ‫‪.‬בהם להתיך אותו במי וורדים ולהטיף ‪ J add.‬בשבוע ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪48‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬לשמע הוא ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪49‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬בחומץ ‪J‬‬

‫‪Chapter 3‬‬

‫‪146‬‬

‫מעברי השמע ממה שיתעבה בו ממותר עשני עב יוריש‪ 50‬השארותו כבדות בשמע וחולי‪51‬‬ ‫באזן‪ .‬ושמן השקדים המרים‪ 52‬או שמן האמוריקש‪ 53‬כאשר יותך באזן יפתחו מעברי השמע‬

‫וישמרוהו‪ .‬וירחיק לשמוע הקולות הכבדים כמו קולות הרחים וקולות הנהרות הנשפכים‬ ‫ממקום גבוה לנמוך‪ ,‬או מן העליות יפסידו‪ 54‬בחזק קרקורם‪ 55‬עד שיהיה חברו‪ 56‬הקרוב אליו‬ ‫ולא יוכל לשמעו‪ .‬כל שכן כשיהיה מקול‪ 57‬הרחים או הטמבורש‪ 58‬הגדולים‪ .‬ואמרו הרופאים‪:‬‬ ‫מה שישמר השמע—כפית האזן על עשן המים החמים ושיקפיל אליו פיות הקדרות החמות‬ ‫להתיך הנקפא באזן מן הלכלוך‪ .‬ואם היה מבושל במים הפודנג׳‪ 59‬ויוטף מן המים באזן יהיה‬ ‫היותר מועיל‪ .‬וירחיק להכנס במי מערה כדי שלא יכנס ממנה באזן דבר‪ .‬ואם יוטף באזן‬ ‫ממיץ הממיתא‪ 60‬מותך בחומץ ישמר השמע מלקבל מה שישפך בה מליחת הראש‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]5‬השער החמישי בשמירת הריח‪ .‬אולם שמירת בריאות הריח יהיה בהתוך‪ 61‬מה‬ ‫שנתעבה‪ 62‬בתוך הנחירים והוצאתו עד שלא ישאר בו דבר‪ ,‬מפני כי כאשר יהיה לח יקנה‪63‬‬ ‫האף ריח סרוח יפסיד מזג חוש הריח‪ .‬וירחיק כל ריח רע ודירת הבתים העוברים לחתירות‪64‬‬ ‫ובפרט הבתים הצרים והמערות לפי שאוירם עב להעדר כניסת השמש בהם והעשן יתעבה‬ ‫שלא יוכל להתפזר‪ ,‬ובהפסד האויר הנישום יפסד מזג הרוח הנפשי אשר‪ 65‬הוא כלי הריח‪.‬‬ ‫והתמדת הרחת המוסרחים והעכורים יעכירו הרוח הנפשי וינצחו אותו‪ ,‬עד אשר אם יבא‬ ‫מי שהתמיד זה הריח במקום שאין בו ריח רע ועכור‪ 66‬ישאר בו ריח נפסד ומתועב ולא יוכל‬ ‫להריח ריח המוגמרים הבשמיים ולזה יתחיב להריח הריח הטוב ולהתמידו ולהתעשן בעשן‬ ‫הבשמים כעשן הליגנלובין‪ 67‬והענבר וקנה הטוב‪ .‬ויורח המוסק לשמר בריאות הרוח הנפשי‬ ‫ולחזק כלי הריח בג״ה‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]6‬השער הששי‪ .‬בשמירת בריאות הפה ומה שבה מן החנכים‪ 68‬והחיך‪ .‬אולם הפה וכליו‬ ‫הנה תשמר‬

‫  ‪50‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬יוריש ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪51‬‬ ‫‪.‬ואולי ‪ B‬וחולי ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪52‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬המרים ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪53‬‬ ‫‪.‬המוריקש ‪ J‬האמוריקש ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪54‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬יפסידו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪55‬‬ ‫‪.‬בחוש בשמעו הקרקור העצום ‪ J add.‬קרקורם ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪56‬‬ ‫‪.‬קרוב ‪ J‬חברו הקרוב ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪57‬‬ ‫‪.‬מרחוק מקול רעמי ‪ J‬מקול ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪58‬‬ ‫‪.‬הטמבורילש ‪ J‬הטמבורש ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪59‬‬ ‫‪.‬הפודאג׳ ‪ B‬הפודנג׳ ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪60‬‬ ‫‪.‬המאמינה ‪ B‬הממיתא ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪61‬‬ ‫‪.‬בהפך ‪ B‬בהתוך ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪62‬‬ ‫‪.‬שנתעב׳ ‪ B‬שנתעבה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪63‬‬ ‫‪.‬היה לא ינקה ‪ J‬יהיה לח יקנה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪64‬‬ ‫‪.‬לחפירת ‪ J‬לחתירות ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪65‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬אשר הוא כלי הריח‪ .‬והתמדת הרחת המוסרחים והעכורים יעכירו הרוח הנפשי ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪66‬‬ ‫‪.‬ועתה ‪ J‬ועכור ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪67‬‬ ‫‪.‬הליגנא לובי ‪ J‬הליגנלובין ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪68‬‬ ‫‪.‬החוטם ‪ J‬החנכים ‪B‬‬

‫‪147‬‬

‫‪The Hebrew Text‬‬

‫בהתמדת רחיצתו במים חמים קודם המאכל ואחריו‪ ,‬שהם ירחצו מה שעל החנכים וינגבו‬ ‫מה שביניהם מליחות הבשולים ומן הליחות הנגרות מן האוילה‪ 69‬ומהראש‪ 70‬ומה שיעלה מן‬ ‫האצטומ׳ המוליד סתומים כאשר ישארו‪ 71‬על החנכים יהיה‪ 72‬בפה עשן ובחנכים כרכומיות‪73‬‬ ‫והחכוך בעץ שיפרץ ועץ האוך ר״ל‪ 74‬מעץ הזית מדברי מה שלא ידבק‪ 75‬בו לחיך ולחנכים‬ ‫לפי שמהירות‪ 76‬החפוף בחתוך בכח יסיר בריקותו וחלקותו ויקנהו שעירות ידבק בו‪77‬‬ ‫שארית הלחות אשר ישארו בפה מן המאכל‪ ,‬וישנה ריח הפה‪ .‬ואמרו חכמים החכוך באבק‬ ‫הגירופלי או באבק נוז‪ 78‬מוסקדא או אשפיק נרדי בכל יום על הצום יסיר‪ 79‬הריח הנתעב‬ ‫אשר בפה‪ .‬וכן החכוך בקליפת שרשי קרצעינא ייטיב באשת הפה ויתיך‪ 80‬הליחות אשר‬ ‫בפה‪ 81.‬וכן כל אילן עפיץ חריף מן‪ 82‬האגוז ומה שדומה לו ינקה השנים ויתיך הבלגם ויתיר‪83‬‬ ‫הלשון ויזכך הדבור ויעיר תאות המאכל‪ .‬אמנם בלא חכוך חזק‪ 84‬על החנכים‪ 85‬כמו שזכרתי‬ ‫קודם ובסגולות לאלטברני כאשר נשרף ראש הארנבת והתחככו באפרו‪ 86‬ישמר החנכים‬ ‫מהאכול הנופל בו‪ .‬וכן מי שיגרגר בחומץ כבר בושל בו שרש היתוע לא יקרהו כאב בחנכים‪.‬‬ ‫ומי שהתחכך בסוכר‪ 87‬ודבש ינקה החיך והחנכים מעפוש אשר יקרה בם בנפילת ההפסד‬ ‫בם ויסיר העשן ההוה מאכול המאכל החם‪ .‬ואם יתיך בשמן ורד מעט מצטיק וימצמץ בו‬ ‫השנים ישמר החיך ויחזקהו‪ ,‬בע״ה‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]7‬השער השביעי בשמירת הלשון‪ .‬שמירת בריאות הלשון בגרגור מים חמים על‪ 88‬הצום‬ ‫וחפיפה בדבש ובאבק הזנגביל שהוא‪ 89‬יתיך עביו וירד ממנו בלגם ולחות ויסיר‪ 90‬כבדותו‪.‬‬ ‫והמזון כבשר עוף צלוי עשוי במחבת ממה שיקל כבדות הלשון ובפרט התאנים היבשים‬ ‫כאשר יתמידו על אכילתם ינגב לחות הלשון ויתירהו מכבדותו‪ .‬ואולם האגוז היבש והלח‬ ‫יכבד הלשון ויערבב הדבור‪ ,‬וצריך שירחיקהו מאד מי שבו כבדות הלשון וכבדות‪ 91‬הדבור‪.‬‬ ‫  ‪69‬‬ ‫‪.‬האישולה ‪ B‬האוילה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪70‬‬ ‫‪.‬כמו הראש ‪ B‬ומהראש ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪71‬‬ ‫‪.‬יקרו ‪ B‬ישארו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪72‬‬ ‫‪.‬יקבל ‪ J‬יהיה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪73‬‬ ‫‪.‬קרכוקיות ‪ B‬כרכומיות ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪74‬‬ ‫‪.‬הארך ‪ B‬האוך ר״ל ‪J‬‬ ‫‪.‬יפצר ‪ J‬ידבר ‪ emendation editors: B‬ידבק  ‪75‬‬ ‫  ‪76‬‬ ‫‪.‬שחפוף מהירות ‪ B‬שמהירות החפוף ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪77‬‬ ‫‪.‬מהר ‪ add. J‬בו ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪78‬‬ ‫‪.‬אגוז ‪ J‬נוז ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪79‬‬ ‫‪.‬יתיר ‪ B‬יסיר ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪80‬‬ ‫‪.‬וירכך ‪ J‬ויתיך ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪81‬‬ ‫‪.‬ויסיר העשן מאצל בפה ‪ add. J‬בפה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪82‬‬ ‫‪.‬כמו ‪ J‬מן ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪83‬‬ ‫‪.‬ויתיך ‪ B‬ויתיר ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪84‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬חזק ‪J‬‬ ‫‪.‬הכבים (=הככים) ‪ emendation editors: B‬החנכים  ‪85‬‬ ‫  ‪86‬‬ ‫‪.‬באפר ‪ B‬באפרו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪87‬‬ ‫‪.‬בסוקרא ‪ J‬בסוכר ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪88‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬על הצום ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪89‬‬ ‫שלא ‪ B‬שהוא ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪90‬‬ ‫‪.‬ממנו ‪ add. J‬ויסיר ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪91‬‬ ‫‪.‬לשון ‪ add. J‬וכבדות ‪B J‬‬

‫‪Chapter 3‬‬

‫‪148‬‬

‫וזכרו בספר העבודה‪ 92‬שהכרוב כאשר‪ 93‬יתמידו על אכילתם ינגב‪ 94‬לחות הלשון הכבד‬ ‫ויתירהו מהבלגם‪ .‬ואם יאכילו אותה לנערים הקטנים יעזור בהתרת לשונם בדבור וימהר‬ ‫רגליהם ללכת לחוזק העצבים‪ .‬וכן אם יחזיקו בפה הסמים‪ 95‬החמים הבשמיים כמו הגירופלי‬ ‫ואגוז מוסקאדה וכובאבה‪ 96‬יסיר כבדות הלשון ויתירהו וימהר לדבר וישמר בריאותו‪ .‬והנה‬ ‫יעשה זה החרדל בהתמדתו‪ .‬וליעוק‪ 97‬המרי המבושם מאד‪ 98‬על הצום יועיל מכבדות הלשון‬ ‫ועביו‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]8‬השער השמיני בשמירת הקנה והושט והאוילה‪ 99.‬שמירת הקנה והושט יהיה בשתית‬ ‫המרק הדשן מבשר התרנגולים הקטנים והאפרוחים ובשר השה מבושל במטעם מתוק‬ ‫ושתית יין מתוק מזוג במים‪ .‬והרחקת אכילת העצמים‪ 100‬הדקים כמו עצם העוף והפרדיץ‪101‬‬ ‫והצפרים והתרנגולים ואכילת הדגים הקוציים‪ ,‬זולת עצמי השיות והתישים הסריסים‬ ‫כאשר‪ 102‬יותך מהם לעיסותם ממה שירכך הקנה והאוילה‪ 103‬וירכך הושט וישלשל המעברות‬ ‫ויעזור לירידת המאכל בקערורית האצטומ׳‪ .‬והרחקת הבשר העב אשר לא יבושל בבשול‬ ‫והתבשיל המלוח והחלב החמוץ והחומץ כלם מזיקים לקנה ולושט‪ .‬ואמרו חכמים מוח‬ ‫הביצה [‪ ]141A‬המבושלת במים חמים ממה שירכך הקנה והושט וישמר חלקותו‪ .‬ושתית‬ ‫הגלב‪ 104‬ושתית הרקלציאה‪ 105‬יתקנו הקנה מאד‪ .‬והגרגור‪ 106‬באוקסימל החמוץ מאד עם‬ ‫מים חמים יחזק האוילה‪ 107‬וישמרה‪ .‬וכן הגרגור‪ 108‬בבשול הפריש העפוץ מועיל לזה מאד‪.‬‬ ‫והרחקת‪ 109‬עשית הקיא למי שיפול האיולה‪ 110‬יקשה מאד לא ימנע‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]9‬השער התשיעי בשמירת החזה והריאה וקנה שלה‪ .‬יחזק אותה וישמרה קמח היוצא מן‬ ‫לב‪ 111‬האפונים וחלב עזים ואכילת הפניס הלח הלבן עם‪ 112‬שקד מתוק הקלוף‪ .‬ושתית חלב‬ ‫  ‪92‬‬ ‫‪.‬העבדה ‪ B‬העבודה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪93‬‬ ‫‪.‬אשר ‪ B‬כאשר ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪94‬‬ ‫‪.‬יתיר הלשון הכבד מהבלגם ‪ J‬ינגב לחות הלשון הכבד ויתירהו מהבלגם ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪95‬‬ ‫‪.‬בסמים ‪ B‬הסמים ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪96‬‬ ‫‪ om. B Lat. nucem muscatam et cubebas.‬ואגוז נוסקאדא וכובאבה ‪J‬‬ ‫‪.‬וליענק ‪ J‬ואלענק ‪ emendation editors: B‬וליעוק  ‪97‬‬ ‫  ‪98‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬מאד ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪99‬‬ ‫‪.‬והלהאה ‪ J‬והאוילה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪100‬‬ ‫‪.‬העצמות ‪ J‬העצמים ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪101‬‬ ‫‪.‬והפרדיס ‪ J‬והפרדיץ ‪B‬‬ ‫‪.‬למאשר ‪ emendation editors: om. B J‬כאשר  ‪102‬‬ ‫  ‪103‬‬ ‫‪.‬הוא שרש הלשון ‪ add. J‬והלהאה ‪ J‬והאוילה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪104‬‬ ‫‪.‬הגלאב ‪ J‬הגלב ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪105‬‬ ‫‪.‬הרקליסיאה ‪ J‬הרקלציאה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪106‬‬ ‫‪.‬והגרגיר ‪ B‬והגרגור ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪107‬‬ ‫‪.‬הלהאה ‪ J‬האוילה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪108‬‬ ‫‪.‬הגרגיר ‪ B‬הגרגור ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪109‬‬ ‫ועשית הקיא למי שיפול ‪ J‬והרחקת עשית הקיא למי שיפול האיולה יקשה מאד לא ימנע ‪B‬‬ ‫‪.‬הלהאה שלו מועיל מאד‬ ‫  ‪110‬‬ ‫‪.‬הלהאה ‪ J‬האיולה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪111‬‬ ‫‪.‬קמח ‪ om. B add. J‬לב ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪112‬‬ ‫‪.‬חלב ‪ add. J‬עם ‪B J‬‬

‫‪149‬‬

‫‪The Hebrew Text‬‬

‫עזים ובסוכר‪ .‬ואולם הקנה שלו תשמר במיץ קנה הסוכר‪ 113‬הצלוי באש‪ 114‬יחליק שעירותו‬ ‫וירככהו‪ .‬ואמרו הרופאים‪ :‬אכילת אזביב‪ 115‬השמשיים בבלתי גרעין על הצום יחזק קנה‬ ‫שלו ובהרחקת תבשילים מלוחים מאד שהם ישאירו לכלוך בקנה ויצרידו הקול‪ .‬והמירא‬ ‫יותר מועיל לחזק קנה הריאה ולזככה‪ 116‬כאשר יושם תחת הלשון ויבלע מה שיתיך ממנו‪.‬‬ ‫וכן לעיקת הדבש המבושל במיץ הכרוב הלח הפרדסי יועיל לקנה הריאה ויזכך הקול‪ .‬מה‬ ‫שילקח עם הסוכר‪ 117‬מן השקדים ורקלציא‪ 118‬ובטנים קלופים ממיני מתיקה יועיל מאד לקנה‬ ‫הריאה והחזה‪ .‬ואלפניג׳‪ 119‬ומיץ ענבים הלבנים המתוקים כאשר יותך על האש עד שיורק‬ ‫עצמותו ויזוכך מעכירותו ושמריו והוסר חוזק מתיקותו יהיה מן היותר מועיל לקנה הריאה‬ ‫והקנה קודם המאכל ואחריו‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]10‬השער העשירי בשמירת האצטומ׳‪ .‬אולם שמירת האצטומ׳ יהיה בעשית הקיא‬ ‫במים‪ 120‬חמים לפחות פעם אחת בחדש שהוא ינקה אותה ממותרי המאכל ומהליחות‬ ‫הרעות‪ ,‬ובאכילת הצמוקין השמשיים בגרעיניו על הצום שהוא יחזק אותה ויתקן המזג‪121‬‬ ‫הרע אשר בה‪ .‬ושתית האישנץ‪ 122‬והאשפיק מחזק אותה ושומר בריאותה ומגרש המותרות‬ ‫אשר בה‪ .‬ואכילת מרקחת המצטיק‪ 123‬והליגנא‪ 124‬אלואי יחזק אותה ויתקן המזג הרע אם‬ ‫יהיה בה‪ .‬ושתית האישנץ‪ 125‬הנזכר יתיך קשיה אשר בה ויוציא ממנה העשנים הגסים‪.‬‬ ‫עוד‪ ,‬המזונות כבשר עופות כמו קטני הפרדיץ‪ 126‬והתורים המבושלים במי הבסבס הלח או‬ ‫מעשה מחבת בפורני‪ ,‬ובלבד שלא יכניס בה מאכל קודם‪ .‬וכן‪ 127‬לא ירבה משתית המים‬ ‫הקרים על מאכל אם לא אחר תכלית‪ .‬ואם היה מנהגו לשתותם עם האכילה לא ישתה‬ ‫מהם כי אם מעט‪ .‬ומשקה הורד הסוכרי ומשקה לינגא‪ 128‬אלובין ההנדי מועילים ושומרים‬ ‫הבריאות‪ .‬ואמר ארסטו שלקיחת המרקחות מן הליגנא‪ 129‬אלובין וריברברי‪ 130‬ד׳ דרה׳ בכל‬ ‫יום ברקות האצטו׳ יחזק החם אשר בה העוזר לעכול ויתיך הבלגם מפיה ויתן חפץ מאכל‬

‫  ‪113‬‬ ‫‪.‬הסוכרי ‪ J‬הסוכר ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪114‬‬ ‫‪.‬על האש ‪ J‬באש ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪115‬‬ ‫‪.‬אלחבב ‪ B‬אזביב ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪116‬‬ ‫‪.‬ולרככה ‪ J‬ולזככה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪117‬‬ ‫‪.‬הסוקרי ‪ J‬הסוכר ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪118‬‬ ‫‪.‬והרקליסיאה ‪ J‬ורקלציא ‪B‬‬ ‫‪.‬באלפלודג׳ ‪ J‬באלפניג׳ ‪ emendation editors: B‬ואלפניג  ‪119‬‬ ‫  ‪120‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬במים חמים לפחות ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪121‬‬ ‫‪.‬ים המזגים הרע ‪ B‬המזג הרע ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪122‬‬ ‫‪.‬האישנש ‪ J‬האישנץ ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪123‬‬ ‫‪.‬המסתיק ‪ J‬המצטיק ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪124‬‬ ‫‪.‬והלנגא אלובי ‪ B‬והליגנא אלואי ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪125‬‬ ‫‪.‬האישנש ‪ J‬האישנץ ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪126‬‬ ‫‪.‬הפרדיס ‪ J‬הפרדיץ ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪127‬‬ ‫‪.‬וכן לא תרבה אכילתו ‪ J‬תכלית … וכן לא ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪128‬‬ ‫‪.‬הליגנא אלוא ‪ J‬לינגא אלובין ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪129‬‬ ‫‪.‬הליגנא אלואי ‪ J‬הליגנא אלובין ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪130‬‬ ‫‪.‬והריב ברברי ‪ J‬וריברברי ‪B‬‬

‫‪Chapter 3‬‬

‫‪150‬‬

‫ויסיר הרוח אשר בה‪ .‬וכבר יחזק אותה גם כן סוכרי רושט‪ 131‬מתוקן עם משטיק‪ 132‬ומרקחת‬ ‫חבושים‪ 133.‬וכן אם יטיחו אותה מחוץ אצל השינה בשמן הבאן ושמן הנרדי‪ 134‬יחזק אותה‬ ‫ויתקן‪ 135‬בשול המאכל ויכשיר מזגה גם כן‪]141B[ .‬‬ ‫[‪ ]11‬שער י״א בשמירת הכבד‪ .‬אולם הכבד הנה יכונן בחזקו‪ 136‬כאשר יחלש בשתית‪137‬‬ ‫הריוברברי הציני ואכילת המרקחות כמרקחת הלך‪ 138‬ומרקחת הורד ומרקחת הריוברברי‬ ‫הציני ובמזונות הבשרי׳ החמים הדקים כבשר‪ 139‬פרדיץ הנצוד בעוף הדורס‪ ,‬מבושל במי‬ ‫אפונים שחורים‪ 140‬או צלי על המים שהוא היותר חשוב מכל דבר כי צלי אש איננו בטוח‬ ‫שלא ישרפהו האש וייבשהו כאשר העלים עינו מעט‪ .‬אבל הצלי‪ 141‬על המים לא יצטרך‬ ‫לבשולו כי‪ 142‬אם למי שיסבבהו השפוד על האש ויתבשל בשווי ויהיה בטוח עליו שלא‬ ‫ישרפהו האש‪ .‬ואולם הצמוקין השמשיים המבושמים על הצום והתאנים הלבנים ממה‬ ‫שישמין הכבד‪ 143‬במהירות למה שבהם מן ההזנה המתוקה והתאוה הנוספת‪ ,‬וכבר אפשר‬ ‫לך כאשר תנסה זה בתרנגולת והאווז‪ ,‬שאם תפטם אותם בתאנים הנה יהיה הזנתם בתכלית‬ ‫הלחות והשומן והכבד שלהם בתכלית הערבות והבשול‪ .‬עוד‪ ,‬אכילת הפסתק עם הצמוקין‬ ‫שאין להם גרעין שהוא ישמין הכבד מאד ויחזקהו ויפתח הסתומי׳ אשר בו ויתקן מזגו‪.‬‬ ‫והתרנגולת הקטנה‪ 144‬מבושלת במעט מים מחזקת הכבד מאוד ושומרת בריאותו‪ .‬ואמרו‬ ‫חכמי‪ 145‬הרופאים שלחם הכעך כאשר הוסר מהאש ונשרה ביין עד שיהיה לח ואחר יאכל‬ ‫יחזק הכבד ויותך‪ 146‬חמימותו‪ .‬ואם התמיד זה ייטיב הפנים ויאדים אותם ויקנה לגשם יופי‬ ‫ונעימות‪ .‬ובשר הקפוד יתקן מזג הכבד ויחזק‪ 147‬אותו חזוק נפלא כל שכן אם היה מזגו קר‬ ‫בטבע‪ .‬ובנסיון‪ ,‬כאשר יאכל הרמון המתוק בזולת עצם תמיד‪ 148‬ותזון בצמוקין ישמינו הכבד‬ ‫ויתקנו מזגו עד שיחדש לבעליו הצחוק הרב‪ .‬ואולם היין דק העצם כאשר ישתה בשווי ינקה‬ ‫סתומי הכבד ויחזק אותו ויחממהו ויבריא הכבד‪ ,‬ובשלומו יהיה לכל הגוף שלום‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]12‬השער י״ב בשמירת הטחול‪ .‬ואולם הטחול הנה הוא כלי השחוק כמו שאמ׳ פיתגורש‪149‬‬ ‫לפי שהוא ינקה הדם השחור וכאשר לא ינוקה ממנו יזון הלב בדם שחור עכור ויחודש ממנו‬ ‫  ‪131‬‬ ‫‪.‬רושאד ‪ J‬רושט ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪132‬‬ ‫‪.‬מצטיק ‪ J‬משטיק ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪133‬‬ ‫‪.‬המבושלים היטב ‪ add. J‬חבושים ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪134‬‬ ‫‪.‬הורד ‪ J‬הנרדי ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪135‬‬ ‫‪.‬ויתקק ‪ J‬ויתקן ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪136‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬בחזקו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪137‬‬ ‫‪ [= decoctio?].‬שרות ‪ add. J‬בשתית ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪138‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬כמרקחת הלך ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪139‬‬ ‫‪.‬בבשר ופרדיס ‪ J‬כבשר פרדיץ ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪140‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬שחורים ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪141‬‬ ‫‪.‬הצליה ‪ B‬הצלי ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪142‬‬ ‫‪.‬כמי ‪ J‬כי אם למי ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪143‬‬ ‫‪.‬הגוף ‪ J‬הכבד ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪144‬‬ ‫‪.‬הזקנה ‪ J‬הקטנה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪145‬‬ ‫‪.‬חכמי רומיים שהלחם ‪ B‬לע׳ בשקוייט ‪ J1‬הכעך שלחם ואמרו חכמי הרופאים ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪146‬‬ ‫‪.‬ויזכך ‪ B‬ויותך ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪147‬‬ ‫‪.‬ויחזק ‪ J1‬ויתקן ‪ J‬ויחזק ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪148‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬תמיד ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪149‬‬ ‫‪.‬אחד מן החכמים שמו ‪ J‬פיתגורש ‪B‬‬

‫‪151‬‬

‫‪The Hebrew Text‬‬

‫השממון והמחשבה הרעה והתעוררות‪ 150‬ויתנועע הלב לזה תנועה מבולבלת והיא נקראת‬ ‫אלכפקאן‪ 151‬ולא יפרד מבעליו היגון‪ .‬וראוי שישמר הטחול בעבור זאת התועלת אשר‬ ‫בגוף והוא הנקוי מהשחורה וההזדככות‪ 152‬ממנה כשיחזק כחו במזונות הראויות לו‪ ,‬ר״ל‬ ‫המשמינות הגוף כמו התרנגולות עשויות במעט מרק והגדיים והתרנגולים מבושלים בחמץ‬ ‫ושתית החלב החלוב מיד עם סוכר‪ 153,‬שהוא ישמר בריאותו ויפתח סתומו כאשר יוליד הדם‬ ‫המשובח בגוף‪ .‬ושתית היין האדום תמיד‪ 154‬בשווי על המאכל אלנביד אלאחמר‪155‬ועל הכלל‬ ‫הנהגה משמנת מועיל אליו כמו שאמ׳ גאלי׳‪ 156:‬הנהוג המשמין יקווץ הטחול ויקטינהו‪157‬‬ ‫כי כאשר יהיה קטן יהיה יותר טוב מכשיהיה‪ 158‬גדול‪ ,‬שגדלו יורה‪ 159‬על ריעות לחות הגוף‬ ‫וקטנותו יורה על חשיבותם‪ .‬ושתית האישנץ‪ 160‬והאוקשמל‪ 161‬מועילים לו‪ 162‬ומתקנים מזגו‪.‬‬ ‫ואמרו החכמים ששתית המים בכלים עשוים מעץ התמריץ [‪ ]142A‬שומרים בריאות הטחול‬ ‫ומחזקים אותו‪ 163.‬והיותר מועיל מזה ליעוק‪ 164‬משקה האוקשימל האישקליטיק‪ 165‬כל שכן‬ ‫בסתו ובחרף ובאביב‪ .‬והרחקת אכילת הפירות הקרים העפוצים כמו החבושים והתפוח‪166‬‬ ‫החבוש והפרש‪ 167‬ומה שיש לו עפיצות כמו השורבאש והחרובין ומה שדומה להם‪ ,‬שהם‬ ‫יקבצו פיות עורקי הטחול ויסתמו אותו ויחלישו‪ 168‬העצב כל שכן לזקנים‪ .‬וכן שתית היינות‬ ‫הקובצים כמו היין השחור והיין האדום ושתית המים העכורים‪ 169‬ההולכים על עב טיט‪170‬‬ ‫ומי‪ 171‬המרוג׳‪ .‬וכן ירחיק האבטיח שהם יגדילו הטחול בהפסדו למזגו‪ 172‬ויחליש בריאותו‪.‬‬ ‫והבשר העב כבשר השור והעז והארנבת והאיל והגרעינים אשר מטבעם שיולידו השחורה‬ ‫כמו הפולים והעדשים ומה שיעש׳ מהחלב כמו הגבנה היבשה והבריץ‪ 173‬והחלב החמוץ‬ ‫שכלם מזיקין לטחול ומפסידים מזג הכבד ומולידים השחורה‪ .‬ויאותו לשמירת בריאותו‬ ‫  ‪150‬‬ ‫‪.‬וההסתערות ‪ J‬והתעוררות ‪B‬‬ ‫ا �لخ ف ق ن‬ ‫����������ا � ‪ Ar.‬אלכפקאן  ‪151‬‬ ‫‪(al-ḫafaqān).‬‬ ‫  ‪152‬‬ ‫‪.‬והאזנות ‪ B‬וההזדככות ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪153‬‬ ‫‪.‬סוכרי ‪ J‬סוכר ‪B‬‬ ‫‪.‬ויותר הלבן והכרכומי ‪ add. J‬תמיד ‪154  B J‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬אלנביד אלכמר ‪ emendation editors: B‬אלנביד אלאחמר  ‪155‬‬ ‫  ‪156‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬גאלי׳ ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪157‬‬ ‫‪.‬ויקניטהו ‪ B‬ויקטינהו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪158‬‬ ‫‪.‬שיהיה טוב ‪ B‬מכשיהיה גדול ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪159‬‬ ‫‪.‬יותר ‪ B‬יורה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪160‬‬ ‫‪.‬האישנס ‪ J‬האישנץ ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪161‬‬ ‫‪.‬ואושקמל ‪ B‬והאוקשמל ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪162‬‬ ‫‪.‬מאד ‪ add. J‬לו ‪B J‬‬ ‫‪.‬או שתיית חומץ ‪ add. J‬אותו ‪163  B J‬‬ ‫  ‪164‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬ליעוק ‪J‬‬ ‫‪ cf. Lat. oxymel squilliticum.‬האוקשימל האישקליטיק  ‪165‬‬ ‫  ‪166‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬והתפוח החבוש ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪167‬‬ ‫‪.‬והאגסים ‪ J‬והפרש ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪168‬‬ ‫‪.‬ויחליש ‪ B‬ויחלישו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪169‬‬ ‫‪.‬ומים ‪ add. J‬העכורים ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪170‬‬ ‫‪.‬טוב ‪ J‬טיט ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪171‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬ומי המרוג׳ וכן ירחיק האבטי׳ ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪172‬‬ ‫‪.‬ומזגו ‪ B‬למזגו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪173‬‬ ‫‪.‬והברוסאט ‪ J‬והבריץ ‪B‬‬

‫‪Chapter 3‬‬

‫‪152‬‬

‫היין הלבן והיין הכרכומי שהם מחזקים אותו ומדקדקים הסתומים וידקדקו‪ 174‬את עביו‪.‬‬ ‫ובסגולות לאלטברני כי כאשר יושלך על היין פרי הקפר‪ 175‬השרוי בחומץ או בפרחן יחזק‬ ‫הטחול ויסיר עוביו‪ .‬וממה שישמר בריאותו גם כן שיקדים האדם כאשר יקום ללכת‪ 176‬רגלו‬ ‫השמאלית קודם הימנית‪ 177‬וכן בעליה וירידה ובהליכה‪ 178‬בארץ ישמר זה המנהג‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]13‬שער י״ג בשמירת הלב‪ .‬אשר ישמר הלב מאד המשקים הטובים כמו משקה התפוחים‬ ‫ומשקה קליפת האתרוג ומשקה לשון השור והרחת הריחות המבושמות כמו המוסק‪179‬‬ ‫והענבר והלינגאלובי‪ 180‬ומשקה ההדס ומשקה הגלאב‪ 181.‬והשמירה מהדברי׳ המולידים‬ ‫אבל ויגון כמו שאמ׳ אבוקראט‪ :‬ללב שני מזיקין השממון והיגון שהשממון יקרה‪ 182‬לבעליו‬ ‫השינה המופלגת ומהיגון יקרה התעורה‪ ,‬וכלם מזיקין ללב‪ .‬אבל הזק היגון ללב יותר גדול‬ ‫ויותר חזק לפי שהוא יקדיח החום ויתיך הרוח עד שיחסיר הרכבת הלב ויגוע וימות‪ ,‬כל שכן‬ ‫אם היתה‪ 183‬נפש בעליו חלושה‪ .‬וכבר אמרו חכמים‪ :‬מי שישתומם יוציא מעצם לבו הטוב‬ ‫והמועיל ואין טוב לאדם כי אם לשמוח ולראות נפשו בטוב‪ .‬ועשית הטיול וצידת העופות‬ ‫כמו האסטור והפלקון והאשפרויר שמשמח הנפש ומולידים לאדם תקף וגבורה‪ .‬והמזונות‬ ‫כבשר בני יונה והתרנגולים הקטנים והתורים והפרדיץ‪ 184‬ובשר צעירי הצאן וכל מה שיוליד‬ ‫דם נקי ורקיק‪ .‬ובתקון האויר הנשום עד שלא יורח בו שום ריח מוסרח ומעופש‪ 185.‬ואמר‬ ‫אריסטו לאלסכנדר בעל‪ 186‬הקרנים‪ :‬תתבשם במה שיאות למקומך‪ 187‬ודע שלא תזון הנפש‬ ‫הרוחנית כי אם בנשימת הריח הבשמיי‪ ,‬שהם יזונו אותה וכאשר תזון הנפש ותתחזק יתחזק‬ ‫הגוף לשעתו וישמח הלב וילך הדם בעורקים‪ .‬ואמרו הרופאים שלא ימצא דבר יחזק הלב‬ ‫והנפש ויעיר החום הטבעי כמו היין בעל ריח טוב‪ 188‬כאשר ילקח בשווי ויהיה ישן‪ .‬ובעת‬ ‫הקיץ ימזג במים‪ .‬ואם היה בלתי ישן והוא‪ 189‬לבן ממיי‪ ,‬והזמן סתו לא ימזג במים [‪ ]142B‬לפי‬ ‫שהוא חלוש החום‪ .‬וזה שהוא ינקה דם הלב וימרק עכירותו כל שכן כאשר ישתה עם שמע‬ ‫הנגונים הערבים וישיבת הפרדסים הירוקים וצמחים המזילים בשמים‪ 190‬והגרת המים בהם‬ ‫מהגבוה לנמוך הולכים לאט‪ ,‬לא שיהיה להם קול וקרקור כי זה מזיק לנפש כמו שיזיק לחוש‬ ‫השמע ואמרו חכמים‪ :‬שמע הנגונים יגרש מן הנפש האבל ויסיר היגון והשממון מן הלב‪.‬‬ ‫ואמר אפלאטו׳‪ :‬ביין בגשם בשמע ברוח שבקבוצם יתקבצו הטובות‪ .‬וכבר נאמ׳ שהחבר‬ ‫  ‪174‬‬ ‫‪.‬ודקדקו ‪ B‬וידקדקו את ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪175‬‬ ‫‪.‬הכבר ‪ J‬הקפר ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪176‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬ללכת ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪177‬‬ ‫‪.‬הימני ‪ B‬הימנית ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪178‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬ובהליכה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪179‬‬ ‫‪.‬המוסך ‪ J‬המוסק ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪180‬‬ ‫‪.‬והליגנא אלואין ‪ J‬והלינגאלובי ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪181‬‬ ‫‪.‬הליג׳ב ‪ B‬הגלאב ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪182‬‬ ‫‪.‬יקנה ‪ J‬יקרה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪183‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬היתה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪184‬‬ ‫‪.‬והפרדיס ‪ J‬והפרדיץ ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪185‬‬ ‫‪.‬ועפוש ‪ J‬ומעופש ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪186‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬בעל הקרנים ‪B‬‬ ‫‪.‬לזמנך ‪ J‬למזונך ‪ emendation editors: B‬למקומך  ‪187‬‬ ‫  ‪188‬‬ ‫‪.‬הריחני ‪ add. J‬טוב ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪189‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬והוא לבן ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪190‬‬ ‫‪.‬הבשמיים ‪ J‬בשמים ‪B‬‬

‫‪153‬‬

‫‪The Hebrew Text‬‬

‫הטוב יעמד במקום‪ 191‬שמיעת הנגון הערב לאשר‪ 192‬הוא אהוב וספורו נאה וערב תמיד‪193‬‬ ‫בו והוא אהוב וחביב אצלו‪194.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]14‬שער י״ד בשמירת המרירה‪ .‬הנה המרירה יתחיב שתשמר בריאותה במשקה‬ ‫הסכנג׳בין‪ 195‬עם‪ 196‬האשקריולה או במשקה‪ 197‬קושקטה‪ 198‬שהם פותחים סתומי המרה‬ ‫ומעמיד לחדוד המרה ומשקה האנדויאה‪ 199‬משוה חומה‪ 200.‬ויאות המזון לה בשר הגדי‬

‫ובשר הסריס הקטן מהתיש מבושל בחומץ או בארמולץ וכן שתית מי החלב נקרא גשפא‬ ‫ובפרט‪ 201‬מי חלב פרה שהוא טוב מאד לנקוי המרה ולדקדק אותה מהמרירות‪ ,‬וישקיט‬ ‫חדודה ויזכך שחרותה‪ .‬ופעמים יצא ממנה בשלשול מה שיועיל בו הגוף והמרה‪ .‬ובזה יהיה‬ ‫בטוח מחדושי החליים אשר הם מהאדומה כירקון והדומה להם‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]15‬שער ט״ו בשמירת המעים‪ .‬הנה ישמר בריאותם בקלות יציא׳ השמרי׳ מהם הנקפאים‬ ‫בהם והתנקותם מהצוא׳ הדבקה בהם והליחות הדבקות אשר יעיקו הצואה מהיציאה‪ .‬או‬ ‫בשתית מי דבש הוא ואכילת התאנים ושתית מימיו ומרק הבשר השמן מקטני התרנגולים‬ ‫ובשר צעירי הצאן מבושל בסילקא‪ .‬ואמרו חכמי׳‪ 202:‬היותר טוב מכל הדברי׳ למעים‬ ‫הצמוקין כאשר יאכלו בגרעיניהם‪ ,‬על הצום בכל יום‪ ,‬שהוא יחזק אותם‪ .‬והאורז מבושל עם‬ ‫החלב החלוב יזון אותם ויחזקם גם כן עד שהוא יועיל מרפיון הרחם ויפתח פיות העורקים‬ ‫אשר בבטן התושבת‪ 203.‬וכן שתית האמלג׳ כאשר יתמידו שתיתו יועיל למעים ובפרט‪204‬‬ ‫למעי הישר אשר בקצה הטבעת נקב‪ 205.‬וירחיק החמוצים והחריפים מהמזונות שיוסיפו‬ ‫הלחות הדבק במעים וישאירוהו שם שהם כמו האנך לכלי נחשת בהשאר בהם הלחות‬ ‫החמות והזבל החם הנגר אליהם תמיד‪ .‬ואמרו חכמי׳ שהשום המבושל עם צעירי הצאן‬ ‫השמני׳ ישקיט המעים ויגרש הרוח הסוער‪ 206‬מהם ויתיך הנפח מהם‪ .‬וכן התמדת אכילת‬ ‫השום כמו שעושין הגוים יסיר הכאבים הקרים מהמעים והרוח העב אשר בהם ולכן קראוהו‬ ‫חכמי׳ תריאק הכפריים‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]16‬שער י״ו בשמירת הכליות‪ .‬ממה שיחזק הכליות כאשר יחלשו ממשיכת ממיות הדם‬ ‫אשר הוא השתן כמו האשפינרג‪ 207‬כאשר יבשלו בבשר [‪ ]143A‬הצאן השמן ושיוקח‬ ‫עליהם מן הצמוקין הטובים לפי שהם יזונו אותו וישמינוהו וינקו אותו מן הלכלוך המתקבץ‬ ‫  ‪191‬‬ ‫‪.‬מקום ‪ B‬במקום ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪192‬‬ ‫‪.‬כאשר ‪ J‬לאשר ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪193‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬תמיד בו ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪194‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬אצלו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪195‬‬ ‫‪.‬הסוכר ‪ B‬הסכיג׳בין ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪196‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬עם ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪197‬‬ ‫‪.‬משקה ‪ B‬או במשקה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪198‬‬ ‫‪.‬הקושקוטה ‪ J‬קושקטה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪199‬‬ ‫‪.‬האינדיביאה ‪ J‬האנדויאה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪200‬‬ ‫‪.‬אותה ‪ B‬חומה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪201‬‬ ‫‪.‬ופרט ‪ B‬ובפרט ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪202‬‬ ‫‪.‬הרופאים ‪ J‬חכמי׳ ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪203‬‬ ‫‪.‬התושב ‪ B‬התושבת ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪204‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬למעים ובפרט ‪J‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬נקב ‪205  B‬‬ ‫‪.‬הסועה ‪ J‬הצועה ‪ emendation editors: B‬הסוער  ‪206‬‬ ‫  ‪207‬‬ ‫‪.‬האשפינדקש ‪ J‬האשפינרג ‪B‬‬

‫‪Chapter 3‬‬

‫‪154‬‬

‫בהתעכב בהם‪ 208‬השתן נתעב הריח‪ .‬וכבר ינקה אותו גם כן האבטיח המתוק אשר יאכל‬ ‫בשרו עם גרעינו בסוכר על הצום‪ ,‬ובהמה‪ 209‬כבשר צעירי הצאן מבושלים עם בליטין‪210‬‬ ‫או בורג׳י הלחה אחר שנשלקה במים‪ ,‬או איספינרדה‪ 211‬או עם ערבה והשכיבה‪ 212‬במטה‬

‫מוצעת בצמר נקי מנופץ או בקוטון לבן‪ ,‬ואכילת הבטני׳ הקלופי׳ עם צמוקין שמשיים מוסר‬ ‫ממנו גרעינם השמנים‪ 213.‬ויעזב השכיבה על הדברים הקשים ובפרט על שכיבת העור הלבן‬ ‫והשינה עליו‪ .‬והשמירה מהזיעה וכן הרחיצה במים קרים והנגיעה בהם כל שכן בעת נשיבת‬ ‫הרוח הצפוני המנגבת‪ 214‬קור האויר‪ .‬ואמרו חכמי׳ שהאגוז הקלוף או הבטנים הקלופים‬ ‫כאשר יאכלו בדבש יועיל לכליות מאד‪ 215‬מפני שישמר בריאותם ויחזק אותם‪ .‬ושתית‬ ‫קמח האפונים עשויה בחלב ממה שישמינם וישמר בריאותם מאד‪ .‬והפניס כאשר יאכל‬ ‫עם בטנים קלופים יחזקו הכליו׳‪ ,‬והשקדים המתוקים גם כן רבי המזון אליהם‪ .‬ומה שהוא‬ ‫מהדברים הקרים המיוחדים ר״ל הפירות וזולתם אין דבר יותר מזיק ממנה לכליות‪ .‬וכן‬ ‫החומץ והבשרים העבים כמו הבקר והעזים והחלב החמוץ כבורוץ‪ 216‬והדומה לו‪ .‬וכן‬ ‫הירקות הקרות‪ 217‬מזיקות מאד זולת הלפת שיש בו‪ 218‬תועלת‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]17‬שער י״ז בשמירת המקוה‪ .‬אולם היותר מיוחד בחזוק המקוה ושמירת בריאותה האלון‬ ‫המתוק כאשר יאכל עם הצמוקין השחורים ואכילת המרקחות החמות מאד כמרקחת‬ ‫גליגאר‪ 219‬והדרציני ומרקחת‪ 220‬שיזנאיה והפלפלין ומרקחת ליגנא אלובין‪ 221‬כאשר ילקח‬ ‫ממנו בשעור‪ 222‬שוה בכל יום‪ ,‬ושימנע משתית‪ 223‬המים הקרים על צום ומי השלג‪ .‬ואמרו‬ ‫חכמי׳ כאשר יאכל הלבונה תמיד יחזק המקוה ויתן לו כח מחזיק‪ .‬ועשית הקיא על המלוא‬ ‫מועיל מחולי המקוה מאד‪ .‬ואכילת המתיקה הידועה באכילתה‪ 224‬והוא גריש החטה בלולה‬ ‫בחמאה טובה ולושה בדבש יש לה סגולה לחזק המקוה‪ .‬וכאשר ישתה מהליגנה לובין‬ ‫בכל יום חצי דרה׳ מועיל מחולשת המקוה וקרירותה ויחזק אותה‪ .‬ואין דבר יותר מזיק‬ ‫לה מהחזיק השתן כאשר יצטרך להוציאו ממנה‪ .‬וכן אכילת הבקר והזרעים הקרים ושתית‬ ‫המים הקרים‪ 225‬על הצום יולידו ההזקים במקוה‪ .‬והיותר מזיק בה גם כן הוא החומץ כאשר‬ ‫יתמיד אכילתו‪.‬‬

‫  ‪208‬‬ ‫‪.‬בהתערב בה ‪ J‬בהתעכב בהם ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪209‬‬ ‫‪.‬ובהזנה ‪ J‬ובהמה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪210‬‬ ‫‪.‬בלידש אורגיש ‪ J‬בליטין או בורג׳י הלחה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪211‬‬ ‫‪.‬האשפינדק ‪ J‬איספינרדה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪212‬‬ ‫‪.‬במים והשכבה ‪ J‬והשכיבה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪213‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬השמנים ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪214‬‬ ‫‪.‬וביום ‪ add. J‬המנגבת ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪215‬‬ ‫‪.‬מיד ‪ B‬מאד ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪216‬‬ ‫‪.‬כברוץ ‪ J‬כבורוץ ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪217‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬הקרות ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪218‬‬ ‫‪.‬קצת ‪ add. J‬בו ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪219‬‬ ‫‪.‬אלבנגאן ‪ B‬גליגאר ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪220‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬ומרקחת שיזנאיה והפלפלין ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪221‬‬ ‫‪.‬הלינגאלובין ‪ J‬ליגנא אלובין ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪222‬‬ ‫‪.‬כשעור ‪ B‬בשעור ‪J‬‬ ‫‪.‬והפילפלין ‪ add. B‬משתית ‪223  B J‬‬ ‫  ‪224‬‬ ‫‪.‬כאכילתה ‪ B‬באכילתה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪225‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬הקרים ‪B‬‬

‫‪155‬‬

‫‪The Hebrew Text‬‬

‫[‪ ]18‬שער י״ח בשמירת הבצים‪ .‬ואולם שמירת הבצים יהיה בהרקת הזרע‪ 226‬אצל הצורך‬ ‫בחבור הנערות לבד‪ ,‬כל שכן בטובות המראה מהן‪ .‬ובספר הסגולות מלמד‪ 227‬אם בהחזיק‬ ‫הזרע ימשך אחריו‪ 228‬מלוא הגוף ויחדש בזה המלוא מקרים רעים כמו מחשבות שחורות‬ ‫וכאבים בגוף כלו‪ 229‬והזיה בשינה וחולשה בראות‪ .‬ואין לו רפואה יותר מועילה מהמשגל‬ ‫מבלתי אסראף‪ 230.‬וכבר יקרה מעצירת הזרע בחורה‪ 231‬מחנק ברחם לא נתרפאה מזה‬ ‫[‪ ]143B‬עד שנבעלה לבחור‪ .‬וממה שישמר הביצים גם כן הרחקת הרכיבה על אוכף קטן‬ ‫וצר ועל‪ 232‬מרדע׳ מכוסה בעורות הגסים‪ .‬ואמר אחד מן החכמי׳‪ :‬התמדת רכיבת הסוסים‬ ‫ומרוצתם מזיק מאד לביצים‪ ,‬וזה סבה לבקיעה‪ .‬ויזיק מהם רחיצת הרגלים במים קרים תמיד‬ ‫וההמעדה‪ 233‬המים הקרים והרחיצה בהם‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]19‬שער י״ט בשמירת התושבת‪ .‬הטוב שבדברי׳ לתושבת ושמירת בריאותה הישיבה‪234‬‬ ‫על כסא עור החיות כמו עור האריה והסמור והפנק‪ 235,‬ואולם כדור‪ 236‬עור האריה הנה‬ ‫הישיבה עליו יועיל לבעלי הטחורים בסגולה אשר‪ 237‬בו‪ ,‬ואולם כסא הסהמור והפנק‪238‬‬ ‫הנה יחממו בשווי ויסירו הכאבים הנקרים עליו‪ 239‬מרוח הטחורים‪ .‬והתמדת האטריפל‬ ‫הקטן אצל השינה והוא מיץ כיבול‪ 240‬והנדי ואמלג׳ הנה מתועלתם לחזק תורף הנשים‬ ‫וישמר בריאות התושב׳ וינגב הלחות הרע הנשפך‪ 241‬אליו ויחזק אותו‪ .‬וירחיק הישיבה על‬ ‫הארץ הקרה הקשה וכל שכן בימי הסתו שמזיק לתושבת מאד מפני שמרפה העצל הסוגר‬ ‫על הנקב עד שלא יוכל להחזיק הזבל ויצא ממנו בלתי רצון בעליו‪ .‬והקנוח באבן תמיד‪ .‬וכן‬ ‫היותר מזיק לזה המזונות מולידו׳ שחורה‪ 242‬והדם העבה כמו בשר הבקר והארנבת והאיל‬ ‫והמרי והזתים והלחם עם מורסנו‪ ,‬וכל מה שירבה השחורה בגוף יזיק לזה מאד‪ .‬ואמרו‬ ‫חכמים שהכנס באבנים החמים במרחץ‪ 243‬והישיבה בהם שעה מועיל מאד לתושבת בחום‬ ‫ממיותו ולחותו לפי שיצטרך תמיד אל החמימות למה שיתיך‪ 244‬הרבה מכאביו עם עשיית‬ ‫המזונות המרככים הטבע כמו בשר צעירי הצאן השמנים העשויים עם מרק מעט‪ 245‬בלתי‬ ‫  ‪226‬‬ ‫‪.‬בהרקתם ‪ B‬בהרקת הזרע ‪J‬‬ ‫‪.‬ללמד אם ‪ J‬ללמדו אם ‪ emendation editors: B‬מלמד אם  ‪227‬‬ ‫  ‪228‬‬ ‫‪.‬בו ‪ add. B‬אחריו ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪229‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬בגוף כלו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪230‬‬ ‫‪ vacat B.‬אסראף ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪231‬‬ ‫‪.‬לאשה נזירה ‪ B‬בחורה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪232‬‬ ‫‪.‬על ‪ B‬ועל ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪233‬‬ ‫‪.‬והעמדה במערת ‪ B‬וההמעדה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪234‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬הישיבה ‪J‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬והפוך והסהמור ‪ emendation editors: J‬הסמור והפנק  ‪235‬‬ ‫  ‪236‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬כדור ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪237‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬אשר בו ‪J‬‬ ‫‪ om. B‬והפוך הסהמור ‪ emendation editors: J‬הסהמור והפנק  ‪238‬‬ ‫  ‪239‬‬ ‫‪.‬אליו ‪ J‬עליו ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪240‬‬ ‫‪.‬כאבול ‪ J‬כיבול ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪241‬‬ ‫‪.‬ונשפך ‪ B‬הנשפך ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪242‬‬ ‫‪.‬לכמוס ‪ J‬שחורה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪243‬‬ ‫‪.‬והישיבה בהם במרחץ ‪ J‬במרחץ והישיבה בהם ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪244‬‬ ‫‪.‬תמיד ‪ add. J‬שיתיך ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪245‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬מעט ‪J‬‬

‫‪Chapter 3‬‬

‫‪156‬‬

‫בצל‪ ,‬שהבצל מזיק מעט לתושבת לפי שהוא יפתח פיות עורקיו והוא אבר כמו שאמ׳‬ ‫גאלינו׳ רב הרגש ולזה תהיה כאשר יתחדש בו קושי‪ 246‬לא תתרפא‪ 247,‬ולכן ראוי שישמר‬ ‫במזון ומה שיאות אליו מהמזונות‪248.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]20‬השער העשרים בשמירת הגוף וקצותיו‪ .‬אולם הנראה לנו מהגוף ישמר ברחיצה‬ ‫נמשכת במים חמים ערבים במרחץ שוה האויר על ריקות האצטומ׳ מהמאכל ורחיצתו‬ ‫מהעכירות בחכוך הרך וחפיפה שוה ובשמן זית ישן הערב טוב הריח בזמן הסתו ובשמן ורד‬ ‫בזמן הקיץ ובשמן ויאולש‪ .‬ואמרו חכמי׳‪ :‬כאשר ירחץ הבלן‪ 249‬הגוף במרחץ בדבש יוציא מן‬ ‫הגשם מה שהוא דבק בין עור ובשר מן המותרות הלחות העשניות ויפתח הסתומים וימרק‬ ‫מה שעליו מן החלודה והדומה אליו‪ .‬וכן יעשה קמח הכרשנה והאפונים והפולים‪ .‬והחפיפה‬ ‫בבגד שעיר שהוא יקנה לו חמימות יחממהו וירכך‪ 250‬העור ויספגהו‪ 251‬ותתיך מה‪ 252‬שתחת‬ ‫העור מהמותרות העשניות ויצאו מן הנקבים עבר ירפה תנועת האברים העצמיים ר״ל‬ ‫הפרקים ותאמץ הגופות הבלגמיות הלחות‪ .‬ואולם הקצות כידים ורגלים ירחץ אותם במים‬ ‫שוים בסתו ויקבלו תועלת‪ ,‬ובקיץ בהפך‪ .‬ואמרו חכמ׳ שרחיצת‪ 253‬צפרני ידים ורגלים במים‬ ‫וחומץ ישמר אותם מקביצותם ושחרותם וסדיקותם‪ .‬ואמרו שאם יקנח בכל [‪ ]144A‬יום‬ ‫חמישי‪ 254‬ישמר גם כן מסדיקותם‪ .‬וכן משיחתם בשמן ומלח יחזקם‪ .‬ועל הכלל מים חמים‬ ‫יותר טובי׳ להם מהקרים כאשר ירחץ בהם‪ .‬ולבישת מנעלים צרים וארקוקש יזיקו לאצבעות‬ ‫הרגלים‪ ,‬ופעמים יהיו סבה להרכבת קצתם על קצת ויתעקמו‪ 255‬הצפרנים לצרותם בהם‪.‬‬ ‫וממה שיתחיב לאדם כאשר יהיה יגע ויהיה יגיעה על הרגלים יותר‪ ,‬שיגביה רגליו ושוקיו‬ ‫למעלה ויסמוך אותן אל הקיר‪ ,‬אבל אחר שיכלה מזאת היגיעה‪ .‬וכן יתחיב שיעשה אצל‬ ‫היציאה מהמרחץ‪ .‬וכאשר יעמיד הרגלים גם כן תלויים ברכיבת הסוסים וזולתם מן הבהמות‬ ‫בדרכים רחוקים יתחיב שיגביהם למעלה ויסמכם בעליו אל הקיר בעמידתו שזה מסיר‬ ‫היגיעה‪ .‬וההליכה בטיט והליכה יחף מן הדברים יותר מזיקים אל המוח הקר ואל העינים‬ ‫החלושים ומי שעלול מהרבמאס‪ 256‬הקר מאד וכל שכן בזמן הסתו‪ ,‬ויזיק מאד להטפת‬ ‫השתן מחולשת הכח המחזיק במקוה בסבת הקור‪ .‬ואמרו חכמ׳ שהצחוק בכדור הקטן‬ ‫והשלכתו למעלה והשלכתו‪ 257‬בשתי ידים יחד מועיל מאד לזרועות וישמר בריאותם ויועיל‬ ‫מהכאבים ההוים עליהם מתגבורת הלחות‪ 258‬ורוחות קרות ויקל קושי תנועתם כל שכן‬ ‫למבקשי מנוחה ושקיטה‪ .‬ואולם הרגלים הנה חפיפתם בא על ריקות הבטן ממאכל ומשתה‬ ‫יועיל להם מהכבדות ואיחור ההליכה וקושי התנועה‪ .‬וממה שישמר גם כן הרגלים והשוקים‬ ‫‪.‬ועכירות ‪ add. J‬קושי ‪246  B J‬‬ ‫  ‪247‬‬ ‫‪.‬תתרפ׳ ‪ B‬תתרפא ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪248‬‬ ‫‪.‬רב מזונות ‪ B‬מהמזונות ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪249‬‬ ‫‪.‬כל ‪ B‬הבלן ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪250‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬וירכך ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪251‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬ויספגהו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪252‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬מה שתחת … עבר ]!] ירפה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪253‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬שרחיצת ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪254‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬חמישי ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪255‬‬ ‫‪ Lat. torquendi (CQS), distortionis (TU).‬ויתערמו ‪ B‬ויתעקמו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪256‬‬ ‫‪.‬מהרבמט ‪ B‬מהרבמאס ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪257‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬והשלכתו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪258‬‬ ‫‪.‬הנאות הליחות ‪ J‬הלחות ‪B‬‬

‫‪157‬‬

‫‪The Hebrew Text‬‬

‫הרגיל במי הים‪ ,‬וגם כן למי שכבר קדם לו שבר‪ ,‬לפי שזה יכמוש‪ 259‬נפחם וכל‪ 260‬שכן למי‬ ‫שיקרה להם זה הנפח בסבת אורך העמידה עליו או בהתלות הרגלים ברכיבה למי שהתמיד‬ ‫גם כן הרכיבה בדרכים הרחוקים‪ .‬ומה שהבאנו בזו הכונה מספיק בג״ה‪.‬‬

‫שער בשמירת הבריאות לכל עלה שתקרה אליך‪261.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]21‬שער כ״א בשמירת הבריאות‪ .‬שמירת‪ 262‬הבריאות יהיה בטוב השעור בתנועה ומנוחה‬ ‫ושינה ויקיצה ומאכל ומשתה והוצאת המותרות ושווי המקומות והטיולים ושמירה מחדושים‬ ‫רעים קודם שיתרבו‪ 263‬ויגדלו והמחשבות‪ 264‬הנפשיות‪ .‬וישמר ממקומות המבואים‪.‬‬ ‫והשמירה במנהגות‪ .‬ואנחנו נאמ׳ בכל אחד מאלו העניני׳ כפי הכונה המכוונת בספרנו זה‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]22‬שער כ״ב בהנהגת התנועה וכחה‪ 265.‬ראוי שישתמש האדם‪ 266‬בשמירת הבריאות‬ ‫תנוע׳ קודם המאכל והוא‪ 267‬שיתנועע על שיעור מנהגו‪ 268‬וכחו אם בהליכה ואם ברכיבה‬ ‫ולא ירבה ממנה עד שירגיש ביגיעה ויכבד לו יותר‪ 269,‬אבל יעזוב כאשר יכבד‪ .‬שהתנועה‬ ‫קודם המאכל תזכך‪ 270‬החום הטבעי ויקבל האצטומכה המזון בתאוה ויקבלוהו האברים‬ ‫וישמין הגוף‪ .‬והתנועה אחר המאכל תגבורת החליים‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]23‬שער כ״ג בהנהגת השינה וכחה ותועלתה‪ .‬אולם השינה ראוי שיהיה אחר המאכל‬ ‫בזמן שירד המאכל מפי‪ 271‬האצטו׳ וירגיש הכבדות והנפח כבר הקל וירד ממנו‪ ,‬ואם התאחר‬ ‫זה הנה צריך שיעזור בהליכה לאט‪ 272‬עד שירד‪ .‬וראוי [‪ ]144B‬שלא ירבה התהפכות מצד‬ ‫אל צד שהוא יאחר העכול ויביא הנפח והקרקור‪ 273‬ותהיה אלמנידה ובפרט כאשר המאכל‬ ‫לא ירד מפי האצטומ׳‪ .‬ומתועלת‪ 274‬השינה שתתענג בה הנפש ויחדד העצה ומחשבה‬ ‫וישקיט היגיעה וייטיב העכול וישמין הגוף וכאשר יפליגו בה תנפח הגוף‪ 275‬וירבה בו הבלגם‬ ‫ויקררהו‪ 276‬וכל שכן הגופות השמנים‪ .‬והתעורה המופלגת יעורר החום ויפסיד המראה וינגב‬

‫  ‪259‬‬ ‫‪.‬יכמיש נתחם ‪ B‬יכמוש נפחם ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪260‬‬ ‫‪.‬כל שכן ‪ B‬הרגלים … וכל שכן ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪261‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬שער בשמירת הבריאות לכל עלה שתקרה אליך ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪262‬‬ ‫‪.‬והפהוק? על שמירת הבריאות ‪ J‬שמירת הבריאות ‪B‬‬ ‫‪.‬שיתעטש? ‪ J‬שיתעבו ‪ emendation editors: B‬שיתרבו  ‪263‬‬ ‫  ‪264‬‬ ‫המחשבות הנפשיות וישמר מהמקומות ‪ J‬והמחשבות הנפשיות‪ .‬וישמר ממקומות המבואים ‪B‬‬ ‫‪.‬המביאים‬ ‫  ‪265‬‬ ‫‪.‬וכחה ‪ J in marg.‬והמנוחה ‪ J‬וכחה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪266‬‬ ‫‪.‬שישתמשו ‪ B‬שישתמש האדם ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪267‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬והוא ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪268‬‬ ‫‪.‬הנהגתו ‪ J‬מנהגו ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪269‬‬ ‫‪.‬הרוב ‪ J‬יותר ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪270‬‬ ‫‪.‬תזכך ‪ J‬תרכך ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪271‬‬ ‫‪.‬מן ‪ B‬מפי ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪272‬‬ ‫‪ om. B Lat. suavis.‬לאט עד שירד ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪273‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬והקרקור ותהיה אלמנידה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪274‬‬ ‫‪.‬ומפעלת ‪ J‬ומתועלת ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪275‬‬ ‫‪.‬וירבה ‪ B‬הגוף וירבה בו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪276‬‬ ‫‪.‬ויקרהו ‪ B‬ויקררהו ‪J‬‬

‫‪Chapter 3‬‬

‫‪158‬‬

‫הגופות הכחושים‪ .‬וראוי שלא תכריח הנפש על התעורה כאשר היא לאה ויגעה‪ ,‬וכן לא‬ ‫תפנה אל השינה והנפש ערה‪ 277‬וזכה והחושים קלים חזקים‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]24‬שער כ״ד בהנהגת המאכל‪ .‬הטוב לאדם כאשר ירד שמר‪ 278‬המאכל הישן והושפל אל‬ ‫הצדדי׳ השפלים מן הבטן ואין‪ 279‬בו דבר מן המתיחה‪ 280‬ותבא התאוה‪ .‬וראוי לו שלא ידחה‬ ‫האכילה כאשר תבא התאוה אם לא שתהיה התאוה כוזבת כאשר התעורר בשכרון‪281‬‬ ‫לבעלי הקבסא‪ 282.‬אמנם כאשר יתאוה האדם‪ 283‬המאכל ולא יהיה לו השכרות‪ ,‬גם לא‬ ‫קדם לו מזונות עבות ולא רבוי מזון הנה יאכל בזה העת ולא ידחה אותו כי הוא יותר טוב‪.‬‬ ‫ואם תזדמן בענינו שידחה האכילה עד שתכל]ה[‪ 284‬התאוה אחר שבא‪ ,‬הנה ראוי שישתה‬ ‫גלאב‪ 285‬או סכנגבין או מים חמים ויאחר המזון שעה עד שיתנקה או יתיר הטבע או‪286‬‬ ‫תעורר התאוה‪ ,‬וישוב ויאכל‪ .‬ואין ראוי שיתמלא מהמאכל עד שתמשך האצטו׳ ותכבד‬ ‫תכלית הכובד ויציק לנשימה‪ .‬ואם יקרה כמו זה בכל יום ראוי שיקיא המאכל קודם שירד‪.‬‬ ‫ואם לא יזדמן הנה יוסיף בשינה והתנועה ויקח מה שיורידהו אל הבטן‪ ,‬וימעט שעור המזון‬ ‫למחר‪ .‬וראוי שיזון כל אדם במזונות הנהוגים לפי מה שהלך מנהגו מן הסדרים אם לא שיהיה‬ ‫מנהגו רע‪ .‬וראוי שתעתיקה‪ 287‬ממנו מעט מעט‪ 288‬והיותר קל ממה שאפשר‪ .‬וראוי שיהיו‬ ‫ג׳ אכילות בשני ימים‪ .‬והאכילה פעם אחת ]ביום[ יזיק לבעלי הגופות הכחושים היבשים‪289‬‬ ‫והאכילה ב׳ פעמים יזיק לבעלי הגופות השמנים‪ 290.‬ומי שהוא רב התנועה והיגיעה יצטרך‬ ‫אל מזון יותר‪ ,‬ובהפך‪ .‬וראוי שיקבע אדם מנהגו מן המזונות הנאותות לו‪ ,‬שלפעמים יאותו‬ ‫לאדם המזונות הרעים‪ .‬וקצת אנשים‪ 291‬יצטרך שיתנסו‪ 292.‬והמזונות המחוברים אשר תהיה‬ ‫אליהם התאוה‪ ,‬ואם יהיו רעים‪ ,‬הנה מהם שיאותו אם לא שיהיו מופלגים לרוע‪ .‬ואין ראוי‬ ‫שיתמידו המזונות הרעים ואם התמידו אותם ראוי שיכוין שיעשה לזה משלשל שדרכו‪293‬‬ ‫להוציא הליחה הרעה אשר תוליד בגוף‪ 294‬זה המזון‪ .‬ואולם בעת אכילתו הנה ראוי שיאכל‬ ‫עמו או ישתה גם‪ 295‬כן דבר שיתקן אותו כמו שנזכור‪ .‬וממה שיהיה בו הפסד העכול אכילת‬ ‫מזונות מתחלפות בעת אחד והקדמת המזון העב קודם הדק‪ ,‬ואם הרבה מהמאכלים ותארך‬ ‫  ‪277‬‬ ‫‪.‬ברה ‪ B‬ערה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪278‬‬ ‫‪.‬שמרי ‪ B‬שמר ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪279‬‬ ‫‪.‬ולא ישאר ‪ J‬ואין ‪B‬‬ ‫‪.‬ותניע אותו תנועה נאותה ‪ add. J‬המתיחה ‪280  B J‬‬ ‫  ‪281‬‬ ‫‪.‬בשברון ‪ J‬בשכרון ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪282‬‬ ‫‪ vacat B.‬הקבסא ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪283‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬האדם ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪284‬‬ ‫‪.‬שתפול ‪ J‬שתכל]ה[ ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪285‬‬ ‫‪.‬גאלב ‪ B‬גלאב ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪286‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬או תעורר התאוה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪287‬‬ ‫‪.‬שתעתיק.‬שתעתיקה ‪J‬‬ ‫‪.‬במדרגת ‪ add. J‬מעט ‪288  B J‬‬ ‫  ‪289‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬היבשים ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪290‬‬ ‫‪.‬והעבים ‪ add. J‬השמנים ‪B j‬‬ ‫  ‪291‬‬ ‫‪.‬לא ‪ add. B‬האנשים ‪ J‬אנשים ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪292‬‬ ‫‪.‬שיצקו ‪ B‬שיתנסו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪293‬‬ ‫‪.‬שמדרגתו ‪ J‬שדרכו ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪294‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬בגוף זה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪295‬‬ ‫‪.‬אחריו ‪ B‬גם כן ‪J‬‬

‫‪159‬‬

‫‪The Hebrew Text‬‬

‫זמן האכילה עד שיהיה‪ 296‬התחלתה‪ 297‬מסופה‪ 298‬עת‪ 299‬ארוך‪ 300.‬ויהיה המאכל בסתו‬ ‫חם בפעל ובקיץ קר אע״פ שראוי‪ 301‬שישמר מהמאכל חזק החום בעת שירד מן האש‬ ‫והחזק הקור כמטעמים הנקררי׳ בשלג‪ ,‬שזה גם כן ראוי שלא תפסיד‪ 302,‬אבל]לא[יקח‬ ‫בעת חזק החום ובעת חזק הקור‪ .‬והיותר טוב בעתים [‪ ]145A‬לאכילה‪ ,‬העתים הקרים‪.‬‬ ‫ואם‪ 303‬לא אפשר זה ]יבחר[ במקומות הקרים והעתים אשר ימשך להם המנוחה והשינה‪.‬‬ ‫ואולם הפירות הלחים ראוי שיאכלו קודם המאכל לבד מה שיש להם איחור רב באצטומ׳‬ ‫וקביצות וחמיצות כחבושים ותפוחים ורמונים‪ .‬וכאשר לא ירבה מהם אבל יקחו על צד‬ ‫המגדנות הנה יאכלו‪ .‬והיותר טוב בשמירת הבריאות שירחיק הפירות הלחות ולא‪ 304‬תרבה‬ ‫מהן ואם הרבה מהן יצטרך למשלשל‪ .‬והטוב מאכילת הפירות הלחים בכל יום אשר יזדמן‬ ‫בו‪ 305‬יגיעה חזקה והתלהבו׳ באצטו׳ שזה העת יהיה טוב לאכילת הפירות הלחים כענבים‬ ‫ותאנים ואגסים‪ 306‬ותותים ואמוריקש‪ 307‬המקוררים במים; ואחר זמן יקח אכילתו‪ .‬וראוי‬ ‫שירחיק רוע בשול וימעט המאכל ביום ההוא ויקל המזון כאשר ימשך‪ .‬ואם הזדמן זה בימים‬ ‫נמשכים ישתה משקה משלשל ממשלשלים‪ 308‬העשויים להוציא השמר ודחייתו ולנקות‬ ‫האצטומ׳ והמעים כאטריפל הקטן הנולש‪ 309‬בו איארג פיגרא ותורביד וגרגרים הלקוחים‬ ‫באלאפאויה‪ 310‬וגרגרי הצבר ומצטיק ומרקחת‪ 311‬החבושים המשלשל והתמר‪ 312‬ודומיהם‪.‬‬ ‫ומהאנשי׳ יש‪ 313‬שיאות להם המזונות‪ 314‬העבות ויפסיד באצטו׳ מה שיהיה מהמזון בהפך‪,‬‬ ‫לכן ינהיגו כל מזג‪ 315‬כפי ענינו‪ .‬ומי שהרבה יוליד ליטרגיאה ויזיק זה‪ .‬וישים מזונו מה שיהיה‬ ‫הפך זו הליחה‪ 316‬וימנע תולדתה‪317.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]25‬שער כ״ה בהנהגת המשתה‪ .‬ראוי שינהיג המשתה שלא ישתה המים על הצום ולא‬ ‫על השלחן‪ 318‬ולא אחר אכילה עד שיקל עליוני הבטן אם לא בשעור מה שישקיט הצמא‪,‬‬ ‫  ‪296‬‬ ‫‪.‬שישהה ‪ J‬שיהיה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪297‬‬ ‫‪.‬התחלת ‪ B‬התחלתה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪298‬‬ ‫‪.‬בסופה ‪ J‬מסופה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪299‬‬ ‫‪.‬זמן ‪ J‬עת ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪300‬‬ ‫‪.‬ארויך ‪ B‬ארוך ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪301‬‬ ‫‪.‬שישמור ‪ J‬שראוי שישמר ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪302‬‬ ‫‪.‬תתמיד ‪ J‬תפסיד ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪303‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬ואם לא אפשר זה ]יבחר[ במקומות הקרים ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪304‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬ולא תרבה מהן ואם הרבה מהן יצטרך למשלשל‪ .‬והטוב מאכילת הפירות הלחים ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪305‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬בו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪306‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬ואגסים ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪307‬‬ ‫‪.‬והאמורייאקש ‪ J‬ואמוריקש ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪308‬‬ ‫‪.‬מעט ‪ add. J‬מהמשלשלים ‪ J‬ממשלשלים ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪309‬‬ ‫‪.‬או גירא פיגרא ‪ B‬הנולש בו איארג פיגרא ‪J‬‬ ‫‪.‬באלאתאויה ‪ J‬באלפאויה ‪ emendation editors: B‬באלאפאויה  ‪310‬‬ ‫  ‪311‬‬ ‫‪.‬כמרקחת ‪ B‬ומרקחת ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪312‬‬ ‫‪.‬והתמרי ‪ J‬והתמר ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪313‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬יש ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪314‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬המזונות העבות ויפסיד באצטו׳ מה שיהיה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪315‬‬ ‫‪.‬מזון ‪ B‬מזג ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪316‬‬ ‫‪.‬זה ‪ J‬זו הליחה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪317‬‬ ‫‪.‬מלאבתה ]מלאכתה ?‪ J [read‬תולדתה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪318‬‬ ‫‪.‬השובע השלם ‪ J‬השלחן ‪B‬‬

‫‪Chapter 3‬‬

‫‪160‬‬

‫ולא ירבה ממנה עד שיקל היותר עליון מהבטן וירד המאכל ממנו אז תשלם שתיתו ממנו‬ ‫ומהמשקים‪ .‬וראוי שלא ישתה על השולחן מהמים אלא בשעור‪ 319‬ולא יהיו קרים שמעט‬ ‫מהקר יזיק‪ .‬וישמר משתית‪ 320‬מי השלג מי שבו חולשת העצב ומי שאצטומכתו וכבדו קרים‪,‬‬ ‫ובכלל‪ 321‬מי שימצא בעכולו‪ 322‬התחלפות וחולשת נשימה ושאיפה‪ 323.‬ואולם מי שהוא רב‬ ‫הבשר והדם אדום המראה חזק התאוות הנה אין ראוי שיפחד מזה‪ .‬ועם כל זה אין טוב‬ ‫בשתית המים הקרים על הצום אלא למי שבו התלהבות חזק או שריפה‪ .‬וירחיק מן השתיה‬ ‫הרבה‪ 324‬מהמים הקרים בפעם אחת אחר המרחץ והמשגל והתנועה היגעית‪ 325‬אשר‬ ‫תכחיד‪ 326‬האדם‪ .‬ויגמע ממנו שעה‪ 327‬אחר שעה עד שיבטל זה המקרה וימחה רשומו‪ .‬ולא‬ ‫ישתה בלילה אם יהיה צמא כוזב; והאות מזה אם היה שכור ויהיה שכבר לקח מהמים קודם‬ ‫השינה די ספקו וראוי שימתין זמן ויכבוש תאותו בזה שהצמא ישקיט‪ .‬ואולם היין ראוי שלא‬ ‫ישתה על הריקות והרעב ולא עם מאכל יקדם בו חריפות ולא אחר המרחץ או משגל או‬ ‫תנועה יגיעית או עם המאכל אלא אחר ירידתו‪ 328.‬ולא ירבה ממנו עד שתמשך האצטמכ׳‬ ‫ויכבד עליו אלא אם כן היה לרפואה שירצה בו אחר זה‪ .‬ויבחר כל אחד לעצמו המזדמן לו‬ ‫לפי מה שזכרנו‪ ,‬שהתרשלות‪ 329‬בסוגיו ומיניו רבים מאד ותרחיק‪ 330‬הבאת השכרות שהוא‬ ‫מביא לחליים רעים מאד‪ .‬אולם השכרות האחד או שתי שכריות בחדש ממה שיועיל כאשר‬ ‫לא ימשך‪ .‬ויהיה נטית כל אדם‪ 331‬בשעור סבלו‪ 332,‬כי‪ 333‬יש אדם שיפסיד עליו מאכלו ויבא‬ ‫[‪ ]145B‬אליו קדחת ומלוי מהר‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]26‬שער כ״ו בנקיון הגוף ממותר‪ .‬ראוי שנשתכל במה שיעמיד לנו‪ 334‬הגוף נקי ולא‪335‬‬ ‫יהיה בו‪ 336‬מותר וזה בשלשול‪ 337‬הטבע ובהתעורר השתן והתנועה המלאכותית שכל אחד‬ ‫מזה‪ 338‬יוציא‪ 339‬מהגוף מיני המותרות‪ .‬ואם יסתפק שיהיה שעור היציא׳‪ 340‬בזה מעט‬ ‫  ‪319‬‬ ‫‪.‬כשעור ‪ B‬בשעור ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪320‬‬ ‫‪.‬משתות ‪ J‬משתית ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪321‬‬ ‫‪ Lat. universaliter quicumque.‬ובכל ‪ B‬ובכלל ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪322‬‬ ‫‪.‬בעמלו ‪ J‬בעכולו ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪323‬‬ ‫‪.‬והשדפון ‪ add. J‬והשאיפה ‪ J‬ושאיפה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪324‬‬ ‫‪ om. B Lat. nimio.‬הרבה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪325‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬היגעית ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪326‬‬ ‫‪.‬תבקר ‪ J‬תכחיד ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪327‬‬ ‫‪.‬מעט מעט שתות אחר שתות אחר שעה ‪ J‬שעה אחר שעה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪328‬‬ ‫‪.‬ולא על כ]מ[רא ‪ add. J‬ירידתו ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪329‬‬ ‫‪.‬שההסתכלות ‪ J‬שהתרשלות ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪330‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬ותרחיק הבאת השכרות שהוא מביא לחליים רעים מאד ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪331‬‬ ‫‪.‬אליו ‪ add. J‬אדם ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪332‬‬ ‫‪.‬האצטו׳ לחמם ‪ add. J‬שכלו ‪ B‬סבלו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪333‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬כי יש אדם שיפסיד עליו מאכלו ויבא אליו קדחת ומלוי מהר ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪334‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬לנו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪335‬‬ ‫‪.‬לא ‪ B‬ולא ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪336‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬בו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪337‬‬ ‫‪.‬במשלשל ‪ J‬בשלשול ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪338‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬מזה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪339‬‬ ‫‪.‬תוציא ‪ B‬יוציא ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪340‬‬ ‫‪.‬הלקיחה הבא מהן ‪ J‬היציא׳ בזה ‪B‬‬

‫‪161‬‬

‫‪The Hebrew Text‬‬

‫בהקש אל מה שיאכל וישתה ויתגבר המותר‪ 341‬נניח‪ 342‬זו ההנהגה ונצוהו‪ 343‬שישלשל‬ ‫הבטן בקצת דברי׳ שישלשלו בשווי‪ .‬ויעשה זאת הפעלה היין הדקיק והאוקשימל וזרע‬ ‫האבטיח וזרע אלכיאר והכרפס והשומר וקשואים‪ 344‬ודלוע׳ ודומיהם‪ .‬ואם מעט מה שיצא‬ ‫ממנו מהרקה‪ 345‬או מעט מזיעה ויהיה מנהגו בתנועה רחוקה והאויר המקיף בנו בלתי‬ ‫חם נעזרהו במלאכה ומרחץ‪ .‬ואם‪ 346‬התמיד מזון מה שדרכו להוליד האדומה נקח מה‬ ‫שיוציאהו בשווי כמיראבולנש סטרי‪ 347‬ואגסים ותמראינדי ומי רימונים כתושים בבשרם‬ ‫עצמם‪ .‬ואם יפל בזה שגיאה עד שיתקבץ בגופו מזו הלחה שעור רב‪ ,‬יצטרך אז לרפואות‬ ‫החזקות ממה שנזכ[ו]ר ברפואת החליים במיוחד בהם ונשתמש בהם שמוש חזק כפי‬ ‫הראוי שנשתמש ברפואה המתנגדת לה בשמירת הבריאות‪ ,‬ואם היה מזון שדרכו‬ ‫להוליד שחורה נעזרהו בלקיחת מיראבולנש‪ 348‬שחורים והבסבאיג׳‪ 349‬ואפיתימון‪ .‬ואם היה‬ ‫מזון‪ 350‬מדרכו להוליד הבלגם‪ 351‬נכוין אל אטריפל קטן מולש באיארג׳‪ 352‬והתרבד ומרקחות‬ ‫עשויים מזנגביל ותרביד וסוכר‪ .‬וכאשר ראינו האצטו׳ נתבלבלה‪ 353‬והתאוה כבר נפלה עד‬ ‫שלא יוכל האדם‪ 354‬שיתאוה כי אם אל דברי׳ חריפי׳ ויכבד עליו שאר המזונות ובפרט‬ ‫המתוקים והדשניים‪ ,‬ראוי שנעשה הקיא אחר אכילת המלח והחרדל והשלק והצנון ונשתה‬ ‫המשקים אשר יחזקו בשווי כמו אוקשימל ומי הדבש‪ .‬וכאשר ראינו הגוף נפוח כבד התנועה‬ ‫אדום המראה חם המשוש והעורקים נגלים ומלאים‪ ,‬נצוה בהוצאת הדם מעט‪ ,‬ונמעט אותו‬ ‫בשעור המזון ונרחיק ממנו הבשר והיין והמתיקות‪ ,‬ונשים מזונו כלו הקובצים עד שינוחו‬ ‫אלו המקרים‪ .‬וכבר ראוי שיעשה המשגל בשווי‪ ,‬הנשים והאנשים כאשר יהיו מתאוים‪355‬‬ ‫ולא יכריחו הטבע‪ 356.‬ויעשו המלאכה והחכוך והגרגרים‪ 357‬והעטושי׳ בקצת עתים‪ .‬ואין‬ ‫ראוי שיעצר דבר מן שתן כי עצירת השתן מביא קושי השתן וחולי במקוה ורפיונה‪ .‬ועצירת‬ ‫אלנג׳י‪ 358‬והשתן והרוח יביאו הפונץ‪ 359‬והקולון ונפילת התאוה‪360.‬‬

‫  ‪341‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬ויתגבר המותר ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪342‬‬ ‫‪.‬נעזב המנהג ‪ J‬נניח זו ההנהגה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪343‬‬ ‫‪.‬אז ראוי ‪ J‬ונצוהו ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪344‬‬ ‫‪.‬והקשואים ‪ J‬וקשואים ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪345‬‬ ‫‪.‬מהזיעה ‪ J‬מהרקה או מעט מזיעה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪346‬‬ ‫‪.‬וכאשר אנחנו התמדנו מאד ‪ J‬ואם התמיד ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪347‬‬ ‫‪.‬סטרינש ‪ J‬סטרי ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪348‬‬ ‫‪.‬המירבולנש השחורי ‪ J‬מיראבולנש שחורים ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪349‬‬ ‫‪.‬ובסבאג׳ ‪ B‬והבסבאיג׳ ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪350‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬מזון ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪351‬‬ ‫‪.‬הליחות ‪ J‬הבלגם ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪352‬‬ ‫‪.‬באמרג׳ ‪ B‬באיארג׳ ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪353‬‬ ‫‪.‬נתקלקלה ‪ J‬נתבלבלה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪354‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬האדם ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪355‬‬ ‫‪.‬זה לזה ‪ add. J‬מתאוים ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪356‬‬ ‫‪.‬הטבעי ‪ B‬הטבע ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪357‬‬ ‫‪.‬והגררי׳ ‪ B‬והגרגרים ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪358‬‬ ‫‪.‬ועצירה ‪ B‬ועצירת אלנג׳י ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪359‬‬ ‫‪.‬הפונש ‪ J‬הפונץ ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪360‬‬ ‫‪.‬והעלוף ‪ add. J‬התאוה ‪B J‬‬

‫‪Chapter 3‬‬

‫‪162‬‬

‫[‪ ]27‬שער כ״ז בשווי הישיבות והטיולים‪ .‬ראוי שלא יהיה אל אלו המקומות מחום מה‪361‬‬ ‫שיזיע בו הגוף או […] ולא גם כן מהקור מה שיתפלץ עמו הגוף‪ ,‬ולא יהיה יותר לח ויותר‬ ‫יבש אבל בשווי באלו המקומות‪ .‬וכן תזלף‪ 362‬המקומות המעלים אבק במים בשעור מה‬

‫שישתנה בו‪ .‬ואולם המקומות הקרים יהיה הישיבה בהם על מחצלות ובעליות‪ ,‬וזאת ישיבה‬ ‫שוה יכשר לגופים השוים שלמי הבריאות‪ .‬אולם הגופות ההפכיות לזה הכחושי׳ החמים‬ ‫יועיל להם המקומו׳ הקרים הלחים והטיולים‪ .‬והגופות ההפכיות לזה יועיל‪ 363‬המקומו׳‬ ‫היבשי׳ החמים כשלא יהיה עם קרירות‪ ,‬ויזיקהו המתנגד [‪ ]146A‬לזה‪ .‬וראוי שלא יהיה בהם‬ ‫ריח רע ושיתוקן שלא יהיה בו עשן וענן‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]28‬שער כ״ח בהודעת החדושים הרעים‪ .‬אמנם יתחיב להשתכל‪ 364‬בהם קודם שיגדלו‪ ,‬וזה‬ ‫שער נכבד בשמירת הבריאות‪ .‬ונאמר שכאב הראש כאשר התמיד והתחזק והשקיקה‪365‬‬ ‫גם כן כאשר התמיד יקרה ממנו ירידת המים בעין ונשירת שער העפעפים‪ ,‬ולזה‪ 366‬ראוי‬ ‫כאשר התמיד הכאב ונתחזק שנרפא החולה בנקב גידי הצדעים אשר יעברו בהם‪ .‬עוות‬ ‫הפנים חזק הכח יבשר באללקוה שיקרב חדושה וראוי כאשר ירגיש זה שיעשה שלשול חזק‬ ‫ויחפף הפנים בחומץ יין חזק כבר הורתח בהם פודנג׳‪ 367‬וימעט המזון וירחיק השתיה בכלל‬ ‫ויעשה גרגרי׳ ועטושי׳‪ .‬עוות כל הגוף כאשר התרבה‪ 368‬והתמיד יבשר בקווץ וראוי כאשר‬ ‫התחדש שיעשה מרוח חזק וחפיפה מופלגת ודקות הנהגה ולקיחת הסמים החמים ממה‬ ‫שזכרנו בשער שלו‪ 369.‬תרדמת האברי׳ יורה על הפלג׳ וראוי כאשר יתחדש לדקדק ההנהגה‬ ‫וירגיל בסמים החמים‪ 370‬הנזכרי׳ בשער פלג׳‪ .‬אדמימות הפנים והעין והראות העורקים בהם‬ ‫והדמוע הנגר ממנו והרחקה מן האור עם כאב חזק‪ ,‬כל אלו הדברי׳ ממה שיורו באלברסם‬ ‫וראוי שישתדלו בהקזה ושלשול והנחת החומץ ושמן ורד על הראש‪ ,‬ולקרר הגוף כלו‪.‬‬ ‫הכאבוס והסבוב כאשר התמיד והתחזק יורה בחולי הנופל ולזה ראוי שלא יתעצלו ממנו‬ ‫כאשר יתחדש אבל ישתדל ברפואתו‪ .‬היגון המתמיד שלא יודע לו סבה ועכירות הנפש עם‬ ‫רוע תקוה יורה במלנכוניא‪ 371‬וישתדל ברפואתו‪ .‬וכאשר יהיה האדם רואה כאלו זבובים‬ ‫יפרחו נגד עיניו או שערות או יראה סביבו ענן או עשן פעמי׳ יהיה הוראה לירידת המים‬ ‫בעין וישתדל ברפואתו‪ .‬וקבוץ מזונות באצטומ׳ כמו קבוץ הדגים והביצים בעת אחת יוליד‬ ‫רוח הטחורים‪ -‬וכאב הכסלים ויניע רוח מזקת‪ .‬וכן היין והחלב כאשר התקבצו באצטומ׳‬ ‫יולידו‪ 372‬רוח הנקרס‪ .‬והחלב והדגים כשהתקבצו באצטו׳ יולידו רוח הקולון‪ .‬ורבוי אכילת‬

‫  ‪361‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬מה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪362‬‬ ‫‪.‬כשיתחלף ‪ B‬תזלף ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪363‬‬ ‫‪.‬להם ‪ add. J‬יועיל ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪364‬‬ ‫‪.‬להשתדל ‪ B‬להשתכל ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪365‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬והשקיקה גם כן כאשר התמיד ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪366‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬ולזה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪367‬‬ ‫‪.‬פורנג׳ ‪ B‬פודנג׳ ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪368‬‬ ‫‪.‬נראה ‪ B‬התרבה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪369‬‬ ‫‪.‬שלם ‪ B‬שלו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪370‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬החמים ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪371‬‬ ‫‪.‬במלאנכוניאה ‪ J‬במלנכוניא ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪372‬‬ ‫‪.‬יוליד ‪ B‬יולידו ‪J‬‬

‫‪163‬‬

‫‪The Hebrew Text‬‬

‫הבצים וההתמדה מהם‪ 373‬יולידו הכתמים בפנים ויעורר הרוח אשר‪ 374‬כאשר יעמד בעליו‬ ‫יחדש העלוף‪ 375.‬וכניסת המרחץ על מלוא המאכל‪ 376‬יוליד קולון‪ .‬ואכילת האתרוג בלילה‬ ‫יוליד סבוב‪ .‬והמשגל כאשר לא הורק בעליו קודם משתן יוליד החצץ‪ .‬וכאשר ישן האדם מן‬ ‫גויו צהר‪ 377‬יוליד השטות‪ .‬והמשגל ב׳ פעמים יחד יוליד הצרעת‪ 378.‬וכאשר תכנס למרחץ‬ ‫ותטיח‪ 379‬גופך בשמן ויאולש‪ 380‬יסיר החכוך‪ .‬וכאשר תאכל לא תשתה מים על מאכלך עד‬ ‫שתשלים לאכל שזה יקל על האצטומ׳ וימהר לעכל המאכל‪ .‬ואם הרבית לשתו׳ מים יוליד‬ ‫באצטו׳‪ 381‬רפיון ועפוש‪ 382.‬והלעיקה בכל יום מימי הסתו ג׳ ליעוקים דבש או ג׳ ליעוקים מן‬ ‫נפת‪ 383‬ירחיק הברסאם‪ .‬וכאשר תרצה בלילות לישן תגמע ג׳ גמיעות מים חמים שיהיה‬ ‫טוב מהרוח והשעול‪ .‬וכאשר תאכל בלילות דגים לא תישן עד שיתעכל‪ ,‬שזה‪ 384‬יוליד‪385‬‬ ‫העוות אם לא ישתה עליו דבש או‪ 386‬יין טוב‪ .‬וכאשר תאכל בלילה הקל במאכל וכאשר‬ ‫תשכים בבקר יקל הגוף‪ .‬ואם תרצה לאכל צמוקי׳ [‪ ]146B‬בכל יום בבקר יהיה טוב אך הזהר‬ ‫שתסיר הגרעין מהם‪ ,‬והתמיד עליו‪ .‬וכן אם אפשר לך שתאכל ג׳ מיראבולנש‪ 387‬שחורים‬ ‫מזוקקים‪ 388‬עם סוכרי‪ 389‬לבן זה מה שישקיט מרה שחורה והדם יחד‪ .‬וירחיק כל התנועות‬ ‫מהיום אשר תקח אותו עד שלמות ז׳ ימים‪ .‬וכאשר יתמידו עליו בכל ז׳ ימי השבוע לא‬ ‫יבא בו שגיאה בחפץ השם‪ .‬ואמרו בעלי נסיון כי מי שלטש‪ 390‬צפרניו ביום חמישי יתרפא‬ ‫מסדיקותם‪ .‬ואם תרצה שלא תחלה מטחולך גמע גמיעה בכל שבוע מחומץ חזק ויהא‬ ‫בטוח מזה‪ .‬וכן כאשר תנעול‪ 391‬נעלך תתחיל בימין וכאשר תשלול‪ 392‬אותם תתחיל בשמאל‬ ‫ותהיה בטוח מכאב הטחול ומחולי הצד‪ .‬ואם תרצה שלא יהיה בשיניך חפירה ולא שנוי‪,‬‬ ‫יהיה חכוכך בעץ האפרסק‪ .‬ואם תרצה שלא תחרש אזנך שים בו בכל ז׳ ימים כאשר תרצה‬ ‫לישון בלילה קוטון‪ 393‬שבו מעט משמן כירי‪ 394‬טוב‪ .‬ואם תרצה התמדת הבריאות יהיה‬ ‫  ‪373‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬וההתמדה מהם ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪374‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬אשר ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪375‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬העלוף ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪376‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬המאכל ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪377‬‬ ‫‪ vacat B.‬מן גויו צהר ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪378‬‬ ‫‪.‬צרעות ‪ J‬הצרעת ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪379‬‬ ‫‪.‬וטחית ‪ B‬ותטיח ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪380‬‬ ‫‪.‬ויאולד ‪ J‬ויאולש ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪381‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬באצטו׳ ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪382‬‬ ‫‪.‬ועפוץ ‪ B‬ועפוש ‪J‬‬ ‫‪.‬זפת ‪ emendation editors: BJ‬נפת  ‪383‬‬ ‫  ‪384‬‬ ‫‪.‬וזה ‪ B‬שזה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪385‬‬ ‫‪.‬יוריש ‪ J‬יוליד ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪386‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬דבש או ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪387‬‬ ‫‪.‬מירבולנש ‪ J‬מיראבולנש ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪388‬‬ ‫‪.‬מדוקקים ‪ B‬מזוקקים ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪389‬‬ ‫‪.‬סוכר ‪ J‬סוכרי ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪390‬‬ ‫‪.‬שקלה ‪ BJ‬שלטש ‪B 2‬‬ ‫‪.‬אם תנעול נעלך ‪ J‬אם תנעול תתחיל נעלך ‪ emendation editors: B‬תנעול נעלך תתחיל  ‪391‬‬ ‫  ‪392‬‬ ‫‪.‬תחלוץ ‪ J‬תשלול ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪393‬‬ ‫‪.‬מוך ‪ J‬קוטון ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪394‬‬ ‫‪.‬גיורי ‪ J‬כירי ‪B‬‬

‫‪Chapter 3‬‬

‫‪164‬‬

‫מאכלך בשעור לא יוסיף ולא יחסר‪ .‬וכאשר תסיר‪ 395‬השולחן מלפניך תסיר אותה בעוד‬ ‫שאתה מתאוה קצת מה שעליו מהמאכל‪ .‬ואם תרצה לשתות מים עיין אחר שתדע שיספיק‬ ‫אליך‪ ,‬ושתה בשעור חצי מה שתתאוה שזה יבריא גופך ויחזק האצטו׳‪ 396‬ויעכל מאכלך‪ .‬ואם‬ ‫תתאוה לישן יהיה הטייתך על ימינך ושינתך על שמאלך‪ ,‬והרגל עצמך שלא תישן כי אם ב׳‬ ‫שלישי הלילה‪ .‬וכאשר תשכים בבקר חפוף‪ 397‬שיניך בליגנא‪ 398‬אלואין ושל‪ 399‬נטרי וורד‪400‬‬ ‫שרוף וכתוש ומנופה‪ ,‬שזה ינקה השנים וימרק אותם ויסיר‪ 401‬הבלגם וייטיב ריח הפה‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]29‬שער כ״ט בהכנס למרחץ והטיחות בסיד‪ .‬מי שירצה להתמיד הטיחה בסיד ירחיק‬ ‫קודם זה המשגל י׳׳ב שעות ויורחץ ויתחפף‪ .‬עוד יטוח ולא יכנס למרחץ בחומו‪ .‬ולא יצא‬ ‫גם כן בעודך חם‪ ,‬אבל יעמד בכל בית‪ 402‬עת מעט‪ .‬ויהיו העתים בכניסתך שוים לאשר‬ ‫ביציאתך‪ .‬ולא תפנה מן החום אל הקור ולא מן הקור אל החום‪ .‬והיותר טוב מה שיכנס‬ ‫למרחץ בזמן הסתו ובאביב‪ .‬והטוב שיושלך בסיד המירא והצבר ושחם חנטל‪ .‬עוד יקח‬ ‫מכל אחד מהם‪ 403‬ב׳ דרהמי׳‪ 404‬ויערב אותם בסיד‪ .‬וכאשר תרחץ בסיד תעש׳ חפיפה‬ ‫באבטיח וקמח האורז והעצפור היבש‪ 405,‬שזה ממה שימרק הגוף וירכך‪ 406‬הבשר וישקיט‬ ‫החום וייטיב הגוף‪ .‬ואם תרצה רחץ ראשך ערב עם מלווש‪ 407‬מעט מן האמלג׳ וסוכר‬ ‫כתוש ומנופה ומולש בשמן כירי חדש‪ ,‬שזה ידחה הקצידא וכאב הראש החם וינקה הראש‬ ‫מהכנים וינגב הראש‪ .‬ואם תרצה אחר הסיד ליכנס במרחץ ותטיח ראשך מזה אשר‬ ‫תארתי‪ 408‬לך מתחלת הלילה‪ 409‬ותטיח זקנך כמו שעשית באלחנה‪ 410.‬עוד הכנס במרחץ‬ ‫שזה ממה שיעבה השער ויצמיחהו צמיחה טובה וישקיט החום ויסיר הקצידא‪ .‬וכאשר‬ ‫תרצה לצאת מהמרחץ שפוך על ראשך ועל גופך מים פושרי׳ ולבוש בגד נקי‪ 411‬מבושם‬ ‫וכאשר תצא שכב שעה אחת‪ 412‬אחר יציאתך ותניח על קדקדך דבר שתכסה אותו או‪413‬‬ ‫מעט ויאולש מלא יד בחתיכת בגד‪ .‬והרחיק הנשים יומם ולילה שזה ימעיט הזקך והצטערות‬ ‫גופך בג׳׳ה‪.‬‬

‫  ‪395‬‬ ‫‪.‬תרצה ‪ B‬תסיר ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪396‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬ויחזק האצטו׳ ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪397‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬חפוף שיניך ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪398‬‬ ‫‪.‬בליגאלובין ‪ B‬בליגנא אלואין ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪399‬‬ ‫‪.‬ושלאיטרי ‪ B‬ושל נטרי ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪400‬‬ ‫‪.‬ונרד ‪ B‬וורד ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪401‬‬ ‫‪.‬ויוריד ‪ J‬ויסיר ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪402‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬בית ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪403‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬מהם ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪404‬‬ ‫‪.‬דרכמון ‪ J‬ב׳ דרהמי ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪405‬‬ ‫‪.‬חדש ‪ J‬היבש ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪406‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬וירכך הבשר וישקיט החום וייטיב הגוף ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪407‬‬ ‫‪.‬מלונש ‪ B‬מלווש ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪408‬‬ ‫‪.‬תארתים ‪ B‬תארתי ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪409‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬הלילה ותטיח ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪410‬‬ ‫‪.‬באלסינה ‪ J‬באלחנה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪411‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬נקי ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪412‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬אחת ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪413‬‬ ‫‪.‬או מויאולש ‪ J‬או מעט ויאולש ‪B‬‬

‫‪165‬‬

‫‪The Hebrew Text‬‬

‫[‪ ]30[ ]147A‬שער ל׳ ברפואת המשלשל‪ .‬כשתרצה לקחת רפואה משלשלת נקה עצמך‬ ‫קודם לקיחתו ה׳ ימים‪ .‬ותמשח גופך בקמח ומי ורד והתמיד ליכנס במרחץ ותמרח גופך במה‬ ‫שספרתי‪ 414‬קודם שתית המשלשל‪ ,‬שזה ירכך גופך ויזכך מראה פניך ויוסיף בכחך וימרק‬ ‫ראותך ויוסיף מוח עצמותיך‪ .‬ועיין מה שתאכל אחר המשלשל ומה שתשת׳ אחריו מהמשקי׳‪.‬‬ ‫כי‪ 415‬כל מי שיקח משלשל לא‪ 416‬יקח ולא ישתה מים קרים שזה יוליד חמרמרות‪ 417‬גובר‬ ‫וקרקור באצטו׳‪ .‬ואם ישתה יין חם יפסיד האצטומ׳ וטבעה ויפסיד המשלשל‪ .‬ויהיה לקיחתך‬ ‫אחר‪ 418‬כל מה שיאות לטבעים ממאכל ומשתה‪ .‬וירחיק המשגל על כל פנים וישמר מיגיעה‬ ‫ומריח נתעב‪ 419‬וכל ריח בשמי על הכלל שהוא יכחישהו ויחלישהו‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]31‬שער ל׳׳א במשגל והמעשה בו‪ .‬כאשר תרצה המשגל לא תבא אל הנשים אם לא‬ ‫שאצטומכ׳ קלה ממאכל ומשתה כי האצטומכ׳ כאשר היא קלה אז יהיה טוב המשגל‪ ,‬וכאשר‬ ‫תהיה כבדה והעורקים מלאים ויעשה המשגל יוליד עוות הפנים והנקרס‪ .‬ומעט שיהיה ממנו‬ ‫הטפת השתן‪ ,‬מפני כי כאשר יגבר התאוה והאצטומ׳ תשלח המזון אל האברי׳ תזיק‪420‬‬ ‫לעצמך מאד לפי שהאצטומ׳ מתעסקת בקבולם‪ .‬וכאשר תעשה המשגל ויהיה האצטומ׳‬ ‫קלה הנה זה מושלם לך‪ 421‬לתאוה ותתענג בבעילה‪ ,‬ותכוין לולד‪ .‬ולא תבעל אם לא אחר‬ ‫שתצחק עמה ותמעך דדיה להתחבר התאוה בין שניהם ותהיה התאוה אחת‪ ,‬וזה טוב‬ ‫לגופך ולבעילתך‪ .‬וכאשר תשלם צרכך לא תעמד ממנה עמידה נחפזת אבל תטה על ימינך‪,‬‬ ‫כי ראיתי בקצת ספרים שמי שיעשה זה לא יוליד כי אם זכר והשם יודע‪ .‬ואם תתאוה‪422‬‬ ‫לשתות אחר‪ 423‬זה שתה מי המטר עם דבש שזה ישוב הזרע לענינו‪ .‬והשמר בחזרה עד‬ ‫שתרחצו יחד כי החזרה בלתי טהרה יחדש כאבים קשים‪ .‬עוד השמר לבלתי תעלה עליך‬ ‫ותפחד בדפיקתה עליך מהמים שלה שזה יוליד הזק ולא תהיה יכול לדחות הזרע בכלל‪ .‬וזה‬ ‫ממה שתפחד מזה הענין בקיעת הביצים‪ .‬והשמר מהדפיקה אצל ההשלמה בחוזק התנועה‬ ‫שזה פאן דאלך יטה‪ 424‬ויסתחב אל הד וסעה וכאשר תוציא האבר ממנה‪ 425‬השמר שלא‬ ‫תרחצהו תכף‪ 426‬במים קרים על החמימות עד שתמתין שעה‪ .‬וכאשר תרחצהו רחצהו‬ ‫בנחת‪ 427‬ולא תתנועע אצל השלמה ולא תערבהו שזה יוליד אלחמרה‪ .‬ותכוין עצמך‪ 428‬אצל‬ ‫המשגל עת תאותך‪ 429‬שזיעה ומים יצא מתחת כל גופך‪.‬‬ ‫  ‪414‬‬ ‫‪.‬שאמרתי ‪ J‬שספרתי ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪415‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬כי ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪416‬‬ ‫‪.‬לא ישתה ‪ J‬לא יקח ולא ישתה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪417‬‬ ‫‪.‬כאב ‪ J‬חמרמרות ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪418‬‬ ‫‪.‬סה]ם[ ‪ add. J‬אחר ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪419‬‬ ‫‪.‬השאה שבדם ‪ J‬נתעב ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪420‬‬ ‫‪.‬ותפסד עצמך ‪ J‬תזיק לעצמך ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪421‬‬ ‫‪.‬ותפול ‪ add. J‬לך ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪422‬‬ ‫‪.‬תרצה ‪ J‬תתאוה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪423‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬אחר זה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪424‬‬ ‫‪ emendation‬פאן דילאך יטה ויסתחב אלי הד וסעה] פאן דאלך יטה ויסתחב אל חד וסעה ‪J‬‬ ‫‪editors] vacat B.‬‬ ‫  ‪425‬‬ ‫‪.‬ממנו ‪ J‬ממנה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪426‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬תכף ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪427‬‬ ‫‪.‬ולא תרבה רחיצתו ‪ add. J‬בנחת ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪428‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬עצמך ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪429‬‬ ‫‪.‬עם כונתך ‪ J‬עת תאותך ‪B‬‬

‫‪Chapter 3‬‬

‫‪166‬‬

‫[‪ ]32‬שער ל׳׳ב בהקזה וסבותיה‪ 430.‬ראוי שתהיה ההקזה לכל אדם לפי שעור כחו‪ ,‬שאם‬ ‫היה גדול ואין מזגו וטבעו הדם ישמר מהונטודאש‪ 431‬וההקזה אם‪ 432‬לא בפרק האביב‪.‬‬ ‫וכוסות המציצה בירך ובראש ובין הכתפים ובצואר‪ ,‬ואולם כוסות המציצה ימעטו‪ 433‬הולד‬ ‫ויחלישו‪ 434‬זרע האדם‪ .‬וכאשר תעשה אותה תרחיק‪ 435‬המשגל כ׳׳ד שעות ותרחיק אכילת‬ ‫המליח אחר הוונטושא וההקזה שיוליד החכוך [‪ ]147B‬והנגע ומה שיולד בסבתו‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]33‬שער ל׳׳ג בשתיה וסבותיה‪ .‬כשתרצה לשתות היין תמזוג מה שתרצה לשתות ממנו‪436‬‬ ‫קודם זה בלילה במים קרים ובו מעט מן כאפור שישקיט חוזק תאות היין‪ 437,‬ותמזגהו גם כן‬ ‫בכוס ותשתהו אחר זה‪ .‬אחר תשתה גמיעה ממים קרים להשקיט טולה עיך‪ 438‬ולא תוסיף‬ ‫בשתיה על ד׳ ליטרי׳ שזה השעור הטוב לגופך ויערב שנתך ויעכל תבשילך ומועיל לכל‬ ‫עלה‪ 439‬שתקרה אליך‪.‬‬ ‫[‪ ]34‬שער ל׳׳ד במאכל וההנהג׳ בו‪ .‬השתדל לקחת בסתו‪ 440‬המאכלים הפושרים שהוא‬ ‫יחתך הבלגם‪ ,‬ובימי הקיץ‪ 441‬המאכלים הקרים שהוא ישקיט המרה‪ 442.‬ושמור המלוא‬ ‫מהמאכל‪ 443‬לאצטו׳‪ 444‬שהאצטומ׳ בגוף כמו הקדרה על האש שאם תמלא אותה יותר‬ ‫מהראוי תלאה ותתבטל מחלוקת‪ 445‬המזון על האברי׳ ותתרשל מבשולם‪ ,‬ומזה יהיה רוע‬ ‫הבשול והקיא והפסד האצטומ׳ והשתנות המאכל לחמיצות ותתאחר מבשולה וחלוקתה‬ ‫ועזיבת האברים לזה‪ ,‬ויכאב הגוף ויתחזק‪ 446‬הלב בצער‪ 447‬המאכל וכבדותו‪ ,‬ולא יתאוה‬ ‫אדם המאכל‪ .‬ומי שסר ממנו תאות המאכל יחליא גופו‪ .‬ולא יעזוב המאכל באורך לפי‬ ‫שיוליד מזה האדומה ויזיק‪ 448‬לאצטומ׳ אם לא יהיה בה מזון יעמיד בו הגוף‪ ,‬ומפני זה יתילדו‬ ‫הקדחות ותטה עם תגבורת הטבע מהחום וזולתו‪ .‬ותנהיג האכילה בעת אחת ולא תעכב‪449‬‬ ‫עצמך בעת מן העתים‪ 450‬ואם יקרה אליך עסק‪ .‬הרחיק עצמך מהאכילה בלילה‪ .‬ובזה תהא‬ ‫בטוח מעכירות הראות‪ .‬והוסף בלעיסת מאכלך ולטחון אותו שיהא מהיר העכול ותשימהו‬ ‫  ‪430‬‬ ‫‪.‬וכחותיה ‪ B‬וסבותיה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪431‬‬ ‫‪.‬מכוסות המציצה ‪ J‬מהונטודאש ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪432‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬אם לא ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪433‬‬ ‫‪.‬ימעט ‪ B‬ימעטו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪434‬‬ ‫‪.‬ויחליש ‪ B‬ויחלישו ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪435‬‬ ‫‪.‬קודם זה ‪ add. J‬תרחיק ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪436‬‬ ‫‪ tr. J.‬לשתות ממנו ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪437‬‬ ‫‪ Lat. acuitas vini.‬חוזק תאות היין ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪438‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬טולה עיך ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪439‬‬ ‫‪.‬והפהוק על הצום הנה יקשה מאד לכן ימנע ‪ J‬עלה שתקרה אליך ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪440‬‬ ‫‪.‬בביתך ‪ J‬בסתו ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪441‬‬ ‫‪.‬תקח ‪ add. J‬הקיץ ‪B J‬‬ ‫  ‪442‬‬ ‫‪.‬המח ‪ J‬המרה ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪443‬‬ ‫‪ om. J.‬מהמאכל ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪444‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬לאצטו׳ ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪445‬‬ ‫‪.‬מחלקת ‪ B‬מחלוקת ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪446‬‬ ‫‪.‬ויתעסק ‪ B‬ויתחזק ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪447‬‬ ‫‪.‬בדיסה ‪ B‬בצער ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪448‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬ויזיק ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪449‬‬ ‫‪.‬תתערבב ‪ J‬תעכב ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪450‬‬ ‫‪.‬בכל העתים ‪ B‬בעת מן העתים ‪J‬‬

‫‪167‬‬

‫‪The Hebrew Text‬‬

‫קטן‪ ,‬שאם יהיה גדול לא תוכל להניעו בפיך כמו שראוי ולא יכשר לעיסתו ובשולו‪451.‬‬ ‫ולא תטעה על עצמך במאכל ומשתה שזה תועלתך‪ 452‬ובריאות גופך‪ .‬ואם תאכל מאכל‬ ‫ותסבול‪ 453‬על עצמך השתדל להקיאו ולא תעזבהו בבטנך כלל‪ .‬ולא תקח הקיא עתים‬ ‫נמשכים פעם אחר פעם שזה יקרה‪ 454‬חולי הכלב‪ .‬ולא תאכל ואזורך ואבנטך קשורים‪ .‬ולא‬ ‫תהיה יושב בשפלות והשלחן גבוה עליך אבל תהיה יותר‪ 455‬גבוה משולחנך‪ .‬הנה כבר נשלם‬ ‫העיון באלו השערים והתקן עצמך לעשות מה שנצטוית בהם‪ 456‬כי זה יספיק לך מלדרוש‬ ‫ברופאים‪ .‬ודרוש אל השם והוא‪ 457‬ימלא שאלותיך לטוב‪.‬‬

‫  ‪451‬‬ ‫‪.‬ולא בשולו ‪ J‬ובשולו ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪452‬‬ ‫‪.‬בריאות לגופך ‪ J‬תועלתך ובריאות גופך ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪453‬‬ ‫‪.‬ותכבד ‪ J‬ותסבול ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪454‬‬ ‫‪.‬יקרא ‪ B‬יקרה ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪455‬‬ ‫‪.‬אתה ‪ J‬יותר ‪B‬‬ ‫  ‪456‬‬ ‫‪ om. B.‬בהם ‪J‬‬ ‫  ‪457‬‬ ‫‪.‬כי הוא רופא אמת רפא חנם ‪ J‬והוא ימלא שאלותיך לטוב ‪B‬‬

Chapter 4

“Avenzoar’s” Regimen of Health: an English Version The English translation of our Regimen that we provide below is that of our edition of the two Hebrew manuscripts, but might in fact be thought of as an attempt to approximate a translation of “Avenzoar’s” original Arabic text. Jacob ben Machir’s Hebrew translation had left in simple transliteration a considerable number of Arabic words that he had not been able to understand, and in most cases we have been able to recognize the underlying Arabic and have incorporated its translation directly into our English version. In the few instances where we have failed, we have let ben Machir’s transliteration stand; where we feel confident of our understanding, we have given his transliteration in a footnote, so that readers may be aware of the extent of the Arabisms present in the Hebrew. These footnotes have often given us the opportunity to explain in a little detail the meaning of those terms, which frequently refer to medicines or plants or foods of which ben Machir had no knowledge. We have also used our English version as a base on which to record significant differences among our three editions, of the two Latin versions and of the Hebrew. As was noted above, the translators’ first Latin draft omitted many passages vis-à-vis the Hebrew (standing in for the Arabic), some but not all of which were restored in the later revision, and we have identified the most important of these in footnotes. We have attempted to make our English readable but reasonably faithful to the Hebrew, so that it can serve non-Hebraists who want to understand exactly how the Latin relates to the Hebrew (and the underlying Arabic). Abbreviations Used (for full references see Bibliography)

DT Dietrich, Dioscurides Triumphans FEW Wartburg, Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch IG Ibn Ǧanāḥ, On the Nomenclature of Medicinal Drugs M Meyerhof, Max (ed.), Maimonides, Sharḥ asmā’ al-‘uqqār MG Bos et al., Medical Glossaries NM Bos, Novel Medical and General Hebrew Terminology SHS Shem Tov ben Isaac, Medical Synonym Lists WKAS Wörterbuch der klassischen arabischen Sprache

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2019 | doi:10.1163/9789004406452_005

“ Avenzoar ’ s ” Regimen of Health: an English Version



169

The Regimen of Health of Abu Ali Ben Zohar

Chapter 1. Preserving the head He [i.e., Avenzoar] said that the head will be protected by washing it with honey when you bathe, for this will clean the skin and will prevent the generation of scabies [mange] and itching and ulceration—or with natron,1 especially in wintertime; and he should pour hot water on it before any part of the bath’s steam can reach it. And this will help, as the royal doctor said to his king: whenever you enter the bathhouse, you should pour hot water over your head seven times, and if you do this you will not need to worry about headache. One should comb his hair every day, on an empty stomach, since this will open the pores and let the rising fumes escape. And if his hair should be growing weakly, he should wash it with water of olive ashes, which will increase the hair and help it grow; or let him mix the olive ashes2 with oil and rub it into the roots of the hair, since that will strengthen it and make it beautiful. Oil of myrtle (Myrtus communis L.) and oil of ladanum3 will strengthen it as well. Doctors [lit. ‘sages’] declare that when you rub the hair of the head regularly with old oil it will strengthen it and preserve it and will delay the appearance of grey hair. For its part, the hair of the eyebrows4 will be preserved with lily5 oil, if it is regularly anointed with it, while the hair of the eyelashes will be preserved when a collyrium of lapis lazuli6 powder is applied to it. However, the hair of the beard will be preserved by washing it in chalk7 mixed with wine or with beetroot juice. doctors [lit. ‘sages’] declare that caring for the head will soften the skin8 by cutting the fumes which rise up to the head from the stomach, so long as one stops eating before one is satisfied.9 Aristotle said that washing the beard regularly in cold water will help keep it from quickly turning white and from falling out. And the early doctors [lit. ‘sages’] agreed that 1  ‘natron’ (Hebrew borit); cf. MG, pp. 54–55 (Nun 2): ‫ בורית וב׳׳מ שלניטרי בלע׳ נטרון‬Natron; Rom. šlnyṭry; Rabb. Hebr. bwryt; Lat. sapo. 2  The Latin draft omits the material between the two ‘olive ashes,’ probably because at some stage a scribe’s eye skipped from one to the next, but this omission is corrected in the revision. 3  ‘ladanum’ (L’DN); i.e., Arabic lādan or lādhan (Greek λάδανον): ‘ladanum,’ the resinous juice that exudes from Cistus ladiferus L., Cistus creticus L., Cistus villosus L., and other varieties; cf. WKAS 2.1:35a–b. Lat. edera, ‘ivy.’ 4  ‘eyebrows’ (Hebrew ‘af‘apayim; i.e., ‘eyelids’): translated after Lat. supercilia. 5  ‘lily’ (SWSN); i.e., Arabic sawsan ‘iris’ or ‘lily’: The Arabic sawsan designates several species of Liliaceae and Iridaceae; cf. M 272. 6  ‘lapis lazuli’ (L’ZWRD); i.e., Arabic lāzaward; cf. WKAS 2.1:35b–37a. 7  ‘chalk’ (GLṬH); i.e., Old Occitan *gleda (greda) (chalk); cf. FEW 2:1330a. Lat. creta. 8  ‘skin’ (Heb. ṭeva‘; i.e., nature, stools): translated after the Latin cutem. 9  ‘so long as … satisfied’: very different in Lat.: ‘dummodo post cibum non fiat.’

170

Chapter 4

whoever eats myrobalans10 every day on an empty stomach will keep his hair black all his life, never turning white; and this is an established fact. Chapter 2. Preserving the brain and mind The health of the brain may be preserved with incense and by smelling the fragrance of aromatics, like aloeswood11 (Aquilaria agallocha Roxb. and var.) and ambergris,12 or by smelling herbs [lit. ‘seeds’] like marjoram13 (Origanum majorana L.), water mint14 (Mentha aquatica L.), basil15 (Ocimum basilicum L.), and bastard balm16 (Melittis melissophyllum L.), and flowers like jasmine17 ( Jasminum officinale L., J. sambac [L.] Ait.) and lily and narcissus.18 These will strengthen and will prevent the occurrence of rheum19 and the pain of migraine, which causes the descent of water into the eye [i.e., cataract], especially in autumn and winter; in summer, however, should smell sandalwood20 (Santalum sp. L.) and rose (Rosa sp.) and rosewater and myrtle. Moreover, eating appetizing foods, like portions of chickens and young male lambs, cooked in just a little water, will conserve [the brain’s] health, will increase its strength and add to its substance. As Aristotle said: the eating of hens will enlarge the brain and will strengthen it as well as the 10  ‘myrobalans’ (MYR’BWLNS); i.e., Romance (Old Catalan or Occitan) mirabolans; cf. MG 84. For the Romance (Old Occitan) terminology see the online database DiTMAO (Dictionnaire des termes médico-botaniques de l’ancien occitan), https://www.uni-goettingen .de/en/ditmao/487498.html. 11  ‘aloeswood’ (LGN LWBN): Romance ligna aloen; cf. SHS 2 (forthcoming). 12  ‘ambergris’ (‘NBR): Arabic ‘anbar; cf. SHS 1:91–92 (Alef 1). 13  ‘marjoram’ (MG’WR’NH): Romance (Old Occitan) majorana, maiorana, or majurana; cf. SHS 1:495–96 (Shin 2). 14  ‘water mint’ (BLSMYṬ): Latin balsamit(a); note that Moses Ibn Tibbon uses the same Latin term to render nammān; i.e., ‘broad-leaved thyme’ (Thymus pulegioides); cf. Ibn al-Jazzār’s Zād, p. 144. 15  ‘basil’ (’L ḤBQYN): possibly a corruption of Arabic al-ḥabaq or a transcription of Arabic al-ḥabaqīn ‘basil species’; for Arabic ḥabaq, in fact a generic name of aromatic plants from the mint family (Lamiaceae), cf. IG 371; DT 2:124 (pp. 289–91). 16  ‘bastard balm’ (TRNG’N): Arabic turunǧān; cf. IG 127. Lat. tragireth (draft), trangen (revision). 17  ‘jasmine’ (’LGSMYN); i.e., Arabic al-yāsamīn; cf. M 181. 18  ‘narcissus’ (NRGS): Arabic narğis, designates different species of narcissus, such as Narcissus poeticus L. and var., Narcissus tazetta L. and var., or Narcissus pseudonarcissus L. and var.; cf. DT 4:147 (p. 663). The phrase ‘and flowers … narcissus’ was omitted in the Latin draft but supplied in the subsequent revision. 19  ‘rheum’ (RBMS): O. Occ. raumás / reumas / reumatz ‘cold’ (the illness); stands for Arab. nazla ‘catarrh.’ 20  ‘sandalwood’ (SNDYL): Old Occitan or Old Catalan sandil/sandel ‘sandalwood’; cf. SHS 1:117–18 (Alef 34).

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171

mind.21 Moreover, eating hens will strengthen the eyesight and the mind— the brain of the elderly22 in particular. It will also be preserved by bending one’s head and nostrils over the steam vapor when cooking chamomile23 (Anthemis arvensis L.), mint,24 and thyme25 (mint). , too, by inducing sneezing in a manner appropriate to the season: if it is autumn, by using beetroot juice and juice of the unripe fruits of senna26 and the smelling of frankincense, but if it is summer, with a thin wick made from K’GD.27 And Aristotle said that sneezing will open blockages in the brain, will thicken the neck, will brighten the face, will strengthen the senses,28 will delay grey hairs, and will disperse the fumes that are trapped in the brain; the doctors [lit. ‘sages’] have said that sneezing on an empty stomach will dispel heaviness from the brain and weakness29 from the senses. And among the things that help the brain are common galingale (Cyperus longus L.) and ginger (Zingiber officinale Roscoe) and frankincense and sweet reed (Acorus calamus L.), separately or combined; they will strengthen and cleanse it when you take them in equal amounts. And there is nothing that is so harmful to the 21  In the first Latin draft, the phrase ‘as Aristotle said’ was applied to the preceding sentence, and the following sentence (‘the eating … the mind’) was omitted. In the revision, the translators restored the missing sentence and understood ‘as Aristotle said’ to apply to it instead. Here and elsewhere in this chapter the Latin translation speaks of cocks (‘gallos’) instead of hens. 22  The Latin translators have misunderstood, saying (in both draft and revision) that Ibn Zuhr was saying that ‘eating cocks is good for the brain, especially the brain of old cocks (et precipue cerebrum gallorum veterum)’ whereas the Hebrew is saying that eating hens is good for the brain of the very old [people]. 23  ‘chamomile’ (QMMYL’): Late Latin, Old Occitan, or Old Catalan camomilla; cf. MG 82. 24  ‘mint’ (MNṬŠṬRY): Old Occitan or Old Catalan mentastre ‘wild mint,’ but also other kinds of mint; cf. SHS 1:253 (Yod 5). The Romance term stands for Arabic fūḏanǧ, a generic name for different kinds of mint; cf. DT 3:35 (p. 382). Lat. mentastrum. 25  ‘thyme’ (’L ḤŠH): Arabic ḥāšā is a species of thyme or mint; cf. IG 157. Omitted in Latin. 26  ‘senna’ (SNH): possibly Middle Latin, Old Occitan, or Old Catalan sene (from Arab. sanā’ (MG 92); cf. Ibid. 59: ‘Senna (and its numerous species, such as Senna alexandrina Mill. (= Cassia angustifolia) or Senna italica Mill. (= Cassia obovata); Rom. ŠYN’, Š’N’; rabb. Hebr. SYNYM or SNH: It purges the burned humors caused by mange (trachoma) and itch.’ For ‘juice of the unripe fruits of senna’ the Latin reads ‘tenerrimis summitatibus ramitis.’ 27  Hebrew K’GD, read B’GD (BGD); i.e., ‘cloth, linen’?; cf. Latin ‘papyrus’; see as well Sefer Ṣedat haDerakhim 16.3 (p. 152): ‫ פפייר הוא בגד שרוף‬for Arabic qirṭās muḥraq (burned paper). 28  ‘senses’: Lat. spiritus (draft); sensus (revision). 29  Hebrew shibbaron probably stands for Arabic kalāl which in addition to its regular meaning of ‘exhaustion, weariness, weakness’ can also mean ‘pain’ (cf. NM 3:223). Lat. hebetudines.

172

Chapter 4

brain as the harm caused by a bad digestion, which is the root of all illness. And the most far-reaching of all aids to clearing the mind are the happiness of the heart, pleasure, and relaxation. As one of the sages has said: regular walks and clearing 30 are servants of the brain. Chapter 3. Preserving the eyesight The eyes will be kept healthy if you give up eating at night and do not go to sleep on a full stomach, and if, when you go to sleep, you regularly apply a collyrium of antimony powder dissolved in truffle juice, which helps in the summer and the winter; or fennel (Foeniculum vulgare Mill.) juice or marjoram juice, which are beneficial in the autumn for the elderly and very old.31 And the doctors [lit. ‘sages’] have said that if one holds his eyes open over the steam from hot water it will cleanse them and clear them from any turbidity that may be in them, and also if he opens them over clear water and stares at it. Persistently looking at the green of gardens will help too, and staring at green [vegetation] is the reason why peasants maintain their eyesight, their bad diet notwithstanding. Furthermore, wearing green clothing strengthens the sight of him who wears it, and all things with a green color will also strengthen the sight because they will be received by the visual pneuma32 very easily and without any strain. The opposite effect on eyesight will be caused by looking at with a black color, which will be received with strain and hardship. It is also good to eat delicate foods, like partridge33 and turtledoves and small chickens and birds. The best dish is the one called SHBDYNQH[?];34 doctors [lit. ‘sages’] say that the best cooked [lit. ‘roasted and cooked’] dish is that which is cooked [lit. ‘roasted’] over water, and also eating fennel when it is fresh and uncooked or cooked, will preserve the sight and will strengthen its sharpness. One should avoid the sexual act when he is full of food and drink, for if he does not do so, it will lead to [lit. ‘cause’] hernia and the illness podagra.35 And nothing is more harmful than sleeping on a stomach full of food and drink, because this will fill the brain with bad fumes that will

30  ‘’: rememorari (Latin translation). 31  ‘for the elderly and very old’: not in Latin draft or revision. 32  ‘by the visual pneuma’: Lat. intuenti. 33  ‘partridge’ (PRDYṢ): i.e., Old Occitan ‘perditz, perdiz, perdis.’ 34  ‘SHBDYNQH(?)’: this term could not be identified, though it may reflect Ato Persian ‫گ‬ šabdig; cf. Steingass, Dictionary, 731, ‘��‫( ش����� ب���د ی‬night-pot): A dish composed of meat and turnips dressed all night on the fire.’ Cf. Latin susenta (revision). 35  ‘podagra’ (‫ ;)נקרס‬i.e., Arabic niqris; cf. IG 624. ‘for if he does not … podagra’: omitted in the Latin draft and revision, perhaps because the translators did not understand the technical Arabic term.

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harm the sight, and this is the cause of water streaming down into the eye [i.e., cataract].36 Furthermore, to preserve his sight he should apply to the eyes a collyrium with lycium once a week, because this will clean the moisture in the eye. Chapter 4. Preserving the sense of hearing The doctors [lit. ‘sages’] have agreed that the most valuable treatment for the hearing is strong heated vinegar dripped into the ear while the stomach is empty, because this will strengthen the ear and will maintain one’s hearing and will prevent superfluities from pouring into it. And if you dissolve a little bit of borax37 in the vinegar and drop this into the ear, it will clean the ear canal of the thick smoky superfluities collected in it38 which, if they stay there, will create heaviness in the hearing and sickness in the ear; oil of bitter almonds or oil of apricots (Prunus armeniaca L.) dripped into the ear will open the ear canal and will preserve it. He must therefore avoid being exposed to loud noises such as the noise of a mill, or the noise of rivers that are cascading from a high place to a lower one, or the clanging of bells [?],39 which can harm him when they are so noisy that he cannot hear a friend who is close to him—and this is even truer when it is from the noise of mills or the noise of big drums.40 Physicians have said that the hearing will be preserved by bending one’s ear over the steam from hot water, bringing it close to the open mouth of a hot pot,41 because this will dissolve the dirty matter that was solidified in the ear. And if mint (Mentha sp.)42 is cooked in water, and this water is dripped into the ear, it will be even more helpful. He should not bathe in dirty water [lit. ‘water of a cave’], so that none of it can get into the ear; but if you drip into the ear the juice of horned poppy (Glaucium corniculatum L.) boiled in vinegar, it will protect the hearing from the moistures of the head that could pour into it. Chapter 5. Preserving the sense of smell Keeping a healthy smell involves the softening of what has thickened in the nostrils, and then cleaning it out until none of it is left, because when it is soft his nose will acquire a foul odor and the temperament of the 36  ‘and this is … cataract’; omitted in Latin. 37  ‘borax’ (ŠLNYTRY); Old Occitan or Old Catalan ‘salnitre’; ‘nitre,’ perhaps potassium nitrate. The Romance term stands for Arabic bauraq, i.e., ‘borax’; cf. SHS 1:133 (Bet 5). Lat. nitri. 38  The Latin specifies ‘blocking it’ (opilantes). 39  ‘clanging of bells’ (‘aliyot qirqur); cf. Latin ‘tumultuosi timpani.’ 40  ‘drums’ (ṬMBWRŠ): Old Occitan Plural ‘tambors’; ‘and this … big drums’ is omitted in Latin. 41  ‘bringing … hot pot’ is omitted in Latin. 42  Lat. pulegium.

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sense of smell will be harmed. Let him avoid all bad smells, and not stay in houses near privies43—especially narrow houses, and caves, because since the sun cannot enter them, their air is thick, and vapors will thicken and will be unable to disperse; and this will harm the temperament of the psychical pneuma, the instrument of smell, due to the harmfulness of the air which is being breathed. And continues to smell the stench, the foul odors will corrupt the psychical pneuma and overpower it, to the extent that if somebody who has been continually exposed to such a stench should come into a place when there was not a bad and corrupted smell, he would still continue to perceive a bad and disgusting smell, and he would not be able to smell the smell of fragrant objects. And for this reason he needs to keep smelling good smells and fragrant vapors, like the vapor of aloeswood, ambergris, and “the sweet cane”;44 and he should smell musk45 in order to preserve the health of his psychical pneuma and to strengthen his instrument of smell, with the help [lit. ‘decree’] of God. Chapter 6. The preservation of the mouth and of what is between the palate and the gums Concerning the mouth and its instruments, it will be kept in permanent by cleansing it with hot water before and after eating, because this will clean what is on the teeth [lit. ‘gums’] and dry the moisture of the cooked food that is between them and the humors that pour down from the uvula and from the head. what comes up from the stomach, which creates blockages that, remaining on the teeth [lit. ‘gums’], give rise to fumes in the mouth and yellowness on the teeth [lit. ‘gums’]. Brush it with cypress46 (Cupressus sempervirens L.) wood and ’WK [?], the wild olive tree—in such a manner, however, as not to roughen the palate and the teeth [lit. ‘gums’], because a rapid brushing will cut powerfully and destroy their brightness and

43  ‘privies’: Hebrew ḥatirot; read: ḥafirot? 44  ‘the sweet cane’ (lit. ‘the good cane,’ Hebrew qaneh ha-ṭov), the name of a plant mentioned in Jeremiah 6.20 (trans. King James Bible); the Latin translation has ‘cinnamon’ (see introduction above, pp. 32–33). The original Arabic term probably was qaṣab al-ṭīb which ben Machir read as qaṣab al-ṭayyib). Qaṣab al-ṭīb or qaṣab al-ḏarīra (lit. ‘fragrant cane’), is a calque of Greek κάλαμος ἀρωματικός. The two might be equated, as in Ibn Ǧanāḥ’s Hebrew lexicon (Uṣūl, col. 638, 29–30 ‫—קנה בשם‬qaṣabu l-ṭībi huwa qaṣabu l-ḏarīrati l-dāḫilu fī l-ṭuyūbi). The identification of this drug is problematic; the Greek term apparently refers not to the sweet flag, as once thought (Pedanius Dioscorides, 18, Acorus calamus L., supra nr. 52), but to species of lemon grass called Cymbopogon martini (Roxb.) W. Watson (geranium grass, Poaceae; cf. DT 102; M 164 f.) and Cymbopogon citratus (DC.) Stapf. 45  ‘musk’ (MWSQ): Old Occitan musc or Old Catalan mosc. 46  ‘cypress’ (ŠYPRṢ): Old Occitan cipres / cypres / sypres / sipres.

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smoothness and will make them rough,47 so that whatever remains of the moisture from the food will stay in the mouth and stick to it; it will change the smell of the mouth. The doctors [lit. ‘sages’] have said that rubbing every day with clove (Syzygium aromaticum [L.] Merr. & L. M. Perry) powder or nutmeg (Myristica fragrans Houtt.) or Indian nard48 powder, before eating, will remove a disgusting smell from the mouth. Likewise rubbing with the peel of the root of field eryngo (Eryngium campestre L.) every day, before eating, will improve the putrid odor of the mouth and will dissolve the moisture that is in the mouth; and similarly every tree that has an astringent, sharp taste, like the hazelnut and the like, will clean the teeth and will dissolve phlegm49 and soften the tongue and cleanse the speech [organs] and will whet the appetite—yet without rubbing hard on the teeth [lit. ‘gums’], as I noted above. And according to the Segullot [= Specific Properties] of al-Ṭabarī:50 if we burn a hare’s head and rub the gums with its ashes, it will keep them from corruption affecting them. Moreover, whoever gargles with vinegar in which spurge51 root was cooked will not suffer from pain in the teeth [lit. ‘gums’].52 And he who rubs with honey and sugar will cleanse the palate and the gums from the putrefaction that arises in them when they suffer harm undo the damage of the vapor53 that arises from eating hot food. If he dissolves a little bit of mastic54 [i.e., resin of the mastic tree, Pistacia lentiscus L.] in rose oil and sucks it through his teeth, the palate will be kept and strengthened, with the help of God. Chapter 7. Preserving the health of the tongue Preserving the health of the tongue can be done by gargling with hot water on an empty stomach and rubbing it with honey and with ginger55 (Zingiber 47  ‘rough’ (se‘irut); for the Hebrew term in this sense standing for Arabic ḫušūna see NM 4:209. 48  ‘Indian nard’ (’SPYQ NRDY); i.e., Old Occitan or Old Catalan espic(a)nardi. 49  ‘phlegm’ (BLGM): Arabic balġam. 50  ‘of al-Ṭabarī’ (Hebrew ’L ṬBRNY): An author with the name al-Ṭabarānī is unknown; our emendation is based on the fact that al-Rāzī and Ibn al-Ǧazzār in their monographs on Ḫawāṣṣ (Segullot) often refer to al-Ṭabarī, although a treatise from his hand with this name is unknown. 51  ‘spurge’ (YTW‘); i.e., Arabic yattu‘a, a generic name of plants from the spurge family (Euphorbia sp. L.); Lat. getua. 52  The Latin translation adds ‘or gums.’ 53  ‘vapor’: the Latin reads excoriatio, evidently imagining hot food scalding and blistering the roof of the mouth. 54  ‘mastic’ (MṢṬYQ): Latin mastix, Old Occitan/Old Catalan mastec(h), or Old Occitan mastic. 55  ‘ginger’ (ZNGBYL): Arabic zanǧabīl; cf. MG 33 (Zayin 1).

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officinalis Roscoe) powder; this will dissolve its thickness, so that phlegm and moisture will be removed from it, and take away its heaviness. Foods like the meat of birds fried in a pan will lighten the heaviness of the tongue; and in particular dried figs when eaten regularly will dry up the tongue’s moisture and free it from its heaviness. However, hazelnuts, both dried and fresh, will make the tongue heavy and will confuse the speech, so that anyone whose tongue and speech are heavy56 must avoid them sedulously. And it is said in the book On Agriculture[?]57 that cabbage (Brassica oleracea L.), when eaten regularly, will dry up the moisture of a heavy tongue and will free it from phlegm;58 and if it is fed to small children it will help to free their tongue in talking and will make their feet walk faster,59 because of the strength of the nerves. Furthermore, if people hold fragrant hot drugs in their mouths, like cloves and nutmeg60 nut (Myristica fragrans Houtt.) and cubeb61 (Piper cubeba L.), it will relieve the heaviness of the tongue and free it so that they will be quick to talk, and this will conserve their health. This will be done by mustard when taken regularly, and a linctus62 of powerfully fragrant MRY63 on an empty stomach will be helpful for a thick and heavy tongue.64 Chapter 8. On the conservation of the windpipe and the esophagus and the uvula65 Conserving the windpipe and the esophagus will come from drinking very fat soup made from the meat of small cocks and chicks and the meat of lamb cooked in a sweet dish and from drinking sweet wine diluted with water. However, avoid eating thin bones, like the bones of chickens and partridges and sparrows66 and cocks, and eating fish that have spines. An 56  ‘whose tongue and speech are heavy’; not in Latin. 57  ‘On Agriculture’(?) (ha- ‘avodah’; read ‘avodat-ha-adamah’?) (Arabic al-filāḥah): title possibly referring to one of the works on agriculture composed in Muslim Spain; cf. Ullmann, Die Natur- und Geheimwissenschaften, 427–51, esp. 443–49. The Latin omits a book title. 58  ‘will dry … phlegm’: ‘dry up the moisture of a tongue heavied (aggravatam) by phlegm’: Latin translation. 59  ‘make their feet walk faster’: not in Latin draft, but added in the revision. 60  ‘nutmeg’ (’GWZ NWSQ’DH; read: ’GWZ MWSQ’DH): Hebrew ’GWZ and Old Occitan muscada; cf. MG 82. 61  ‘cubeb’ (QWB’BH): Old Occitan or Old Catalan cubeba; cf. MG 88. 62  ‘linctus’ (L‘UQ): Arabic la‘ūq ‘linctus, a medicine to be licked with the tongue’; cf. WKAS 2.2:844b. 63  ‘MRY’: Arabic ‘murrī’: ‘garum’ (fish brine), or ‘a kind of fermented infusion of cereal grains’; cf. Waines, “The tale.” 64  ‘This will be … tongue’: completely absent in both the Latin draft and the revision. 65  ‘uvula’ (’WYLH); i.e., Latin uvula. MS J has LH’H; i.e., Arabic lahāt. 66  ‘sparrows’ (ṣipporim): the Hebrew term stands for Arabic ‘aṣāfīr, which can also simply mean ‘small birds’; cf. NM 2:77.

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exception is the bones of lamb and castrated goat, chewing them will produce something that will soften the windpipe and the uvula, will soften the esophagus, and will empty the passages help food descend to the base of the stomach. Avoid tough meat that is difficult to cook [lit. ‘cannot be cooked in cooking’] and salty dishes and sour milk and vinegar: all of these things do harm to the windpipe and the esophagus. And doctors [lit. ‘sages’] have said that an egg yolk that has been cooked in boiling water will soften the windpipe and the esophagus and will preserve their smoothness. Drinking julep67 or drinking licorice68 (Glycyrrhiza glabra L.) is certain to put the windpipe to rights [lit. ‘will greatly improve the condition of the windpipe’], while gargling with very sour oxymel in hot water will strengthen the uvula69 and preserve it. Furthermore, gargling with a preparation of astringent pears70 is very helpful. For someone whose uvula has fallen, it is very hard not to vomit; it is unavoidable. Chapter 9. Conservation of the chest, the lung, and its windpipe To preserve and strengthen the chest and the lung and the windpipe, one should consume chickpea flour and goats’ milk and eat soft and white sugarloaf 71 [Lat. penidii] with sweet almonds removed from their shells, and he should drink goats’ milk with sugar. Moreover, the windpipe can be conserved with juice of sugar cane roasted on the fire; this will smooth its roughness and make it soft. And doctors have said that eating seedless raisins72 on an empty stomach will strengthen the windpipe. Moreover, avoid very salty dishes, which will leave dirt in the windpipe and make the voice hoarse. Myrrh73 is more helpful for strengthening and purifying the windpipe when it is put under the tongue and whatever dissolves out of it is swallowed; also, licking honey cooked in the juice of fresh garden cabbage will be good for the windpipe and will clear up the voice. And things taken with sugar,74 and almonds and licorice

67  ‘julep’ (GLB); i.e., Arabic julāb. 68  ‘licorice’ (RQLṢY’H); i.e., Old Occitan or Old Catalan recales(s)ia. 69  ‘uvula’: the Latin has canna, i.e., ‘windpipe.’ 70  ‘pears’ (PRYŠ); i.e., Old Catalan peres. 71  ‘sugar-loaf’ (PNYS); i.e., Latin panis [sucri], ‘sugar–loaf.’ The Latin translation has penidie; cf. Latham, Revised Word-List, 339, s.v. penidii: ‘barley-sugar.’ 72  ‘raisins’ (’ZBYB HŠMŠYYM): this is a mixed term, ’ZBYB (i.e. Arabic al-zabīb = raisins) and Hebrew HŠMŠYYM (sunny). The second element of the term ‫ השמשמיים‬possibly results from reading Arabic kišmiš (small seedless raisins) as Hebrew ka-šemeš (‘like the sun’). 73  ‘myrrh’ (‫)מירא‬: i.e., Lat. myrrha or Old Occitan/Old Catalan mirra. 74  ‘things taken with sugar’: the Latin translation team was working with a manuscript that instead of ‘things’ used a foreign term that they did not understand but included in transliteration: ‘hinuoli [‘buhyoli’ in the revision] cum zuccara.’ We have not been

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and shelled nuts all kinds of sweet things, will be very helpful to the windpipe and the chest. B’LPNYǦ,75 and the juice of white sweet grapes— when moistened over the fire until it loses its substance and is cleansed from its filth and dregs and the strength of its sweetness is taken away—will be especially good for the passageways in the lung and for the windpipe, before and after meals. Chapter 10. On the conservation of the stomach Now the conservation of the stomach will come from vomiting with hot water at least once a month, because this will cleanse it from any residue of food and from bad humors; by eating raisins76 with their seeds, on an empty stomach, because this will strengthen it and will correct the bad temperaments that are in it. Drinking absinth77 wormwood (Artemisia absinthium L.) and Indian78 nard will strengthen it and conserve its health, and will expel the residues that are in it. Taking an electuary of mastic and aloeswood will strengthen it and will correct any bad temperament that may be in it; drinking the aforesaid absinth wormwood will dissolve its hardness and will expel its gross fumes. Likewise foods like cooked birds, such as small partridges and doves, cooked in water of fresh mace,79 or prepared in a pan or in an oven,80 so long as left-overs are not added to it.81 Also he should not drink cold water while eating, only at the end . But if it has been his custom , he may, but only a little. Furthermore, drinking rose syrup and the drink of Indian aloeswood is useful and conserves the health. Aristotle has said that taking four dirhams every day on an empty stomach of an electuary of aloeswood and rhubarb82 (Rheum ribes L.) will strengthen the heat in , which helps able to identify the term. It seems to have been a unique instance, when ben Machir did not bother to transliterate and pass on in his Hebrew version an Arabic term unfamiliar to him. 75  ‘B’LPNYǦ’ (read: W’LPNYǦ?): this term could not be identified. It is possibly a corruption of Arabic al-fūḏanǧ, a generic term for ‘mint.’ The Arabic term was apparently not understood by the translation team and was omitted in both Latin draft and revision. 76  ‘raisins’: lit. ‘sun raisins’; cf. ch. 9. 77  ‘absinth wormwood’ (’YŠNṢ); i.e., Old Occitan aisens or eisens. 78  ‘Indian nard’ (’ŠPYQ): read: ’ŠPYQ NRDY (cf. ch. 6). 79  ‘mace’ (BSBS): read BSBSH, i.e., Arabic basbāsa. 80  ‘oven’ (PWRNY); possibly Lat. plur. forni. 81  ‘of fresh mace … to it’: omitted in the Latin draft; the revision adds ‘non tamen post alium cibum,’ which may reflect a second reading of ‘so long as left-overs are not added to it’ in the Hebrew. 82  ‘rhubarb’ (RYBRBRY): read: RYWBRBRY; i.e., Latin genitive reubarbari.

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the digestion; it will dissolve the phlegm from the mouth and will whet the appetite and will take away its windiness. Sugar83 flavored with essence of roses prepared with mastic and with an electuary of quinces (Cydonia oblonga Mill.) will also strengthen it. Moreover, if when going to sleep he rubs it on externally, together with oil of the ben84 oil tree (Moringa oleifera Lam.) and oil of Indian85 nard, this will strengthen it and will bring about the digestion of food, which will also strengthen its temperament. Chapter 11. On the conservation of the liver The liver can be set right whenever it gets weak by drinking rhubarb,86 and by consuming electuaries of lac87 [shellac, from Coccus lacca]; and of rose and of Chinese rhubarb (Rheum palmatum var. Tanguticum) and hot and thin meats—like the partridges that are caught with hunting birds—cooked in the water of chickpeas (Cicer arietinum L.), or parboiled over water; this is the best , because in roasting it over the fire, it could become burned and dry if lost sight for a moment, but by parboiling it over water it will only need someone to turn the spit over the fire so that it will cook equally, and he can be quite sure that the fire will not burn it. And raisins88 that have fragrance on an empty stomach, and white figs, will fatten the liver quickly, because they have sweet nourishment in them and additional desirability. And you can see this by experimenting with hens and geese: if you stuff them with figs, their nutrition will be of the utmost moisture and of fat, and their liver will be of the greatest deliciousness and digestible. More: eating pistachios89 (Pistacia vera L.) together with seedless raisins will fatten the liver greatly and will strengthen it and will open its blockages and will improve its temperament. And a small chicken cooked in a little water will strengthen the liver very much and conserve its health. Expert doctors say that biscuit,90 taken off the fire and soaked in wine until it becomes soft and then eaten, will strengthen the liver and will clear its heat, and if this is done 83  ‘Sugar flavored with essence of roses’ (SWKRY RWŠṬ); i.e., Old Occitan sucre rosat or sucre rozat. ‘Sugar … strengthen it’: omitted in the Latin draft but included in the revision. 84  ‘ben oil tree’ (B’N); i.e., Arabic bān. 85  ‘Indian nard’ (’ŠPYQ): read: ’ŠPYQ NRDY (cf. ch. 6). 86  ‘rhubarb’: the Latin translators appear to have had ‘Chinese rhubarb’ in their text. See the introduction above, pp. 79–80. 87  ‘lac’ (LK); i.e., Arabic lakk. 88  ‘raisins’; lit. ‘sun raisins’; cf. ch. 9. 89  ‘pistachios’ (PSTQ); i.e., Arabic fustuq. 90  ‘biscuit’ (K’K); i.e., Arabic k‘k.

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regularly it will improve the face; it will redden it and will confer beauty and pleasantness to the body.91 And hedgehog meat will set right the temperament of the liver and will strengthen it in a wonderful way, especially if it was naturally cold. And experience teaches that when you always eat sweet pomegranates without substance and feed yourself with raisins, they will fatten the liver and will set its temperament to rights, so much so that it will generate much laughter in its owner. Also wine of thin substance, drunk moderately, will cleanse blockages in the liver and will strengthen it and heat it, and will heal the liver; and from its well-being all the body will have well-being.92 Chapter 12. On the conservation of the spleen According to Pythagoras, the spleen is the instrument of laughter, because it clears away black blood. And when it is not cleared away, the heart will be fed with black and turbid blood, which will generate depression and bad thoughts and agitation, and the heart will beat irregularly in a way called ‘LKPQ’N,93 and grief will not depart from its owner. And it is right that the spleen should be conserved because of this usefulness to the body, namely clearing away and overcoming the black . It is cleared away when the power is strengthened by the right foods, namely ones that fatten the body, for example chickens that are prepared with a little bit of soup, and young kids, and cocks cooked in vinegar; and drinking freshly-milked milk with sugar, because this will maintain his health and will open blockages; generating blood that is very good for the body,94 and drinking red wine, always in moderation, with food ’L NBYD ’LKMR.95 And generally a fattening regimen will be helpful. As Galen said, whatever is fattening will contract the spleen and will make it small, and if it is small it is better than if it is big, since its bigness a bad temperament of the body, while its smallness will reveal its healthy condition. Drinking absinth wormwood and oxymel helps its temperament and puts it right. And doctors [lit. ‘sages’] have said that drinking water from vessels made from the wood of the tamarisk96 maintains the health

91  ‘expert … body’: omitted in Latin draft and revision. 92  The Hebrew has ‘shalom … shalom,’ and the Arabic probably read: ‘salām … salām.’ The Latin draft has ‘sanitas … tranquillum,’ but in the revision the latter word is changed to ‘in quiete,’ as if ben Machir had pointed out the noun shalom/quies to Honofredi. 93  ‘‘LKPQ’N’; i.e., Arabic khafaqān, ‘palpitations.’ 94  ‘[by] generating … the body’: omitted in both the Latin draft and its revision. 95  ‘L NBYD ’LKMR’; i.e., Arabic al-nabīḏ al-ḫamr; ‘an intoxicating drink, wine.’ It seems that the Arabic is out of place here, as it fits better with the preceding term ‘wine.’ 96  ‘tamarisk’ (TMRYṢ); i.e., Old Occitan tamaris or Latin tamarix.

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of the spleen and strengthens it; the most useful of such drinks is a linctus97 [lick-medicine] of squillitic oxymel, especially98 in the autumn and winter and spring. Avoid cold astringent fruit like quinces and apples and ḥabbush99 and pears and anything that is astringent like the service100 tree (Sorbus domestica L.) and carobs and anything like them, because they contract the mouths of the veins of the spleen and close them and weaken the nerves,101 especially in the elderly, as well as drinking astringent wines, like black wine or red wine, and drinking turbid water that lies on thick mud and the water of pasture102 lands. One should also avoid watermelon (Cucumis melo L.), because that will swell the spleen to the detriment of its temperament and will weaken its health;103 and thick meat like the meat of a bull or of a goat or a rabbit or a deer, and seeds that104 by their nature generate black , like broad beans (Vicia faba) and lentils (Lens esculenta); also milk products, like hard cheese and ha-BRYṢ105 and sour milk, because all of them harm the spleen, damage the temperament of the liver, and generate black . On the other hand, white wine and yellow wine are good for its health, because they strengthen it and reduce its blockages and thickness. And in the Segullot of al-Ṭabarī: when you sprinkle into wine the fruit of caper106 (Capparis spinosa L.) or its flower that has been soaked in vinegar,107 this will strengthen the spleen and will reduce its thickness. And it will also preserve a man’s health if he stands up first on his left leg before the right; he should do the same when he climbs up and down, as well as on land. Chapter 13. On the conservation of the heart Things that will conserve the heart very well good drinks like those of apples or citron rind or borage (Borago officinalis L.), and smelling fragrant smells like musk and ambergris108 and aloeswood and109 the drink of myrtle, 97  ‘linctus (lick-medicine)’ (L‘WQ); i.e., Arabic la‘ūq. 98  ‘especially … spring’: missing in Latin draft and revision. 99  ‘ḥabbush’; i.e., ‘quince’; as this fruit was already mentioned immediately before, it is likely to be a corruption. 100  ‘service tree’ (ŠWRB’Š); i.e., Old Occitan plural sorbas. 101  ‘nerves’ (‘ṢBYM); the parallel Latin translation is always articuli (= joints). 102  ‘pasture lands’ (MRWǦ); i.e., Arabic muruǧ. 103  ‘especially … health’: omitted in both Latin draft and revision. 104  ‘that by … lentils’: omitted in Latin draft and revision. 105  ‘ha-BRYṢ’; ‘a kind of sour milk’; possibly a corrupt derivation from Latin butyrum of the type of French beurette, resembling modern Occitan burrat. 106  ‘caper’: see the discussion of Lat. delcobar in the introduction; above, p. 36. 107  ‘that has been soaked in vinegar’: omitted in Latin draft and revision. 108  ‘ambergris’ (‘NBR); i.e., Arabic ‘nbar. 109  ‘and the drink of myrtle … julep’: omitted in Latin draft and revision.

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as well as the drink of julep, while being careful to avoid things that lead to mourning and grief. As Hippocrates said, there are two things that harm the heart, depression and grief. For depression will cause its owner excessive sleeping, and grief will cause insomnia. And both of them harm heart, but the damage caused by grief is bigger and stronger because it will make the heat feverish and will dissolve the pneuma to the point that it will corrupt the composition of the heart so that the man will lose his life and die, especially if his soul is weak.110 And doctors [lit. ‘sages’] have already said: whoever is distressed will lose the good and the useful from the essence of his heart. For there is nothing better for a man than to be happy, and to be contented in his soul, and to go on excursions, and to hunt with birds like the hawk111 and the falcon112 and the sparrowhawk,113 which makes his soul happy and gives him strength and valor. Also food like the meat of doves and small chickens and turtle-doves and partridges, and the meat of young lambs, and everything that will generate clean, thin blood, and by correcting the air that he breathes until nothing foul and corrupted can be smelled in it. And Aristotle said to Alexander of the two horns:114 make sure there is a fragrant smell in the place where you intend to live. And you should know that the psychical115 pneuma can only be fed by breathing fragrant smells, because they nourish it, and as long the pneuma is fed and strengthened the body will be strengthened immediately, the heart will be glad, and the blood will flow in the veins. And the doctors have said that there is nothing that can strengthen the heart and the pneuma and can awaken116 the natural heat like fragrant wine, so long as it is mature and is drunk in moderation, and in summertime it should be mixed with water. If it is not mature, and it is white and watery, and the season is the autumn, it should not be mixed with water, because its heat is weak. This [i.e., fragrant wine] will clear the heart’s blood and will clean up its turbidity, especially when someone drinks it while listening to pleasant music and sitting in green orchards with plants that pour out fragrance; and where there is also water trickling down slowly from above without making any loud or thunderous noise, because this would hurt his soul 110  ‘because … weak’; the Latin draft is not as close as usual: ‘quoniam calorem naturalem extinguit et spiritus confundit et complexionem cordis dissoluit et tandem interficit.’ 111  ‘hawk’ (’SṬWR); i.e., Old Catalan astor. “hawk … sparrowhawk”: another rare instance where the items specified in the text (i.e., the various identified birds) are in the Latin draft but not the revision. 112  ‘falcon’ (PLQWN); i.e., Old Occitan falcon. 113  ‘sparrowhawk’ (’ŠPRWYR); i.e., Old Catalan esparver. 114  ‘of the two horns’ (ba‘al ha-qarnaim): Arabic ḏū al-qarnayn, a person described in the Quran 18:83–99 and traditionally identified as Alexander the Great. 115  ‘psychical pneuma’: the Latin has ‘vital spirit,’ not ‘animal spirit,’ as one would expect. 116  ‘awaken’: lost in the Latin draft but restored in the revision as ‘evigilet.’

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just as it would hurt his sense of hearing. And the doctors [lit. ‘sages’] have said that hearing music will expel sorrow from the soul and will take away grief and depression from the heart. Plato said: when drinking wine and listening to music come together—wine for the body and music for the spirit— good things will come together in harmony. And we have already said that a good friend is as good as [lit. ‘replaces’] listening to music, because he is beloved, and his conversation is becoming and pleasant, and he is well-loved and dear to him. Chapter 14. On the conservation of the gall bladder It is necessary that the gall bladder’s health be maintained by a decoction of oxymel117 with escarole118 (Cichorium endivia L.) and a decoction of dodder119 (Cuscuta epithymum L.); these open blockages in the gall bladder and120 penetrate it deeply. And a decoction of endive121 tempers the heat, and the proper food for it is the meat of a kid or the meat of a small castrated goat cooked in vinegar or in orache122 (Atriplex hortensis L.). Also drinking whey, called GŠP’,123 especially whey of a cow, is very good for cleaning the gall bladder and diluting its bitterness; it will moderate its sharpness and will clear out its black bile; and at times it is expelled in diarrhea, which helps the body and the bladder. And in this way one will be safe from the recurrence of sicknesses that arise from red , such as jaundice.124 Chapter 15. On the conservation of the intestines Their health [that is, of the intestines] will be ensured by the easy excretion of the feces and of the other dregs that solidify and cling to them and the humors that cling to them and impede the feces from their exit, as well as by drinking honey water, and by eating figs and drinking their water and the soup of the fat meat from small chickens and the meat of young lambs that have been cooked with beets (Beta vulgaris L.). And doctors [lit. ‘sages’] have said that the best of all things for the intestines are raisins with their seeds

117  ‘oxymel’ (SKNǦBYN); i.e., Arabic sikanǧabīn. 118  ‘escarole’ (H’SQRYWLH); i.e., Latin (e)scariola. 119  ‘dodder’ (QWŠQṬH); i.e., Middle Latin, Old Occitan, or Old Catalan cuscuta. 120  ‘and penetrate it deeply’: omitted in Latin draft and revision. 121  ‘endive’ (’YNDYBY’H); i.e., Latin endivia. 122  ‘orache’ (’RMWLṢ); i.e., plural of Old Occitan armol(h). Lat. draft ‘atriplex.’ 123  ‘GŠP’, i.e., Romance for ‘whey.’ 124  ‘red bile [i.e., choler], such as jaundice,’ corresponds to ‘a choleric illness, such as dropsy’ in the first Latin version, which was shortened simply to ‘choleric illnesses’ in the revision (MSS AT).

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eaten every day on an empty stomach, because this will strengthen them. And rice that is cooked with milk that has just been milked will also nourish and strengthen them, to the point that it will help weakness of the uterus and will open the mouths of the veins that are in the stomach the anus. Also the regular drinking of emblic125 myrobalan is good for the intestines, especially the rectum126 [lit. ‘the straight intestine at the end of which is the anal opening’]. Let him avoid sour and very sharp foods that add moisture that sticks to the intestines and stays there, because they act like hot manure continuously poured into a tinned127 copper vessel and left in it.128 And doctors [lit. ‘sages’] have said that garlic cooked with fat young lamb will soothe the intestines, and calm the stormy noise in them and reduce their flatulence. And then eating garlic regularly, the way the Gentiles do, will remove cold pains from the intestines as well as their thick windiness, and for this reason doctors [lit. ‘sages’] have called it “the peasants’ theriac.” Chapter 16. On the conservation of the kidneys Something that will strengthen the kidneys when they are too weak to draw out the watery part of the blood (which is the urine)129 is spinach130 cooked with the meat of fat lambs, when one takes it with good raisins, because this will nourish and fatten them and will clean them from the filth that accumulates when they retain stinking urine. The pulp of sweet watermelon will clean them, too, when eaten with its seeds with sugar on an empty stomach, meat like the flesh of young lambs cooked with beet131 or fresh borage132 125  ‘emblic myrobalan’ (’MLǦ); Arabic amlaǧ. 126  ‘will open the mouths … rectum’: here the Latin translations diverge markedly from the Hebrew. The draft reads instead, confusedly, ‘et similiter cepe in potu sumantur de arbore prodest intestino,’ while in the subsequent revision the corresponding passage seems to reflect both the draft’s reading and that of the Hebrew translation: ‘et similiter si sepe in potu sumatur prodest intestinis et precipue recto intestino.’ We have not been able to arrive at a satisfying hypothesis that might explain these different versions. 127  ‘tin’ (’NK); i.e., Arabic ānuk. 128  ‘Let … left in it’: we offer this conjectural emendation of the corrupt Hebrew text, which reads literally: ‘Let him avoid sour and very sharp foods that add moisture that sticks to the intestines and stays there, because they act like a tinned copper vessel when hot fluids are left in it and the hot manure is continuously pouring into it.’ The Latin translators too had difficulty with this passage as they prepared their initial draft and supplied their own conjecture: ‘hec enim in intestinis humorem geneat viscosum, et ipsum ibidem faciunt sicud faciet acetum quando tangit metallum.’ 129  ‘(which is the urine)’: the Latin texts do not bother to add the parenthetical phrase. 130  ‘spinach’ (’SPYNRG); i.e., Old Occitan spinarch, espinarc. 131  ‘beet’ (BLYDAS); i.e. Old Occ. bleda, plur. bledas; cf. SHS 1:224. 132  ‘borage’ (BWRG’Y); i.e., Old Occitan or Old Catalan borratge / Old Catalan borage.

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(Borago officinalis L.) after it has been poached in water, or133 spinach, or willow. Furthermore, lying in a bed made of clean worked-out wool or white cotton,134 and eating shelled pine nuts and fat seedless raisins,135 these things will be good for him . He should avoid lying on hard things—in particular, lying or sleeping on white leather. And then he should keep from perspiring, and from washing in cold water or136 touching it, especially when a north wind is blowing, because this dries the coldness of the air. And doctors [lit. ‘sages’] say that peeled walnuts or pine nuts eaten with honey are of great help to the kidneys, because they preserve their health and strengthen them. And drinking flour of chickpeas137 prepared in milk will make them fat and greatly preserve their health; sugar-loaf eaten with shelled pine nuts will strengthen the kidneys, and sweet almonds nourish them greatly too. But there is nothing more harmful for the kidneys than cold things, in particular fruits and the like, and also vinegar and thick meats like cattle and goats and sour milk, like BWRWṢ138 and the like; moreover, cold vegetables are very harmful—all except turnips (Brassica rapa L.), which have some use. Chapter 17. On the conservation of the bladder What especially strengthens the bladder and conserves its health are sweet acorns eaten with black raisins, and eating very hot electuaries like the galangale139 and cinnamon140 (Cinnamomum verum J. Presl) and the one called ‘ŠYZN’YH’141 and pepper and aloeswood, consuming a moderate [lit. ‘equal’] amount every day. And he should avoid drinking cold water or melted snow on an empty stomach. Doctors [lit. ‘sages’] have said that eating frankincense regularly makes the bladder stronger and gives it retentive power. Vomiting on a full stomach will be of great help to sicknesses of the bladder. And eating the well-known sweet, GRYS [= groats] of wheat, mixed with good butter, and kneaded with honey has the property to strengthen the bladder.142 133  ‘or spinach, or willow’: missing in both the Latin draft and revision. 134  ‘cotton’ (QWṬWN); i.e., Old Occitan coton. 135  ‘raisins’; lit. ‘sun raisins’; cf. ch. 9. 136  ‘or [even] touching it’: not in Latin draft or revision. 137  ‘chickpeas’: cf. Latin ordei, ‘barley.’ 138  ‘BWRWṢ’: ‘a kind of sour milk’; possibly a corrupt derivation from Latin butyrum resembling modern Occitan burrat; cf. ch. 12: ‘ha-BRYṢ’; the Latin reads: ‘lac non recens sed antiquum’ (MSS CQS); ‘… lac acetosum’ (MSS ATU). 139  ‘galangale’ (GLYG’R; possibly read: GLNG’R); i.e., Old Occitan galengar. 140  ‘cinnamon’ (DRṢYNY); i.e., Arabic dār ṣīnī. 141  ‘ŠYZN’YH’; for this electuary cf. I. Fellmann, Das Aqrābāḏīn al-Qalānisī, 235. 142  This sentence, ‘And eating … bladder,’ was omitted in the first Latin draft, perhaps because the translators were uncertain how to cope with the Hebrew word GRYS (garish); but an

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And when he drinks half a dirham143 of aloeswood every day, it will be useful against weakness and coldness in the bladder and will strengthen it; but nothing harms it more than retaining the urine when it needs to be voided. Eating the meat of cows or cold seeds or drinking cold water on an empty stomach will also do harm to the bladder, and it is particularly harmful to continue to consume vinegar. Chapter 18. On the conservation of the testicles The testicles can be conserved by expelling the semen when necessary, especially by mating with girls, all the more with the good-looking ones among them. And the book Segullot144 teaches us that holding back the semen leads to a repletion of the entire body, and this repletion will bring on bad accidents like dark thoughts, pain throughout the body, raving during sleep, and weakness of sight; but there is no better medicine for this than having intercourse without immoderateness.145 It once happened that a young woman developed suffocation of the uterus from the stoppage of her semen, and she was not cured until she had sex with a young man. And among things that will also conserve the testicles is avoiding riding on a small and narrow saddle with a saddlecloth that is covered with raw leathers. A doctor [lit. ‘sage’] has said that frequently riding on horses and making them run is very harmful to the testicles; and this may cause a hernia.146 And washing the feet frequently with cold water or standing in cold water and bathing them will be even more harmful. Chapter 19. On the conservation of the anus The best thing for the anus and for maintaining its health is sitting on a chair from the hide of animals, like the hide of the lion or the sable147 (Martes zibellina) or the fennec.148 Sitting on a round ball made from a lion’s hide will help those who have hemorrhoids, for which it is a specific remedy,

abbreviated form of the sentence was added to the subsequent revision, this time incorporating a Latinized version, savich, of the Arabic word that ben Machir would later translate as GRYS. See the discussion in our introduction above, pp. 57–58. 143  ‘dirham’ (DRHM); i.e., Arabic dirham; the standard dirham is 3.125 grams. See Hinz, Islamische Masse, 3. 144  ‘Segullot’; cf. ch. 12. The Latin reads: ‘liber experimentorum Galieni.’ 145  ‘immoderateness’ (’SR’P); i.e., Arabic isrāf. 146  ‘hernia’: the Latin draft has ‘constrictio,’ which the revision changes to ‘astrictio.’ 147  ‘sable’ (SHMWR; possibly read SMMWR); i.e., Arabic sammūr. 148  ‘fennec’ (PNQ); i.e., Arabic fanak. Today this name is often applied to a particular fox-like animal, Canis zerda, which Dozy describes as ‘une très petite espèce de renard, de la grosseur d’un chat,’ though he adds that the name is also applied to other animals. According to Jayakar, Ad-Damīrī’s Ḥayāt al-Ḥayawān, 561, s.v. fanak, it is a ‘marten.’

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while a chair made from the sable or the fennec will warm moderately and will remove pains that occur to him from wind of the hemorrhoids. And149 regular use before sleep of the small ’ṬRYPL150—this is made from juice of chebulic151 and Indian152 and emblic , and among its uses is to strengthen the womb of women—will preserve the health of the anus and will dry up the bad moisture that pours into it and will strengthen it. And let him avoid sitting on the cold hard ground, especially in the winter, because it harms the anus very much, since it weakens the muscle that closes the opening until he cannot keep the feces in and they exit from him involuntarily [lit. ‘without the wish of the master’]. And always clean it with a stone. As well, what is most harmful for this are foods that generate black and thick blood, like the meat of cows and hare and deer, and MRY153 and olives and bread with bran and everything that augments the black in the body will be very harmful. And doctors [lit. ‘sages’] have said that going into the bathhouse with hot stones and sitting on them for a time is of much benefit to the anus because of the heat of its water and its wetness, since it always needs heat, which dissipates many of its pains, as well as foods that soften the stool, like the meat of young fat lambs prepared with soup— without onion,154 because onion is somewhat harmful to the anus, since it will open the mouths of its veins. Because it is a very sensitive member, as Galen said, it happens that whenever a problem arises in it, it cannot be cured, and therefore it is very appropriate that he should take care of his food and of what is appropriate for him as food. Chapter 20. On the conservation of the body and its extremities It seems to us that the body will be conserved by regularly bathing in hot and pleasant water in a bathhouse of temperate air, with the stomach empty of food—washing dirt from it by a moderate gentle rubbing, using old olive oil in the winter, pleasant and good-smelling, and rose oil and violet155 (Viola odorata) oil in the summer. And doctors [lit. ‘sages’] have said that when the 149  The Latin draft includes a few words here that may have been lost from the Hebrew, reading: ‘Induce evacuation before sleeping with the juice of chebulic and Indian and emblic [myrobalans], among whose uses is to strengthen….’ 150  ‘’ṬRYPL’; i.e., Arabic iṭrīfal (Sanskrit triphalā, ‘the three myrobalans’): ‘a medicine composed of myrobalans.’ See above, pp. 42–43. 151  ‘chebulic’ (KXBWL); i.e., Arabic kābilī. 152  ‘Indian’ (HNDY); i.e., Arabic hindī. 153  ‘MRY’: see above, ch. 7. 154  ‘soup without onion’: in their first draft, the translators read this as ‘chickpea soup,’ ‘brodio ciceris,’ but in revising their translation they used language paralleling ben Machir’s Hebrew, ‘brodio et absque cepis.’ 155  ‘violet’ (WY’WLŠ); i.e., plural of the Old Occitan / Old Catalan viola.

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bath attendant washes the body with honey in the bathhouse, it removes the moist fumous superfluities that are stuck between the skin and the flesh; it opens blockages and removes filth and similar things on it. And this can also be done with flour of bitter vetch156 (Vicia ervilia [L.] Willd.), or chickpeas or broad beans; and by rubbing with a coarse cloth, because this will bring him warmth and will soften the skin and sponge it, while liquefying the fumous superfluities lying beneath it, which will come out through the pores; it will relax the movements of the bony parts of the body, namely the joints, and will strengthen moist phlegmatic bodies. He should wash the extremities—the hands and the feet—in tepid water in the winter, which will do them good, while in the summer the other way around. And doctors [lit. ‘sages’] say that washing the nails of the hands and of the feet in water and vinegar will keep them from shrinking and turning black and splitting, and that if he cleans them every Thursday it will protect them from splitting.157 Anointing them with oil and salt will strengthen them, and warm water is generally better for them than cold when he washes them. Wearing narrow shoes and ’RQW QŠ(?) will harm the toes of the feet,158 for at times this will ride one toe right over the next, contorting the nails because they are so tight in them. When a man is exhausted and his feet are particularly tired, he should raise his feet and calves and rest them against the wall, doing this when his labor has come to an end; and he should do the same thing when coming out of the bathhouse. When his feet have been dangling while he was riding a horse or some other animal on a long journey, it is important that he elevate them and rest them against the wall during stops , since this will relieve their tiredness.159 And walking in mud and walking barefoot are among the things that do most harm to the cold brain and to weak eyes, and to someone who tends to catch colds, especially in the winter. It is very harmful because it leads to incontinence, for the coldness will cause a weakness of the power in the bladder. And doctors [lit. ‘sages’] have said that playing with a small ball and throwing it up with two hands together is very 156  ‘bitter vetch’ (KRŠNH); i.e., Arabic kirsinna. 157  ‘and that if he … splitting’: missing in both Latin draft and revision. 158  ‘wearing … feet’: the Latin draft is quite literal, to the point of guessing at what ‘RQW QŠ might mean—‘calciare etiam sotulares strictos que sunt arti nocent digitis pedum’— whereas the revision made no attempt to cope with it: ‘calciamenta stricta digitos ledunt pedum.’ 159  Again the first draft is quite faithful—‘et quando ex longa equitatione pedes pendentes tenuerit, est necesse similiter eos elevare et stando in alto tenere, quoniam hoc delet lassitudinem’—while the subsequent revision has been almost ludicrously compressed: ‘et post diuturnam equitationem idem facias.’

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helpful for the arms and keeps them healthy, and will help with pains that they may suffer when the weather is very damp and the winds are cold; and it will ease their difficulty in moving, especially those who are looking for rest and quiet. However, rubbing the feet [lit. ‘legs’] when the stomach is empty of food and of drink will relieve their heaviness, labored walking and difficulty in moving. Furthermore, it will preserve the feet [lit. ‘legs’] and the calves to use seawater regularly; this is also good for someone who has previously had a hernia,160 because it reduces swellings, and especially in the case of those who get such swellings from standing on them for a long time, or those who are used to ride frequently on very long journeys, dangling their feet [lit. ‘legs’] while riding. And what we have presented for this purpose is enough, with the help of God. Section [lit. ‘chapter’] on the conservation of health as regards every circumstance that may befall you Chapter 21. Conserving the health The conservation of health depends on the right measure161 of movement and of rest, of sleeping and waking and food and drink, on evacuating the superfluities, on balanced places [e.g., with a balanced or moderate climate], and on exercise,162 on avoiding bad accidents before they become more frequent and more severe, thoughts, and avoiding close quarters, and on maintaining a normal routine. And we will discuss each of these matters according to the purpose which we intend in this book of ours. Chapter 22. Regimen of movement and its strength For the conservation of one’s health, activity before eating is proper in a manner befitting one’s custom and one’s strength, whether by walking or riding. You should not do so much of it that you feel tired and it oppresses you, rather you should stop when it becomes onerous. For activity before eating purifies the natural heat; the stomach will take the food in with pleasure, the members will receive it, and the body will get fat, whereas activity after eating will incur added sicknesses.163 160  ‘hernia’: the same condition is mentioned in the Latin draft (‘rupturam vel concussionem’) but for some reason a new one was inserted by the translators into their revision (‘contritionem sive concussionem’). 161  ‘right measure’: Lat. temperamento. 162  ‘on … and on exercise’: the Latin revision says simply ‘loci habitationis.’ 163  The Latin revision adds a new sentence ‘et sicut exercitium temperatum ante cibum causat sanitatem, sic post cibum causat egritudinem,’ apparently for rhetorical symmetry; see the introduction above, p. 50.

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Chapter 23. Regimen of sleep, its strength and its benefits Sleep should take place after eating, when food has moved down from the mouth of the stomach , and one can feel that the heavi­ ness has diminished and the bulk has passed down. And if this is delayed, he should help it by walking slowly until it does come down. And he should not turn from side to side , because this will delay digestion and will bring on flatulence and [intestinal] rumbling; and he should use a pillow,164 especially when the food has not gone down from the mouth of the stomach. And sleep is beneficial because it gives the soul pleasure, it sharpens the mind and thought, it soothes fatigue, it improves the digestion, and fattens the body. When it [i.e., sleep] is excessive, it will cause the body to swell and will increase its phlegm and will cool it, especially in fatty bodies, while excessive wakefulness will increase its heat165 and will harm its appearance, and will dry out thin bodies. You must not force the soul to remain awake when it is tired and exhausted, and likewise you should not prepare for sleep as long as the soul is awake and pure and the senses are light strong. Chapter 24. Regimen of eating is best for someone when the residue of the previous meal has gone down and been moved to the lower parts of the belly, so that no feeling of tightness persists and the appetite has come back. And he should not postpone eating when his appetite is present unless it is a false166 appetite, aroused in its owner while in drunkenness, those who are belching. However, when he does have an appetite to eat and he is not drunk, if he has not previously had thick food, and not much food, he should eat at that time and should not postpone it, because this is best. And if something makes him167 put off eating until his appetite has come and gone, he should drink julep or oxymel168 or hot water and should postpone eating for a time until he is cleansed and has evacuated his stool, or until his appetite has been reawakened, and then he should eat again. It is not proper for him to fill himself up with food so that his stomach will be stretched and heavy in absolute heaviness and will oppress his breathing; if something like this happens every day, he should vomit the food before it goes down. And if he doesn’t do this, he should increase his sleep and activity, and take something to make it go down to the belly, and then take a lesser amount of food the next day. And it is proper for someone to eat the 164  ‘pillow’ (LMNYDH): Lat. pulvinar. Cf. Spanish almohada. 165  ‘will increase its heat’; the parallel Latin passage is fuller and adds theoretical depth: ‘calorem innaturalem generat et calorem naturalem destruit.’ 166  ‘false’ (kozev); cf. Lat. innaturalis. 167  ‘those who are belching … something makes him’: omitted in Latin draft and revision. 168  ‘oxymel’ (SKNǦBYN); i.e., Arabic sikanǧabīn.

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usual foods in accordance with his routine, unless that routine is bad, which he should correct little by little—and as little as possible. One should eat three meals every two days; eating once will harm those whose bodies are thin and dry, while eating twice will harm those whose bodies are fat. Those who are very active and often become tired will need more food, and vice versa. And it is right that a person should settle on a routine concerning the foods that are good for him, because at times a bad food will be right for some person, and some people should experiment. And the composed foods for which may have an appetite, although they may be bad, some of them will be acceptable if they are not excessively bad. It is wrong for one to regularly use bad food, and if he does this regularly, it is important that he should plan to take a purgative that has the power to take out the bad humor which this food creates in the body. But when he eats, he should eat or drink something with it that will correct it, as we will explain. And what will cause harm to the digestion is eating different foods at the same time, eating heavy foods before light ones, and over-eating or spending too much time in eating, so that there is a long time between the beginning and the end . Let his food be actually hot in the winter and cold in the summer, though he should avoid food that is very hot, as when it has just come off the fire, and avoid very cold ones like delicacies that are chilled in the snow—for these too can harm you. And he should not eat when the temperature is very hot or very cold; but the best time for eating is when it is cold. If this is impossible, he should choose cold places and times when rest or sleep can follow. Fresh fruit should be eaten before the meal, except for those that stay a long time in the stomach, and fruits that are astringent and sour, like quinces and apples and pomegranates; but if he doesn’t take a lot of them and only does so as a treat, he can eat them. But best for keeping one’s health is avoiding fresh fruit, not eating too much of them; and if you do eat too much of them, you will need a purge. The best moment for eating fresh fruit is on a day when you have worked very hard and your stomach feels very hot; at this time it will be good to eat fresh fruits like grapes and figs and pears and mulberries169 and apricots,170 cooled in water, and then after a while he should have his meal. He should avoid indigestion by eating very little during the day, and should eat light food as long as it [the indigestion] continues. And if this happens day after day, he should drink a purgative drink made from one of the purges that can take out the feces and

169  tutim: today usually ‘strawberries,’ but in medieval literature always mulberries (cf. SHS 1:530 [Tav 3]). 170  ‘apricots’ (’MWRYQŠ); Romance amoriacas (cf. Alphita, 387); omitted from the Latin versions.

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expel them and clean the stomach and intestines, like the small iṭrifal171 or hiera pigra172 or turpeth (Operculina turpethum [L.] S. Manso) or berries taken with spices173 and aloe174 (Aloe vera L.) berries and mastic175 (resin of Pistacia lentiscus L.), and an electuary of quinces and dates and the like. But among individuals there are those for whom heavy foods are appropriate, and their contraries will cause harm to the stomach; for this reason everyone’s complexion should be treated in a way befitting its essential nature. But if he goes too far, it will generate lethargy176 and will be harmful. If he takes food that is contrary to he will prevent their generation.177 Chapter 25. The regime of drinking One should make a rule in drinking not to drink water on an empty stomach, not at the table, and not after eating, until he has lightened the upper part of his belly;178 he should only drink as much as will calm his thirst, but he should not drink much of it until the uppermost part of his belly has been relieved and the food has passed out of it; if he does so, his drinking and other beverages is healthy. He should not drink water at the table unless in a moderate quantity, and it should not be cold because a little of the cold will be harmful. Someone who has weak nerves,179 or a cold stomach or liver, and in general anyone with digestive problems, or weakness in breathing in and out, should avoid drinking water from snow; but anyone who is fleshy, whose blood is red to look at, who is lusty, need not be afraid of it. In addition, it is not good for anyone to drink cold water on an empty stomach unless he is suffering from an intense burning and heat . After bathing and sex and strong activity one should avoid gulping down cold water, 171  ‘iṭrifal’ (’ṬRYPL); i.e., Arabic iṭrifal, ‘a medicine composed of myrobalans.’ A tenth-century prescription for the ‘small iṭrifal’ is given in Sbath and Avierinos, Deux traités, 8. See the introduction above, pp. 42–43. 172  ‘hiera pigra’ (’Y’RG PYGR’); i.e., Arabic iyārağ fikrā from Gr. ἱερὰ πικρά; a compound medicine with aloes as main component. For its composition see, for instance, Berg, Eene Middelnederlandsche Vertaling, 182–83. 173  ‘spices’ (’L’P’WYH); i.e., Arabic al-afāwīh ‘spices.’ 174  ‘aloe’ (‫ ;)צבר‬i.e., Arabic ṣabir. 175  ‘mastic’ (ṢBR); i.e., Lat. mastix, Old Occitan / Old Catalan mastec(h), or Old Occitan mastic. 176  ‘lethargy’ (LYṬRGY’H); i.e., Latin lethargia. 177  ‘But … generation’: the sentences are omitted in the Latin draft and the revision. 178  ‘until … belly’: this clause, and the similar clause below (‘until … relieved’), are omitted in the Latin versions. 179  ‘nerves’: both the Latin draft and revision render the corresponding Arabic word as articuli (‘joints’), as above in ch. 12.

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for this can kill him, rather he should sip a little of it from time to time until the situation has passed and its effects have disappeared. And he should not drink at night if he has a false thirst, and an indication of that is if he was drunk and had already swallowed enough before sleeping; then it is proper that he should wait some time and control his urge his thirst calms down. Regarding wine, one should not drink it on an empty stomach or when hungry, or with spicy food; nor after the bath or coitus or excessive activity, but only after he has eaten some food [lit. ‘unless food went down’]. He should not drink so much of it that his stomach will be stretched and heavy,180 unless he wants it to act as a medicine after he has taken it. Everyone should choose for himself what is right for him, according to what we have said, because inattention to its many different sorts and kinds . One should avoid drunkenness, as it can cause serious illnesses. However, getting drunk once or twice in a month can be all right if it doesn’t continue. And every man’s decision [lit. ‘inclination’] should depend on how much he can tolerate, because there are some whose food will be spoiled because of it; they will get fever and quickly become congested. Chapter 26. The cleansing of the body from superfluities It is right that we should consider what will keep the body clean so that there will be no superfluities, and this by the evacuation of the stool and the production of urine and systematic exercise, since each one will bring out from the body all kinds of superfluities. But for someone who worries that the amount of this evacuation would be small in comparison to what he eats and drinks, and that the superfluities in his body would dominate, we shall set aside this regime, and shall recommend that he purge the belly with some things which cause moderate evacuation. Now this action can be brought about by thin wine and by oxymel by seed of watermelon (Citrullus lanatus [Thunb.] Matsum. & Nakai) and seed of cucumber181 (Cucumis sativus L.) and celery (Apium graveolens L.) and fennel (Foeniculum vulgare L.) and cucumber and pumpkin (Cucurbita pepo L.) and the like. And if only a small amount comes out during evacuation, or only a little sweat, and he normally takes long walks, and the surrounding air is not hot, we shall help him with treatments and bathing. Now if he frequently eats food that generates red , we shall use things that evacuate

180  ‘that his stomach … heavy’: omitted in Latin. 181  ‘cucumber’ (’LKY’R); i.e., Arabic al-ḫiyār; cf. IG 190.

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moderately, such as citric myrobalans, and plums182 (Prunus domestica L.), tamarind, and juice of pomegranates crushed with their own pulp. And if a problem [lit. ‘mistake’] arises in this so that a considerable quantity of this humor collects in his body, then he will need the stronger medicines that we mentioned in the healing of sicknesses, in them especially.183 And we shall use them energetically, using a medicine opposed to the medicines used to conserve the health.184 But if it should be food that generates black , we can help him if he takes black myrobalans and polypody185 (Polypodium vulgare L.) and epithyme186 (Cuscuta epithymum L.), and if it is food that has the quality of generating phlegm, we shall turn to the small ’ṬRYPL187 kneaded in hiera,188 and turpeth, and electuaries that are made with ginger (Zingiber officinalis Roscoe) and turpeth and sugar. And if we find that his stomach is upset and his appetite189 has declined so that he only wants very sharp things, while other foods seem heavy to him, especially sweet and fat , seeing this, we should make him vomit by [lit. ‘after’] eating salt and mustard and beet and radish. Then we shall make him drink the drinks that will strengthen him moderately, like oxymel190 and honey water. And when we see his body swollen, moving with difficulty, looking red, warm to the touch, and his veins are prominent and full, we will order the withdrawal of a little bit of blood and we will decrease the amount of his food. And we shall prohibit him from consuming meat and wine and sweet things, and we will make all his food styptic191 until these symptoms come to an end. Coitus is good

182  ‘plums’ (’GSYM): cf. SHS 1:128 (Alef 53); IG 59. Today the word refers to pears rather than plums, a shift in meaning like that noted above, p. 191 n. 169. Lat. pruna, ‘plums.’ 183  : Lat. in libris medicinarum. Our proposed interpolation arises out of our belief that the original author of chapters 21–34 (‘section II’) had also written a number of separate chapters on individual diseases, to which he actually makes specific references later, in chapter 28. See the introduction above, pp. 141–42. 184  This sentence is omitted in the draft, but the revision speaks of using these stronger medicines with the provision that they should complement regiminal remedies, ‘ceteris sanitatem producentibus et conservantibus non neglectis,’ a sensible provision that has led us to our proposed interpolation. 185  ‘polypody’ (BSB’YG); i.e., Arabic basbāyiǧ; cf. IG 119. 186  ‘epithyme’ (’PYTYMWN); i.e., Arabic afīṯīmūn. 187  ‘the small ’ṬRYPL’; cf. ch. 19. 188  ‘hiera’ (’Y’RG); i.e., Arabic iyārağ (Greek ἱερά, ‘holy’), a collective name of a group of remedies. The main ingredient of many of these was colocynth pulp; cf. IG 87. 189  ‘appetite’: calor (Latin draft); calor naturalis (Latin revision). 190  ‘oxymel’ (’WQŠYML); i.e., Latin oximel. 191  ‘we will make all his food styptic’; Latin draft: ponantur in cibis suis acetosa et stiptica.

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in moderation for both women and men when the desire arises,192 but they should not force nature. And they should occasionally do exercise and massage and gargling and sneezing. One should not hold back his urine, because holding it back leads to difficulty in urinating as well as sickness and weakening of the bladder; holding ‘LNǦY(?)193 and urine and wind back will cause dysentery194 and colic195 and the collapse of desire.196 Chapter 27. On moderation in the places where one lives and moves about In such places there should not be heat that the body sweat nor cold that the body shiver; nor should these places be moist or dry, rather in between. You should spray water on places that are dusty, as much water as is needed to change it. As for the cold places, in them one should sit on mats and in a room. Such a temperate dwelling is the appropriate one for bodies that are balanced and in perfect health. But bodies that are the reverse of this, thin ones and hot ones, for them those places will be better that are cold and moist and where they can move, whereas bodies of the opposite kind will be helped by places that are dry and hot and have no coldness, while the opposite will harm them. None of these dwellings> should have a fetid smell, and it should be arranged that there be no smoke or vapor in them. Chapter 28. Foretelling bad accidents It is necessary indeed to observe them before they become worse, and this is an important chapter197 in the conservation of health. We may say that when a headache persists and gets stronger, as well as migraine198 when it becomes chronic, they cause a descent of water into the eye [i.e., a cataract]199 and a loss of hair from the eyelid; for this reason it is proper that when the pain persists and gets stronger, we should treat the sick man by puncturing the veins at the sides through which they are passing. A strong powerful

192  ‘Coitus is good in moderation for both women and men’; the Latin recommends coitus for men but does not also recommend it for women. 193  ’LNǦY’: this Arabic term could not be identified. 194  ‘dysentery’ (PWNṢ); i.e., Cat. pons; cf. SHS 1:157 (Gimel 16). 195  ‘colic’ (QWLWN); cf. NM 3:201. 196  ‘holding … desire’: missing in Latin draft and revision. 197  ‘important chapter’: capitulum est excellentissimum (Latin draft), excellentissimum est (Latin revision). 198  ‘migraine’ (ŠQYQH); i.e., Arabic šaqīqa. 199  ‘descent of water into the eye’ (yeridat ha-mayim ba-‘ayin): ‘cataract’; cf. NM 1:155.

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contortion of the face foretells that a paralysis of the facial nerve200 is about to occur; when he feels this, he should take a very strong purge and rub his face with strong wine vinegar in which mint201 was boiled; he should reduce his food and avoid drinking altogether, and should carry out gargling and sneezing. When a contortion of the whole body is noticed, and persists, it foretells spasms,202 and when this happens he should be given a vigorous massage and washing and a light regime and should take the hot drugs that we mentioned in its chapter.203 Numbness204 of the limbs will indicate paralysis205 [i.e., hemiplegia], and when this occurs it is proper to maintain a light regime and to take the drugs that are mentioned in the chapter on paralysis.206 Redness of the face and eyes and the prominence of their veins and tears flowing from the eyes and avoiding the light because of a sharp pain, all these things will indicate frenesis;207 and they should endeavor to carry out bleeding and purging, laying vinegar and oil of roses on the head and cooling the whole body with it. Nightmares208 and dizziness209 that persists and gets stronger will indicate epilepsy, and in this case they should not disregard it when it occurs but instead should make an effort to heal it. Permanent inexplicable grief and turbidity of the soul combined with hopelessness will indicate melancholy, and he should make an effort to heal it. And when a man imagines that he sees flies or hair before his eyes, or perceives a fog around him at times, this is a sign of a descent of water into the eye,210 and he should be assiduous in 200  ‘a paralysis of the facial nerve’ (LQWH); i.e., Arabic laqwa; cf. WKAS 2.2:1134: ‘paralysis of the facial nerve, facial paresis, paralysis of one side of the face, crooked mouth (spasmus cynicus, risus sardonicus)’; see as well Bos, ‘Isaac Todros’; idem, NM 4, s.v. ‫ נטית הפה‬and ‫עקום הפה‬. The Latin draft here gives ‘apoplexia,’ which the revision changes to ‘alienatio.’ 201  ‘mint’ (PWDNǦ); i.e., Arabic fūḏanǧ, which refers to several varieties of mint (cf. IG 770); the Latin translation has ‘peucedanum.’ 202  ‘spasms’ (QWWṢ); cf. NM 1:37, 66; Latin translation: ‘spasmum.’ 203  ‘mentioned in its chapter’: Latin revision ‘sicut dictum est in proprio capitulo’ (the phrase is omitted in the draft). This is another of the passages we view as referring to a separate work by the Arabic author (cf. above, pp. 141–42). 204  ‘numbness of the limbs’ (tardemat ha-evarim); cf. NM 1:70–71; NM 2:94. 205  ‘paralysis’ (PLǦ); i.e., Arabic fāliǧ. 206  ‘in the chapter on paralysis (hemiplegia)’: ‘sicut in suo capitulo dictum est’ (Latin revision); omitted in first draft. 207  ‘frenesis’ (’LBRSM); i.e., Arabic al-birsām; Lat. frenesis. See our introduction, pp. 54–57. 208  ‘nightmares’ (K’BWS); i.e., Arabic kābūs; cf. Latin draft, ‘inquies seu aggravatio seu oppressio que in sompno accidit’; Latin revision, ‘incubus sive compressio que accidit in sompno.’ See introduction above, p. 57. 209  ‘dizziness’ (sibbuv); cf. NM 1:63. 210  That is, a cataract; see above, n. 199. The translators recognized the meaning of the Arabic phrase and spontaneously added ‘que dicitur catharacta’ to the draft.

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treating it. A combination of foods in the stomach, like one of fish and eggs211 at the same time, will generate gas that may cause hemorrhoids [lit. ‘gas of the hemorrhoids’] and pain in the loins and will promote harmful gas; when wine and milk are assembled together in the stomach they too will create gas podagra,212 while milk213 and fish brought together in the stomach will generate gas from colic. And regularly eating a lot of eggs will produce spots on the face, and will give rise to gas that will cause a person to faint when the gas passes [lit. ‘it stops’].214 Entering the bath when full of food215 will bring on colic. And eating citron at night will generate dizziness.216 And coitus when its owner did not first empty bladder [lit. ‘urine’] will generate bladder stones.217 And when a person sleeps on his back218 it will generate delirium.219 Performing coitus twice together220 will generate leprosy. If you go into the bathhouse and anoint your body with oil of violets, it will cure itching. When you eat, you should not drink water with your food until you have finished eating, for this will be lighter on the stomach and will speed up the digestion of the food. And if you drink a lot of water, it will cause weakening and putrefaction221 in the stomach. Swallowing three mouthfuls of honey every day in winter or three mouthfuls of liquid honey will prevent frenesis.222 And when you want to go to sleep at night you should swallow three mouthfuls of hot water, which is good for gas and coughing. And if you eat fish at night, do not go to sleep until it has been digested, this will cause a convulsion,223 unless honey or good wine is drunk with it.224 And when you eat at night, eat lightly so that when you wake up in the morning the body will be light. And if you want to eat 211  ‘fish and eggs’ becomes ‘pira [pears] et ova’ in Latin draft and translation both. 212  ‘podagra’ (NKRS); i.e., Arabic niqris. 213  ‘milk’: Lat. caseus (cheese), though ‘lac’ is the equivalent for ‘milk’ in the previous sentence. 214  ‘that will cause … gas passes’: omitted in the Latin draft; but ‘in quarum remotione stupor accidit’ has been added to the Latin revision. 215  ‘full of food’: ‘ante evacuationem urine’ (Latin draft), ‘stomaco pleno’ (Latin revision). 216  ‘dizziness’: Lat. angustia et labor. 217  ‘bladder stones’ (ḥaṣaṣ, lit. ‘gravel’); cf. NM 2:113 (5); 137 (5); cf. Lat. ‘arenulas.’ 218  ‘on his back’ (‫)מן גויו צהר‬: this term is a combination of Hebrew ‫( מן גויו‬read: ‫ )על גיוו‬and ‫ظ‬ Arabic ‫( ���هر‬back). 219  The entire sentence (‘And when … delirium’) is missing in Latin draft and revision. 220  ‘twice together’: Latin draft: ‘cum duabus mulieribus una statim post aliam.’ 221  ‘putrefaction’: Lat. mollificatio. 222  ‘Swallowing three … frenesis’: the sentence is omitted in the Latin draft, but included in the revision. 223  ‘convulsion’ (‘iwwut); cf. NM 3:172. 224  ‘unless … drunk with it’: the Hebrew presents this action as a preventative for the contortion, and so does the Latin draft: ‘si evitas non poteris, bibas….’ However, the Latin

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raisins in the morning every day it will be good, but be careful and remove their seeds, and do this regularly.225 And if it is possible for you to eat three black myrabolans, prepared with white sugar, it will moderate the black bile together with the blood; and you should avoid all activity from the day you take it for the next seven days, and if you continue this for all seven days of the week, it cannot fail, God willing.226 And experienced people say that he who pares his nails on Thursday will cure227 their splitting. And if you want to keep your spleen from becoming ill, drink a mouthful of strong vinegar every week and you will be secure. Also: when you put on your shoes, first put on the right, and when you take them off, start with the left, and then you will be safe from pains in your spleen and from illness in your side.228 And if you want to avoid cavities and decay [lit. ‘change’; Lat. alteratio] in your teeth, you should rub them with peach (Prunus persica [L.] Batsch) wood. And if you want to keep your ear from becoming deaf, every seventh day, when you go to sleep at night, put cotton229 in it with a little bit of good gillyflower230 (Cheiranthus cheiri L.) oil on it. And if you wish to stay healthy, let your food be of a quantity that is not too much and not too little; and when you move away from the table, do so while you still have some appetite for the food that is on it. And if you want to drink water, calculate what will be enough for you and drink half of what you want, because this will keep your body healthy, strengthen your stomach, and help digest your food. And if you wish to fall asleep,231 turn on your right , while for sleeping, on the left; and accustom yourself to sleep no more than two-thirds of the night. And when you wake up in the morning, rub your teeth with aloeswood and borax and burnt roses, pounded, crushed, and sifted, because this will clean the teeth and will polish them and will take away the phlegm, and your mouth will smell better. revision reads ‘si sompnum evitare non potes,’ eliminating this connection and making this clause the beginning of a new rule. 225  ‘And if you … do this regularly’: omitted in the Latin draft, but included in the revision. 226  ‘and you should … God willing’: omitted in Latin draft and revision. 227  ‘will cure’; ‘will prevent’ (Lat.). 228  ‘illness in your side’ (ḥoli ha-ṣad): ‘pleurisy’; cf. NM 1:148; Lat. ‘apostemate lateris.’ 229  ‘cotton’ (QWṬWN); i.e., Old Occitan coton; ‘cotton in it … oil’: the Latin draft speaks of putting ‘aliquantulum decoctionis’ in the ear, perhaps a scribal misreading of ‘de cotonis’; the revision reads aliquantulum de aceto, which suggests a different scribal deformation of ‘de cotone.’ 230  ‘gillyflower’ (KYRY); i.e., Arabic ḫīrī, but ‘lilii’ in Latin draft and revision. 231  ‘if you wish to fall asleep’: here both Latin versions diverge from the Hebrew, saying ‘cum lectum intraveris vigilando,’ when you want to stay awake, lie on your right side, and ‘cum dormieris’ lie on your left. We have found ourselves unable to decide which version is more likely to correspond to the original Arabic.

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Chapter 29. About entering the bathhouse and covering with lime Anyone who wishes to coat himself with lime [i.e., to depilate] should wait twelve hours232 after having had sex, and then he should be washed and rubbed down, and also coated .233 He should not go into the bathhouse when he is hot, nor also should he come out when he is hot, instead let him stay in each room for a time.234 The duration of his stay in should be equal of his being outside ; he should not turn from the hot to the cold , nor from the cold to the hot. It is best to visit the bathhouse in winter and spring. It is also good to combine myrrh and aloe and colocynth236 pulp together with the lime; he should take two237 dirhams of each and mix it into the lime. And while you are applying [lit. ‘washing with’] lime, rub with watermelon and rice flour and dry safflower (Carthamus tinctorius L.),238 because this cleanses the body and makes its flesh soft, it moderates its heat and makes the body better. If you want to wash your head, you should mix mallow239 with a little emblic myrobalans240 and sugar, crushed and sieved, and knead it with new oil of gillyflower;241 this will prevent a defluxion242 from the eyes and a hot headache, and it will clean the head from lice and dry it up. If you wish to go into the bath, after lime and plastering your head in the way I have described for you, you should coat your beard with alkanet (Alkanna tinctoria L.; Anchusa tinctoria L.) at the beginning of the evening, in the way you normally do it; going into the bath will thicken the hair and encourage its good growth and will moderate the heat and will take away the defluxion from the eyes.243 Then when you want to leave the bath, pour tepid water over your head and body and dress in clean, pleasant-smelling clothes, and after you have left , lie down for an hour after coming out and put something on top of your head that will cover it, or a little bit of violets, a handful, in a piece of cloth. And stay

232  ‘twelve’: Lat. ‘four’ (draft) or ‘two’ (revision). 233  ‘and then … lime’: omitted in Latin draft but included in the revision. 234  ‘nor also … for a time’: omitted in Latin draft and revision. 235  ‘suddenly’: not in the Hebrew, but present in the Latin, as subito. 236  ‘colocynth pulp’ (ŠḤM ḤNṬL); i.e., Arabic šaḥm ḥanẓal. 237  ‘two’: ‘three’ in Latin draft, but ‘two’ in the revision. 238  ‘dry safflower’: omitted in Latin draft and revision. 239  ‘mallow’ (MLWWS): i.e., plural of Old Occitan or Old Catalan malva. 240  ‘emblic myrobolans’: mirabolanis bellericis in Latin draft and revision. 241  ‘gillyflower’ (KYRY); i.e., Arabic ḫīrī; the Latin draft and revision add ‘actu frigido.’ 242  ‘defluxion from the eyes’ (QṢYD’); i.e., Old Occitan cassida; Lat. lippitudinem. 243  ‘If you wish to go into … defluxion from the eyes’: omitted in Latin draft but included in revision.

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away from women day and night, because this will reduce corruption and suffering to your body, according to the decree of God. Chapter 30. On treatment by purging When you want to take a purgative medicine you should clean yourself five days before taking it, and anoint your body with flour and rose water, and go into the bathhouse regularly and anoint your body with what I described [i.e., in the previous chapter] before taking the purge, because this will soften your body and clean the appearance of your face and increase your strength and clear your vision and add marrow to your bones. And be very careful of what you eat after the purge, and of what drinks you drink subsequently. Whoever takes a purge should not take or drink cold water, because this will cause an increasing abrasion244 together with rumbling in the stomach; while if he drinks hot wine, his stomach and its nature will be harmed, and it will also do harm to the purge. So everything you consume of food and drink should be in accordance with nature. Avoid coitus at all costs, avoid excessive labor and bad odors. In general, every strong odor will make him thinner and weaker. 31. About coitus and how it should be done When you want to have coitus, you should not come to a woman unless your stomach is free from food and drink, because coitus is good if the stomach is light, but if you have coitus when the stomach is heavy and your veins are full, it will bring on a paralysis of the facial nerve245 and podagra246 and incontinence,247 because if your lust grows strong while your stomach is sending food to the members you will harm yourself very much, inasmuch as the stomach is busy with its nutrition [lit. ‘with their’—i.e., the members’— ‘reception’].248 But if you have coitus when your stomach is light, it will be perfect for you, for your desire and pleasure in intercourse, and you can expect to produce a child. You should only have intercourse after fondling her and squeezing her breasts, so that desire will join the two into a single

244  ‘abrasion’ (ḥamarmerut); cf. NM 1:56; NM 3:93. 245  ‘paralysis of the facial nerve’ (‘iqqum ha-panim); cf. NM 4:158–59, s.v. ‫עקום הפה‬. Lat. tortura faciei. The same affliction features in ch. 28 as Arabic laqwa. 246  ‘podagra’: the word is omitted in the Latin draft but present in the revision. We suggest above (pp. 37–38, 54) that the team managed to identify the meaning of the word niqris in the interval between the two versions. 247  ‘incontinence’ (haṭafat ha-sheten); cf. NM 3:64, for the term in the sense of ‘strangury.’ 248  ‘you will … nutrition’: omitted by Latin revision; the draft omits ‘inasmuch … nutrition.’

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lust; this will be good for your body as well as for your intercourse.249 And when you have your needs met, you should not get up from her quickly, rather turn to your right, for I have read in some books that he who does this will give birth only to a male—and God knows. If you are thirsty afterwards, drink250 rainwater with honey, because this will restore your semen to what it should be. And be careful about repeating the act until you both have bathed, because repetition without purification will give rise to strong pains. Furthermore, take care that she does not mount on you, and beware lest her water discharge on you, because this will harm you so that you will not be able to emit your seed at all; you should worry too lest it cause a scrotal hernia.251 And be careful that your intercourse not be a violent motion at the end, because this will cause overheating to the limit of your strength.252 Then when you withdraw your member from her, be careful not to clean it immediately in cold water while it is hot, but wait for some time, and when you wash it, wash it slowly and do not move it right away. And do not arrange [prepare] it [i.e., for having sex again], because this causes erysipelas.253 Prepare yourself for coitus, because sweat and water will come out from all your body.254 32. Phlebotomy and its rationale Blood should be drawn from every person in relation to the amount of his strength, because if he is robust and his complexion and his nature are not sanguine,255 he should be kept from the cupping glass256 and phlebotomy, except in the springtime. In fact, cupping glasses on the thigh and the head and between the shoulders and in the neck, for they will diminish the children and will weaken a man’s seed. After you , refrain from coitus for twenty-four hours; and avoid eating salty things after cupping or phlebotomy, because this will create itching and ulceration and whatever else this may generate.257 249  ‘this will be good … intercourse’: the phrase is in the Latin draft (except that ‘for your intercourse’ is rendered ‘omnibus factis tuis’); but the revision omits the phrase entirely. 250  ‘that he who does this … drink’: omission in Latin draft. 251  ‘scrotal hernia’ (beqi‘at ha-beṣim); cf. NM 1:132; NM 2:32. Lat. ruptura. 252  ‘this will cause … strength’: an Arabic phrase (see introduction above, pp. 38–39) omitted in Latin. 253  ‘erysipelas’ (ḪMRH); i.e., Arabic ḥumra. 254  ‘And do not … body’: omitted in both draft and revision. 255  ‘are not sanguine’; thus in the Hebrew. The Latin draft, usually closer to the Hebrew, says the opposite, ‘are sanguine,’ whereas the revision agrees with the Hebrew, ‘are not sanguine.’ 256  ‘cupping glass’ (WNṬWD’Š; read: WNṬWŠ’Š); i.e., Latin ventosa, plur. ventosas. 257  ‘and whatever … generate’: omitted in Latin draft and revision.

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33. Drinking and its rationale When you wish to drink wine, you should mix cold water into it the night before you want to drink and put in it a little bit of camphor,258 which will restrain the strength of your desire for wine;259 you may also mix it in a cup and then drink it; then you should take a drink of cold water to calm down ṬWLH ‘YK.260 You should not drink more than four pounds261 , which is the proper amount for your body; it will make your sleep pleasant, it will digest your food, and it will be beneficial for any affliction that might occur. 34. Food and its regimen In wintertime, make an effort to take food that is tepid, because that will cut the phlegm, while in summertime cold food, because that will calm down the bile. Avoid stuffing your stomach with food, for the stomach is, in the body, like a pot on the fire; if you fill it more than is proper, it will grow tired and will stop distributing food to the members and will be ineffective in cooking it. From this will come indigestion and vomiting and corruption of the stomach, the food will become sour, and will be late [slow] in its digestion and distribution; because of this, the members will be neglected, the body will be painful, the heart will suffer badly from the food’s heaviness, and one will not wish to eat—and if anyone loses his appetite, his body will sicken. But he must not give up eating for a long time, because this will generate red , and it will harm the stomach if there is no food in it to sustain the body; because of this, fevers will be generated, and when they become strong one’s nature will depart from its heat [i.e., the natural heat will be altered], and other such things.262 You should eat your meals all at one time, without stopping now and then, even if some business comes up. Avoid eating at night, and in this way your eyesight will be prevented from growing dim. Chew your food thoroughly and grind it down, so that it can be digested quickly. Make the pieces small, because if they should be big you will not be able to move them around in your mouth the way you should, the chewing will be imperfect, and 258  ‘camphor’ (K’PWR); i.e., Arabic kāfūr. 259  ‘which will restrain the strength of your desire for wine’: both Latin draft and revision say: ‘will repress the sharpness of the wine.’ 260  We have not been able to interpret the underlying Arabic. 261  ‘pounds’ (LYṬRY[N]); Lat. lib[re]. The term is common in Rabbinic literature as a loan word from Greek. In medieval medical literature it stands for Arabic raṭl. The weight of the raṭl varies according to region and period; in the twelfth century its general weight in Egypt is 450 grams; see Hinz, Islamische Masse, 28–33, esp. 29. 262  ‘and when they become … such things’: this difficult passage was omitted in both Latin versions.

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digestion will be too. Make no mistake about what you eat and drink, because this will be to your advantage, since it is the health of your body. And if you eat food that gives you discomfort, try very hard to vomit, and do not let it stay in your stomach at all. Try not to keep vomiting over a long period,263 over and over again, because this is called ‘the sickness of the dog.’ You should not eat while your girdle and belt are tight, and do not sit low down when the table is high, rather be sure that you are higher than the table. This concludes the study of these chapters. Prepare yourself to do what you have been commanded , because that will be enough from turning to doctors; but turn to God, and he will fulfill your requests to your benefit. 263  ‘Try not … long period’: the Latin draft reads simply ‘non tamen vomitum.’

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Index Verborum to the Latin Text The following is an index of words in the text of Avenzoar’s Regimen sanitatis printed above on pp. 107–36—that is, the text of its second version, as revised by Profatius and Bernat Honofredi. It omits only numbers, most pronouns and prepositions, and a number of other particularly common words (e.g., aut, esse, facere, non, omnis, sicut, ut, and so on). Verbal forms are usually referred to in the infinitive, although some participles have been entered separately, and comparatives and superlatives have normally been included under the corresponding adjective or adverb. The numbers refer to the chapters into which the text has been divided. abhominabile 24 abhominare 31 abhorrens 26 abluere 6, 18, 29 ablutio 1, 7, 31 absentia 5 absinthium 10, 12 absque 19 abstinentia 34 abstinere 3, 25, 26, 32 accelerare 7 accidentia 18, 21, 26, 33 accidere 18, 19, 28 accipere 25 acetosus 8, 12, 15, 16, 26 acetum 4, 6, 8, 12, 14–17, 20, 28 acorus 2 acquisitus 6, 20 acredo 24, 34 actus 24, 29, 31 acuere 2, 3, 6, 30 acuitas 33 acutus 6, 15, 25, 30 adaptare 13 adeo 3–5, 13, 17, 19 adherere 6, 15 adhuc 26 adimplere 34 adiutorium 29 adiuvare 10, 28 adunantur 28 adustio 11, 25 adustus 28 advenire 25 aer 5, 13, 16, 29 aereus 20 aggravatus 7

aggregatus 26 agnus 2, 8, 13, 15, 16 alabage 2 albus 9, 11, 12, 16, 28 alcanna 29 Alexander 13 alienatio 28 aliquandiu 19 aliquantulum 4, 6, 16, 26, 28, 29, 31, 33 alitatio 28 alleviare 2, 7, 20, 23, 28, 31 allium 15 aloes 2, 5, 10, 13, 17, 28, 29 alterare 28, 34 alterius 32 altus 4, 13, 20, 34 amaritudo 14 amarus 4 ambo 20 ambra 2, 5, 13 Amen 20, 34 amenus 13 amicus 13 amigdala 4, 9, 16 amplior 24 ana 29 angustia 13, 28 angustus 5 anima 13, 21, 23 animal 19 animalis 5 animus 13, 28 anser 11 antequam 1, 3, 12, 24, 28, 30 antiquus 1, 20 anus 19 anxietas 1, 28

213

Index Verborum to the Latin Text aperire 1, 3, 4, 12, 14, 15, 19, 20 apium 26 apostema 28 apparitio 28 appellare 34 appetere 11, 26 appetitivus 34 appetitus 6, 10, 22, 24, 26, 28, 31 appodiare 20, 29 apponere 32 appositio 29 aqua 1–4, 6–8, 10–13, 15–18, 20, 24, 25, 27–29, 31, 33 aqua rosata 30 aquositas 16 arabice 1, 2, 6 arenula 28 aries 19 arietinus 16 arillus 28 Aristoteles 1, 2, 10, 13 aromaticus 2, 5, 7 articulus 7, 12, 25 ascendere 1, 6, 12, 31 asperitas 6, 9 aspersus 16 asperus 20 assare 11 assatura 3, 11 assecurare 31 assellare 19 assuefacere 5 assuefactio 5 assuetus 5, 21, 22, 24 assumere 30 assumptio 11, 13, 15, 24, 28 astrictio 18 atque 18 atriplex 14 attenuere 1, 7, 12, 20 attractare 31 attractio 13 attrahere 13, 16 audacia 13 audire 4, 13 auditus 4, 13 auferre 32 augere 2, 19, 28

augmentare 2, 23, 30 augmentum 28 auris 4, 28 autem 2, 8, 9, 12, 15, 16, 19–21, 23–26, 28, 29, 31–34 autumpnus 3, 29 auxilium 20 aves 3, 7, 8, 10, 11, 13 avidius 11 azorard 1 balneare 1, 4, 18, 28, 29 balneum 1, 16, 19, 20, 25, 26, 28–30 balsamita 2 barba 1, 29 basilico 2 ben 10 bene 16, 34 bibere 9–12, 14, 17, 24–26, 28, 30, 33 bis 3, 24, 25 bleta 1, 2, 15, 16, 26 bonus 5, 10, 12, 13, 16, 19, 24, 28, 29, 33 bovinus 12, 16, 17, 19 bracale 34 brachium 20 brodium 8, 12, 15, 19 bubalinus 12 buglossa 13 bullire 2, 6, 4, 28 butirum 17 buyholi 9 cadere 4 calciamentum 20 calciare 28 calcinatio 29, 30 calefacere 1, 11, 19, 23 calefactio 14, 22 calidus 1–4, 6–8, 10, 11, 17, 19, 20, 24, 26–30, 34 calor 10, 13, 14, 20, 22, 23, 26, 29, 34 cami 19 camomilla 2, 29 camphora 33 canales 9 cancer 6 canicies 1, 2 canina 34 canna 8, 9

214

Index Verborum to the Latin Text

capilli 1, 29 capire 11 caprinus 9, 12, 16 capriolinus 19 capriolus 13 caput 1, 2, 4, 6, 28, 29 carbones 11 carica 11, 15 carnosus 25 caro, carnis 8, 10–12, 14–17, 19, 20, 26 carpinatus 16 carrobium 12 carsana 6 caseus 12, 28 cassia fistula 26 cassola 7 castratus 8, 14, 19 casus 8, 28 cataracta 28 caulis 7, 9 causa 12, 18, 20, 28, 29 causare 2, 18, 20, 22, 28, 31, 34 cavere 3–5, 7–10, 12, 15–18, 23–25, 29–32, 34 celebrare 23 cena 3, 34 cenare 28 cepa 19 cerebrum 2, 3, 4, 20 cessare 5, 26, 34 cibare 24 cibaria 24, 25, 26, 28, 34 cibus 1–3, 6–13, 15, 17, 19, 21–26, 28, 30, 31, 33, 34 cicer 9, 11, 20 cinamomum 5 cingulus 34 cinis 1, 6 ciphus 33 cipressus 6 cito 7, 11, 28 citonia 10 citrinare 6 citrinus 12, 28 citrus 13 clarificare 2, 9, 30 claritas 28 clarus 3 coadunare 13

coagulare 4, 23 coctanum 12, 24 coctus 3, 7, 10, 12, 15, 16 cogere 23 cogitatio 12, 21 coire 28, 31 coitus 3, 18, 25, 26, 29, 31, 32 colera 12, 14, 18, 19, 26, 34 colericus 14, 26, 28 colica 26, 28 colluere 25 collum 2, 32 coloquintida 29 color 3, 30 columba 13 comburere 6 comedere 2, 7, 8, 10, 11, 15–17, 24, 25, 28, 32, 34 comestio 6, 10, 12, 15, 23, 25, 28 commaculare 31 committere 34 communiter 34 comparatio 26 competens 28 complementum 25 completus 34 complexio 10–13, 24, 26, 32 compositus 2 compressio 24, 28 concassatus (conquassatus) 26, 28, 29 concavare 28 concordare 1, 4 concumbere 18 concussio 20 condisi 2 conditus 8, 12 confectus 10, 16 conferre 4, 16 confirmare 31 confortare 2–13, 15–17, 19, 20, 28, 30 confricatio 8, 20 confundere 13 congregatus 15 congruus 24, 27, 32 coniunctus 28 consensus 31 consequens 34 conservare 1–6, 8–20, 26, 28, 34

215

Index Verborum to the Latin Text conservatio 1–20 consimilis 19 consistere 21 consternare 27 constituere 11, 34 constrictio 20 constringere 12, 19 consuetudo 24 consuetus 24 consumere 5–7, 15 contineri 20 contingere 24 continuus 12, 28 contra 17, 26, 28 contrarius 3, 5, 24 contritio 20 conveniens 2,19, 24, 25, 30 convenire 18, 24, 25, 27, 31 convertare 23 coopertus 18 copiose 11, 22 cor 2, 12, 13, 14, 34 coram 28 corium 18, 16, 19 corpus 11, 12, 18–20, 22–30, 32, 33, 34 corpuscula 28 corroborare 17, 31 corrumpere 5, 6, 25 corruptio 2, 5, 18, 24 corruptus 5, 6, 13, 26 cortex 6, 9, 13 cotoneum 16 coxis 32 crastinus 24 credere 20 creta 1 crudus 3, 15, 20 crus 20 cubeba 7 cubitus 3 cultus 1 cupiens 18, 34 curare 6, 18–20, 26, 28 currere 18 cursus 13 cuscuta 14 custodire 3, 7, 11, 12, 17, 22, 24, 28, 29 cutis 1, 20, 29

dealbare 28 deambulatio 23 debere 1, 8, 25, 27, 30, 32–34 debilis 1, 13, 16, 20, 25, 34 debilitare 11, 12, 30, 32 debilitas 17, 18, 20 declinare 31 decoctio 8, 9, 11, 13–15 decoctus 8, 9, 11, 14–16, 19 decoqui 2, 8, 34 decorare 1, 29 decumbere 28 decurrens 13, 19 deducere 22, 34 deficere 23, 24, 26 deinde 1, 6, 16, 29 delcobar 12 delectabilis 2, 11, 13 delectabiliter 3 delectare 5, 11, 23 delectatio 2, 31 delegare 31 delicie 2 deludere 31 demum 4, 29 denigratio 20 dentes 6, 28 dentifricium 6 deopilare 2, 11 depilatio 1 descendere 4, 6–8, 12, 23–25, 28, 31 deservire 2 desiccare 6, 19, 30 desiderare 24 desin 11 desinere 28 desistere 33 desperatio 13 destruere 6, 12, 30 desuper 16, 31 deus 20, 29, 31, 34 dexter 12, 28, 31 diamoridis 4 dies 1, 6, 10, 15, 17, 24, 28–30, 32 dieta 26, 28 differre 24 difficilis 24 difficultas 26

216

Index Verborum to the Latin Text

difficulter 19 digerere 28, 33, 34 digestio 2, 10, 19, 23–25, 34 digitus 20 dilectus 13, 18 diligens 1, 28 diligenter 11, 24, 30, 31, 34 diminuere 12, 23, 24, 26, 28 discalciare 28 discumbere 34 disponere 28 dissolvere 2, 4, 6, 10, 13, 33 distemperatus 1, 3, 29 distentio 28 distillare 4 distillatio 20, 31 distortio 20, 28 distribuere 34 distulerit 24 diu 3, 12, 24, 28 diuturnus 20, 26, 28 diversus 4, 24, 28 dividere 34 dolor 1, 2, 6, 15, 19, 20, 28–31 domus 29 donec 18, 24–26, 28, 31 dormire 10, 16, 23, 25, 28 dormitatio 28 dummodo 1, 25 duricies 10, 20 durus 16, 18, 19

electuarium 10, 11, 17, 26 elevare 20 eligere 24, 25 elixare 2, 8 elongatio 8 emigraneum 2 eminens 23 emissio 18, 31 emorroides 15, 19, 28 enucleatus 9, 11, 15, 16 epar 11, 12, 25 epilentia 28 epithima 3 epithimum 26 equalis 28, 29 equaliter 11, 20 equitare 18, 22 equitatio 20 equus 18 ergo 23, 26, 28, 34 estas 2, 3, 13, 20, 24, 34 esus 11 etas 32 evacuari 24, 26, 30 evacuatio 18, 24, 28 evadere 11 evanescere 25 evaporare 1 evigilare 13 evitare 28 excedere 25, 33, 34 excellentissimus 28 exceptus 8, 16 excoriatio 6 excorticatus 9 exercitare 26, 28 exercitium 13, 22 exhibere 7 exilis 1 exinde 22 exire 19, 20, 29 existens 19, 28, 33 exitus 15, 20, 25, 29 exoneratus 31 expedire 20, 25 expellere 10, 13, 15, 26 experimentator 28 experimentum 6, 12, 18

ebdomada 3 ebrietas 24, 25 ebrius 25 econtrario 12 econverso 24 edere 1, 15 edulinus (edinus) 12, 14 effectum 26 efficere 34 effundere 1, 29 effusio 31 effusus 8 eger 28, 34 egestio 19 egritudo 2, 4, 14, 17, 22, 25, 26, 28, 34 elargare 8, 20, 24

217

Index Verborum to the Latin Text expertus 1 expetere 24 exterius 10 extinguere 13, 25, 33, 34 extractio 31 extrahere 20, 28 extremitas 20 faba 20 facies 2, 28, 30, 31 facilis 11, 19, 24, 34 facilitare 7 falsus 25 fames 6 fanac 19 farina 9, 16, 20, 29, 30 fatigare 23 favus 28 febris 25, 34 feces 9, 15, 16, 24 feculentia 16 fel 14 feniculum 3, 26 fere 25 festinatio 13 fetidus 6, 27 fetor 5, 6, 13, 28 ficus 7, 11, 24 findere 20 finis 10, 28 fissura 28 fisticus 11 flare 16 flebotomare 26 fletum 13 fleuma (flegma) 6, 7, 10, 20, 23, 26, 28, 34 fleumaticus (flegmaticus) 20, 27 flores 2, 12, 29 fluxus 2, 4, 28 fomentatio 20 forsan 10, 24 forsitan 25 forte 4, 32 fortificare 1, 20, 22 fortis 6, 13, 23, 26, 28 fortiter 6 frenesis 28

frequens 1, 11, 17, 19, 28 frequentare 28 frequenter 7, 18, 28 fricare 1, 6, 20, 28, 29 fricatio 1, 6, 7, 20, 28 frigiditas 17 frigidus 1, 10, 15–20, 24–27, 29–31, 33, 34 frigus 20, 29 fructus 12, 16, 24 fugere 13, 25 fumigatio 2 fumositas 1, 2, 3 fumosus 20 fumus 1, 2, 4, 6, 10, 28 fundus 8, 23, 24 fungus 3 furfureus 19 futurus 28 galanga 17 Galienus 12, 18, 19 gallina 8, 11, 12, 13 gallus 2 gargarismus 8, 28 gargarizare 6 gariofilus 6, 7 gaudium 2, 13 generaliter 12 generare 4–6, 12, 13, 15, 17–20, 23–26, 28, 30–32, 34 generativus 26 getua 6 gignasia 26 gingiva 6, 28 glandes 17 gloriosus 34 grana 10 gratia 22 gratigo 32 gravare 4, 31 gravedo 7, 20 gravis 31 gravitas 7, 18, 23, 24 grossicies 12, 23 grossitudo 12 grossus 2–5, 8–10, 12, 15, 16, 19, 24, 28 guttatim 4

218

Index Verborum to the Latin Text

habitaculum 5 habitare 13, 27 habitatio 21 hanelitus 6, 24 haurire 25 haustus 9, 28, 33 hebetudo 2 herba 2, 3, 13, 16, 17 homo 20, 23, 24 hora 24, 29, 34 horribilis 13 hostis 13 humiditas 3, 6, 7, 18, 19, 31 humidus 5, 11, 27, 34 humor 10, 15, 19, 20, 24 hyems 1–3, 13, 19, 20, 24, 34

includere 2, 9 incolume 6 incubus 28 incurrere 24 inde 1, 20, 25, 28, 31, 34 india 10 indigere 12, 19, 22, 28, 34 indigestio 2, 24 indumenta 3 indutus 29 inebriari 25 in(h)ertia 13 infans 7 inferior 24 inflatio 15 influere 34 infrigidare 11, 23, 24 infrigidatio 28 ingrediens 4 ingrossare 2, 12, 22, 23 initium 22 iniungere 1, 6, 10 innaturalis 24 inquit 1, 12, 13 insompnietas 18 inspissare 29 instillare 4 instrumentum 4, 12, 13 insuetus 20 insuper 2, 13, 26, 31, 34 intellectus 2, 23, 34 intendere 13, 21 intentio 31 interclusus 20 interdum 4, 14, 25 interficere 13 intervallum 24 intestina (intestinum) 15, 24, 30 intinctus 28 intrare 3, 5, 29 introeundi 29 introitus 28 intueri 3, 28 inunctio 20 inungere 1 invenire 28, 31, 34 inviscare 15 involuntarie 19

iacere 16 iam 34 ibi 6, 29 ibidem 19 idcirco 24 idem 1, 12, 16, 19, 20 ideo 5, 7, 8, 11–13, 15, 24, 28, 34 ieiunium 2, 7 ieiunus 1, 2, 4, 6, 8–10, 15–17, 25 igitur 34 ignis 9, 34 ignitus 11 ilia 28 illico 34 illuc 19 immediate 28 immo 31 immoderatus 23 immundus 4 impedimentum 7 impedire 7, 24, 26, 31 impertire 24 impetuosus 15 impinguare 11, 12, 16 implere 34 impotentia 28 imus 13 inanitio 21 incedere 7, 22 incidere 34 incipere 30

219

Index Verborum to the Latin Text iovis 28 ira 13, 24 ire 20 ita 6 item 9–11, 17, 18 iter 20 iteratus 31 iterum 3, 28, 30, 33 itinerare 20 itineratio 20 iulep 8, 13, 24 iunctura 20 iuvamentum 23 iuvare 2, 8, 9, 13, 26 iuvenes 2, 10, 18, 19 labor 24, 25, 28, 30 laboriosus 20, 24 lac 8, 9, 12, 15, 16, 28 lacca 11 lacertus 19 lacrimatio 28 lana 16 lapis 3, 19 lapis lazuli 1 lassatus 20 lassitudo 20, 22, 29 latrina 5 latus 23, 28 lavare 1, 20, 29 laxare 26 lectum 28, 29 ledere 5, 8, 12, 13, 17, 19, 20, 30, 34 lenire 8, 9 lenis 6, 20 lenitas 8 leo 19 leporinus 12, 19 lepra 28 lepus 6 lesio 19 letificare 13 letitia 2, 13 levis 23, 28, 31 lexivium 1 liber 18, 21, 26, 28, 31 liberare 7, 28, 29 licet 3, 25

licium 3 lignum 2, 5, 6, 10, 12, 13, 17, 28, 29 lilium 1, 28, 29 limphatus 13 lingua 6, 7, 9 linire 1, 3 linitio 29, 30 lippitudo 3, 29 liquefacere 4, 9, 20 liquiritia 8, 9 liquor 8 locus 6, 13, 21, 24, 27, 34 longus 20, 24 loquela 7 loqui 4, 7 lubricans 34 ludus 20 lutosus 4 lutum 20 macilentus 23, 24, 27 macula 28 maculare 15 magis 24 magnificare 11 magnus 13, 17, 34 maiorana 2, 3 mala granata 11, 24, 26 malus 10–13, 18, 19, 24, 28, 34 malva 29 mamilla 31 mane 28 manus 20, 28, 31 mare 20 masculus 31 masticare 34 mastix 6, 10 materia 26 mathalacum 16 matrix 18, 19 maxime 2, 5, 19, 20, 23 meatus 4, 8 medicamen 4, 28 medicare 28 medicina 18, 24, 26, 28 medicinaliter 25 medicus 1, 2, 4, 9, 12, 13, 34 mediocriter 1, 13, 20, 26, 34

220

Index Verborum to the Latin Text

medium 25, 28 medulla 30 mel 1, 6, 7, 9, 15–17, 20, 28, 31 melancolia 28 melior 3, 11, 18, 23, 24, 29 melodia 13 melones 16 membra 19, 22, 28, 31, 34 memithe 4 memoria 23 mensa 34 mensis 10, 25 menstrua 15 mentastrum 2 mery 8 metallum 15 mingere 17 minutio 28, 32 mirabilis 26 mirabiliter 2, 8, 11 mirabolani 28 mirabolani bellerici 29 mirabolani citrini 26 [mirabolani] emblici 19 mirabolani indi 26 [mirabolani] indi 19 mirabolani kebuli 1 [mirabolani] kebuli 19 mirra 9, 29 mirtus 1, 2, 13 miscere 1 mitigare 15, 19, 20, 25 mittere 28 mixtus 4, 9, 20, 26, 28 moderate 11, 13 moderatus 26 modicus 2, 11, 12, 19, 24, 29 modus 1, 3, 25, 26, 29, 31, 32, 34 molendinus 4 molere 34 mollificare 8, 9 mollificatio 28 mora 24, 31 morari 24 morcella (morcellus) 28, 34 motus 20, 21, 22, 24, 31 movere 12 mulier 18, 19, 28, 31

mulsi 12 multiplicare 1, 29 multitudo 26 multotiens 34 mundare 9, 16, 28, 31 mundificare 1–6, 9, 10, 12–16, 20, 22, 24, 26, 28–30 mundificatio 5, 12, 15, 20, 26 mundus 13, 16, 26, 29 musca 28 musculus 7 muscus 5, 13 mutari 34 nam 6 nardinus 10 nares 5 narratio 13 nasci 34 natura 19, 24, 26, 30, 34 naturalis 1, 13, 22, 23, 26, 29 ndivia 14 nebula 28 necessarius 25, 26, 28, 30 necesse 5, 19, 24, 26, 28, 30 necessitas 32 necnon 13, 21, 28 negligere 26 neque 16, 25, 27 nichil 3, 5, 13, 17 niger 3, 11, 12, 14, 17–19, 26 nigredo 1 nisi 10, 11, 13, 24–26, 28, 31, 32 niti 31 nitrum 4, 28 nix 17 nocere 2, 3, 13, 16, 18, 19, 24 nocivus 13 nocturnus 3, 34 nocumentum 13, 19, 26, 31 nolle 31 nomen 28 nondum 23 noscere 31 notare 6, 13 noviter 12 novus 13 nox 25, 28, 29, 33

221

Index Verborum to the Latin Text nucleus 4 nudus 20 nullatenus 24 nullus 18, 25, 32 nunquam 8, 24 nutriens 12 nutrimentum 22, 31, 34 nutrire 12, 13, 15, 16, 23 nux 16 nux muscata 6, 7 obfuscare 6 obscuritas 34 observare 28–31, 34 observatio 21 obtemperare 14 obtenebrare 3 oculi 2, 3, 20, 28, 29, 34 odor 2, 5, 13, 20, 30 odorare 2, 5, 13 odoratio 2 odoriferus 2, 13, 29 offerare 13 oleum 1, 4, 10, 20, 29 oleum rosatum 6, 28 oleum violatum 28 olfatus 5 oliva 1, 6, 19, 20 olla 34 omnimoda 11 omnino 3, 5, 7, 11 opacus 5, 27 operari 1, 16 operatio 4 opilare 4 opilatio 12, 14, 20 oportet 25 optime 4 optimus 14 opus 4, 24, 29 ordeum 16 ordinatus 28 ordo 29 orificium 10, 12, 15, 19, 23 ortis 13 ortolanum 9 os, oris 6–9, 25, 28, 34 os, ossis 8

ovum 8, 28 oximel 8, 12, 14, 24, 26 palatum 6 palea 27 palma christi 6 palpebra 1, 3, 28 panis 19 pannus 20 papirus 2 paralisis 28 parere 31 paries 20 pars 28, 31 parum 10, 28 parvitas 12 parvus 2, 3, 8, 11, 24, 26, 28, 34 passio 28 pati 8 patiens 19 paulatim 9 paulatine 24 paululum 24 pecten 31 pectere 1 pectus 8, 9 pediculus 29 penetrare 1 penidii 9, 16 pepo 16, 29 percipere 5, 25 perdere 24 perdices 3, 8, 10, 11, 13 perfecte 8, 12 peritoneon 31 perlavare 31 permittere 34 perniciosus 24 perseverare 28 persica 28 persicum 4 pervenire 28 pes 12, 18, 20, 22 pessimus 25 peucedanus 28 philosophus 2 pigmentalis 30 pigritia 13

222

Index Verborum to the Latin Text

pila 20 pilus 1, 28 pinea 16, 9 pinguis 8, 11, 15, 16, 19, 23, 24, 27 piper longum 17 pirum 8, 12, 28 pisces 8, 28 Pitagoras 12 planities 6 planta 6 Plato 13 plectoricus 26 plenitudo 26 plenus 3, 28, 31 pluries 1 plus 1–4, 9, 19, 20, 26, 28 pluvialis 31 podagra 28, 31 pomum 13, 28 ponderosus 26 pondus 33 ponere 26, 29 porcellinus 12 porus 1, 20 possibilis 28 postea 26, 32 postquam 25, 26, 29 potare 30, 33 potatio 15 potio 11 potissime 3, 17, 32 potus 8, 10, 12, 15, 17, 21, 25, 28, 30, 31, 34 pratum 3, 13 precedens 24, 33 precipere 1, 13, 34 precipue 1, 2, 13–16, 19, 20, 23 predictus 1, 18, 26, 28–31 preeligere 27 premissus 34 preparare 3, 16, 17 prescindere 28 presens 20 preservare 1, 14, 28 pretermissus 26 previdere 28 principalis 31 principium 28, 29 prius 1, 10, 24, 30, 31

priusquam 25 private 4 probatio 11 procurare 10, 23, 24, 33 prodesse 3, 8–10, 12, 14–17, 19, 20, 25, 29 producere 13, 26 profundus 5 prohibere 1, 2, 4, 15 proicere 20, 28 proles 31 properare 31 propinquus 29 proprietas 24 proprius 22, 24, 28, 31, 32 propter 18–20, 24, 33 prostrare 34 protinus 24 provenire 13 provocare 2, 10, 13, 15, 19, 26, 34 proximus 4 pruna 24, 26 pulcherrimus 18 pulegium 4 pulla 11 pullinus 12 pullus 2, 3, 8, 13, 15 pulmo 9 pulpa 16, 26 pulsatilis 28 pulverizatus 28 pulverosus 27 pulvinar 23 pulvis 1, 3, 6, 7 purgare 24 purgatio 26, 28, 30 purgativus 24, 30 purificare 2 purus 13 qualitas 2, 34 quando 1, 11, 12, 15–17, 20, 24, 28, 30 quandoque 18, 20 quantitas 17, 26, 33, 34 quantum 25 quare 19, 22, 30 quasi 28 -que 3, 4, 6, 26, 28–31, 33 quia 11, 12

223

Index Verborum to the Latin Text quiescere 11, 20, 21, 23, 24, 29 quin 33 quoniam 1, 3, 4, 7–15, 19, 20, 23–26, 28, 30–32, 34 racemus 24 radix 1, 2, 6 rapa 16 raphanus 26 raucificare 9 recens 15, 24 recidivatio 14 recipere 22, 34 rectificare 10–13 rectus 15 reddere 6, 29, 30 redire 24, 31 redolens 5, 6, 13 reducere 24 refrenare 34 refrigerare 14 regere 13 regimen 3, 5, 19, 21, 23–25, 27–29, 33, 34 reicere 24, 25, 34 relaxare 19 relaxatio 28 reliquie 6 remanere 5, 6, 15, 34 rememorari 2 remollitio 15 remotio 28 removere 2, 6, 7, 13, 15, 20, 28, 29 renes 16 renovare 25 renovatio 14 reperire 13 replere 3, 24 repletio 3, 18, 21, 34 reprimere 14, 33 res 2, 5, 8, 9, 15, 16, 19, 26, 30, 32 resolutio 5 respicere 3 restaurativus 19 restringere 12 retardare 1, 2, 23 retentio 17, 18, 26 retentivus 20 retinere 19, 26

reubarbarum 10, 11 reuma 2, 4, 28 reumaticus 20 revolutio 11 rex 1 ridere 11, 12 rigor 27 risus, -ī 15, 29 rorare 27 rosa 2, 11, 20, 28 rosatus 10 rubeus 12 rubor 28 ruptura 31 rusticus 3, 15 sacculus 29 sahada 2 sal 16, 20, 26, 28 salsas 32 salsus 8, 9 saltare 18 saltem 10 salutem 34 sanare 11 sandali 2 sanguineus 25, 28, 32 sanguis 12, 13, 16, 19 sanitas 2, 3, 7, 10–12, 14–17, 19–24, 26, 28 sanus 10, 27 sapiens 1–4, 6, 8, 13, 15–17, 19, 20 sapo 1 sapor 2, 6 saporosus 26 satietas 3, 28 savich 17 scabies 1, 28, 32 scariola 14 scilicet 12, 13, 28 scire 11 scoria 27 secessus 24, 26 secundum (prep.) 2, 22, 24, 26, 28, 32 securare 11 sed 6, 11, 13, 19, 22, 24, 29, 31 sedere 13, 19 sedes 19 sella 18

224

Index Verborum to the Latin Text

semel 3, 10, 24, 25, 28 semen 26, 31, 32 senectus 13 senis 19 sennut 19 sensus 2 sentire 5 sepe 1, 15, 17–19, 25 septentrionalis 16 septimana 28 serina 11 sero (adv.) 28 serum 14 servire 12 sessio 19 sic 1, 2, 22, 31 siccitas 11 siccus 7, 27 significare 12, 28 significatio 28 signum 23 silvestris 19 similis 8, 13, 24, 26 similiter 1–3, 6, 8–11, 15, 16, 20, 24 simplex 2 simul 20, 24, 28 sinapium 26 sincopis 18 sine 13, 24, 26, 28 sinister 12, 28 siquidem 27, 31 sirupis 10, 13, 14 sitire 25, 28, 31 sitis 25 sive 13 socius 13 sol 5 solaciosus 13 solacium 13 solarium 27 solere 24, 26, 31 solus 4, 11, 31 solutivus 26 sompnus (somnus) 3, 21, 23, 24, 28, 33 sonus 13 sorba 12 sordicies 4, 6, 9, 20 sortire 34

sotulares 28 spasmus 28 spatiamentum 13 spatiari 2 spatium 24 spatula 32 specialiter 5, 16, 17 species 2, 7, 28 sperma, -atis 18, 31 spica 10 spica nardi 6 spinarchia 16 spinosus 8 spiritus 5, 13 spissitudo 4 spissus 19 splen 12, 28 spongia 20 stare 12, 18 statim 3, 24, 31 stercus 5 sternutatio 2, 28 stipticitas 24 stipticus 6, 12, 26 stomachus 1, 3, 6, 8, 10, 20, 22–26, 28, 30, 31, 34 stramen 27 strepitus 4, 13 strictus 18, 20 stringere 34 stupor 13, 28 suavis 20, 23 suaviter 6, 13, 31 subagitare 31 subintrare 29 subito 23, 24, 29, 31 sublimis 34 substantia 9, 11 subtiliare 6, 9, 12, 23 subtiliatio 28 subtilis 11, 13, 24, 26, 29 subtilissimus 3 subvenire 33 succus 1, 3, 4, 9, 19, 26 sudor 16, 27 sufficere 20, 25, 26, 34 sufficienter 25 suffocatio 18

225

Index Verborum to the Latin Text suffumigare 2, 3, 4 suffumigatio 2, 5 sumere 7, 9–13, 15, 17, 24–26, 28, 30, 34 summitas 2 summus 4, 24, 29 supercalefactus 24 supercilia 1 superfluitas 4, 10, 20, 26 superior 1, 6, 9 superpositio 20 supersitio 25 superveniens 33 supplere 13 supra 3, 4 supradictus 10 surditas 28 surgere 28 suscipere 19 susenta 3 sustentari 34 tactus 26 talis 34 taliter 13 tamarisci 12 tamdiu 25 tamen 6, 10, 24, 25, 26, 34 tandem 13, 34 tangere 15 tantum 11 tardare 23 tedium 29, 31 temperamentum 21, 34 temperare 29, 33 temperate (adv.) 12 temperatum 17, 22, 24, 26, 27 tempus 2, 6, 20, 24, 26, 29, 34 tenebrositas 13 tener 2, 30 tenere 7, 9, 20, 25, 26 tensio 23, 24 tenta 2 tenuis 8, 29 tepidus 4, 20, 28, 29 terra 19 testiculus 18 thamarindi 26 thus 2, 17 Tiberini 6, 12

timere 1, 6 timorosus 26 timpanum 4 timpus 28 tiriaca 15 tolerari 25 torpor 2, 13 torrefactus 9 tortura 28, 31 totus 11, 18, 19, 20, 24, 28, 29, 34 tractare 21 tractatio 28 trahicere 9 trangen 2 tranquillitas 2 transire 28, 29 tripoda 24, 26 tristitia 12, 13, 28 tritus 17 truncare 28 tumor 20, 23 tumultuosus 4 tumultus 4 tunc 10, 24–26, 28, 31 turbidus 4, 12 turbith 24, 26 turtures 2, 3, 10, 13 tussis 28 ubi 13 ulceratio 1 ultra 17, 34 unctio 20, 28 ung(u)ere 30 unguis 20, 28 uniformiter 11 universaliter 3, 19, 20, 27 urina 16, 17, 20, 26, 28, 31 urinare 26 usque 24, 27 usus, -ūs 3, 7, 9–11, 17, 24, 26, 28 uterque 31 utilis 4, 16, 24, 33 uva 9 uva passa 10, 11, 15, 16, 28 [uva] passa 17 [uva] passula 9 uvula 6, 8

226

Index Verborum to the Latin Text

vaccarum 14 vacuus 24, 20 valde 10 valere 17, 28 vapor 1, 3, 5, 13 vaporosus 27 variari 34 varius 2 vehemens 28 vena 12, 13, 15, 19, 26, 28, 31 venatio 13 venatorius 11, 13 venire 28 venter 24, 26 ventosa 32 ventosatio 32 ventositas 10, 15, 19, 20, 28, 30 ventus 16 ver 29, 32 verbum 22 versus 31 veruti 11 vesci 11 vesica 17, 20, 26 vestis 29 vetus 2, 13 vicis 28 videlicet 2, 13, 23, 24 videre 26 vigilare 23, 28 vigilia 21, 23 vigorari 22, 31

vinum 1, 8, 11–13, 25, 26, 28, 30, 33 viola 20 violentare 26 violentus 6 viridarium 3, 13 viridis 3, 7, 13 virtus 2, 17, 19, 20, 22, 30–32, 34 vis 28, 32 viscositas 3, 5 viscosus 3, 15 visus (n.) 2, 3, 18, 30 vita 1 vitalis 13 vitare 16, 27, 28, 34 vitellus 8 vix 8 vocari 15 volitantia 28 voluntas 17, 26 vomitus 8, 10, 17, 26, 34 votum 34 vox 4, 9 ydromel 26 yera pigra 24, 26 yessenum 2 yli 2 Ypocras 13 zinziber 7, 26 zuccara 6, 9, 10, 12, 16, 26, 28, 29

‫‪Index to the Hebrew Translation‬‬ ‫‪by Jacob ben Machir‬‬ ‫אבו עלי בן זוהר ‪0‬‬ ‫אבוקראט ‪13‬‬ ‫אבטיח ‪29 ,26 ,16 ,12‬‬ ‫אביב ‪32 ,29 ,12‬‬ ‫ֵא ֶבל ‪13‬‬ ‫ֶא ֶבן ‪19 ,1‬‬ ‫אבנט ‪34‬‬ ‫ָא ָבק ‪27 ,7 ,6 ,3 ,1‬‬ ‫ֵא ֶבר ‪34 ,31 ,28 ,22 ,20 ,19‬‬ ‫אגוז ‪16 ,7 ,6‬‬ ‫ אגוז מוסקאדה ‪7‬‬ ‫ ← נוז מוסקדא‬ ‫ַאּגָ ס ‪26 ,24‬‬ ‫אדום ← ָאד ֹם‬ ‫אדומה ← ֲא ֻד ָּמה‬ ‫(אדם) האדים ‪11‬‬ ‫ָא ָדם ‪34 ,32 ,28 ,26 ,25 ,24 ,22 ,20 ,13 ,12‬‬ ‫ָאד ֹם‪ :‬אדום ‪26 ,25 ,12‬‬ ‫ֲא ֻד ָּמה‪ :‬אדומה ‪34 ,26 ,14‬‬ ‫אדמימות ‪28‬‬ ‫(אהב) אהוב ‪13‬‬ ‫(אוה) התאוה ‪34 ,28 ,26 ,24‬‬ ‫ַאּוָ ז‪ :‬אווז ‪11‬‬ ‫אוילה ‪8 ,6‬‬ ‫ ← איולה‬ ‫אויר ‪26 ,20 ,16 ,13 ,5 ,1‬‬ ‫אוך ‪6‬‬ ‫אוכף ← ֻא ָּכף‬ ‫אוקסימל ‪8‬‬ ‫ ← אוקשמל‬ ‫אוקשמל ‪26 ,12‬‬ ‫ ← אוקסימל‬ ‫ האוקשימל האישקליטיק ‪12‬‬ ‫אֹור ‪28‬‬ ‫אורז ← א ֶֹרז‬ ‫אורך ← א ֶֹרך‬ ‫אֹות ‪25‬‬ ‫ֵאזֹור ‪34‬‬ ‫אֹזֶ ן ‪28 ,4‬‬ ‫ִאחּור‪ :‬איחור ‪24 ,20‬‬ ‫(אחר) איחר ‪24 ,23 ,2‬‬ ‫ התאחר ‪34 ,23‬‬

‫אטריפל‪ :‬אטריפל קטן‪/‬האטריפל הקטן ‪,19‬‬ ‫‪26 ,24‬‬ ‫איארג ‪26‬‬ ‫ איארג פיגרא ‪24‬‬ ‫איולה ‪8‬‬ ‫ ← אוילה‬ ‫איחור ← ִאחּור‬ ‫ַאיִ ל ‪19 ,12‬‬ ‫אילן ‪6‬‬ ‫איספינרדה ‪16‬‬ ‫איש ‪26‬‬ ‫אישנץ ‪12 ,10‬‬ ‫ִאּכּול ‪1‬‬ ‫אכילה ‪,25 ,24 ,17 ,16 ,15 ,12 ,11 ,10 ,9 ,8 ,7 ,3 ,2‬‬ ‫‪34 ,32 ,28 ,26‬‬ ‫ָא ַכל ‪34 ,30 ,28 ,26 ,24 ,6 ,1‬‬ ‫ נאכל ‪24 ,17 ,16 ,15 ,11‬‬ ‫ האכיל ‪7‬‬ ‫ֻא ָּכף‪ :‬אוכף ‪18‬‬ ‫ִא ָּכר ‪3‬‬ ‫ַאּלֹון ‪17‬‬ ‫אלסכנדר‪ :‬אלסכנדר בעל הקרנים ‪13‬‬ ‫אמוריקש ‪24 ,4‬‬ ‫אמלג׳ ‪29 ,19 ,15‬‬ ‫(אמץ) אימץ ‪20‬‬ ‫אנדויאה ‪14‬‬ ‫אנטימוני ‪3‬‬ ‫ֲאנָ ך ‪15‬‬ ‫אסטור ‪13‬‬ ‫אסראף ‪18‬‬ ‫אפאויה ‪24‬‬ ‫אפונה ‪20 ,16 ,11 ,9‬‬ ‫אפיתימון ‪26‬‬ ‫אפלאטו׳ ‪13‬‬ ‫ֵא ֶפר ‪1‬‬ ‫אפרוח ‪8‬‬ ‫אפרסק ‪28‬‬ ‫אצבע‪ :‬אצבעות הרגלים ‪20‬‬ ‫אצטומכה‪/‬אצטומכ׳‪/‬אצטומ׳‪/‬אצטו׳‪/‬אצטמכ׳ ‬ ‫‪,30 ,28 ,26 ,25 ,24 ,23 ,22 ,20 ,10 ,8 ,6 ,1‬‬ ‫‪34 ,31‬‬ ‫א ֶֹרז‪ :‬אורז ‪29 ,15‬‬

‫‪Index to the Hebrew Translation by Jacob ben Machir‬‬ ‫אריה ‪19‬‬ ‫אריסטו‪/‬ארסטו׳‪/‬ארסטו ‪13 ,10 ,2 ,1‬‬ ‫א ֶֹרך‪ :‬אורך ‪34 ,20‬‬ ‫ארמולץ ‪14‬‬ ‫ארנבת ‪19 ,12‬‬ ‫ארץ ‪19 ,12‬‬ ‫ארקוקש ‪20‬‬ ‫ֵאׁש ‪34 ,24 ,11 ,9‬‬ ‫ִא ָּׁשה ‪31 ,29 ,26 ,19‬‬ ‫אשפינרג ‪16‬‬ ‫אשפיק ‪10‬‬ ‫ אשפיק נרדי ‪6‬‬ ‫אשפרויר ‪13‬‬ ‫אשקריולה ‪14‬‬ ‫אתרוג ‪28 ,13‬‬ ‫באן ‪10‬‬ ‫ָּב ְא ָׁשה ‪6‬‬ ‫ֶּבגֶ ד ‪29 ,20 ,3‬‬ ‫ְּב ֵה ָמה ‪20 ,16‬‬ ‫(בוא) בא ‪25‬‬ ‫ מביא ‪25‬‬ ‫בורג׳י ‪16‬‬ ‫בורוץ ‪16‬‬ ‫ ← בריץ‬ ‫בורית ‪1‬‬ ‫ָּבחּור ‪18‬‬ ‫חּורה ‪18‬‬ ‫ַּב ָ‬ ‫ָּב ַחר ‪25‬‬ ‫ָּבטּוח ‪34 ,28 ,14 ,11‬‬ ‫(בטל) התבטל ‪34‬‬ ‫ֶּב ֶטן ‪34 ,26 ,25 ,24 ,20 ,15‬‬ ‫בטנה ‪16 ,9‬‬ ‫ביצה ‪28 ,18 ,8‬‬ ‫ ← בקיעה‬ ‫בית ‪29 ,5‬‬ ‫(בלבל) מבולבל ‪12‬‬ ‫ נתבלבל ‪26‬‬ ‫בלגם ‪34 ,28 ,26 ,23 ,10 ,7 ,6‬‬ ‫בלגמי ‪20‬‬ ‫ָּבלּול ‪17‬‬ ‫בליטין ‪16‬‬ ‫בלן ‪20‬‬ ‫(בלע) נבלע ‪9‬‬ ‫בלשמיט ‪2‬‬ ‫בסבאיג׳ ‪26‬‬ ‫בסבס ‪10‬‬ ‫בעילה ‪31‬‬

‫‪228‬‬

‫ָּב ַעל ‪31‬‬ ‫ נבעל ‪18‬‬ ‫בצל ‪19‬‬ ‫בקיעה ‪18 ,3‬‬ ‫ בקיעת הביצים ‪31‬‬ ‫ָּב ָקר ‪19 ,17 ,16‬‬ ‫(בקש) מבקש ‪20‬‬ ‫(ברא) הבריא ‪28 ,11‬‬ ‫בריאות ‪,19 ,17 ,16 ,15 ,14 ,12 ,11 ,10 ,7 ,5 ,3 ,2 ,0‬‬ ‫‪34 ,28 ,27 ,26 ,22 ,21 ,20‬‬ ‫בריץ ‪12‬‬ ‫ ← בורוץ‬ ‫בריקות ‪6‬‬ ‫ברסאם‪/‬ברסם ‪28‬‬ ‫ִּבׁשּול ‪34 ,24 ,11 ,10 ,8 ,6 ,3 ,2‬‬ ‫(בשל) בושל ‪16 ,8‬‬ ‫ מבושל ‪16 ,15 ,14 ,12 ,11 ,10 ,9 ,8 ,4 ,3 ,2‬‬ ‫(בשם) מבושם ‪29 ,13 ,11 ,7‬‬ ‫ תתבשם ‪13‬‬ ‫ּב ֶֹׂשם ‪13 ,5 ,2‬‬ ‫בשמי ‪30 ,13 ,7 ,5‬‬ ‫(בשר) בישר ‪28‬‬ ‫ָּב ָׂשר ‪,25 ,20 ,19 ,16 ,15 ,14 ,13 ,12 ,11 ,10 ,8 ,7‬‬ ‫‪29 ,26‬‬ ‫גאלינו׳‪/‬גאלי׳ ‪19 ,12‬‬ ‫(גבה) הגביה ‪20‬‬ ‫ּגָ ב ַֹּה‪ :‬גבוה ‪34 ,13 ,4‬‬ ‫גבורה ‪13‬‬ ‫גבינה‪ :‬גבנה ‪12‬‬ ‫גבר ‪31‬‬ ‫ גובר ‪30‬‬ ‫ התגבר ‪26‬‬ ‫ּגָ דֹול ‪34 ,32 ,13 ,12 ,4‬‬ ‫גדי ‪14 ,12‬‬ ‫ּגָ ַדל ‪28 ,21‬‬ ‫ גידל ‪2‬‬ ‫ הגדיל ‪12‬‬ ‫ּג ֶֹדל ‪12‬‬ ‫ּגֵ ו ‪28‬‬ ‫גוי ‪15‬‬ ‫גוף ‪,28 ,27 ,26 ,24 ,23 ,22 ,20 ,18 ,14 ,13 ,12 ,11‬‬ ‫‪34 ,33 ,31 ,30 ,29‬‬ ‫גיד ‪28‬‬ ‫גירופלי ‪7 ,6‬‬ ‫גלאב‪/‬גלב ‪24 ,13 ,8‬‬ ‫(גלה) נגלה ‪26‬‬ ‫גליגאר ‪17‬‬

‫‪229‬‬

‫‪Index to the Hebrew Translation by Jacob ben Machir‬‬

‫גליטה ‪1‬‬ ‫גמיעה ‪33 ,28‬‬ ‫גמע ‪28 ,25‬‬ ‫גס ‪18 ,10‬‬ ‫גסמין ‪2‬‬ ‫גרב ‪1‬‬ ‫גרגור ← גרגר‪2‬‬ ‫גרגר‪24 1‬‬ ‫גרגר‪28 ,26 2‬‬ ‫ גרגור ‪8 ,7‬‬ ‫גריש ‪17‬‬ ‫גרעין ‪28 ,16 ,15 ,12 ,11 ,10 ,9‬‬ ‫(גרש) גירש ‪15 ,13 ,10‬‬ ‫גשם ‪20 ,13 ,11‬‬ ‫גשפא ← מים‬ ‫דבור ‪7 ,6‬‬ ‫ָּד ַבק ‪6‬‬ ‫ָּד ֵבק ‪20 ,15‬‬ ‫(דבר) דיבר‬ ‫דבש ‪31 ,28 ,20 ,17 ,16 ,9 ,7 ,1‬‬ ‫ ← מים‬ ‫דג ‪28 ,8‬‬ ‫ַּדד ‪31‬‬ ‫ָּד ָחה ‪31 ,29 ,24‬‬ ‫דחיה ‪24‬‬ ‫דירה ‪5‬‬ ‫דלעת ‪26‬‬ ‫דם ‪32 ,28 ,26 ,25 ,19 ,16 ,13 ,12‬‬ ‫דמוע ‪28‬‬ ‫דפיקה ‪31‬‬ ‫דק ‪24 ,11 ,8 ,3 ,2‬‬ ‫דקדק ‪28 ,14 ,12‬‬ ‫דקות ‪28‬‬ ‫דקיק ‪26‬‬ ‫דרה׳ ‪29 ,17 ,10‬‬ ‫ֶד ֶרך ‪26 ,24 ,20‬‬ ‫דרס ← עֹוף‬ ‫דרציני ‪17‬‬ ‫ָּד ַרׁש ‪34‬‬ ‫ָד ֵשן ‪8‬‬ ‫דשני ‪26‬‬ ‫הבאה ‪25‬‬ ‫הגרה ‪13‬‬ ‫הדס ‪13 ,2 ,1‬‬ ‫הודעה ‪28‬‬ ‫ָהוָ ה ‪6‬‬ ‫הוצאה ‪26 ,21 ,5‬‬

‫הוראה ‪28‬‬ ‫הזדככות ‪12‬‬ ‫הזיה ‪18‬‬ ‫הזנה ‪11 ,3‬‬ ‫ֶהּזֵ ק ‪31 ,29‬‬ ‫הטיה ‪28‬‬ ‫הטפה‪ :‬הטפת השתן ‪31 ,20‬‬ ‫הליכה ‪23 ,22 ,20 ,12‬‬ ‫הלך ‪24 ,13 ,7‬‬ ‫ ← קום‬ ‫המעדה ‪18‬‬ ‫הנדי ‪19 ,10‬‬ ‫הנהגה ‪34 ,28 ,26 ,25 ,24 ,23 ,22 ,12 ,0‬‬ ‫הנחה ‪28‬‬ ‫העדר ‪5‬‬ ‫הפכי ‪27‬‬ ‫הפסד ‪34 ,24 ,12 ,6 ,5‬‬ ‫הצטערות ‪29‬‬ ‫הקדמה ‪24‬‬ ‫הקזה ‪32 ,28‬‬ ‫הקש ‪26‬‬ ‫ֵה ָראּות ‪28‬‬ ‫הרחה ‪13 ,5 ,2‬‬ ‫הרחקה ‪28 ,18 ,12 ,9 ,8‬‬ ‫הרכבה ‪20 ,13‬‬ ‫הרקה ‪26 ,18‬‬ ‫השארות ‪4‬‬ ‫השלכה ‪20‬‬ ‫השלמה ‪31‬‬ ‫השתנות ‪34‬‬ ‫התהפכות‪ :‬התהפכות מצד אל צד ‪23‬‬ ‫ִהּתּוך ‪5‬‬ ‫התחלה ‪24‬‬ ‫התחלפות ‪25‬‬ ‫התלהבות ‪25 ,24‬‬ ‫התמדה ‪28 ,19 ,18 ,15 ,7 ,5 ,3‬‬ ‫התנקות ‪15‬‬ ‫התעוררות ‪12‬‬ ‫התרה ‪7‬‬ ‫התרשלות ‪25‬‬ ‫וונטושא ‪31‬‬ ‫ ← ונטודאש‬ ‫ויאולש ‪29 ,28 ,20‬‬ ‫ולד ‪32 ,31‬‬ ‫ונטודאש ‪32‬‬ ‫ ← וונטושא‬ ‫ורד ‪30 ,28 ,20 ,11 ,10 ,6 ,2‬‬

‫‪Index to the Hebrew Translation by Jacob ben Machir‬‬ ‫ושט ‪8‬‬ ‫זבוב ‪28‬‬ ‫זביב ‪9‬‬ ‫זבל ‪19 ,15‬‬ ‫(זהר) נזהר ‪28‬‬ ‫(זון) זן ‪16 ,15 ,13 ,12‬‬ ‫ נזון ‪24 ,13 ,11‬‬ ‫(זוע) הזיע ‪27‬‬ ‫זיעה ← זֵ ָעה‬ ‫זית ‪20 ,19 ,6 ,1‬‬ ‫זַ ך ‪23 ,3‬‬ ‫(זכך) זיכך ‪30 ,22 ,14 ,9 ,6 ,3‬‬ ‫ זוכך ‪9‬‬ ‫זָ ָכר ‪31 ,2‬‬ ‫(זלף) זילף ‪27‬‬ ‫(זמן) הזדמן ‪24‬‬ ‫ מזדמן ‪25‬‬ ‫זנגביל ‪26 ,7‬‬ ‫זֵ ָעה‪ :‬זיעה ‪31 ,26 ,16‬‬ ‫זָ ָקן ‪29 ,1‬‬ ‫זָ ֵקן ‪12 ,3 ,2‬‬ ‫(זקק) מזוקק ‪28‬‬ ‫זרוע ‪20‬‬ ‫זֶ ַרע ‪32 ,31 ,26 ,18 ,17 ,2‬‬ ‫ִחּבּור ‪18‬‬ ‫ַחּבּוׁש ‪24 ,12 ,10‬‬ ‫ָחבּוׁש ← (חבש)‬ ‫חביב ‪13‬‬ ‫חבקין ‪2‬‬ ‫(חבר) מחובר ‪24‬‬ ‫ התחבר ‪31‬‬ ‫ָח ֵבר ‪13‬‬ ‫(חבש) חבוש ‪12‬‬ ‫(חדד) חידד ‪23 ,2‬‬ ‫ִחּדּוד ‪14 ,3‬‬ ‫ִחּדּוׁש ‪28 ,21 ,14 ,2 ,1‬‬ ‫(חדש) חידש ‪31 ,28 ,18 ,11‬‬ ‫ חודש ‪12‬‬ ‫ התחדש ‪28 ,19‬‬ ‫ָח ָדׁש ‪29‬‬ ‫חוזק ← חֹזֶ ק‬ ‫חֹולה ‪28‬‬ ‫ֶ‬ ‫חולי ← ח ִֹלי‬ ‫חומץ ← ח ֶֹמץ‬ ‫חורף ← ח ֶֹרף‬ ‫חוש ‪23 ,13 ,5 ,2‬‬ ‫ָחזֶ ה ‪9‬‬

‫‪230‬‬

‫ִחּזּוק ‪17 ,11‬‬ ‫(חזק) נחזק ‪12‬‬ ‫ חיזק ‪,16 ,15 ,13 ,12 ,11 ,10 ,9 ,8 ,6 ,5 ,4 ,3 ,2 ,1‬‬ ‫‪20 ,19 ,17‬‬ ‫ התחזק ‪34 ,28 ,13‬‬ ‫ החזיק ‪20 ,19 ,18 ,17 ,7‬‬ ‫ָחזָ ק ‪28 ,26 ,25 ,24 ,23 ,13 ,6 ,4‬‬ ‫חֹזֶ ק‪ :‬חוזק ‪33 ,31 ,11 ,9 ,7‬‬ ‫חזרה ‪31‬‬ ‫חטה ‪17‬‬ ‫ַחּיָ ה ‪19‬‬ ‫חך‪ :‬חיך ‪6‬‬ ‫ִחּכּוך ‪32 ,28 ,26 ,20 ,6‬‬ ‫ָח ָכם ‪20 ,19 ,18 ,17 ,16 ,15 ,13 ,12 ,11 ,8 ,6 ,4 ,3 ,1‬‬ ‫(חלא) החליא ‪34‬‬ ‫ ← ָח ָלה‬ ‫(חלב) חלוב ‪15 ,12‬‬ ‫ָח ָלב ‪28 ,16 ,15 ,12 ,9 ,8‬‬ ‫ ← מים‬ ‫ֲח ֻל ָדה‪ :‬חלודה ‪20‬‬ ‫ָח ָלה ‪28‬‬ ‫ ← (חלא)‬ ‫חלודה ← ֲח ֻל ָדה‬ ‫חלוקה ← ֲח ֻלּקה‬ ‫ָחלּוש ‪20 ,13 ,1‬‬ ‫ח ִֹלי‪ :‬חלי‪/‬חולי ‪26 ,25 ,22 ,17 ,14 ,4 ,3‬‬ ‫ חולי הכלב ‪34‬‬ ‫ החולי הנופל ‪28‬‬ ‫ חולי הצד ‪28‬‬ ‫(חלף) מתחלף ‪24‬‬ ‫(חלק) החליק ‪9‬‬ ‫ֲח ֻלּקה‪ :‬חלוקה ‪34‬‬ ‫חלקות ‪8 ,6‬‬ ‫ָח ַלש ‪16 ,11‬‬ ‫ החליש ‪32 ,30 ,12‬‬ ‫ֻח ְל ָׁשה ‪25 ,20 ,18 ,17‬‬ ‫ַחם ‪,26 ,24 ,20 ,19 ,17 ,15 ,11 ,10 ,8 ,7 ,6 ,4 ,3 ,1‬‬ ‫‪30 ,29 ,28 ,27‬‬ ‫חֹם ‪34 ,29 ,27 ,24 ,23 ,22 ,19 ,14 ,13 ,10‬‬ ‫חמאה ‪17‬‬ ‫ָחמּוץ ‪16 ,15 ,12 ,8‬‬ ‫חמימות ‪31 ,20 ,19 ,11‬‬ ‫חמיצות ‪34 ,24‬‬ ‫(חמם) חימם ‪20 ,19 ,11‬‬ ‫ מחומם ‪4‬‬ ‫ח ֶֹמץ‪ :‬חומץ ‪28 ,20 ,17 ,16 ,14 ,12 ,8 ,4‬‬ ‫חמרה ‪31‬‬ ‫חמרמרות ‪30‬‬

‫‪231‬‬

‫‪Index to the Hebrew Translation by Jacob ben Machir‬‬

‫חנה ‪29‬‬ ‫חנכים ‪28 ,6 ,5‬‬ ‫ָח ַסר ‪28‬‬ ‫ החסיר ‪13‬‬ ‫ִחּפּוף ‪6‬‬ ‫(חפז) נחפז ‪31‬‬ ‫חפיפה ‪29 ,28 ,20 ,7‬‬ ‫חפירה ‪28‬‬ ‫ָח ַפף ‪28 ,1‬‬ ‫ התחפף ‪29‬‬ ‫ֵח ֶפץ ‪10‬‬ ‫ָח ָצץ ‪28‬‬ ‫חרדל ‪26 ,7‬‬ ‫ַָחרּוב ‪12‬‬ ‫חריף ‪26 ,15 ,6‬‬ ‫ח ֶֹרף‪ :‬חורף ‪12 ,3 ,2‬‬ ‫ָח ַרׁש ‪28‬‬ ‫חשא ‪2‬‬ ‫חשיבות ‪12‬‬ ‫ִחּתּוך ‪6‬‬ ‫חתיכה ‪29‬‬ ‫חתירה ‪5‬‬ ‫ָח ַתך ‪34 ,1‬‬ ‫ֶט ַבע ‪34 ,32 ,30 ,26 ,24 ,19 ,12 ,11 ,1‬‬ ‫טבעי ‪22 ,13‬‬ ‫טבעת ‪15‬‬ ‫טהור‪:‬טהר ‪31‬‬ ‫(טוח) טח ‪29‬‬ ‫ הטיח ‪29 ,28 ,10‬‬ ‫טחול ‪28 ,11‬‬ ‫טחורים ‪28 ,19‬‬ ‫טחן ‪34‬‬ ‫טיול ‪27 ,21 ,13‬‬ ‫טיחה ‪29‬‬ ‫טיט ‪20‬‬ ‫ ← עב‬ ‫טמבורש ‪4‬‬ ‫טעה ‪34‬‬ ‫יָבׁש ‪29 ,24 ,12 ,7‬‬ ‫ֵ‬ ‫יגון ‪28 ,13‬‬ ‫יגיעה ‪30 ,24 ,23 ,22 ,20‬‬ ‫יָ גֵ ַע ‪23 ,20‬‬ ‫יגעי ‪25‬‬ ‫יד ‪20‬‬ ‫ ← ְמלֹוא‬ ‫יונה‪ :‬בני יונה ‪13‬‬

‫יָ ֵחף ‪20‬‬ ‫(יטב) היטיב ‪29 ,28 ,23 ,11 ,6 ,2‬‬ ‫יין ‪33 ,30 ,28 ,26 ,25 ,13 ,12 ,11 ,8 ,1‬‬ ‫(ילד) נולד ‪32‬‬ ‫ התילד ‪34‬‬ ‫ הוליד ‪,31 ,30 ,28 ,26 ,24 ,19 ,17 ,13 ,12 ,6 ,3‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ים ‪20‬‬ ‫ימין ‪31 ,28‬‬ ‫ימני ‪12‬‬ ‫(יסף) נוסף ‪11‬‬ ‫ הוסיף ‪34 ,33 ,30 ,28 ,24 ,15‬‬ ‫(יעל) הועיל ‪,16 ,15 ,14 ,13 ,12 ,10 ,9 ,8 ,7 ,4 ,3 ,1‬‬ ‫‪33 ,27 ,25 ,19 ,18 ,17‬‬ ‫(יפה) יִ ָפה ‪1‬‬ ‫י ִֹפי‪ :‬יופי ‪11‬‬ ‫יצא ‪29 ,26 ,20 ,14‬‬ ‫ הוציא ‪31 ,26 ,24 ,20 ,17 ,13 ,10‬‬ ‫יציאה ‪29 ,26 ,20 ,15‬‬ ‫(יצע) מוצע ‪16‬‬ ‫יקיצה ‪21‬‬ ‫ירד ‪25 ,24 ,23 ,7‬‬ ‫ הוריד ‪24‬‬ ‫(ירה) הורה ‪28 ,12‬‬ ‫ירידה ‪25 ,12 ,8‬‬ ‫ ירידת המים בעין ‪28 ,3 ,2‬‬ ‫ירך ‪32‬‬ ‫יָ ר ֹק ‪13 ,3‬‬ ‫ ירוקות ‪16 ,3‬‬ ‫יֶ ֶרק ‪3‬‬ ‫ירקון ‪14‬‬ ‫(ירש) הוריש ‪4‬‬ ‫(ישב) יושב ‪34‬‬ ‫ישיבה ‪27 ,19 ,13‬‬ ‫ישיש ‪3‬‬ ‫יָ ַשן ‪28‬‬ ‫יָ ָשן ‪24 ,20 ,13 ,1‬‬ ‫ָּכ ַאב ‪34‬‬ ‫ְּכ ֵאב ‪31 ,29 ,28 ,20 ,19 ,18 ,15 ,6‬‬ ‫ כאב חצי הראש ‪2‬‬ ‫כאבוס ‪28‬‬ ‫כאגד ‪2‬‬ ‫כאפור ‪33‬‬ ‫ָּכ ֵבד‪26 ,25 ,24 ,22 1‬‬ ‫ כיבד ‪7‬‬ ‫ָּכ ֵבד‪31 ,26 ,7 ,4 2‬‬ ‫ָּכ ֵבד‪25 ,12 ,11 3‬‬

‫‪Index to the Hebrew Translation by Jacob ben Machir‬‬ ‫ּכ ֶֹבד ‪24‬‬ ‫כבדות ‪34 ,23 ,20 ,7 ,4‬‬ ‫ָּכ ַבׁש ‪25‬‬ ‫כדור ‪20 ,19‬‬ ‫כובאבה ‪7‬‬ ‫כוזב ← (כזב)‬ ‫כוח ← ּכ ַֹח‬ ‫(כון) כיון ‪31 ,26 ,24‬‬ ‫ כונן ‪11‬‬ ‫ מכוון ‪21‬‬ ‫כונה ‪21 ,20‬‬ ‫כוס ‪33‬‬ ‫ כוסות המציצה ‪32‬‬ ‫(כזב) כוזב ‪25 ,24‬‬ ‫ּכ ַֹח‪ :‬כח‪/‬כוח ‪32 ,30 ,28 ,23 ,22 ,20 ,17 ,12 ,6 ,2‬‬ ‫(כחד) הכחיד ‪25‬‬ ‫כחול ‪3‬‬ ‫כחוש ← כחש‬ ‫ָכ ַחל ‪1‬‬ ‫ הכחיל ‪3‬‬ ‫(כחש) כחוש ‪27 ,24 ,23‬‬ ‫הכחיש ‪30‬‬ ‫כיאר ‪26‬‬ ‫כיבול ‪19‬‬ ‫כירי ‪29 ,28‬‬ ‫כלב ← ח ִֹלי‬ ‫ָּכ ָלה ‪24 ,20‬‬ ‫כלי ‪15 ,12 ,5‬‬ ‫ִּכ ְליָ ה ‪16‬‬ ‫כמהה ‪3‬‬ ‫ָּכ ַמׁש ‪20‬‬ ‫כנדס ‪2‬‬ ‫ִּכּנָ ה ‪29‬‬ ‫כניסה ‪29 ,28 ,5‬‬ ‫(כנס) הכנס ‪30 ,29 ,28 ,19‬‬ ‫כסא ‪19‬‬ ‫(כסה) כיסה ‪29‬‬ ‫ מכוסה ‪18‬‬ ‫ֶּכ ֶסל ‪28‬‬ ‫כעך ‪11‬‬ ‫כפיה ‪4 ,3 ,2‬‬ ‫כפקאן ‪12‬‬ ‫ְּכ ָפ ִרי ‪15‬‬ ‫כרוב ‪9 ,7‬‬ ‫(כרח) הכריח ‪26 ,23‬‬ ‫ַּכ ְר ֻּכ ִּמי‪ :‬כרכומי ‪12‬‬ ‫ַּכ ְר ֻּכ ִּמּיּות‪ :‬כרכומיות ‪6‬‬ ‫כרפס ‪26‬‬

‫כרשנה ‪20‬‬ ‫ָּכ ַׁשר ‪34 ,27‬‬ ‫ הכשיר ‪10‬‬ ‫ֶּכ ֶתם ‪28‬‬ ‫כתף ‪32‬‬ ‫כתוש ← (כתש)‬ ‫כתישה ‪1‬‬ ‫(כתש) כתוש ‪29 ,28 ,26‬‬ ‫לאדן ‪1‬‬ ‫ָל ָאה ‪34‬‬ ‫ֵל ֶאה ‪23‬‬ ‫לאות ‪3‬‬ ‫לאזורד ‪1‬‬ ‫ֵלב ‪34 ,13 ,12 ,9‬‬ ‫לבונה ‪17‬‬ ‫לבישה ‪20 ,3‬‬ ‫(לבן) התלבן‬ ‫ָל ָבן ‪28 ,16 ,13 ,12 ,11 ,9‬‬ ‫ֹלבן‪ :‬לובן ‪1‬‬ ‫ֶ‬ ‫לבש ‪29 ,3‬‬ ‫ֹלבן‬ ‫לובן ← ֶ‬ ‫(לּוׁש) לוש ‪17‬‬ ‫ מולש ‪29 ,26‬‬ ‫ נולש ‪24‬‬ ‫ַלח ‪27 ,24 ,20 ,16 ,11 ,10 ,9 ,7 ,3‬‬ ‫ֵל ָחה‪ :‬לחה‪/‬ליחה ‪26 ,24 ,15 ,10 ,6 ,4‬‬ ‫ַלחּות ‪20 ,19 ,15 ,12 ,11 ,7 ,3‬‬ ‫ֶל ֶחם ‪19 ,11‬‬ ‫ָל ַטׁש ‪28‬‬ ‫ליגנא אלואי ‪10‬‬ ‫ליגנא אלואין ‪28‬‬ ‫ליגנא אלובין ‪17 ,10‬‬ ‫ ← לינגא אלובין‬ ‫ליגנה לובין ‪17‬‬ ‫ליגנלובין ‪5‬‬ ‫ ← לינגאלובי‪ ,‬לנגלובן‬ ‫ליחה ← ֵל ָחה‬ ‫ליטרגיאה ‪24‬‬ ‫ליטרי׳ ‪33‬‬ ‫לינגא אלובין ‪10‬‬ ‫ ← ליגנא אלובין‬ ‫לינגאלובי ‪13‬‬ ‫ ← ליגנלובין‪ ,‬לנגלובן‬ ‫ליעוק ‪28 ,12 ,7‬‬ ‫ליציאום ‪3‬‬ ‫לך ‪11‬‬ ‫לכלוך ‪16 ,9 ,4‬‬

‫‪232‬‬

‫‪233‬‬

‫‪Index to the Hebrew Translation by Jacob ben Machir‬‬

‫(למד) מלמד ‪18‬‬ ‫לנגלובן ‪2‬‬ ‫ ← ליגנלובין‪ ,‬לינגאלובי‬ ‫לעוק ← ליעוק‬ ‫לעיסה ‪34 ,8‬‬ ‫לעיקה ‪28 ,9‬‬ ‫ֶל ֶפת ‪16‬‬ ‫לקוה ‪28‬‬ ‫ָל ַקח ‪34 ,30 ,29 ,28 ,26 ,25 ,24‬‬ ‫ לקוח ‪24‬‬ ‫ נלקח ‪17 ,13 ,9‬‬ ‫ לוקח ‪24 ,16‬‬ ‫לקיחה ‪30 ,28 ,26 ,10‬‬ ‫לשון ‪7 ,6‬‬ ‫ לשון השור ‪13‬‬ ‫מאכל ‪,25 ,24 ,23 ,22 ,21 ,20 ,12 ,10 ,9 ,8 ,6 ,3 ,1‬‬ ‫‪34 ,31 ,30 ,28‬‬ ‫מבוא ‪21‬‬ ‫ְמ ֻב ְל ָּבל ← (בלבל)‬ ‫ְמ ֻב ָּׁשל ← (בשל)‬ ‫ְמ ֻב ָּׂשם ← (בשם)‬ ‫מג׳ארונה ‪3‬‬ ‫ ← מג׳וראנה‬ ‫מגדן ‪24‬‬ ‫מג׳וראנה ‪2‬‬ ‫ ← מג׳ארונה‬ ‫גמר‪ :‬מוגמר ‪5 ,2‬‬ ‫ֻמ ָ‬ ‫מדברי ‪6‬‬ ‫מהיר ‪34‬‬ ‫מהירות ‪11 ,6 ,1‬‬ ‫(מהר) מיהר ‪28 ,7‬‬ ‫ַמ ֵהר ‪25‬‬ ‫גמר‬ ‫מוגמר ← ֻמ ָ‬ ‫מוח ← מ ַֹח‬ ‫מוסק ‪13 ,5‬‬ ‫מורסן ‪19‬‬ ‫(מות) מת ‪13‬‬ ‫מֹותר ‪26 ,21 ,20 ,10 ,4‬‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫ָמזַ ג ‪32‬‬ ‫ מזוג ‪8‬‬ ‫ נמזג ‪13‬‬ ‫ֶמזֶ ג ‪32 ,24 ,12 ,11 ,10 ,5‬‬ ‫מזדמן ← (זמן)‬ ‫מזון ‪,24 ,22 ,19 ,16 ,15 ,14 ,13 ,12 ,11 ,10 ,7 ,3 ,2‬‬ ‫‪34 ,31 ,28 ,26‬‬ ‫מזיק ← (נזק)‬ ‫ְמזֻ ָּקק ← (זקק)‬

‫מזרק ‪1‬‬ ‫מ ַֹח‪ :‬מח‪/‬מוח ‪30 ,20 ,8 ,3 ,2‬‬ ‫ְמ ֻח ָּבר ← (חבר)‬ ‫מחבת ‪10 ,7‬‬ ‫ְמ ֻח ָּמם ← (חמם)‬ ‫מחנק ‪18‬‬ ‫מחצלת ‪27‬‬ ‫(מחק) נמחק ‪3‬‬ ‫מחשבה ‪23 ,21 ,12‬‬ ‫ מחשבות שחורות ‪18‬‬ ‫ִמ ָּטה ‪16‬‬ ‫מטעם ‪24 ,8 ,3‬‬ ‫מטר ‪31‬‬ ‫מים ‪,20 ,18 ,17 ,16 ,15 ,13 ,12 ,11 ,10 ,8 ,7 ,4 ,3 ,2 ,1‬‬ ‫‪32 ,31 ,30 ,28 ,27 ,26 ,25 ,24‬‬ ‫ ← ירידה‬ ‫ מי דבש‪/‬מי הדבש ‪26 ,15‬‬ ‫ מי החלב נקרא גשפא ‪14‬‬ ‫ימי‪ :‬ממיי ‪13‬‬ ‫ֵמ ִ‬ ‫מין ‪26 ,25‬‬ ‫מיץ ‪19 ,9 ,4‬‬ ‫מירא ‪29 ,9‬‬ ‫מיראבולנש ‪28 ,26 ,1‬‬ ‫ְמ ֻכּוָ ן ← (כון)‬ ‫ְמ ֻכ ֶּסה ← (כסה)‬ ‫(מלא) מילא ‪34 ,3‬‬ ‫ התמלא ‪24‬‬ ‫ָמ ֵלא ‪31 ,26‬‬ ‫מלאכה ‪26‬‬ ‫מלאכותי ‪26‬‬ ‫ְמלֹוא ‪34 ,28 ,18 ,17‬‬ ‫ מלא יד ‪29‬‬ ‫מלווש ‪29‬‬ ‫לּוח ‪9 ,8‬‬ ‫ָמ ַ‬ ‫מלוי ‪25 ,3‬‬ ‫ֶמ ַלח ‪26 ,20‬‬ ‫מליח ‪32‬‬ ‫מלנכוניא ‪28‬‬ ‫ממיות ‪19 ,16‬‬ ‫ימי‬ ‫ממיי ← ֵמ ִ‬ ‫ממיתא ‪4‬‬ ‫מנהג ‪26 ,24 ,22 ,21 ,12 ,10‬‬ ‫מנוחה ‪24 ,21 ,20‬‬ ‫מנטשטרי ‪2‬‬ ‫מנידה ‪23‬‬ ‫מנעל ‪20‬‬ ‫מספיק ‪20‬‬ ‫מעבר ‪8 ,4‬‬

‫‪Index to the Hebrew Translation by Jacob ben Machir‬‬ ‫מעי ‪24 ,15‬‬ ‫ המעי הישר ‪15‬‬ ‫ָמ ַעך ‪31‬‬ ‫ַמ ֲע ֶלה ← ָע ָלה‬ ‫ְמ ֻע ָּפש ← (עפש)‬ ‫ְמע ָֹרב ← (ערב)‬ ‫מערה ‪5‬‬ ‫מעשה ‪31 ,10‬‬ ‫ֻמ ְפ ָלג ← (פלג)‬ ‫מצטיק ‪24 ,10 ,6‬‬ ‫מציצה ← כוס‬ ‫מצמץ ‪6‬‬ ‫ֻמ ָּצע ← (יצע)‬ ‫מקוה ‪26 ,20 ,17‬‬ ‫מקום ‪27 ,24 ,21 ,13 ,5 ,4‬‬ ‫ְמק ָֹרר ← (קרר)‬ ‫מקיף ← (נקף)‬ ‫מקרה ‪26 ,25 ,18‬‬ ‫ַמר ‪4‬‬ ‫ַמ ְר ֶאה ‪30 ,26 ,25 ,23 ,18 ,3‬‬ ‫מרדעת‪ :‬מרדע׳ ‪18‬‬ ‫ָמ ָרה ‪34 ,14‬‬ ‫ מרה שחורה ‪28‬‬ ‫מרוג׳ ‪12‬‬ ‫רּוח ‪28‬‬ ‫ֵמ ַ‬ ‫מרוצה ‪18‬‬ ‫ָמ ַרח ‪30‬‬ ‫מרחץ ‪30 ,29 ,28 ,26 ,25 ,20 ,19 ,1‬‬ ‫מרי ‪19 ,7‬‬ ‫מרירה ‪14‬‬ ‫מרירות ‪14‬‬ ‫(מרק) מירק ‪29 ,28 ,20 ,13‬‬ ‫ָמ ָרק ‪19 ,15 ,12 ,8‬‬ ‫מרקחת ‪26 ,24 ,17 ,11 ,10‬‬ ‫ְמ ֻׁש ָּבח ← (שבח)‬ ‫משגל ‪32 ,31 ,30 ,29 ,28 ,26 ,25 ,18 ,3‬‬ ‫ִמׁשּוׁש ‪26‬‬ ‫משח ‪30‬‬ ‫ הומשח ‪1‬‬ ‫משטיק ‪10‬‬ ‫משיחה ‪20‬‬ ‫משיכה ‪16‬‬ ‫(משך) נמשך ‪25 ,24 ,20 ,18‬‬ ‫ֻמ ְׁש ָלם ← ָׁש ַלם‬ ‫משלשל ← שלשל‬ ‫ְמ ַׂש ֵּמ ַח ← ָׂש ַמח‬ ‫משקה ‪30 ,26 ,24 ,14 ,13 ,12 ,10‬‬ ‫משתה ‪34 ,31 ,30 ,25 ,21 ,20 ,3‬‬

‫‪234‬‬

‫מתוק ‪26 ,17 ,16 ,11 ,9 ,8‬‬ ‫מתיחה ‪24‬‬ ‫מתיקה ‪26 ,17 ,9‬‬ ‫מתיקות ‪9‬‬ ‫מתמיד ‪28‬‬ ‫(מתן) המתין ‪31 ,25‬‬ ‫מתנגד ← (נגד)‬ ‫נָ א ‪3‬‬ ‫נָ ֶאה ‪13‬‬ ‫נביד‪ :‬אלנביד אלאחמר ‪12‬‬ ‫(נגב) ניגב ‪28 ,23 ,19 ,16 ,7 ,6‬‬ ‫(נגד) מתנגד ‪27 ,26‬‬ ‫נִ ּגּון ‪13‬‬ ‫נג׳י‪ :‬אלנג׳י ‪26‬‬ ‫נגיעה ‪16‬‬ ‫נֶ גַ ע ‪32 ,1‬‬ ‫(נגר) נִ ּגָ ר ‪28 ,15 ,6‬‬ ‫(נהג) הנהיג ‪34 ,25 ,24‬‬ ‫נהוג ‪24 ,12‬‬ ‫נָ ָהר ‪4‬‬ ‫נוז מוסקדא ‪6‬‬ ‫ ← ואגוז מוסקאדה‬ ‫(נוח) נח ‪26‬‬ ‫ הניח ‪29‬‬ ‫(נוע) התנועע ‪31 ,22 ,12‬‬ ‫ הניע ‪34 ,28‬‬ ‫נופל ← נָ ַפל‬ ‫(נזל) מזיל ‪13‬‬ ‫(נזק) הזיק ‪,25 ,24 ,20 ,19 ,18 ,16 ,13 ,12 ,8 ,3‬‬ ‫‪34 ,31 ,27‬‬ ‫ מזיק ‪28‬‬ ‫נחיר ‪5 ,2‬‬ ‫נחשת ‪15‬‬ ‫נַ ַחת ‪31‬‬ ‫נָ ָטה ‪34 ,31‬‬ ‫נטיה ‪25‬‬ ‫(נטף) הוטף ‪4‬‬ ‫נָ מּוך ‪13 ,4‬‬ ‫(נסה) ניסה ‪11‬‬ ‫ התנסה ‪24‬‬ ‫נסיון ‪28 ,11‬‬ ‫נעימות ‪11‬‬ ‫נָ ַעל ‪28‬‬ ‫נַ ַעל ‪28‬‬ ‫נַ ַער ‪7‬‬ ‫נערה ‪18‬‬ ‫(נפה) מנופה ‪29 ,28‬‬

‫‪235‬‬

‫‪Index to the Hebrew Translation by Jacob ben Machir‬‬

‫(נפח) נפוח ‪26‬‬ ‫ ניפח ‪23‬‬ ‫נֶ ַפח ‪23 ,20 ,15‬‬ ‫נפילה ‪26 ,6 ,1‬‬ ‫נָ ַפל ‪26 ,8‬‬ ‫ נופל ← ח ִֹלי‬ ‫נפסד ← (פסד)‬ ‫(נפץ) מנופץ ‪16‬‬ ‫נפרד ← (פרד)‬ ‫נֶ ֶפׁש ‪28 ,23 ,13‬‬ ‫נפשי ‪21 ,5‬‬ ‫נ ֶֹפת ‪28‬‬ ‫(נצח) ניצח‬ ‫נָ ַקב ‪28‬‬ ‫נֶ ֶקב ‪20 ,19 ,15 ,1‬‬ ‫(נקה) ניקה ‪,24 ,16 ,13 ,12 ,11 ,10 ,6 ,4 ,3 ,2 ,1‬‬ ‫‪30 ,29 ,28‬‬ ‫ נוקה ‪12‬‬ ‫ התנקה ‪24‬‬ ‫נִ ּקּוי ‪14 ,12‬‬ ‫נקי ‪29 ,26 ,16 ,13‬‬ ‫נקיון ‪26‬‬ ‫(נקף) מקיף ‪26‬‬ ‫נקרס ‪31 ,28 ,3‬‬ ‫נרגס ‪2‬‬ ‫נרדי ‪10‬‬ ‫נשיבה ‪16‬‬ ‫נשימה ‪25 ,24 ,13‬‬ ‫נשירה ‪28‬‬ ‫(נשם) נשום ‪13‬‬ ‫ נישום ‪5‬‬ ‫(נתך) התיך ‪20 ,19 ,15 ,13 ,10 ,9 ,7 ,6 ,4‬‬ ‫ הותך ‪11 ,9 ,8 ,4‬‬ ‫(נתר) התיר ‪24 ,7 ,6‬‬ ‫סבה ‪33 ,32 ,28 ,20 ,18 ,3‬‬ ‫ִסּבּוב ‪28‬‬ ‫ָס ַבל ‪34‬‬ ‫ֵס ֶבל ‪25‬‬ ‫ְסגֻ ּלה‪ :‬סגולה ‪19 ,17‬‬ ‫ סגולות לאלטברני ‪12‬‬ ‫ ובספר הסגולות ‪18‬‬ ‫(סגר) סוגר ‪19‬‬ ‫סדיקות ‪28 ,20‬‬ ‫ֵס ֶדר ‪24‬‬ ‫סהמור‪/‬סמור ‪19‬‬ ‫סוג ‪25‬‬ ‫סוכר ← ֻס ָּכר‬

‫סוכרי ← ֻס ָּכ ִרי‬ ‫סוס ‪20 ,18‬‬ ‫סוסן ‪2 ,1‬‬ ‫סֹוף ‪24‬‬ ‫(סור) סר ‪34‬‬ ‫ הסיר ‪29 ,28 ,20 ,19 ,15 ,13 ,12 ,10 ,7 ,6‬‬ ‫ הוסר ‪16 ,11 ,9‬‬ ‫סטרי ‪26‬‬ ‫סיד ‪29‬‬ ‫סילקא ‪15‬‬ ‫סכנגבין‪/‬סכנג׳בין ‪24 ,14‬‬ ‫ֻס ָּכר‪ :‬סוכר ‪29 ,26 ,16 ,12 ,9‬‬ ‫ֻס ָּכ ִרי‪ :‬סוכרי ‪28 ,10‬‬ ‫ סוכרי רושט ‪10‬‬ ‫סלסל‬ ‫ֶס ֶלק ‪2‬‬ ‫ ← ֶׂש ֶלק‬ ‫ַסם ‪28 ,7‬‬ ‫ָס ַמך ‪20‬‬ ‫סנדיל ‪2‬‬ ‫סנה ‪2‬‬ ‫(סער) סוער ‪15‬‬ ‫ָס ַפג ‪20‬‬ ‫ִסּפּור ‪13‬‬ ‫(ספק) הספיק ‪34 ,28‬‬ ‫ֵס ֶפר ‪31 ,21 ,7‬‬ ‫ ← ְסגֻ ּלה‬ ‫ָסרּוח ‪5‬‬ ‫(סרח) מוסרח ‪13 ,5‬‬ ‫סריס ‪14 ,8‬‬ ‫סתו ‪34 ,29 ,28 ,24 ,20 ,19 ,13 ,12 ,3 ,2 ,1‬‬ ‫ִסּתּום ‪20 ,14 ,12 ,11 ,6 ,2‬‬ ‫ָס ַתם ‪12‬‬ ‫ָעב ‪24 ,16 ,15 ,12 ,8 ,5 ,4‬‬ ‫ עב טיט ‪12‬‬ ‫(עבה) עיבה ‪29 ,2‬‬ ‫ התעבה ‪4‬‬ ‫ נתעבה ‪5‬‬ ‫ָע ֶבה ‪19‬‬ ‫עבודה ‪7‬‬ ‫עבי ‪12 ,7‬‬ ‫ָע ַבר ‪28‬‬ ‫עדשה ‪12‬‬ ‫ִעּוּות ‪31 ,28‬‬ ‫עֹוף ‪13 ,10 ,8 ,7‬‬ ‫ העוף הדורס ‪11‬‬ ‫(עוק) העיק ‪15‬‬

‫‪Index to the Hebrew Translation by Jacob ben Machir‬‬ ‫(עּור) העיר ‪13 ,6‬‬ ‫ עורר ‪28 ,24 ,23‬‬ ‫ התעורר ‪26 ,24‬‬ ‫עֹור ‪20 ,19 ,18 ,16 ,1‬‬ ‫עורק ‪31 ,28 ,26 ,19 ,15 ,13 ,12‬‬ ‫ֵעז ‪16 ,12 ,9‬‬ ‫ָעזַ ב ‪34 ,22 ,16 ,3‬‬ ‫עזיבה ‪34 ,1‬‬ ‫ָעזַ ר ‪26 ,23 ,10 ,8 ,7‬‬ ‫עטוש ‪28 ,26 ,2‬‬ ‫עיון ‪34 ,3‬‬ ‫(עין) ִעּיֵ ן ‪30 ,28 ,3‬‬ ‫ַעיִ ן ‪28 ,20 ,3‬‬ ‫ ← ירידה‬ ‫(עכב) עיכב ‪34‬‬ ‫ התעכב ‪16‬‬ ‫ִעּכּול ‪34 ,25 ,24 ,23 ,10‬‬ ‫ָעכּור ‪12 ,5‬‬ ‫עכירות ‪34 ,28 ,20 ,13 ,9 ,3‬‬ ‫(עכל) עיכל ‪33 ,28‬‬ ‫ התעכל ‪28‬‬ ‫(עכר) העכיר ‪5‬‬ ‫ָע ָלה ‪31 ,6 ,1‬‬ ‫ מעלה ‪27‬‬ ‫ִע ָּלה ‪33 ,20‬‬ ‫עלול ‪20‬‬ ‫ִעּלּוף ‪28‬‬ ‫עליה ‪27 ,12 ,4‬‬ ‫עליון ‪25‬‬ ‫עמד ‪31 ,29 ,28‬‬ ‫ העמיד ‪34 ,26 ,20 ,14‬‬ ‫עמידה ‪31 ,20‬‬ ‫ָע ָמל ‪3‬‬ ‫ענב ‪24 ,9‬‬ ‫ענבר ‪13 ,5 ,2‬‬ ‫(ענג) התענג ‪31 ,23‬‬ ‫ָענָ ן ‪28 ,27‬‬ ‫(עסק) מתעסק ‪31‬‬ ‫ֵע ֶסק ‪34‬‬ ‫ָעפּוץ ‪12 ,8‬‬ ‫ִעּפּוׁש ‪28 ,6‬‬ ‫עפיץ ‪6‬‬ ‫עפיצות ‪12‬‬ ‫עפעף ‪28 ,1‬‬ ‫(עפש) מעופש ‪13‬‬ ‫עץ ‪28 ,12 ,6‬‬ ‫עצב ‪25 ,12 ,7‬‬ ‫עצה ‪23‬‬

‫עצור ← ָע ַצר‬ ‫עצירה ‪26 ,18‬‬ ‫(עצל) התעצל ‪28‬‬ ‫ָע ָצל ‪19‬‬ ‫ֶע ֶצם ‪30 ,13 ,11 ,8 ,3‬‬ ‫עצמות ‪9 ,2‬‬ ‫עצמי ‪20‬‬ ‫עצפור ‪29‬‬ ‫ָע ַצר ‪26‬‬ ‫ עצור ‪2‬‬ ‫(עקם) התעקם ‪20‬‬ ‫ֵער ‪23‬‬ ‫(ערב) עירב ‪31 ,29 ,1‬‬ ‫ מעורב ‪1‬‬ ‫ָע ַרב ‪33‬‬ ‫ָע ֵרב ‪20 ,13 ,3 ,2‬‬ ‫ערבב ‪7‬‬ ‫ֲע ָר ָבה ‪16‬‬ ‫ערבות ‪11‬‬ ‫ָע ָׂשה ‪34 ,32 ,31 ,29 ,28 ,26 ,24 ,20 ,15 ,7‬‬ ‫ עשוי ‪26 ,24 ,19 ,16 ,12 ,7‬‬ ‫ נעשה ‪12‬‬ ‫עשוי ← ָע ָׂשה‬ ‫עשיה ‪19 ,17 ,13 ,10 ,8‬‬ ‫(עשן) התעשן ‪5‬‬ ‫ָע ָׁשן ‪28 ,27 ,10 ,6 ,5 ,4 ,3 ,2 ,1‬‬ ‫עשני ‪20 ,4‬‬ ‫(עתק) העתיק ‪24‬‬ ‫ַּפג ‪2‬‬ ‫ֶּפה ‪34 ,28 ,23 ,19 ,15 ,12 ,10 ,7 ,6 ,4‬‬ ‫פודנג‪/‬פודנג׳ ‪28 ,4‬‬ ‫פול ‪20 ,12‬‬ ‫פונץ ‪26‬‬ ‫פורני ‪10‬‬ ‫פושר ← (פשר)‬ ‫(פזר) פיזר ‪2‬‬ ‫ התפזר ‪5‬‬ ‫ָּפ ַחד ‪31 ,25‬‬ ‫(פטם) פיטם ‪11‬‬ ‫פיתגורש ‪12‬‬ ‫(פלג) הפליג ‪23‬‬ ‫ מופלג ‪28 ,24 ,23‬‬ ‫פלג׳ ‪28‬‬ ‫פלפל ‪17‬‬ ‫(פלץ) התפלץ ‪27‬‬ ‫פלקון ‪13‬‬ ‫ָּפנָ ה ‪29‬‬

‫‪236‬‬

‫‪237‬‬

‫‪Index to the Hebrew Translation by Jacob ben Machir‬‬

‫פניג׳ ‪9‬‬ ‫פנים ‪31 ,30 ,28 ,11 ,2‬‬ ‫פניס ‪16 ,9‬‬ ‫פנק ‪19‬‬ ‫(פסד) נפסד ‪5‬‬ ‫ הפסיד ‪30 ,25 ,24 ,23 ,12 ,5 ,4‬‬ ‫פסתק ‪11‬‬ ‫פעולה ← ְּפ ֻע ָּלה‬ ‫ּפ ַֹעל ‪24‬‬ ‫ְּפ ֻע ָּלה‪ :‬פעלה‪/‬פעולה ‪26 ,1‬‬ ‫(פרד) נפרד ‪12‬‬ ‫פרדיץ ‪13 ,11 ,10 ,8 ,3‬‬ ‫פרדס ‪13 ,3‬‬ ‫פרדסי ‪9‬‬ ‫ָּפ ָרה ‪14‬‬ ‫ָּפ ַרח ‪28‬‬ ‫ֶּפ ַרח ‪2‬‬ ‫פרחן ‪12‬‬ ‫פרי ‪24 ,16 ,12‬‬ ‫פריש ‪ ← 8‬פרש‬ ‫ֶּפ ֶרק ‪32 ,20‬‬ ‫פרש ‪ ← 12‬פריש‬ ‫(פשר) פושר ‪34 ,29‬‬ ‫ָּפ ַתח ‪20 ,19 ,15 ,14 ,12 ,11 ,4 ,3 ,2 ,1‬‬ ‫פתילה ‪2‬‬ ‫צאן ‪19 ,16 ,15 ,13 ,2‬‬ ‫צבר ‪29 ,24‬‬ ‫צד ‪24‬‬ ‫ ← התהפכות‪ ,‬ח ִֹלי‬ ‫ֶצ ַדע ‪28‬‬ ‫צהר ‪28‬‬ ‫צואה ‪15‬‬ ‫צואר ‪32 ,2‬‬ ‫(צוד) נצוד ‪11‬‬ ‫צֹום ‪25 ,17 ,16 ,15 ,11 ,10 ,9 ,7 ,6 ,4 ,2 ,1‬‬ ‫(צוק) הציק ‪24‬‬ ‫צורך ← צ ֶֹרך‬ ‫ְצחֹוק ‪20 ,11‬‬ ‫ָצ ַחק ‪31‬‬ ‫ִצ ָידה ‪13‬‬ ‫(צלה) צלוי ‪9 ,7‬‬ ‫צלי ‪11 ,3‬‬ ‫ָצ ָמא ‪25‬‬ ‫ִצּמּוק ‪28 ,17 ,16 ,15 ,11 ,10‬‬ ‫(צמח) הצמיח ‪29 ,1‬‬ ‫ֶצ ַמח ‪13‬‬ ‫צמיחה ‪29 ,1‬‬

‫ֶצ ֶמר ‪16‬‬ ‫ְצנֹון ‪26‬‬ ‫צעיר ‪19 ,16 ,15 ,13 ,2‬‬ ‫צער ‪34‬‬ ‫צפוני ‪16‬‬ ‫צפר ‪8 ,3‬‬ ‫צפרן ‪28 ,20‬‬ ‫ַצר ‪20 ,18 ,5‬‬ ‫(צרד) הצריד ‪9‬‬ ‫ָצרּות ‪20‬‬ ‫צ ֶֹרך‪ :‬צרך‪/‬צורך ‪31 ,18‬‬ ‫צרעת ‪28‬‬ ‫ִקּבּול ‪31‬‬ ‫ִקּבּוץ ‪28 ,13‬‬ ‫קביצות ‪24 ,20‬‬ ‫קבסא ‪24‬‬ ‫ָק ַבע ‪24‬‬ ‫ָק ַבץ ‪12‬‬ ‫ קובץ ‪26‬‬ ‫ התקבץ ‪28 ,26 ,16 ,13‬‬ ‫(קדח) הקדיח ‪13‬‬ ‫קדחת ‪34 ,25‬‬ ‫(קדם) הקדים ‪12‬‬ ‫קדקד ‪29‬‬ ‫קדרה ‪34 ,4‬‬ ‫ִקּוּוץ ‪28‬‬ ‫קוטון ‪28 ,16‬‬ ‫קול ‪13 ,9 ,4‬‬ ‫קולון ‪28 ,26‬‬ ‫(קום) קם ללכת ‪12‬‬ ‫(קוץ) ִקּוֵ ץ ‪12‬‬ ‫קוצי ‪8‬‬ ‫קושי ← ק ִֹשי‬ ‫קושקטה ‪14‬‬ ‫(קטן) הקטין ‪12‬‬ ‫ָק ָטן ‪34 ,18 ,15 ,14 ,13 ,12 ,11 ,10 ,8 ,7 ,3 ,2‬‬ ‫ ← אטריפל‬ ‫קטנות ‪12‬‬ ‫(קיא) הקיא ‪34 ,24‬‬ ‫קיא ‪34 ,26 ,17 ,10‬‬ ‫קיץ ‪34 ,24 ,20 ,13 ,3 ,2‬‬ ‫קיר ‪20‬‬ ‫ַקל ‪31 ,24 ,23‬‬ ‫קלוף ← (קלף)‬ ‫קלות ‪15‬‬ ‫(קלל) קל ‪28‬‬ ‫ הקל ‪28 ,25 ,24 ,23 ,20 ,7‬‬

‫‪Index to the Hebrew Translation by Jacob ben Machir‬‬ ‫(קלף) קלוף ‪16 ,9‬‬ ‫ְק ִלּפה‪ :‬קליפה ‪13 ,6‬‬ ‫ֶק ַמח ‪30 ,29 ,20 ,16 ,9‬‬ ‫קממילא ‪2‬‬ ‫ָקנָ ה ‪5‬‬ ‫ הקנה ‪20 ,11 ,6‬‬ ‫ָקנֶ ה ‪9 ,8‬‬ ‫ ָקנֶ ה הטוב ‪5‬‬ ‫ּנּוח ‪19‬‬ ‫ִק ַ‬ ‫(קנח) קינח ‪20‬‬ ‫קערורית ‪8‬‬ ‫(קפא) נקפא ‪15 ,4‬‬ ‫קפוד ‪11‬‬ ‫(קפל) הקפיל ‪4‬‬ ‫קפר ‪12‬‬ ‫ָק ֶצה ‪20‬‬ ‫קצידא ‪29‬‬ ‫ַקר ‪,30 ,27 ,25 ,24 ,20 ,19 ,18 ,17 ,16 ,15 ,12 ,10 ,1‬‬ ‫‪34 ,32 ,31‬‬ ‫קֹר‪ :‬קור ‪29 ,27 ,25 ,24 ,20 ,16‬‬ ‫ָק ָרה ‪34 ,33 ,28 ,24 ,20 ,18 ,6‬‬ ‫ נקרה ‪19‬‬ ‫ הקרה ‪34‬‬ ‫קרירות ‪27 ,17‬‬ ‫קרצעינא ‪6‬‬ ‫קרקור ‪30 ,23 ,13 ,4‬‬ ‫(קרר) נקרר ‪24‬‬ ‫ קירר ‪28 ,23‬‬ ‫ מקורר ‪24‬‬ ‫ָק ָשה ‪8‬‬ ‫ָק ֶשה ‪31 ,19 ,16‬‬ ‫קשוא ‪26‬‬ ‫קשור ← (קשר)‬ ‫ק ִֹשי‪ :‬קשי‪/‬קושי ‪26 ,20 ,19 ,10 ,3‬‬ ‫(קשר) קשור ‪34‬‬ ‫ָר ָאה ‪28 ,13‬‬ ‫ רואה ‪28 ,3‬‬ ‫ נראה ‪20‬‬ ‫ֵר ָאה‪ :‬ריאה ‪9‬‬ ‫ְראּות ‪34 ,30 ,18 ,3 ,2‬‬ ‫ראש ‪32 ,29 ,28 ,6 ,4 ,2 ,1‬‬ ‫ חצי הראש ← ְּכ ֵאב‬ ‫ראשון ‪1‬‬ ‫רבוי ‪28 ,24‬‬ ‫רבמאס‪/‬רבמס ‪20 ,2‬‬ ‫רגיל ‪20‬‬ ‫(רגל) הרגיל ‪28‬‬

‫‪238‬‬

‫ֶרגֶ ל ‪20 ,18 ,12 ,7‬‬ ‫ ← אצבע‬ ‫(רגש) הרגיש ‪28 ,23 ,22‬‬ ‫ֶרגֶ ׁש ‪19‬‬ ‫רואה ← ָר ָאה‬ ‫רוח ‪28 ,26 ,20 ,19 ,16 ,15 ,13 ,10 ,3‬‬ ‫רוחני ‪13‬‬ ‫רוע ← ר ַֹע‬ ‫רופא ‪34 ,13 ,11 ,9 ,4 ,1‬‬ ‫רושט ← ֻס ָּכ ִרי‬ ‫ָרחֹוק ‪26 ,20‬‬ ‫רחים ‪4‬‬ ‫רחיצה ‪20 ,18 ,16‬‬ ‫ֶר ֶחם ‪18 ,15‬‬ ‫ָר ַחץ ‪31 ,29 ,20 ,1‬‬ ‫ הרחיץ ‪3‬‬ ‫ הורחץ ‪29‬‬ ‫(רחק) הרחיק ‪,28 ,26 ,25 ,24 ,19 ,15 ,12 ,7 ,5 ,4‬‬ ‫‪34 ,32 ,30 ,29‬‬ ‫ריאה ← ֵר ָאה‬ ‫ריברברי ‪10‬‬ ‫ ← ריוברברי‬ ‫ריוברברי ← ריברברי‬ ‫ הריוברברי הציני ‪11‬‬ ‫(ריח) הריח ‪5 ,2‬‬ ‫ הורח ‪13 ,5‬‬ ‫ֵר ַיח ‪30 ,28 ,27 ,20 ,16 ,13 ,6 ,5‬‬ ‫רימון ← ִרּמֹון‬ ‫ריעות ← ֵרעּות‬ ‫(ריק) הורק ‪28 ,9‬‬ ‫ֵריקּות‪ :‬ריקות‪/‬רקות ‪20 ,10‬‬ ‫ַרך ‪20‬‬ ‫רכיבה ‪22 ,20 ,18‬‬ ‫(רכך) ריכך ‪30 ,29 ,20 ,19 ,9 ,8 ,1‬‬ ‫ִרּמֹון‪ :‬רמון‪/‬רימון ‪26 ,24 ,11‬‬ ‫ַרע ‪28 ,27 ,25 ,24 ,21 ,19 ,18 ,12 ,10 ,5 ,3‬‬ ‫ר ַֹע‪ :‬רוע ‪34 ,28 ,24 ,3‬‬ ‫ֵרעּות‪ :‬ריעות ‪12‬‬ ‫(רפא) ריפא ‪28‬‬ ‫ נתרפא ‪28 ,19 ,18‬‬ ‫(רפה) הרפה ‪20 ,19‬‬ ‫רפואה ‪30 ,28 ,26 ,25 ,18‬‬ ‫רפיון ‪28 ,26 ,15‬‬ ‫רצון ‪19‬‬ ‫רקות ← ֵריקּות‬ ‫רקיק ‪13‬‬ ‫רקלציא ‪9‬‬ ‫ ← רקלציאה‬

‫‪239‬‬

‫‪Index to the Hebrew Translation by Jacob ben Machir‬‬

‫רקלציאה ‪8‬‬ ‫ ← רקלציא‬ ‫ִרּׁשּום ‪25‬‬ ‫(רשל) התרשל ‪34‬‬ ‫(רתח) הורתח ‪28‬‬ ‫שאיפה ‪25‬‬ ‫שאלה ‪34‬‬ ‫שבדינקה ‪3‬‬ ‫(שבח) משובח ‪12‬‬ ‫ׂשבע ‪1‬‬ ‫ַ‬ ‫ֶׁש ֶבר ‪20‬‬ ‫שגיאה ‪28 ,26‬‬ ‫(שדל) השתדל ‪34 ,28‬‬ ‫ֶׂשה ‪8‬‬ ‫(שוה) משוה ‪14‬‬ ‫ָׁשוֶ ה ‪29 ,27 ,20 ,17‬‬ ‫שווי ‪27 ,26 ,21 ,19 ,13 ,12 ,11‬‬ ‫ׁשּום ‪15‬‬ ‫שומן ← ׁש ֶֹמן‬ ‫שּומר ‪26 ,3‬‬ ‫ָ‬ ‫ׁשֹוק ‪20‬‬ ‫ׁשֹור ‪12‬‬ ‫שורבאש ‪12‬‬ ‫ְׂשחֹוק ‪12‬‬ ‫שחור ← ָׁשחֹר‬ ‫שחורה ← ְׁשח ָֹרה‬ ‫שחם חנטל ‪29‬‬ ‫ָׁשחֹר‪ :‬שחור ‪28 ,26 ,17 ,12 ,11 ,3‬‬ ‫ ← מחשבה‪ָ ,‬מ ָרה‬ ‫ְׁשח ָֹרה‪:‬שחורה ‪26 ,19 ,12‬‬ ‫שחרות ‪20 ,14 ,1‬‬ ‫שטות ‪28‬‬ ‫יבה ‪2 ,1‬‬ ‫ֵׂש ָ‬ ‫שיזנאיה ‪17‬‬ ‫(שים) שם ‪34 ,28‬‬ ‫שינה ← ֵׁשנָ ה‬ ‫שיפרץ ‪6‬‬ ‫ָׁש ַכב ‪29‬‬ ‫ִׁשּכֹור ‪25‬‬ ‫שכיבה ‪16‬‬ ‫(שכל) השתכל ‪28 ,26‬‬ ‫ֵׂש ֶכל ‪2‬‬ ‫(שכם) השכים בבקר ‪28‬‬ ‫שכרון ‪24‬‬ ‫שכרות ‪25 ,24‬‬ ‫ֶׁש ֶלג ‪25 ,24 ,17‬‬ ‫שלום ‪11‬‬

‫ָׁש ַלח ‪31‬‬ ‫(שלך) הושלך ‪29 ,12‬‬ ‫ָׁש ַלל ‪28‬‬ ‫ָׁש ַלם ‪31‬‬ ‫ נשלם ‪34‬‬ ‫ השלים ‪28‬‬ ‫ מושלם ‪31‬‬ ‫ָׁש ֵלם ‪27‬‬ ‫שלמות ‪28‬‬ ‫של נטרי ‪28 ,4‬‬ ‫שלחן ‪34 ,28 ,25‬‬ ‫ֶׂש ֶלק ‪26 ,16‬‬ ‫ ← סלק‬ ‫שלקית ‪1‬‬ ‫שלשול ‪28 ,26 ,14‬‬ ‫שלשל ‪26 ,8‬‬ ‫ משלשל ‪30 ,24‬‬ ‫שמאל ‪28‬‬ ‫שמאלי ‪12‬‬ ‫ִׁשּמּוׁש ‪26‬‬ ‫ָׂש ַמח ‪13‬‬ ‫ משמח ‪13‬‬ ‫שמיעה ‪13‬‬ ‫שמירה ‪,15 ,14 ,13 ,12 ,11 ,10 ,9 ,8 ,7 ,6 ,5 ,4 ,3 ,2‬‬ ‫‪28 ,26 ,22 ,21 ,20 ,19 ,18 ,17 ,16‬‬ ‫(שמם) השתומם ‪13‬‬ ‫שממון ‪13 ,12‬‬ ‫(שמן) משמן ‪12‬‬ ‫ השמין ‪23 ,22 ,16 ,12 ,11‬‬ ‫ָׁש ֵמן ‪24 ,23 ,19 ,16 ,15‬‬ ‫ֶׁש ֶמן ‪29 ,28 ,20 ,10 ,6 ,4 ,1‬‬ ‫ׁש ֶֹמן‪ :‬שומן ‪11‬‬ ‫ָׁש ַמע ‪4‬‬ ‫ֵׁש ַמע ‪13 ,4‬‬ ‫ָׁש ַמר ‪,18 ,16 ,13 ,12 ,11 ,10 ,9 ,8 ,7 ,6 ,5 ,4 ,3 ,2 ,1‬‬ ‫‪34 ,19‬‬ ‫ נשמר ‪,31 ,30 ,25 ,24 ,20 ,19 ,15 ,14 ,12 ,3 ,2 ,1‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ֶׁש ֶמר ‪24 ,15 ,9‬‬ ‫(שמש) השתמש ‪26 ,22‬‬ ‫ֶׁש ֶמׁש ‪5‬‬ ‫שמשי ‪16 ,11 ,10 ,9‬‬ ‫ֵׁשן ‪28 ,6‬‬ ‫(שנה) שינה ‪19 ,6‬‬ ‫ השתנה ‪27‬‬ ‫ֵׁשנָ ה‪ :‬שנה‪/‬שינה ‪,25 ,24 ,23 ,21 ,18 ,16 ,10 ,3‬‬ ‫‪33 ,28‬‬ ‫שנוי ‪28‬‬

‫‪Index to the Hebrew Translation by Jacob ben Machir‬‬ ‫ִׁשעּול ‪28‬‬ ‫ִׁשעּור ‪33 ,32 ,28 ,27 ,26 ,25 ,24 ,22 ,21 ,17‬‬ ‫ָׂש ִעיר ‪20‬‬ ‫שעירות ‪9 ,6‬‬ ‫ֵׂש ָער ‪29 ,28 ,1‬‬ ‫שפיכה ‪4‬‬ ‫ָׁש ַפך ‪29 ,1‬‬ ‫ נשפך ‪19 ,4‬‬ ‫(שפל) הושפל ‪24‬‬ ‫ָׁש ֵפל ‪24‬‬ ‫שפלות ‪34‬‬ ‫ָׁש ֵקד ‪16 ,9 ,4‬‬ ‫(שקט) השקיט ‪34 ,33 ,29 ,28 ,25 ,23 ,15 ,14‬‬ ‫שקיטה ‪20‬‬ ‫שקיקה ‪28‬‬ ‫(שרה) שרוי ‪12‬‬ ‫ נשרה ‪11‬‬ ‫שרוי ← (שרה)‬ ‫ָׂשרּוף ← ָׂש ַרף‬ ‫שריפה ← ְׂש ֵר ָפה‬ ‫ָׂש ַרף ‪11‬‬ ‫ שרוף ‪28‬‬ ‫ְׂש ֵר ָפה‪ :‬שריפה ‪25‬‬ ‫ׁש ֶֹרׁש ‪6 ,2 ,1‬‬ ‫ָׁש ָתה ‪33 ,30 ,28 ,26 ,25 ,24 ,10‬‬ ‫ נשתה ‪17 ,13 ,11‬‬ ‫שתיה ‪33 ,30 ,28 ,25 ,17 ,16 ,15 ,14 ,12 ,11 ,10 ,9 ,8‬‬ ‫ֶׁש ֶתן ‪ 26, 28 ← ,17 ,16‬הטפה‬ ‫תאוה ‪34 ,33 ,31 ,26 ,25 ,24 ,22 ,11 ,6‬‬ ‫תאנה ‪24 ,15 ,11 ,7‬‬ ‫(תאר) תיאר ‪29‬‬ ‫תבשיל ‪33 ,9 ,8‬‬ ‫ּבֹורת ‪34 ,22 ,20‬‬ ‫ִּתגְ ֶ‬

‫‪240‬‬

‫תולדה ‪24‬‬ ‫תועלת ‪34 ,23 ,20 ,19 ,16 ,12‬‬ ‫ּתֹור ‪13 ,10 ,3‬‬ ‫תורביד ‪24‬‬ ‫תושבת ‪19 ,15‬‬ ‫ּתּות ‪24‬‬ ‫תיש ‪14 ,8‬‬ ‫תכלית ‪24 ,11 ,10‬‬ ‫(תלה) תלוי ‪20‬‬ ‫ התלות ‪20‬‬ ‫(תמד) התמיד ‪,28 ,26 ,24 ,20 ,17 ,15 ,11 ,7 ,5‬‬ ‫‪30 ,29‬‬ ‫ָּת ָמר ‪24‬‬ ‫תמראינדי ‪26‬‬ ‫תמריץ ‪12‬‬ ‫תנועה ‪31 ,28 ,26 ,25 ,24 ,22 ,21 ,20 ,12‬‬ ‫(תעב) מתועב ‪5‬‬ ‫ נתעב ‪30 ,16 ,6‬‬ ‫תעורה ‪23‬‬ ‫תפוח ‪24 ,13 ,12‬‬ ‫תקוה ‪28‬‬ ‫תקון ‪13‬‬ ‫(תקן) תיקן ‪24 ,12 ,11 ,10 ,8‬‬ ‫ תוקן ‪27‬‬ ‫ התקין ‪34‬‬ ‫ּת ֶֹקף ‪13‬‬ ‫תרבד‪/‬תרביד ‪26‬‬ ‫תרדמה ‪28‬‬ ‫תרנגאן ‪2‬‬ ‫תריאק ‪15‬‬ ‫תרנגול ‪15 ,13 ,12 ,8 ,3 ,2‬‬ ‫תרנגולת ‪12 ,11‬‬ ‫ּת ֶֹרף‪ :‬תורף ‪19‬‬

General Index Abū ‘l-‘Alā’ Zuhr 2, 23, 25n41, 56–57, 65, 67 Abulcasis (Abū al-Qāsim al-Zahrāwī) 47, 60n102 Abū Marwān ‘abd al-Mālik ibn Zuhr 1–2, 23, 25n41, 65 “Book of Foods” 2n4 Kitāb al-taisīr (Teisir) 22, 56–57 Abū Ma‘schar De magnis coniunctionibus 28 Adamson, Melitta Weiss 26n44 Alfonso el Sabio 8 Álvarez Millán, Cristina 23n39, 65–66 anatomical terminology 44–46 Andrea de Florentia, Bishop 68 Antidotarium Nicolai 43n67 Aristotle De animalibus 45, 46 De generatione 45 De partibus 45 Organon 46n74 Armengaud Blaise Aphorisms 26, 76 translations by 5–6, 7, 27n47, 31–32, 37n60, 54, 68 Arnau de Vilanova 2, 3, 5–6, 24, 26–28, 54, 67, 76 Antidotarium 43n67 De parte operativa 55n90 “Practica [summaria]” 24n40 Regimen sanitatis 27, 68, 69 ars medicine 51 Avendauth (Ibn Daud) 8, 30 “Avenzoar” identity of 1–2, 23, 65–66 Averroes (Ibn Rushd) Colliget 2, 24 commentaries of 5, 42n65, 45–46, 46n74 Avicenna (Ibn Sīnā) 47, 53, 56, 57n96 Canon 2, 51, 55, 60, 69 Cantica 5, 26, 76 De anima 8 De animalibus 26, 76 De viribus cordis (On cardiac medicines)  26, 54, 76

Barco del Barco, Francisco Javier del 46n74 Bernard de Gordon 67 De conservatione vite humane 26–28, 69 Lilium medicine 54 Bernat Honofredi 3, 4, 7, 9n24, 17, 19, 24, 30 anatomy 44–45 interaction with Profatius 25–26, 32–33, 35–40, 44–45, 64–65, 74, 78, 79–80 Latinity 48–50 and learned medicine 50–58 surgery 46–48, 54, 58–59 Boniface VIII, Pope 22, 27n47 Bos, Gerrit 46n74 Budé, Jean 26, 76 Burnett, Charles 28–29 Carpentieri, Nicola 57n94 Clement V, Pope 67 Colin, Gabriel 23n39, 72 Constantine the African 60 d’Alverny, Marie-Thérèse 9, 20n35 Dumas, Geneviève 47n78 Euclid Elements 4, 6 Galen 47, 51, 53 Ars parva 51 De cognitione propriorum defectuum 7 De interioribus 56 García Sánchez, Expiración 17n32 Gerard of Cremona 28, 53 Gil-Sotres, Pedro 68, 69 Giovanni da Brescia 5, 9, 19 Giovanni da Capua 22, 27n47 Guglielmo da Brescia 67–68 Guillem Correger 47, 54 Haly Abbas (al-Majūsī) Kitāb al-Malakī 52n82 Pantegni 51, 52 Hasse, Dag Nikolaus 15n29, 39–40 Henri de Mondeville 54n85, 59

242 Herman of Carinthia 15n29 Hippocrates Regimen acutorum 66 Honofredi. See Bernat Honofredi Ḥunain ibn Isḥāq 60. See also Johannitius Ibn Abī Uṣaibi‘a 2n4 Ibn al-Haythām 4 Ibn al-Jazzār Viaticum 60 Ibn al-Ṣaffār 4 Ibn Rushd. See Averroes Ibn Sīnā. See Avicenna Jacob ben Machir ibn Tibbon (Profatius) 9, 11, 24, 25–26 and the Arabic-Hebrew Regimen 60–65, 77, 78 and the Arabic-Latin Regimen 16–19, 30–59 passim 65, 74, 78, 79–80 career 3–6 Quadrans novus 5 and the translation of al-Zarqālī 4–5, 7–8, 19–20 Jacob ben Tibbon Ha-harari 46n74 Jacquart, Danielle 22n38, 28–29, 53, 56n91 Jaume II, King of Aragon 27, 47, 68 Johannitius Isagoge 27, 51, 54 John of Seville 15n29 John of Tornamira On Urine 165 John XXII, Pope 67 Judah ben Jacob Regimen of Health 164 Kwakkel, Erik 29–30, 35 Levi ben Gershon 42n65 Maimonides Commentary on Hippocrates’s Aphorisms 165 De asmate 5–6, 31–32, 54, 164 De hemorroidibus 7, 164 De venenis 26, 76, 164 Guide to the Perplexed 4

General Index Medical Aphorisms 60, 164 Regimen sanitatis 27, 37n60, 60, 68, 164 Maino de Maineri Regimen sanitatis 68–71 al-Majūsī, ‘Alī ibn al-‘Abbās. See Haly Abbas Marichal, Robert 22 Martin of Braga, Archbishop 22 Menelaus Spherics 4 Michael Scot 26, 29 Millàs Vallicrosa, José Maria 7, 19, 20 Montpellier 3, 4, 25, 26, 47, 54, 55, 64, 66–68, 71, 76 Moses ibn Tibbon 4, 44, 60, 64, 164 Nathan ha-Me’ati 60 Nicoud, Marilyn 27, 68, 69 Nomico, Levi 164n1 “non-natural things” 51–52 Occitan 30, 61 Paris 68, 69, 71 Philippe V, King of France 66 Pierre Borelli 66n113 Pierre de Capestang 3, 6–7, 24, 25, 54, 66–67, 71 Profatius. See Jacob ben Machir ibn Tibbon Qusṭā ibn Lūqā 4 Rhazes (al-Rāzī) 57 Liber ad almansorem (Almansor) 28, 53, 55, 58 Liber divisionum 55 Roland of Parma 59 Romano, David 4 Salomon ben Adret 6 Samaran, Charles 22 Samuel Beneviste 164n7 Samuel ben Judah (“Barbavayre”) 42n65, 46n74 Samuel ben Judah ibn Tibbon 4, 60 Samuel ben Solomon ben Nathan 46n74 Schenck, Georg 23n39, 65–66, 68, 72 Schmitt, Wolfram 10n27

243

General Index Shem Tov ben Isaac 60, 64 Simon of Genoa 58n99 Steinschneider, Moritz 16, 164

Troupeau, Gérard 22n38

Teodorico Borgognoni Chirurgia 47, 54 translation process 4–5, 29–64 Arabisms 34–39, 42–44, 55–56, 63–64 “four-handed” 8–9 le’azim 62 orality 33, 36 transliteration 61, 62, 63, 64

Wickersheimer, Ernest 66n113, 71n123 Wirmer, David 46n74

Ullmann, Manfred 52n82, 56n91

al-Zahrāwī. See Abulcasis al-Zarqālī 9 Treatise on the assafea 5, 7–8, 19, 20 Zeraḥyah Ḥen 60 Zonta, Mauro 20n35