The Power of Gender and the Gender of Power: Explorations in Early Indian History 0198066767, 9780198066767

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NORTHVand, and they could be abandoned in case 1hey were dbrcspeaful o r drunken. 0 Besides the riji could put to death women who disobeyed 1hcir husbands or killed their children. 64 Perhaps more dfa:tiYC in practia:: were provisions permitting a man to be:u his wife, amongs1 01hers.6S Such a heating, wi1h a bamboo, rope, or hand, was pnmined 10 inculcue modest behaviour.~ SUnulrancously, dfons were made to win rhe suppon or women who were subordinated. This was sought to be ensured through the prescription orgiftsor ornaments, do1hes, and fuod on restive occasions" and ihrough the assur.u'ICC tha1 serving the husband, which was in any caslC their sole rccogn iz.cd duty,"' would result in the auainment or h~vt"n" or or 1he world mained by the husband (pariill!t.r). 1'1 A1 another level, women were aa;orded social rc.::ognirion o nly within che funilial oomext. This is evident from the prcscrip1ions reg.irding ihe modes o r addressing women and men. In 1he case or the furmer, provision was made fur addressing only kinswomen and the wives of odier men, whereas the latter could be addressed in terms or their prok:Mions,larning,andsoon. 11 The renric1ed roles assigned ro women within the framework of che hoUKhold were reinfurced through 1he prcscriprion or differential acoess to property. Six means or acquiring wealth (llirt.r) were recogniud for men. These included tldya or inheriQnCC, /Jbha or profit, ltruya or purchuc, jllJ"- o r victory, pTllJOKll or interaol on a loan, !t11nn.ryog11 or worir., and Slltpllriphaor 1he legitimate :u:ccpQnccorgifu. 71 Besides, ten means of subsistence (.jiwm.rhnv) were rccogni:ted, including learning, crafu., worki ng fur a wage, service, c:i.nle-rearing, u·:ide, agriculture, resolution (rit'J, begging for alms, and obtaining inicrcst. 73 As opposed to 1his, women were permitted to acqu ire wealth only through gifu made by dicir kinsfolk during their marriagc1~ and were not allowed to Hore wcah h without the permission or 1heir husband.7' While the AS is less explkir in restricting the aa;css of women to produc1 ivi: resources, the fut that it regards only the wives of herdsmen and sharecroppers as

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responsible for the debts incurred by their hwbands76 implicitly indicates that other women were denied acass to economic resources. Related to the attempt to rcsuict the access of women to property. we find that they were accorded only limited rights to intervene in disputes. This is apparent in the discussion on witnesses. Although women were permitted to give evidence in cases involving women,77 the worth of such evidence was bdittled on account of the fickle intellect attributed to even 'pure' women.78 It is likely that the AS reflects the grounds for discriminating against women more objectively, by recognizing that women who did not have husbands or sons could enter into valid contracts.79 Clearly, dependence on male kinsmen and not their alleged intellectual weaknesses, restricted the ability of women to intervene effcctivdy in economic relations. It is significant that the prescriptions outlined earlier were considered to be applicable to all women, irrespective of van:ia. Where exceptions were made, these normally related to women from non-agrarian groups. These included the wives of ndta/tas and cdral'}llS (actors and minsuels). relations with whom were not incorporated within the definition of adultery'° and who, along with the wives offishermen, hunters, cowherds, and sellers of liquor, were permitted to travd along with men. 81 The AS. with its perspective of globalizing state control, envisaged the incorporation of a range of other non-procreative women within the framework of the administration. This is evident from prescriptions to utiliu female ascetics as spies82 and in the suggestion regarding the employment of a range of women, including widows, virgins, ascetics, and a variety of prostitutes in spinning.83 It is also reflected in the elaborate discussion regarding the regulation of the lives of prostitutes.M Besides, the raja was expected to maintain women who were without children as wdl as the sons of others (who were probably destitute). 8S While these provisions rccogniud the existence of such women, they, at the same time, attempted to bring them within the purview of state control. To recapitulate briefly, the prescriptive literature of the period reflects a concern with establishing property rights in women, through laying down 'proper' marital norms and punishing violations of these as wdl as through systematic attempts to rcsuict women to a subordinate role within the household. The functions legitimately assigned to them included procreation and household chores, in both of which their roles were devalued. While the existence of other kinds of women was rccogniud, they were not of cenual concern.

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The notion of women as property or as instruments of procreation was, in itself. not new. A similar understanding is evident in the earlier Dharma Siitras as well. What was new, however, was an attempt to buttress this notion through a range of prescriptions that focused on regulating the day-to-day lives of women. It is likdy that these were related to efforts to lend substance to earlier, more general, prescriptions. The need to substantiate and enforce the subordination of women of vinually all social categories, reflected in the prescriptions discussed above, was probably related to the context outlined earlier, a context in which agricultural labour acquired new importance. Men who were either attempting to benefit from or to cope with the new demands on agricultural produce were thus offered certain possibilities in prescriptive literature--possibilities that centred on systematically claiming control over women's procreative abilities and domestic labour. The focus on converting women into instruments of procreation and social reproduction was also useful from another perspective. The other possibility of increasing agricultural production was through extending the area under cultivation. Apart from the fact that this in itsdf required labour, it probably also contained possibilities of sharpening socioeconomic tensions and conflicts within the agrarian structUrc, which was already differentiated. In such a situation, opening the question of the basis of claims to land was clearly problematic. The focus on women, moreover, permitted all classes of men to share a sense of ownership. It thus permitted the building up of an ideology of common interests among men. This in turn made it possible to incorporate men belonging to different socio-economic categories within the economic and political networks that were dcvdoping. In other words, the attempts to exercise dfcctivc control over women were linked to the processes whereby town and country were coming closer together. · RESISTANCE, COMPLICITY, COMPLIANCE?

If the prescriptive literature reflects an attempt to cope with and direct socio-economic processes, and is useful in focusing on questions which were central to the changes that were taking place, the problem of assessing their effectiveness remains. The problem has, in fact, two dimcnsions--that of assessing the extent to which the issues accorded centrality in prescriptive literature were actually perceived as such by chose towards whom the prescriptions were directed, and of assessing the effectiveness of the prescriptions themselves. Herc we will explore

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both facctS of the problem by examining the evidence from more or less contemporary non-prescriptive sources from the region-the ]dlaltaJO and the inscriptions of Machuca, one of the major political, economic, and cultural centres during the period under consideration. The ]ataltas are particularly useful in enabling us to assess the significance ofthe issues identified as central, from a different perspective. The stories, while used as a means of propagating Buddhism, had, in order to be effective, to focus on themes.which would catch the popular imagination, and with which people could identify easily. Hence the themes selected as well as their treatment, acquire a cenain relevance. Slightly less than half of the 500 and odd ]ataka stories deal, either directly or indirectly87 with the rdationship between men and women. As opposed to this, other social relationships, such as those between men of different socio-economic strata, were relativdy less frequently represented. The centrality assigned to the relationship between the sexes is thus obvious, and probably reflects a perception of the popular concern with the issue. As important arc the aspects of the relationship which were focused on. Perhaps the commonest of these is what was perceived as the insatiable sexual appetite of women, manifest in over 70 stories of seduction and adultery. The women protagonists in such stories ranged from slave women,88 to queens89 and wives ofbrihlllal)as,90 and young9 1 as well as old women.92 This culminates in the view that women are like the earth, bearing fruit indiscriminately for good and bad men.93 A second, though far less popular, theme related to the irrational desires of women or female animals, often for objects such as the heart of the Bodhisana, fulfilling which was potentially or actually disastrous for their husbands.94 Underlying both these themes was an understanding remarkably similar to that evidenced in prescriptive literature. This would suggest that the notion of women as dangerous and requiring or deserving to be controlled, was fairly widespread. Stories of'good' women are, by contrast, relatively few (less than forty). In these stories, the woman's goodness hinges on chastity,95 or servility to the husband, 96 and, occasionally on generosity97 or wisdom. 98 The last two virtues were conceived of within the framework of Buddhism and were typically exemplified in generosity to monks or in the acceptance of the doctrine. Thus, by and large, the stories reveal a preoc.cuparion with maintaining the 'proper' household pattern, and reflect the conflicts this effort engendered. In other words, it is clear that the problems that were

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addressed in prescriptive literature, and the solutions proposed, were fairly similar to the popular understanding of the situation. On the face of it, the post-Mauryan inscriptions from Mathura reflect an.alternative perspective. To start with, the very fact that numerous women were listed among the donors suggests that such women were in a position to make independent decisions regarding the disposal of economic resources. Besides, women and men donors are more or less evenly balanced in terms of numbers. This in itself may be taken to be illustrative of a fairly egalitarian situation. However, the contrast between the genders becomes obvious when one compares the means of identification employed by men and women. In the case of the former identification in terms of occupation" or paternity100 were common. The occupations or professions listed included those of monies,101 irqthins, 102 servants103 and blacksmiths, 104 as wdl as officials10s and householders. 106 Less commonly, gotra identifications in the form of metronymics such as Yacchiputra107 were used. Women, on the other hand, were almost invariably identified in terms of kinship ties, the most common being the identification as wife 108 of a man. Other terms of identification were as daughters of men, 1 as daughters-in-law of men, 110 and, less commonly, as mothers111 or as nuns. 112 What is significant is that women were by and large located within the framework of the patrilineal kinship strucrure whose maintenance and perpetuation was a central concern of prescriptive literature. The fact that identifications in terms of the patrilineal kinship suucture were not challenged, and that only a few alternative possibilities were available or utilized indicates that the socio-economic structure envisaged in prescriptive literature had a certain validity. This is all the more striking when one considers that most of the inscriptions record donations to Jain, and, to a lesser extent, Buddhist institutions, which were basically non-Brahmanical, unlike prescriptive literature. Thus, the inscriptions illustrate, in a sense, the implications of contemporary political and economic changes for women. On the one hand, the new urbanization, associated with the ideology of heterodox faiths, offered women opportunities of sdf-cxprcssion which were not available earlier. At the same time, the pressures generated by and reflected in the development of the urban economy were probably responsible for sharpening the differences between the sexes within the household. It is evident then that the economic and political developments in north India in the post-Mauryan period, exemplified in the growth of

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urban centres and regional states, was accompanied bya growing emphasis on access related to women and their procreative powers and domestic labour. This was attempted, and probably achieved, by systematically objectifying women and restricting them to the domestic sphere. This may have been important for men of different socio-economic strata for different reasons-for the poorest agricultural labourer, the physical labour of his wife was probably as significant as her procreative powers, whereas for the gramika, at the other end of the scale, the domestic labour or the supervision provided by the wife may have been more valuable. At the same rime, a common interest in keeping women subordinate provided an ideological basis for uniting men across a range of socio-economic differences. Thw, in the given socio-political context, attempts to intensify agricultural production for exchange probably accelerated the process of gender stratification. While this may have been resisted on an individual basis, as is evident from continuow efforts to handle the 'dangerous female' through prescriptions and stories, the process itself could not be reversed. In &ct, the growing interaction between rural and urban economics not only generated pressures for gender stratification, but also probably provided for its more effective enforcement through the development of closer communication networks between rural and urban centres. Thus, the process of generating agricultural production for exchange probably sharpened gender-based differences within agrarian households. In other words, the prosperity of urban centres and the changes in the rural hinterland on which this was based were made possible through a more systematic structuring of sexual inequality. PRIMARY SOURCE

Cowell, E.B. (gcnl. tt.), 1973, The ]•'4k41 (six volumes), (reprint), London: The Pali Text Society. NOTES AND REFERENCES I. For example, B. Chatt0p.idhyay, 1975, KM.u11111 St4k 4n;J lndilln Society. Calcuna: Punihi Pusiak. p. 195. 2. Romila Thapar, 1987, TM Mttul"J"S Revisitd, Calcutta: Ccntte for Studies in Social Sciences, p. 38. 3. Even if tllCS on long-dimncc trade were important for poUcies such as the Ku.sana empilc as suggested by B.N. Mukhctjec, 1970, The &o11#mk &aon in Kiuh'"'!' History, ~mbay: Popular Pralcashan, p. 41, the ~ry development of such uad 1_ng conncaions presupposed the existence of both a rural basis and of an interweaving of rural and urban economics.

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4. B. N . S. Yadava, 1968, 'Some Aspecuof the Changing Order in India During die Saka-Kusana Age' in G.R. Shanna (ed.), IUu4nll Stw&s. Allahabad: Univasity of Allahabad, pp. 81-2. 5. R. Chaudhwy, 1982, Eco1Wtnk History of Ancimt J,,,J;,,. Pama: Janaki Pralcashan, p. 43. 6. Yadava 1968: 81- 2 7. Ibid., p. 79. 8. Ibid., p.34. 9. R.P. Kangle, 1960, /Gz"tilya Art"414stra: A Critical &Jilibn (tlutt pans). Bombay: Uni""rsity of Bombay. 10. G. Buhler (tr), 1886, The Ltws ofMan,,, Oxford: Clarendon Pres$; G. Jha (ed. and u.), 1940, The Manumr(ti and tlN Mamd>luisya, 5 vols, Calcutta. 11. For example, Ibid., p. 69. 12. S. Mann, 1989, 'Sla=y, Share-cropping. and Sexual Inequality', Signs, vol. XIY, p. 796. 13. Art"414strll (AS) 111.2.42. 14. Manumr(ti (MS) IX.96. 15. MS 3.45; AS 1.3.9. The AS 111.2.44 goes co the cxcenr of prescribing fines fur women who concealed their menstrual periods as well as for men who failed 10 approach their wives ar the 'proper' time. 16. MS IX.17. 17. lbid., IX.14. 18. Ibid., II. 214-15. 19. AS 1.16.21, l.17. I. The CCXI also incorporated a long list of riijas who suffered on accounr of their wives AS 1.20.14. This was probably mean! co serve as a warning 10 odiers. 20. MS 111.21-34; AS IIl.2. Eighr forms of marriage were enumerated: the lmihma, dai114, dna, prdfalpatya, tls1'ra, gdntihal'IJ4, nlJqasa, and µiilica (MS 3.21). The lisr we broadly viewed as hierarchically ordered 21. MS 111.4. 22. Ibid., 111.13. 23. IJ!id., 111.7-10. 24. Xs 111.2.10. 25. Ibid. 26. AS 111.2.15. 27. Ibid., 111.2.18. 28. Ibid. 29. MS IX.197. 30. AS 111.3.17, 19. 31. MSV.152. 32. Ibid., IX.33. 33. L Dube, 1986, 'Seed and Earth: The Symbolism of Biological Reproduction and Sexual Relations of Production' in L. Dube, E. Leacock, and S. Ardener (eds), V"uibility and P""'", New Delhi: Oxford Uni=sity Press, p. 38. 34. MS IX.37. 35. 1986: 34. 36. MS IX.81; AS 111.2.38.

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37. MS V.168, V.156-63. While die AS =ognizcd the possibility of remarriage for widows, !his could entail the loss of strilJJNzNZ (AS Ill.2.28) in case the woman had sons by her earlier marriage. 38. MS IX.166-80. 39. Ibid., IX.43. 40. Ibid., IX.44. 41. Ibid., VII.96. 42. Ibid., IX.55. 43. Ibid., IX.52 44. Ibid., V.147. 45. AS llI.3.23. 46. Ibid., IX. I I, 2.67. 47. Ibid., IX.27. 48. Ibid .• Ill.68. 49. Ibid., III.69. 50. Ibid., IX.18. 51. Ibid., UI.154-66. 52. Ibid., IY.134. 53. Ibid., VIII.352. The definition of aduhery included virtually every kind of verbal or physical conract (MS VIII.35~). Given the differential trcarment prescribed for those belonging to different va~as. it is not surprising that the punishment for adultery ideally varied according to vari;ia (MS Vlll.374-8). ·54. Ibid., VIII.317. 55. The AS Ill.3.25, 27, on the other hand, prescribes ICS6 and more severe fines or corporal punishmenr for aduherous women and men, respectively. 56. Ibid., 1.7.2. 57. Ibid., 1.17.35. 58. MS V.90. 59. Ibid. 60. For example, MS V.149, which condemns women who did not accept the control of the &ther, husband, or son. 61. MS V.164. 62. AS 111.3.20; MS IX.84. 63. MS IX.77-8. 64. MS VIII.371; AS IY.11.9.The punishments prescribed were particularly savage. The MS Vlll.371 suggests that the woman could be thrown to the dogs, whereas the AS IY.11.19 recommends that she should be tom apart by bullocks. 65. MS VIII.299. Others included in the same category were the son, slave, servant, and brother. 66. AS IU.3.8. 67. MS 111.56-9. 68. Ibid., V.151. 69. Ibid., V.155. 70. Ibid., Vl.166. 71. Ibid., II.189-34. 72. Ibid., X.115. 73. Ibid., X.116 .

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74. Ibid., IX.194. 75. Ibid., IX.199. 76. Ibid., 111.11.23. 77. Ibid., Vlll.68. 78. Ibid., VIII.n. 79. ASill.1.7.12. 80. MS VIll.362. 81. AS 111.4.22. 82. For example, AS 1.12.4. 83. Ibid., 11.23.2. 84. Ibid.• 11.27. 85. Ibid., D.1.26; MS VIIl.28. 86. The exact chronology of the jdtaluls, like that of the MS and the AS, is unccnain. However, the fact that the final compilation of the stories is datcable to c. fifth century AD malces it likdy that the scenario of the stories is relevant for the

period under consideration. Geographically, moreover, the most popular locales of the 'new' and the 'old' stories arc Jetavana (Sravasti) and Kasi (Varilnasi) respectively, with over four hundred references to each. 87. Indirect references include those in which females of other species arc held up as illustrative of the attributes of women as wcU as references to relationships between the sexes which were not central to a particular story. 88. For example, No. 14. 89. For example, No. 51 90. For example, No. 198 91. For example, No. 62. 92. For example, No. 61. 93. No. ~36. 94. For example, Nos 389, 297. 95. For example, No. 102. 96. For example, Nos 269 and 519. 97. For example, No. 157. 98. For example No. 66. 99. For example, Epigraphitl Jndka [El] 11(18). 100. For example, Ell (26). 1OI. For e.g., EI rx, No. 6. 102. For example, Ludcrs' List, No. 41. 103. Ibid., No. 58. 104. EIII, No. 18. 105. EIXXXJ.V, No. 2. 106. EIXXX. No. 31. 107. EJVI, No. I. 108. For example, Ell, No. 3. 109. For example, Ell, No. 4. 110. For example, EI!, No. 5. 111. For example, EI I, No. 28. 112. For example, EI XIX. No. 2.

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CHAPTER 4

Defining the Household Some Aspects ofPrescription and Practice in £zrly India*

REWORKING THE MA.NUSM~TI

The significance of the household as a crucial unit within which production, distribution, and consumption are organi:zed, and within which individuals are differentially socialized, has acquired recognition and acceptance over the lase few decades. This has been accompanied by attempcs co focus on relations within the household and on how these develop and change over rime. As a result, there has been an increasing awareness of the specificities of the household in different situations, an awareness which has enriched our understanding of the complexities involved. Analyses of the nature of rhe household(s) in early India have been few and far between. This has been partly owing to a certain reluctance to recognize the need for such investigations as well as owing to the problems posed by the sources commonly used to reconstruct early Indian history. Much of the textual material available at present consiscs of didactic or prescriptive literature, and the extent to which these were followed remains problematic. Nevertheless, prescriptions were modified, abandoned, or even tacitly reversed on occasion, and as such, •This chapter was originally published in 1994, Socwl Sckntist, volume 22, nos 1-2, pp. 3-18.

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the fortunes of prescriptive literature provide us with at least some indications of social change. The Manusmrti is perhaps the most well-known among early Indian prescriptive texts. Most sections of the text were probably composed between the second century BC and the second century AD. 1 The text represents one of the earliest attempts to popularize prescriptions by presenting them in couplets using the an~bh metre.2 Its importance is also evident from the fuct that it was commented on extensively, at different points of time and in different areas. One of the earliest commentaries on the Manusmrti is that ascribed to Medhatithi and assigned to the ninth century AD. 3 Apart &om the chronological gap between the text and the commentary, there is also a shift in the geographical focus. While the Manusmrti relates to India north of the Vindhyas in general, and the Ganga-Yamuna Doab in panicular,4 Medhatithi is more concerned with Kashmir/ although he was not ignorant of the rest of the subcontinent. As we will see, this shift in time and space provides us with a context within which to locate and understand the changing interpretation Medhatithi offers to the prescriptions penaining to the household that are found in the Manusmrfi. Both Medhatithi's objectives as well as his techniques of commentary are significant. The Manusmrti begins with the aim of propounding a definition of dharma, which would have universal validity. 6 Medhatithi, however, evidently did not regard the text as self-explanatory. Implicit in this was the perception that its claim to universality was in effect contested, possibly by alternative prescriptions or practices. In his attempt to reconcile the text with the context with which he was fumiliar, Medhatithi reflects on such differences. Medhatithi's comment on the very flrst siitra of the text reveals some of the problems he encountered. He concrasts P-;u:iini's work on grammar, the Asl;{ddhyayi, with the Manusmrfi. In the former, he points out, the siitras are shon and clear and even children are fumiliar with the work. As opposed to this, the Manusmrti is large, full of descriptions, and conductive to pu~rtha. Implicitly, it was both less well known and less well understood. At the same time, it was recognized as valuable in ducidating social, political, and moral norms. Thus, it appears as if Medhatithi was trying to introduce or reinforce the norms enunciated in the Manusmrti in a situation where the text or traditions associated with it were not recognized as authoritative or self-evident. For whatever reason, the straightforward imposition or reiteration of the concerns of

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the original was viewed as inadequate. Instead, some prescriptions were glossed over lightly, ochers were elaborated at length, whereas yet others were explicitly or implicitly negated. Mcdhatithi attempts to rework the text through his commcnwy by adopting a number of strategics. These include brief comments, which often 'explain' terms by providing more or less equivalent altcmativcs. 7 Other terms arc redefined,8 while in other cases, exceptions arc suggested which would vinually negate the significance ~f the original text. 9 In other instances, distinctions arc made becwccn statements which arc recognized as vitihi, injunctions or p~riprions, and others regarded as arthavtU/a or dcscriptive. 1° For example, where the Manusmrii professes to lay down the 14svata dharma, 11 the eternal norms governing the relationship between men and women, Mcdhatithi dismisses the world saswca as an example of praise or stuti, used to underline the imporcance of what follows, but with little prescriptive value. This dismissal of the notion of perpetual norms opens the way for rcinccrprecation. In another: instance, the claim of the original text to represent althila dharma (the entirety of dharma) 12 is brushed aside as an example of atiiayolttih stutih (exaggerated praise). It is evident chat what Mcdhatithi achieves is, in effect, a substantial reworking of che original text. While this is apparent vis-a-vis a range of themes such as varrµ, kingship, and the domestic realm, I will focus on the lase-named in panicular, so as to explore the possibility of alternative household arrangements and assess their significance. CONSOLIDATION AND COMPROMISE WITHIN THE HOUSEHOLD

In consonance with the tradition of the Dharma Siitras and the Dharma Sascras, the grha, the household controlled by che patriarch, the grhapati, is recognized as a central institution in the Manusmrfi. 13 In fact, the grhastha was viewed as providing suppon and subsistence for men in ocher iSramas (scagcs of life). This was compared co the dependence of all .creatures on air. Mcdhacithi converts this descriptive, analogical statement into an injunction, co suggest chat the male householder ought co suppon others, although this did noc preclude supponing himself or other householders. In ocher words, a specific form of domestic organization was valorizcd instead of simply being taken for granted. Central co the existence of the grha was the wife, so much so that Medhatithi ac least occasionally equated the grha with the d4m or wife. 14 The imponance of the wife was discussed with remarkable clarity. For instance, in commenting on the equation between stri and fri (the

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woman and divinizcd prosperity conceived ofas a goddess, respcctivdy), 15 Medhatithi remarks that it is well known that there is no comfun in the grha without the stri as a man is not able to provide food to guests, including friends and kinsfolk, in the absence of his wife. Ideally, the wife was co belong co the same varrµ as the grhapati.16 Medhatithi justifies and reinforces this prescription by pointing out that she is the means of attaining p~ the goals of a man's life, especially dharma and kima. The weaving together of a range of concerns within the household was accompanied by an insistence on the complete subordination and instrumentality of the wife, and prescriptions regarding this, found in the Manusmrfi, are frequently elaborated by Medhatithi. For inscance, the Manusmrti contains a general prescription that men should exercise continuous control over women in order to protect birth (prrmm), the f.unily (kula), one's self (tltman), and dharrna. 17 Commenting on the provision, Medhatithi includes a list of specific activities which should be discouraged as far as women were concerned. These included singing, drinking, looking at men (other than the husband), and contact with women. He also waxes eloquent on the dangers of sa'!lkara (incervarrµ) unions, and the ~ible threat co a man's life posed by his wife's lover (upapanj. The need to control the wife was inuinsically relaced to the definition of procreation that was sought to be established, a definition in which the woman was viewed as the field or passive recipient of the male sex.18 However, male control over the produce of the fidd, progeny, rested not only on claims to contribute and sow the seed, but also, and more basically, on the ownership of the fidd, that is, his role as kfarasvamin. 19 Medhatithi both accepted the definition and underscored it by referring to the derivation of the name of the earth, Prthivi, as an illustration of the control men were expected to exercise over their wives. The earth, viewed as the wife of the mythical ruler Prthu, owed her very name to her husband. What is important is not the etymological accllfolcy or otherwise of the derivation, but its projection as an ideal example of the relationship between husband and wife. At the same time, the tendency to compromise and deviate from the exact letter of the text is evident in the discussion on niyoga, the process whereby widows could obtain progeny for their husband's lineage under the supervision of his kinsmen, and through regulaced intercourse with one of them, who was specifically designated for the purpose. The acceptance of niyoga in the Manusmrti is at besc reluctanc, 20 and chc

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text attempts to prohibit it at least for the twic.c-bom. Mcdhatithi, in his commentary, denies injunctive value to these statements, and bolsters his case by citing the Mahabharata, specifically the example ofVyasa and his offspring, Dh~~. P~c;lu, and Vidura, all of whom were evidently accorded social recognition. He also dismisses the condemnation of niyoga as animal-like bchaviour. 21 In other words, Mcdhatithi's acceptance of niyoga and the offspring generated through it is virrually unconditional. The acceptance of niyoga did not imply a rejection of patriarchal norms. However, if we envisage a siruation of degrees of patriarchal control rather than one of its absolute existence or non-existence, it is clear that niyoga represented a somewhat ambivalent situation. Niyoga c.cnainly did not imply, theoretically at least, any conuol by the woman over her own procreative powers or progeny. However, it was evidently perc.cived as potentially threatening or possibly disruptive as far as the unity of the patrilineage was concerned. The problem of regulating sciual contact between the widow and her brother-in-law, for instance, was frequently viewed as being as serious as the problem of the abscnc.c of male progeny. The relationship was perceived as problematic as the woman would have been superior to the man in starus if not in age, deriving her position &om her husband's seniority. The man, in tum, could be seen as usurping his elder brother's position. As such, it posed an implicit challenge to the notion of hierarchy between gender on the one hand and between senior and junior kinsmen on the other. It is in this context that Mcdhatithi's arguments in favour of the institution acquire significanc.c. He was evidently aware of the connotations and sought to resolve the issue by pointing out that although a woman approaching her brother-in-law was viewed as committing a sin, the same act was justified if it was performed under the instruction of elders, and in order to obtain sons.22 He thus attempted to distinguish between the content and the context of the act. Medhatithi is somewhat less original in his comments on the domestic routine prescribed for women in the Manusmrti, which included collecting and spending wealth, cooking, and cleaning. 23 Not surprisingly, the objects used in such mundane chores, including the hearth, grinding stone, broom, monar, and water pot, were regarded as inauspicious, and their use had to be expiated by performing the paficamahayajfias, the five daily offerings,24 details of which are discussed later. Medhatithi's comments both acc.cpt the division of labour implicit in the provisions

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and reinforce an understanding of che relative worth of che roles assigned to men and women, regarding che former as of prime imponance, while che latter were perceived as essential but demeaning. Attempts were also made to sucngchen gendered roles within che household by defining access to resources. Once again, Medhitithi diverges from the text even while attempting to c.onform to it. On che one hand, he accepts the definition of kinswomen located within the household as a resource, with the daughter as someone to be given away, as opposed to the son who was entitled to a share of the inheritance.25 He also subscribes to the definition of che stri or woman as a possession which c.ould be claimed by the original owner even after being enjoyed by another,26 glossing on the term stri as meaning either dasi (slave woman) or bh:iryi, (wife, literally she who has to be borne). At the same time, he uies to modify other provisions in a manner which acc.orded at least a limited recognition to the c.ontrol which women within the household c.ould exercise over persons and things. For inStance, while the Manusmrti denied che svayamvam ltanya, the woman who chose her own husband, che right to take anything from her f.tcher, mother, or brother, regarding che woman who violared the provision as a chief:27 Medhatithi introduced a qualification, declaring chat she was not expected to return gifts chat she may have received after marriage. Besides, while che Manusmrti restricted che right to give women in marriage to the f.tther or brother,28 Medhitithi adds that the consent of the mother was also necessary, as the daughter was owned by boch parents. Medhitithi also attempted to safeguard the stridhana (literally, che wealth of the woman), inuoducing provisions for this within general discussions on propeny. 29 Medhatithi's divergence from the provisions in the Manusmrti visa-vis che allocation of che resources of the grha extended to other less privileged categories as well. These included younger sons, and sons born of sudra women. 30 In the latter case, the Manusmrti restricted che claims of such men to one-tenth of their f.tther's property, even if there were no ocher claimantS. Medhitichi, on che ocher hand, argued that such restrictions would be valid only if the propeny was large-in other cases, the entire propeny ought to go to the son of siidra origin. Differences between the commentary and the text are also evident with regard to che daily distribution of food, which was viewed as a crucial activity associated with che household. This had two dimensions-the distribution of food to chose classified as outsiders, and to chose defined

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as being within the household. Conttol of both forms of disttibution was ideally assigned to the male householder and norms were laid down to govern bis activities. Hospitality was expected to vary according to var9a31 and could also be extended to salrhtis or friends. 32 Once again, Medbatithi widened the scope of the latter term to include friends and kinsfollc, companions, and fellow students. The Manusmrti refers to categories to be excluded from all forms of hospitality, including speech." These included sectarians and fraudulent ascetics. Medbatithi, however, encompasses even such groups within the network of hospitality by suggesting that they could be fed after the requirements of the household bad been met. Hospitality was viewed as a rwo-way transaction, and criteria were also laid down for excluding at least some households from the distributive nerwork. Thus, food could not be accepted from households where women performed sacrifices,~ from those where husbands and sons were absent,3s and from the house of a man who was either dominated by bis wife or tolerated her having a lover. 36 Medbatithi accepts and dahorated on these categories and uses the opportunity to wax doquent on the evil nature of women. Once again, the households that were excluded from participating in hospitality were those where gender relations were relatively loosely structured. Nevertheless, the need to take into account such households, even in order to condemn them and debar them from what were viewed or portrayed as prestigious forms of social intercourse, points to their existence. Medbatithi provides for variations in the intra-domestic disttibution of food as wdl. According to the Manusmrfi, the grbapati was expected to meet the needs of the daughter-in-law as well as virgin, invalid, and pregnant women living with him after offering food to the guests. 37 Medbatithi suggests that they could be fed as soon as the guests bad started eating, and explores the possibility of husband and wife eating together, departing, once again, from the text be purported to comment on. Certain areas of domestic activity are passed by with relatively little 'discussion. These include the organization of child-rearing, and of production. Clearly, even the prescriptive literature, despite its claim to be all-pervasive, bad its limits. It is important to remember that the areas which were thus relatively autonomous, in the sense that they were implicitly recogoii.ed as outside the purview of the sisttas, were nonetheless significant in terms of socialization and generating resources. As such, the inability to encompass them within the scope

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of prescriptions meant in effect, rcc.ognizing the existence of space that could threaten the order which was sought to be imposed. The mechanisms envisaged for maintaining or enforcing the definition of the g!'ha included empowering the S!'hapati. While he was expected to maintain harmony within the household by avoiding quarrels,38 Mcdhitithi's dismissal of the provision as descriptive, rather than prescriptive, indicates that he considered simple good narurc or even tact as somewhat inadequate for the purpose. As opposed to this, he accepts and elaborates on the provision for beating the wife, son, slave, servant, and brother with a rope or a cane, categorically conferring the right to administer such punishment on the householdcr.39 The husband was also granted the right to collect 6nes from women who drank liquor or went to festive gatherings.~ At another level, the ruler was rccognlled as being both empowered and required to maintain at least some norms connected with the household, primarily those regulating access to women, levying fines in case 'defective' women were given in marriage to unw:lry men, for instance.41 He was also expected to punish the adulterer, adultery being defined as intercourse with the paradara, literally the wife of anothcr}2 While Mcdhatithi accepted these provisions, their implementation may have been somewhat problematic, for reasons we will explore later. It is in this context that the insistence on ritual activities as being inuinsic to good householding acquire significance. Some of these rituals connected the grhapati to traditions which were perceived as prestigious, as their origins could be traced back to practices suggested in Vedic literature. Others connected the householder with the cxua-domcstic world, and by sanctifying certain connections as' opposed to others, laid down the norms of social intercourse. Besides, by focusing on the male head of the household as the person most eligible to participate in them, such rituals distinguished him from other members of the household. Obviously, the grhapati could lcgitimatdy speak on behalf of the others, who were · thus denied direct access to extra-domestic connections, and, by extension, source of suppon. Finally, there is evidence for the ria1aliution and brahmanization of rites of passage. While all three ritual processes arc examined and recommended in the Manusm,,;, Mcdhitithi touches lightly on the first and second possibilities, and concentrates mainly on the third. Mcdhatithi's trcaancnt of the recommendation of Vedic sacrifices is illustrative of his attitude. While the Manusmrti recommended daily offerings to the fire (the agnihotra) and the fonnighdy new and full

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moon sacrifice,0 Medhatithi denies injunctive value to this statement. In other words, the Vedic sacrifices were implicitly dismissed as irrelevant. His treatment of the pancamahayajfia, literally the five great sacrifices, is somewhat similar. These included studying the sacred texts, offering water to the patrilincal ancestors, making offerings to the gods, to all beings, and extending hospitality. 44 Medhatithi recognizes that these are not literally sacri.6ces, and were designated as such in order to glorify them and justify their performance. The condemnation of the man who did not make these offerings is similarly dismissed:s and it is not accorded the starus of an injunction. The rituals thus dismissed were socially significant as they incorporated and legitimiud values central to ordering social relations in terms of hierarchy-whether of var~a or gender. The paflcamahayajlia, for insunce, cnvisagccl daily contact with brahm~as, and, at another level, with the patrilincal ancestors. The fact that Medhatithi did not insist on their performance was not owing to his contempt for Brahmanical, patriarchal values. On the contrary, we find him extending the provision for making monthly offerings to the pitrs, the patrilincal ancestors, to ~triyas and vaifyas as well, although the original prescription was specifically restricted to brahm~as.46 As we will see, there are indications that the context within which he was functioning was characteriud by the emergence or existence of alternative socio-political norms. This probably imposed constraints on the extent to which Medharithi felt able to introduce or incorporate Brahmanical traditions and practices. At the same time, Medhatithi systematically developed prescriptions pertaining to rites of passage, especially on those which marked points of entry or exit to and from the household. The rituals focused on include marriage, birth, the frtU/dha or feast and offerings accompanying the funeral or commemorating the event. While ritual details are recognized as lying beyond the purview of both the text and the commentary, the social dimension, including the criteria for participation, is discussed at length.~7 As we have seen, marriage was expected to take place between men and women belonging to the same var~a, although the existence of alternatives was recogniud. While the Manusmrti prohibited marriage with kinswomen who shared common piTJl!a or gotra affiliations with the prospective groom, Medhatithi specifies that these should be avoided within five and seven generations respectively. In other words, ideally, the woman who was incorporated as wife within the grha was not expected to have any pre-existing ties within the household. Besides, while the

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initial prescription had been restricted to members of the first three ~as. the twice-born, Medhatithi incorporated the siidra as well, thus attempting to universalize a specific form of household organization. Ar. another levd, Mcdhatithi accepts provisions prohibiting marriage with women of prosperous f.unilies ifcustomary rituals we.re not observed in such households, if males were absent, and if the members suffered from disease.~ The sacral nature of marriage was also recognized, this being linked to the use of mantras or chants while taking the hand of the bride and leading her for the prescribed seven steps.49 This was in turn used to reinforce the view that the bond thus established was irrevocable. In other words; Medhatithi accepted the definition of marriage as an occasion for obtaining a wife for the patrilincal household. The woman thus obtained was, moreover, ideally constructed as a subservient instrument for the maintenance and pcrpcruation of the household and the patrilincagc. Apan from marriage, the other point of entry into the household was through birth. Once again, birth, especially of sons, was to be sanctified through rituals.so Mcdhatithi both accepts and elaborates on the significance of such riruals. explicitly viewing them as a means of suengthening the bonds between father and son, while categorically excluding the girl child. Thus defined, the membership of the daughter within the household would have been at best partial. The major point of exit from the household was through death. This was commemorated through the sriiddha, which was rccogniud in both text and commentary as one of the most important occasions in the history of the grha. This was probably because it validated the depanurc of a member from the household, and implicitly accorded recognition to the performer of the sriiddha, who stepped into the shoes of the deceased. As in the case of marriage, the focus was on the panicipants who were c:xpccted to panake of the feast and witness the transaction. The ideal invitees were those who were considered as socially, rirually, and physically unblemished.s1 While food was meant primarily for briihma.i:ias, it could also be offered to kinsfollc. Sl Besides, the rirually sanctified middle pil'Jl!a or lump of grain offered to the patrilincal ancestor could be consumed by the wife who was a pativratd, that is, devoted to her husband, and desirous of progeny.SJ As opposed to this, those who could not even sec the briihmaiµs while they ate, included categories regarded as polluting: animals, menstruating women, and the ca1Jl!aia.s• The sriiddha thus provided an occasion for distinguishing between participants and non-participants on the one hand, and amongst

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panicipants on the other. Symbolically, the chief participants were the patrilineal ancestors, and their descendants, with the bond between the two being accorded public recognition through the insistence on the presence of 'pure' brahmai;ias. While kinsfolk could join in the feast, their presence was recognii.ed as secondary. The only woman who could participate in the ritual was the wife who was devoted to her husband; in other words, she who had internalii.ed the ideology of the grha. Once again, Medhatithi accepts, explains, and elaborates on virtually all the provisions penaining to the §raddha. Simpler than the sr:iddha, but in a sense, more basic, was the. udalealmya or the ritual offering of water to the dead kinsperson. Amongst the criteria which determined access to the offering was binh from a socially accepted union and conforming.to the norms of socially accepted behaviour.ss Not surprisingly, such norms were ovcnly different for men and women. For men, violations which were thought to lead to the loss of the offering included becoming an ascetic or committing suicide, whereas for women, offences included joining heterodox sects, drinking liquor, killing the husband, or having an abonion. What is evident is that all of these were viewed as either mechanisms of opting out of or destroying the household. Mcdh:itithi extends the criteria for access to the offering by redefining the term sa'!lleara. While this initially signified intcr-van.ia unions and was used as such in the MammnTfi,s6 Medhatithi uses it for pratiwma unions, that is, those in which the vanµ of the woman was higher than that of the man, and implicitly permits the rite for offspring of anu/;)ma unions, where the starus of the woman would have been lower than that of the man and hence less violative of notions of hierarchy. More significant, the term sal!lkara was widened to include the offspring of women who were aniyukta, that is, widows who produced children without being specifically instructed to do so by their deceased husband's kinsmen, and the offspring of the vdya or prosti~tc. Excluding such men and women from the ritual implied a condemnation of the activities of women who attempted to assert control over procreation, thus contesting their prescribed role of functioning as inert instruments of procreation within the context of the g~ha. Mcdh:itithi's focus on some rituals, as opposed to others, was probably related to the fact that rites of passage, in some form or the other, arc present in most societies. Utilizing and brahmanizing these was possibly easier than insisting on the performance of sacrifices or

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rituals which were relatively less well known. What is also noteworthy is that Mcdhitithi emphasized the usc of rites of passage as occasions for delineating patrilincal tics and explicating patriarchal values. In a sense, this ran counter to his treatment of the question of access to resources, where he was prepared to accommodate a less structured situation. The contradiction between trying to enforce gender stratification within the household in ritual conteicts, while accepting a different perspective vis-a-vis resources, was probably related to the complexities of the situation within which Mcdhatithi was operating. In such a situation, the definitions and norms he was attempting to establish were evidendy open to contcstation. Although Mcdhatithi accepts and develops the usc of rituals to demarcate 'proper' and 'improper' household forms, his treatment ofother mechanisms for maintaining the ideal structure is more ambiguous. This is apparent in the discussion on women who could be abandoned. The list includes women who suffered from disease, were defiled, blemished, drunkards, liars, anragonistic, cruel, and dcsuoycrs of wcalth.57 While accepting the provision for abandoning such women, Mcdhatithi argues that nifkasana, or eicpulsion, the term used in the conteict, docs not mean turning a women out of the home, but rather avoiding sexual relations with her. Similarly, he suggests that the provision for taking away the wealth of the woman was not meant to be taken literally. Mcdhatithi's tolerance of the insubordinate wife is also significant. The Manusmrtt18 provided for the immediate abandonment of the insubordinate wife, the apriyaviidini, literally, she who is of unpleasant speech, while the woman who produced only daughters, whose children were still-born, or who · was barren, could be tolerated for longer periods of time. Mcdhatithi, however, reversed the provision and suggested that the woman of harsh speech ought to be forgiven. In other words, Mcdhatithi, in spite of his acceptance of patriarchal norms, could not or did not push through his point of view to its logical conclusion. Mcdhatithi's somewhat unique handling of issues of hierarchy is also evident in his treatment of the provisions regarding marriage (presumably of upper-~a men) to siidra women. The Manusm,.ri declares that such a union results in the family and offspring being reduced to the state of being siidras. 59 Commenting on the statement, Mcdhitithi uses his typical tactic of classifying it as descriptive rather than prescriptive. More important, he confers a certain status on the sudra wife by stating that although her permission was not required for performing aets of

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dharma, she could not be overruled with respect to artha and kima.60 In a sense, this tics in with his anitude to ~a-related provisions in general, where he more or less systematically attempted to both encompass the siidra within the provisions meant for the other three ~ and very often reinterpreted the text substantially. For instance, the standard statement prescribing servitude as the sole legitimate duty of the siidra61 was interpreted as descriptive rather than injunctive. The commentator attempted to substantiate his viewpoint by suggesting that Siidras could make gifts, probably implying that this would indicate that they had independent access to resources. It is evident that Medhatithi's definition of the grha was not identical with that of the Mllnusm['ti. Although attempting to conform to the framework provided by the text, Medhatithi deviated in a number of respcctS-in conceding some dcgrcc of control over the resources of the household to kinswomen, in recognizing at least some space for procreative women, and in accepting the possibility of less hierarchical relationships within the household. In each instance, his acquiescence ran counter to his preoccupation with upholding pauiarchal norms. A UNIQUE REGIONAL CONCEPT

I had suggested that some of the conflicts or contradictions evident in Medhacithi's reworking of the Manusmrti resulted &om the context within which he was attempting to inuoducc certain values or norms. The context was that of Kashmir in the ninth century, and, at least some aspects of it can be reconstructed on the basis of Kalhar;ia's well-known chronicle, the Riijatarangi1ft.62 It is commonly accepted that Kalhai:ia's chronicle assumes the character of a historical account from the time of King Durlabhavardhana of the Karko? dynasty (c. 625-61 AD) , 63 that is, from the seventh century AD. This period and subsequent centuries were characterized by a resurgence of building activities, including the erection of Salva, v~~ava, and Buddhist shrines, many of which were endowed by members of the ruling families. It was also marked by the founding of new settlements, and a concern with increasing agricultural production through improved irrigation and drainage facilities. Besides, it was a phase when rulers established contact with regions outside Kashmir on a systematic basis. Within this context, Kalhar;ia is primarily concerned with the vicissitudes of ruling families. This enables us to explore the extent to which such families were organized around the norms laid down in the Manusmrti

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and in Mcdhatichi's work. This is relevant both because such families constituted an excrcmcly influential social stratum within Kashmiri society, and because it is they, as rulers, who were expected to ensure the implementation of many of the prescriptions or prohibitions outlined earlier. Stylistically, Kalha.r_ia's chronicle is a typical example of courtly Sanskrit litcratuIC. In terms of contents, he incorporates folklore, myth, as well as accounts of coun intrigues, often shifting from one to the other with remarkable agility. Drawing on such diverse sourc.cs, his narrative is necessarily disparate. Ncvcnhelcss, as in Medhatichi's work, there is a certain preoccupation with valorizing Brahmanical norms even while recognizing the existence of alternatives. This often leads to sharply divergent opinions about people being expressed almost in the same breath. for instance, WC have a reference tO a tenth-ccntuty queen, Sugandha, who was appointed as a regent for her minor son by her dying husband, 64 condemned by Kalh:u;ia for having an affillr with one of her ministcrs,65 but who was, at the same time, evidently popular with her subjects, who requested her to exercise power dircctly. 66 In fact, what strikes one about Kalhal).a's account arc the numerous references to relatively independent women. These included AnaJigadcvi, the wife of Durlabhavardhana, who, although possessing a fault, which was, interestingly enough, concealed by her husband, participated in building activities, constructing the Anailgabhavana in her own name.67 Besides, she dcclarcd her son to be a dauhitra (that is, affiliated, through her, to her father's lineage), and the latter consequently adopted the name of his maternal grandfather. 68 Apan from this, women like Sugandha and Didda, often ruled directly and attempted to nominate their successors. 69 & interesting is the evidence that the natal kinsfolk of such women often played a significant role in the politics of the realm. For instarice, we find the sy4la (brother-in-law) of the ruler Jayapic;la taking over his throne during his abscnce.70 In another instance, the· maternal uncles killed the ruler, Cippar-ijayapic;la, and succession passed to one of their descendants, the famous Avantivarman. 7 1 Succession to the throne, in fact, while ideally patrilincal, seems to have been rarely smooth or uncontested. There arc references to fratricidc,72 and those who panicipated in the struggle to place one or the other contestant on the throne could include relatively low-status groups such as Cal).mmmron Ibid., 111.18. 6 1.tbid., l .91. 62. All mimnca ro doc ~-ifti'1 an: from M.A. Sitin (ed. and Ir), 1961, ~Ri/-,.~"'· 2'l'OIJ. Ddhi. 63. !Vrcumpk,P.N.K. !Wtwi, 1972.A llU-,.jJGuh,,.;r,Dclhi: Mnropoliun BooU.p.108. 64.~,,iv.220-22.

6S.lbid..V.l.30. 66.lbid.,V.20. 67. Ibid., IV.3. TIW wasby no~ unlq~ In ha, thcconllruaion olti1hn indiftdual bulldinp or JC1tkmmt1 by wumm conn«rcd wiih ruling f.imilia att r~fcn~d w (for cumpk, Ibid., IV.38, 208, 213, 493, 484, 6S9, 690, V.157,158).

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70. Jbid.,IV.410. 7 1. lbid.,IY.686.71S. 72. l'uCDmpk, Ibid., IV.119. 73. Fu cumpk, Ibid., IV.475, 679. 7.f..lbid.,V.22. 7S.lbid.,IV.46,494-7. 76. lbid. ,IV.29. l'uegmpk. Ibid., V.387,389,390.

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CHAPTER 5

Engendering the Urban World An Investigation ofFArly Indian Textual Traditions

The introduetory section of the Kamasiitra includes a brief discussion on the trivarga, the three goals of a man's life, defined in terms of dharma, artha, and kiima. The author argues that dharma can be learnt &om the lastras, as well as from men who practise it, artha involves the acquisition of wealth in its varied forms, while kima, which includes sexual desire in particular and sensual gratification in general, is the preserve of the nagaraka,1 a term often translated as the 'man about town'. Incidentally, there is no grammatical or semantic feminine equivalent of the term in Sanskrit. The notion of the nagaraka, and the care with which it is construeted, allows us an entry point into representations of urbanism within early Indian textual traditions. Here, my concern will be to explore the extent to which such representations are gendered. 2 My focus will be on the early historical period, when urban centres are visible in the texrual and the archaeological records. These were often capitals of jiinapadas, or early states, located along routes of communication that criss-crossed the subcontinent and led to distant lands through both land and sea routes. Urban centres and their environs also constituted loci where religious teachers and philosophers congregated, where monks and nuns sustained themselves on alms, an ambivalent, somewhat liminal space traversed by ascetics and householders. Besides, there are indications of complex exchanges, as well as of craft produetion. And a range of

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activities, from street performances to the embellishments of courtly traditions, arc associated with these cities. To what extent were these fcanues that gave the urban world its distinctive flavour gendered? For the moment, I will try to address this question by examining three different genres of tens: the jataltas, or the Buddhist birth stories, the.Kamasrimz, and the M.rcchaluztiluz. Elsewhere' I have suggested that these texts can be viewed as complementary. To restate the argument briefly: while the jataitas arc not entirely synonymous with popular or folk narratives, in many instances they allow us perhaps the closest approximation to non-elite perceptions that is possible in the early historical context. On the other hand, both the Kiima.sUtra and the M.rcchaluz,;lta were ostensibly meant for the more 'exalted' social categories, that is, those versed in Sanskrit. Nonetheless, the explicit and implicit audie.ncc (and in the pcrformativc context, spectators) would have been different: that of the former may have been more restricted than that of the latter. We will work with the assumption that jUXtaposing the representations available from these divergent textual traditions permits us to approach the question of the gendering of urban social interaction from a variety of angles. Delimiting these texts in terms of chronology and space is always an uncertain enterprise. What we can function with arc broad contours rather than precise boundaries. The jatakas received their final form in Sri Lanka in c. fifth century CE, but were obviously in circulation from c. second century BCE, as is attested by sculptural representations and inscriptions from sites such as Bharhut. What is more, the setting of the jata/tas is often, though not invariably, in an urban milieu. In terms of narratives, the Jataltas have two major components: the story of the present, generally located in Jetavana, a monastery on the outskirts of ~ravasti, and the story of the past, which usually unfolds against the backdrop of the kingdom of a legendary king, Brahmadatta, who is visualiud as ruling over IGSi. The story of the present is constructed around the figure of the Buddha, while that of the past generally centres on a figure, human or animal, but invariably male, who is identified as the Bodhisatta. The KamllSUtra was probably compiled between c. second and fourth centuries CE in north India, with ancient Pa~iputra (present-day Patna) as a possible locus. Although it is attributed to a single author, Vacsyayana, it, like other Sistras, is a composite work. Given the form of the text, composed as it is in terse suuas, it is likely that it was meant

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for an exclusive, highly literate audience. The text is preoccupied with codifying desire in general, and erotic desire in particular, in the context of an urban milieu. It represents an attempt to structure sexual relations within a complex context of hicrarchics--bctwccn men and women on the one hand, and amongst men on the other. What is also evident is the effort to locate sexuality within a cultural framework. The M.rcch1tkaµlra authored by Sudraka, may be connected with early historical Ujjayini The play, as is well known, revolves around urban characters, the impoverished merchant, CUudana, and the courtesan, Vasantasena. Our focus will be not so much in unravelling the complexities of the narrative as on the clements used to construct the urban backdrop for the proceedings. Within these broad spatial and chronological limits outlined above, we can examine four possible domains: participation in the bustling economies of these urban centrcS and the related question of mobility, both physical and social, access to ritual/philosophical traditions, including functioning as patrons for renunciatory orders, the political arena, as typified by the palace in particular, and finally, participation in what can be categorii.cd as the cultural activities that are often projected as distinctly urbane. It is important to conceptualize these domains not as water-tight compartments but as intersecting and overlapping spheres. It is also possible to visualize these activities as being related to the spatial categories that distinguished the urban centre &om other sctdemcnts. These are enumerated in the Mrcch1tlrati!ta' as the ujjdNl (garden or grove), Silha (assembly), magga (thoroughf.uc), av1tna (market place), and ghosa (stable, one presumes as much for horses and dephants as for cattlc).s Economic transactions may be primarily, though not wholly, related to the market place: the garden or the grove would have been the site of encounters between ascetics and lay people, apart from providing the backdrop for urbane pleasures, and the assembly would have been significant for judicial and political matters. As in the case of the domains outlined above, these spaces were not visualii.cd as segregated: rather, the functions associated with each overflowed into the othcrs--thc magga or the thoroughfurc serving as more than a simple physical conduit of communication. At another level, cities were conceptualized as bounded entities. This is evident in the description ofVesali in the Elt1tf>41!1Jll ]litalea,6 as a prosperous city with three walls, three gates, and watch towers. Clearly, those who lived in the city were spatially and by extension socially differentiated from the rest of the population.

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URBAN ECONOMIES-GENDERED OPENINGS AND CLOSURES

Perhaps one of the most striking elements in the depiction of the urban milieu in the ]ataltar is the image of vibrant activity and social mobility. The C11"4/t4 S41hi ]at4/t1z7 provides a classic instance of such a representation. A typical rags-to-riches story is woven around a poor man, whose only resources are a dead rat and his wits. He inches up the social and economic ladder through a variety of srrategi~ initially, by using the rat to feed a cat, and then acquiring an assortment of allies through a variety of similar ploys. In one instance, he gets a contract to clean the king's garden, sets children to the task, and then sells off the twigs that are heaped near the gate of the garden to a potter, who uses it as fuel. Ultimatdy, he makes a fortune by acquiring an entire ship's cargo, and selling it off. His cleverness atrraccs the attention of the se~ or treasurer of the town, who, as a reward, bestows his daughter's hand on the young man. It is not the literal veracity of such accounrs that is of interest. What is significant, &om our point of view, is the range of social scenarios that was regarded as plausible. Theoretically, rags-to-riches narratives could have been woven around heroines as well. But actual instances are vinually absent. While women are occasionally represented as socially mobile (details follow later), Strategies of mobility, and their outcome are markedly different. What is also interesting is that the son-in-law is almost invariably projected as the heir to a man's resources (in the absence of sons), with the daughter's role envisaged as that of a mediator between her father and husband. A variation of this theme occurs in the Si/avimamsana ]atalta,8 set in Banaras, where a famous teacher decides to test his students. The Bodhisatta qualifies in this test of integrity, and is rewarded with the hand of his preceptor's daughter. Obviously, a scenario where the treasurer's daughter could stake claims to his wealth, or the teacher's daughter could have access to his learning, is considered unlikdy within the framework of the narrative. At the same time, not all sons-in-law are depicted as being able to claim the resources of their affmal kinsfolk. An interesting variant is provided in the Cu//aJta setthi ]atalta.9 This is a narrative about a merchant's daughter who falls in love with a slave, and runs away with him. She wants to return to her natal family for her delivery, but her husband is hesitant. Consequently, she Starrs out when it is too late, and gives birth twice, both to sons, on her way to her natal home. On

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both occasions, she returns to her husband without visiting her parents. As the children grow up, they want to know about their kinsfolk. After much debate, the parents return to the city, and send the children on to the grandparents. They send money for their daughter and son-inlaw, but refuse to meet them. At the same time, they take charge of the two children. It is evident that the estranged parent:S are only partly reconciled to this matrimonial alliance. And in another narrative,10 the barber who falls in love with a Licchavi woman pines away to deathnot all social boundaries could be transcended even in the context' of an urban centre such as Vcsali. Apart from such dramatic narratives, the ]atakas also represent a variety of men and women involved in routine work. These are generally part of what may be classified as background information, details that are added to convey an aura of plausibility to the narrative. In other words, they arc not weighed down with an overt message. Given the incidental nature of these allusions, it is likely that they are drawn from quotidian perceptions. As such, they offer us valuable insight into the ways in which definitions of work were gendered. What is Striking is the range of occupations/professions depicted in the urban context as fur as men are concerned. These include selling liquor, 11 and fish. 11 Other professions include that of the gardener, 13 especially important in a situation where gardens and groves were regarded as an essential element of the town, of dite residences within the urban centre, and of irs ourskirrs. We also find mention of elephant trainers. 1• This was an occupation that may have gained in importance with the emergence of military elites in the new urban centres. Also documented is the physician,1s again invariably a man. Other craftsmen mentioned include carpenters. 16 In some instances, we have references to a variety of occupations. These are evident, for example, in the long list of occupations adopted by Prince Kusa in the Kusa ]ataluz 17 when he was in disguise--as a lute·player, potter, basket-maker, gardener, and cook. More spectacular arc the descriptions of prosperous men such as merchants. The merchant or caravan leader who successfully leads his train of cartS through difficult terrain figures, for instance, in the AparJ1J4ira ]ataka. 18 Women are virtually never represented in such roles. While senhis, rich traders, and bankers arc almost invariably male, there is one, somewhat exceptional story, the Catu-dviira ]ataJtal9 where on the death of a scnhi, his widow is depicted as protecting his resources, and advising her son to give alms. He, however, has other ideas, and

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the mother's advice is in vain. What such narratives might indicate is that women could oc.casionally panicipate in prestigious economic processes, but that such panicipation lacked legitimacy and was open to chaJlengc. In a few rare instances, women arc represented as working alongside men. As may be expected, some of these depictions occur in contexts of poverty. For instance, in the Gangamdla Jau&a,1ll a man and woman, both water-carriers, decide to celebrate a festival by pooling together their meagre resources. In yet another story, the Padaltusllltzmdn4va Jataka,21 there is a vignette about a man and his wife, who dance and sing fur a living. There is a poignant touch to the story, where the man is about to drown, and his wife asks him to teach her a song so that she can earn her living. In other cases, the woman worker is almost invariably represented as impoverished, as for instance, in the Um"""'4nti ]au&a, 22 where the female protagonist is supposed to have been born in a poor funily in her previous birth and worked for three years in order to get a single robe. In the present birth, however, she was more fortunate, being born as the beautiful daughter of a merchant. In another instance, 23 an impoverished grandmother and granddaughter, who belonged to a merchant funily, are represented as working as labourers. Their fortunes change when the Bodhisana, who is depicted as a potter in this narrative, pays them an appropriate price for a funily heirloom. Poor or relatively 'low' status women arc gcneraJly portrayed as more mobile. For instance, in the Kusa ]ataka, 24 the nurse of the princess Pabhavati and eight slave girls, who go to fetch water, encounter messengers, and this ultimately leads to the marriage of the princess. Princesses, on the other hand, are usually represented as travelling in closed palanquins, a paradoxical symbol ofvulnerability and protection,zs and as not knowing their way about the city. 26 And, in the M,rcchakafika, the covered carriage in which Vasantascna travcls, 27 with its potential for confusion regarding the passenger, is exploited to the full by the dramatist to introduce twists and turns in the narrative. At least oc.casionaJly, there are indications that the mobility of 'high' status men may have been restricted as well, in certain circumstances. In the first act of the M,rcchakafika2' for example, Cirudatta's companion, the brahmai:ia Yid~. refuses to go out on to the royal highway, the riiamagga, at night, claiming that it would be crowded with courtesans, their hangers-on, and the king's favourites. Interestingly, this problem is resolved by sending a maid to accompany him.29

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The KAmllSutra, as mentioned earlier, engages with a different level of social existence, focusing on urban elites. Amongst other things, it lays down the sources of livelihood for the ideal nagaraka. These include inheritance, gifts, wealth from conquest, trade, and wages.30 As has been noted by commentators, these coincide with the legitimate means of acquiring wealth prescribed for the first three if not all four van;ias within the Brahmanical tradition. What is apparent is that the issue of women gaining access to resources is viewed as insignificant from this perspective. In effect, there are two categories of women who are represented as having access to resources. These include the wife, who is expected to manage resources within the household,31 implicitly if not explicitly on behalf of her husband. The other is the councsan,32 the chief protagonist of the sixth section of the KAm1Uutra, which has been rccogniud as being somewhat anomalous in the text, focusing as it docs on the ga1}ilui rather than the n:igaraka, and on anha rather than on kama. That this was an important perception is clear from its repetition in a different contexc33 where we learn that anha is imponant for both the king and the councsan. More specifically, the text enumerates a range of strategics, involving varieties of subterfuge, for obtaining wealth from the clicnt,34 as well as for dispensing with a client who could no longer offer suppon. 35 The specific resources the councsan could claim are also listed.36 These include gold, silver, copper, bronze, iron, furniture, utensils, beds, clothes, perfumes, spices, ghee, oil, grain, and cattle. Each preceding item is regarded as superior to subsequent ones that are listed. It is evident that these are items of consumption, which could circulate only in cenain contexts, and these present a contrast to the means of livelihood enumerated for the nagaraka, cited above. Ideally, the resources that were mobilized had to be spent on 'good works' as we will see later, and in maintaining the establishment that provided the context for sex work. 37 If anything, the representation ofVasantasena in the M.rcc~ suggests that the successful (albeit reluctant) councsan could be enormously wealthy. The description of her residence resembles that of a palace,38 and amongst other things, her possessions include an elephant.39 The range of occupations that are documented for women in the urban context appears impoverished in comparison to those listed for men. What is more, we find that there is a tendency to collapse these categories within the framework of sex work. This is systematized in the fVI'ffllZSUtra, as we will see later, but is hinted at in the ]dta/eas as well,

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where there are occasional instances ofserving women being assimilated to sex-workers. One instance occurs in the Sulasa jataka"O where a serving woman is equated with a courtesan in che story of che past. In both versions, what is underscored is che presence of mind of the woman in question, who outwits a man who poses as her lover in order to rob her of her riches. In a variant on chis story, Ka'J'lvmt ]litalta, •1 che courtesan, is outwitted by her lover. This tendency to equate domestic workers with sex-workers is extended in che KdmllSUtra,0 where che classification is far more detailed. Here che kumbhadasi, literally che slave woman who carried che pitcher, presumably a water-carrier, che paricliriltii or servant and che iilpaltliriltii or craftswoman were included in che hierarchized list of sex-workers. This detailed listing is presented in a more simplified format in che ]iitaltas, where sex-workers are generally classified in terms of two ranks, che lowly vannadati (with connotations of a combination of servitude and sex work) and che more illustrious nagarasobhani (literally, chc adornment of the city). It is perhaps worth bearing in mind chat these textual traditions allow us to arrive at only a partial reconstruction. As is well known, texts such as che Arthaliistra provide for women workers in textile production. However, ifwe look at chc range of economic resources and opportunities available in the urban context, it does appear as if che access to these was gendered, even as it was hierarchized amongst men. What is also evident is chat there was an anempt within che Sanskritic//iistric/Brahmanical tradition to assimilate all categories of women workers within a framework of sex work. While this may not have met with automatic acceptance, it may have complicated che lives of women workers in ways which would not have affected their male counterparts. RENOUNCERS IN THE URBAN MILIEU-SEXUALIZED ENCOUNTERS

One of the features of the new urban centres was the presence of a variety of renunciatory orders. Expectedly, che Buddhist monastic order is the one chat is most visible in che ]iitakas, although ocher renunciatory traditions figure occasionally. While neither the KdmllSUtra nor the Mrcchaltafi/ta is explicitly preoccupied with these categories, there arc incidental references that indicate their presence. We will locate che discussion on che renunciatiory orders within three frames: che issue of recruitment, especially of women, into che sarngha, and che dilemmas associated with it; che lay audience of che renouncers, with a focus on che scope for women to listen to che teachings of che

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Buddha and/or other teachers; and the interface between men and women in the context of almsgiving. the inevitable and somewhat fraught point of intersection bctwccn the worlds of the renouncer and the laity. 43 Each of these frames of interaction is gendered within the tradition, although not in identical ways: fur instance, the situation of men joining the monastic order is rarely problematiz.ed, although there is frequent anxiety about their ability to endure a life of austerity. The possibility of women joining the order, on the other hand, is represented as being fraught with tension. Related to this is the question of hearing the teachings of the Buddha, as opponunitics for renunciation were often linked with this situation. Once again, the norm seems to have been of a predominantly male audience, with variations exciting comment. And finally, while both nuns and monks were theoretically dependent on alms, it is the almsman or bhikkhu who is the centre of attention. However, both men and women lay donors figure within the narrative tradition, although they arc treated somewhat differently, as we shall sec. To stan with the recruitment of women into the order, this seems to be a phenomenon associated with the urban milieu. One story, by no means typical, occurs in the C""4 Kdlinga ]tlllllta. +1 Four women ascetics, evidently Jaina, venture furth from Vcsali, going from city to city, challenging people in debate. Ultimatdy, Sariputta, a disciple of the Buddha, defeats them when they meet him near the gate of Jctavana. Subsequently, they join the order of the nuns. While this particular narrative has a simple trajectory, the very real conflicts that the presence of women within the monastic order could generate arc vividly represented in some of the other stories. One panicularly detailed account occurs in the Nigrodhamiga ]atalttz}S A woman, the daughter of a merchant at Rajagaha, who wished to renounce the world, asked her parents for permission. This wa.s refused, so she turned to her husband, who gave his consent. (Incidentally, women had to obtain the permission of their parents or husbands before joining the order, slaves that of their masters, debtors of their creditors, and servants of the king had to get royal permission). Subsequently, it wa.s discovered that she was pregnant, and she was expelled from the order by Dcvadatta (the Buddha's cousin, often represented as a jealous rival in the ]dtahs). She was then taken to rhe Buddha, who wa.s at Jetavana. There the Buddha summoned the king. Pascnadi, and the chief lay man and lay woman, Anathapil) but this strategy fuled as we saw earlier, with Durlabhavardhana, the man in question, winning over a minister, who was also his wife's lover, and who helped him by performing his abhi~ka.97 Kalhai;la attempts to gloss over the less than illustrious origins of the ruler by suggesting that his lather was in fact a naga in disguise.98 What is evident is that Kalhaiµ could no longer represent succession as being generally patrilineal, and in recognizing variations, he had to allow for spaces where women and men belonging to a wide range of social categories intervened in succession disputes. The complications evident in Kallwµ's account of the mythical past become far more central in his representation of the recent past. Kalhaiµ is able to document patrilineal succession in the case of only six rulers in the fourth taraitga. In other cases, we have brothers succeeding one another, occasionally after fratricide.99 What is perhaps more interesting arc instances of other kinsfolk intervening in such struggles. These include brothers-in-law (syala),100 and maternal uncles (mdtula).101 At another level, apan from the intervention of ministers, a c:u.ii;lila plays a decisive role in one instance, by murdering one of the rival claimants to the throne. 102 In other words, questions ofsuccession seem to be resolved through a complex interplay of forces and the transmission of power is by no means automatic. The range of panicipants in succession disputes is even wider in the fifth taraitga. Apan from rival ministers attempting to promote their own nominees,1°' Kalhaiµ documents the involvement of groups such

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as the $vapika.s, also equated with the