The Red Riviera: Gender, Tourism, and Postsocialism on the Black Sea 9780822387176

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The Red Riviera Next Wave: New Directions in Women’s Studies a series edited by inderpal grewal, caren kaplan, & robyn wiegman

∫ 2005 duke university press all rights reserved printed in the united states of america on acid-free paper $ designed by rebecca giménez typeset in minion by keystone typesetting library of congress cataloging-in-publication data appear on the last printed page of this book.

Duke University Press gratefully acknowledges the support of the Fletcher Family Research Fund at Bowdoin College, which provided funds toward the production of this book.

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Josephine

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Mehdi

The Red Riviera kristen ghodsee

Gender, Tourism, and Postsocialism on the Black Sea duke university press durham and london 2005

Contents Acknowledgments ix Introduction 1 1

Shattered Windows, Broken Lives 21

2

Making Mitko Tall 43

3

The Red Riviera 76

4

To the Wolves: Tourism and Economic Transformation 115

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Feminism-by-Design 151 Appendix A: Tables 175 Appendix B: Formal Interviews 182 Notes 189 Glossary 209 Selected Bibliography 211 Index 223

Acknowledgments

There are many people to whom I am deeply grateful for their encouragement, assistance, and support in the long process of writing this book. At Berkeley, I had the great fortune to be surrounded by magnificent professors and dedicated mentors. First and foremost, my thanks go out to my dissertation adviser and academic taskmaster, Pedro Noguera. Pedro was my steadfast ally from the day I set foot on campus, and his boundless enthusiasm for knowledge and social change have made their indelible marks on my career. More specifically, I want to thank him for following me out into the parking lot after a 1996 California-wide educational reform conference at the Berkeley Marina Hotel, and personally talking me out of leaving my Ph.D. program. Pedro’s unquestioning confidence in me and his continuing friendship are responsible for much that I have achieved. It is no understatement to say that I could not have finished this book without him. My deepest appreciation also goes out to Caren Kaplan for taking so much of her precious time to work together with me throughout graduate school. Caren was my tireless supporter, providing encouragement but also pushing me to expand my intellectual boundaries. Her feministtheory class at Berkeley has the distinction of being the hardest class I took in all of my eleven years of higher education. The fascinating theoretical depths to which she brought me were the foundation of my own interest in Women’s Studies, and the driving force behind my interest in gender and economic transition in Eastern Europe. But Caren’s influence on my development goes beyond the example she set as an incredible scholar; she is also one of the most amazing women I have ever known. Despite the plethora of academic and personal commitments she had,

Caren was always there when her students needed her—fashionably dressed and in total control. My eternal gratitude is not enough to thank her for all the help she has given me over the years. I would also like to recognize Irene Tinker for being my mentor and friend. When I would venture too far into the world of theory, Irene would always drag me back into the world of practice. Irene and her work have been a huge inspiration to me, and I can never thank her enough for her insightful thoughts and comments on my research. I am deeply indebted to Carol Stack and Jean Lave for teaching me the craft of ethnography. In particular, I want to thank Carol for writing books that demonstrate just how beautiful academic writing can be. At Berkeley, I also want to express my appreciation to Barbara Voytek, Harley Shaiken, Manuel Castells, David Stern, Percy Hintzen, Gil Eyal, Alexei Yurchak, Althea Graham-Cummings, Gi Gi Lang, and Johan. In North America more generally, I want to thank Anton Allahar, Susan Gal, Gail Kligman, Lynn Bolles, Inderpal Grewal, Betty Olson, and Josephine Gussa for reading or commenting on various drafts of the manuscript. There were many phases of this project, and I am appreciative of the variety of organizations and institutions that provided funding in support of my research: The University of California, Berkeley, the Bulgarian-American Fulbright Commission, International Board on Research and Exchanges (irex), the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research, Bowdoin College, and the East European Studies Program at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. Also, I would like to acknowledge Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society for previously publishing an article which included portions of my conclusion. In Bulgaria, I would like to say blagodaria to Julia Stefanova, Katya, Iolanta, Anatassia, and all the sta√ at the Bulgarian-American Fulbright Commission in Sofia. I would also like to recognize former Ambassador Richard Miles and his wife, Sharon Miles, for their assistance with my research in the field. Merci as well to former Deputy Minister for Tourism Marianna Assenova, Professor Maria Vodenska at Sofia University, Julia Watkins at the American University in Blagoevgrad, Juliet Peeva at the Ministry of Economy, Todor Radev at Albena, Nedyalka Sandalska at Balkantourist (Multigroup), former Deputy Minister of Transportation x

acknowledgments

Velitchko Velitchkov, Andrei Filipov at A.V.L., Mira Yanova at mbmd Research, Anelia Atanassova at lgi, and former Central Committee sociologist Vassilka Velitchkova. I especially appreciate the support of the American University’s Sofia O≈ce and the sta√ there: Marianna, Evelina, Galya, Galina, and Stanimir. In Washington, d.c., I am grateful to Marty Sletzinger and Sabina Crisen in the East European Studies Program at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars for their generosity in supporting the preparation of the manuscript. Meredith Knepp deserves special mention for allowing me to bring my seven-month-old daughter to the Wilson Center as I made my first revisions. My two interns, Irena Crncevic and Laura Freschi, get special thanks for reading and proofing multiple drafts. At Bowdoin College, I want to thank my marvelous colleagues, especially Jennifer Scanlon, Rachel Connelly, Jane Knox-Voina, Pamela Ballinger, Page Herrlinger, Karin Clough, and Anne Cli√ord for putting up with my many bouts of insanity and my annoying tendency to talk too much about my work. Special thanks to Jen and Rachel for being so supportive of my research and for making Gender and Women’s Studies such a fabulous place to work. Their friendship and encouragement have been invaluable to me. And thanks to Anne for continuing to remind me about those ‘‘blue books’’ during each semester’s course registration period, and for all her help with my bibliography. This book could not have been written without the writing assistance I was lucky enough to get from Genevieve Creedon, who understands the passion of writing and has a brilliant career as an editor in front of her if she wants it. My deepest appreciation goes to Duke University Press and their brilliant sta√, especially Christine Dahlin, Courtney Berger, and Justin Faerber. Most importantly, I want to acknowledge the guidance and support of Ken Wissoker, who helped me find my narrative voice and encouraged me to tell the stories of the ordinary tourism employees. Without his thoughtful guidance, this book would have been a useless jumble of jargon and academese. If the pantheon of Muses were reopened to new members, I would gladly break convention and nominate Ken as its first male demigod of creative inspiration. Additionally, I want to express my deepest appreciation to the two men that I suddenly lost in September 2001. To Atsushi Shiratori, my best acknowledgments

xi

friend and an unapologetic capitalist, whose spectacular life was cut short on September 11th, and to my father, Mehdi Ghodsee, who unexpectedly passed away two weeks later. So much of what I have done in my life, including this book, was driven by my desire to live up to their expectations of me. I’m crossing my fingers that they get book reviews in the afterlife. There are not enough synonyms for ‘‘thanks’’ in the English language to express how grateful I am to my hexagalactic partner in all things, Cosmonaut Filipov. Thanks for crashing my martini party and giving me a good reason to spend a lot of time in Bulgaria. Hugs and kisses to Tosca for keeping me company and sharing your healing nose with me when I needed it, and to Porthos for just being happy and dumb. Finally, thank you, thank you, thank you to Kristiana for being the most magical, joyful, and precious thing in my life. Mommy will have lots of time for your fairy dinner parties now.

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acknowledgments

Introduction

The sea breeze is salty and cooling. The operatic calls of the young men selling corn on the cob accompany the gru√ hums of jet skis and the percussive gushing and smashing of the Black Sea. Topless Western European girls lounge beside portly Russian grandmothers. Wild gangs of preteen boys overrun the shoreline, dribbling soccer balls through the sand castles built by naked squealing toddlers. There are more than five thousand people enjoying the glorious day on the narrow band of beach in the resort of Albena. The fine sands on the shore are similar to the soft, pale grains in Koh Samui or Antigua. But compared to the lush, tropical ambience of Thailand or the Caribbean, Bulgaria feels distinctly European. There are no palm trees, no thatched huts, and the local peddlers threading their way through the sun-worshipping tourists are paler-skinned and carefully covered with thick, white smears of waterproof sunscreen. Looking out toward the sea, you see the usual array of water-sport equipment found at any major beach resort—paragliders, water skis, and paddle boats. This could be Greece, Italy, or France, but a glance inland at the towering, cement hotels—monolithic pillars of totalitarian architecture—betrays the landscape’s communist past. Few people outside of Europe think of Bulgaria as a tourist destination, but German, British, French, and Scandinavian visitors have been descending on the country en masse since the mid-1960s. In addition to its pristine beaches, Bulgaria is blessed with four mountain ranges, including the Balkan Mountains after which the entire peninsula is named. The other three ranges are home to international ski resorts that attract winter holidaymakers from across the continent. Bulgaria is also well

known among spa enthusiasts—the plentitude and variety of its mineral waters draw international visitors for both medicinal and recreational tourism. But it is the resorts on the country’s eastern coastline that are the biggest lure, comparable to but cheaper than Spain or Turkey for the cognoscenti among European tourists on a budget. Of the five major resorts at the seaside, Albena is one of the most breathtaking. Its treecovered hillsides and purplish cli√s slope sharply down to the blue-green waters of the Black Sea. On the top floor of the tallest hotel in the center of Albena, Desislava is just finishing the lunch shift.∞ She wipes her hands on her apron before she taps a cigarette out of the pack and sits down by a window to smoke. Her dyed orange-reddish hair falls in curls to her shoulders. A stripe of chocolate-brown roots runs from her forehead toward the crown of her head. Her ever-so-slightly angled eyes are rimmed with fine wrinkles that fold up when she inhales. She holds the cigarette lightly between her index and middle fingers. Her fingernails are carefully manicured. From the Panorama Restaurant she can see the entire resort through the floorto-ceiling windows. ‘‘So much has changed since 1989,’’ she starts. ‘‘And so much has stayed the same.’’ Desislava, or Desi for short, is remarkably qualified to be a waitress. She has the equivalent of a master’s degree in English philology, and she speaks four languages in addition to her native Bulgarian. She has been working in Albena for over twenty years. When she first graduated from the university before the collapse of communism, there was nothing in the world she wanted more than to work in one of the international tourist resorts on the seaside. Her fortunate assignment to Albena made her the envy of her friends and classmates. For all her loyalty and perseverance over the years, she expected nothing less than to be one of the lucky few assigned to the Panorama Restaurant. She tells me that she has earned her position. Even today, more than ten years after the onset of socalled ‘‘free markets,’’ Desi is proud to work in tourism. There is no other job that she would rather do. In the nearby city of Varna, a young woman named Svetla is the top student in her class at the German language secondary school. She has decided, against the advice of her parents, to sit for the university entrance exam in tourism. The exam requires the mastery of a minimum of 2

the red riviera

two foreign languages, and Svetla’s mother is afraid that the program is too competitive. Her father wants her to sit for an easier exam like law or medicine. But Svetla is committed to tourism. She knows that the best way to get a job in the Golden Sands resort is to graduate with a tourism degree, and she is willing to study an extra four or five hours a day to perfect her French before the exam. Her dream is to be a receptionist and to someday become the manager of her own hotel. The high demand for and prestige of tourism employment in Bulgaria may seem at odds with common perceptions about the undesirability of work in the sector in advanced industrialized economies. But Desi, Svetla, and many other Bulgarians like them are responding to the particular history of Bulgarian tourism, which sets it apart from tourism sectors across the globe. This small Southeastern European country was one of the only places in the world to develop tourism under the direction of central planners during a communist era. Totalitarian tourism in Bulgaria was organized with reference to capitalist models, but independent of the dictates of supply and demand and liberated from the profit constraints of free-market competition. The peculiarities of its socialist development made employment in the sector exceptionally prestigious, and the internal dynamics of communist gender politics meant that it was Bulgarian women who worked the lion’s share of these exclusive jobs. Bulgaria’s sudden insertion into global capitalism after 1989 drastically reshaped the Bulgarian economy. As the country’s once vibrant industrial sector began to collapse, tourism emerged as one of the key powerhouses of the postsocialist economy. Representing at least 10 percent of Bulgaria’s gross domestic product, tourism became the nation’s largest generator of foreign exchange. Most importantly, tourism was one of the few sectors that continued to expand despite the onset of privatization and marketization. Tourism was labor-intensive—at a time when jobs in the formal economy were disappearing, employment in the sector grew. Yet despite high unemployment rates for men, fierce competition for jobs, and a general erosion in women’s formal employment prospects after the onset of capitalism, Bulgarian women continued to dominate the sector even at the highest levels of management. This is the story of the development and transformation of the Bulgarian tourism sector during both the communist and postcommunist introduction

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