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THE POWER OF MONEY
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THE POWER OF MONEY Coinage and Politics in the Athenian Empire THOMAS FIGUEIRA
PENN
University of Pennsylvania Press Philadelphia
Copyright © 1998 University of Pennsylvania Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Published by University of Pennsylvania Press Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104-4011 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Figueira, ThomasJ. The power of money: coinage and politics in the Athenian Empire / by Thomas Figueira. p. em. Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ISBN 0-8122-3441-3 (alk. paper) 1. Coinage-Political aspects-Greece-Athens-History. 2. Monetary policy-Greece-Athens-History. 3. Greece-History-Athenian supremacy, 479-431 B.C. 4. Athens (Greece)-Politics and government. I. Title. CJ459A8F54 1998 737'.4938'5-dc21 97-50265 CIP
This work is dedicated to the memory of Dorothy Gentile Fields, my maternal aunt and godmother, whose love helped sustain me through forty-five years of my life. Born in New York City of immigrant parents, Dolly did not have the opportunity to attend college during the Depression years. Exploiting her natural wit and a civility and urbanity that were once the hallmark of the true Manhattanite, she enjoyed a varied, successful career in entertainment and the media (along with raising two sons). At different times, she pioneered in the earliest days of live television, was a TV casting director, represented actors as a talent agent, was a producer in radio, produced a playoff-Broadway, worked on Broadway, and wrote plays and scripts. Her grace, glamor, and supple humor enchanted one little boy, born in a furnished room in Washington Heights, whom she once carried out of a smoky building into the night.
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CONTENTS ix xi xvii
LIST OF TABLES •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
INTRODUCTION:
•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
GENESIS AND ORGANIZATION
PART I: NUMISMATIC EVIDENCE
FOR MONETARY POLICY
CHAPTER
1: NUMISMATIC BASICS AND HOARD EVIDENCE •••••••••••• 2: CURTAILMENT OF ALLIED MINTING ••••••••••••••••••• 3: ELECTRUM MINTS •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 4: MINTS IN CONTINUOUS OPERATION •••••••••••••••••• 5: THE MINTS OF THE AUTONOMOUS ALLIES •••••••••••• 6: WAS MINTING SILVER EVER PROHIBITED? •••••••••••
CHAPTER
7:
CHAPTER CHAPTER CHAPTER CHAPTER CHAPTER
THE ATTIC MINT AND MONETARY
PART II: LITERARY EVIDENCE CHAPTER
8:
CHAPTER CHAPTER CHAPTER
21 49 92 110 150 175 180
OUTPUT •••••••••••
FOR MONETARY POLICY
THE LITERARY EVIDENCE
PART III: MONETARY
1
•••••••••••••••••••••••••
201
••••••••••••••••••••••••••
POLICY IN HISTORICAL
CONTEXT
9: CONTEXTS FOR MONETARY POLICY •••••••••••••••••• 10: TRIBUTE AND MONETARY POLICY •••••••••••••••••• 11: METROLOGICAL CONSOLIDATION •••••••••••••••••••
PART IV: EPIGRAPHICAL CHAPTER CHAPTER CHAPTER CHAPTER CHAPTER CHAPTER COINAGE
EVIDENCE FOR MONETARY
POLICY
12: THE COINAGE DECREE: PART I •••••••••••••••••••• 13: THE COINAGE DECREE: PART 11 14: THE COINAGE DECREE: PART III •••••••••••••••••• 15: THE COINAGE DECREE: PART IV AND CONCLUSION 16: IG 13 90 AND MONETARY LEGISLATION •••••••••••••• 17: THE DATING AND THE INSCRIPTION OF THE DECREE
219 259 296
••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
••
319 353 380 411 424 431
PART V: SYNfHESIS CHAPTER CHAPTER
18: 19:
MONETARY INTEGRATION HEGEMONY
•••••••••••••••••••••••••
469
AND MONETARY DISINTEGRATION:
THE HOME FRONT .•••••••••••••.•••••••••••••••••••••••••••
496
CONTENTS
Vlll
CHAPTER CHAPTER CHAPTER
20: 21: 22:
MONETARY APPENDIX:
IMITATIONS OF ATTIC THE COINAGE
LAw OF 375/4
FINAL THOUGHTS: POLICY
HEGEMONY
COINAGE
528 536
AND
548
•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
ATHENIAN ALLIES:
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
COINS •••••••••••••••••••••••
AND TRIBUTE
••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
••••••••••••••
563 599
INDEX LOCORUM ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
609
GENERAL
617
INDEX ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
TABLES TABLE 1.1: Mid-Century Ionian Hoards 44 TABLE 2.1: Tribute Payments and Monetary Activity 54-55 TABLE 2.2: Monetary Activity of Allied Cities 84-87 TABLE 2.3: Initiation and Cessation of Allied Coining 88-91 TABLE 3.1: Category VI: Electrum Coiners 93 TABLE 4.1: Category VII: Continuous Minters 111 TABLE 7.1: The Production of the Athenian Mint . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 188 TABLE 7.2: The Production of Selected Allied Mints 191-92 TABLE 10.1: Some Unconventional Assessments and Payments in Hellespontine Tribute 276 TABLE 10.2: Some Unconventional Assessments and Payments in Carian Tribute 280-81 TABLE 10.3: Other Unconventional Assessments and Payments 286-87 TABLE 12.1: Epigraphical Variants 327 TABLE 18.1: The Decline of Silver Mints on Important Standards among Athenian Allies 477 TABLE 18.2: Minting and Level of Assessment 482 TABLE 19.1: Gold Dedications and the Gold to Silver Ratio 513 TABLE 19.2: The Value of the Cyzicene Stater 514 COMPOSITE TEXT OFCOINAGEDECREE,BASEDONIG 13 1543
324-25
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ABBREVIATIONS BIBLIOGRAPHICAL
ABBREVIATIONS
ATL = B.D. Meritt, H.T. Wade-Gery, and M.E McGregor, TheAthenianTribute Lists, 4 vols. (Princeton 1939-1953) Babelon E. Babelon, TraiMdesmonnaiesgrecqueset romaines(Paris 1901-1933) BGU =AegyptischeUrkundenausdenkoeniglichen Museenz,uBerlin:Griechische Urkunden (Berlin 1895-1912) CAH2 = The Cambridge AncientHistory(Cambridge 1970-) Cavaignac, Etudes = E. Cavaignac, Etudessur l'histoirefinanciered'Athenesau ve siecle(Paris 1908) CH = CoinHoards(London 1975-) Coinageand Administration= I. Carradice (ed.), Coinageand Administrationin the AthenianandPersianEmpires(Oxford 1987) CPG E.L. von Leutsch and EG. Schneidewin, CorpusParoemiographicorum Graecorum, 2 vo1s. (Gottingen 1839-1851) Erxleben AjP= E. Erxleben, "Das Munzgesetz der delisch-attischen seebundes," Archivfi1rPapyrusforschung 19 (1969) 91-139,212; 20 (1970) 66-132; 21 (1971) 145-62 FD =FouillesdeDelphes,Ecole francaise d'Athenes FGH = F.Jacoby, Die FragmentedergriechischenHistoriker(Leiden 1923-1958) Figueira, Aegina=TJ. Figueira, Aegina:SocietyandEconomy(New York 1981/82) Figueira, Colonization= TJ. Figueira, Athens and Aigina in the Age of Imperial Colonization(Baltimore 1991) Figueira, Excursions= TJ. Figueira, Excursionsin EpichoricHistory: The Aiginetan Essays(Savage, MD 1993) Finley, "Classical Greece" = M.I. Finley, "Classical Greece," in Deuxieme Conflrenceinternationaled'histoireiconomique:Aix-en-Prooence1962 (Paris 1965) 11-35 Gaebler, Munzen = H. Gaebler, Die antikenMunzen vonMakedoniaund Paeoniain T. Wiegand (ed.), Die antikenMunzenNord-Griechenlands 3 (Berlin 1935) HCY = A.W. Gomme, A. Andrewes, and KJ. Dover, A HistoricalCommentaryto Thucydides,5 vols. (Oxford 1945-1981) Head'' =B.Y. Head, HistoricNummorum:A Manual ofGreekNumismatics2 (Oxford 1911) IC = M. Guarducci (ed.), InscriptionesCreticae,4 vols. (Rome 1935-1950) ID = F. Durrbach, P. Roussel, M. Launey (eds.), InscriptionsdeDelos(Academic des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres) (Paris 1926-1992)
=
=
ABBREVIATIONS
XlI
IErythrai = H. Engelmann and R. Merkelbach, Die Inschrften vonErythraiund Klaeomenai(Bonn 1972) IG = InscriptionesGraecae 12 = E Hiller von Gaertringen (ed.), Inscriptiones AtticaeEuclidisannaanteriores, editiominor(Berlin 1924) 13 = D.M. Lewis, (ed.), InscriptionesAtticaeEuclidisannaanteriores,editiotertia (Berlin 1981, 1994) 112 =J. Kirchner (ed.), Inscriptiones Graecae, II-III, i-iv, editio minor, Inscriptiones AtticaeEuclidisannaposteriores (Berlin 1913-1940) Argolidis(Berlin 1902) IV M. Frankel (ed.), Inscriptiones E Hiller von Gaertringen (ed.), Inscriptiones Epidauri,editiominor(Berlin Iv.l 1929) V.l = W. Kolbe (ed.), Inscriptiones LaconiaeetMesseniae(Berlin 1913) VII W. Dittenberger (ed.), Inscriptiones MegaridisetBoeotiae(Berlin 1892) Deli liberae(Berlin 1912) XI.2 =E Durrbach (ed.), Inscriptiones XII.I = E Hiller von Gaertringen (ed.), Inscriptiones Rhodi,Chalees,Carpathicum Saro,Casi (Berlin 1895) Lesbi,Nesi, Tenedi(Berlin 1890) XII.2 = G.R. Paton (ed.), Inscriptiones XII.5 = E Hiller von Gaertringen (ed.), InscriptionesCycladum(Berlin 1903, 1909) XII. 7 =J. Delamarre (ed.), InscriptionesAmorgiet insularumvicinarum(Berlin 1908) insularummarisThracici(Berlin 1909) XII.8 = C. Fredrich (ed.), Inscriptiones Euboeaeinsulae(Berlin 1915) XII.9 =E. Ziebarth (ed.), Inscriptiones XII Suppl. = E Hiller von Gaertringen (ed.), Supplementum (Berlin 1939) IGCH = M. Thompson, O. Merkholm, and C.M. Kraay (eds.), An Inventoryof GreekCoinHoards(New York 1973) = C. Koch, Volksbeschliissein Seebundenangelegenheiten: Das Koch, Volksbeschliisse Verfahrenrecht Athensim erstenattischenSeebund(Frankfurt am Main 1991) Kraay, ACGC = C.M. Kraay, Archaicand ClassicalGreekCoins(Berkeley and Los Angeles 1976) Kraay-MetkholmEssays= G. Le Rider, K.Jenkins, N. Waggoner, and U. WesterEssays:NumismaticStudiesin MemoryofC.M. Kraay mark (eds.), Kraay-Merkholm and O.Merkholm(Louvain-Ia-Neuve 1989) LSAG = L.H. Jeffery, The LocalScriptsofArchaicGreece(Oxford 1961); LSAG 2 = revised edition by A.W.Johnston (Oxford 1990) Mattingly, H.B.: The following articles will be cited according to abbreviated notation. "The Athenian Coinage Decree," Historia 10 (1961) 148-88 "Epigraphically the Twenties are Too Late ... ," BSA 65 (1970) 129-49 "Periclean Imperialism," in E. Badian (ed.), AncientSocietyandInstitutions(New York 1967) 193-223; reprinted in G. Wirth (ed.), Peri/desund seineZeit (Darmstadt 1979) 312-49
= =
=
ABBREVIATIONS
xiii
"The Protected Fund in the Athenian Coinage Decree (ATL D 14, par. 7f)," AJP 95 (1974) 280-85 "The Second Athenian Coinage Decree," Klio59 (1977) 83-100 "Coins and Amphoras-Chios, Samos and Thasos in the Fifth Century B.C.," JHS 101 (1981) 78-86 "The Athenian Coinage Decree and the Assertion of Empire," in Coinageand Administration,65-71 "Methodology in Fifth-Century History," EMC 7 (1988) 321-28 Meiggs =R. Meiggs, TheAthenianEmpire(Oxford 1972) Meiggs-Lewis = R. Meiggs and D. Lewis, A SelectionofGreekHistoricalInscriptions to theEnd of theFifth CenturyB. C. (Oxford 1969; 2nd edition 1988) OGIS =W. Dittenberger, OrientisGraeciInscriptiones Selectae(Leipzig 1903-1905) PA = J. Kirchner, Prosopographia Attica (Berlin 1901-1903) P'Iebt. B.P. Grenfell, A.S. Hunt, and J.G. Smyly (eds.), The TebtunisPapyri (London 1902) RCair.Zen. = CatalogueGeneraldes antiquitesegyptiennesdu Musie du Caire:Zenon Papyri(Cairo 1925-1940) PCG = R. Kassel and C. Austin, PoetaeComiciGraeci(Berlin/New York 19891995) Rhodes, CAAP = PJ. Rhodes, A Commentaryon theAristotelianAthenaionPoliteia (Oxford 1981) Robinson E.S.G. Robinson, "The Athenian Coinage Decree and the Coinages of the Allies," in Commemorative Studiesin Honorof TheodoreLeslieShear,Hesperia Suppl. 8 (1949) 324-40 Schoenhammer = M.O. Schoenhammer, CoinageandEmpire:TheAthenianStandardsDecreeofthe5th Cent.B.C. (Diss. City University of New York 1995) Schuller, Herrschafl= W. Schuller, Die Herrschaflder Athener im ErstenAttischen Seebund(Berlin 1974) SEG =Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum.Vols. 1-25: J.J.Hondius (ed.), Leiden 1923-1971; Vols. 26-38: R. Stroud and H. Pleket (eds.), Leiden 1976-1988 Segre = M. Segre, "La legge Ateniese sull' unificazione della moneta," ClRh 9 (1938) 149(151)-78 SIG 3 =W. Dittenberger, SyllogeInscriptionumGraecarum, 3rd ed., 1915 SNG SyllogeNummorumGraecorum desAltertums:Zweiter SVA2 2 = H. Bengtson with R. Werner, Die Staatsuertrdge Band: Die vertragedergtiechisch-romischen J#lt von 700 his 338 v. Chr. (Munich 1962) SVA2 3 =H.H. Schmitt, DieStaatstertrdge desAltertums:DritterBand:Die vertrage der J#lt von338 bis200 v. Chr.(Munich 1969) griechisch-romischen Tod, GHI = M.N. Tod, A Selectionof GreekHistoricalInscriptions,2 vols. (Oxford 1933-1948)
=
=
=
ABBREVIATIONS
XIV
ABBREVIATIONS OF PERIODICALS
AA =Archiiologischer Anzeiger AAA 'APXCXlOAOYlXCt 'AVaA€X';CX t~ 'AOy)vwv AAWW Anzeigerder Osterreichischen Akademieder Wissenschaflen in Wzen,Philos.Hist. Klasse AC =L''antiquiuclassique
=
=
=
AD 'APXCXlOAOYlXOV ~€A"ttov AE = 'APXCXlOAOYLX~ 'EepY)~€pt~
Aevum= Aevum.Rassegnadi scienzestoriche,linguistiche efilologiche AjP = Archivflir Papyrusforschung ARB = AncientHistoryBulletin AIIN = Atti dell'istitutoitalianodi numismatica AJA = AmericanJournalofArchaeology AJAR =AmericanJournalofAncientHistory AJN = AmericanJournalofNumismatics AJP = AmericanJournalofPhilology AM =MitteilungendesDeutschenArchdologischen Instituts,Athenische Abteilung Annales Annales.Economic,societes,civilisations ANSMN =AmericanNumismaticSocietyMuseumNotes Ant] = TheAntiquariesJournal:BeingtheJournaloftheSocietyofAntiquariesofLondon ASNP = AnnalidellascuolaNormaleSuperiore di Pisa,Cl.di Letteree Filosophia BAB =Bulletindela classedesLettresdel'AcademieRoyaledeBelgique BCH =Bulletindecorrespondance hellenique BE =Bulletinepigraphique BICS = BulletinoftheInstituteofClassicalStudiesoftheUnioersity ofLondon BSA =AnnualoftheBritishSchoolatAthens BSFN = Bulletindela societe francoisedenumismatique C & M = ClassicaetMediaevalia.Revuedanoised'HistoireetdePhilologie CA = ClassicalAntiquity Cahiers Cahiersdu Centred'EtudesChypriotes CENB = Cercled'itudesnumismatiques, Bulletin flir alte Geschichte und Epigraphikdes Chiron= Chiron. MitteilungenderKommission Deutschen Archiiologischen Instituts ClRh = ClaraRhodos CP = ClassicalPhilology Co., = ClassicalQyarterly CR = ClassicalReview CRAI = Comptesrendus,AcademiedesInscriptions& Belles-Lettres(Paris) CSCA = CaliforniaStudiesin ClassicalAntiqui~ DialArch= Dialoghidi archeologia DL =DeutscheLiteraturzeitung EHR = TheEconomicHistoryReview Eirene= Eirene.Studiagraecaet latina
=
=
ABBREVIATIONS
xv
=
EMC Echosdu mondeclassiquelClassicalVzews Gac.Num= Gacetanumismdtica[Barcelona] Gnomon Gnomon.KritischeZeitschriflflir diegesamteklassischeAltertumswissenschafl G & R = GreeceandRome GRBS = Greek,RomanandByzantineStudies Historia= Historia.Zeitschriflfiir alteGeschichte leN = InternationalCongressof Numismaticsor InternationalNumismatic Congress, Proceedings Instituts JdI JahrbuchdesDeutschenArchiiologischen JEA = TheJournalofEgyptianArchaeology JHS = JournalofHellenicStudies J IAN = Journalinternationald'archiologienumismatique JNG =Jahrbuchflir Numismatikund Geldgeschichte JOAI =Jahreshe.fte desOsterreichischen Archdologisches Instituts Klio = Klio.Beitragesur altenGeschichte KSIA = KratkiJeSoobiienijaInst.Akad.Nauk SSSR, Moskva Lactor=PublicationoftheLondonAssociationofClassicalTeachers XpOVLXcX. Ke:t~e:vex xnl ~e:At'texL 't~ ~
tr:'
Periods
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
No. of tributaries
152
172
148
173
71
164
99
121
75.3420
68.2860
53.5000
61.3210
29.3320
59.2370
37.2431
106.2040
100(66%)
102 (59%)
91 (61%)
101 (58%)
41 (58%)
101 (62%)
57 (58%)
89 (74%)
Trib.%
19%
17%
17%
16%
17%
17%
16%
20%
1+11
98.1760
93.4560
62.1500
83.5170
37.3320
88.3470
59.1331
107.2940
109(72%)
III
99(67%)
110(64%)
44(62%)
109(66%)
62 (63%)
91 (75%)
25%
23%
20%
21%
21%
25%
25%
20%
51.3000
46.5840
28.5000
31.2000
4
36.3000
15.1000
53.1500 8(7%)
Trib.% IlIA
(65%)
8 (50/0)
10(6%)
9(6%)
11(6%)
2(3%)
10(6%)
6 (6%)
1+11+
149.4760
140.4400
91.0500
115.1170
41.3320
125.0470
74.2311
160.4440
IlIA
117(77%)
121 (700/0)
108 (73%)
121 (70%)
46 (65%)
119(73%)
68(69%)
99 (82%)
38%
34%
29%
29%
35%
32%
30%
29.2320
51.2200
30.5200
46.4480
23% 15.1180
27.4180
25.3280
65
8(5%)
12(7%)
8(5%)
12(7%)
8(11%)
11 (7%)
8(8%)
5(4%)
32.1290
36.4{)00
32.4315
37.1000
22
43
18.5000
35
7 (5°k)
8 (5%)
9(6%)
9(5%)
3(4%)
9(5%)
5(5%)
3(2%)
113.0610
135.0040
92.2515
115.1480
4{).1180
107.1180
59.3280
153.1500
23 (150/0)
30 (17%)
26 (180/0)
32 (180/0)
13 (18%)
30 (18%)
19 (19%)
16 (13%)
Trib. % IIIB
I1IC III A-IIIC
~
!'? 0
c:: ~ )= ...... ~
~
tr:'
Z
~
0
~
> e-
e...... tr:' ~
~ ......
~ ......
Z 0
1+11+
222.2370
228.4600
154.4015
199.0650
77.4500
195.4650
121.4611
122 (80%)
141 (82%)
125 (84%)
142 (82%)
57 (80%)
139 (85%)
81 (82%)
107 (88%)
Trib. %
56%
55%
50%
50%
55%
52%
49%
IVA
21.4000
14.4000
20.0200
18.5200
43% 10
29.3000
2.1000
6
8(5%)
8(5%)
4(3%)
7(4%)
3(4%)
7(4%)
3(3%)
1(1%)
13.3500
11.1000
10.4{)00
11.2000
6.1000
3.1000
6.1500
24.0500
7 (5%)
5(3%)
6(4%)
7(4%)
3(4%)
5 (3%)
5(5%)
3(2%)
41.3010
48.5#0
15
32
6
24
28.1000
4{}
5(3%)
6(3%)
2(1%)
5(3%)
1(1%)
4(2%)
3(3%)
4(3%)
76.4510
74.4#0
45.4200
62.1200
22.1000
56.4000
36.3500
70.0500
20 (130/0)
19(11%)
12(8%)
19(11%)
7(10%)
16(10%)
11 (11%)
8(7%)
Trib.%
19%
18%
14%
16%
12%
16%
17%
I-IV
299.1180
303.3040
261.1850
99.5500
252.2650
158.2111
Z
200.2215
13% 330.4950
142 (93%)
160 (93%)
137 (93%)
161 (93%)
64(90%)
155 (95%)
92 (93%)
115(95%)
Trib. %
75% 3
73% 3
63% 30
66%
71%
Z ..0
30
68% 30
63%
30
56% 30
1 (10/0)
1(1%)
1(1%)
1(1%)
1(1%)
1(1%)
1(1%)
1(1%)
15
15.4320
1.5250
23
9
9
21
20
2 (1%)
3(2%)
1(1%)
3(2%)
1(1%)
1(1%)
2(2%)
1(1%)
43.3000
43.3000
52
42
0
27.3000
0
2
3 (2%)
3 (2%)
4(3%)
3(2%)
0(0%)
3(2%)
0(0%)
1(1%)
~
36.3000
48.3000
34.3000
38.3000
40
36
24
116
Z
III
IVB
rvc IV A-rvc
V VI VIlA VIIB VII A+B Trib.%
I-VII
260.#40
60
4 (3%)
5(3%)
5(3%)
5(3%)
5(7%)
4(2%)
4(4%)
3(2%)
80
92
86.3000
80.3000
40
63.3000
24
118
7 (5%)
8(5%)
9(6%)
8(5%)
5(7%)
7(4%)
4(4%)
4(3%)
20% 398.1180
22% 414.1360
27%
20%
10%
22%
394.4850
22% 178.5500
18%
317.5215
354.5650
233.2111
528.4950
152
172
148
173
71
164-
99
121
~ ~
Z
~ ~
Z ..0 Z
0 Z
~ ~
~ ~
~ t:'
r!:%j 0 > e!:%j
t:'
!:%j
~
c.n c.n
56
CHAPTER 2: CURTAILMENT OF ALLIED MINTING
activity that was regularly and (one assumes) legally transacted in Athenian coins were all vastly greater during the height of the arkhl. In the traditional interpretation of the Coinage Decree, the existence of these noncoiners has not received its due emphasis. To be sure, these cities never had mints to close down or to be closed down, but concomitantly they did not inaugurate coining during the Pentekontaeteia. A significant number of these states did indeed coin in silver and/or bronze after the period of the arkhl. As many as fifty of these states may have coined at some juncture in their later history. While it is hard to come to global judgments about the motivations to coin or not, the creation of a large political entity, the Delian alliance, arguably helped to integrate monetary usage in these states by virtue of one dominating political circumstance, the payment of the annual phorosto Athens and Athenian expenditure of phoros.In many places, the advantage of employing Attic coins and perhaps the coins of other allied mints of regional significance inhibited any motivation toward inaugurating a local coinage. The disinclination to coin is especially conspicuous in those cities that minted after the fall of the arkhi. Although it is not an absolute certainty that these allies were all using Athenian money locally, it is important to stress that it cannot have been the case that sovereignty or administrative provision barred the acceptance of foreign money, such as the Attic owls, in their local markets and for the payment of taxes, because there was no local money to be privileged. It is overwhelmingly likely that among the other currencies in usage in many of these allied cities Athenian coins held a recognized place as tender accepted as appropriate by enactment or custom. As will be seen below, the greater availability of Attic coin in comparison to other currencies promoted its use. Even if some smaller places without their own money used the coins of larger neighbors with some frequency, in some cases possibly from a time before the inauguration of the alliance (c£ pp. 476-81 below), their failure to mint is still significant for the role of Attic coins. The common usage of a few international or regional currencies is a manifestation of consolidation of monies and, in particular, much simplified the process of conversion into Attic money. 16 The issue of an officially recognized standing for Attic coins in allied cities-its status as legal tender-has been skirted above in favor of terms such as "legitimacy," "validity," "currency," and "utility" because one must not generalize to many cases without specific evidence. The legal 16 Cf. Finley, "Classical Greece" 24, who notes that collection of tribute and payment of Athenians and armies abroad discouraged allied minting. See below pp. 260-73.
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status of coins was a legitimate and regular legislative concern that was addressed in lawmaking that exhibits a varying degree of exclusivity. Our thin dossier of material does provide one important example of the legislation of a monopoly of the state currency. In a decree of Olbia usually dated to the middle of the fourth century, it is mandated that all business be conducted in Olbian silver and bronze (SIG3 218). Such a provision clearly represents the highest degree of privilege that may be accorded by a state to its own coins. A somewhat lesser level of recognition was involved at Athens, as evidenced by the law proposed by Nikophon of 375/4 (SEG 26.72; discussed at length below, pp. 536-47). Here it is clear from the scrutiny of coins by a public slave (the dokimastes) in the bouleuterion that payment to the government was made in Attic coins (lines 4-8). Tellingly, it was also compulsory that sellers receive payment in Attic coin that had been approved by the dokimastls(lines 16-18). There is also, however, a suggestion here that the Athenian state did not interfere with transactions between private parties if they chose to use foreign coins or coins that were not approved (lines 8-10). As shall be seen below, there are some indications that foreign coins, particularly those of Aigina, Chios, and Kyzikos, were occasionally, but apparently legally, used at Athens in private business.l/ As we have just envisioned, other governments may have had greater difficulty than the Athenians in enforcing the rule that their own money had to be accepted by local transactors. There are many attestations of the term dokimos'approved' or 'valid' (and related words) as applied to coins (see pp. 398-400 below); most are literary but an early example is an archaic Eretrian inscription specifying the required medium for the paying offines (IG XII.9 1273). This terminology establishes that rules often existed that limited the types of coins that could be used in dealings with the government of a polis. In many cases, this limitation validated only the local coins, just as Nikophon's law documents for Athens. Similarly, when the Corinthians, who were dispatching a contingent of colonists to Epidamnos in 435, allowed volunteers unable to travel with the expedition to reserve a place by payment, they specified an obligation for tendering 50 Corinthian staters (Thuc. 1.27.1). Likewise, when fines are cited in numbers of staters in sixth- and fifth-century contexts, it is natural to assume that payment was required in the "standard coin" of the local coinage.l'' Some states will, 17 The restrictions or allowances for various coinages involved in the tribute system of the Delian League is a vitally important topic that will engage our attention below (pp. 273-95). 18 Chios: Meiggs-Lewis #8B.3 (575-50); Corcyra: Thuc. 3.70.4 (427); Erythrai: IErythrai #2A.l6-18, #2C.15-17 (pre-454); Thasos: SEG 18.347.5; IGXII Suppl. 347.1.3; cf. IGXII.8
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however, have accepted receipts in foreign coins. Among them must have been the aforesaid states that did not mint. They had to denote which foreign money or monies would be acceptable for paying taxes,19 unless one is prepared to grant that nonminting governments were ready to accept any coins of disparate origin and standard, a phenomenon that is in any case entirely unattested. In this eventuality, it would be also necessary to assume (improbably) that the disbursements of funds by such authorities were made in assorted currencies, presumably calculated by weight. The principle that tribute assessments are grounded in the ability to pay and are thus reflective of underlying economic output is for us a central insight. There are no low assessments found among the mints in category VII, the ones that are the best candidates for inclusion among those continuously minting a range of denominations for the duration of the arkhl. Even when we compare the minters of drachms and fractions in category IV with the nonminters in category I, the former are still visibly larger than the latter. Thus, it is likely that a majority of the states in the arkhl that never minted before the fall of Athens made their choice not to coin based solely on economic factors (such as difficulties in managing exchange or a lack of access to stocks of silver) and not by virtue of any Athenian legislation. The tendencies of small cities not to mint or to cease minting and of larger cities to maintain local coinages teaches the priority of economic factors over legislation in shaping the monetary history of the Attic hegemony. There has been a temptation to consider allied states that started coining during the duration of the arkhefrom the standpoint of what their experiences can tell us about the chronology of the Coinage Decree. A group of these states, however, bears a strong resemblence to those nonminters who began minting only after the dissolution of the arkhl. This point will become clearer on a consideration of specific examples, which are isolated in category II. In the first place, there is considerable doubt surrounding the initiation of minting activity by some of these states. Did they begin coining during the existence of the tribute system (that is, before 413) or even during the Attic hegemony? For example, SchonertGeiss, who has analyzed Byzantine money exhaustively is nonetheless 265.9; IG XII Suppl. 349A. 7. The elaborate regulations concerning the Thasian hieronof Herakles contain a number of such references: lines 8-10, 28, 34, 39, 40, 46. See H. Duchene, La steleduport: Fouillesdu Port I, Etudesthasiennes14 (Paris 1992). 19 Loans made to Arkesine on Amorgos indicate that this city accepted Attic coinage and secondarily the coinages of Alexander and of Demetrios: IG XII.7 69.21-23 (end of the fourth or beginning of the third century); IG XII.7 67B.53-57 (= SIG3 955; second century or later).
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in the minority opinion that the city began minting as early as 411. Moreover, a date after the end of Athenian hegemony was offered by Babelon for Lamponeia, Neandreia, Pitane, Pordoselene, Prokonnesos, and Tragilos. In this regard, the first firmly attested appearance of the coins of these mints in a dated hoard ought to be carefully reviewed: Aphytis (CH 8.83, "Thasos, 1984/85": 400-300; IGCH #472, '~phytis": 18565); Bottiaioi (IGCH #380, "Olynthus": 348); Byzantion (IGCH #716, "Thrace?, 1933-34": ca. 357; #723, "Thasos, 1953": 340-35; #1259. "Cilicia, before 1914": ca. 380); Elaia (a bronze coin in IGCH # 1227, "Lesbos?, 1936": fourth century?); Gargara (IGCH # 1229, "Troas": fourth century); Idyma (IGCH #1639, "Sakha": early fifth century;20 CH 5.17, "Caria": 375; IGCH #1289, "Mylasa": ca. 300); Lamponeia (no hoard evidence); Neandreia (IGCH #1188, "Troas": ca. 450); Pitane (no hoard evidence); Pordoselene/Nesos (IGCH #1227, "Lesbos": fourth century); Prokonnesos (no hoard evidence); Tragilos (no hoard evidence). Fixing the dates of inaugurations or resumptions of coining during the Peloponnesian War is notoriously difficult. As we shall see elsewhere, the tendency to date changes or innovations in minting to changes in allegiance to the Athenians has been overwhelming in evidentiary environments poor in other points of political demarcation. Here, the first date of coining for some of these states, specifically Aphytis, Byzantion, Spartolos, and Gargara, has been determined following the hypothesis of its contemporaneity with a "defection" from Athens. The impression garnered from the hoards is that some of this class of mints are fourthcentury; others may have started (fitfully or at a low level) during the Peloponnesian War at the earliest. Except for Byzantion, the scholarship on all these mints is quite outdated. I argue below (pp. 247-52) that the inauguration of minting ought not to be considered an indispensable (or even strongly contingent) concomitant of achieving autonomy. Therefore, the start of minting activity in some of these cases might have resulted from the severing of the connection with the tribute system and the weakening of the minter's integration into the economic system of the arkhe,at least as much as to any need to sever symbolic ties with the Athenians. Those who revolted from Athens had to protect themselves from Athenian counterattacks and sometimes from subversion by Atticizers, while the Spartans were not always dependable allies during the Ionian War in terms of expeditiously 20 The single coin ofIdyma in the Sakha hoard is argued to be a forgery or an insertion: Barron, The SilverCoinsofSamos (London 1966) 31.
J.P.
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coming to the aid of those they induced to rebel. The subvention and fiscal supervision of an independent military establishment sometimes required a reliable local stock of money. Hence, an initiation of coining for military reasons need not follow revolt all that closely. And there were corresponding economic or fiscal stresses caused by the Peloponnesian War for states that remained loyal to their alliance with the Athenians. War expenditures took a greater share of a decreased production of Athenian coins. So a decreased flow of Attic money was entering some allied local economies. Finally, the termination of Attic hegemony disrupted the modes of economic cooperation and the circulation of coins in ways that cannot be distinguished from those changes influenced by allegiance under stress, embattled defection, and military exigencies. Accordingly, throughout this work the placement of alterations in minting practices during the Peloponnesian War, and especially in its Ionian or Decelean phase (and even in the immediate aftermath of Athens' defeat), must always be read as tentative. As series of coins tend more often to be lowered than raised in their dating, some late fifth-century coining activity, over which numismatists would have political historians puzzle concerning its ramifications for Aegean hegemony, may belong in the posthegemonic fourth century. For one state among category II mints a judgment can be hazarded about the relationship of the initiation of minting and the city's allegience to Athens. Elaia has been considered a relatively early starter at coining compared to the other mints that were opened during the Attic hegemony. Its fractions are minted on the Attic standard and carry the head of Athena crowned with a garland of olive. Both features suggest an intention to produce a currency that was adapted to and complemented contemporary Attic issues, not one that hurled a gesture of defiance at Athenian hegemony. A local shortage of other coins and perhaps primarily Athenian silver is probably the cause for this initiation of coining. Unfortunately, the chronology for Elaian coinage is most obscure. All these matters considered, it is unlikely that the initiation of coining by these category II allies has any relationship at all to the existence, implementation, or chronology of a Coinage Decree that prohibited minting silver. In this determination, the fact that these states began to coin in drachms and fractions is also significant. In the standing interpretation of the Coinage Decree, the common phenomenon among the allies of minting only coins of drachm and lighter weight is puzzling, as a legislated Attic monopoly over silver coins in the alliance must have been as valid for fractions as for staters. The traditional hypothesis then ought to raise a chronological question about the moment of the
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passage of the legislation to which isjoined a political question about the adherence or resistance to it by the allies. Instead of these questions, the numismatic record of the category II cities prompts an investigation of the causes for an initiation of coining in drachms and fractions. That examination will quickly lead to the related exploration of why some mints ceased to coin except for drachms and fractions (cf pp. 72-75). Where coining only drachms and fractions is begun, some other currency must occupy the economic niche previously held by larger coins. That should normally be the same foreign currency utilized during the period of nonminting. The parallel switch from coining in a full range of denominations toward coining in drachms and fractions can be understood similarly, and is a process cognate with the gradual cessation of minting across the board (considered below).21 When a community restricted its minting to lighter coins, where local stater-weight coins had previously been issued, the economic roles for those heavier coins were probably not then occupied by local lighter issues. Moreover, a pattern of interchange must have existed where local drachms or fractions were used in the division of larger coins or to provide change. The alternative that coexisting coin series were never permitted to interact appears less likely. That Attic tetradrachms mainly served as the larger coins circulating in communities that stopped minting staters is suggested by a number of factors (to be discussed below), such as the prevalence of Attic tetradrachms and the scarcity of alternatives; the promotion of interaction with the Attic economy, the largest by far in the arkhe;and the facilitation of the payment of tribute. By analogy, the cities that began minting drachms and fractions only during the second half of the fifth century had previously recognized the validity of Attic tetradrachms. Once the decision had been made to begin minting smaller denominations, in principle no problem should have existed for the exchanges of monies necessitated by international trade or by the tribute system, since the larger denominations in local use were already in large part Attic coins. The special case of Byzantion underwrites this conclusion: the coexistence of an allied mint restricting its output to lighter coins and the Athenian mint supplying heavier coins to the local economy has nothing to do intrinsically with the "right" or "prerogative" of minting in silver (the focus of previous scholarly investigation). Byzantion differs from the other category II economies by virtue of its size. None of the other states in this group ever paid more than 3T of phoros,while the Byzantines paid as much as 18rr, 1,800 dr. Furthermore, Byzantion 21
Cf. Gardner ]HS (1913) 149, 181-82.
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lies relatively far from Attica. As we discover below, similarly distant comparable economies were usually active minters. This anomaly could be partially explained by the fact that the Byzantines may have employed taking them in taxes electrum coins, Cyzicene staters and Phocaic hectae, from the traders passing through the Bosporus.V Nevertheless, it is also likely that the famous iron money ofByzantion acted as a token currency in place offractional silver.23 The utilization of such coins uniquely at Byzantion was a product of special circumstances. Other poleisdid not have the same ability to impose a relatively valueless medium of exchange on those resorting to their port and market without risking the diversion of business to alternative locales that conducted retail transactions in fractional silver. Byzantion had a unique, unsubstitutable location in transportation between the Propontis and Black Sea, so that its iron currency did not create a major economic disadvantage. Yet, the Byzantines did not differ from those minting lighter silver denominations in their probable use of foreign heavier coins. Consequently, the Byzantines began to mint drachms and fractions, not because some Attic legal restriction was ended or made irrelevant, but because the war had changed the flow of foreign coins to them in ways that increasing the supply of iron money could not redress by itself. For one thing, it is probable that the military catastrophes suffered by the Athenians in the Ionian War lowered the merchant traffic through the straits, causing Byzantine collection of taxes in foreign coins to diminish. In our calculation of how much of the taxational activities (and the underlying economic activities) was conducted in terms of Attic and other panhellenic currencies, we can collapse category II, comprising initiators of drachm and fraction minting during the arkhe,into category I, the nonminting states (see Table 2.1, entry I + 11).This amalgamation gives us another estimate of the scale of allied economic output susceptible to transactions in Athenian money.
CESSATION OF MINTING DURING THE ARKHE The investigation why allied states stopped their minting activities during the lifetime of the arkheis necessarily complex, as these influences can 22 The fractional coinage of Kalkhedon, another Megarian colony across the straits in Asia, could have been used at Byzantion. Yet the coins appear too scanty to have had much of an impact on fiscal conditions, even if one could be sure that they were fifth-century. 23 Arist. Nubes249 with scholia 249a-c Holwerda; Strattis fro36 K = fro37, peG 7.640; Plato Com. fro96 K = fro103, peG 7.475-76 (from the Peisandros); Hesych. s.v. af.8