The Portraits of Septimius Severus (A.D. 193-211)

Citation preview

The Portraits of Septimius Severus (A.D. 193-211) Author(s): Anna Marguerite McCann Source: Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome, Vol. 30, The Portraits of Septimius Severus (A.D. 193-211) (1968), pp. 4-5+7+9+11+13-15+17-33+35+37-43+45+47-71+73-81+83+8591+93+95-99+101+103-107+109-117+119+121-125+127-143+145-153+155-185+187-203+205209+211+213-217+219-222 Published by: University of Michigan Press for the American Academy in Rome Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4238661 JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms

American Academy in Rome, University of Michigan Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Fig. 1

Fig. 2

Fig. 1. Septimius Severus (after death), aureus, 211. Fig. 2. Funeral pyre of Septimius Severus, reverse of fig. 1.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

THE PORTRAITS OF SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS (A.D. 193-211)

by

ANNA MARGUERITE McCANN

AMERICAN ACADEMY IN ROME 1968

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

The publication of this volume has been aided by a grant from the Assistant Professor Research Fund of the UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

To my Mother and Father

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

" Omnia," inquit, " fui et nihil expedit."

(SHA, " Severus," XVIII, 11)

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

PREFA CE

with me and for her innumerable comIt is a pleasure to acknowledge, with grateful appreciation, my deep indebtedments and ideas. The incentive to comness to the many scholars and friends who plete the manuscript for publication and have contributed to the development of the final form of the book are due in a this study, which has required both wide very large measure to her generous encourtravel abroad and access to many private agement, scholarly guidance, and inspiracollections and hitherto inaccessible matetion, for which I should like to express my rial. My first interest in Roman portraiture deepest thanks. I owe to the late Professor Karl Lehmann I would also like to thank the many of New York University and Professor in the museums and private collections Diether Thimme of Indiana University. in America and abroad who were helpful The original study and travel for the proin the study and collection of the material. ject were made possible by a Graduate I am particularly indebted to Dr. Vagn Fellowship and Dissertation Year Grant Poulsen, director of the Ny Carlsberg from Indiana University, 1963-1964. A Glyptotek in Copenhagen, Dr. Frantz Rome Prize Fellowship in Classical Studies Stefan of Vienna, Dr. Cornelius Vermeule from the American Academy in Rome, of the Boston Fine Arts Museum, Pro1964-1966, has enabled me to prepare the fessor Richard Brilliant of the University manuscript for publication. In this prepof Pennsylvania, and Professor Henry Hope aration, I am first and foremost indebted of the University of Indiana. to Professor Frank E. Brown of the AmerIn my study and photography of the ican Academy for his initial interest in coins in the Department of Coins and the material and for his continued generMedals in the British Museum, I am deeply ous support and scholarly counsel withgrateful to both Mr. R. A. G. Carson out which the work could not have been and Mr. Philip V. Hill for the generous completed. I would also like to express sharing of their extensive knowledge. In my appreciation to Mr. John B. Ward the study of the historical and epigraphical Perkins, director of the British School at material Miss Joyce Reynolds of Newnham Rome, Professor Hans Peter L'Orange, College, Cambridge, and Mr. J. A. Crook director of the Norwegian Institute in of St. John's College, Cambridge, were of Rome and Dr. Martha Leeb Hadzi for special help. Among the private collectors their reading of the manuscript and their to whom I am particularly indebted for many helpful suggestions. Among the their generosity are: The Lord and Lady other scholars in Rome to whom I am Cholmondeley of Houghton Hall, England, particularly beholden are Miss Gisela M. The Earl of Leicester of Holkham Hall, A. Richter and Dr. Helga von Heintze. England, The Lord Egremont of Petworth To Professor Jocelyn Toynbee of OxHouse, England, and Mr. and Mrs. ford I owe a very special debt of gratitude Henning Throne-Holst of Djursholm, for her careful reading of the manuscript Sweden.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

14

The fine photography of Mr. Johannes

Felberrneyer of the American Academy in Rome and Mr. A. F. Kersting of London was indispensable as well as the help of Mrs. Elizabeth Ann Solomon in the layout of the photographs. For their fine stenographic help I want to thank Mrs. Barbara Bell and Miss Molly Anderson. I would also like to thank Mrs. Nina Longobardi, the Principessa Margherita Rospigliosi and Mrs. Bianca Cicolani of the American Academy, who greatly facil-

criticisms on both style and content and an immeasurable debt of gratitude for their continued loyal and loving support. The abbreviations of periodicals cited in the footnotes are those accepted by the American Journal of Archaeology (65, 1965, 201-216). Books referred to more than once which have been abbreviated in the second reference are indicated in the footnotes. All dates, unless otherwise

indicated, are A.D.

itated the collection of the material. To my mother and father I owe many helpful

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

ANNA MARGUERITE MCCANN American Academy in Rome, August, 1967

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter

Preface List

of

.

.

.

.

.

Page

.

Illustrations

. .

.

.

.

.

.

. .

.

.

.

.

.

13 .

17

Selected Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . 29 Introduction

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

35

I. The Evidence of the Literary Sources and the Coins . . 45 II. The Evidence of the Dated Sculptural and Painted Portraits . . 71 III. The Earliest Official Imperial Portrait Types . . . . . 83 IV. The Antoninus Pius-Severus Portrait Types . . . . 93 V. The Marcus Aurelius-Severus Portrait Type . . . . . . 101 VI. The Serapis-Severus Portrait Type . . . . 107 VII. The Late Severus Portrait Type . . . . . . . 119

VIII. IX. X.

Catalogue

Appendices Conclusions Museum

General

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

125

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

185

.

203

.

.

.

Index

Index

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. .

.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

.

. .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. .

.

.

.

211

.

217

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

(Coins, unless otherwise indicated, are from the Roman mint. The portraits in the round, unless otherwise indicated, are of marble.) Frontispiece

Fig. 1. Septimius Severus (after death), aureus, 211. London, British Museum (BMC V, #26, 424). A. M. McCann. 2. Funeral pyre of Septimius Severus, reverse of fig. 1. A. M. McCann.

P1. I, fig. 1. Septimius Severus and Julia Domna, aureus of Caracalla (reverse), 201. London, British Museum (BMC V, #260, 204). A. M. McCann.

I, 2. Caracalla, aureus of Geta (reverse), 200-202. London, British Museum (BMC V, #244, 199). A. M. McCann.

I, 3. Isis suckling Horus, denarius of Julia Domna (reverse), 198-209. London, British Museum (BMC V, #75, 166). A. M. McCann.

I, 4. Jupiter-Serapis in shrine, denarius of Caracalla (reverse), 206. Collection J. Evans. NC 3, XVIII, 1898, #108, 175, pl. XIII, 7.

II, 1. Septimius Severus, aureus, 193. London, British Museum (BMC V, #13, 22). A. M. McCann.

II, 2. Didius Julianus, aureus, 193. London, British Museum (BMC V, #1, 11). A. M. McCann.

II, 3. Septimius Severus, aureus (Laodicea ad Mare ?), 194. London, British Museum (BMC V, #433, 109). A.M. McCann.

II, 4. Clodius Albinus, denarius, 194-195. London, British Museum (BMC V, #102a, 37). A. M. McCann.

II, 5. Septimius Severus, aureus, 193. London, British Museum (BMC V, #27, 23). A. M. McCann.

II, 6. Pescennius Niger, aureus (Antioch, Syria?), 193-194. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Cabinet des Medailles #275. Cabinet des Medailles neg. A 1116.

III, 1. Septimius Severus, dupondius, 194-195. London, British Museum (BMC V, #523, 130). A. M. McCann.

III, 2. Septimius Severus, sestertius, 194. London, British Museum (BMC V, #509, 128). A. M. McCann.

III, 3. Septimius Severus, large bronze coin (Perperene), 194. London, British Museum (W. Wroth, Catalogue of the

Greek Coins of AMysia, London, 1892, #9, 169). A. M. McCann.

III, 4. Pertinax, sestertius, 193. London, British Museum (BMC V, *40, 8). A. M. McCann.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

18

P1. III, fig. 5. Septimius Severus, bronze medallion, 194. Rome, Museo Nazionale (F. Gnecchi, I Medaglioni romani, Milan, 1912, II, #2, 73). A. M. McCann.

III, 6. Antoninus Pius, bronze medallion, after 145. Rome, Museo Nazionale, 102169 (Gnecchi, I Medaglioni romani III, #129, 26). A. M. McCann.

IV, 1. Septimius Severus, bronze medallion, 194. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek #3141a. A. M. McCann.

IV, 2. Clodius Albinus, bronze medallion, 194-195. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek #3141c. A. M. McCann. IV, 3. Clodius Albinus, denarius (Lugdunum), 195-197. London, British Museum (BMC V, #289, 69). A. M. McCann. V, 1. Septimius Severus, sestertius, 194-195. London, British Museum (BMC V, #517, 129). A. M. McCann. V, 2. Septimius Severus, sestertius, 195. London, British Museum (BMC V, #551, 137). A. M. McCann.

V, 3. Septimius Severus, bronze medallion, 195. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Cabinet des Medailles #282. Cabinet des Medailles neg. B 12983.

V, 4. Septimius Severus, bronze medallion, 195. London Britisch Museum. A.M. McCann VI, 1. Septimius Severus, aureus, 196-197. London, British Museum (BMC V, #159, 46). A. M. McCann. VI, 2. Septimius Severus, detail of fig. 1. A. M. McCann. VI, 3. Septimius Severus, aureus, 196. London, British Museum (BMC V, #145, 44). A. M. McCann. VI, 4. Septimius Severus, bronze medallion, 196-197. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek #3141b. A. M. McCann. VII, 1. Septimius Severus, denarius (Laodicea ad Mare ?), 197. London, British Museum (BMC V, #466, 116). A. M. McCann.

VII, 2. Caracalla and Geta, aureus of Severus (reverse), 201. London, British Museum (BMC V, #184, 191). A. M. McCann.

VII, 3. Septimius Severus, denarius (Laodicea ad Mare ?), 198202. London, British Museum (BMC V, #680, 289). A. M. McCann.

VII, 4. Septimius Severus sacrificing, aureus of Severus (reverse), 200-201. London, British Museum (BMC V, #200, 193). A. M. McCann.

VIII, 1. Septimius Severus with aegis of Jupiter, aureus, 200-201. London, British Museum (BMC V, #208, 194). A.M. McCann.

VIII, 2. Septimius Severus, detail of fig. 1. A. M. McCann. VIII, 3. Septimius Severus with aegis of Jupiter, aureus, 200-201. London, British Museum #192a. A. M. McCann.

VIII, 4. Septimius Severus, aureus, 202. London, British Museum (BMC V, #380, 231). A. M. McCann. VIII, 5. Septimius Severus, bronze coin, 202-206. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Cabinet des Medailles. Cabinet des Medailles neg. B 12784.

VIII, 6. Galley with animals, reverse of fig. 5. Cabinet des Medailles neg. B 12784.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

19

P1. IX, fig. 1. Septimius Severus with lion-skin hood of Hercules, bronze medallion, 202. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Cabinet des Medailles. Cabinet des Medailles neg. 66.A.15474.

IX, 2. Liber and Hercules, aureus of Severus (reverse), 204. London, British Museum (BMC V, #314, 215). A. M. McCann.

IX, 3. Commodus with lion-skin hood of Hercules, sestertius, 192. Rome, Museo Nazionale #23 (Gnecchi, I Medaglioni romani, II, #23, 54). A. M. McCann.

IX, 4. Hercules and Liber, sestertius of Severus (reverse), 194. London, British Museum (BMC V, #505, 127). A. M. McCann.

X, 1. Septimius Severus, silver coin (Antioch, Syria), 202. London, British Museum (W. Wroth, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Galatia, Cappadocia, and Syria, London, 1899, #351, 193). A. M. McCann.

XI 2. Marcus Aurelius, silver coin (Antioch, Syria). London, British Museum (Wroth, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Galatia, Cappadocia, and Syria, #343, 193). A. M.

McCann.

X, 3. Septimius Severus, silver coin (Caesarea, Cappadocia), 206-207. London, British Museum (Wroth, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Galatia, Cappadocia and Syria, #226, 74). A. M. McCann.

X, 4. Septimius Severus, aureus, 207. London, British Museum (BMC V, #376, 225). A. M. McCann.

XI, 1. Septimius Severus, aureus, 202. London, British Museum (BMC V, #379, 231). A. M. McCann. XI, 2. Septimius Severus, aureus, 203. London, British Museum (BMC V, #333, 218). A. M. McCann. XI, 3. Septimius Severus, denarius, 203. London, British Museum (BMC V, #432, 240). A. M. McCann. XI, 4. Dea Caelestis riding on lion, reverse of fig. 2. A. M. McCann.

XI, 5. Septimius Severus, aureus, 204. (BMC V, #314, 215). XI, 6. Septimius Severus, aureus, 205. (BMC V, #346, 220).

London, British Museum A. M. McCann. London, British Museum A. M. McCann.

XII, 1. Septimius Severus, sestertius, 206. London, British Museum (BMC V, #847, 346). A. M. McCann. XII, 2. Warship, reverse of fig. 1. A. M. McCann. XII, 3. Septimius Severus, denarius, 200-201. London, British Museum (BMC V, #194, 193). A. M. McCann. XII, 4. Septimius Severus, aureus, 207. London, British Museum (BMC V, #358, 221). A. M. McCann.

XIII, 1. Septimius Severus, sestertius, 207. London, British Museum (BMC V, #810, 325). A. M. McCann.

XIII, 2. Septimius Severus, sestertius, 208. London, British Museum (BMC V, #854, 350). A. M. McCann.

XIII, 3. Septimius Severus, denarius, 209. London, British Mus-

eum (BMC V, *7, 357). A. M. McCann.

XIII, 4. Septimius Severus, aureus, 209. London, British Museum (BMC V, *348, 220). A. M. McCann.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

20

P1. XIV, fig. 1. Septimius Severus, sestertius, 210. London, British Museum (BMC V, #190, 394). A. M. McCann.

XIV, 2. Septimius Severus and Caracalla sacrificing, reverse of fig. 1. A. M. McCann.

XIV, 3. Septimius Severus, sestertius, 211. London, British Museum (BMC V, #811, 325). A. M. McCann.

XIV, 4. Two Victories holding shield, reverse of fig. 3. A. M. McCann.

XV, 1. Septimius Severus, detail from sacrifice scene. Rome, arch of the Argentarii. D. E. L. Haynes and P. E. D. Hirst. Porta Argentariorum, BSR, Suppl., 1939, fig. 6. XV, 2. Septimius Severus and Julia Domna, sacrifice scene. Rome, arch of the Argentarii. German Archaeological Institute, Rome, neg. 314.

XVI, 1. Caracalla, aureus, 198. London, British Museum (BMC V, #105, 171). A. M. McCann.

XVI, 2. Caracalla, aureus, 205. London, British Museum (BMC V, #476, 250). A. M. McCann. XVI, 3. Caracalla, aureus, 208-210. London, British Museum (BMC V, #576, 272). A. M. McCann. XVI, 4. Caracalla, aureus, 210-213. London, British Museum (BMC V, #101, 374). A. M. McCann.

XVII, 1. Geta, aureus of Caracalla (reverse), 198-199. London, British Museum (BMC V, #121, 174). A. M. McCann.

>\VIIJ 2. Geta, aureus, 200-202. London, British Museum (BMC

V, #249, 200). A. M. McCann. XVII, 3. Geta, aureus, 203-208. London, British Museum (BMC V, #465, 247). A. M. McCann. XVII. 4. Geta, aureus, 209. London, British Museum (BMC V, #585, 274). A. M. McCann.

XVIII, 1. Caracalla, Geta, Septimius Severus, detail from Dextra-

ruim Iunctio. Lepcis Magna, arch of Severus. Rome,

German Archaeological Institute neg. 950.83. XVIII, 2. Septimius Severus, detail from Dextrarum Iunctio. Lepcis Magna, arch of Severus. Tripoli, Archaeological Museum. Museum photograph C. L. M. 290.

XVIII, 3. Septimius Severus, Heracles, Caracalla, detail from sacrifice scene. Lepcis Magna, arch of Severus. Tripoli, Archaeological Museum. Museum photograph C. L. M. 276.

XVIII, 4. Geta, detail from Dextrarum Iunctio. Lepcis Magna, arch of Severus. Tripoli, Archaeological Museum. Museum photograph C.L.M. 299.

XIX, 1. Triumphal procession. Lepcis Magna, arch of Severus. Rome, German Archaeological Institute neg. 61.1695. XIX, 2. Septimius Severus, detail from triumphal procession. Lepcis Magna, arch of Severus. Tripoli, Archaeological Museum. Museum photograph C.L.M. 294.

XIX, 3. Marcus Aurelius, detail from sacrifice scene. Rome, Palazzo dei Conservatori. Rome, German Archaeological Institute neg. 38.377.

XX, 1. Capitoline Triad. Lepcis Magna, arch of Severus. Tripoli, Archaeological Museum. Museum photograph C.L.M. 265.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

21

P1. XX, fig. 2. Septimius Severus, detail from Capitoline Triad with restored fragment. Lepcis Magna, arch of Severus. Tripoli, Archaeological Museum. J. B. Ward Perkins photograph, kindness of J. M. C. Toynbee.

XX, 3. Serapis. Alexandria, Greco-Roman Museum, #3916. A. M. McCann.

XXI, 1. Julia Domna, Septimius Severus, Geta, Caracalla, tempera on wood tondo. Berlin (West), Staatliche Museen. Mu-

seum neg. 31329.

XXII, Cat. 1, a-c. Statue of Septimius Severus. London, British Museum Inv. 1944. Museum photographs.

XXII, Cat. 2. Septimius Severus. Cairo, formerly on art market. P.

Graindor, Bustes et statues-portraits d'INgypte romai

1935), pl. XVII.

XXIII, Cat. 3, a-b. Statue of Septimius Severus, red granite. Cairo, Egyptian Museum Inv. 703. A. M. McCann.

XXIII, fig. 1. Hercules. Tunis, Bardo Museum C 1033. Museum photograph.

XXIII, fig. 2. Minerva, Serapis and Hercules, relief. Alexandria, GrecoRoman Museum #3170. A. M. McCann.

XXIV, Cat. 4, a-d. Septimius Severus. Rome, Museo Nuovo Inv. 2309. J. Felbermeyer.

XXV, Cat. 5, a-d. Septimius Severus. Collection of A. M. McCann, Columbia, Missouri. R. Luebbers

XXVI, Cat. 6, a-b. Septimius Severus. Aix-en-Provence, Musee Granet. H. Ely.

XXVI, Cat. 7. Septimius Severus. Rome, Vatican Inv. 710. Anderson photograph 3949.

XXVII, Cat. 8, a-d. Septimius Severus. Rome, Palazzo Braschi. A. M. McCann.

XXVIII, Cat. 9, a-d. Septimius Severus. Los Angeles, private collection. M. Barsanti (a, c, d); Vasari 19010 (b).

XXIX, Cat. 10, a-d. Septimius Severus, bronze. Sweden, Djursholm, collection of Mr. Henning Throne-Holst. Stockholm, Medelhausmuseet photographs (a-b); A. M. McCann (c-d).

XXX, Cat. 11, a-c. Statue of Septimius Severus, bronze. Nicosia, Cyprus Museum. A. M. McCann (a, c); Museum photograph C 5604 (b).

XXXI, Cat. 12, a-d. Septimius Severus, bronze. Brescia, Museo Civico. Museum photographs.

XXXII, Cat. 13. Septimius Severus. Leningrad, Hermitage A 318. Museum photograph.

XXXII, fig. 1. Antoninus Pius. Brunswick, Maine, Bowdoin College Museum of Art. Museum photograph.

XXXIII, Cat. 14, a-b. Septimius Severus. Toulouse, Musee Saint Raymond Inv. 30.157. A. M. McCann (a); Museum photograph (b).

XXXIII, Cat. 15, a-b. Septimius Severus. Tripoli, Archaeological Museum Inv. 455. Museum photograph D.L.M. 1241 (a); Rome, German Archaeological Institute neg. 61.1791 (b).

XXXIV, Cat. 16, a-b. Septimius Severus. Dresden, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen *393. Museum photographs.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

22

P1. XXXIV, fig. 1. Antoninus Pius. Rome, Vatican Museum, Croce Greca 595. Rome, German Archaeological Institute neg. 33.734.

XXXIV, fig. 2. Antoninus Pius. Rome, Museo Nazionale Inv. 627. Rome, German Archaeological Institute neg. 65.1115.

XXXV, Cat. 17. Septimius Severus. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum Inv. I 1294. Museum photograph. XXXV, Cat. 18, a-c. Septimius Severus, Bedfordshire, Woburn Abbey #63. A. M. McCann.

XXXVI, Cat. 19, a-b. Septimius Severus. Rome, Palazzo dei Conservatori Inv. 1286. A. M. McCann. XXXVI, Cat. 20, a-b. Septimius Severus. Tivoli, Hadrian's Villa, Museum Inv. 527.

XXXVII, fig. 1. Bronze plaque with inscription of the fourth cohort of the Vigiles, 203. Rome, Museo Capitolino (CIL VI, 220). J. Felbermeyer.

XXXVII, Cat. 21. Septimius Severus, bronze. London, British Museum Inv. 513. Rome, German Archaeological Institute neg. 63.1797.

XXXVII, fig. 2. Antoninus Pius. Madrid, Prado Museum. Museum neg. 3927.

XXXVII, Cat. 22. Bust of Septimius Severus on sceptre. Funeral relief, Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek Inv. 1465. Museum photograph.

XXXVIII, Cat. 23, a-b. Septimius Severus. Istanbul, Archaeological Museum Inv. 46. M. Schede, Meisterwerke der turkischen Museen zu Konstantinopel, I, Griechische und romische Skulpturen des Antikenmuseums (Berlin, Leipzig 1928), pl. 42, #587. XXXVIII, figs. 1-2. Antoninus Pius. Athens, National Museum #3563. Athens, German Archaeological Institute neg. A. V. 175. XXXIX, Cat. 24, a-b. Septimius Severus. Rome, Palazzo Colonna. XXXIX, Cat. 25, a-b. Septimius Severus. Tebessa (Algeria), Musee du Temple Paien. M. Bovis.

XXXIX, Cat. 26. Septimius Severus. Poznai (Poland), Adam Mickiewicz University Inv. U.P. 3121. L. Perz, F. Mackowiak.

XL, fig. 1. Antoninus Pius. Rome, Museo Nazionale Inv. 1219. Rome, German Archaeological Institute neg. 39.259.

XL, Cat. 27. Septimius Severus. Venice, Museo Archeologico Inv. 54. Museum neg. 1514.

XL, Cat. 28. Septimius Severus. Mantua, Palazzo Ducale Inv. 6913. A. M. McCann. XL, Cat. 29. Gold bust of Septimius Severus. Didymoteichon, Thrace. The London Times, June 12, 1965.

XLI, Cat. 30, a. Septimius Severus. Rome, Museo Nazionale Inv. 345. J. Felbermeyer. XLI, fig. 1. Marcus Aurelius, detail from relief of triumph of Marcus Aurelius. Rome, Palazzo dei Conservatori. Rome, German Archaeological Institute neg. 38.372.

XLII, Cat. 30, b-d. Septimius Severus. Museo Nazionale Inv. 345. J. Felbermeyer. XLII, fig. 1. Marcus Aurelius. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum Inv. 1 13. Museum neg. 1 17107. XLIII, Cat. 31, a-b. Septimius Severus. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek Inv. 802. Museum photograph (a); A. M. McCann (b).

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

23

Pl. XLIII, Cat. 32, a-b. Septimius Severus. Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum Inv. U 215. Museum photographs. XLIV, Cat. 33, a-d. Septimius Severus. Rome, Biblioteca del Pontificio Ateneo Antoniano. J. Felbermeyer. XLV, Cat. 34, a-c. Septimius Severus. Toulouse, Musee Saint Raymond Inv. 30.113. A. M. McCann.

XLVI, Cat. 35, a-c. Septimius Severus. Mantua, Palazzo Ducale Inv. 6732. A. M. McCann.

XLVII, Cat. 36, a-b. Septimius Severus. Paris, Louvre Inv. 1113. A. M. McCann.

XLVII, Cat. 37, a-b. Septimius Severus. Paris, Louvre Inv. 1115. A. M. McCann.

XLVIII, Cat. 38, a-c. Septimius Severus. Paris, Louvre Inv. 1114. A. M. McCann.

XLIX, Cat. 39, a-d. Septimius Severus. Hannover (Germany), Kestner-Museum Inv. I. 37. H. Friedrich.

L, Cat. 40. Septimius Severus. Rome, Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti Inv. 1685. Rome, German Archaeological Institute neg. 7818.

L, Cat. 41. Septimius Severus. Richmond, Museum of Fine Arts (formerly Palazzo Giustiniani, Rome). Rome, German Archaeological Institute neg. 56.1330.

LI, Cat. 42, a-d. Septimius Severus. Rome, Museo Nazionale Inv. 8623. J. Felbermeyer.

LII, Cat. 43, a-c. Statue of Septimius Severus. Florence, Boboli Gardens. Rome, German Archaeological Institute neg. 62.1505 (a); A. M. McCann (b-c).

LIII, Cat. 44, a-b. Septimius Severus. Ostia, Museum #29. Museum photograph (a); Rome, Gabinetto Fotografico Nazionale neg. F 5724 (b).

LIII, Cat. 45, a-b. Septimius Severus. Djemila (Algeria), Archaeological Museum. D. Maxwell.

LIV, Cat. 46, a. Septimius Severus, bronze. Rome, Vatican Museum. J. Felbermeyer.

LIV, fig. 1. Serapis, detail from bust. Alexandria, Greco-Roman Museum #22158. A. M. McCann.

LV, Cat. 46, b-c. Septimius Severus, bronze. Rome, Vatican Museum. J. Felbermeyer.

LV, figs. 1-2. Septimius Severus, bronze head set in marble bust. Rome, Palazzo Rospigliosi. Modern. J. Felbermeyer.

LVI, Cat. 47, a-b. Septimius Severus. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek Inv. 803. Museum photographs.

LVI, Cat. 48, a-b. Septimius Severus. New York, Pier Tozzi Galleries. T. Feist (a); J. D. Schiff (b).

LVII, Cat. 49, a-b. Septimius Severus. Yorkshire, Newby Hall. A. M. McCann.

LVII, Cat. 50, a-b. Septimius Severus. Florence, Palazzo Riccardi #18. A. M. McCann.

LVIII, Cat. 51. Septimius Severus. Rome, Villa Doria Pamphili *93. A. M. McCann.

LVIII, Cat. 52. Septimius Severus. Florence, Palazzo Pitti Inv. 6770. A. M. McCann.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

24 P1. LVIII, Cat. 53. Septimius Severus. Liverpool, Walker Art Gallery. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek photograph. LIX, Cat. 54, a-b. Septimius Severus. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum

Inv. I 111. Museum photographs II 9066, 9067. LIX, Cat. 55. Septimius Severus. Toulouse, Musee Saint Raymond Inv.

30.158. Bildarchiv Foto Marburg 32641. LX, Cat. 56, a-b. Septimius Severus. Berlin (East), Staatliche Museen Inv. R 94. Museum photographs. LX, Cat. 57. Septimius Severus. Poznan' (Poland), Adam Mickiewicz University Inv. U.P. 3122. L. Perz, F. Mackowiak. LX, Cat. 58. Septimius Severus. Rome, Museo Nazionale Inv. 126280. A. M. McCann.

LXI, Cat. 59. Septimius Severus. Paris, Louvre Inv. 1117. A. M. McCann. LXI, Cat. 60, a-b. Septimius Severus. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum Inv. I 181. Museum photographs II 9068, 9069.

LXII, Cat. 61, a-c. Septimius Severus. Sussex, Petworth House Inv. 36. A. F. Kersting.

LXIII, Cat. 62, a-b. Septimius Severus, bronze. Brussels, Musees royaux d'art et d'histoire. Institut royal du patrimoine negs. 9445 B (a), 81 C (b).

LXIV, Cat. 63. Septimius Severus. Leningrad, Hermitage Inv. A 57. Museum photograph.

LXIV, Cat. 64. Septimius Severus. Florence, Uffizi Gallery InvT. 1914, #210. Florence, Gabinetto Fotografico della Soprinten-

denza alle Gallerie neg. 10397. LXIV, Cat. 65, a-b. Septimius Severus. Norfolk, Houghton Hall. A. F. Kersting.

LXV, Cat. 66. Septimius Severus. Rome, Vatican Museum Inv. 584. Rome, German Archaeological Institute neg. 30.635. LXV, Cat. 67. Statue of Septimius Severus. Rome, Museo Torlonia Inv. 136. P. E. Visconti, Catalogue of the Torlonia Museum of Ancient Sculpture (Rome 1883), pl. XXXIV, #36. LXVI, Cat. 68, a-b. Septimius Severus. Guelma (Algeria), Musee des Antiquites. M. Bovis.

L,XVII, Cat. 69. Septimius Severus. Rome, Museo Torlonia Inv. 566. Visconti, Catalogue of the Torlonia Museum of Ancient Sculpture, pl. CXLVI.

LXVII, Cat. 70. Septimius Severus, plaster. Frankfurt-am-Main, Frankfurter Stadtische Galerie. C. M. Kaufmann, GraecoAegyptische Koroplastik. Terrakotten der griechisch-romischen und koptischen Epoche aus der Faijum-Oase und andren Fundstatten (Leipzig 1915) pl. 4, #35. LXVII, Cat. 71, a-b. Septimius Severus. Paris, Louvre Inv. 1120. Paris, Archives Photographiques.

LXVIII, Cat. 72, a-c. Septimius Severus. Santa Maria Capua Vetere, Antiquarium. R. Bronson. LXIX, Cat. 73, a-c. Septimius Severus. Mantua, Palazzo Ducale Inv. 12240. Calzolari. LXX, Cat. 74, a-b. Septimius Severus. London, British Museum Inv. 1916. Museum photographs.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

25

P1. LXX, Cat. 75, a-b. Septimius Severus. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek Inv. 1768. Museum photograph (a); A. M. McCann (b). LXXI, Cat. 76, a-b. Septimius Severus. Rome, Museo Capitolino Inv. 364. A. M. McCann.

LXXI, Cat. 77, a-b. Septimius Severus. Yorkshire, Castle Howard. A. M. McCann.

LXXII, Cat. 78. Septimius Severus. Munich, Glyptothek Inv. 331 (now lost). Museum photograph 435.

LXXII, Cat. 79, a-c. Septimius Severus. Rome, collection of Mr. L. Twombly. A. M. McCann.

LXXIII, Cat. 80, a-b. Septimius Severus. West Norfolk, Holkham Hall. A. M. McCann (a); National Buildings Record, London neg. AA63/5022 (b).

LXXIV, Cat. 81, a-b. Septimius Severus. Venice, Museo Archeologico Inv. 40. Museo Archeologico photographs 1511, 1512.

LXXIV, Cat. 82. Septimius Severus. Rome, Museo Nazionale Inv. 12230. A. M. McCann.

LXXIV, Cat. 83. Septimius Severus. Rome, Palazzo Lancelotti. A. M. McCann.

LXXV, Cat. 84. Septimius Severus. Toulouse, Musee Saint Raymond Inv. 30.114. Museum photograph.

LXXV, Cat. 85, a-b. Septimius Severus. Florence, Palazzo Pitti Inv. 676. A.M. McCann.

LXXV, Cat. 86. Septimius Severus. Rome, Palazzo Altieri. A. M. McCann. LXXVI, Cat. 87, a-d. Septimius Severus. Munich, Glyptothek Inv. 357. A. M. McCann.

LXXVII, Cat. 88. Septimius Severus. Guelma (Algeria), Musee des Antiquites. F. G. de Pachtere, Musee de Guelma. Musees et collections archeologiques de l'Alge'rie et de la Tunisie (Paris 1909), pl. VII, fig. 8.

LXXVII, Cat. 89, a-b. Septimius Severus. Boston, Museum of Fine Arts Inv. 60.928. Photographs, courtesy of Boston Museum of Fine Arts.

LXXVII, Cat. 90. Septimius Severus. Rome, Vatican, Museo Chiaramonti Inv. 1293. Rome, German Archaeological Institute neg. 29.571.

LXXVIII, Cat. 91, a-b. Septimius Severus. Rome, Museo Capitolino Inv. 461. Oscar Savio, negs. C 498, C 505.

LXXIX, Cat. 92, a-b. Septimius Severus. Rome, Santa Pudenziana. Rome, German Archaeological Institute negs. 65.708, 65.709. LXXIX, Cat. 93, a-b. Septimius Severus. Munich, Glyptothek Inv. 401. A. M. McCann.

LXXX, Cat. 94, a-c. Septimius Severus. Tunis, Bardo Museum Inv. C 73. Rome, German Archaeological Institute neg. 61.631 (a); A. M. McCann (b, c).

LXXXI, Cat. 95. Septimius Severus. Tunis, Bardo Museum Inv. 1806. Bardo Museum photograph. LXXXI, Cat. 96, a-c. Septimius Severus. Hamburg, Museum fur Kunst und Gewerbe Inv. 1961.287. Museum photograph Nr. 15485 (a).

LXXXII, Cat. 97, a-b. Septimius Severus. Paris, Musee des Colonees Thv. 1119. LXXXIII, Cat. 98, a. Septimius Severus. Naples, Museo Nazionale Inv. 6086. A. M. McCann.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

26

P1. LXXXIII, fig. 1. Metrodoros. Athens, National Museum Inv. 368. Athens, German Archaeological Institute neg. NM 850.

LXXXIV, Cat. 98, b-e. Sentimius Severus. Naples, Museo Nazionale Inv. 6086. A. M. McCann.

LXXXV, Cat. 99, a-c. Septimius Severus. Mantua, Palazzo Ducale Inv. 6793. A. M. McCann.

LXXXVI, Cat. 100, a-c. Septimius Severus. Sussex, Petworth Collection Inv. 76. A. F. Kersting.

LXXXVII, Cat. 101, a-b. Septimius Severus. Munich, Glyptothek Inv. 353. A. M. McCann.

LXXXVII, Cat. 102, a-b. Septimius Severus. Guelma (Algeria), Musee des Antiquites. M. Bovis.

LXXXVIII, fig. 1. Caracalla. Madrid, Prado Museum 147 E. Museum photograph.

LXXXVIII, 2. Geta. Munich, Glyptothek Inv. 352. Museum photograph Nr. 303. LXXXVIII, 3. Caracalla. Toulouse, Musee Saint Raymond Inv. 30.156. A. M. McCann.

LXXXVIII, 4. Geta. Toulouse, Musee Saint Raymond Inv. 30.109. A. M. McCann.

LXXXIX, 1. Caracalla. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek Inv. 2028. Museum photograph. LXXXIX, 2. Gallienus. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek Inv. 832. Museum photograph.

XC, Gem a. Septimius Severus, plasma. London, British Museum *2021. H. B. Walter, Catalogue of the Engraved Gems and Cameos, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman in the British AMuseum (London 1926) #2021, pl. XXV.

XC, Gem b. Septimius Severus, from clay impression. New York. Collection of the late Maxime Velay. A. M. McCann. XC, Gem c. Septimius Severus between Caracalla and Geta, red jasper intaglio. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Cabinet des Medailles #2100b. Cabinet des Medailles neg. B 20401.

XC, Gem d. Septimius Severus and Julia Domna facing Caracalla and Geta, pasta vitrea. Rome, MVluseo Nazionale *72147. A. M. McCann.

XC, Gem e. Caracalla and Septimius Severus, sardonyx. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Cabinet des Medailles #2100. Cabinet des Medailles neg. 66.A.15472.

XCI, fig. 1. Ptolemaic King and Queen (?) as Serapis and Isis, amethyst. London, British Museum #1175. Photograph, kindness of Miss Gisela Richter.

XCI, Gem f. Septimius Severus, Julia Domna, Caracalla and Geta, sardonyx. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Cabinet des Me-

dailles #300. Cabinet des Me\dailles neg. B 1347. XCI, Gem g, 1-2. Septimius Severus and Julia Domna facing Caracalla and Geta, carnelian ringstone and plaster impression. New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art #40.143. Gift

of Rupert L. Joseph, 1940. Museum photographs. XCII, Gem h. Septimius Severus with Caracalla and Geta crowned by Victories, sardonyx. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Cabi-

net des Medailles *301. Cabinet des Medailles neg.

63A12678.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

27

P1. XCII, Gem. i. Septimius Severus between Geta and Caracalla. Petronell (Austria), formerly in Donau Museum. E. v. Swoboda,

Carnuntum: seine Geschichte und seine Denkmaler (Vienna

1949) 33, pl. VIII, fig. la. Drawing, 0. Cappabianca. XCII, Gem j. Septimius Severus as Serapis between Caracalla and Geta (?), carnelian intaglio from Castlesteads, Cumberland. Present location unknown. R. Blair, Proceedings. Society of Antiquaries, Newcastle-upon- Tyne 2, II (1885-1886) fig. on p. 147.

XCII, Gem k. Septimius Severus, chalcedony intaglio. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Cabinet des Medailles #2100a. Cabinet des Medailles neg. 66A.15450.

XCII, 1, 1-2. Lead seals showing Septimius Severus and Caracalla (1) and Septimius Severus between Caracalla and Geta (2). Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Museum of Antiquities, King's College. J. C. Bruce, Archaeologia Aeliana 10 (1885), pl. opp. p. 254, fig. 1, 7.

XCIII, App. I G, 1-2. Septimius Severus. Rome, Museo Nazionale Inv. 193. Lost. P. Gauckler, Le sanctuaire syrien du Janicule (Paris 1912), pl. LVII.

XCIII, App. II A. Unknown man. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum Inv. 1 1295.

XCIII, App. II C, 1-2. Unknown man. Alexandria, Greco-Roman Museum Inv. 3371. A. M. McCann.

XCIII, App. II D. Armoured statue of unknown man. Alexandria, GrecoRoman Museum Inv. 3608. Rome, German Archeological Institute neg. 2549.

XCIV, App. II E. Unknown man. Paris, Rodin Museum. Bildarchiv Foto Marburg 173335.

XCIV, App. II H. Togate statue of unknown man. Middlesex, Chiswick House. A. M. McCann.

XCIV, App. II J, 1-2. Unknown man. Saloniki, Archaeological Museum Inv. 898. Museum photographs.

XCV, App. II 0. Hercules. Tripoli, Archaeological Museum Inv. 476. Museum photographs D.L.M. 56 (a), D.L.M. 1262 (b).

XCV, App. II P. Togate statue of Marcus Aurelius (?). Seville, Archaeological Museum. E. Mariani.

XCV, App. II Q. Unknown man. Stockholm, National Museum. H. Brising, Antik Konst I Nationalmuseum urval och Beskrif (Stockholm 1911), pl. LIV, 102.

XCV, App. II R. Unknown man. Tunis, Bardo Museum. Museum photographs.

XCVI, fig. 1-2. Unknown man. Athens, National Museum Inv. 373. Athens, German Archaeological Institute neg. 120 a, b.

XCVI, 3. Sacrifice scene. Sabratha, theatre, relief from scaenae frons. G. Caputo, II teatro di Sabratha e l'architettura teatrale africana (Rome 1959) pl. 40, fig. 71.

XCVI, 4. Unknown man. Izmir, Culture Park. E. Rosenbaum negs. XVI 75-77.

XCVII, App. IIIA, 1-2. Septimius Severus. Paris, Louvre Inv. 1118. Archives Photographiques.

XC VII, App. IJIB, 1-2. Septimius Severus. Paris, formerly in von Frey collection. Rome, German Archaeological Institute negs. 3087, 3088.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

28

P1. XCVIII, App. III C. Septimius Severus. Formerly in Wiltshire, Wilton House. A. C. Cooper neg. 272259.

XCVIII, App. III D. Septimius Severus. Uffizi Gallery Inv. 1914, #207. Gabinetto Fotografico della Soprintendenza alle Gallerie, neg. 10396.

XCVIII, App. III E. Septimius Severus. Mantua, Palazzo Ducale Inv. 12248. A. M. McCann.

XCVIII, App. III F. Septimius Severus. Rome, Galleria Borghese. Gabinetto fotografico nazionale, neg. E 33333.

XCIX, App. IIIG, 1-2. Septimius Severus (?). Rome, Museo Nazionale Inv. 625. J. Felbermeyer.

XCIX, App. III H. Septimius Severus. Rome, Museo Torlonia Inv. 572. Visconti, Catalogue of the Torlonia Museum of Ancient Sculpture, pl. CXLVII.

XCIX, App. III I. Septimius Severus. Rome, Palazzo Altieri. A. M. McCann. C, App. IIIK, 1-2. Septimius Severus. Rome, Palazzo Giustiniani. A. M. McCann.

C, App. III M. Septimius Severus. Rome, Palazzo Rospigliosi. A. M. McCann.

C, App. III N. Septimius Severus. Venice, Doge's Palace. Venice, Museo Archeologico neg. 1518.

CI, App. VA, 1-4. Clodius Albinus. Rome, Museo Capitolino Inv. 463. J. Felbermeyer. CII, App. V B, 1-2. Clodius Albinus. Bloomington (Indiana), Indiana University Art Museum Inv. 62.99.

CII, App. V C. Clodius Albinus. Mantua, Palazzo Ducale Inv. 6916. A. M. McCann.

CIII, App. V D, 1-3. Clodius Albinus. Sussex, Petworth Collection Nr. 37. A. F. Kersting.

CIV, App. V E, 1-2. Clodius Albinus. Sussex, Petworth Collection Nr. 39. A. F. Kersting.

CIV, App. V F. Clodius Albinus. Rome, Vatican Museum Inv. 682. Vatican neg. XXVIII.2.41.

CIV, App, V G. Clodius Albinus. Madrid, Prado Museum Inv. 187 E. Museum photograph.

CV, App. V H. Clodius Albinus. Tunis, Bardo Museum. Museum photograph.

CV, figs. 1-2. Armoured statue of unknown man. Rome, Vatican Museum Inv. 248. Rome, German Archaeological Institute negs. 1262; 63.1758.

Colored Plates:

A. Septimius Severus and Caracalla, detail from tempera on wood tondo, Berlin (West), Staatliche Museen. Museum photograph.

B. Cat. 10. Septimius Severus, bronze. Sweden, Djursholm, collection of Mr. Henning Throne-Holst. A. M. McCann. C. Cat. 11. Statue of Septimius Severus, bronze. Nicosia, Cyprus Museum. A. M. McCann.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

(See Catalogue for Bibliography on Individual Portraits)

A. Alfoldi, " The Crisis of the Empire (A.D. 249-270)," CAH, 12 (1939) 165 ff. - " A Festival of Isis in Rome under the

Christian Emperors of the IVth Century," Dissertationes Pannonicae ex Instituto Numismatico et Archaeologico Universitatis

de Petro Pazmaeny Nominatae Budapestinensis Provenientes, II, 7 (1937). -" Insignien und Tracht der romischen Kaiser," RomMitt 50 (1935) 1 ff. " The Main Aspects of Political Propaganda on the Coinage of the Roman

Passages and Documents Illustrating the History of Social and Political Ideas, 336 B.C.-A.D. 337 (Oxford 1959). T. D. Barnes, " The Family and Career of Septimius Severus," Historia 16 (1967) 87-107. F. Barreca, " Un nuovo ritratto di Settimio Severo," BMusImp 71, appendix XIV

(1943-1945) 59-64.

E. Babelon, " Les monnaies de Septime Se-

R. Bartoccini, " L'arco quadrofonte dei Severi a Lepcis," AfrIt 4 (1931) 32-152. J. Bayet, Les origines de l'Hercule romain (Paris 1926). Histoire politique et psychologique de la religion romain (Paris 1957). H. W. Benario, " Julia Domna-Mater Senatus et Patriae," The Phoenix 12 (1958) 67-70. " Rome of the Severi," Latomus 17 (1958) 712-722.

vere, de Caracalla et de Geta relatives 'a

J. J. Bernoulli, Romische Ikonographie. Die

I'Afrique," RIN 16 (1903) 157ff. J. Balty, "Un buste inedit de Septime Severe," Latomus 20, 1 (1961) 72-78. " Deux portraits ' perdus ' de Septime Severe," RBPhil 40 (1962) 82-89. " Essai d'iconographie de l'empereur Clodius Albinus," Collection Latomus 85 (1966). " Un nouveau portrait romain de Septime Severe," Collection Latomus 58, 1 (1962) 187-196. "Les premiers portraits de Septime Severe," Latomus 23 (1964) 56-63. -" Un prototype officiel dans l'iconographie de Septime Severe," Bulletin, Institut historique belge de Rome 33 (1961) 110-113. R. Bianchi Bandinelli, V. Caffarelli, G. Caputo, Leptis Magna (Rome 1963). G. Barbieri, " Aspetti della politica di S. Severo," Epigraphica 14 (1952) 3-48. E. Barker, From Alexander to Constantine.

Bildnisse der romischen Kaiser (Stuttgart, Berlin, Leipzig 1894) II, 3. G. M. Bersanetti, " II padre, la madre e la prima moglie di Settimio Severo," Athenaeum 24 (1946) 28-43. M. Besnier, L'Empire Romain de l'avenement des Severes au Concile de Nicee (" Histoire ancienne" 3. "Histoire romaine" 4, 1. Paris 1937). J. Bidez, " Literature and Philosophy in the Eastern Half of the Empire," CAH 12

Republic," Essays in Roman Coinage Presented to Harold Mattingly (Oxford 1956) 63-95. W. Amelung, " Le Sarapis de Bryaxis," RA 2 (1903) 177-204. A. R. Anderson, " Hercules and His Successors," HSCP 39 (1928) 7-58.

(1939) 611 ff. H. Bloch, " A Dream of Septimius Severus," CW 37, 3 (1943) 31-32. P. Bober, " The Sculptures of the Arch of

Septimius Severus at Leptis Magna," unpubl. diss. (New York University 1943). F. Braemer, " Les portraits antiques trouves 'a Martres Tolosane," BAntFr (1952-1953) 143-148.

0. Brendel, "Prolegomena to a Book on Roman Art," MAAR 21 (1953) 9-73.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

30

R. Brilliant, " Gesture and Rank in Roman Art," Memoirs of Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences 14 (1963). " The Arch of Septimius Severus in the Roman Forum," MAAR 29 (1967). D. F. Brown, " Architectura Numismatica. Part One. The Temples of Rome," unpubl. diss. (New York University 1941). L. Budde, Die Entstehung des antiken Reprasentationsbildes (Berlin 1957). - ugendbildnisse des Caracalla und Geta (" Orbis Antiquus," 5, Miinster 1951). - "Severisches Relief in Palazzo Sacchetti," JdI, 18. Erganzungsheft (1955) 1-71.

A. Calderini, I Severi. La crisi dell'impero nel III secolo (Bologna 1949). G. Caputo, " Ritratto leptitano di Settimio Severo-Ercole," Collection Latomus 58, 1 (1962) 381-385. -II teatro di Sabratha e l'architettura teatrale africana (Rome 1959). R. A. G. Carson, " System and Product in the Roman Mint," Essays in Roman Coinage Presented to Harold Mattingly (Oxford 1956) 227-239. H. F. Clinton, Fasti Romani. The Civil and Literary Chronology of Rome and Constantinople from the Death of Augustus

Die Rangordnung des romischen Heeres (Bonn 1908).

W. Ensslin, " The End of the Principate," CAH 12 (1939) 352 ff. s. v. Fluss, "P. Septimius Geta," RE 4A (1923) 1566-1571.

- "L. Septimius Severus," RE 4A (1923) 1940-2002. L. Franchi, " Ricerche sull'arte di et"a severiana in Roma," (Seminario di Archeo-

logia e Storia dell'arte greca e romana dell'universita' di Roma. IV. Studi Miscellanei, Rome 1964). E. Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (New York 1960). F. Gnecchi, I medaglioni romani (Milan 1912) I-III. F. W. Goethert, " Die Sohne des Septimius Severus auf dem Berliner Familienbild,"

Neue Beitrdge zur klassischen Altertumswissenschaft. Festschrift zum 60. Geburts-

tag von Bernhard Schweitzer (Stuttgart 1954) 361-363, pl. 81. H. Gotze, "Ein neues Bildnis des Nerva," MdI 1 (1948) 139-153.

A. E. Gordon and J. S. Gordon, Album of

Dated Latin Inscription (Berkeley 19641965) II, III.

to the Death of Yustin II (Oxford 1845)

M. Grant, Roman Anniversary Issues (Cam-

C. N. Cochrane, Christianity and Classical Culture (New York 1957). A. B. Cook, Zeus. A Study in Ancient Religion (Cambridge 1914-1940) I-III. "C. Pescennius Niger," RE 17A (1937)

W. H. Gross, Bildnisse Traians (" Das romische Herrscherbild " II, 2, Berlin 1940). J. Guey, " La date de la naissance de 1'empereur Septime Severe d'apres son horoscope," BAnt Fr (1956) 33-35. " Lepcitana Septimiana VI," RAfr 94 (1950) 51-83; 96 (1952) 25-63. -" L'inscription du grand-pere de Septime Severe," BAnt Fr (1950-1951) 41-42. M. L. Hadzi, " The Portraiture of Gallienus (A.D. 253-260)," unpubl. diss. (Yale Uni-

I, 190-228.

bridge 1950).

1086-1102. F. H. Cramer, Astrology in Roman Law and Politics (Philadelphia 1954). J. Crook, Consilium Principis. Imperial Councils and Counsellors from Augustus to Diocletian (Cambridge 1955). F. Cumont, Astrology and Religion among the Greeks and Romans (New York, London 1912). - The Mysteries of Mithra (Chicago 1903).

- The Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism (New York 1956). - Textes et monuments figures relatifs aux mysteres de Mithra (Bruxelles 1896) II.

Cassius Dio, Roman History, E. Cary (London 1924). A. v. Domaszewski, " Virgo Caelestis," Ab-

handlungen zur romischen Religion (Leipzig, Berlin 1904) 148.

versity 1956).

P. G. Hamberg, Studies in Roman Imperial Art (Uppsala 1945). M. Hammond, " Septimius Severus, Roman

Bureaucrat," HSCP 51 (1940) 137-173. " The Transmission of the Powers of the Roman Emperor from the Death of Nero in A.D. 68 to that of Alexander Severus in A.D. 235," MAAR 24 (1956) 63-133. G. M. A. Hanfmann, " Observations on Roman Portraiture," Collection Latomus 11 (1953).

E. Harris and J. R. Harris, The Oriental

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

31

Cults in Roman Britain (Leiden 1965). J. Hasebroek, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Kaisers Septimius Severus (Heidelberg 1921). D. E. L. Haynes and P. E. D. Hirst, Porta

Argentariorum (BSR, Suppl., London 1939). R. M. Haywood, " The African Policy of Septimius Severus," TAPA 71 (1940) 175-186. " A Further Note on the African Policy of Septimius Severus," Collection Latomus 58, 2 (1962) 786-790. H. v. Heintze, " Studien in den Portrats

(Munich 1960).

K. Lehmann-Hartleben and E. C. Olsen, Dionysiac Sarcophagi in Baltimore (Baltimore 1942). D. Levi, " La statua bronzea di Settimio Severo a Cipro," BullComm 63 (1935) appendix BMusImp VI, 3-9. G. Lippold, Kopien und Umbildungen (Munich 1923).

H. P. L'Orange, Apotheosis in Ancient Portraiture (" Instituttet for Sammenlignende Kulturforskning," Series B: Skrifter XLIV, Oslo 1947). " Settimio Severo ", Enciclopedia dell'arte

des 3. Jahrhunderts n. Chr.," RomMitt

antica 7 (1966) 225-228. Studien zur Geschichte des spdtantiken Portrats. (" Instituttet for Sammenlignende Kulturforskning," Series B: SkrifHerodianus, History of the Roman Empire ter XXII, Oslo 1933). from the Death of Marcus Aurelius to the Studies on the Iconography of Cosmic Accession of Gordian III, trans. E. C. Kingship. (" Instituttet for SammenlignEchols (Berkeley, Los Angeles 1961). P. V. Hill, The Coinage of Septimius Severus ende Kulturforskning," Series A; Skrifter XXIII, Oslo 1953) and his Family of the Mint of Rome, A.D. 193-217 (London 1964). E. Maass, Die Tagesgotter in Rom und den Provinzen (Berlin 1902). "Notes on the Coinage of Septimius Severus and his Family A.D. 193-217," R. MacMullen, Soldier and Civilian in the NC 4 (1964) 169-188. Later Roman Empire (Cambridge, Mass., H. Hoffmann, "Portrat des Kaisers Septi1963). mius Severus," Sonderdruck aus dem JahrD. Magie, Roman Rule in Asia Minor to the buch der Hamburger Kunstsammlungen 7 End of the Third Century after Christ (1962) 224-227. (Princeton 1950) I-II. P. Hombert, " Sarapis KOEMOKPATQP et B. M. Felletti Maj, Iconografia romana impeIsis KOEMOKPATEIPA. A propos de riale quaderni e guida di archeologia (Rome quelques terres cuites inedites," L'Anti1958) II. quite Classique 14 (1945) 319-329. H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in H. U. Instinsky, " Studien zur Geschichte the British Museum (London 1950) V. des Septimius Severus," Klio 35 (1942) -" The Coinage of Septimius Severus and 200-219. His Times," NC 12 (1932) 177 ff. N. Jolliffee, "Dea Brigantia," ArchJ 98 H. Mattingly and E. A. Sydenham, The (1941) 36-61. Roman Imperial Coinage (London 1936) A. H. M. Jones, " Numismatics and History," IV. Essays in Roman Coinage Presented to "M. Aurelius Antoninus," RE 2A, 1 (1896) Harold Mattingly (Oxford 1956) 13-33. 2434-2454. 62 (1955) 174-184; 63 (1956) 56-65; 64 (1957) 69-91; 66 (1959) 175-191.

Z. KAdair, Die kleinasiatisch-syrischenR. Kulte Meiggs, Roman Ostia (Oxford 1960). zur Romerzeit in Ungarn (Leiden 1962). P. Merlat, J1upiter Dolichenus. Essai d'interG. Kaschnitz-Weinberg, " Spatromische Portrats," Die Antike 2 (1926) 42, pl. III. C. Keyes, The Rise of the Equites in the Third Century (Princeton 1915).

G. Lafaye, Histoire culte des divinites d'Alexandrie. Serapis, Isis, Harpocrate et Anubis (Paris 1884).

K. Latte, " Romische Religionsgeschichte," Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft 5, 4

pretation et de synthese (Paris 1960).

-Repertoire des inscriptions et monuments

figures du culte de Jupiter Dolichenus

(Paris 1951).

E. L. R. Meyerowitz, The Divine Kingship in Ghana and Ancient Egypt (London 1960). F. Millar, A Study of Cassius Dio (Oxford 1964).

S. N. Miller, " The Army and the Imperial

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

32

House," CAH 12 (1939) 1 ff. I. Mundle, " Dea Caelestis in der Religionspolitik des Septimius Severus und der Julia Domna," Historia 10 (1961) 228-237. " Untersuchungen zur Religionspolitik des

Septimius Severus (Herkules, Bacchus, Jupiter, Juno)," unpubl. diss. (Freiburg 1957). G. J. Murphy, The Reign of the Emperor L. Septimius Severus from the Evidence of the Inscriptions (Philadelphia 1945).

K. A. Neugebauer, " Die Familie des Septimius Severus," Die Antike 12 (1936) 155-172. A. D. Nock, Conversion. The Old and the New in Religion from Alexander the Great

to Augustine of Hippo (Oxford 1933).

" The Development of Paganism in the

Roman Empire," CAH 12 (1939) 409 ff.

R. Noll, Kunst der Romerzeit in Osterreich (Salzburg 1949). F. Oertel, " The Economic Life of the Empire," CAH 12 (1939) 232 ff. J. H. Olivier, " Julia Domna as Athena

Polias," HSCP, Suppl. 1 (1940) 521-530. C. Oman, " Coins of Severus and Gallienus

Commemorating the Roman Legions," NC 18 (1918) 80 ff.

M. Pallottino, L'arco degli Argentari (Rome 1946). R. Paribeni, II ritratto nell'arte antica (Milan 1934-1942).

H. M. D. Parker, A History of the Roman World from A. D. 138 to 337 (London 1958). T. Pekary, " Studien zur romischen Wahrungs und Finanzgeschichte im 161 bis 235 n. Chr.," Historia 8 (1959) 443-489. "P. Helvius Pertinax," RE 3 A Suppl. (1918) 895-903.

Philostratus, The Life of Apollonius of Tyana, trans. F. C. Conybeare (London 1926) I-II. The Lives of the Sophists, trans. Wilmer C. Wright (London 1922). G. C. Picard, La civilisation de l'Afrique romaine (Paris 1959).

-Les religions de l'Afrique antique (Paris 1954).

logiske Meddelelser 15, 4 (1928). J. Reville, La religion a' Rome sous les Se'veres (Paris 1886).

J. M. Reynolds and J. B. Ward Perkins, The Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania (Rome 1952).

A. Riegl, Die spatromische Kunstindustrie (Vienna 1901). G. Rodenwaldt, " The Transition to Late-

Classical Art," CAH 12 (1939) 544-570. " "Uber den Stilwandel in der antoninischen Kunst," AbhPhilHBerl 3 (1935) 1-27.

s. v. Roeder, "Sarapis," RE 2A (1920) 2394-2426.

M. Rostovtseff, "Commodus-Hercules in Britain," JRS 13 (1923) 91-109. - The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire (Oxford 1926). A. Rowe, " Discovery of the Famous Temple and Enclosure of Serapis at Alexandria," ASAE Supple. 2 (1946). A. Rumpf, " Stilphasen der spatantiken Kunst," Arbeitsgemeinschaft fur Forschung des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen 44 (1955). I. S. Ryberg, " Rites of the State Religion in Roman Art," MAAR 22 (1955). U. Scerrato, "Nota iconografia in margine all'Arco di Settimio Severo," ArchCl 7

(1955) 199.

K. Schefold, Orient, Hellas und Rom in der archaologischen Forschung seit 1939 (Bern 1949).

B. Schweitzer, " Altromische Traditionselemente in der Bildniskunst des dritten nachchristlichen Jahrhunderts," Neder-

lands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 5 (1954) 173-190.

V. Scrinari, " Le Donne dei Severi nella monetazione dell'epoca," BullComm 75 (1953) 117-135. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, David Magie (London 1960).

W. F. Snyder, " Public Anniversaries in the Roman Empire," YCS 7 (1940) 225-317.

M. F. Squarciapino, I culti orientali ad Ostia (Leiden 1962).

- La scuola di Afrodisia (" Studi e mateM. Platnauer, The Life and Reign of the riali del museo di Roma," 3, 1943). Emperor Lucius Septimius Severus (LonA. Stein, " Der romische Ritterstand," Munchdon 1918). Beitr 10 (1937). F. Poulsen, " Portratstudien in NorditalienP. Strack, Untersuchungen zur romischen ischen Provinzmuseen," Det Kgl. DanReichsprdgung des 2. Jahrhunderts (Stuttske Videnskabernes Selskab. Historisk-filogart 1931-1937) I-III.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

33

E. Strong, Apotheosis and After Life (London 1915). M. Stuart, " How were Imperial Portraits Distributed Throughout the Roman Em-

pire?" AYA 43 (1939) 601ff.

E. H. Swift, " Imagines in Imperial Por-

traiture," AJ7A 27 (1923) 286-301. F. Teager, Charisma, Studien zur Geschichte des antiken Herrscherkultes (Stuttgart 19571960) I-II.

L. R. Taylor, The Divinity of the Roman Emperor (Middletown, Conn., 1931). A. Tocchi, " II culto seculare dei Gemini e i tipi monetari severiani con Bacco ed Ercole," RIN 58 (1956) 3-20.

J. Toutain, Les cultes pawens dans l'empire romain. Premier partie. Les provinces Latines (Paris 1907-1917) I- III. - "Julia Domna invoquee sous le nom de Dea Caelestis," BAC (1944) 306-311. P. W. Townsend, " The Significance of the

Arch of the Severi at Lepcis," AYA 42

(1938) 512-524.

J. M. C. Toynbee, " Picture-language in Roman Art and Coinage," Essays in Roman

Coinage Presented to Harold Mattingly (Oxford 1956) 205-226.

-Roman Medallions (New York 1944). " Ruler-Apotheosis in Ancient Rome," NC 6, VII (1947) 126-149. J. M. C. Toynbee and J. B. Ward-Perkins, " Peopled Scrolls: a Hellenistic Motif in Imperial Art," BSR 18, new series, V

(1950) 1-43.

M. J. Vermaseren, Corpus inscriptionum et

monumentorum religionis mithriacae (The Hague 1956-60) I-II.

-The Excavations in the Mithraeum of the Church of Santa Prisca in Rome (Leiden 1965). Mithras, the Secret God (London 1963).

C. Vermeule, " Eastern Influence in Roman Numismatic Art A.D. 200-400," Berytus 12 (1956-1957) 85-99.

- " Egyptian Contributions to late Roman

Imperial Portraiture," JARCE 1 (1962)

63-68.

" Maximianus Herculeus and the Cubist Style in the Late Roman Empire," BMFA 60, #319 (1962) 9-20.

G. Walser and T. Pekairy, Die Krise des romischen Reiches. Bericht uber die Forschungen zur Geschichte des 3. Jahrhunderts (193-284 n. Chr.) von 1939 bis 1959 (Berlin 1962). J. B. Ward-Perkins, " The Art of the Severan Age in the Light of Tripolitanian Discoveries," ProBritAc 37 (1951) 269-304. " Excavations in the Severan Basilica at Lepcis Magna," BSR 20, new series VII (1952) 111-121. -" The Italian Element in Late Roman and Early Medieval Architecture," ProBritAc 33 (1947) 163-194. " Severan Art and Architecture at Lepcis Magna," JRS 38 (1948) 59-80. " Tripolitania and the Marble Trade," YRS 41 (1951) 89-104. M. Wegner, Hadrian, Plotina, Marciana, Matidia, Sabina (" Das romische Herrscherbild ," II, 3, Berlin 1956). - Die Herrscherbildnisse in antoninischer Zeit (" Das romische Herrscherbild," II, 4, Berlin 1939). V. Wessetzky, Die Aegyptischen Kulte zur Romerzeit in Ungarn (Leiden 1961). M. G. Williams, " Studies in the Lives of Roman Empresses, I, Julia Domna," AJA 6 (1902) 259-305. J. G. Winter, " The Myth of Hercules at Rome," University of Michigan Studies. Humanistic Series, IV, Roman History and Mythology (New York 1910) 171-273. G. Wissowa, " Religion und Kultus der Romer," (Handbuch der klassischen Altertums-Wissenschaft, Munich 1912, V, 4). A. M. Woodward, "The Coinage of Didius Julianus and his Family," NC 7, 1 (1961) 71 ff.

- "The Coinage of Pertinax," NC 6, 17

(1957) 84-96.

V. Wotawa, s.v. " D. Clodius Albinus," RE 7A (1900) 67-75.

" M. Didius Julianus," RE 9A (1903) 411-423.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

INTRODUCTION

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

IN TROD UC T'ION

Classical scholarship has been surprisingly lacking in a comprehensive study of the imperial portraits of the Severan age. The Antonine period of the second century and the Late Antique period of the later third and fourth centuries both claim major studies on the imperial portraiture, 1 but for the period from the beginning of Septimius Severus' reign in 193 to the death of his Syrian grandnephew Alexander Severus in 235, no major monograph has appeared. The founder of the new age, Septimius Severus, has been particularly neglected. The first scholar to make a study of the portraits of Severus was Bernoulli in 1894.2 After Bernoulli's initial catalogue of Severus' portraits within his iconographic study of the Roman emperors, only isolated articles, with one exception, either adding individual attribu-

tions to Bernoulli's original list or studying separate portrait groups have appeared. The one treatment of Severus' portraits as a whole has appeared within H. P. L'Orange's book on Apotheosis in Ancient Portraiture, published in 1947.3 His chapter on the interpretation of the portraiture of Severus suggested the way to my expanded iconographic study. One purpose of this book is to form a new, comprehensive catalogue of Seve-

ment to Bernoulli's now out-dated list.

Bernoulli's catalogue, which comprised 83 portraits in the round, four from historical reliefs, and four gems, has been completely re-evaluated in the light of more recent studies. Approximately 200 portraits have

been considered, which have either been directly identified by scholars with Severus or have been closely associated in iconography with him. Of this number

I have studied over three-quarters at first hand and photographed many myself. A new catalogue has been formed, composed of 102 portraits in the round, five from historical reliefs and one from a funerary relief, twelve gems and lead seals and a painted tondo. The portraits have arranged themselves into ten main iconographic types with their variations. The dating

and interpretation of these portrait types have been treated in five separate chapters which follow one another in a general chronological sequence. The complete catalogue of the portraits of the emperor has been placed at the end, arranged according to iconographic type. A tentative chronological order has also been attempted, as far as the evidence would permit, but it must be cautioned that this arrangement is a relative one. Overlapping in the execution of portrait types was found

rus' portraits which can serve as a replace-

to occur, and differences due to provincial

1 M. Wegner, Die Herrscherbildnisse in antoninischer Zeit (" Das r6mische Herrscherbild," II, 4, Berlin 1939); H. P. L'Orange, Studien zur Geschichte des spdtantiken Portrits (" Instituttet for Sammenlignende Kulturforskning," Series B: Skrifter XXII, Oslo 1933). 2 J. J. Bernoulli, Romische Ikonographie. Die Bildnisse der romischen Kaiser (Stuttgart, Berlin, Leipzig 1894) II, 3, pp. 20-35, hereafter cited as Bernoulli. 8 H. P. L'Orange, Apotheosis in Ancient Portraiture

(" Instituttet for Sammenlignende Kulturforskning," Series B: Skrifter XLIV, Oslo 1947), cited hereafter as L'Orange, Apotheosis. His grouping and dating of the portraits into two iconographic types has been used for the most part by scholars in the subsequent studies of Severus' portrai-

ture. Cf. review by J. M. C. Toynbee, YRS 38 (1948)

160-163.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

38

styles and artistic hands must continually

be kept in mind. It is also possible that individual portraits were made for the emperor or private persons, which would differ from the official types.4 In the few cases where a portrait could not be identified with any one of the official portrait types, it has been placed in the catalogue with its closest correspondents together with a discussion of its differences. A museum index catalogue has also been included. Attributions that are unacceptable to me have been eliminated from the catalogue, while a number of new attributions which appear to me to be correct have been added. A few portraits in the case of which good arguments both for and against identification with the emperor can be adduced have been included in the catalogue, as well as a few whose antiquity, while questionable, is not completely uncertain. In appendices at the end of the book I have listed: (a) portraits in the round described in archaeological literature as those of Severus but which are now lost; (b) ancient portraits in the round which have been attributed to Severus but which I have rejected as being such on stylistic and iconographic grounds; (c) Renaissance and modern copies in the round of Severus formerly identified as ancient; (d) gems and mosaics described as Severus in the literature, and doubtful attributions; (e) portraits in the round which I attribute to Clodius Albinus. The main text of the book deals with the dating, interpretation, and stylistic analysis of the various portrait types found. The evidence from the coinage as well as from the literary and historical sources 4 See H. von Heintze, rev. of M. Wegner, Hadrian, Plotina, Marciana, Sabina (" Das romische Herrscherbild " II, 3, Berlin 1956), Gymnasium 65 (1958) 475. 5 The term " prototype " will be used to designate the presumed original " image " upon which all replicas of a certain type would have been based. A change in the prototype would involve a change in the basic iconography of the portrait, namely in the length and arrangement of the beard and hair, in the proportions of the face, etc. When minor changes in the iconography of a type occur, either consistently in two or more portraits or in a single portrait, the term " variant " will be

for changes in Severus' portrait iconography and the basis for these changes in a consciously planned and related ideological program are also presented for each type. A re-examination of the sculptures themselves led to the discovery of a larger number of prototypes 5 than previously had been known. The basis for the identification of the prototype as well as the stylistic development of the portraits associated with it are discussed for each series. Examples from each of the portrait groups are chosen for discussion in the text either because they are particularly representative of the original prototype or because their style or iconography has special significance. The purpose of this book is thus not only to offer a new corpus of the portraits of Severus but also to furnish a theoretical foundation for their iconography and chronology. With the exception of L'Orange, who identifies a Serapis-Severus portrait type interpreted in the light of the emperor's African background and provincial interests, no scholar has presented a theory of selection to justify his identifications in the scattered studies offering new attributions to Bernoulli's list. The coin evidence has been largely side-stepped, with the notation that it is too ambiguous to be conclusive.6 The profiles of the emperor on his coinage, however, provide the single largest body of evidence remaining for a study of his imperial portraiture. A careful study of the coins of Severus' reign does reveal significant changes which can be used in correlation with other

historical and archaeological evidence. The identification and dating of the portrait types has proceeded from the widely accepted hypothesis that both the numismatused. To what extent the style of a portrait depends upon the original imago and to what extent upon the particular executing artist is a problem that must be considered in individual cases. In most instances, however, it seems probable that style as well as iconography was determined by the original model, for the two cannot be rigidly separated. 6 L'Orange, Apotheosis, 75-76; J. Balty, " Un nouveau portrait romain de Septime Severe," Hommages a Albert Grenier, Collection Latomus 58, 1 (1962) 196, n. 1; J. Balty, " Les premiers portraits de Septime Severe," Latomus, 23, 1 (1964) 57.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

39

models used for both the medallions and the sculptures. Style as well as iconogtraits in the round derived from common sculptural models.7 At different times in raphy were probably determined by these imagines. It does not always follow, howhis reign, it may be presumed that the ever, that every medallion type will be emperor sat for an official sculptural model, repeated in the sculptural portraits which then circulated and copied by both sculptors and die-engravers. The dated and remain to us. Although these premises have not been proved for the reign of Seofficial portraits on the coins of the emperor thus offer the securest foundation verus, it seems highly likely that the same remaining to us upon which a classificapractices were in use, and attention will tion of portraits in the round, in reliefs, be drawn here to the medallion portraits and on gems can be based. of any year, whenever they are extant. The use of numismatic portraits in the The importance of the Roman coins dating of the imperial portraits in the for the study of the historical and proparound is a method which has already been gandistic policies of an imperial reign has widely employed by scholars.8 The paralso long been recognized.1' On the reticular importance of medallion portraits verses of Roman coins types changed freas copies of actual sculptural prototypes quently, new ideas being introduced with has been especially stressed by J. M. C. new types while old types continued to Toynbee.9 It is supposed that the coins be struck. So we may also assume that in turn are more cursory reflections of the when a new portrait type appeared on the same sculptural prototypes. A recent, obverse at a given date, it was intended extensive use of medallion portraits in the to convey some new idea about the imidentification and dating of imperial porperial person, while portraits of early types traiture has been made by M. L. Hadzi might still be struck.'2 The coins and for the portraits of Gallienus.10 In her medallions combined with the historical excellent study, unfortunately unpublished,and literary evidence have therefore prosound evidence is presented that the medalvided the structural framework used in lion artist and the artists of the imperial not only the identification and dating but portraits in the round were both working also in the interpretation of the portrait from the same imagines of the emperor. types. It is her hypothesis that the imperial In Bernoulli's original investigation, the iconography of Gallienus was entrusted to portraits of Severus are divided into two a group of court sculptors in close contact groups, those with the hanging locks over with the imperial wishes, who embodied the forehead and those without. Among their ideas in a series of three-dimensional those without hanging locks, in a problemic portraits of the emperor and the por-

I On this point H. Mattingly and E. A. Sydenham write: " The method of executing the obverse dies was probably as follows. A plaster or clay bust of the person-

age to be represented was made by a sculptor, probably from life... The bust served as the model from which other artists made reduced bas-relief copies, taken in profile, in some plastic substance, such as wax. From these the die-cutters carved intaglio reproductions on the metal dies." (The Roman Imperial Coinage, London 1923, I, 21, cited hereafter as RIC.) Also see: H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museulm V (London 1940), xxx, cited hereafter as BMC; C. H. V. Sutherland, Art in Coinage. The Aesthetics of Money from Greece to the Present Day (London 1955) 74; 0. Brendel, Ikonographie des Kaisers Augustus (Niirnberg 1931) 19.

8 Brendel, op. cit. (supra n. 7); Wegner, op. cit. (supra n. 1); W. H. Gross, Bildnisse Traians (" Das romische Herrscherbild" II, 2, Berlin 1940); L. Budde, Jugendbildnisse des Caracalla und Geta (" Orbis Antiquus " 5,

Miinster 1951), cited hereafter as Budde, Jugendbildnisse; H. von Heintze, "Studien zu den Portriits des 3. Jahrhunderts n. Chr.," RM 62 (1955) 179-180; 63 (1956) 57, 63; S. A. Nodelman, " Severan Imperial Portraiture,"

unpubl. diss. (Yale University 1964) 33. 9 J. M. C. Toynbee, Roman Medallions (New York 1944) 223-224.

10 M. L. Hadzi, " The Portraiture of Gallienus (A. D. 253-260)," unpubl. diss. (Yale University 1956)

20-22.

11 A. H. M. Jones, " Numismatics and History,"

Essays in Roman Coinage Presented to Harold Mattingly

(Oxford 1956) 13-33, cited hereafter as Essays. A. Alfoldi,

" The Main Aspects of Political Propaganda on the Coinage of the Roman Republic," Essays 63-95; J. M. C. Toynbee, "Picture-Language in Roman Art and Coinage," Essays 205-226; R. A. G. Carson, "System and Product in the Roman Mint," Essays 227-239; Sutherland, op. cit. (su-

pra n. 7) 70-71.

12 BMC III (London 1936) cxxii.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

40

atic group of five or six portraits, Bernoulli cannot distinguish Severus from his western rival to the throne, Clodius Albinus, whose portraits also appear on the coinage of the

early years of Severus' reign.13 Bernoulli further finds no difference in the representation of the age of Severus within his portrait groups and makes no attempt to give them a chronological structure. After Bernoulli's pioneering study, which established a valuable frame of reference for further attributions, scholars have added to the identifications, and some of the most important will be mentioned here. Frederik Poulsen, in a study of portrait sculpture in north Italian provincial museums in 1928, identified a bronze head in Brescia with Severus (Cat. 12, P1. XXXI) and suggested that the portrait type without the frontal locks is the earlier one, for it shows Severus as a younger man.14 In an early article by D. Levi, published in 1935, the magnificent bronze portrait statue of Severus found in Cyprus (Cat. 11, P1. XXX and colored P1. C) is classified as an " intermediate " type between Bernoulli's two groups.15 Levi, however, believes that the portrait type with hanging locks, which often shows a soft and idealized expression, is the earlier of the two, while the type without the locks, accompanied by a more realistic and dramatic style, is the later. He allies the portrait in Cyprus to the later type, and convincingly links its style to the great Hellenistic tradition of portrait art. The differences among various provincial styles in the portraiture of Severus indeed constitute a problem needing a fuller treatment than can be given here. But it is one that must be continually kept in mind, alongside the question of differences in artistic hands, when one dates and interpretes portraits of the emperor.

In the following years, scholars continued to accept the division of the portraits of Severus into two types and to follow Levi's suggested chronology. D. Mustilli, in his publication of the sculptures of the Museo Mussolini (now the Museo Nuovo), attributes a head found on the Via dell'Impero in Rome to Severus on the basis of its relationship to other portraits of the emperor identified by Bernoulli (Cat. 4, P1. XXIV).16 But -the portraits to which he relates the head from the Via dell'Impero are the very problematic ones which Bernoulli identifies with either Severus or Albinus. The need for a clearer basis for the identification of Severus' portraits is already apparent. The pitfalls of subjective criteria used in the identification of imperial portraiture are illustrated in an article by F. Barreca in the BullComm 1943-1945 where he identifies a bearded, second century head in the Athens National Museum with Severus (P1. XCVI, figs. 1-2).17 On the basis of the size of the head, which he terms " colossal " although in truth it is only slightly over life-size,18 and the fierce, autocratic expression of the face Barreca concludes that the portrait must be identified with the imperial family and dates it at the end of the second century on

the basis of style.'9 By a process of elimination of the imperial possibilities he then concludes that the portrait must be of Severus, executed by a mediocre artist who either introduced new elements or because of incapability altered the pro-

totype. The head in Athens does not show hanging frontal locks and Barreca believes that it is another " intermediate"

type between the group with hanging locks, which he specifically dates between 193 and 202-205, and the group without the locks, which he places in the last

13 Bernoulli, 19, 34.

16 D. Mustilli, II Museo Mussolini (Rome 1939) 149, 14 F. Poulsen, " Portriitstudien in Norditalienischen #3, pl. XCII, 342-343.

Provinzmuseen," Det Kgl. Danske Videnskabernes Selskab.

17 F. Barreca, " Un nuovo ritratto di Settimio Se-

vero," BullComm 71 (1943-1945), appendix XIV, 59-64. Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser 15, 4 (1928) 27, pl. XXXI, 50, 51. 18 Height, from crown of head to break in middle

15 D. Levi, " La statua bronzea di Settimio Severo

a Cipro," BullComm 63 (1935), appendix BMusImp VI, 3-9.

of neck, 0.37 m.

19 Barreca, op. cit. (supra n. 17) 59-61.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

41

years of Severus' reign. In his conclusion, however, Barreca dates the portrait in Athens between the years 193-195 on the basis of a single coin reference.20 The iconography of the Athens portrait, however, does not correspond with the coin portraits of Severus and it must be rejected from our catalogue.

In his book, Apotheosis in Ancient Portraiture, published in 1947, L'Orange did much to clarify the iconographic confusion into which the portraits of Severus had fallen.2' He continues the division into two portrait types, with and without the corkscrew locks, but establishes a basis for their chronology by comparison with portraits of Severus in historical reliefs. He redates the portrait type without the frontal locks to the early years of Severus' reign on the basis of its relation to a portrait of the emperor on the Severan arch at Lepcis Miagna (P1. XVIII, fig. 2), dated by him in 203 (infra 74 ff.). The type with the hanging locks he notes on the arch of the Argentarii in Rome (P1. XV), dated by its inscription between December 10, 203 and December 9, 204 (infra 73). He thus dates the origin of the type with the hanging locks to the time between the erection of the two arches, or immediately before 204. L'Orange's most important contribution is his interpretation of the type with the hanging locks which he convincingly associates with the iconography of Serapis, the Egyptian god of the lower world. This association will be discussed afresh in the light of Severus' propagandistic policies. Scholars of the last decade have been

guided by L'Orange's interpretation and, for the most part, have accepted his iden-

tification of two main imperial portrait types and his chronological scheme. Further additions to the identification of Se20 Ibid., 63-64.

21 L'Orange, Apotheosis, 73-86.

22 F. Poulsen, Catalogue of Ancient Sculpture in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek (Copenhagen 1951) 502, cited

hereafter as Poulsen, Catalogue.

23 M. F. Braemer, " Les portraits antiques trouves a Marthes Tolosane," BAntFr (1952-1953) 145-146.

verus' portraits have been made, by Frederik Poulsen in his catalogue of the ancient sculpture in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen.22 Other portraits of Severus in the important museum for Roman sculpture in Toulouse were added to the list in 1952-1953 by F. Braemer of the Louvre.23 He includes dates for the portraits in his list, but offers no discussion. B. M. Felletti Maj in her catalogue of the Roman portraits in the Museo Nazionale in Rome gives further bibliography and several new attributions.24 She also follows L'Orange's division of the portraits into two types, although her statement that L'Orange demonstrates "la

contemporaneit'a dei due tipi" 25 does not follow from his study. Most recently, several articles have appeared on Severus' iconography by J. Balty of Brussels, which have contributed two new attributions and suggested several groups of related portraits. In her first article, published in 1961, a portrait of Severus, then on the Roman art market and now in the private collection of M. L. Twombly in Rome (Cat. 79, P1. LXXII), is identified and related to other previously known portraits of the emperor.26 She believes that the group of approximately ten portraits stems from a common prototype, and an Italian origin for both the replica in the Twombly collection and for the original prototype is suggested. The portrait type used with the four hanging frontal locks will be discussed here in detail in chapter VI, where 51 portraits in the round will be identified with it and subdivided into a number of different stylistic groups. While the provenance when known of the portraits in the series is predominantly Italian, over half of the total number are of Greek marble, which allows for the possibility that the original por24 B. M. Felletti Maj, Museo nazionale romano, i ritratti (Rome 1953) 128, cited hereafter as Maj, Museo nazionale.

25 Ibid., 128.

26 Balty, " Un buste inedit de Septime Sevevre," Latomus 20, 1 (1961) 72-78.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

42

trait prototype as well as replicas could

date is obtained mainly from C. Ver-

have been executed in the Roman East and

meule's suggested dating of the large

then shipped to the West.27 Thus, Balty's

bronze statue of Severus in Cyprus in

conclusions as to an Italian origin for the series must still remain in question. She does not offer a date for the execution of the replicas or for the original portrait prototype in her article.

202, correlated with historical events of that year.29

In another article Balty related a sec-

ond group of portraits to the portrait in relief of Severus from the scene of a Dex-

In these years between 202 and 204 Balty also places a third group of portraits characterized by an upswept hair style over the forehead, a particularly fine exam-

ple of which is the portrait from the Biblioteca del Pontificio Ateneo Antoniano

trarum Iunctio on the arch at Lepcis Magna

in Rome, published by her for the first

(P1. XVIII, fig. 2), previously used by L'Orange in the dating and identification of his early portrait type.28 She accepts L'Orange's terminal date of 204 for the

time (Cat. 33, P1. XLIV).30 She believes that the upswept hair style forms the intermediary link between the two portrait

origin of the Serapis-Severus type and would like to see the portrait prototype

for her new group in the presumed togate sculptural model for the imperial portrait in the Dextrarum Iunctio scene. She thus dates her group of portraits all in the years 202 to 204. Her terminus post quem

types: the early Dextrarum Iunctio type with the hair brushed high over the forehead and the later Serapis type with the corkscrew locks which she believes originated in commemoration of Severus'

Decennalia.3' Presupposed in her chronological scheme is a theory of the natural evolution of hair growth from short

27 For evidence of the circulation of both marbles

Balty also lists two new portrait attributions to Severus which were not previously known to me (ibid., 38, porinfra VI, n. 36. trait in Toronto; 45, portrait in Tyre). The portrait in the Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto (Inv. 933. 27. 4) 28 Balty, " Un prototype officiel dans l'iconographie is closest in its iconography to the portraits of Severus de Septime S6vere," Bulletin. Institut historique belge de listed here under Type II, particularly the portrait in Rome 33 (1961) 101-113, hereafter cited as BIHBR. Aix-en-Provence (Cat. 6, P1. XXVI) and in the Vatican In a more recent article, which was not available to (Cat. 7, P1. XXVI). Judging from the photographs, the me until after this manuscript was in proof, Balty now portrait of Severus in Toronto appears to have been suggests that the prototype for this group dates before reworked, but Mrs. N. Leipen, curator of classical antiq203 and that its iconography can be related to that of uities at the Royal Ontario Museum, believes that it is Pertinax (" Essaie d'iconographie de l'empereur Clodius ancient and that the head and bust are cut from one piece Albinus," Collection Latomus 85, 1966, pp. 39-43). For of marble. I am grateful to Mrs. Leipen for photographs my opinion concerning the date of this type and portrait of the bust and the following information about it: references to Pertinax on the coinage of Severus see infra Head and bust of Italian marble. Total H., 0.826 m.; 61, 121 ff. H. of head and bust, 0.642 m.; W. of head, 0.22 m. Also included in Balty's most recent article is a photoName-plate and foot separate and probably modern. graph of a portrait in the Pitti Palace in Florence listed Found in Ostia in 1797. Formerly in the Hope by me as a lost portrait of Severus (infra App. I, E, 187) Collection. Bought from Sotheby, London, July 27, but which she attributes to Clodius Albinus (ibid., pl. VII, 1933, lot no. 122. Published by C. Vermeule, "Greek p. 58; Cf. C. Saletti, "Un ritratto di Settimio Severo and Roman Portraits in North American Collections a Palazzo Pitti, " Athenaeum 44 (1966) 251-260, pls. Open to the Public," ProcPhilSoc 108 (1964) I-IV). I agree with Balty that the iconography of the

and sculptors in the ancient world see bibliography cited

portrait in the Pitti is very similar to that of the portrait in the Museo Nuovo in Rome, also attributed by me to Severus (infra Cat. 4, P1. XXIV). I therefore would include the Pitti portrait with those portraits of Severus I have grouped under Type II (infra 128). Concerning Balty's other attributions to Clodius

Albinus (ibid., 49-66), compare my catalogue (intfra 197202) where, from her list of eight, only the portraits in Mantua (infra 199, App. V C), the Capitoline Museum (infra 197, App. V A), and the Prado Museum (infra 201, App. V G) are accepted. The portraits in Cairo

and the British Museum I attribute to Severus (infra

Cat. 1, 127; Cat. 2, 128), as well as the portraits in the Museo Nuovo and the Pitti Palace mentioned above. The statue in the Vatican I have rejected as a portrait of either Albinus or Severus (infra 201, n. 10).

115, fig. 37.

The crowned head of Severus in the museum at Tyre is very like the portrait of Severus in Istanbul (our

Cat. 23, P1. XXXVIII). Indeed, their iconography is

so close that they would appear to have been based on a common prototype. I thus would place the head in

Tyre with our Type VI (infra 141). For a photograph of this head see: M. Chehab, " Tyr a l'cepoque romaine," MeUSY 38 (1962) 34-40, pl. IX.

29 Ibid., 110-113.

30 Balty, Collection Latomus, 58, pp. 187-196; Balty, Collection Latomus 85 pp. 44-48.

31 There is sound evidence from the sources, however, that Severus celebrated his Decennalia in 202 rather than in 203, which would alter Balty's chronology. See evi-

dence cited, infra 65.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

43

to upswept and finally to long curls. Whether Severus' iconography can be patterned and interpreted upon such a naturalistic theory of evolution is a question to be answered in the following chapter, where a different interpretation for the iconographic changes will be offered. Further difficulties are inherent in Balty's approach. Although she notes evidence from the imperial coinage,32 she makes no attempt to use the evidence in a comprehensive and systematic way. As she herself states at the beginning of one of her recent articles identifying a fourth group of portraits with the earliest portrait type of Severus, the coins offer " nos seuls criteres d'identification absolument certains.'"33 But later in her discussion she writes that the coins " ne permettent guere plus qu'une impression d'ensemble, un jugement global " 34 and warns against comparing sculptural portraits with those on the coins.35 Her conclusions as to the identity and date of her portrait group in question, however, are drawn from precisely a comparison of the portraits in the round with a medallion portrait of the emperor, dated 194-195.36 If the coin evidence is to be used at all, it would appear to me that valid conclusions can only be drawn after the material has been evaluated as a whole and some criteria for selection or rejection have been established. Certain inconsistencies in the coinage will then usually find their explanation in an analysis of the coins themselves and a knowledge of cur-

rent practices in the mint.37 In conclusion, Balty's dating of her four types appears to me too forced and too tight. In her attempt to adhere to

L'Orange's chronological scheme, the evidence of the coinage as well as that of the gems and the Berlin tondo painting is largely passed over. Furthermore, she does not take into account the possibility of more than one portrait type being in use at any one time or of the re-interpretation of a type in the light of changing propagandistic themes. In a footnote, Balty promises a revised catalogue yet to appear of the portraits of Severus to replace Bernoulli's.38 Most recently, H. Jucker has raised doubts concerning L' Orange's division and dating of Severus' portrait types in his book, Das Bildnis im Blatterkelch. Geschichte und Bedeutung einer roimischen Portrdtform, published in 1961.39 In his study of a portrait in a pediment relief from Asia Minor (P1. XCVI, fig. 4), identified by him as Severus, Jucker indicates the existence of three different imperial portrait types. He also cites evidence from the coins and the medallion painting in Berlin that the Serapis type was in existence in 199.40 The time is indeed ripe for a more thorough investigation of the portraiture of this important emperor. It is hoped that this study may provide a sounder basis for the identification and dating of Severus' portraits than has hitherto been offered and that it may serve as a guide for any further attributions. It is also hoped that this specific study may be helpful to the larger problem of the stylistic development of Severan portraiture as a whole and the importance of its particular contribution to the total evolution of Roman art.

32 Balty, Collection Latomus 58, p. 196, n. 1; Balty, graphic group, while the portraits in the Petworth Col-

Latomus 23, pp. 56-63. 33 Balty, Latomus 23, p. 57. 34 Ibid. 35 Ibid.

36 Ibid., 62-63. Balty, Collection Latomus 85, pp. 36-39. Exception is also taken here to the antiquity of two of the portraits in Balty's group, the bust in the Palazzo Braschi in Rome (infra 88) and the head formerly in the Stettiner Collection, cited by Balty as formerly in the ancient von Frey Collection (infra 192). The portrait in Toulouse (infra 135) and the portrait in Leningrad (infra 135) have been placed here with a different icono-

lection (infra 199) and in Bloomington, Indiana (infra 198) have been rejected as portraits of Severus on iconographic grounds. For portraits that I associate with the earliest portrait type of Severus see infra 85 ff. For the portrait in Toronto see supra n. 28. 3" For a discussion of Roman mint practices see Carson, op. cit. (supra n. 11). "I Balty, op. cit. (supra n. 26) 74, n. 2. 39 H. Jucker, Das Bildnis im Bldtterkelch. Geschichte

und Bedeutung einer rdmischen Portratform (Lausanne, Freiburg 1961) 102-104, #52. 40 Ibid., 103, n. 4, 5.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

CHAPTER ONE

THE EVIDENCE OF THE LITERARY SOURCES AND THE COINS

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

CHAPTER ONE

THE EVIDENCE OF THE LITERARY SOURCES

AND THE COINS

Septimius Severus has usually been portrayed by historians as a military usurper who rose to power through the army, and, by his favoring of the soldiers and partiality to the provinces, brought about both a militarization and a barbarization of the Roman empire.' Severus is considered to be the first in a line of emperors of military background and non-Roman descent 2 who came to dominate the tumultuous years of the third century. Born in the North African city of Lepcis Magna,3 which maintained strong Punic influences in language and religion during Roman times, Severus' provincial background is cited as one of the controlling influences in his reign. Severus was further allied to the eastern world through his marriage to a Syrian priest's daughter from Emesa,

Julia Domna, who bore himn two sons, Caracalla and Geta. Thus a dynasty based on oriental principles was established. His period of rule between 193 and 211 is considered as the turning point in Roman history when the principate of Augustus was replaced by a military and dynastic monarchy where all power was concentrated in the hands of the ruler.4 Gibbon, in the late eighteenth century, had already given Severus the label of "the principal author of the decline of the Roman empire." 5 This picture of Severus as the barbaric soldier emperor who initiated a turning point in Roman history has continued to be the popular representation of the founder of the Severan dynasty by modern historians.6 This picture of Severus as a military

1 M. Rostovtzeff, The Social and Economic History 4 For a discussion of this process see M. Hammond,

of the Roman Empire, rev. ed. (Oxford 1957) 400-415.

"Transmission of the Powers of the Roman Emperor

2 Of colonial heritage, Severus was undoubtedly from the a Death of Nero in A.D. 68 to that of Alexander

mixture of Punic, Berber and Roman blood. For the genealogical table of the Severan family see J. M. Reynolds and J. B. Ward-Perkins, The Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania (Rome 1952) 19; J. Guey, " L'inscription du grandpere de Septime Severe," BAntFr (1950-1951) 41-42. For recent discussion of Severus' heritage see F. Millar, A Study of Cassius Dio (Oxford 1964) 184, and H.M.D. Parker, A History of the Roman World from A.D. 138 to 337, rev. ed. (London 1958) 385, n. to p. 58, I, 11. Cf. M. Hammond, " Septimius Severus, Roman Bureau-

Severus in A.D. 235," MAAR 24 (1956) 63-133. 5 E. Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed. D. M. Low (New York 1960) 62. 6 S. N. Miller, "The Army and the Imperial House," CAH 12 (1939) 24. For other articles in the CAH 12 which reflect the same viewpoint see: J. Bidez, 611 ff.; A. Alf6ldi, 165ff.; W. Ensslin, 352ff.; F. Oertel, 232ff. Among the other historians who have emphasized Severus' role as a military emperor and the importance of African and Syrian influences during his reign are: M. crat," HSCP 51 (1940) 140-147. Platnauer, The Life and Reign of the Emperor Lucius SepFor further bibliography on Severus' ancestors see timius Severus (London 1918) with earlier historical biblioG. Walser and T. Pekary, Die Krise des romischen Reiches. graphy, 215-218; M. Besnier, L'Empire romain de l'aveBericht uiber die Forschungen zur Geschichte des 3. J7ahrnement des SevWres au concile de Nicee (Paris 1937) 1-55; hunderts (193-284 n. Chr.) von 1939 bis 1959 (Berlin Parker, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 55-88, 115-128; E. Barker, 1962) 2. For a discussion of the background of the third From Alexander to Constantine. Passages and Documents century emperors as a whole see A. Calderini, I Severi. Illustrating the History of Social and Political Ideas, 336 La crisi dell'impero nel III secolo (Bologna 1949) 243-248. B.C. - A.D. 337 (Oxford 1959) 348-350. 3 For a discussion of the origin of the name and its For a summary of recent historical literature and scholspelling see Reynolds and Ward-Perkins, op. cit. (supra arly opinions concerning the Severan age see Walser and n. 2) 73-76. Pekairy, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 7-9.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

48

emperor does, indeed, find support in the ancient literature. Our information for the history of Severus' reign comes mainly from three sources. The most complete account of Severus' activities appears in the contemporary writings of Cassius Dio, an historian born in Nicea who, entering the Senate under Commodus, knew Severus personally and was also active in Julia Domna's literary circle.7 The second source for the life of Severus is Herodian's history, which is also a contemporary one.8 A Greek from Alexandria who likewise enjoyed public office, Herodian is more rhetorical in his interests and his account has been found to be less accurate. The third source for Severus' reign is Spartianus' account in the collection of historical writings known as the Scriptores Historiae Augustae, whose date has been a source of scholarly debate.9 Today, however, most agree that the accounts were written at the beginning of the fourth century. Since later in date, Spartianus' account is considered less reliable than the contemporary sources. While all three of the sources emphasize Severus' military aspect,10 Dio's comments are particularly relevant. He preserves what is said to be Severus' exhortation to his sons before his death: " Be harmonious, enrich the soldiers, and scorn all other men." ) At the same time, Dio also provides a broader picture of Severus' abilities. Although as a senator he is often

critical of Severus' military policies,'2 he 7 Cassius Dio, Roman History, E. Cary (London 1924) epitome of bks. LXXIV-LXXVII, hereafter cited as Dio. For the most recent study of Dio see Millar, op. cit. (supra n. 2).

8 Herodianus, History of the Roman Empire from the Death of Marcus Aurelius to the Accession of Gordian III, trans. E. C. Echols (Berkeley, Los Angeles 1961) bk. III,

hereafter cited as Herodian.

9 " Severus," Scriptores Historiae Augustae, David Magie (London 1960), hereafter cited as SHA. For a summary of the reliability of the literary sources as a whole, see discussion in Platnauer, op. cit. (supra n. 6) 1-22. For a fuller list of literary sources see: Fluss, s.v. "L. Septimius Severus," RE 4 A (1923) 1940-1943. For a recent summary of bibliography on the SHA problem see Walser and Pekary, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 124-128. 10 Dio, LXXV, 2.2-3; Herodian, III, 6, 10 and 14, 2; SHA, " Severus," XII, 2. " Dio, LXXVII, 15.2.

nevertheless indicates admiration and respect for Severus' governing ability: "Severus was most shrewd, both in accurately forecasting the future and in successfully handling the situation of the moment." 13 Herodian likewise, while sometimes critical of the emperor,14 admits his qualities of leadership: " Everything about the man was extraordinary, but especially outstanding were his shrewd judgment, his endurance of toils and his spirit of bold optimism in everything he did." 15 The general picture of Severus gleaned from the sources is that of a military man who was a shrewd and ruthless leader, an opportunist, quick to see and act upon what was expedient. All the sources stress his favoring of the soldiers and are especially critical of his cruel and authoritarian handling of the senate after the death of his western rival, Clodius Albinus, when Severus initiated a purge of the senators and others who had supported Albinus 16 and a confiscation of property.17 These measures may well also have been for mercenary gains, for the new resources enabled Severus to leave a greater fortune to his sons than any previous emperor.18 There is further evidence for the interpretation of Severus as a soldier-emperor in the changes in policy which he initiated. Of special importance were the modifications which he introduced into the structure of the army itself, which set a precedent for later emperors in their attempts to hold together a changing order.19 He 12 Dio, LXXV, 2.2-6; LXXVI, 7.4.

13 Excerpta Valesiana 333. (Dio, IX, p. 153, n. 1). 14 Herodian, II, 9, 13; III, 8, 7. 15 Ibid., II, 14, 2.

16 SHA, " Clodius Albinus," XII, 1-4. Dio, LXXVI,

7.4; 8.1-4. 17 Herodian, III, 8, 2.

18 SHA, " Severus," XII, 1-3; Herodian, III, 8, 7-8.

19 A. von Domaszewski, Die Rangordung des rom

schen Heeres (Bonn 1908) 88-90, 133-135; A. Stein, Der romische Ritterstand (" Miinchener Beitriige zur Papyrusforschung und antiken Rechtsgeschichte," 10) 1937, pp. 413-414; R. MacMullen, Soldier and Civilian in the Later Roman Empire (Cambridge 1963) 152-177, especially 176, n. 52. For a discussion of the different points of view held by scholars concerning the barbarization of the army

by Severus see Rostovtzeff, op. cit. (supra n. 1) II, 710, n. 12.

For a full account of Severus' military reforms see

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

49

started to break down the previous system of military organization, which favored senatorial rank and Italian birth. For example, Severus disbanded the praetorian guards, traditionally chosen from native Italians, and replaced them with soldiers from his own loyal Danube troops. Later he substituted his second Parthian legion and established them on the banks of the Alban Lake, creating Italy's first permanent legionary garrison. Thus Severus both removed the praetorians from interference in Roman affairs and secured near

at hand a legion directly attached to himself. This legion was under the command of an equestrian praefectus rather than a senatorial legatus, illustrating Severus' new policy of taking commands away from the senatorial order and conferring them upon the equites.20 An important consequence was the broadening of the base of recruitment for commanding officers and the shifting of the balance of power towards the military. But Severus is also known as an able civil administrator and his age as that of the great jurists, Papinian, Ulpian and

lulius Paulus.2' A recent study by Mason Hammond,22 which has found some support, 23 emphasizes this aspect of Severus' rule. Hammond stresses the Roman elements in Severus' background and his concern for romanitas in the forming and execution of his policies, calling Severus in the last analysis a " Roman bureaucrat." Parker, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 80-88 and Platnauer, op. cit. (supra n. 6) 158-172. 20 For the extension of power and increase in number of the equites under Severus see: C. Keyes, The Rise of the Equites in the Third Century (Princeton 1915) 4, 32. 21 J. Crook, Consilium Principis. Imperial Councils and Counsellors from Augustus to Diocletian (Cambridge 1955) 79-85.

22 Hammond, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 137-173. 23 T. D. Barnes, "The Family and Career of Septimius Severus, " Historia 16, 1 (1967) 87- 107; R. M. Haywood, " The African Policy of Septimius Severus," Collection Latomus, 58, 2 (1962) 786-790; G. Barbieri, " Aspetti della politica di S. Severo," Epigraphica 14 (1952) 3-48; cf. P. Romanelli, Storia delle province romane dell'Africa (Rome 1959) 392-435, especially 435, n. 3. For further references see Walser and Pekary, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 7-9.

Although he brings evidence from literary and epigraphical sources to support his interpretation, which modifies the earlier and still most widely accepted view of the emperor, Hammond's study is based on evidence drawn mainly from the early years of Severus' life before he became emperor. Furthermore, his use of these sources has recently been questioned.24 Severus was born at Lepcis Magna on April 11, 146.25 His ancestors were equestrians whose origin Hammond traces back before Trajanic times and would like to believe were Italic in origin.26 Although he had relatives who held consulships in Rome,27 Severus was the first of the African branch of the family to take up a senatorial career. Hammond further emphasizes Severus' traditional background and training. That he was well educated

in Greek and Latin is recorded in the literary sources.28 Later, he continued his studies in Rome and in Athens.29 Under Marcus Aurelius, he obtained senatorial status and began his public career.30 He evidently held an urban quaestorship in 171 before he was sent to Baetica. During

his time of office in Spain, his father died and Severus made a visit to Africa. Following that time, he held posts in both Sardinia and Africa. In 174 or 175 he held the office of plebeian tribune and married his first wife, Marcia, about whom we know very little.31 In 178, at the age of thirty-two, Severus became praetor in 8 (1959) 473, n. 220. Also see criticism of Hammond's

point of view based on new evidence from Egyptian papyri by W. L. Westermann and A. A. Schiller, Apokrimata: Decisions of Septimius Severus on Legal Matters (New York 1954) 34, n. 63. 25 J. Hasebroek, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Kaisers Septimius Severus (Heidelberg 1921) 3; Hammond, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 139, n. 1. Cf. T. Guey, " La date de la naissance de l'empereur Septime Severe d'apres son horoscope," BAntFr (1956) 33-35, whose astrological evidence for a birth date in 145 I find unconvincing in the light of the literary evidence.

26 Hammond, op. cit. (supra n. 2). 27 Ibid., 144

28 SHA, "Severus," I, 4.

29 Ibid., " Severus," I, 5; III, 7. 30 Ibid., "Severus," I, 5; Hammond, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 144.

24 T. Pekairy, " Studien zur r6mischen Waihrungs 31 We do know that Severus erected statues of her

und Finanzgeschichte von 161 bis 235 n. Chr.," Historia

when he was emperor (SHA, " Severus," III, 2).

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

50

Spain and the following year was given command of a Syrian legion. His stay in the East was a short one, and following his command he went to Athens for a period of study, which evidently was not happy, for we are told he later curtailed the rights of the Athenians because of certain wrongs he had suffered at this time.32 In 186 he was appointed governor of Gallia Lugdunensis where he married his second wife, Julia Domna. In 189 Severus held a proconsulship in Sicily. Hammond emphasizes that all these posts were of a civil and judicial nature rather than military and that when he was given command of the Pannonian legions on the Danube in 189 or 190 (an appointment which led directly to his imperial acclamation by his army at Carnuntum in 193), his command was evidently for Upper Pannonia only and his tenure was unmarked by war.33 Hammond's picture of Severus is one of a trained politician, steeped in Roman traditions, who had followed a traditional career alternating between civil and military posts, which did not especially equip him for a military role. Nevertheless, one cannot avoid the fact that as emperor Severus' appraisal of conditions within the empire led him to adopt a military line of rule. Hammond stresses Severus' realism in his solution of a centralized government under the protection of a strong army after the murder of the respected Pertinax by the praetorian guard and the sale of the imperial office to the weak Didius Julianus. The solution is the natural one, he says, which would occur " to an ambitious and ruthless ruler who had seen the unsatisfactory character of

the existing organization from the inside, as a Roman bureaucrat." 34 In any case, whether Severus made these changes be32 Ibid., " Severus," III, 7.

83 Hammond, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 163, 166. For a summary of Severus' early career and problems in its chronology also see Platnauer, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 38-53. 34 Hammond, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 72.

35 Herodian, II, 7, 3; Dio, LXXIV, 13.4-5; SHA,

" Severus," V, 4.

36 Dio, LXXV, 4 and 5.

cause of his character or through his knowledge as a Roman bureaucrat or both, the result was the same. The army had gained in prestige and had become more directly an instrument of centralized imperial control. While one may agree with Hammond and not wish to apply the term " barbarization " to Severus' rule, the char-

acter of the army and the empire lhad been profoundly altered. In an over-all evaluation of Severus' imperial policies, however, there is some evidence for Hammond's point of view which is important to bear in mind in a study of his imperial portraiture. During the period of the "Wars of Succession" from 193 to the death of Clodius Albinus in 197, Severus did rely heavily on Roman tradition in the establishment of his claim to the imperial office. He first proclaimed himself the avenger of the murdered Pertinax, beloved by the Senate and the Roman people whio had already demanded that vengeance be done.35 One of the first acts of Severus as emperor was to hold an elaborate funeral and to deify Pertinax.36 He also took the name of Pertinax as part of his own from 193 to 198.37 Moreover, although it was through the army that Severus was first acclaimed emperor, he was careful to recognize the Senate's traditonal right of proclamation.38 It was not until after the death of Clodius Albinus, when Severus' power was firmly established in both the East and the West, that he showed his wrath by putting many of the senators to death.39 But Severus' most positive reliance upon a Roman heritage was his claim of adoption by the great philosopher-emperor of the Antonine house, Marcus Aurelius. On his coins of 195 the title DIVI M PII F P M TR P III COS II PP appears 40 and in the inscriptions from 195 onwards 37 BMC V, lxxix, cxxxvii. 38 Hammond, op. cit. (supra n. 4) 107 ff; Herodian, II, 14, 3. 81 SHA, " Severus," XII, 7-9. BMC V, xxii, clxxiv, attributes the cessation of the " aes " coinage between 197 and 208 to a breach between Severus and the Senate. However, cf. Carson, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 11) 230. 40 BMC V, 41 (see coinage of the third issue).

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

51

Severus adopts the cognomen PIUS.41 This claim to adoption was a strategic move on Severus' part, for in 195 Clodius Albinus declared himself Augustus in the West.42 By claiming adoption into the Antonine house Severus became the heir to a continuous line of deified emperors. In so doing he undoubtedly hoped to draw wider support from the western part of the empire at this critical time. Severus further strengthened his position by renaming his elder son Marcus Aurelius Antoninus when Caracalla was designated Caesar in 196.43 The emperor's dynastic intentions were further revealed in 198 when Caracalla became Augustus with his father, and Geta was named Caesar.44 This special honoring of the Antonine house during the early years of Severus' reign is further exemplified by the appearance of special anniversary issues of coins and medallions. Grant, in his study of the Roman anniversary issues, points out that Severus commemorated the half-century anniversary of coinage and medallions issued by Antoninus Pius in 140-144 by his own issuing of coinage with the same inscription, APOLLINI A UGUSTO.45 Severus also repeated anniversary issues of

Marcus Aurelius, Nerva, and Trajan, and revived the institution of Alimenta, which originated under Trajan. Its centenary is also celebrated on Severus' coinage.46 Peculiar also to these early years of Severus' reign was his admiration for the Roman leaders who lived during the time of the Republic.47 But perhaps the event which most conspicuously exhibited Severus' acceptance of older Roman state-religious traditions was his revival of the ludi saeculares traditionally celebrated every 110 years and last held under Domitian.48 In the total picture of Severus' reign, however, it is clearly evident that influences other than those discussed by Hammond also have a proportionate role to play in the formation of the history, religion, and art of the Severan Age. Of particular importance for our study is the evidence for an increased interest in astrology and eastern cults. To be sure, these interests are not new to the Roman world,49 but there is evidence that they received a new impetus during Severus' reign which was continued under his dynasty.50 The ancient sources suggest that Severus himself was by nature superstitious and deeply involved personally in both astrology and religious

41 G. J. Murphy, The Reign of the Emperor L. Septimtradition can be seen in his restoration of many of the Roman public monuments, including the Circus Maximus. ijus Severus from the Evidence of the Inscriptions (Phila(SHA, " Severus," XXIII, 1; Grant, op. cit., supra n. 45, delphia 1945) 102. The earliest inscription with a com117). For a chronological list of Severus' building activplete list of Severus' Antonine ancestors is CIL VIII, ities in Rome see H. W. Benario, " Rome of the Severi," 9317. Cf. Parker, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 66, n. 54. Also Latomuts 17 (1958) 712-722. see Dio, LXXVI, 7.4. Cf. Hasebroek, op. cit. (supra

n. 25) 90. 42 BMC V, 19.

43 Ibid., V, xcii; see Toynbee, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 9) 100, for the celebration of the event on a medallion. 44 BMC V, cxxviii.

45 M. Grant, Roman Anniversary Issues (Cambridge 1950) 115. 46 Ibid. 115-122.

47 Dio, LXXVI, 8.1. For Severus' honoring of

Hannibal see Dio, XIX, 65.2.

48 Platnauer, op. cit. (supra n. 6) 186; F. Altheim, A History of Roman Religion (London 1938) 458-459; Grant, op. cit. (supra n. 45) 2. For history of games see Lilly Ross Taylor, " Secular Games," OCD. For the surviving ancient documents of the games see: I. B. Pighi, De Ludis Saecularibus Populi Romani Quiritium (Amsterdam 1965) 95-100, 237-263; Murphy, op. cit. (supra n. 41) 34-36; and H. F. Clinton, Fasti Romani. The Civil and Literary Chronology of Rome and Constantinople from the Death of Augustus to the Death

Severus also joined the traditional institution of the Arval Brothers in 195, CIL, VI, 1026. 49 For a history of oriental cults in Rome see: F. Cumont, The Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism (New York 1956); J. Bayet, Histoire politique et psychologique de la religion romain (Paris 1957) 194 ff; A. D. Nock, "The Development of Paganism in the Roman Empire," CAH 12 (19-39) 422-431. For a history of oriental cults in the Latin provinces see: J. Toutain, Les cultes patens dans l'empire romain. Premiere partie. Les provinces latines. II. Les cultes orientaux (Paris 1911). 50 J. Reville, La religion a Rome sous les Se'veres (Paris 1886) 47 ff.; F. Cumont, Astrology and Religion Among the Greeks and Romans (New York 1912) 96; Platnauer, op. cit. (supra n. 6) 148-152; L'Orange, Apotheosis 82ff.; F. H. Cramer, Astrology in Roman Law and Politics (Philadelphia 1954) 208-217; Cumont, op. cit. (supra n. 49) 167-168; Parker, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 129-138; Barker

op. cit. (supra n. 6) 350; N. Turchi, "La religione di Roma antica," Storia di Roma 18 (Bologna 1939) 250-251.

of J'ustin II (Oxford 1845) I, 210-211, who lists both coins

and inscriptions of games.

Other indications of Severus' alliance with Roman

For the penetration of oriental symbolism into the imperial iconography during the Severan Age see: H. P. L'Orange, Studies on the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

52

cults.51 Moreover, in the famous philosophical circle of Julia Domna Syrian elements appear to have dominated, as illustrated particularly in the writings of Philostratus, whose Life of Apollonius of Tyana reflects the mystical and orientalizing ten-

of Rome changes this interpretation and the monument is now recognized as a great nymphaeum.59 Whether the nymphaeum in turn may be interpreted astrologically, as Spano would like to believe, remains a debatable question.60 Further-

dencies of the times.52

more, the statue of Severus placed in the center by his prefect Plautianus 61 has been interpreted as a Cosmocrator, Severus as the great ruler of the seven celestial spheres. The passage in the ancient text, however, indicates that the statue of the emperor was a later addition and not part of the original design. It thus cannot be used as evidence in support of Severus' intention to represent himself as a Cosmocrator. Likewise, the sources only tell us that inside the palace the emperor had paintings of the stars made on the ceiling, which does not necessarily indicate the presence of an imperial cosmic judgment hall as interpreted by L'Orange.62 There is evidence from other sources, however, that may be taken to mean that Severus wished to represent himself as a Cosmocrator to the people. On a coin of 201 Severus is pictured with Julia Domna as the sun and moon, symbols of

Archaeological evidence for Severus' astrological orientation has also been adduced from his famous Septizonium, or more correctly Septizodium,53 the monumental fa9ade built at the foot of the Palatine facing the Appian Way.54 According to

the account in the Scriptores Historiae

Augustae the monument was meant to serve primarily as a great showpiece to greet the eyes of his African countrymen coming to the capital city, and secondarily to serve as an entrance to his Palatine palace.55 While nothing now remains of the monumental structure, it is known from the ancient literature and from many drawings of the Renaissance, when a portion of it was still standing.56 The dedication of the building in 203 is documented by inscriptions,57 and the earlier name Septizonium was interpreted as a reference to the seven planetary spheres.58 However, the correct name " Septizodium" as now given on the Severan marble plan (" Instituttet for Sammenlignende Kulturforskning," Series A: Skrifter XXIII, Oslo 1953) 143-145, hereafter cited as L'Orange, Studies.

I" Severus was evidently brought to trial while he held office in Sicily for consulting with seers and astrologers (SHA, " Severus," IV, 2-4). Cf. Hammond, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 161.

For Severus' study of horoscopes in the selection of his second wife see SHA, " Severus," III, 9. Julia Domna's horoscope, which predicted that she would wed a king, won for her Severus' choice.

For other examples of Severus' reliance on dreams and the stars in the ancient sources see: Dio, LXXVII, 11.1; Herodian, II, 9, 5-7. 52 Philostratus, The Lives of the Sophists, W. C. Wright (London 1922) bk. II, 622. For an account of the circle see Platnauer, op. cit.

(supra n. 6) 144-148 and Parker, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 132-133. For text of The Life of Apollonius of Tyana see F. C. Conybeare (London 1912).

I" Thus written on the Severan marble plan of Rome:

G. F. Carettoni, A. M. Colini, L. Cozza and G. Gatti,

La pianta marmorea di Roma antica (Roma 1960) 67,

pl. XVII.

54 For bibliography on the Septizodium see E. Nash, Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Rome (London 1962) II, 302-305.

world dominion (P1. I, fig. 1). Although the use of the radiate crown is not new to imperial iconography,63 the crescent 55SHA, " Severus," XXIV, 3-5. 56 Nash, op. cit. (supra n. 54).

57 CIL VI, 1032, 31229. 58 E. Maass, Die Tagesgotter in Rom und den Provinzen (Berlin 1902) 106-117; T. Dombart, s.v. " Septizonium," RE 4A (1923) 1578-1586. 59 Ammianus Marcellinus, History, trans. J. C. Rolfe (London 1935) XV, 7, 3. N. Neuerburg, " L'architettura delle fontane e dei ninfei nell'Italia antica," MemNap 5 (1965) 226-227, with earlier bibliography.

60 G. Spano, " L'arco trionfale di P. Cornelio Scipione Africano," MemLinc 8, III (1951) 178-199; G. Spano, " II 'ninfeo del proscenio ' del teatro di Antiochia su l'Oronte," RendLinc 8, VII (1952) 158-163. Cf. G. Ch. Picard, " Le septizonium de Cincari et le probleme des Septizonia," MonPiot 52 (1962) 77-93.

61 Supra n. 55; L'Orange, Apotheosis 84-85; Cramer, op. cit. (supra n. 50) 212; Picard, op. cit. (supra n. 60)

78-79. Cf. J. M. C. Toynbee, " Ruler-Apotheosis in Ancient Rome," NC 6, VII (1947) 147.

62 Dio, LXXVII, 11; L'Orange, Studies 35. Cf.

Toynbee, op. cit. (supra n. 61).

63 For example, note use of radiate crown in Hadrian's coin portraits: Toynbee, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 9) 93, pl. XVI.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

53

moon for the empress is a new attribute.64 The date of the coin corresponds with Severus' victories in the East where he re-established the boundaries of the Roman empire. Severus was now in actuality ruler of the ancient world, and may have given this fact symbolic form through his adoption of the role of Cosmocrator. It may have been also as a Cosmocrator that Severus pictured himself as ruler of the lower world. The great majority of extant portraits of Severus are charac-

terized by corkscrew locks which hang low over the forehead and by a long beard

divided in the center. This portrait type has been convincingly associated by

L'Orange with Serapis, the Egyptian god of the lower world, whose hair style is distinguished by the use of hanging cork-

screw locks on the forehead (P1. LIV, fig. 1).65 This hair style is peculiar to

Serapis, and while the presence of hanging, forehead locks in the portraits of Severus in the round is undisputed, their first appearance in the coin portraits has not, as yet, been established. This problem is discussed later in our more

detailed study of the Serapis-Severus portrait type, where evidence for its dominant use between 196-197 and 207 is presented (infra 109 ff.). What is particularly significant to the analysis here of Severus' background and the influence of

his reign is his special choice of the Romanized Jupiter-Serapis form. On the arch of Severus at Lepcis Magna, Severus is represented in the midst of the Capitoline Triad with the eagle of Jupiter at his feet (P1. XX, fig. 1).66 The image of the seated Severus closely resembles those seated representations of Serapis (P1. XX, fig. 3) which have been presumed to be copies of the cult statue in the Serapeum at Alexandria attributed to the Greek artist of the third century B.C., Bryaxis the Younger, decisive proof of an intended allusion to Serapis on Severus' part.67 As the first emperor from Africa, Severus could symbolically portray both his adopted Roman heritage and his African background through the single, powerful image of the syncretistic Jupiter-Serapis. Just as the Ptolemies before him apparently introduced Serapis as part of their political design to ally Greece and Egypt through the worship of a common god (P1. XCI, fig. 1),68 Severus' choice of the African god would also appear to be a deliberate propagandistic move to strengthen his claim to power and to synthesize the varying elements of the empire which he in himself represented. Serapis was the great African god who through his death and resurrection might promise to the initiated a renewal of life.69 What more persuasive visual symbol could have been chosen by

64 M. G. Williams, " Studies in the Lives of Roman fig. 1). Miss Richter, following G. K. Jenkins of the

Empresses. I. Julia Domna," AJ7A 6 (1902) 280. 65 L'Orange, Apotheosis 77-86.

British Museum, suggested to me that the portrait may be that of Berenike II. Compare portraits of Berenike II 66 For date of arch see infra. 74 ff. in G. M. A. Richter, The Portraits of the Greeks, London 67 Clement of Alexandria, The Exhortation to the 1965, III, 264, and figs. 1820-1823. Also see female Greeks, G. W. Butterworth (London 1953) IV, 48; head on a finger ring in the British Museum with busts A. Adriani, "Alla ricerca di Briasside," MemLinc 1 (1948) of Serapis and Isis, which King believes represents a 435-473; M. Bieber, The Sculpture of the Hellenistic Age Ptolemaic queen (C. W. King, Antique Gems and Rings, (New York 1961) 83-84. Cf. W. Amelung, " Le Serapis London 1872, I, 337, n.; F. H. Marshall, Catalogue of de Bryaxis," RA 2 (1903) 177-204 and G. Lippold, " Die the Finger Rings, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman in the De-

griechische Plastik," Handbuch der Archaologie (Munich

partments of Antiquities, British Museum, London 1907, 19, #95, pl. IV). However, cf. W. Drexler, s.v. " Isis," 68 G. Lafaye, Histoire culte des divinites d'Alexandrie. Roscher, Lex. (1890-1894) II, 1, 517 ff. I am grateful Serapis, Isis, Harpocrate et Anubis (Paris 1884) 20; H. I. to Miss Richter for these references and for the photograph. Bell, Cults and Creeds in Graeco-Roman Egypt (LiverThus, it is possible that Severus in his choice of pool 1953) 20. There is also evidence from gems that the Serapis took precedent from the Ptolemies. For use of Ptolemies represented themselves in the guise of Serapis Ptolemies as a model in Rome see A. Alfoldi, "A Festival and Isis. An Hellenistic amethyst in the British Museum of Isis in Rome under the Christian Emperors of the IVth with two busts identified as Serapis and Isis shows, in the Century," Dissertationes Pannonicae ex Instituto Numismafemale head particularly, certain portrait features; for tico et Archaeologico Universitatis Petro Pdzmany Nomiexample, see fallen chin, wide-open eyes and finely waved natae Budapestinensis Provenientes II, 7 (1937) 58. hair. (H. B. Walters, Catalogue of the Engraved Gems 69 Cumont, op. cit. (supra n. 49) 98-101; for discusand Cameos, Greek, Etruscan and Roman in the British sion of Serapis as a Cosmocrator and the origin of the Museum, London 1926, 134,#1175 and our P1. XCI, concept in the second century A.D., see P. Hombert, 1950) 257-258.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

54

Severus to express his claim to legitimacy and the promise of his new dynasty! The appearance of Jupiter as Serapis on the coins of Severus was not recognized by Mattingly in his studies of the coinage of the emperor,70 and eastern religious

easy to understand Caracalla's special devotion to Serapis, and his erection of the grand temple to the god on the Quirinal, which for the first time established the cult officially within the boundaries of the Roman pomeriumn.77 While at first it seems

types as a whole have been said to be lacking on Severus' coinage.71 It cannot

curious that Severus did not himself erect a temple to Serapis in Rome, it must be remembered that the Egyptian cults of Isis and Serapis already had a long history in the capital city.78 There is evidence for the activity of the cult in the Campus Martius as early as the second century B.C.,79 and an inscription of Severus found in this region is thought to belong to the temple of Isis and Serapis established in the first century A.D.80 Other inscriptions also associate the emperor with the worship of Serapis.81 Further evidence for the activity of the Serapis cult under Severus has been revealed by recent archaeological discoveries. In the history of Roman religion, the third century is cited as a time of syncretism and a growing tendency towards monotheism.82 The worship of Serapis, who was to become assimilated to Jupiter,

be denied, however, that Serapis is an African god in origin 72 and he does appear on Severus' coinage in the Roman East.73 Furthermore, a close look at Severus' Roman coinage reveals a reverse type showing Jupiter with the modius of Serapis on his head 74 and the legend IOVI SOSPITATORI, a type found only on the coins of Severus and his two sons (P1. I, fig. 4).75 The god is shown standing in a niche-like structure which has been interpreted as either a shrine in the royal apartments or

a representation of the inner sanctuary of the Serapeum in the Campus Martius. The type appears on the coins of Severus struck between 198 and 201 and on the coins of Caracalla and Geta struck between 203 and 210.76 In the light of this background it is "Sarapis KOEMOKPAThP et Isis KOEMOKPATEIPA. A propos de quelques terres cuites inedites," AntCl 14

(1945) 319-329.

70 BMC V, cli, 219, # 341.

71 A. D. Nock, Conversion. The Old and New in Religion from Alexander the Great to Augustine of Hippo (Oxford 1933) 129. Altheim in his study of Roman religion also overlooks the presence of Serapis on the coinage

74BMC V, # 341, 219, pl. 35, 17, dated 206 (cxlviii);

H. Cohen, Description historique des monnaies frappees sous l'empire romain communement appelees metdailles imperiales (Paris 1884) IV, 29, nos. 245, 246 (198-201). 75 P. V. Hill, The Coinage of Septimius Severus and his Family of the Mint of Rome A.D. 193-217 (London 1964) 33, nos. 840-845 (206). For other coins of Cara-

calla with same reverse type see BMC V, # 507, 256,

of Severus, op. cit. (supra n. 48) 455-465.

pl. 40, 16, and # 826, 332. For coins of Geta see ibid.,

op. cit. (supra n. 68) 16-18; Roeder, s.v. " Sarapis," RE 2 A (1920) 2398 ff.; and Tacitus, The Histories, trans. C. H. Moore (London 1931) IV, 83-84. 73 A study of the Severan coins of Alexandria reveals that the image of Serapis appears on the billon coins of Severus in 196 and is used until 201. In 195 Serapis also appears on a bronze coin. Before 195, prior to Severus' victory over Niger, the traditional Greek and Roman gods appear. See J. Vogt, Die Alexandrinischen Miinzen (Stuttgart 1924) II, 114-116, and G. Dattari, Numi Augg. Alexandrini Catalogo della Collezione G. Dattari (Cairo

260, nos. 65, 66.

# 840, 339, pl. 50, 9, and Cohen, op. cit. (supra n. 74) 72 For discussion of the origin of Serapis see Lafaye, 76 D. F. Brown, "Architectura Numismatica. Part

One. The Temples of Rome," unpubl. diss. (New York University 1941) 154-156. 77 Nash, op. cit. (supra n. 54) II, 376-383.

78 Lafaye, op. cit. (supra n. 68) 44-63; Roeder, s.v. "Sarapis," RE 2 A (1920) 2416-2417; K. Latte, Rdmische

Religionsgeschichte (" Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft," Munich 1960, V, part 4) 282-284. For Isis, see Drexler, op. cit. (supra n. 68) 400-408. 79 Nash, op. cit. (supra n. 54) I, 510-511. 1901) nos. 3994, 4009 bis. Also see ibid., nos. 4001, 4014, 80 G. Mancini, "III. Roma," NSc (1925) 239; G.

for coins of Severus with Zeus Ammon, also an African god in origin, and A. B. Cook, Zeus. A Study in Ancient Religion (Cambridge 1914) I, 346 ff. Note also the coin of Nicomedia of Severus with

Serapis, W. Wroth, Catalogue of Greek Coins. Pontus,

Paphlagonia, Bithynia, and the Kingdom of Bosporus (London 1889) # 38, 185, pl. XXXIV, 10 and the coin of Julia Domna with Serapis of Diospolis-Lydda (208-209),

G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Palestine (London 1914) # 1, 43.

Gatti, "Topografia dell'Iseo Campense," RendPontAcc 3,

XX (1943-1944) 157. 81 CIL III, 1, 4560; ILS II, 1, 4356. For possible evidence of Severus' connection with the Serapeum in Alexandria see A. Rowe, "Discovery of the Famous Temple and Enclosure of Serapis at Alexan-

dria," ASAE, 2 (1946) Suppl., 62, n. 1. 82 C. Bailey, Phases in the Religion of Ancient Rome (Berkeley 1932) 246-276; Toutain, op. cit. (supra n. 49) III, 260.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

55

Helios, Pluto and Aesculapius,83 lent itself to adoption by other eastern cults, which enjoyed their greatest period of popularity in the later second and third centuries. The common association with the sun particularly connected the Mithras cult with Serapis, and there is evidence that the Egyptian god was widely adopted by worshippers of Mithras.84 Recently, heads of Serapis have been found in the Mithraeurm under Santa Prisca in Rome 85 and in the Walbrook Mithraeum in London,86 both dated during the reign of Severus. Furthermore, an inscription cited by Cumont is particularly suggestive in this connection, for it indicates the presence of a cult of Mithras in the imperial family.87 Serapis was also associated with the Syrian god Jupiter Dolichenus whose cult flou-

rished at this time.88 There is again evidence from inscriptions that connects Severus and his family with this cult.89 The cult of Serapis itself also spread rapidly during the Severan Age. In Harris' new study, Oriental Cults in Roman Brit83 Cook, op. cit. (supra n. 73) I, 188-195; II, 127;

ain, the archaeological evidence cited for the Serapis cult, when datable, is all of the time of Severus, which suggests that the cult may well have been introduced by the emperor during his British campaign at the end of his reign.90 A gem found at Castlesteads in Northumberland on the Hadrianic Wall would appear to be Severus represented as Serapis with the modius upon his head between his two sons in the guise of the Dioscuri (P1. XCII, gem j).91 The archaeological evidence thus does indicate a lively life for the Sorapis cult during the time of Severus.92 Severus' special interest in Serapis is also noted in the sources. We are told that he took part in the worship of the god during his visit to Egypt.93 The descriptions of the rituals to Serapis are actually preserved in ancient texts. Through initiation man was born again, but now to a superhuman life where he became equal to the gods.94 The dating of Severus' trip to Egypt is discussed in the chapter dealing with the Serapis-Severus portrait n. 88) 39, # 15; inscription CIL VI, 30763; Z. Ka'dir,

Die Kleinasiatisch-Syrischen Kulte zutr Rdmerzeit in Ungarn (Leiden 1962) 38. 90 E. and J. R. Harris, The Oriental Cults in Roman Britain (Leiden 1965) 74-95; M. J. T. Lewis, Temples in of the Emperor julian, W. C. Wright (London 1913) I, 136. Roman Britain (Cambridge 1966) 117. 91 Harris, op. cit. (supra n. 90) 78; D. Carlisle, " Ac84 M. J. V'ermaseren, The Excavation in the Mithcount of Some Roman Antiquities Lately Discovered in raeum of the Church of Santa Prisca in Rome (Leiden Cumberland," Archaeologia 11 (1794) 71, pl. VI, 25, 1965) 134-135, hereafter cited as Vermaseren, Excavawho suggests that the busts represented are Severus as tions; M. J. Vermaseren, Mithras, the Secret God (London 1963) 49. Jupiter, with his two sons in the guise of Castor and Pollux. R. Blair, in Proceedings. Society of Antiquaries, 85 Vermaseren, Excavations, 134-135, pls, CIV, CV. Newcastle-upon-Tyne 2, II (1885-1886) 147, quotes a letter 86 J. M. C. Toynbee, Art in Roman Britain (Lonof Rev. C. W. King who identifies the figures as Serapis don 1963) #38, 143 ff. 87 F. Cumont, Textes et monuments figurees relatifswearing the modius between Isis and Horus. The two figures on either side of the central head are clearly male, aux mysteres de Mithra (Brussels 1896) II, 100, # 35. however, to judge from the drawing and, as Carlisle For other inscriptions connecting Severus and his family with the Mithras cult see M. J. Vermaseren, Corpus inoriginally pointed out, the heads are crowned with imperial diadems. An identification then with Caracalla and scriptionum et monu mentorutm religionis mithriacae (The Geta as the Dioscuri and Severus as Serapis, in the light Hague 1956) I, nos. 53, 407, 526, 626, 652, 800; II, 2161. of the symbolism we have found, seems most likely. If the identification is correct, the little gem is our only 88 A. M. Colin, "La scoperta del santuario delle remaining example of Severus wearing the modius of the divinith Dolichene sull'Aventino," BullComm 63 (1935) god. Unfortunately, the present location of the gem is 145-159, particularly 151-152; P. Merlat, Repertoire des unknown. I am grateful to Dr. D. J. Smith of the inscriptions et monuments figures du culte de Jupiter DoliMuseum of Antiquities, Newcastle upon Tyne, for the chenus (Paris 1951) 166-168, 314-316; C. Pietrangeli, photograph and also to Dr. Eric Birley of the University I Musei Capitolini, i monumenti dei culti orientali (Rome of Durham for his help in trying to trace the gem. 1951) 34-46; for photo of relief in the Museo Nazionale 92 Further indication of the widespread worship of in Rome with Jupiter Dolichenus and Juno Regina with Serapis, Isis, and the Dioscuri, see Nash op. cit. (supra Serapis among the upper classes at the end of the second n. 54) I, 524, fig. 646. century can be found in Minucius Felix, Octavius II, 4 For origin of Jupiter Dolichenus and his worship (trans. G. H. Rendall, London 1931). For a recent disin the Roman world see Cook, op. cit. (supra n. 73) I, cussion of the Octavius and its date see J. Beaujeu, 11i604-633. nucius Felix. Octavius (Paris 1964) XLIV-LXXIX. 88 P. Merlat, Yupiter Dolichenus. Essai d'interpretation93 SHA, "Severus," XVII, 4. et de synthese (Paris 1960); Pietrangeli, op. cit. (supra 94 Cumont, op. cit. (supra n. 49) 98-101.

Toutain op. cit. (supra n. 49) II, 8. For the pantheistic character of Serapis in the fourth century see: " Oration IV. Hymn to King Helios Dedicated to Sallust," Works

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

56

type (infra 110). Our evidence suggests that the Egyptian trip, rather than initiating Severus' interest in the worship of the god, as has usually been supposed, may have been the result of his already established association with the cult. Severus' choice of the Egyptian god for his most popular portrait type is most persuasive evidence that the emperor himself had a particular interest in the cult, and this type is to be dated from the coinage early in his reign, before his Egyptian visit. Although emperors before him had shown an interest in Serapis,95 particularly Commodus whom Severus claimed as brother, Severus is the first emperor actually to adopt the hair locks of Serapis. His choice of the Egyptian god may also have been conditioned by his claim of association with the Antonine house, in this case with Commodus, whom he deified in 197, at the very time when the coins indicate the origin of his Serapis portrait type. There is, however, no evidence that Commodus had himself represented as the god.96 Severus' adoption of the Serapis iconography thus was an enormous step, and it cannot be denied that Serapis was essentially an African god 95 Note particularly Hadrian's and Commodus' interest in Serapis, J. Beaujeu, La religion romaine a l'apogee de l'empire. I. La politique religieuse des Antonins (96192) (Paris 1955) 230 ff., 377 ff., 386 ff.

96 For a possible representation of Commodus as Jupiter-Ammon-Serapis see King, op. cit. (supra n. 68) II, 48, pl. XII, # 5. The Marlborough Cameo showing a couple with the attributes of Jupiter-Serapis-Ammon and Isis-Ceres has been identified as Commodus and Crispina (ibid. I, 267), doubted, however, by A. Furt-

whose worship in Rome, previous to the Severan Age, had been excluded from the official pomerium. But Serapis was not the only divinity to receive special honor by Severus. The local divinities of Lepcis Magna, Hercules and Liber, who became Severus' special Di Auspices, received tribute early on the coinage (P1. IX, fig. 4) 97 and a temple of " huge size " was erected to them on the Palatine.98 A special place was made for them in the rituals of the Secular Games where they were substituted for

the Dioscuri (P1. IX, fig. 2).99 They also

became associated with the two Augusti, Caracalla and Geta.100 Severus himself appears as Hercules wearing the lion-skin hood on the obverse of a medallion of 202 (P1. IX, fig. 1),101 and on coins of 200-201 with the skin alone on his shoulders.102 Other African deities honored on Severus' coinage are Dea Caelestis and possibly Aesculapius-Eshmun of Carthage 103 and Saeculum Frugiferum of Hadrumetum.104 There is evidence that the empress herself was worshipped as Caelestis,105 and it has usually been thought that the cult was first introduced into represented here rather than an aegis, as believed by Mattingly.

103 For Dea Caelestis see BMC V, cxlix and #333,

218, pl. 35, 12 (201-210). For coins interpreted as representing the Punic god Aesculapius-Eshmun see ibid.,

clxxiv and #850, 348, pl. 51, 7; Brown, op. cit. (supra

n. 76) 307.

104 Ibid., lxxxiii and # 4, 20, pl. 5, 18 (193).

105 CIL VII, 759; CIL XIII, 6671; J. Toutain, "Julia Domna invoquee sous le nom de Dea Caelestis,"

wiingler, Die antiken Gemmen (Leipzig 1900) III, 325 BAC ff.,

(1949) 306-311.

fig. 169; Bernoulli, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 2) II, 3, 249 ff.,On the inscription from Caervoran see: T. Hodgkin,

"The Caervoran Inscription in Praise of the Syrian Godand pl. LV; and Walters, op. cit. (supra n. 68) # 3619,

341-342. Again the female head appears to have portrait qualities, although the heads are so idealized that a sure identification remains doubtful to my mind. For a possible representation of Pescennius Niger as Serapis see King, op. cit. (supra n. 68), I, 229, n. I have not been able to evaluate this suggestion for the gem is unknown to me in a photographic reproduction.

dess," Archaeologia Aeliana 21 (1899) 289ff.; I. A. Richmond, " A Statue of Juno Regina from Chesters," Fritz Saxl 1890-1948. A Volume of Memorial Essays from his Friends in England (London 1957) 50-51; Harris, op. cit. (supra n. 90) 105, n. 7, with earlier bibliography. Cf. I. Mundle, " Dea Caelestis in der Religionspolitik des Septimius Severus und der Julia Domna," Historia 10 (1961) 228-237, who believes that Julia had 9' Also see BMC V, lxxxvii, # 63, 30, pl. 7, 3; A. Tocchi, " II culto seculare dei Gemini e i tipi monetari no special association with Caelestis and that the cult Severiani con Bacco ed Ercole," RIN 58 (1956) 3-20. was only introduced into Rome under Elagabalus. Even 98 Platnauer, op. cit. (supra n. 6) 147; Dio, LXXVII, if the inscription from Caervoran is rejected, I find her 16, 3. arguments for rejecting the inscription from Mainz, where 9; BMC V, cl; Tocchi, op. cit. (supra n. 97) 10. Julia is actually identified with the goddess, unconvinc100 Tocchi, op. cit. (supra n. 97) 17. ing. Moreover, the images of the goddess on the gold 101 F. Gnecchi, I medaglioni romani (Milan 1912) I, and silver coinage are surely witnesses of a special honorpl. 152, 6. ing of the goddess by Severus and cannot be interpreted 102 BMC V, #192, 192, pl. 31, 16; #192a (unpubl.). as evidence of an imperial visit to Africa in 203-204, as Both Mr. Carson and myself agree that a lion-skin is used by Mundle in her interpretation of the type as a

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

57

Rome at this time.106 As Dea Caelestis, Julia Domna, in the light of later syncretistic theology, can be identified as Dea Syria, Juno, Diana, Demeter, and Tanit, the tutelary moon goddess of Carthage.'07 As such, she bears affinities to Isis, the consort-sister of Serapis.108 A reference to Julia Domna as Dea or Virgo Caelestis thus honors both her African husband and her own Syrian home. A reverse coin type of Julia Domna shows Isis suckling the child Horus with the legend SAECULI FELICITAS (P1. I, fig. 3).109 Julia, the mother of the new dynasty and consort to her husband, promises a new Golden Age, a theme which also recurs on Se-

fillment in the promise of a new Golden Age to be established by his reign. The study of the portraits of Severus has also yielded evidence for the extension of the concept of the divinity of the emperor himself. Previous studies have indicated that the idea of the emperor as divine is not new to Roman thought,112 but for no previous emperor is there such an array of portrait types with divine connotations. Of Severus' more immediate predecessors, Marcus Aurelius' Jupiterlike portrait type is apparently his only allusive one and is the last in his series.113 Even Commodus, whose extended association with Hercules is well documented,

verus' coinage."10 Furthermore, it is sig-

evidently did not adopt this allusion in his essential portrait iconography until the last five years of his reign (P1. IX, fig. 3).114

nificant that under Commodus the great Isis festival of the Navigium Isidis, previously held in March, became fused with the ceremony of the imperial vows held in January of the new year."' Serapis and Isis thus became linked with the luck and prosperity of the emperor, which find fulreference to the conferring of the ius Italicum upon Carthage. On this point, see Latte, op. cit. (supra n. 78)

347, n. 1. Moreover, Dea Caelestis does not appear on the coinage of Elagabalus (BMC V, xl) and the dating of the sanctuary of Virgo Caelestis on the Capitoline in the time of Elagabalus remains uncertain. See S. Platner and T. Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome (London 1929) 582. For further evidence of Julia's association with Dea Caelestis see N. Jolliffe, " Dea Brigantia," Arch3 98 (1941) 44 and n. 4 where the caduceus,

an attribute used by Julia, is associated with the African deity Tanit, assimilated to Dea Caelestis. For a discussion of Dea Caelestis see Toutain, op. cit. (supra n. 49) III, 29-45; Cumont, s.v. " Caelestis," RE 3 A (1897) 1247 ff.

106 Latte, op. cit. (supra n. 78) 258-262; A. v. Domaszewski, Abhandlungen zur romischen Religion (LeipzigBerlin 1909) 148-150; W. Eisenhut, s.v. "'Virgo Caelestis," RE 17 A (1961) 199; G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Romer, (" Handbuch der Klassischen Altertums-Wissenschaft," Munich 1912, V, 4) 344; Cf. Mundle, op. cit. (supra n. 105).

In contrast to the state of affairs under his predecessors, evidence is cited in this study to show that Severus' allusion to

Serapis occurs early in his reign (infra 110) and his surviving Serapis portraits constifrancaises d'Athenes et de Rome") 191 (1958); for con-

tinuation of imperial cult under Severus see ibid., 497-500. 113 Wegner, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 1) 45-47. Wegner dates the creation of this last portrait type, illustrated by the three portraits in the reliefs in the Palazzo dei Conservatori (ibid., pl. 28), probably during Marcus Aurelius' stay in Rome in 169 (ibid. 46). L'Orange (Apotheosis, 66-68) associates this last portrait type with the up-swept hair style with Jupiter.

114 While Commodus' interest in Hercules goes back to his youth (Gnecchi, op. cit., supra n. 101, II, pl. 87, 6; and H. Mattingly in M. Rostovtseff, " CommodusHercules in Britain," JRS 13, 1923, 106), it is not until after 186 that his absorption in the cult becomes dominant. (BMC IV, cliii, clxxvi, clxxxi). Rostovtseff further suggests that Commodus' first identification with the herogod may have occurred in Britain after the revolt of 185 (op. cit., 98). On the coins of Commodus of 188-189 a new portrait type occurs. The rectangular portrait of his earlier years with the short, pointed beard is replaced by a square portrait with a full, bushy beard. (BMC,

IV, # 257, 736, pl. 97, 9; # 630, 820, pl. 108, 7; cf.

107 Toutain, op. cit. (supra n. 49) 29ff. portraits of 183-184, i.e., # 524, pl. 105, 1). Wegner also 108 Drexler, op. cit. (supra n. 68). For contemporary dates this new portrait type of Commodus, on the basis

picture of Isis in her manifold role as a saviour goddess see Apuleius, The Golden Ass, trans. W. Adlington (Lon-

of coin comparisons, to these years, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 1) 71-73. L'Orange associates the new type don 1924) XI, 5-17. with the iconography of Hercules, a symbolic association 109 BMC V, cxxxiv. which I find convincing in the light of the visual and historical 110 BMC V, # 560, 138; # 561, 138, pl. 24, 3evidence (Apotheosis, 68). The square face and (195); 288 (198-202); 222 (201-210). full beard are also just those features which characterize 1"I See evidence cited by Alfoldi, op. cit. (supra Severus' n. 68) early soldier portrait type (infra 85 ff.), sugges42-58. tive evidence for a possible allusion to Hercules on Se112 L. R. Taylor, Divinity of the Roman Emperor verus' part. (" American Philological Association, Philological MonoCommodus' use of the lion-skin hood over his head graphs," I, Middletown, Conn. 1931); L'Orange, Apothapparently does not occur on the coins and medallions

eosis; R. Rtienne, Le culte imperial dans la peninsule

iberique d'Auguste a Dioclitien (" Bibliotheque des ecoles

until the last two years of his reign. (BMC IV, # 717, 843, pl. 111, 1, Gnecchi, op. cit., supra n. 101, II, pl. 77,

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

58

Argentarii in Rome, Severus and Julia, who are turned frontally to the viewer, seem actually to receive the sacrifice rather as a whole, constitutes approximately 85 than offering it as in earlier imperial sacper cent of the surviving portraits.116 In rifice scenes (P1. XV, fig. 2). On the conclusion, the evidence seems to show that Severus extended the use of allusion coinage, the theme of Sol Inavictus as a in his portraiture and particularly popularfundamental idea in the imperial propaized a divinized type. This extended use ganda scheme appears for the first time of referential portraiture would appear to in the Severan Age. On the reverse of a establish a precedent for the later third coin of Geta, struck in 200-202, Caracalla century. is shown with the crown of Sol, raising Further indications of the changing conhis right hand in an attitude of divine cept of the ruler under Severus can be blessing with the accompanying legend found in inscriptions. While the use of SEVERI INVICTI AUG PII FIL (P1. I, the titles dominus noster and domus divina fig. 2).121 This gesture of the raised right for the emperor and his house are not hand, which finds its origin in oriental new, their use apparently became an estabcults, was evidently first conceived as a lished rule in imperial inscriptions only sign of blessing in Severan times when under Severus.117 There is also evidence Serapis and Sol Invictus appear for the of the especially elevated position of Julia first time in this pose.122 From the Severan Domna in contrast to earlier empresses. Age onwards the emperor and his divinity Inscriptions, particularly from Athens and become in a very special way united Asia Minor, indicate that Julia was divinthrough this gesture of blessing, which ized during her lifetime and enjoyed expresses the idea that the supernatural honors even above those of her husband.'18 power of the emperor comes from the god. In Athens she was worshipped as Athena What becomes immediately clear from Polias and her cult statue was placed in this discussion is that a strong propaganthe Parthenon next to the old statue of dist element can be detected in certain the goddess."19 It may well be that Julia, features of Severus' portraiture. The choice born of eastern tradition, influenced her of his propagandistic ideas can plausibly husband in his extension of the divine be traced not only to his background in concept of his imperial role.'20 Lepcis Magna and to African religious inRepresentations on historical reliefs and fluences but also to conceptions already on coins give other evidence of the develcurrent in Rome itself. Both the tradi-

tute approximately one half of the mate-

rial.115 Severus' allusive portraiture, taken

oped concept of the divinity of the empertional interpretation of Severus as a soldieror under Severus. On the arch of the emperor and Hammond's point of view 2; pl. 79, 7-10; pl. 80, 1-7).

and sons. For example, Reville, op. cit. (supra n. 50)

115 Of our catalogue of 102 portraits, 51 are identified 193-194 and Barker, op. cit. (supra n. 6) 348-350.

with the Serapis type.

116 Out of the 102 portraits, 86 are definitely associated with an allusionistic reference either to a divinity or one of Severus' adopted Roman ancestors. 117 Murphy, op. cit. (supra n. 41). G. M. Bersanetti, "Il padre, la madre e la prima moglie di Settimio Severo," Athenaeum 24 (1946) 38-43; cf. F. Taeger, Charisma, Studien zur Geschichte des antiken Herrscherkultes (Stuttgart 1957-1960) II, 407-427. 118 Taeger, op. cit. (supra n. 117) 411-412, 422; Williams, op. cit. (supra n. 64) 259-305, particularly 303-

304.

119 J. H. Oliver, " Julia Domna as Athena Polias," HSCP Suppl. I (1940) 521-530; A. D. Nock, " 2UVVAOS OEOS," HSCP 41 (1930) 34-35. 120 Scholars have already suggested that her eastern religious heritage had its influence upon her husband

A fuller evaluation of this remarkable woman's influence is still needed as well as an extensive study of her portraits.

121 A. Alfoldi, " Insignien und Tracht der R6mischen Kaiser," RomMitt 50 (1935) 107-108, fig. 9; R. Brilliant, " Gesture and Rank in Roman Art," Memoirs of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 14 (1963) 210, n. 75, and fig. 4.129. For other iconographic changes which occur under Severus see ibid., 178, 201-202.

122 For examples of coins with Serapis in this pose

see BMC V, # 56, 440, pl. 68, 19; # 97, 449, pl. 70, 2; # 164, 461, pl. 71, 20. For examples of Sol with raised hand on the coinage see ibid., # 227, 57, pl. 10,

20; # 463, 116, pl. 19, 17. For further evidence see L'Orange, Studies, 143, 152-159 and H. P. L'Orange,

" Sol Invictus Imperator. Ein Beitrag zur Apotheose," SymbOslo 14 (1935) 86-114.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

59

trait types continue to be used on later coinage. The profile view on the coins also at times makes it difficult to evaluate a study of both the literary and archaeological sources. Severus was above all an the complex problem of the presence or opportunist who was able to take advantage absence of low hanging frontal locks, the distinctive feature of the most popular Seof the chaotic political situation of the late rapis portrait type of the emperor. Thus, second century to establish himself in the coin portraits must be studied with power. To hold his tenuous position, care and with the recognition of their twoSeverus' genius and strength were manidimensional limitations. Coins for illusfested in his ability to use and to mould into a new structure the complex variety tration will be drawn from the Roman of elements available to him. That he mints unless the coinage of the eastern mints, active for the most part only from was able to establish a new dynasty where his predecessors had failed and to give 193 to 202, has revealed varying evidence. it meaning and life was a tremendous The question naturally arises, why did variations in imperial portraits occur? Some accomplishment to be remembered by his successors. The portraits of Severus reflect believe that they were the result of nature, the development of his ideological structure the personal taste of the emperor or the appear to me to distort the picture of the man and his reign which emerges from

as he reveals himself to the Roman people as soldier, heir of the Antonine house and throne, divinity, and philosopher. Likewise, the images on the coins with their variety of divine protectors suggest that

Severus wished hiimself to be seen as a Cosmocrator in whose image both East and West are ultimately joined. A study of Severus' coinage also reveals his use of different portrait types throughout his reign, which can, in most cases, be correlated with his extant sculptures in the round (supra 39). The historical outline of Severus' reign may be generally divided into three chronological periods: that of the " Wars of Succession" from 193-197; the joint reign with Caracalla from 198 to 209, during which time Geta bears the title of Caesar; and the final period in Britain, beginning in 208, when Geta also rules with his father and brother as Augustus from 209 to 211. A study of the portraits on the obverses of the coins and medallions of

these years reveals progressive changes in the iconography which can be roughly associated with these periods, although year by year changes in beard and hair style are not always consistent and early por-

differences in style of the executing artists.123 Others claim that a deeper meaning may be found for the portrait types through a comparative iconographic study.124 While this interesting question must be answered individually in relation to each portrait type, there is evidence in most cases for the later view that Severus deliberately used his portrait image as a propagandistic device and that allusions were intended in his adoption of various types.

During the first period of his reign, from 193 to 197, Severus was forced to establish his military superiority over his three rival claimants to the throne: the rich senator Didius Julianus, who was the actual ruler in Rome in 193, having bought his imperial title from the praetorian guards; Pescennius Niger, the favorite of the Roman people, who was proclaimed Augustus by his troops in the East in 193; and Clodius Albinus, who was likewise a native of Africa and evidently also acclaimed imperator by his own legions in Britain.'25 Albinus was the favorite of the Senate owing to his noble birth.126 After his acclamation as emperor by his legions at Carnuntum on April 9, 193,127 Severus quickly marched on Rome, having

125 BMC V, Lxxxii, n. 3. 124 L'Orange, Apotheosis, 54 ff.; Hadzi, op. cit. (supra, 126 SHA, " Clodius Albinus," I, 3.

123 Toynbee, op. cit. (supra n. 61) 145. Intro., n. 10) 1-4.

127 For new inscriptional evidence indicating the

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

60

assumed the position of Pertinax's avenger, a fact reflected in his title used on the coin legends of the year 193, IMP CAES L SEP SEV PERT AUG. We have already noted that he kept this title only until 198 when his victories in the East gained him the title of PARTHICUS MAXIMUS. Upon his arrival in Rome in 193, Severus quickly was acclaimed emperor by the Senate. Didius Julianus was killed and Clodius Albinus accepted the role of Caesar under Severus. The new emperor then immediately set off to the East to conquer his remaining rival. The coinage of these first two years of his power reflects the loyalty of his legions through the legend, FIDEI LEG,128 and the images of the legionary standards 129 and of Victory.130 The birthplaces of both Severus and Albinus were also commemorated by the honoring of Hercules, Liber, and Saeculum Frugiferum, local gods of Lepcis Magna and Hadrumetum.131 Special coins honoring Divus Pertinax were also issued upon Severus' deification of him after his arrival in Rome. These por-

traits bear a strong resemblance to some of the early portraits of Severus.132 Some of the coins of Severus from the first year of his reign, 193, also show a distinct borrowing of features, but from his immediate predecessor, Didius Julianus

official date of Severus' proclamation by his troops at Carnuntum as April 9, 193, see C. B. Welles, R. 0. Fink, and J. F. Filliam, The Excavations at Dura Europos, Final Report V, Part I, The Parchments and Papyri (New

and its division into six workshops or officinae see K. Pink, " Der Aufbau der r6mischen Miinzpragung in der Kaiserzeit," NZ 66 (1933) 17ff.; Carson, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 11); Woodward, op. cit. (supra n. 132); Woodward, op. cit. (supra n. 133). Cf. Mattingly, BMC V, xxv-xxvii, who previously suggested that five officinae were in operation at this time. P. H. Hill of the British

Haven 1959) 199.

128 BMC V, # 5, 20, pl. 5, 1.

129 Ibid., pl. 5, 3-15. 130 Ibid., pl. 6, 1-2. For study of legionary coinage

(P1. II, fig. 1).133 On these coins Severus is shown with the long neck and narrow face of Julianus. The arrangement of Severus' hair curls, which tend to dip down in a triangular pattern over the forehead leaving the upper temples bare, is a further characteristic of the portraits of his predecessor (P1. II, fig. 2), as well

as the arrangement of the beard in short, neat, well-ordered curls, hanging down in a vertical pattern. Severus' face is smooth and idealized with only a suggestion of a furrow across the high forehead. The borrowing of portrait features from a preceding emperor is not an uncommon occurrence in Roman coinage 134 and may

be explained by the fact that portrait models of the new emperor might not as yet be available in all the officinae of the mint.135

Museum, in a recent article, " Notes on the Coinage of Septimius Severus and his Family, A.D. 193-217," NC 4 (1964) 169-188, suggests that for Severus ' first 131 BMC V, Lxxiii-lxxxiv, lxxxvii. issue only three officinae were in operation while with 132 BMC V, # 36, # 37, 25, pl. 6, 6-7. Cf. our the second issue four officinae were striking for Severus P1. II, fig. 1. and one for Albinus. When the break with Albinus ocMattingly, BMC V, lx, lxxvii, and A. M. Woodward, curred in 195, Julia then took over Albinus' officina.

see C. Oman, " Coins of Severus and Gallienus Commemorating the Roman Legions," NC 18 (1918) 80 ff.

"The Coinage of Pertinax," NC 17 (1957) 88-89, both Hoard evidence further indicates a sixth officina in use cite pre-consecration coins of Pertinax resembling those in of 196 when Caracalla became Caesar. The mint was Severus. Mattingly, however, does not give plate refnow in full operation and in 198 when Geta became erences to the particular coins in question and the posCaesar he acquired one of Severus' four officinae. In 201, sible similarity to Severus in the two coins mentioned with the commencement of the PIUS AUG series, Caraby Woodward (ibid., 88, n. 1) would rather seem explaincalla took over a second officina so that for a year or ed in the light of Severus' adoption of Pertinax's features more the two emperors had two each. In 202 when on some of his own early coins. See infra 61. Caracalla married Plautilla, one of his officinae was given 133 Also see, for example, BMC V, # 337, 88,topl. her. After the fall of Plautianus in 205 and Plautilla's 15, 8 (eastern mint). Cf. coins of Didius Julianus, our banishment, her officina reverted to Caracalla. For the Pl. II, fig. 2 and BMC V, # 20, 15, pl. 4, 1. For study next six years, until Severus' death in 211, Caracalla and of the coinage of Julianus, see A. M. Woodward, "The Severus again possessed two officinae apiece. I am grateCoinage of Didius Julianus and his Family," NC 1 (1961) ful to Mr. Hill for allowing me to read his article before

71 ff.

134 For precedent in the portraits of Nerva see H. Gotze, " Ein neues Bildnis des Nerva," Mdl 1 (1938) 145-146; for portraits of Trajan, Gross, op. cit. (supra,

Intro., n. 8) 16; for portraits of Maximinus, BMC VI,

its publication.

The division of the officinae seems to me important for a study of the imperial portraits, for Mattingly suggests that certain variations in portraiture are characteristic of

special officinae of the mint and that probably each officina had its master artist who interpreted the general 135 For the organization of the mint under sculptural Severus model of the mint. (BMC V, xxvii). The

22-23. Also note RIC, I, 22.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

61

Other coin portraits of Severus struck in 193, however, do show very individual features, indicating that at least one of the

officinae had a portrait model of the em-

peror (P1. II, fig. 5).136 On these coins Severus' face appears square and heavy, his neck and cheeks thick and fleshy. The beard and moustache are fuller, and the short beard, which ends in jutting, pointed

curls, is brushed forward. His hair is combed straight across his forehead, which now is articulated by a definite furrow with the temples prominently emphasized. The curve of the brows is more accentuated and the large eyes deeply set. Severus is here pictured as the forceful military ruler already encountered in the literary sources. This realistic soldier portrait continues to be used on coins dated in 194 (P1. II, fig. 3).137 Some of these portraits also show the emperor with the solar crown upon his head, an indication that Severus wished to portray himself with divine power early in his reign (P1. III, fig. 1).138 Other coins of 194, however, show a new portrait type, which is characterized by a longer and fuller beard, with the curve of the chin protruding forward from beneath the massive curls in some of the

portraits (P1. III, figs. 2, 3).139 Severus' profile also shows an increased emphasis on the bulging, furrowed brow, with the nose fuller and more irregular in outline. These features are particularly characteristic of the portraiture of Pertinax, and it may well be that a symbolic reference number of officinae striking for Severus in any one year might thus help explain differences in style within a single portrait type as well as the use of two different types on the coinage of the same year. Other differences in style within a single portrait type may be explained by knowledge of the method used in minting coins. Each die would have been cut individually by a die-cutter, but to create a large number of coins there must have been a number of different dies in use which could have been cut by different artists. For a discussion of monetary techniques in general see C. Seltman, Greek Coins (London 1933) 20-23.

to his predecessor was intended by Severus in his new portrait type with its emphasis on plastic forms (P1. III, fig. 4).140 Such an allusion would be in keeping with Severus' role as Pertinax's avenger at this time. An idealized variation of this Pertinax portrait type appears on a medallion of 194 (P1. III, fig. 5). In the medallion portrait, Severus' nose is straight and the finer beard curls hang directly downwards in a unified mass. The idealization and refinement of the forms as well as the beard style suggest a similarity with the portraiture of the great founder of the Antonine dynasty, Antoninus Pius (P1. III, fig. 6). 141 This particular portrait variation has not been securely distinguished on the coin portraits of the emperor and would appear to have been a creation of the medallion artist.142 A few portraits on the coins of this second year of Severus' reign still show a continuation of the earlier Didius Julianus type.143 A crucial problem in the study of the coinage of the years 193-194 is the relationship of Severus' coinage to that of his western rival, Clodius Albinus. We know that Severus had coins of Albinus struck during these years in Rome, honoring him as Caesar; 144 and there is often a striking similarity in the iconography of the two portraits, as they appear on both the coins and the medallions (P1. II, figs. 4, 5).145 But Albinus also strikes a varying and distinctive portrait of his own with a short, fuller, unforked beard and the 137 Also see BMC V, pl. 7, 1-12; pl. 18, 11-20 (Laodicea ad Mare). 138 Also see ibid., pl. 22, 12.

139 Also see ibid., pl. 22, 1. For our P1. III, fig. 3, Mr. Hill suggested to me a date of 194 on the basis of

the reverse type, Liber with a panther, which corresponds to a Roman coin type used in that year. (BMC V, pl. 6, 20). 140 Also see ibid., pl. 2.

141 Also cf. Gnecchi (supra n. 101) II, pl. 51, # 2.

142 For the use of portrait types on medallions not

found in sculpture in the round in the portraiture of Gallienus see Hadzi, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 10). 136 Also see, for example, BMC V, pl. 6, # 1; pl. 143 Note particularly the coins of Emesa of this year,

20, # 1-2; or coin from Pergamon, W. Wroth, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Galatia, Cappadocia, and Syria

(British Museum, London 1894) # 315, 152, pl. XXX,

i.e., BMC V, pl. 16, 3 and 18. 144 Herodian, II, 15, 5. 145 Also cf. medallions of Albinus, Gnecchi, op. cit.

on the obverse in 193.

ibid., II, pl. 92, 7-10.

7. This coin may be dated by the title used by Severus

(supra n. 101) II, pl. 92, 2 and 3, with those of Severus,

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

62

hair arranged in broad, flat curls which are brushed towards the face (P1. IV, fig. 2).146 His moustache in these portraits is bushier than Severus', giving Albinus

with Severus and is used in commemoration of his claim of adoption by Marcus Aurelius in 195. This new type shows

a very distinctive profile. His forehead is also broader and his curls do not come down as low on his forehead as in the soldier portrait type of Severus (P1. IV, fig. 1). This confusion in the coin images

carrying a shield and lance (P1. V, fig. 4).151 The idealized features and aqui-

of the two African military rivals suggests

the possibility that portraits in the round of Albinus bearing a close likeness to those of Severus might also have existed.147 The coinage of Severus' other rival, Pescennius Niger, which was minted solely in the East, shows, by contrast, a very different image of an older man with a straight, stringy beard, eliminating at least a third source of confusion (P1. II, fig. 6).14s

During the next year, from the end of 194 to the end of 195, before Albinus declared himself Augustus in Gaul and in the West, Severus was accepted over the whole empire after his victory over Niger in the autumn of 195. Severus now took the titles PARTHICUS ARA-

BICUS and PARTHICUIS ADIABENICUS. The coinage of this time expresses his military accomplishments represented in the images of Mars, Minerva, Victory, and Fortuna.149 The soldier facial type continues in use both on the Roman and the eastern coinage with no significant changes (PI. V, fig. 1).150 Likewise, an occasional reference to the Didius Julianus (Pl. V, fig. 2) and Pertinax portrait types is still found (P1. V, fig. 3). A new and important medallion type also appears at

this time, whiclh is particularly popular

the emperor nude, seen from the back,

line nose are like the medallion portrait of Severus of 194 cited with reference to Antoninus Pius (P1. III, fig. 5). However, the full beard, which is brushed forward, is that of the Pertinax-Severus coin portrait. Thus a variation upon the PertinaxSeverus type rather than the creation of an entirely new portrait type would appear to have occurred in this case. This group of medallions is especially unique in the fine, plastic modeling of the nude torso: Severus here allies himself with the classical heroes of the past by his divine nudity. In 195, with the announcement of Clodius Albinus' intentions in the West, Severus assumed the title of the brother of Commodus, "the son of Divus Marcus the Good," and established Caracalla as Caesar in 196. He returned to Rome in 196, and after the death of Albinus in 197 he broke with the Senate and deified Commodus, a blow particularly to the senatorial class. The reverse images on the coinage of these years often show Pax,152 in an attempt to hold out the hope of peace to a people now tired by war. Coins represent Severus ruling over the state with wisdom, PROVIDENTIA AUG,153 and also supplying the people with LIBERALITAS and MUNIFICENTIA in the form of games, which evidently took place on his way through Rome to conquer Albinus in 196.154

146 Also see BMC V, pl. 8, 6, pl. 23, 2. 19, 1-2 (Laodicea ad Mare). 147 The literary sources may also document the 151 See M. Hirmer, Rornische Kaiserportrats im M

erection of statues of Albinus. See Herodian, II, 15, 5. Bernoulli, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 2) 18, uses this passage as evidence that statues of Albinus were erected. 148 Also see BMC V, pl. 14, 1-7. 149 Ibid., V, pl. 16, 1-20 (194); pl. 17, 1-12 (194),

13-16 (195); pl. 18, 11-20 (194). For a full account of Severus' activities in the eastern

bild (Munich 1961) pl. 30; Gnecchi, op. cit. (supra n. 101) pl. 93, 9-10. The type originated in the second

century with Marcus Aurelius, but it is with Severus that it became especially popular. (Toynbee, op. cit., supra, Intro., n. 9, 133, 156). In the medallions preserved, however, Severus does not adopt the aegis for this type

as did his predecessor, Marcus Aurelius (Gnecchi, op. Roman provinces see D. Magie, Roman Rule in Asia cit., s-upra n. 101, II, pl. 60, 7). Minor to the End of the Third Centutry after Christ (Prince152 BMC V, # 142, 44, pl. 9, # 4. ton 1950) 669-683. For a list of dedications to Severus 153 Ibid., # 173, 48, pl. 9, 17. in the East see ibid., 1545, n. 28.

150 Also see BMC V, pl. 7, 13-20; pl. 8, 9-18; pl.

154 Ibid., # 166-169, 47, pl. 9, 14-15.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

63

The obverse portrait of Severus on the coins of the Roman mints during this final stage of the " Wars of Succession " from 196 to 197 shows the emergence of a new portrait type. It is characterized by a longer beard, which is now divided into three distinct forks.155 Furthermore, on some of the coins at least the forehead curls are lower and separated, rather than appearing as a mass across the upper forehead as in the earlier coin portraits (P1.

VI, figs. 1, 2, 4).156 In comparison with the Pertinax-Severus type and the realistic soldier type, the features of the new portrait are idealized. The nose is straight and the bulge in the brow is less dominant. The realistic soldier portrait is still used on some of the coins of 196 (P1. VI, fig. 3),157 and occasionally the Pertinax-Severus portrait type appears,158 but by 197 the new type has become the rule. Severus'

use of a further divine attribute appears on a medallion of 196 where the emperor is shown with the aegis of Jupiter folded over his left shoulder.159 Clodius Albinus' coinage at this time is minted at Lugdunum and shows a very

distinctive style and iconography (P1. IV, fig. 3). His beard remains bushy and undi-

vided, and peculiar to this mint are the upward tilt of the face and direction of the eyes. The new profile of Albinus with the full beard may be compared with images of Hercules, also a god of Hadrumetum, Albinus' home city.160 On the coins of Severus minted in the East during these years 196 to 197 a further portrait type appears which does not occur on the contemporary coins of

and longer beard which tends to form a mass rather than being divided. The hair curls are arranged in a flat semi-circle over the upper forehead and often the deep-set eyes look upward. The type continues on the eastern coins until Severus' return to Rome in 202 (P1. VII, fig. 3).162 During these first five years of Severus' reign, we have traced a progressive development from his position as " avenger,"

where in truth he is an usurper competing for power, to that of a descendant of the divine Antonine line of rulers. In 196 he takes the first step in establishing his own

dynasty by naming his son Caracalla Caesar. Finally in 198 succession is assured when Caracalla and Geta are made Augustus and Caesar, respectively. We have seen this progressive development of imperial power reflected in the various coin portraits adopted by Severus during this time. On the coins of these years five different portrait types have been distinguished, with a variation appearing on a medallion. Two of these were found to allude to his immediate predecessors and one to his

adopted Antonine ancestors. Contemporary with these allusive types, a realistic soldier portrait of Severus was struck, which in 196-197 was replaced by a new, distinctive portrait characterized by more idealized features, a forked beard, and on at least some coins hanging locks over the forehead have been distinguished. This last type with the hanging locks is to be associated with the iconography of the god Serapis (infra 109 ff.). Further indication

of Severus' superhuman power is implied in his use of the solar crown, the nude hero the Roman mints. This type is found bust and the aegis of Jupiter on the coinage primarily on the coins of Laodicea ad Mare of these years. On the coins of Laodicea (P1. VII, fig. 1).161 The portrait type shows ad Mare in 196-197 a further type was a longer facial form with a pointed nose noted without the hanging locks. 155 BMC V, pl. 9, nos. 11, 18, 19 (196-197); pl. Catalogue

10, 14-20 (197).

of the Greek Coins of Caria, Cos, Rhodes (Brit-

ish Museum, London 1897) # 111, 43, pl. VII, 5; Wroth, 156 For example, note also ibid., # 221, 56, pl. op. 10, cit. 16. (supra n. 136) # 4, 290, pl. XXXVI, 3. '15 Also see BMC V, pl. 9, 1-6; Gnecchi, op. cit. 159 Gnecchi, op. cit. (supra n. 101) II, p1. 93, 2.

(supra n. 101) II, pl. 93, 5.

158 For example, BMC V, pl. 25, 9. The PertinaxSeverus type may have had a longer life in the eastern Roman provinces, for this type has been noted on un-

160 Ibid., pl. 12. Cf. the profiles of Hercules on

coins, i.e., Wroth, op. cit. (supra n. 136) pl. I, 5.

161 Also see BMC V, pl. 19, 11-14 and 17-20. (Lao-

dicea ad Mare and an uncertain eastern mint dated 196-197). dated coins of these mints. For example, see B. V. Head, 162 Also see ibid., pl. 44 (Laodicea ad Mare, 198-202).

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

64

In the following years, from 198 to early in 202, Severus remains in the East and his coinage from the earlier part of this period is concerned with the celebration of his victories, his virtue, and his good fortune. The traditional figures of Aequitas and Moneta also appear on the

reverses, indicating the soundness of finance and the mint. LIBERTAS AUGG and PROVID. A UGG speak of Severus' respect for Roman liberty and the wisdom of his policies.163 During the later part of this period, from 200 to 201, the main concern on the coinage is with the permanency of the new dynasty. Probably at the same time as Severus took the title of IMIP XI, after his victory over the Parthians late in 198, Caracalla was also acclaimed Augustus and added IMP to his title.164 The legend AETERNIT IMPERI (P1. VII, fig. 2) indicates the hope of the new imperial house. Severus is now represented as the FUNDATOR PACIS in the civil robe of peace, holding the magistrate's roll in his hand.165 He is also represented sacrificing with the accompanying legend, RESTITUTOR URBIS, indicating the re-establishment of Rome on a new basis (P1. VII, fig. 4).166 In 201 Severus drops the PARTHICUS MAXIMUS taken in 198 and shortens it to SEVERUS PIUS AUG.167 The portrait of the emperor during this time on the Roman coins shows the lengthened beard, with the three pointed divisions the rule until 200-201 when occasionally a four-part division of the beard 163 BMC V, cxxxviii. 164 Ibid., cxxx.

165 Ibid., # 189, 192, pl. 31, 13. 166 Also see ibid., # 201, 194, pl. 32, 1. 167 Ibid., # 253, 202, pl. 33, 5. For the dating of Severus' titles see Hill, op. cit. (supra n. 75) 7.

appears.168 In some of the coins, separated, hanging forehead locks can be distinguished (Pl. VIII, figs. 1-3) 169 while on others rounded ringlets are apparent, which are massed together and do not hang down (P1. VIII, figs. 4, 5; P1. XII, fig. 3),170 suggesting that we may here be dealing with at least two different portrait types. Severus' face tends to be idealized, not yet showing the signs of his fifty-some years of age. Also medallion portraits of these years reflect the trend towards an idealization of forms.'71 Gone now is the direct and forceful glance of the soldier emperor of the earlier portraits with their hardened and more individual forms. Severus is now the restorer of peace and the idealized, pious expression is in keeping with the new image of himself as a descendant of the good Antonine emperors. Also during this time, from 200 to 201, the emperor is occasionally represented on the coins with the aegis of Jupiter and Minerva (P1. VIII, figs. 1-3). The uniqueness of the new dynasty, in which peace was restored and during which the boundaries of the empire were extended, is seen in its use of a variety of artistic motifs which reflect the broad, ideological basis of a new world empire. The Severan Age forms its own unique synthesis of traditional western and eastern ideas aimed at supporting the now extended

and varied empire. The impact of Severus' own forceful personality in the formation of this new era is seen in his portrayal as the Restitutor Urbis, the son

adopted by Severus. The latter, I believe, represents one of the Antoninus Pius-Severus types to be discussed infra, ch. IV. 171 A medallion from Zagreb particularly illustrates

these idealized features: Toynbee, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 9) 102-103, pl. XVII, 7. The medallion is dated 200168 BMC V, pl. 29, 17-20 (198-200); pl. 30, 1-9, 14 201 and probably was struck at the time of the " Birthday of Rome" celebrations. High curls appear over the (198-200); pl. 31, 7-20 (200-201); pl. 32, 1-5 (200-201); pl. 33, 4-7 (201). forehead of Severus on the medallion but do not hang down as in the Serapis-Severus portrait type. Hill, op. 169 Also see ibid., # 184, 191, pl. 31, 10 (201); #379, 231, pl. 37, 5 (202). cit. (supra n. 75) 5, notes a change in the fabric of the 170 Also see ibid., # 127, 176, pl. 29, 18 (198-199). coins in 199 from small flans to large, well-struck ones. In this iconographic problem, I think one must distinHe believes that the change to more idealized forms is guish between corkscrew hanging locks which tend to connected with this currency reform. However, this be separated and leave the upper temples bare and the study seems to indicate that the style of the coin porround ringlets which cover the forehead. The former traits is conditioned by the style of the sculptural model type I have identified with the Serapis portrait type and not necessarily dependent upon a currency reform.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

65

of the divine and good Marcus and the founder of the new, eternal dynasty. In 202 Severus returned to Rome and remained there until the time of his campaign in Britain in 208. His Adventus into Rome by land and sea is recorded on the coins.172 Magnificent games described in the ancient sources celebrated his return, which initiated a special reverse coin type showing the ship constructed in the arena filled with 700 wild animals, which issued forth at a given signal (P1. VIII, fig. 6).173 Also in 202 the celebrations of Severus' Decennalia in commemoration of the first ten years of his reign took place one year early in combination with the celebrations of his return.174 One might suppose that a special Decennalia portrait type was

created for this occasion, as has been suggested by scholars.175 The Roman coins of 202, however, do not show a new portrait type and apparently it is not always the rule that a Decennalia portrait

was created for the emperor.'76 The absence of a Decennalia portrait type on the Roman coins in Severus' case might be explained by the fact that this celebration

was overshadowed by his return from the East and by the marriage of Caracalla to Plautilla, the daughter of Severus' influential prefect from North Africa. A new symbolic allusion, however, appears in a medallion portrait of Severus in 202, which commemorates on its reverse the marriage of Caracalla and Plautilla (P1. 172 BMC V, 230, first two coins of the year 202,

unillustrated.

IX, fig. 1).177. Severus is here represented on the obverse in the guise of Hercules with the lion-skin hood over his head. We have already mentioned that Hercules and Liber, the Di Auspices of Severus and the patron gods of his native city, received special rites in the ceremonies connected with the Secular Games held in 204, and Tocchi, in a study of these coins,'78 gives evidence that the reverse images of Hercules and Liber represent the two Augusti,

Severus and Caracalla (P1. IX, fig. 2). Severus is here represented as the new Hercules who acts as executor of Jupiter's divine will. An association with Hercules on the

part of the Roman rulers has its origin in Alexander the Great,'79 and it appears likely that Severus' choice of a reference to Hercules at the time of his own triumphant return from conquests in the East was intended to recall his Hellenistic predecessor. But the Hercules cult had already a long history on Italian soil and

was not new to imperial circles.'80 The cult was particularly popular under Commodus, whom Severus recognized as brother through his claim of adoption by

Marcus Aurelius.'8' In 197 Severus had, as we have seen, further honored Commo-

dus by deification.'82 In his own lifetime, Commodus had himself represented as Hercules both in sculpture in the round and on the medallions, where it is a par-

ticularly popular type (P1. IX, fig. 3).183 of Trajan, Gross, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 8) 20-21, 85-104. 177 The marriage is also celebrated on the coinage

173 Also see ibid., # 343, 219, pl. 35, 19. Hill dates of Caracalla, BMC V, # 390, 233, pl. 37, 12. this coin type in 206 (supra n. 75), # 805, p. 32. Cf. 178 Tocchi, op. cit. (supra n. 97) 17 and supra 56. Mattingly (BMC V, cxlix) who dates it in 202. This 179 L'Orange, Apotheosis, 28; A. R. Anderson, " Herreverse type also appears on the coins of Caracalla, cules ibid.,and His Successors," HSCP 39 (1928) 12-29. Cf. # 283, 209, pl. 34, 4. For description of the games see I. Mundle, " Untersuchungen zur Religionspolitik des Dio, LXXVII, 1 and Herodian, III, 10, 1-2.

Septimius Severus (Herkules, Bacchus, Jupiter, Juno),"

174 For date of the Decennalia in 202 see Clinton, unpubl. diss. (Freiburg 1957) 76-78. Mundle argues

op. cit. (supra n. 48) 208; Platnauer, op. cit. (supra n. 6) against an intended association with Alexander on Se125; Grant, op. cit. (supra n. 45) 10; Hill, op. cit. (supra verus' part. n. 75) 6; Dio, LXXVII, 1. Cf. supra 42. 180 J. G. Winter, " The Myth of Hercules at Rome," 175 Balty, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 28) 108, n. 1 University (on of Michigan Studies. Humanistic Series. IV. 109); Braemer, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 23) 145-146 and Roman History and Mythology (New York 1910) 171-273; our discussion, infra 103. Wissowa, op. cit. (supra n. 106) 271-284; J. Bayet, Les 176 For example, a Decennalia portrait for Marcus origines de l'Hercule romain (Paris 1926); Latte, op. cit.

Aurelius was not identified by Wegner, op. cit. (supra, (supra n. 78) 213-221. 181 Dio, LXXVI, 7, 4. Intro., n. 1) 33-47, nor has a Decennalia portrait of Antoninus Pius (ibid., 24) or Hadrian (Wegner, op. cit., supra, 182 SHA, " Severus," XII, 8. Intro., n. 4, 60) been securely identified from the coin 183 For illustration of famous portrait of Commodus evidence. Cf. evidence from coins for Decennalia portrait with the lion-skin hood in the Palazzo dei Conservatori,

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

66

A symbolic allusion to Hercules by Severus in the light of this background is not surprising, and a dual reference to both Alexander and Commodus seems very likely to lie behind the type. A deeper meaning, however, was probably also intended. A study of the Hercules mythological tradition shows the hero in the dual role of both a world-ruler (xouoxpa'ecp) and a protector of mankind (aXp).1 84 The latter role links him with the Christian saviour tradition. Therefore, an allusion to Hercules by Severus can also be interpreted as part of the Saviour-King symbolism which appears to form part of the basis of his Serapis and perhaps also his Marcus Aurelius portrait types. The actual portrait face used on the medallion of 202, however, is somewhat different from that of any predecessor and, in fact, from any one of the other portrait types used by Severus. The profile with the straight nose is reminiscent of the medallion portrait of 194 which was related to Antoninus Pius (supra 61). On the other hand, the longer, divided beard and drooping moustache are closer to the Serapis portrait type, although the hanging forehead locks appear to be lacking in the medallion. This particular portrait type

used on the medallion of 202 has not been identified with any portrait of Severus in

the round, nor has any portrait in the round been found with the emperor wearing the lion-skin hood of Hercules. Medallions were used as special gift pieces which, as such, stand outside the ordinary currency. It would seem from this evidence that the new portrait type was celebrated only on a medallion which may have been made also in commemoration of Severus' Decennalia.185 Of course the

possibility of its sculptural version now being lost must also be kept in mind, but see H. v. Heintze, Rdmische Portrat-Plastik (Stuttgart 1961) pl. 21; For coin references see supra n. 114. 184 Anderson, op. cit. (supra n. 179) 9. 185 For a Decennalia portrait of Gallienus represented in the guise of Hercules-Augustus known only on a medallion see Hadzi, op. cit. (supra, Intro., 10) 78-80. 186 Ibid., 79-80.

the type with the lion-skin hood has been shown to belong to a numismatic tradition going back to the time of Hadrian.'86 Thus we may conclude that the artist of the medallion portrait was probably not working from a sculptured imago, as was the usual practice, but was commissioned to make an independent medallion design. On the coins of the Roman East, however, a new portrait type has been distinguished, which appears for the first time on the coins of Antioch in 202 (P1. X, fig. 1). This new type is characterized by a narrow, long face and a thin, pointed nose. The hair is clearly brushed up off the forehead and the longer beard is subdivided into four long, thin, pointed curls. The forehead is unfurrowed and the expression is idealized. This portrait type can be associated with coin portraits of Marcus Aurelius (P1. X, fig. 2), and an intended allusion to his adopted father in the light of Severus' political propaganda seems very likely. This particular portrait type can be found in use on the eastern coins until 207 (P1. X, fig. 3) and can also be distinguished occasionally on coins of the Roman mint in 207 (P1. X, fig. 4). The coin type can be associated with Severus' portraits in the round and it may be that this new type was created for the Decennalia while the emperor was still in the East, although an allusion to Marcus Aurelius would seem more likely to have occurred earlier in Severus' reign" after his pretended adoption in 195. On coins of 203 the honorific arch of Severus in the Roman Forum is represented,'87 and Carthage again received special honors (P1. XI, fig. 4). These coins have been used as evidence to indicate an imperial visit to North Africa during this year and also for the dating of the arch of Severus at Lepcis Magna.188 187 BMC V, # 320, 216, pl. 35, 5 and cxlix.

188 E. Babelon, " Les monnaies de Septime Severe,

de Caracalla et de G6ta relatives a l'Afrique," RIN 16 (1903) 159-161; Hasebroek, op. cit. (supra n. 25) 133; L'Orange, Apotheosis, 76 and n. 15; Murphy, op. cit. (supra n. 41) 33. Cf. Romanelli, op. cit. (supra n. 23) 417, who questions the date of 203 for Severus' visit to

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

67

The Roman coin portraits of the emperor of these years 202-203 show a continuation of the two longer-bearded types of the previous period, those with the corkscrew locks hanging down over the forehead (P1. XI, fig. 1),189 and others with the round ringlets (P1. XI, fig. 2).190 The beard is now parted into either three or four long curls. The tendency toward idealized features is continued in both types, but also now some of the profiles show heavier, more realistic forms (P1. XI, fig. 3), indicating the possibility of more than one portrait model for each type. In 204 Severus held the Secular Games 191 and in 205 the downfall of the ambitious Plautianus, who had done much to eclipse Julia Domna's prestige during these years in Rome because of his own

lets (P1. XI, fig. 5)196 with the division of the beard into three parts being the more usual. By 207-208, however, the beard

again turned to war, this time against Britain. Severus' portraits on the obverses of the coins struck between 204 and 206 continue the two long-bearded types with

has become distinctly lengthened and a division into four forked curls is the rule (P1. XII, fig. 4).197 Some of the portraits also show an upward tilt of the head and glance of the eyes.198 The features and hair style in some of the coin portraits have also been changed, indicating the presence of a new portrait prototype (P1. XIII, figs. 1-2).199 In these portraits, the features have been strongly smoothed and idealized. One might say that this new type shows a return to a classical style, in comparison with some of the more realistic portraits which appeared in the last years. But it is a classicizing style of a different nature. Pattern and abstract design are stressed over plastic, organic forms where light and shadow create illusionistic effects in continuation of the Antonine stylistic tradition. In the new type, the rounded contour of the now unfurrowed brow is emphasized and the smooth cheeks no longer show signs of age. The hair curls have been flattened and arranged in a regular pattern. In place of the hanging corkscrew locks or rounded ringlets, the curls are flatter and brushed high across the upper forehead. The longer bearded portrait with the soft expression and strongly classicizing forms is reminiscent of a classical philosopher portrait type. The earlier portrait of Severus with the rounded ringlets and modeled brow also continues to appear on some of the

both the corkscrew hanging locks (P1. XI, fig. 6; P1. XII, fig. 1) and the round ring-

coins of these years,200 althouglh the hanging corkscrew Serapis locks have not been

desire for powver, was brought about by Caracalla. Plautilla and her brother were removed by Severus for safety to Sicily.192 The coinage of both Severus and Caracalla in 206 and 207 shows a reverse type with a galley, suggesting travel by sea, perhaps to Africa (P1. XII, fig. 2).193 Other reverse types of 207 indicate honor to Africa, a further indication of a possible

imperial visit at this time.194 The eastern deity Sol is the symbol of the emperor as

PACATOR ORBIS on the coin issues of 208.195 Also in the year 208 Severus

Africa and concludes from the evidence that the exact date cannot be ascertained, infra 75.

op. cit. (supra n. 136) # 242, 76 (Caesarea, 205-206); ibid., # 226, 74 (Caesarea, 206-207). 189 Also see BMC V, # 431, 239, pl. 38, 12 (203). 197 Also cf. BMC V, # 353, 221, pl. 36, 6 (207);

190 Also see BMC V, # 380, 231, pl. 37, 6 (202); 4 432, 240, pl. 38, # 13 (203).

# 376, 225, pl. 37, 3 (207); pl. 41, # 10-14 (207); # 810, 325, pl. 48, 10 (207); pl. 42, 3-6 (208); # 854, 350,

illustrated) and Tocchi, op. cit. (supra n. 97) 12-13. 192 Platnauer, op. cit. (supra n. 6) 132-133.

(207); ibid., II, pl. 94, 1 (208).

top (Caracalla, 207); clviii.

Hoard of Coins from Nineveh," NC 11 (1931) 162 (Tyre,

191 For coins celebrating games see ibid., 222 (unpl. 51, 10 (208); Gnecchi, op. cit. (supra n. 101) II, 22, 2 198 BMC V, pl. 41, # 12.

193 Also see Hill, op. cit. (supra n. 75) # 856, 33 199 Also see, for example, ibid., # 814, 327, pl. 49, (Caracalla, 206); BMC V, 348, top (Severus, 207); 349, 4 (207); # 816, 328, pl. 49, 5 (207); G. F. Hill, "A 194 BMC V, cli, # 309, # 310, pl. 34, 17 and 18 202-211, BM # 37). (207). Hill, op. cit. (supra n. 75) 33, nos. 868, 869. 200 For example, BMC V, pl. 36, 6 and 11 (207); 195 BMC V, clii. pl. 42, 5 (208). 196 Also see ibid., # 319, 216, pl. 35, 4 (206); Wroth,

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

68

securely distinguished in the coin portraits after 206. The last period of Severus' reign, from 209 to 21 1, was spent in Britain, where he died in York on February

fourth.201 In 209 Geta was made Augustus with his father and brother, and all three add BRITANNICUS to their titles. The themes on the coins are again those of war with the hope of victory, and in 210-211 the hope of return to Rome

(P1. XIV, figs. 4, 2).202 The imperial portraits on the coins struck during these last three years show a continuation of the new, classicizing portrait type without the hanging forehead locks and with a fourparted division of the long beard (P1. XIII, fig. 4; P1. XIV, figs. 1, 3). This type continues to be used for the Divus issues of the emperor (Frontispiece).203

The classicizing style continues in this type with one exception found on a bronze medallion of 211, formerly in the Bachofen Collection in Vienna, where a different, non-idealized portrait using the same hair and beard style is found.204 The profile on this medallion suggests a strong resemblance to the earlier Pertinax-Severus portrait type. The thickened nose is uneven and age is revealed in the rendering of the sagging cheeks. One may suppose that the medallion portrait was an individual creation by an artist who found inspiration from the earlier portrait type. On a few of the coins of 209 and 210 the earlier portrait type with the rounded ringlets across the forehead can still be seen.

(P1. XIII, fig. 3). To summarize, we have distinguished on Severus' coinage the use of at least eight different portrait types, and ten if one includes the two medallion portraits of 194 and 202, the one a possible reference to Antoninus Pius and the other to Hercules. The general chronological development of the types has been suggest201 Platnauer, op. cit. (supra n. 6) 137; Hasebroek,

op. cit. (supra n. 25) 145.

202 BMC V, clxxxiii. 203 Also see ibid., pl. 65, 12-18 (211).

ed, although the exact dating of any one type must be considered as somewhat relative, since discrepancies in the length of the beard and forehead curls have been found to exist on individual coins and an idealizing and a more realistic portrait style sometimes appear side by side. Nevertheless, the portraits on the coins are our main source for the identification and dating of the portrait types, and a brief summary of the evidence is useful for the following discussion of the portraits in the round. In the first year of Severus' reign a realistic portrait type appears, which is distinct from any of the later forms. It shows the emperor with a short beard, which already tends to be forked and

brushed forward, distinguishing it from the contemporary coin portraits of Clo-

dius Albinus. The hair is short and curly, framing the forehead, and the hair line high, parted on the side or cut straight across. The broad brow is furrowed and the temples are often prominent. The moustache is long and hides the upper lip. The direct glance portrays the confident soldier emperor, who is now in his late forties. This type continues in use

on the coins until 196-197. Also during these years portrait references to Didius Julianus and Pertinax are suggested, as well as a medallion type reminiscent of Antoninus Pius. On the coins of the East, namely Laodicea ad Mare, a further type is seen. In 196-197, on the Roman coins two further new types appear. In both the beard is longer and divided into three pointed curls, and the forms are idealized. The two types are primarily

distinguished on the coinage by the varying arrangement of the curls over the fore-

head. On some of the coins corkscrew hanging locks can be distinguished, which are to be associated with the iconography of the god Serapis. On other coins the frontal curls are arranged in rounded ring204 0. Voetter, Sammlung Bachofen von Echt. Rd-

mische Miinzen und Medaillons (Vienna 1903) pl. 34, 1607. Cf. medallion of Pertinax, Gnecchi, op. cit. (supra n. 101) II, pI. 91, 10.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

69

lets, which suggests the use of a different portrait model. These portraits most probably can be associated with one of Seve-

rus' Antoninus Pius portrait types identified in the sculptures in the round. These two types continue in popular use on the Roman coins until 207, and the type with the rounded ringlets is noted on some of the coins until 210. On the coins of 202 to 207 a further allusive portrait type appears which shows the hair brushed high over the forehead, a feature typical of late portraits of Marcus Aurelius. In 202 a medallion portrays Severus in

the guise of Hercules with the lion-skin over his head. In 207 a new longer-bearded type with strongly classicizing forms is evident, which is the dominant type in use for the rest of Severus' reign and is the one used for the portraits of his Divus issues.

During Severus' reign, the allusions in his portraits were found to fluctuate between historical and divine prototypes. Severus associates himself with an historical prototype in the Antonine house early in his reign to strengthen his claim to the throne over the other claimants. This association is continued in his allusion to Marcus Aurelius during the middle years of his reign. Severus' superhuman power is suggested through his association with the gods of the heavens, Jupiter and Sol, and especially with the Egyptian god of the lower world, Serapis. Severus is the RESTITUTOR URBIS, the FUNDATOR PACIS who establishes a new dynastic order which will insure the " Eternity of the Empire. " The essential message to the Roman people is a promise of salvation, a king who can restore their trust in the Roman state after its misuse under Commodus and the praetorian guards. Severus thus draws upon both his heritage in Roman imperial history 205 G. Bovini, "Gallieno: la sua iconografia e i reflessi in essa delle vicende storiche e culturali del tempo," RendAccIt 2, ser. VII, 1 (1941) 115-166 (particularly 135-141). For a discussion and criticism of Bovini's premises see Hadzi, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 10) 1-2. 206 L'Orange, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 1); Hadzi,

and upon his eastern religious associations in his concept of a divinized SaviourKing. In his late portrait type, appearing on the coinage in 207, Severus would appear to return indirectly to the theme of his ancestry in the Antonine house through his adoption of a classicizing philosopher portrait type. Severus' search for eternal values for his new dynasty thus includes elements from both Roman rationalism and eastern mysticism. These ideas are perhaps most embracingly combined in the image of himself as a new world Cosmocrator who has his ultimate origin in the Eastern world. A realization of the broadened nature of Severus' theoretical basis of rule is important for the complex study of the identification of the imperial portraits in the round, which, in their diversity, have embraced many long-bearded philosopher types. There has not been agreement among scholars as to a basis for identification in Roman portraiture. There are those who maintain that all portraits of one man must essentially appear alike,205

while others hold that this theory of realistic portraiture is not valid for the third century at least.206 The method followed here has been first to evaluate the historical evidence obtained from a study of the coin and medallion types. A basis for a broadened interpretation of the imperial portraits in the round has been suggested, indicating that representational consistency is not the primary goal of the portraits to be considered. To what extent the sculptures in the round reveal the varied pictures found on the coinage of Severus as soldier, philospher, and Saviour-King is a problem yet to be considered, as well as the complex issue of whether a diversity in iconography is necessarily accompanied by a diversity in style.207 In conclusion, the reign of Septimius op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 10) 1-7. 207 For a study of stylistic revivals in the third century see: B. Schweitzer, "Altroemische Traditionselemente in der Bildniskunst des dritten nachchristlichen Jahrhund-

erts," Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 5 (1954) 173190. Although Schweitzer's study is primarily a stylistic

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

70

Severus from 193 to 211 stands between two eras: the era of the humanistic and philosophical Antonine emperors and that of the Saviour-King rulers who dominate the Late Antique Age of the third and fourth centuries. Severus' peculiar posi-

tion between the two periods is part of the particular fascination for the student of his imperial portraits. His reign, however, cannot in any way be considered as merely a transitional one. Through the force of his own particular personality

and the determination acquired through the seeking of a prized goal, Severus managed not only to seize the imperial

office but to give it fresh life through a new and broadened ideological program, a feat which his immediate, unsuccessful predecessors had been unable to accomplish. He was able to synthesize within his program the varied forces which were moving the complex and rapidly changing one, he also indicates that with the revival of a late Republican portrait style in the second quarter of the third century, the portrait types of Republican art are also revived (185). For evidence found in this study for the

empire of his day. Severus took pains to ally himself with the great Roman political and religious traditions of the past, but in his new concept of a centralized power, he points towards the ideological concepts of the Late Antique Age of the future. The unifying force behind his program would seem to be the image of the Cosmocrator, allied to both the heavens above and to the lower world beneath. Severus became a Saviour-King, but his human personality was never completely absorbed into the divine one, as was the case with emperors to follow. His watchword to his soldiers, laboremus,208 expresses a man oriented to the real world of his day. One feels a very human sympathy wvith the man who said in his old

age, when troubled by sickness and the antagonism of his sons left to carry on his rule, one of whom even sought his father's death, Omnia... fui et nihil expedit.209 relationship between a revival in iconography and style, see infra 207.

208 SHA " Severus," XXIII, 4. 209 Ibid., XVIII, 11.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC56 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

CHAPTER TIWO

THE EVIDENCE OF THE DATED SCULPTURAL AND PAINTED PORTRAITS

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. A.

Septimius Severus and Caracalla, detail from tempera on wood tondo.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

CHAPTER Two THE EVIDENCE OF THE DATED SCULPTURAL AND PAINTED PORTRAITS

The representations of Severus in the Roman historical reliefs and on a painted tondo form the last pieces of external evidence which can be brought to bear upon the identification and dating of the imperial portraits in the round. Only two of the remaining Severan historical reliefs have securely attributed portraits of Severus: the arch of the Argentarii in Rome and the arch of Severus at Lepcis Magna, the reliefs of which are in the Archaeological Museum in Tripoli. These two monuments have been used by scholars as key evidence for the dating of certain of the imperial portrait types. On the arch of the Argentarii, securely dated by its dedicatory inscription on the attic between December 10, 203 and December 9, 204,1 Severus appears on one of the passageway reliefs with the four Serapis curls hanging low over his forehead (P1. XV, fig. 1). Julia Domna is represented with him and also probably Geta 2 (now erased), making a libation over the fruits of the Dii Penates. The emperor is turned frontally toward the viewer with the toga, the official robe of the priests, drawn up over his head (P1. XV, fig. 2). Severus appears here to play a double role both as Pontifex Maximus, chief priest of the state religion, and as a divine ruler who in turn is the object of worship.3 This 1 D. E. L. Haynes and P. E. D. Hirst, Porta Argentariorum (BSR, Suppl., London 1939) 3-13. M. Pallottino, L'Arco degli Argentari (Rome 1946).

interpretation of the scene is strengthened by Severus' association with the god Serapis through the portrait type. Other characteristics of the type are the long beard divided in the middle as well as the square facial form. Severus' full lips are visible beneath the moustache, and the triangular cleft in the upper moustache, a frequent feature in Severus' iconography, is also apparent. The cheeks are broad and the eyes wide and staring, befitting a divinely enhanced being. The cutting of the beard is crude, with the drill coarsely outlining the main forms of both the hair and beard.

This portrait is an important one for the study of Severus' portraiture, for it is the first surely identified sculptural portrait of the emperor alluding to Serapis that we have in a conclusively dated context. Thus, the date of the arch in 204 has been used by L'Orange and followed by later scholars as a dividing point for the establishment of the main Serapis portrait type in the imperial iconography. The evidence of the coins examined here, however, clearly indicates an earlier existence of the Serapis-Severus portrait type, and therefore the arch of the Argentarii can no longer be considered a neat divid-

ing point for the establishment of the type. Rather, the arch only indicates a date when tionsbildes (Berlin 1957) 6, pl. 6. 3 See interpretation of I. S. Ryberg, " Rites of the State Religion in Roman Art," MAAR 22 (1955) 138-

2 L. Budde, Die Entstehung des antiken Reprdsenta140.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

74

the Serapis portrait type of the emperor was still in popular use.4 The arch of Severus at Lepcis Magna preserves no inscription which wvould secure a fixed date for the monument. The presumed date most commonly accepted by scholars is the year 203, in commemoration of a conjectured visit of the emperor to Lepcis at this time.5 It has also been suggested, however, on the basis of the coin evidence that Severus came to North Africa in 207 (supra 67). That Severus did visit his native city at least once during his reign is clearly evident from the reliefs themselves, which refer to specific celebrations at Lepcis on the occasion of a visit by the imperial family.6 It is surprising that no inscription has

have fixed the date of 203 as the moment of this commemoration, directly after the campaigns. But Severus' eastern victories were the greatest ones of his reign, and a retrospective commemoration for his native city at a later time should also be considered a possibility. In fact, the

been found, for in all likelihood the arch

present literature would lead us to believe, and the problem in itself needs a

originally had one. According to recent opinion, however, the quadrifrons arch itself dates from the Trajanic-Hadrianic period.7 The Severan reliefs were then evidently attached in a hurry to the already existing architectural structure, which could also explain the absence of an original dedicatory inscription. The reliefs themselves commemorate Severus' victory over the Parthians, as indicated by the presence of tropaea with captives in Persian dress.8 The arch, then, must have been dedicated after the conclusion of the Parthian wars in 202. Scholars 4 There are also two other small portrait heads of Severus on the arch, appearing in the praetorian standards decorating the pilasters of the west and east piers. (Haynes and Hirst, op. cit., supra n. 1, 38-39 and figs. 22, 23; Budde, Yugenbildnisse, 13-14, pl. 8). The portraits show the same Serapis type, indicating the popularity of the form for the portraits of the emperor made at this time.

5 Babelon, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 188) 157-161. Besides the coins, Babelon uses an inscription from Lambaesis (CIL VIII 2702) as further evidence for an imperial visit to North Africa in 203. Familia Rationis Castrensis, however, refers to imperial personnel only (Ettore De

Ruggiero, " Castrensis," Dizionario epigrafico di antichita II, 1, pp. 139-140) and cannot be interpreted as evidence that the emperor was there in person. Also see R. Bartoccini, " L'arco quadrifronte dei

Severi a Lepcis," AfrIt 4 (1931) 152; P. W. Townsend,

" The Significance of the Arch of the Severi at Lepcis," A3A 42 (1938) 522; P. Bober, "The Sculptures of the Arch of Septimius Severus at Leptis Magna," unpubl. Master's diss. (New York University 1943) 4-8; L'Orange, Apotheosis, 76; J. Guey, " Lepcitana Septimiana VI," RAfr 94 (1950) 55-67 and 96 (1952) 61-63; J. B. Ward

suggestion has been made by Toynbee that the arch could have been dedicated after Severus' death, namely between 211 and 212, on the basis of the dominance of Caracalla in the relief scenes and the

portrayal of Severus in the Capitoline Triad, which would be unusual in the lifetime of an emperor.9 These arguments suggest that the date of 203-204 for the arch is not as fixed a point in the chronology of Severus' portraits as the

separate study. Such a task would involve a complete re-evaluation of all the possible archaeological evidence available on the site of Lepcis Magna itself, in the Archaeological Museum in Tripoli, and in the previous excavation records. This was beyond the scope of the present study. However, a summary of the evidence at present available and the conclusions which can be drawn from it will be presented here. If a conclusive date for the arch at Lepcis Magna could be established, it would give Perkins, "The Art of the Severan Age in the Light of Tripolitanian Discoveries," ProcBritAc 37 (1951) 281; R. Bianchi Bandinelli et al., Leptis Magna (Rome 1963) 67-70. 6 J. M. C. Toynbee, The Art of the Romans (London 1965) 73. 7This evidence is based on the results of a recent excavation of the arch, as yet unpublished, by Dr. Antonio Di Vita, former director of the Archaeological Museum in Tripoli. I am grateful to him for this information.

8 Cf. Townsend, op. cit. (supra n. 5) 512-524, who would like to connect the battle scenes on the arch with the history of Lepcis itself and an attack by desert tribes in 203. However, the oriental costumes indicate the eastern campaigns and it is also unlikely that a local incident would receive such a grand commemoration on a triumphal arch. ' Lecture by J. M. C. Toynbee at the University of

Miinster in 1948, cited by Budde, Jugendbildnisse, 9, n. 11. Nodelmann, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 8) 245-249, has also suggested a later date for the arch, in 205-206, on the basis of the portrait types used by the imperial family. Cf., however, our coin evidence, supra 67 and infra 121 ff.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

75

at least a date ante quem for the origin of the various imperial portrait types represented. But such a conclusive date does not appear possible from the evidence, although a tentative re-dating of the arch appears necessary and will be suggested here, subject to later and more extensive research. The arch at Lepcis Magna will therefore not be used herein as evidence for the dating of any of the portrait types represented but solely as evidence of a number of portrait types which were evidently in contemporary use. This evidence has found support in our study of the portrait types and speaks against Balty's strict chronological typology (supra 42). To summarize the iconographic evidence which has been used in the dating of the arch, a terminus post quem of 202 for the arch can be established by the representation of Parthian captives in several of the sculptures and trophy reliefs. A terminus ante quem of 212 can be established by the inclusion of Geta, who was murdered by his brother in 212. Furthermore, Severus' praefect Plautianus, who was murdered in 205 and was also a native of Lepcis, is apparently not represented in the reliefs, a point in favor of a later dating. There is evidence from coins and inscriptions of a possible visit to North Africa by Severus in 203-204 (supra 66), which has led scholars to suppose an actual visit of the emperor to his native city. However, it has already been noted that there is equally

good evidence from the coins (P1. XII, fig. 2) of a visit of Severus to Africa in 206-207 (supra 67). Furthermore, in 207 Severus commemorated the quarter 10 Grant, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 45) 121.

11 SHA, " Severus," XVIII, 3.

12 Bober, op. cit. (supra, n. 5) 6.

13 J. M. C. Toynbee and J. B. Ward-Perkins, " Peopled Scrolls: a Hellenistic Motif in Imperial Art," BSR 18, New Series, V (1950) 37-43; M. F. Squarciapino, La scuola di Afrodisia (" Studi e materiali del Museo di Roma," 3, 1943) 88.

14 Ward-Perkins, op. cit. (supra n. 5) 289-290; Brilliant, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 121) 178; Ryberg, op. cit. (su-

pra n. 3) 160 and n. 56.

15 The portrait type of these years shows a young

millenary of the plan to colonize Carthage, the capital city of North Africa.10. The

account of Severus' reign in the Scripto-

res Historiae Augustae also indicates that Tripoli was freed from attack during the

later years of his reign.11 It would appear that the date of the arch cannot be settled on the basis of the numismatic and iconographic evidence alone. The style of the reliefs has also been used as evidence for a date in 203-204. P. Bober in an unpublished master's thesis cites decorative affiliations with the Basilica Severiana and the arch of the Argentarii in Rome.12 However, other scholars link the style of the reliefs to Asia Minor and more specifically to Aphrodisias .3 In any case, advanced Late Antique tendencies in the relief style such as the hieratic frontality of some of the compositional groups and the schematized use of the drill, which is used to form abstract patterns rather than to model plastic form, have been noted by many.14 Our study has revealed that these particular tendencies become more apparent in Severus' later portraits, dating after 202. But the relief style at Lepcis must, in the last analysis, be considered regional and a date for the arch on stylistic grounds alone also does not appear conclusive. More concrete evidence obtained from a study of the portrait types can be brought to bear on the problem of the dating of the arch. It has been noted that both Caracalla and Geta appear without beards and this fact has been used to support a date in 203-204 for the arch. On the other hand, our study of the coin evidence15 has indicated that chin beards do boy with smooth, rounded cheeks and loose locks of hair swirled to the side of the forehead (P1. XVI, fig. 1). It is this portrait type which is found on the Paris cameo (P1.

XCI, gem f). For other examples see BMC V, pl. 29, 9-12 (198); pl. 30, 15-17 (199); pl. 33, 9-10 (201); pl.

37, 11-16 (202); pl. 38, 14 (203); pl. 51, 2-3 (204). On some of the coins of 202-204, however, a new

portrait type appears (Budde, Jugendbildnisse, pl. 2e, p. 19;

Mattingly and Sydenham, RIC, pl. XII, 8). The child's face has been changed to that of an older boy. The face has been lengthened and the hair is cut short with the curls arranged straight across the forehead. By 205-206

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

76

not appear on either youth before 209 and do not become the rule until 210 (P1. XVI, fig. 4; P1. XVII, fig. 4). Caracalla's boyish portrait with the rounded face and loose locks (P1. XVI, fig. 1) is replaced on some of the coins of 202204 by a new type which becomes common on the coins of 205-206 and continues in use until 209 (P1. XVI, fig. 2). The new type has lost its baby roundness and the hair is short and cut straight across the upper forehead. It is this type which is used for the portraits of the prince on the arch at Lepcis Magna (P1. XVIII, fig. 1).16 Also characteristic of the portrait type used in these years between 202 and 209 is a short curl which comes forward over the upper left cheek bone (P1. XVI, fig. 2).17 This curl can also be found in the portraits of Caracalla on the arch. Geta's portrait from the scene of the Dextrarum Iunctio on the arch at Lepcis

Magna (P1. XVIII, fig. 4) also shows the shorter hair style of his second portrait

type, which appears on his coinage between the years 203-208 (P1. XVII, fig. 3). Thus, the evidence of the coin portraits of the boys indicates the possibility of a date for the arch anywhere between 203 and 209. Caracalla at this time would be between fifteen and twenty-one years this portrait type has become the rule (P1. XVI, fig. 2) and continued in use until 209. For other examples of this second youthful portrait type see BMC V, pl. 40, 4-5 (205-207); pl. 40, 11-12 (206); pl. 41, 1-9 (206-210); pl. 51, 5 (206).

Although sideburns may appear in the coin portraits of Caracalla in the years 208-210 (P1. XVI, fig. 3), a chin beard does not appear until 209 (ibid., pl. 53, 5-7) to become the rule in 210 (P1. XVI, fig. 4 and ibid., pl. 53, 18-20; pl. 54, 1-2; pl. 58, 5-9). This analysis of the youthful coin portraits of Cara-

calla agrees essentially with that given by Budde (Jugendbildnisse, 19-20). However, Budde's account is slightly misleading for he speaks of the beginning of " beard growth " in the portraits on the coins of 202 to 206. On the coins of 202 to 204, however, which he used to illustrate this group (ibid., pl. 2, e), both cheeks and chin are smooth. Furthermore, it is evident from his discussion that only "ein leichter Backenbart" is shown on the coins (ibid., 19). It is thus on the coins of 209 to 211 that a true beard appears (ibid., 20), a conclusion also reached in this study. The portrait type used by Geta on the coins of 198

to 203 closely resemble that of his brother. See our P1. XVII, figs. 1 and 2 and BMC V, pl. 30, 10-13 (198-200);

old and Geta between fourteen and twenty. These ages would still be appropriate to the relief representations. The interpretations of the relief scenes themselves, however, would seem to favor a date before Geta's elevation to Augustus at the end of the summer campaign in Britain in 209.18 The relief scenes apparently show no indication of an elevated position in keeping with Geta's new rank. In fact, Caracalla clearly dominates the scene of the Dextrarum Iunctio while Geta appears smaller and protected by his two seniors, one on either side. Our study of the portrait types of Severus has also yielded new evidence which supports a later dating for the arch at Lepcis Magna. The portrait type used by Severus in the scene of the Dextrarum Iunctio (P1. XVIII, fig. 2) is his latest portrait type, which we have dated on the basis of the coin evidence as originating in 207 (supra 67 ). This evidence conflicts with the hitherto accepted date of 203-204 for the arch. On the basis of our study, it thus seems possible that the monument should be dated, contrary

to generally held opinion, between the years 207 and 209 and that the more likely date would be 207. On the arch at Lepcis Magna, Severus appears in six of the remaining scenes, pl. 48, 1 (198-200); pl. 32, 6-20 (200-202); pl. 33, 1-3 (200-202).

On the coins dated between 203 and 208 an older facial type appears which is thick-set and has shorter hair. See our P1. XVII, fig. 3 and ibid., pl. 39, 6-13 (203-208); pl. 50, 4-7 (203). On some of the coins of 209 a chin beard appears (P1. XVII, fig. 4); while on others of this year only sideburns are used (ibid., pl. 42, 14-15). On the coins of 210, as with Caracalla, the chin beard now becomes the rule (ibid., pl. 54, 3-7; pl. 59, 1-8). This analysis again essentially agrees with that given

by Budde (J7ugendbildnisse, 20-21). Budde, however,

notes the beginning of " beard growth " in the coin portraits of 203-208, although the coin he uses for illustration (ibid. pl. 2, i) shows the cheeks and chin smooth. Later in his discussion it is apparent that he is again speaking of hair only on the cheeks: " Schon 205 tritt gelegenlich ein kleiner Wangenbart auf. . . " (ibid., 21). It is on the coins of 210 to 212 that he illustrates a chin beard (ibid., pl. 2, k). These conclusions are in keeping with our study.

16 Budde, j7ugendbildnisse, 8-13 and pl. 6.

17 Also note Mattingly and Sydenham, RIC, pl.

XII, 3-4 (206 and 207); BMC V, pl. 40, 18 (206-210). 18 BMC V, clxxvi.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

77

four of which have the heads preserved.'9 The best preserved of the portraits is the head from one of the attic scenes representing a Dextrarum Iuinctio (P1. XVIII, fig. 2). This portrait shows an idealized face with a long beard divided in the middle and a bushy moustache cleft by a triangle to reveal the center of the upper lip. The hair dips down over the upper forehead in unseparated curls and is brushed inward toward the temples. The face is long with the high forehead accented by the prominent temples, a characteristic feature of Severus noted in the portraits on the coins. In profile, the relief portrait shows a tripartite division of the long beard, while the hair on the upper sides of the cheeks is rolled forward into a decorative spiral curl. A comparison with the coin and medallion portraits shows a close similarity between the relief portrait and the new portrait type popular in the last years of Severus' reign, from 207 to 211. The curls brushed toward the face, the lack of hanging curls over the forchead, the long beard and idealized expression can all be closely related. A relief from one of the piers repeats the same essential portrait type, althiough in a different style (P1. XVIII, fig. 3). Here Severus wears the dress of a priest with the toga drawn over his head as he presents Caracalla to the three Tychai of Tripolitania. Hercules is represented between Caracalla and Severus. The head of the emperor, with the long beard sectioned on each side into three pointed curls, is much more crudely worked with the drill than the head from the scene of the Dextrarum Iunctio, and the features are less well preserved. Also from the attic of the arch Severus, flanked by his two sons, appears in a

triumphal chariot (P1. XIX, figs. 1-2). Here a different prototype is used for the emperor who is crowned with the laurel 19 For the two scenes which originally contained portraits of Severus, now lacking, see Bartoccini, op. cit. (supra n. 5) fig. 47 (Archaeological Museum, Tripoli, neg. B 1509); and photo, Archaeological Museum, Tripoli,

wreath of victory, decorated by hanging fillets. The hair is clearly brushed away from the temples and rises above the forehead. The ears are uncovered and the hair falls low on the back of the neck.

One cannot reconstruct the pattern of the curls of the beard from the destroyed condition of the surface, but it is not as

long as that of the preceding type and the curls form a mass, rather than being widely separated. The sideburns, however, are waved forward, suggesting a

relationship to the previously described type. The upswept hair style of the portrait in the relief also suggests a relation-

ship to the later portraits of Marcus Aurelius, which L'Orange relates to Jupiter images.20 Furthermore, the coins revealed portraits of Severus wearing the aegis of Jupiter (supra 63). Moreover, a comparison of the profile of Severus in the triumphal scene with the head of Marcus

Aurelius from one of the reliefs in the Palazzo dei Conservatori showing a sacrifice scene in front of the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus in Rome reveals close similarities (P1. XIX, fig. 3).21 The same upswept hair, typical of Marcus Aurelius' later portraits (P1. XLII, fig. 1), is seen in both, but particularly significant is the similar pattern of the beard, which is pulled under the chin and forms separated curls only on the sides. Although the head of Severus in the relief is badly worn, nevertheless the pattern is the same and the reference to Marcus Aurelius

would explain the lack of separated beard curls distinctive of Severus. It would seem that we have here a definite portrait allusion to Marcus Aurelius, and more

specifically to the divinely enhanced Jupiterlike Marcus Aurelius of his later years.

This particular portrait type has been found represented on the coins clating from 202-207 and could represent a Decennalia portrait type of Severus. neg. D.L.M. 1196. 20 Apotheosis, 66-68. 21 Also see Wegner, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 1) pl. 28, upper right.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

78

It would seem that Severus' choice of the late Marcus Aurelius portrait type rather than an earlier type was conceived with dual intent. The inscriptions indicate that Severus was now the son of the " Divinized Marcus " (supra I, n. 41) and thus logically Severus would choose the divinized portrait form of the emperor. He could then simultaneously be portrayed as both Marcus Aurelius and Jupiter, and therefore divine in his own right. The interpretation of the relief scenes at Lepcis by I. S. Ryberg also supports this interpretation.22 The last remaining head of Severus on the arch at Lepcis is preserved in two pieces, recently restored but missing the

center part with the eyes and nose (P1. XX, fig. 2). The seated figure of Severus in the center of the Capitoline Triad relief (P1. XX, fig. 1)23 has already been discussed and identified with its statuary

prototype, Bryaxis' image of Serapis (P1. XX, fig. 3 and supra 53). The portrayal of Severus as part of the Capitoline Triad is unusual in the lifetime of an emperor, as Toynbee has indicated, but in

the light of Severus' political propaganda, which we have already discussed, even this assertion in his lifetime can be explained. The portrait type there used is not the Serapis-Severus type with the four hanging curls but his latest portrait type, dated here after 207. It is this type which we have already found used in the Dextrarum Iunctio scene and in the scene of the presentation of Caracalla. It is significant that the Serapis portrait type does not appear in the portraits of Severus on the arch at Lepcis, a further point in favor of a later dating of the reliefs.24 The arch of the Argentarii and the triumphal arch at Lepcis Magna provide the only safely attributed portraits of the emperor in historical reliefs. On the monumental arch of Severus erected in 203 at the western end of the Forum Romanum after Severus' victories in the East, no portrait heads of the emperor remain today, although he originally appeared in a number of the crowded scenes.25 Likewise, the portrait of Severus in the relief in the Palazzo Sacchetti in Rome is now lacking its head.26

22 Ryberg, op. cit. (supra n. 3) 134-136, 160-162. For a recent discussion of the arch of the Argentarii 23 The older photograph of this relief used here and and the arch in the Roman Forum see L. Franchi, " Rialso by Bartoccini (op. cit., supra n. 5, fig. 48) does not show the upper forehead piece attached to Severus' portrait. While it was found with the rest of the reliefs in 1924 it was not recognized at that time as part of this relief and has only recently been attached. It is certain, however, that the piece does belong to the head of Severus for it fits exactly. I am grateful to Dr. Baldo Conticello of the Terme Museum, Rome, for obtaining this information for me and to Professor Toynbee for the photograph used here with the restored piece attached (P1. XX, fig. 2). 24 Bartoccini also identifies two other portraits of Severus on the arch (op. cit., supra n. 5, 132 ff., fig. 100 and 92, fig. 64). The one head from the sacrifice scene on the attic, both L'Orange and Toynbee have pointed out to me, is not Severus, but the Genius Senatus, a personification of the local Senate. A similar bearded, longhaired Senatus is used in the sacrifice scene on one of the passageway reliefs from the arch at Beneventum (Ryberg, op. cit., supra n. 3, 154, fig. 83). The single head identified by Bartoccini as the emperor may also be the Senatus of Lepcis. 25 R. Brilliant, "The Arch of Septimius Severus in the Roman Forum," MAAR 29 (1967) 180. Cf. U. Scerrato, " Nota iconografia in margine all'arco di Settimio Severo," ArchCl 7 (1955) 199-206 and pls. LXXXIILXXXVI, who is of the opinion that two of the heads from the relief scene (which he identifies with the siege of Nisibis on the SW of the arch) represent Severus. Their iconography, however, does not correspond with any of Severus' portrait types. The date of the arch is fixed by the attic inscription (CIL VI, 1033).

cerche sull'arte di eta severiana in Roma," Studi miscellanzei. Seminario di archeologia e storia dell'arte greca e romana dell'universita di Roma 4 (1964) 1-32, pls. I-XV. 26 For the dating of the reliefs in 205 and their interpretation see L. Budde, " Severisches Relief in Palazzo

Sacchetti," YdI 18, Erginzungsheft (1955) 1-71 and espe-

cially 55. For a more recent discussion of the portrait identifications see Budde, Jugendbildnisse, 14 ff. Bernoulli mentions another Severan relief in the Palazzo Rondinini in Roma which contains a portrait of Severus (op. cit., supra, Intro., n. 2, 28, 86 and G. A.

Guattani, Montumenti antichi inediti ovvero notizie sulle antichita e belle arti di Roma, Rome 1784-1786, xxxii, pl. I). The relief, however, has recently been recognized as part of a sarcophagus and the figure convincingly identified as a general. (L. Salerno, E. Paribeni, Palazzo Rondinini, Rome 1966, Cat. 85, fig. 139, p. 259). There are two other portraits from reliefs which have been identified with Severus in the recent literature. One is from a sacrifice scene decorating the central niche of the scaenae frons of the great theatre at Sabratha in North Africa (P1. XCVI, fig. 3). Severus has been identified as the figure to the left of the altar extending a patera to a camillus at his left. (Ryberg, op. cit., supra n. 3, 136 and n. 52 for earlier bibliography; G. Caputo, IE teatro di Sabratha e l'architettura teatrale africana, Rome 1959, 19-20, pl. 40, fig. 71). The features of the face are now completely destroyed. All one can really observe is that it is a bearded head, lacking hanging locks on the forehead. The bearded figure at his right, however, who has been tentatively identified as Plautianus, does appear to

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

79

Since we are dealing with the dated evidence in this chapter, one portrait in the round should also be included. It is the only portrait remaining which can be definitely dated and identified with the emperor on the basis of external evidence. This portrait is a posthumous colossal head found in the temple at Djemila in Algeria, which was dedicated to the " Gens Septimia" by Alexander Severus in 229 (P1. LIII, Cat. 45).27 The bearded head was found with a colossal female portrait bearing the characteristics of Julia Domna. The male head shows the long, divided beard so characteristic for Severus, and the broad forehead is framed by the hair swept upward. This posthumous portrait of the emperor cannot be associated in all its details with any one of the portrait types found, although the long beard and upswept hair connect it most closely with the Marcus Aurelius-Severus portrait type. The drastically schematized style of the colossal head in Djemila, which shows an advanced use of the drill in long, linear channels in the beard and hair, has completely altered the original prototype. The increased hieratic frontality and domination of the colossal, upward-staring eyes carries the superhuman concept of the emperor to new

heights. This portrait will be discussed again in the following study of the sculptural portrait types (infra 105). The fixed date of the head from Djemila will also be helpful in dating other posthumous portraits of the emperor in the round, and thus can be used with the coins and historical reliefs as evidence in the reconstruction of Severus' portrait chronology. Besides the historical reliefs and the portrait from Djemila, a small tondo painting of Severus and his family, originally from Egypt and now in the Staatliche Museen in West Berlin, can most probably also be dated from external evidence (PI. XXI).28 In the tondo, Severus and Julia are turned toward the spectator, and the emperor's eyes glance slightly upward and to his right. TFheir crowns are decorated with elaborate jewels and they are clothed in white robes trimmed with gold - all suggesting the richness of a true eastern monarch. Severus' beard is of medium length, parted in the middle. There is a difference of opinion regarding the presence of hanging corkscrew locks on Severus' upper forehead, which have now been somewhat obliterated. L'Orange is of the opinion that there are none, eliminating the painting from his discussion of the Serapis type.29 Balty,

have remains of low hanging locks over the forehead. The logical position in a sacrifice scene for the emperor is beside the altar. However, the scene at the immediate right end of the relief has been interpreted by Ryberg as an oath of loyalty by the army at Sabratha to the ruling city of Rome. The scene on the left might then be interpreted as a civil oath, the act of sacrifice being performed by a city official while the emperor stands beside him. It is also a question whether Severus' Serapis hair style with the hanging locks was ever adopted for private use, in which case neither figure need necessarily be

mentum was a badge of a general as well as an emperor until the third century and Toynbee has suggested to me that the relief may be a grave monument. Perhaps we have here represented one of Severus' generals who lost his life in the eastern campaigns. There has also been identified a portrait of Severus on a tortoise-shell relief in Bonn (R. Delbrueck, "Seve-

Severus.

The second portrait identified as Severus comes from a small pediment relief recently found in the area of Aphrodisias in Asia Minor (P1. XCVI, fig. 4). The bearded portrait is placed on a draped bust whose lower edge is encircled with acanthus leaves. It is now in the museum in the Culture Park at Izmir (Jucker, op. cit., supra, Intro., n. 39, 102-104, pl. 42; J. Inan and E. Rosenbaum, Roman and Early Byzantine Portrait Sculpture

in Asia Minor, London 1966, 84, #58, pl. XXXVII,

figs. 2-4). The iconography of the portrait, however, clearly rules out an identification with Severus and H. von Heintze in a review of Jucker's book, Gymnasium 71 (1964) 499, dates the piece in the second century and believes it is a portrait of a private individual. The paluda-

rische Schildpattreliefs," Bonnybb 139, 1934, pp. 50-53).

The head, however, is completely destroyed and cannot be used for a study of Severus' portraits. 27 L. Leschi, Dfemila, antique Cuicul (Alger 1949) 31, fig. 1. I am especially grateful to Mr. David Maxwell for the photographs used here. 28 Museum inv. 31.329. Measurements: diameter, 0.30 m.; height of head of Severus, crown to end of beard, 0.13 m., K. A. Neugebauer "Die Familie des Septimius Severus," Die Antike, 12 (1936) 155-172; L'Orange,

Apotheosis, 76, n. 12; Budde, Jugendbildnisse, 5-8, pl. 5. F. W. Goethert, " Die S6hne des Septimius Severus auf dem Berliner Familienbild," Neue Beitrage zur klassischen Altertumswissenschaft. Festschrift zum 60. Geburtstag von Bernhard Schweitzer (Stuttgart 1954) 361-363, pl. 81; G. M. A. Hanfmann, Roman Art (Greenwich, Conn., 1964) pl. XLVIII, who dates it " probably 199 A.D.; " Toynbee, op. cit. (supra n. 6) 129-130.

29 Apotheosis, 76 and n. 12.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

80

however, following Neugebauer, Budde and other scholars, believes there are hanging locks and uses the tondo painting as evidence for the dating of the commence-

ment of the Serapis portrait type.30 After careful, close scrutiny of the original I am also of the opinion that corkscrew locks exist in the medallion portrait. The spiral locks can also be seen in the detailed photograph (Color P1. A). Geta and Caracalla, both crowned, are placed hieratically in front of Severus and Julia

tive feature of the Serapis type, is thus considered an "ancestor'" or "announcer" of the Serapis type. Concerning the youthful age of the prince, Balty suggests that the artist of a small decorative medallion would not have closAly followed a portrait model. The coin evidence cited here, however, points to an earlier dating of the Serapis portrait type. Furthermore, the portrait face of

Severus is free of any signs of age which, we will later note, appear in some of his Serapis portraits in 202 and later (infra 112). In conclusion, the coin evidence as well as the historical date of Severus' Egyptian trip supports the earlier date of 199-200 for the little tondo. The painting can thus be used as further evidence that the Serapis portrait type existed as early as 199 and that a re-evaluation of the usually accepted dating of the commencement of the Serapis portrait type

Domna. The head of the boy on the left has been erased, evidently in ancient times, which has led most scholars to identify it with Geta.31 His head would then have been erased in connection with his damnatio memoriae after his death in 212.32 In any case, since the outline of a crown remains, a date after Geta became Caesar in 198 is indicated. The young face of the crowned prince remaining has led scholars to date the tondo painting in in 204 is needed. the years directly following Geta's CaeIn these first two chapters, the evisarship, in 199-200.33 This date would dence for a dating and identification of also coincide with Severus' visit to Egypt Severus' portraits on external grounds has (supra 55), which seems the most likely been examined. Various portrait types moment for its creation. have been identified and their chronology Balty, on the other hand, gives a date indicated as far as the evidence will allow. of 202-203 for the Berlin tondo in an The question remains, to what extent do attempt to adhere to L'Orange's dating the portrait types found in the coins, of the Serapis portrait type believed to reliefs and painting overlap? The realhave been initiated after Severus' visit istic soldier type found on the early coins to Egypt, which, however, evidence now and the idealized type, alluding to Antosecurely indicates occurred in 199-200.34 ninus Pius, were not found illustrated in She justifies her later dating of the medal- the reliefs. The type with the mediumlion by concluding that the Serapis porlength divided beard with hanging, separtrait type was only created after Severus' ated forehead curls, found on the coins return to Rome in 202 and, in fact, assoof Severus' middle period of rule and ciates the new type with the celebration also illustrated in the tondo in Berlin, of the Decennalia, which she places in must be associated with the Serapis203. The portrait of Severus on the BerSeverus portrait type on the arch of the lin tondo with its spiral curls, the distincArgentarii. The long-bearded, idealized 30 Balty, BIHBR 33, p. 108, n. 1. 31 Cf. Goethert, op. cit. (supra n. 28) who would like to identify the missing face as Caracalla. His main argument that because the erased, left-hand figure is placed higher, it must be the older of the two brothers seems to me unconvincing for this arrangement is conditioned by the rondel itself. For example, note two medallions with family groups in Toynbee (supra, I, n. 86) figs. 150-151,

where the left-hand figures are both placed higher, regardless of age.

32 Budde, _Jugendbildnisse, 7, with reference to earlier

bibliography.

3 L'Orange, Apotheosis, 76, n. 12, with further

bibliography; Budde, J7ugendbildnisse, 7; Toynbee, op.

cit. (supra, I, n. 61). 34 Balty, BIHBR 33, p. 108, n. 1 on 109.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

81

portrait type with hair combed inwards toward the temples and lacking separated curls on the forehead, used for the portrait of Severus in the Dextrarum Iunctio scene on the arch at Lepcis, was related to the late coins of Severus. The type is continued for the Divus portraits of the emperor appearing on the coins of 211 (Frontispiece). The Marcus AureliusSeverus portrait type used on the Lepcis

arch in the scene of triumphal entry has been identified on the coinage dated between 202 and 207, and the type would appear to have originated in the Roman East. From the evidence remaining, there appear to have been in popular use at least half a dozen different portrait models for Severus with their respective stylistic variations, which can now in turn be connected with the sculptures in the round.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

CHAPTER THREE

THE EARLIEST OFFICIAL IMPERIAL PORTRAIT TYPES

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. B.

Cat. 10. Septimius Severus, bronze. Sweden, Djursholm, collection of Mr. Henning Throne-Hoist.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

CHAPTER THREE THE EARLIEST OFFICIAL IMPERIAL PORTRAIT TYPES

The coins minted by Severus in the first year of his reign, in 193, 1 showed the use of two different portrait types: one was clearly dependent upon the portrait of his immediate predecessor, Didius Julianus (P1. II, fig. 1, supra 60) and the other revealed individualized features (P1.

II, fig. 5, supra 61). The former type has not been identified with sculptures in the round. The individualized, soldier type, however, has been associated with the sculptural portraits, and of all Severus' portrait types, it may be considered the closest to the representation of his idiosyncratic features. The face is that of a young soldier and the reverse legends with their predominantly military themes indicate the suitability of the type. Specific evidence of Severus' picture of himself as a soldier-hero can be inferred from inscriptional evidence. He gives special honor to the warrior god Mars through the celebration of his natalis 2 and his ancient festival of the Tubilustrium,3 revived under the Antonines and continued by Severus' successors. As emperor, Severus himself spent only six of his eighteen years of reign in peace in the capital city. In the portrait type which was found

in use on the coins until 196 (P1. VI, fig. 3, supra 63) Severus is shown with 1 There is no evidence that coins of Severus were struck in Pannonia during the first months of his reign. (H. Mattingly, "The Coinage of Septimius Severus and His Times," NC 12, 1932, 187). 2 W. F. Snyder, " Public Anniversaries in the Roman Empire," YCS 7 (1940) 270: CIL VI 220 (203 A.D.). 3 Ibid., 271, 277. IGRR 1 129 (A.D. 205); IGRR I

a short, curly beard which tends to come forward beyond the line of the chin. The hair is also short and curly and reveals the rounded form of the skull. The curls over the upper forehead are arranged in a curved triangle, leaving the temples bare. The forehead itself is broad and high and slightly furrowed. The nose is straight

and the upper lip is covered by a bushy moustache which juts outward characteristically. The eyes are directed confidently ahead and the planes of the face are smooth and broad. Two portraits in the round from Egypt may be related to this first official portrait type. Their similar iconography indicates the use of a common sculptural model. The two portraits, the one attached to a statue now in the British Museum

(P1. XXII, Cat. 1), the other formerly on the art market in Cairo (P1. XXII, Cat. 2), both show the short beard and squat facial type noted on the coins (su-

pra 61 ff.). The portraits are stylistically particularly close to the ones on the coins of the Syrian city of Laodicea ad Mare

(P1. II, fig. 3), which played an important role during Severus' eastern campaigns.4 In comparison with the Roman coins using the same type, the eastern coins stress a more cubic outline of the skull and a 1067 (A.D. 211); CIL III 1051 (A.D. 205); CIL X 5064 (208 A.D.). For the earlier history of the Tubilustrium see W. Ehlers, s.v. "Tubilustrium," RE 13A (1939) 755-759.

4 For other coins see BMC V, pl. 18, 11-20 (194) and pl. 19, 1-2 (195-196). For the mint at Laodicea see ibid., cxxii-cxxiv.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

86

certain abstraction in the swelling, plastic forms. For example, the eyelids serve as a linear frame and outline the large eyes rather than receding into the modeled sockets as in the Roman portraits. The

two sculptural heads also share a concern for abstraction in their simplified planes and their emphasis on the cubic structure of the skull, which is clearly revealed beneath the closely cropped curls which fall in a flattened half-circle over the upper forehead. Both portraits renounce the coloristic use of the drill in the beard and hair which is so typical of Antonine art. The head in the British Museum, however, shows an advanced schematization in the

patterning of the short drill channels used in the beard and hair while the head from Cairo abandons the drill completely. The particular power of expression in the latter head comes from the domination of the large eyes, which are deeply drilled by means of large, single holes. The resultant fixed expression of the portrait gives the impression to the observer of removal from the natural emotional world.5 A third portrait from Egypt is closely related (P1. XXIII, Cat. 3). The portrait statue in red granite, now in the Cairo Museum, had been previously identified as an unknown royal figure and dated in Roman times. Although the statue is a rough work and the face is flat and sketchily worked, the features clearly speak for an identification with Severus. The hair is closely cropped, the brow furrowed.

The drooping moustache joins the full, short beard. The figure wears the Pharaoh's double crown with the serpent, and the lower body is clothed in Egyptian dress. The body is locked in the traditional rigid stance with arms at the sides. The por5 E. Harrison has also noted these stylistic characteristics in the head from Cairo (The Athenian Agora, Vol. I. Portrait Sculpture, Princeton 1953, 40, n. 3). 6 L. Borchardt, Statuen und Statuetten von Konigen und Privatleuten im Museum von Kairo, Nr. 1-1294 (" Catalogue general des antiquites egyptiennes du Musee du

Caire," 3) Berlin, 1930, 44, # 702, pl. 130; A. el-Mohsen

el-Khachab,' O KAPAKAAAOE KOEMOKPATOP," JEA 47 (1961) 125, fig. 2. Severus here provides Caracalla with a precedent which A. el-Mohsen el-Khachab did not realize.

trait bears some similarity to that of Caracalla who also had himself portrayed in the guise of a Pharaoh.6 But Caracalla's moustache is always short with the beard only around the lower chin,7 unlike the portrait under discussion. That Severus was honored in Egypt we already know from the Berlin tondo painting (supra 79) and the representation of himself as a Pharaoh is not out of keeping with his policies. The Pharaoh was looked upon as a divine King during his lifetime, in contrast to the Roman emperor who was officially only deified after his death. No previous emperor, to my knowledge, has left us a statue of himself as a Pharaoh. If Severus was the first to do so, it was a bold and significant step in furthering

the concept of the divinity of the emperor and would appear to set a precedent for the later third century. Other monuments also reveal Severus' wish to be associated

with Egypt's great past.8 On other coins of 194 a different portrait type was noted whose features suggested a possible reference to the coin

portraits of Pertinax (P1. III, figs. 2, 3, 4 and supra 61). In these portraits of the emperor the bulge of the brow is increasingly stressed in comparison with the earlier type, and the beard is fuller and longer with the hair curls more plastically indicated. The straight nose is replaced

by a thickened and more irregular one. The planes of the cheeks also show an increase in plastic modeling. The type was found in use on the Roman coins until 196-197 and may have had a longer life in the Roman East (supra, I, n. 158). In this new type, which will be designated Type II in the catalogue, certain features would also seem to recall represenI For example, BMC V, pl. 71, 14 (216) and portrait bust of Caracalla in the Staatliche Museum in Berlin, (C. Bliumel, Katalog der Sammlung antiker Skulpturen. Romische Bildnisse, Suppl., Berlin 1933, 39, R96, pls. 59-60).

8 J. G. Milne, A History of Egypt under Roman Rule (London 1924) 59-62. For reliefs and inscriptions of Severus in the temple at Esneh see K. Baedeker, Egypt.

Part Second: Upper Egypt, with Nubia (London, Leipzig 1892) 233.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

87

tations of Hercules (P1. XXIII, fig. 1). Typical of the representations of the classical hero are a full, tightly curled beard, sometimes parted in the middle, short, curly hair, and a swelling, dominating, furrowed brow. This bearded Hercules type enjoyed great popularity in Rome,9 and it may be that an allusion to Hercules also lies behind the change in iconography of the new portrait type. Severus' special association with the hero-god has previously been discussed in connection with the medallion of 202 where he is shown wearing Hercules' lion-skin hood

(P1. IX, fig. 1, supra 65). Moreover, Hercules as one of Severus' Di Auspices and patron god of his native city receives special honor on his coins from 194 until

Mundle's arguments are convincing in the light of what we have observed of Severus' unfolding dynastic intentions. Furthermore, other monuments reveal a relationship between Serapis and Hercules which suggests that Severus' choice

of particular portrait allusions is more than haphazard. An undated Roman relief in the Greco-Roman Museum in Alex-

andria shows Hercules with Serapis and Minerva (P1. XXIII, fig. 2).13 There is also evidence at Ostia that Serapis and Hercules were honored jointly 14 and Roman coins represent the two together.15 The choice of an allusion to Hercules in the early part of his reign would thlus be in keeping with his later adoption of a Jupiter-Serapis portrait type and may be seen as part of a developing propagandistic plan to justify and establish the new

205 (P1. IX, figs. 2, 4, and supra 65). At this time, Mundle in an unpublished dissertation has pointed out that representadynasty. tions of Hercules and Liber are transferred There is also imperial precedent for exclusively to the coinage of Caracalla and an alteration of the essential portrait icoGeta.10 She interprets this change as a nography with reference to images of Herdeliberate expression of Severus' dynastic cules. It has been noted that the later plan. Jupiter and Juno occur on many coin portraits of Commodus show an adapcoins of Severus and Julia 11 and we have tation of Hercules' features such as the already observed that Severus alludes to massive beard and broader facial type.16 Jupiter-Serapis in his most popular porFurthermore, the source of the Hercules trait type (supra 53). The sons of Jupiter allusion for the Roman world was Alexand Juno are Hercules and Bacchus. The ander the Great.17 Thus, an allusion to hierarchy of the imperial family thus cor- Hercules could also incorporate a reference responds to that of the gods. This distrito the great conqueror of the East. Such bution of the gods among the imperial a portrait allusion to Hercules-Alexander family is apparently an innovation by Sewould be appropriate for Severus during verus later to be adopted by Diocletian.12 this time of his own eastern campaigns.18 9 Particularly popular in Roman art is the " Hercules Farnese " type which has been attributed to Lysippos. See F. P. Johnson, Lysippos (Durham, N. C., 1927) 197200 for a list of replicas; and discussions by Bieber, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 67) 37 and H. Brunn and F. Bruckmann, Denkmaler griechischer und romischer Skulptur (Munich 1888-1947) pl. 285.

Compare, for example our portrait in Los Angeles (P1. XXVIII, Cat. 9) with the head of Hercules in Tunis

greche e latine (Cairo 1911) 69, # 108 (3170). 14 R. Meiggs, Roman Ostia (Oxford 1960) 368; M. F. Squarciapino, I culti orientali ad Ostia (Leiden 1962) 24.

15 Dattari, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 73) #1032, 67, pl.

XXIII.

16 L'Orange, Apotheosis, 68-70, fig. 43 and su

I, n. 114.

Other evidence which is suggestive of a connection between Commodus and Severus with regard to Hercules (P1. XXIII, fig. 1). is found in an inscription to Hercules in the Vatican '0 Mundle, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 179) 194. where Commodus' name has been erased and Severus' "1 For example, BMC V, #67, 31, pl. 7, 5 (Severus, substituted. (A. E. Gordon, J. S. Gordon, Album of Dated 194) and #37, 162, pl. 27, 18 (Julia Domna, 198-209). Latin Inscriptions, Los Angeles 1965, II, #252, 159-161). 12 Mundle, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 179) 195. 17 Anderson, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 179) 7-58. 13 Museum Inv. 3170. G. Botti, Notice des monuments 18 The similarity of this portrait type used by Severus exposes au musee greco-romain d'Alexandrie (Alexandria with the images of Hercules has caused some confusion 1893) 167, #2503; ibid., (Alexandria 1900) 244,d. For in the identification of the portraits of the emperor in inscription, see E. Brescia, Catalogue general des antiquites the round. Caputo has recently identified a bearded egyptiennes du musee d'Alexandrie, Nos. 1-568. Iscrizioni head found in the theatre at Lepcis Magna and now in

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

88

The seven portraits in the round associated here with Type II show some variation in their style and iconography, but they share essential features which allow me to consider them as deriving from a common prototype.19 The head in the Museo Nuovo found in the Via dell'Impero in Rome (P1. XXIV, Cat. 4) and the damaged portrait also from Rome in my own collection (P1. XXV, Cat. 5) clearly would appear to derive from a common model. The portrait found in Aix-enProvence (P1. XXVI, Cat. 6) differs from them in its more classicizing style, but its iconography is closely related. The bust in the Vatican from Otricoli (P1. XXVI, Cat. 7), whose surface has been heavily cleaned, shows a slightly longer beard and a more scattered arrangement of the hair curls. Sharing these features are two busts, one in the Palazzo Braschi (P1. XXVII, Cat.. 8) and the other in a private collection in Los Angeles (P1. XXVIII, Cat. 9), which in turn appear to be exact replicas of one another. A close examination of the bust in the Palazzo Braschi, however, has led me to think that it may be a modern copy.20 Although the bust in California is known to me only in photographs, its style also causes me to have some doubts as to its antiquity.21 While I have included them both here in the catalogue, it may be that they are modern copies, perhaps after the portrait from Otricoli which was found in the eighteenth century. The style of the portraits of Type II, considered as a whole, shoxvs a continuation of the baroque Antonine style of the previous era. The broad, smooth forms are contrasted with the lively and impressionistic treatment of the beard and hair. The heads are powerfully conceived

in natural three dimensions, and the expression is that of the confident soldierthe Archaeological Museum in Tripoli with Severus which, however, has been rejected here (infra 191, PI. XCV, App. II 0). See Caputo, " Ritratto lepitano di Settimio Severo-Ercole," Collection Latomus, 58, 1962, 381385, pls. LXXXVIII - XC.

hero who rules with force and dynamic power. A magnificent bronze portrait in the private collection of Mr. Throne-Holst in Djursholm, Sweden, would appear to be an independent variant of Severus' portrait Type II (P1. XXIX, Cat. 10 and colored P1. B). The short beard relates it to the earliest portrait type, but the heavy-lidded eyes and curly hair are closer to Type II. Its style is also linked to the Antonine tradition rather than to the more simplified, abstract forms of the portraits from Egypt of our first group. Many of the portraits of Type II have been variously attributed both to Severus and to his rival, Clodius Albinus (supra 40). Consequently, the various portrait attributions to Albinus have been reconsidered in this study. Included in an appendix at the end of the book are those portraits from this group which can be most probably identified with Albinus. The similarity of Albinus' iconography with Severus' portrait Type II has caused confusion among scholars. Albinus himself also claimed association with Hercules, who extended his patronage to his African home city of Hadrumetum (supra

60). In recognizing the similarities in the iconography of both the sculptural and numismatic portraits of the two emperors

(cf. P1. II, figs. 4 and 5), an attempt has been made to identify the unique and

distinguishing features of Albinus (P1. IV). There is one portrait in the Museo Capitolino (P1. CI, App. V A) which bears these distinguishing features and has been attributed here to the rival emperor who as Severus' Caesar from 193 to 195 must have enjoyed portrait honors in Rome

and in the provinces. Three other portraits have been found which can, in turn, be securely associated in iconography with tion of the original sculptural model for a portrait type. Thus this distinction from the replicas and variations upon it has not been attempted here. 20 M. L. Hadzi is also of the same opinion and Professor Frank E. Brown.

19 I have not found in this study sufficient objective 21 N. Neuerburg is also of the same opinion. evidence to allow a judgment concerning the identifica-

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Cat. 11. Statue of Septimius Severus, bronze. Nicosia, Cyprus Museum.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.. . ..

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

89

the bust in the Museo Capitolino (P1. CII, App. VB, App. VC; P1. CIII, App. V D). In addition, four other portraits have been included which share most of the chief iconographic features of Albinus and are considered probable attributions (P1. CIV, App. V E, App. V F, App. V G; P1. CV, App. V H). The evidence for the particular attributions will be included in the discussion of the individual portraits in the appendix.22 Related to both portrait Type I and Type II are two bronze portraits which have been identified with Severus; the

man who is represented here as the hardened and forceful soldier-emperor. The pose of the nude statue with the right arm stretched forward was originally interpreted by scholars as an adlocutio motif, but recently Vermeule iden-

tified the pose with the Republican and Augustan cult figure of Mars Victor,

restoring a spear in the right hand and a small trophy in the left.23 His identification of the motif is convincing and we have already noted Severus' special honoring of Mars in other ways (supra 85). The statue in Cyprus has been dated one head is from Brescia in northern by Levi as an " intermediate " type beItaly (P1. XXXI, Cat. 12) and the other tween those portraits of Severus with is a bronze nude portrait statue found hanging locks and those without, and in Cyprus (P1. XXX, Cat. 11 and colored related to the Hellenistic sculptural tradiP1. C). The bronze head from Brescia tion in Asia Minor.24 Although Levi does shares with the portraits of Type I the not assign a definite date to the statue, short hair style with the flat half-circle he believes it is the portrait of an older of curls falling over the forehead. The man and thus would evidently assign it planes of the face are also simplified, later in Severus' second eastern campaign. and a geometric, cubic structure of the Vermeule would like to date the statue skull is stressed. The beard, however, in specifically in 202 when Severus could the bronze head is longer and clearly point, as Mars Victor, to the parallel divided in the middle with the pointed triumphs of Augustus over the Parthians curls jutting forward. The longer beard in 20 B.C. The hair style and facial relates it to portraits of Type II. These type of the Cyprus head can, however, features are shared with the fine bronze be related to the two early portraits of Cyprus portrait, and despite their differSeverus from Egypt (Type I), which sugences in style the iconography of the two gests to me an earlier dating for the bronze portraits is so similar that they statue. Moreover, the coins of this type, would appear to derive from a common most probably minted in the Syrian city prototype. This portrait type in turn can of Laodicea ad Mare on the coast immebe related to the one used on the coins diately opposite Cyprus, bear dedications of the eastern city of Laodicea ad Mare to MARTI VICTORI in 198.25 There from 197 to 202 (P1. VII, fig. 1), and thus seems no reason to date the statue thus will be designated as Type III in as late as Levi and Vermeule do. Severus the catalogue. as Mars Victor could equally well comThe bronze portrait statue of Severus memorate the victory over Clodius Albifrom Cyprus is one of the most outstand- nus in 197, an event which established ing portraits of the emperor. The expresSeverus as sole ruler of both the eastern sive head brings us close to the individual and western parts of the empire. Also 22 Cf. Balty, Collection Latomus 85, pp. 59-65 and Caesar before that and it does not seem to me unreasonable

M. F. Sguarciapino, " Clodio Albino," Enciclopedia delthat some portraits escaped destruction, as in the case I'arte antica 2 (1959) 724. Scholars have used the argumentof other emperors like Domitian who suffered a damnatio that because Clodius Albinus was dishonored by Severus memoriae after his death. (L'Orange, Apotheosis, 64). after his death, it is unlikely that any portraits of him 23 C. Vermeule, rev. of Opuscula Romana, I, (1954), remain today. (C. Poinssot, "Statues du temple de SaAYA 59 (1955) 351. turne (Thugga)," Karthago 6, 1955, 48, n. 37). Albinus, 24 Levi, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 15) 3-9. however, was emperor in the West for two years and 25BMC V, #665, 286; #666, 287, pl. 44, 9; #667, 287.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

90

his early victories over the Parthians, such as the capture of Ctesiphon in 198,26 could be considered. This particular victory also gained Severus a new imperial salutation such as that previously awarded to Trajan.27. The connection of the portrait with the coins of Laodicea ad Mare suggests that the artist of the Cyprus bronze may have come from this nearby city, which received special honor for its loyalty to Severus. It was also made the capital of Syria in place of Antioch and a branch of the Roman mint was established there about 197. One can imagine in the city a flourishing group of artists, one of whom might well have been given from the neighboring island the commission for an impressive portrait of the emperor. The bronze head from Brescia is very different in style from the portrait in

Cyprus and its identity has also been the subject of a long scholarly debate. Bernoulli 28 and Lehmann 29 identify the head with the ill-fated Didius Julianus. The coin portraits of Julianus, however, show a very different profile (P1. II, fig. 2). The beard of the older man is long and bushy and the nose forms a straight line with the forehead, rather

than breaking at the bridge, a distinctive feature of the head in Brescia. Poulsen was the first to identify the head with Septimius Severus and compares it to the early portraits of the emperor without the frontal curls.30. His identification has been

upheld by most succeeding scholars and 26 Hasebroek, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 25) 112; Platnauer,

op. cit. (supra, I, n. 6) 116-117. 27 Ibid.

is the one accepted here.31 Most recently Jucker calls the portrait in Brescia a provincial version of L'Orange's " Leptis type without the frontal curls.32 The head in Brescia, however, shows distinctly different iconographic features from L'Orange's " Leptis " type, represented in the portrait of Severus in the relief of a Dextrarum Iunctio on the arch from Lepcis Magna (P1. XVIII, fig. 2). In the relief portrait from the arch, Severus is represented with a long beard, divided into six long, hanging curls, and the side whiskers are arranged in a decorative roll hanging from the ears. Moreover, the decided forward direction of the curls around the face is lacking in the head in Brescia, as well as the long facial type. The style of the bronze portrait from Brescia in the context of Severus' portraiture is also puzzling. The tendency towards cubic form, the lack of rounded organic forms, and the schematic patterning of individual details such as the eyebrows go beyond even Severus' latest portraits 33 and are stylistic trends which would hardly seem to be explained by mere provincialism. The style of the head finds its closest comparison with the later third-century bronze portraits also found in Brescia, which have been tentatively identified as Claudius If (268-270) and Probus (276-282).34 Even such details as the rendering of the beard in flat, linear curls can be found in the portrait of Probus. The rendering of the eyebrows in short, schematized lines also Vatican (P1. LIV, LV, Cat. 46) and in Brussels (P1. LXIII, Cat. 62). For a late portrait of Severus, compare, for

example, the marble head in Munich #357 (P1. LXXVI, 28 Bernoulli, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 2) 11.Cat. 87) which still shows an interest in plasticity and the 29 K. Kluge and K. Lehmann-Hartleben, Dierendering anti- of natural forms.

ken Grossbronzen (Berlin, Leipzig 1927) II, 40-42, fig. 1, 30 Poulsen, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 14) 27, pl. XXXI, figs. 50-51.

31 Balty, BIHBR 33, p. 101, n. 2; Jucker, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 39) 104, n. 9; F. Braemer, L'art dans l'occident romain, tresors d'argenterie, sculptures de bronze et de pierre, Catalogue, Exhibition Louvre, July-October

1963 (Paris 1963) 43, #150. Cf. M. Mirabella Roberti,

Storia di Brescia (Brescia 1961) 301. 32 Jucker, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 39) 104, n. 9. 33 Compare the other bronze portraits of Severus in Cyprus (P1. XXX, Cat. 11 and colored P1. C), in the

"3 Kluge and Lehmann, op. cit. (supra n. 29) II, 49-50, figs. 5-8, identify the portraits as the four Tetrarchs. Poulsen, however, identifies the heads as Claudius II and Probus on the basis of the coin portraits of these emperors (op. cit., supra, Intro., n. 14, 30-31). These identifications are upheld by B. M. Felletti Maj, Iconografia romana imperiale da Severo Alessandro a M. Aurelio Carino (222-285 d.C.), (Rome 1958) 262, 278 and Mirabella Roberti (supra, n. 31) 301-303 and also are the ones accepted here, for it is clear that two individual portrait types are repeated in the four related bronze heads.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

91

finds its parallel in the portrait of Claudius II. This particular rendering of the eyebrows has not been found in earlier imperial portraiture. Even such a provincial piece as the gold bust of Marcus Aurelius from Avenches still shows the eyebrows sketched in a naturalistic pattern.35 Because of the great similarity in style between the three portraits in Brescia, it seems possible that they might have come from the same local workshop and have been executed at the same time. It

is thus suggested that the portrait of Severus in Brescia may be a posthumous one made for reasons difficult to discover in connection with the joint honoring of Claudius II and Probus. These first three official portrait types identified in the sculptures in the round thus illustrate both the range of stylistic currents which were active during the early, changing years of Severus' reign and the complexity of allusions which we can expect to find in his portrait types.

"I Wegner, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 1) 169, pl. 27.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

CHAPTER FOUR

THE ANTONINUS PIUS-SEVERUS PORTRAIT TYPES

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

CHAPTER FOUR

THE ANTONINUS PIUS-SEVERUS PORTRAIT TYPES

The honoring of Antoninus Pius by Severus early in his reign can be seen as part of the new emperor's propagandistic plan to legitimize his claim to power through self-adoption into the great An-

which he used until his death, may also be interpreted as further evidence of his wish to be associated with the founder of the Antonine house.4 The shortened form is likewise paralleled by Caracalla's simplification of his title in the same year to

tonine house (supra 50, P1. III, figs. 5-6). It is in this same year that Grant recogniz- ANTONINUS PIUS AUG.5 es a commemoration by Severus of the In the later years of Severus' reign half-centenary of particular coins and meAntoninus Pius did not receive any partidallions issued by Antoninus Pius.' In cular honors, although there is some indi196, after already claiming adoption by cation of a continued association within Marcus Aurelius, Severus renamed his Severus' imperial program. In 207 Seelder son M. A UR. ANTONINUS2 and verus issued coinage celebrating the halfGeta was apparently given the surname millenary anniversary of the god Aescuof Antoninus (SHA, " Severus " X, 4-5). lapius, honored by Antoninus just fifty The emphasis placed by the biographer of years earlier.6 Severus also continued in the later part of his reign to celebrate the Geta in the Scriptores Historiae Augustae in his explanation of this change may anniversaries of the great Republican tembetray knowledge of a tradition of assoples by commemorative coin issues in ciation not only between Severus and

imitation of Antoninus.7

Marcus Aurelius but also between Severus and Antoninus Pius (" Geta" II, 2-5). Such a tradition might perhaps stem from a recognition of Severus' desire to suggest his likeness to Antoninus Pius. The biographer stresses that it was

It is not surprising in the light of the evidence briefly sketched above that a study of the possible prototypes for Severus' portrait sculpture has revealed a group of portraits whose iconography and style can be associated with Antoninus Pius. This symbolic allusion would appear to be contemporary with the first three official portrait types previously discussed and to continue in use until the

to Antoninus that Severus owed his first

post in public office.3 The shortening of Severus' title in 201 to its most simplified form, SEVERUS PIUS AUG, a form 1 Grant, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 45) 115. Grant also suggests that in his honoring of Antoninus Pius early in his reign, Severus was following the example of Pertinax, whom he also honored by deification (ibid., 116, n. 2). ' BMC V, xcii, 150. 3 Cf. Barnes, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 23) 92. 4 BMC V, cxliv. Antoninus Pius is the first emperor to attach Pius to his title. (ILS III, 1, 278-279; BMC

IV, xxv). While Marcus Aurelius also uses Pius in his title (ILS III, 1, 280) and Commodus (ibid., 283), it is only after Severus that the title came to be commonly used by emperors as a symbol of their goodness and piety (ibid., 288 ff.). s BMC V, cxxx.

6 Grant, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 45) 119. 7 Ibid., 122.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

96

last years of his reign. The medallion which shows a profile resembling that of Antoninus Pius is dated in 194 (P1. III, fig. 5). In contrast to the contemporary coin portraits showing the early soldier type, Severus' features on the medallion are idealized. The nose is long and straight and the planes of the face are smooth. The beard is not brushed forward into pointed curls but tends to cling to the contours of the face and the curls are smaller and straighter, not unlike those on the early medallions of Antoninus Pius (P1. III, fig. 6).8 The hair over Severus' upper forehead also appears

to be arranged in small curls like those on the medallion of Antoninus Pius. In 196-197 we noted the emergence of a new portrait type (supra 63), distinguished by the hanging corkscrew locks over the forehead which can be associated

with the god Serapis (P1. LIV, fig. 1). This portrait type with some variation in its style and in the length of the beard was found in use on the coins until 206 (supra 67). Contemporary with this Serapis-Severus type, another portrait type was found which is characterized

by round ringlets over the forehead and idealized features. This particular type or types continued in use until 210, although after 207 Severus' latest portrait type is the popular one in use (supra 68). The early coins of 196-197 through about 203-204, with the round ringlets over the forehead, show Severus with a short beard, divided into three pointed curls (P1. XII,

fig. 3; P1. XI, figs. 3, 5). The facial type is broad and square with the features idealized. Furthermore, another type was noted in use on the eastern coins of Laodicea ad Mare of these years which shows a longer facial type with lengthened beard and massed ringlets over the forehead (P1. VII, figs. 1, 3, supra 63). By about 202, however, the Roman coin portraits also reveal the emergence of a

further type without the hanging curls, now with a medium-length beard divided into four parts and the face somewhat thinner (P1. VIII, fig. 4; P1. XI, fig. 2). This type continues in use until 210 (P1. XII, fig. 4; P1. XIII, fig. 3) and can be distinguished from Severus' latest, classicizing portrait type both by the hair

style and by the more realistic rendering of the facial forms (supra 67, P1. XIII,

figs. 1, 2, 4). Some of the coins after 202 also begin to show signs of age in the face, especially evident in the rendering of Severus' fleshy cheeks (P1. XI, fig. 3). It would appear then that we have in use several idealized portrait types char-

acterized by the use of rounded ringlets over the forehead during the years 196

through 210, with a medallion of 194 suggesting a still earlier idealized type

which appears to bear a likeness to Antoninus Pius. While the choice of an allusion to Antoninus Pius is particularly significant to the early years of Severus' reign, when his need to legitimize and give permanent meaning to his imperial office was paramount, it would not be surprising to find this allusion in his

portraiture living on beside new types, for Severus' claim of adoption into the Antonine house was one of his primary pro-

pagandistic themes (supra 50). The portraits in the round of Severus which I have associated with an allusion to Antoninus Pius show variations in their iconography. They share certain features common to the coin types such as the straight nose, idealized forms, and,

for the most part, a beard of medium length. They differ from one another mainly in their arrangement of the hair locks over the forehead, which is just

that feature which is difficult to distinguish in the profile view on the coins. Thus, in this case it has not been possible to associate definitively each portrait type in the round with the variations noted

8 Gnecchi does not give a specific date for the medallion illustrated here, but he places it after 145 (op. cit.,

supra, I, n. 101, III, #129, 26).

on the coins. The different hair styles of the portraits in the round, however,

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

97

can be related to four different portrait ing for a geometric structure of the head types used by Antoninus Pius. Thus, the found in the latest type is also lacking in seventeen portraits of Severus in the roundthe earlier Antoninus Pius portrait types. which can be associated with Antoninus In this latter series the shape of the head Pius are divided in the catalogue into four is still conceived as an organic structure types, which may be based on four difand the face retains the soft, idealized ferent portrait prototypes of Antoninus expression typical of the portraits of AnPius. We will thus speak of four diftoninus Pius (P1. XXXII, fig. 1). This ferent Antoninus Pius-Severus portrait mild, contemplative expression is in contypes. The first type would appear to be trast to the energetic glance of the conthe earliest on the basis of its style and temporary soldier type and would appear iconography, while the last three types to be inherited from the Antoninus Pius appear to be contemporary and probably prototypes. Several portraits in the series range in date from 196-197 to 210, as do, however, as the coinage also indicates, indicated by the coinage. show signs of Severus' age, particularly Among the seventeen portraits in the the portraits in the Palazzo dei Conserround of Severus which I have associated vatori (P1. XXXVI, Cat. 19) and in with an allusion to Antoninus Pius, there Hadrian's Villa (P1. XXXVI, Cat. 20) is a relative homogeneity in style in confrom Type V. The interest in surface trast to the later Serapis-Severus portrait realism and a consolidation of the plastic type. Their style on the whole is an form which these portraits reveal also idealizing and conservative one which appear in the later Serapis-Severus porcontinues the stylistic traditions of the traits (infra 113). early Antonine age. While our study has The first three portraits designated as not revealed a strictly uniform and con- Type IV in the catalogue can be closely sistent stylistic development throughout related to the earliest portrait type used Severus' reign, there has been traced a by Antoninus Pius (P1. XXXII, fig. 1; general trend away from the Antonine P1. XXXIV, fig. 2).10 They show the tradition, which still adheres to the clas- hair curls combed inwards around the sical heritage of organic form. This herface and the forehead locks arranged in itage still lingers on in the portraits dateda unified group. The short moustache

before 202.9 Another classicizing style

curves inward at the ends of the mouth,

appears in the last years of Severus' reign. and the medium-length beard forms a

This later revival of a classicizing style, however, is of a different nature from that observed in the Antoninus Pius portrait group (infra 122). This later style shows an interest in abstract structure and harder forms, which is in contrast to the softly idealizing style of the portraits alluding to Antoninus Pius. In

mass. This portrait type most closely

reflects the portrait on the medallion men-

tioned above dated in 194 (P1. III, fig. 5).

With the exception of the portrait in Trip-

oli (P1. XXXIII, Cat. 15), which shows signs of Severus' age in the modeling of the face, the group shows a remarkably homogeneous, strongly classicizing style most of the portraits of the late classicizing which is also in keeping with the lingertype the use of the drill in the beard ing andHadrianic classicism observed in the hair is almost abandoned while in the early portraits of Antoninus Pius. The portraits of the Antoninus Pius series an smoothed and sharpened planes of the extensive coloristic use of the drill in the portraits in Leningrad (P1. XXXII, Cat. Antonine tradition is still used. The feel13) and Toulouse (P1. XXXIII, Cat. 14) 9 See portraits of the Marcus Aurelius-Severus type 19 Also see Wegner, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 1) (infra 106) and the earlier portraits of the Serapis-Severus 23-24, pl. 3.

type (infra 112).

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

98

tonine tradition and thus would appear to date early in the series. The head in Dresden is the best preserved of the group

head in the Palazzo dei Conservatori within our series. Indeed, the long hair locks which fall over the forehead might suggest its inclusion with the Serapis type. The Serapis locks are, however, straight and usually grouped in a clear unit of four. The forehead locks in Type V of our series are scattered and vary in number and cannot be considered within the Serapis iconography. The also badly destroyed portrait from Hadrian's Villa (P1. XXXVI, Cat. 20) in the same series likewise reveals abstracting tendencies in its solidification of the mass and a spiritualization in the upward glance of the eyes which ally it to the later portraits in the Serapis series. A third type of portrait stems from yet a different prototype. This Type VI is characterized by a block of horizontal locks which are combed over the center of the upper forehead, illustrated by the laureate head in Istanbul (P1. XXXVIII, Cat. 23). The face does not yet show signs of age, and would thus appear to be contemporary with the earlier portraits of Type V. The hair style is found in a portrait of Antoninus Pius in the Athens National Museum which Wegner believes to be an isolated portrait of the emperor created by a Greek artist (P1. XXXVIII,

and the profile view which shows the

figs. 1, 2).12 The use of the form in the

hair combed forward in the manner of Antoninus Pius secures the identification

portrait of Severus in Istanbul suggests

show a consciously retrospective, classicistic style. - A second type of portrait, which is designated Type V, based on a different prototype, shows the greatest variety of

style among the Antoninus Pius-Severus portraits, and the last portraits of this series must be dated close to 210. This type is distinguished by the use of scattered locks across the forehead, a form which can be correlated with the second portrait type used by Antoninus Pius in

the later half of his reign as identified by Wegner (P1. XXXIV, fig. 1; P1. XXXVII, fig. 2).1" The beard has also been lengthened, suggesting a relationship with the later coin portraits with the rounded ringlets (P1. VIII, fig. 4). The portraits from Dresden (P1. XXXIV, Cat. 16) and Woburn Abbey (P1. XXXV, Cat. 18) from this series share with Type IV a strongly classicizing style and a softened and idealized expression. The drill technique in the beard of the portrait in

Dresden, with its stress on the definition of the plastic mass of the curls through deep channels which hold the light and shadow, shows a continuation of the An-

of the portrait prototype (P1. XXXIV, fig. 2). The colossal head in the Palazzo dei Conservatori (P1. XXXVI, Cat. 19), now badly destroyed by weathering, shows an interest in surface realism in the por-

trayal of the fleshy forms of the cheeks and a greater solidity in the massive form than do the other portraits of Type V. These stylistic trends were observed on

the coinage after 202 (P1. XI, fig. 3) and also appear in the portraits of the Serapis-

Severus type which have been dated here around 202 (infra 115). Consequently, I would suggest a late dating of the I" Ibid., 22-24, 80, pl. 4.

that the Athens portrait of Antoninus may have been known also in other replicas

which were circulated in the eastern part of the empire at least. The head in Istanbul in its profile view reveals the forward wave of the curls characteristic of Antoninus and also his shorter beard style. In fact, an identification of the portrait with Antoninus himself has also been considered and rejected because of the presence of the high furrowed brow, fleshy cheeks, and curly beard which are particularly distinguishing characteristics of Severus. The identification of the Istanbul head is made secure by the clear use of this "I Ibid., 18, pL. 9.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

99

particular Antoninus Pius model for the portrait of Severus in the Palazzo Colonna

in the portrait of Antoninus in the Museo Nazionale in Rome (P1. XL, fig. 1),14

in Rome (P1. XXXIX, Cat. 24). The

which bears a particularly strong resemblance to the portrait in Venice identified

same block of curls is seen over the forehead and the longer, divided beard clearly identifies the portrait with Severus. The portrait in Tebessa in Algeria (P1. XXXIX,

Cat. 25) and the portrait in Poznan, Poland (P1. XXXIX, Cat. 26) can also be most closely associated with the portrait in the Palazzo Colonna. The portrait in the Palazzo Colonna shows the softened and classicizing style of the early Serapis portraits of Severus. Finally, three portraits apparently stemming from a fourth prototype form Type VII in the series and can be related in their iconography to the last and perhaps posthumous portrait type of Antoninus Pius, identified by Wegner and represented by the portrait in the Vatican, Sala dei Busti #284.13 This particular portrait type of Antoninus Pius shows the hair as a unified plastic cap of curls which are held together over the forehead and form two distinct bunches, on either side of the head. This form may also be seen 13 Ibid., 24, pl. 6. 14 Ibid., 25, pl. 8. Wegner believes that the portrait is a free variation of his second portrait type repre-

with Severus (P1. XL, Cat. 27) by the longer, divided beard. The schematic use of the drill in the Venice head and the emphasis on realistic surface modeling in the related portrait in Mantua

(P1. XL, Cat. 28) cause me to place them at the end of the Antoninus Pius-Severus series, although the latest portraits of Type V should also be considered contemporary or later. A new portrait recently found in Thrace would also appear to be identified with Type VII (P1. XL, Cat. 29). This gold armored bust is unfortunately known to

me only in a poor photograph which prevents stylistic judgment. The divided beard, however, speaks against an identification with Marcus Aurelius suggested by G. Daux and it may be closely compared to the portraits of Severus in this series, particularly the one in Venice.

We eagerly await the publication of this precious little bust. sented by the portrait in the Vatican #595. Its hair style,

however, is closer to the portraits of his last group illustrated by the head in the Vatican, $284.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

CHAPTER FIVE

THE MARCUS AURELIUS-SEVERUS PORTRAIT 7TYPE

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

CHAPTER FIVE THE MARCUS AURELIUS-SEVERUS PORTRAIT TYPE

We know from the coins and the inscriptions that in 195, while still in the East, Severus claimed that Marcus Aurelius had adopted him, thus legitimizing his claim to the throne, and that he took the title, "the son of Divus Marcus the

rus which clearly draws upon the image of Marcus Aurelius used on earlier coins of the same city (P1. X, figs. 1-2).1 The reverse type also adopts the same design of an eagle resting on the leg and thigh of an animal. These coins of Severus are

Good" (supra 50). Undoubtedly, this

dated by their inscription, COS III, in

further alliance with the Antonine house was aimed at obtaining support for his new campaign against his western rival for power, Clodius Albinus, who had declared himself Augustus in Gaul and Brit-

the year 202. This is the year of Severus' Decennalia and it may be that the Marcus Aurelius-Severus prototype was created in honor of this event.2 The distinctive feature of the portrait type is the hair style, which shows the curls brushed up

ain in 195 and found strong support from the Roman senatorial class. We have also already noted that in the renaming of Caracalla in 196 and in the renaming of Geta, Severus honored Marcus Aurelius (supra 95). These specific claims appear to have been part of a judiciously calculated propagandistic program,

and it is natural to suppose that along with portrait types alluding to Antoninus Pius there might also exist a reference to Marcus Aurelius in Severus' portraiture. It might also be supposed that the intention

off the forehead. The facial type has also changed and is long and thin with a straight, pointed nose. The beard is longer than in Severus' previous portrait types and is divided into four pointed curls. The brow is unfurrowed and the planes of the face smooth. These features are just those which are characteristic of

the coin portrait of Marcus Aurelius, suggesting that the change in Severus' features was intended as a reference to his adopted father. This portrait type

of the original imago would not be prima-

has also been found on the coins of Se-

rily to represent Severus' individual physiognomy, but to give symbolic form to his claim to imperial power. There is, in fact, definite proof of an

verus minted in Caesarea between 205 and

allusion to Marcus Aurelius on Severus' eastern coinage. A coin type of Antioch shows on its obverse a portrait of Seve1 A definite date for the coin of Marcus Aurelius illustrated here has not been ascertained from a study of the legend. See Wroth, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 136)

#343, 193.

207 (P1. X, fig. 3),3 indicating the continued existence of the type after Severus' return to Rome in 202. The coins from Caesarea are also evidence that the portrait type was not merely the creation of

the die engravers but reflected a sculp2 Braemer has also suggested that this type represents Severus' Decennalia type (op. cit., supra, Intro., n. 23, 145). 3 Wroth, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 136).

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

104

tural prototype. The portrait type has also been discerned on a few of the Roman coins of 207 (P1. X, fig. 4).4 The provenance of the majority of the portraits in the round identified with the type is Italy.5 This coin evidence suggests that the original model may have been sent from the East to Rome. That the Marcus Aurelius portrait type was in use in the sculptural workshops after Severus' return to Rome in 202 is further proved by its appearance on the arch of Severus at Lepcis Magna (P1. XIX, fig. 2). We have already noted that the portrait of the emperor from the scene of the Triumphal Procession can be related to the latest Jupiter-like portrait type adopted by Marcus Aurelius in the later years of his reign (P1. XIX, fig. 3; P1. XLI, fig. 1; P1. XLII, fig. 1).6 Other evidence that Severus continued to honor Marcus Aurelius late in his reign is seen in his repetition of an anniversary issue of Marcus Aurelius in 207. In conclusion, while an allusion to Marcus Aurelius would be appropriate also to the earlier years of Severus' reign, the type has not been found on the coins until 202. Its long life is illustrated by its use for the posthumous portrait of the emperor in Djemila (supra 79, P1. LIII, Cat. 45), showing a further development of the type, which has special significance for Late Antique art. The process revealed is thus not a static one since growth in an individual portrait type occurs. Transformation and variation of the basic form

take place. In any dating of the following 4 Also see BMC V, #310, 214, pl. 34, 18. 5 Exceptions are #32, #34, and #45 in our cata-

logue, from the Rhine, Toulouse and Djemila respectively

(inzfra 146, 147, 152). For a discussion of the distribution of Roman imperial portraits see: E. H. Swift, " Imagines in Imperial

portraits one must also take into account the possibility of a progressive and a more traditional artist working side by side. L'Orange, in his study on apotheosis, states that the iconographic group under discussion here forms an intermediate link between his " Leptis " type without the hanging frontal locks and the " Serapis " type whose origin he dates in 204. He groups together the head in Copenhagen,

#721, (P1. XLIII, Cat. 31), the bust in Toulouse (P1. XLV, Cat. 34), and the colossal head in Djemila (P1. LIII, Cat. 45) in his intermediate series.8 More recently Frederik Poulsen in his Catalogue of Ancient Sculpture in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 9 suggests that the head in Copenhagen, the bust in Toulouse, and the

head from Hannover (P1. XLIX, Cat. 39) form a separate type. Balty in her study in the Collection Latomus in 1962 groups together a series of nine portraits which she feels all go back to one common prototype.10 She terms the group " un type intermediaire" and following L'Orange's chronology would date the execution of all the portraits in her series to the years 203-204, limited by the presumed date of the arch at Lepcis and the fixed date of the arch of the Argentarii in Rome. She does not include the head in Hannover mentioned by Poulsen in her series. Other portraits which our study has shown may be associated with the type and which have not previously been mentioned in this connection, are the three portraits in

the Louvre (P1. XLVII, Cat. 36, Cat. 37; P1. XLVIII, Cat. 38) and the statue in significantly change on the coinage issued from 168-169 until his death in 180. During the last ten years of his reign, the emperor was in Rome only twice, first during the year 169 and secondly, for a stay in the years 176 to 178. The rest of his time was spent on the Danube

front. The original model for this latest portrait type probably originated in Rome, and the evidence from were Imperial Portraits Distributed Throughout the Roman the coinage favors the time of his first stay in 169. Empire?" AYA 43 (1939) 601-617; H. Kruse, Studien 7 Grant, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 45) 116, 119. zur officiellen Geltung des Kaiserbildes in romischen Reiche 8 Apotheosis, 141 (Paderborn 1934). The whole problem of the distribu9 Catalogue, 501. tion of imperial portraits needs re-evaluation in the light 10 58, 1, pp. 193-194, 196. Cf. her more recent list of more recent studies. of thirteen portraits included in her study of the portraits 6 Wegner dates the type on the basis of the coin eviof Clodius Albinus (Collection Latomus 85, pp. 45-46) dence about 169 or later (op. cit., supra, Intro., n. 1, 45-47 where now the portrait in Hannover and two of the por-

Portraiture," AJA (1923) 286-301; M. Stuart, " How

and pl. 60e). The portrait of Marcus Aurelius does not

traits in the Louvre are included (our Cat. 36 and 37).

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

105

the Boboli Gardens in Florence (P1. LII, Cat. 43). These portraits all show the same upswept hair style and beard style which connect them with the other portraits of the group. Balty further rejects the portrait in Djemila and calls it a unique type which was executed after Severus' death."1 The Djemila portrait, however, despite its much more advanced Late Antique style, still shows the upswept hair and the divided beard forming one mass which are typical of the Marcus Aurelius-Severus portrait type. Therefore, I include this portrait from Djemila in the Marcus Aurelius group, and it is of special interest because it shows the continuing transformation process in the life of this popular imperial portrait type, which becomes infused with new life in keeping with a new age. The type has here become frozen into a frontal view and the large dominating eyes stare upward into space. The popularity of the Marcus Aurelius type is indicated by the number of portraits in the round which can be identified with it. The following catalogue distinguishes between four groups of portraits in the round which are all considered variations of the same basic portrait type reflected on the eastern coinage. A broader and shorter facial type with a soft, idealized expression and shorter, less obviously divided beard are the main characteristics of the portraits grouped -around the bust in the Terme Museum in Rome (Pls. XLI, XLII, Cat. 30) and designated here " A. " It is assumed that this type is the earliest one and closer to the original imago, since the facial form can be related to the earlier portrait Types I and II of Severus. The longer-faced and longer-bearded portraits form a " subtype," listed in the catalogue as variant " B. " Falling somewhere between variants

in Rome (P1. XLIV, Cat. 33) and the bust in Toulouse (P1. XLV, Cat. 34) are closely related to each other in their more animated expression and turn of the head and glance to the left. The bust in the Biblioteca shows a strongly classicizing style in the broad, smooth planes of the face and plasticity of the fuller hair curls. Related also to these two portraits is a head in Mantua (P1. XLVI, Cat. 35)

"A " and "B, " the fine bust in the

The moustache, which forms a horizontal line over the upper lip and drops abruptly

Biblioteca del Pontificio Ateneo Antoniano

where, however, the style is very diff The modulated surfaces and exaggerated expression obtained from the contorted brow and upward curve of the eyes show a very " baroque " interpretation of the

type, a style which also would lead one to suspect its antiquity. The longer beard and facial type of the Mantua portrait relate it to the portraits in the Louvre

(P1. XLVII, Cat. 36, Cat. 37; P1. XLVIII, Cat. 38) and at Hannover (P1. XLIX, Cat. 39) and to the very much damaged portrait in the Museo Chiaramonti in the Vatican (P1. L, Cat. 40). Despite these differences, all the portraits in variants " A " and " B " share basic iconographic features which can be closely related to portraits of Marcus Aurelius in the round. The bushy hair is brushed away from the temples in sweeping curls and raised above the forehead as in the later portraits of Marcus Aurelius (supra n. 6). The beard, although divided in the center, tends to form a mass

around the chin and is brushed forward at the sides. The upper whiskers show the same short curls typical of the portraits of Marcus Aurelius. The ears in this type are partially covered by the hair curls, which are arranged in large clumps, waved toward the back of the head. The pattern is clearly taken from the late Jupiter portrait type used by Marcus Aurelius and further confirms the intended relationship between the two emperors.

11 Collection Latomus 58, p. 194, n. 1.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

106

at either end rather than curving gradually downwards, as in Severus' earlier portrait Type II, is also closer to Marcus Aurelius' iconography. The three portraits which form variant "C " represent a deviation from the basic iconography of the Marcus Aurelius-

Severus type in their hair style. But they are similar in other respects and are thus included here, for they are closer to the Marcus Aurelius type than to any of the other portrait types used by Severus. The head in the Museo Nazionale in Rome

(P1. LI, Cat. 42) and the portrait bust in Ostia (P1. LIII, Cat. 44) share a similar

and the profile views are flattened and less rounded than on the head in the Museo Nazionale. These features suggest a date late in Severus' reign for both these portraits. The three portraits which are designated here as variant " C " because

of their similar iconography would thus appear to be based on a common v-ariation of the Marcus Aurelius-Severus type, although they were executed by very different artists.

The portraits of the Marcus AureliusSeverus type, taken as a whole, are further united by a common interest in late Antonine illusionistic effects seen in the rich

flat, circular arrangement of the hair drill curls treatment of the hair and beard which over the forehead, which distinguishes contrasts with the smooth planes of the them from the portraits in group " A)" face. Since these stylistic features are and " B " with their upswept hair style. common to the portraits in series " A," This arrangement of the forehead curls is " B " and " C," it is probable that their like that of the bronze portrait head of style was also taken from the original Severus in Cyprus (P1. XXX, Cat. 11), model. Where individual variations in a our Type III. The hair around the sides more classicizing style occur, as in the of the forehead in variant " C " is, howcase of the portrait in the Biblioteca del ever, waved away from the face as in Pontificio Ateneo Antoniano in Rome, or the Marcus Aurelius-Severus series. The

beard is also long and divided, although the beard in the portrait in the Museo Nazionale has been partly broken away. The portraits in variant " C " do, however, differ greatly in style. The portrait in the Museo Nazionale shows idealized forms and a soft expression which relate it to the portraits in variant " A ". In contrast, the statue in the Boboli Gardens (P1. LII, Cat. 43) and the bust in Ostia (P1. LIII, Cat. 44) show Severus' aging, fleshy cheeks

in a more " baroque " style, as in the portrait in Mantua, one would suppose that they were due to the particular executing artist. In conclusion, it would appear that a revival or continuation of the Antonine style with its stress on coloristic effects accompanies the new iconographic type based on Marcus Aurelius himself. Any further individual variations in style or iconography will be incorporated in the discussion of the individual portraits in the catalogue.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

CHAPTER SIX

THE SERAPIS-SEVERUS PORTRAIT TYPE

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

CHAPTER SIX

7THE SERAPIS-SEVERUS PORTRAIT TYPE

WVe have already discussed the image validity believed to approximate closely to of L'Orange's claim of a Serapis-Severus the original model shows restrained modportrait type (supra 53).1 The association eling of the surfaces, with an emphasis of the statuary type in the scene of the on the firm structure of the brows, and " Capitoline Triad " on the arch at Lepcis the replicas share a serious, somewhat melancholy expression. Magna (P1. XX, fig. 1) with the representations of Serapis which are believed These iconographic features, with the to reflect the cult image of Serapis at exception of the long hair, can be closely Alexandria attributed to Bryaxis (P1. XX, correlated with a large group of portraits fig. 3) gives us definite proof of Severus' attributed to Severus. This series of over use of a Serapis allusion (supra 53).2 fifty portraits, the largest number of any Unfortunatelv, no statues in the round of one of our types, is distinguished by three Severus using the cult statuary type remain,or four hanging locks over the upper although one gem may show Severus wearforehead and by a long beard divided in ing the modius of the god upon his head the center. The rest of the hair is brushed (P1. XCII, gem j). The thin corkscrew away from the temples as in the Marcus locks wvhich fall straight down over the Aurelius-Severus type but the pattern upper forehead in varying numbers, rangaround the forehead is different. The curls ing from three to five, belong uniquely round the head follow the line of the skull to the iconography of the Egyptian god and emphasize the length of the forms, of the lower world. Also typical is a rather than moving horizontally outwards long moustache, cleft in the middle and as in the Marcus Aurelius type. This dropping abruptly at the corners of the emphasis on length is more in keeping mouth. A mass of long stringy hair with the Serapis hair style with the long frames the face, and the beard is longtresses and framing the face. divided in the middle (P1. LIV, fig. 1). The relationship of the Serapis symThe style of the replicas of the Serapis bolism to Severus' ideological program has I Cf. Mundle, op. cit. (stupra, I, n. 179) 198-199 who questions L'Orange's interpretation but offers no other and does not consider the evidence of the coin

portraits or those in the round.

2 For a recent discussion of the cult statue see: L,. Castiglione, " La statue de culte hellenistique du Sarapieion d'Alexandrie," Bulletin du Muse'e National Hon-

grois des Beaux-Arts 12 (1958) 17 ff.

only in the late second century A.D. Toynbee suggests that the sudden popularity of this type may be connected with the history of the cult image in the Serapeum of Alexandria, for recent discoveries have revealed evidence for the building of a large Roman Serapeum replacing the original Ptolemaic building. The temple was apparently burned in 183 and Toynbee suggests that Com-

modus, whose devotion to the god is well-documented, For a discussion of the two types of Serapis portraits, sponsored the building of the new and larger shrine. those with the hanging curls and those without and their This may be further evidence that Severus' choice of dates of origin see: Toynbee, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 86) Serapis as his particular tutelary divinity was partly 144-145. It is significant to note that the " Roman " influenced by his wish to associate himself with his adopted Serapis type with the hanging forelocks becomes popular brother in his attempt to legitimatize his claim to the throne.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Ito also been previously discussed (supra 53 ff.). Allied to the Roman imperial traditions through his association with the Antonine house, Severus claimed to be a Restitutor Urbis (P1. VII, fig. 4). Through an association with Jupiter on the reliefs at Lepcis and also probably in the Marcus AureliusSeverus portrait type, he raised himself to the supreme level of ruler of the gods above. Through his Serapis portrait type, Severus further extolled his association with the gods by linking himself to the ruler of the lower world. Part of the Serapis cult's special appeal was its promise of a renewal of life and hope of

immortality for the initiated. The Serapis cult ritual included a re-enactment of the death and resurrection of the god. By assuming the role of the underworld god, Severus could imply eternal life for his new dynasty. The popular coin legend AETERNIT IMPERI in this context takes on new meaning (P1. VII, fig. 2). Moreover, the promise of the new dynasty was for a new Golden Age as can be seen from the many references on the coinage throughout Severus' reign.3 Severus' ideological program has now been broadened and deepened. The Secular Games held after the emperor's return to Rome commemorated the establishment of his new Golden Age. This was the

Through Severus the Serapis religion was passed on to the new dynasty and the god became one of the tutelary deities of the imperial family as formerly he had been for the Ptolemies. Evidence for the active life of the Serapis cult under Severus has already been presented as well as evidence for Severus' association with it (suipra 53 ff.). The first securely dated and identified sculptural portrait of Severus as Serapis occurs in the reliefs of the arch of the Argentarii in Rome erected in 204, a date which is used by L'Orange and later scholars as the moment of the origin of this imperial portrait type. Nevertheless, the evidence of the medallions and coins and also of the Berlin tondo painting indicates the necessity for abandoning this previous, generally accepted chronology. The first coin portraits of Severus showing the Serapis hanging locks appear in 196-197

(P1. VI, figs. 1, 2, 4) and the portrait type can be traced on the coins through 206, when its dominant position is replaced by Severus' latest portrait type (supra 67; P1. VIII, figs. 1-3; P1. XI, figs. 1, 6;

P1. XII, fig. 1). It would appear, however,

to have continued in use, judging from the style of the portraits in the round and the evidence of the gem in the Mletropolitan Museum in New York which must date third time in the history of the empire in that 209 (infra 171). The reverse coin type Secular Games had been held, following of Severus and his sons showing Jupiterthe example of Augustus. The Golden Serapis with the legend IOVI SOSPITAAge myth itself represents the emperor TORI dates between 198 and 210 (P1. I, as both a founder and a saviour.4 This fig. 4). The Berlin tondo painting (P1. XXI double role would be particularly fitting and colored P1. A), representing Severus to Severus' propagandistic policies during with the Serapis locks, would appear the early years of his reign. The use of to date from the time of Severus' Egypthe Serapis portrait type is thus once tian trip, now securely placed in 199again part of a bold and seemingly care200.5 The date of this trip is an important fully calculated propagandistic program. one, for it has been used as a terminus

3 For example, BMC V, 88, bottom (eastern mint, 193). The theme receives special impetus at the time of Severus' return to Rome and the holding of the Secular Games, ibid., 325, top. 4 See discussion of theme by H. Mattingly, " Virgil's

Fourth Eclogue," JWarb 9 (1946) 14-19; Hadzi, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 10) 100; Taylor, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 48).

5 Severus' Egyptian trip has previously been variously

dated by scholars. Platnauer places his date of arrival in Egypt in 201 (op. cit., supra, J, n. 6, 122), a date which now appears to be too late on the basis of the coin and

inscriptional evidence cited by Vogt (op. cit., supra, I, n. 73, I, 165) and Hasebroek (op. cit., supra, I, n. 25,

118-119) who both date his journey and stay there to the years 199-200. This dating is followed by L'Orange (Apotheosis, 82). Mattingly, however, moves the visit to the years 200-201 (BMC V, cxxvi). A recent study based

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

ill

post quem for the establishment of the Serapis portrait type of Severus.6 In effect, the evidence from many varied sources indicates an early appearance in Severus' reign of the Serapis portrait type. It cannot be dated as late as 204, as L'Orange believed,7 nor can it be associated with Severus' Decennalia, as Balty suggests.8 The source then for the inspiration of the type cannot be sought in Severus' trip to Egypt in 199-200 but must be sought in some earlier affiliation with the cult, which had previously been established in Rome (supra 54). Severus' participation in the ceremonies of the god at Alexandria must be considered the result of an already established association with the religion rather than his initiation. A possible moment for the issue of the new Serapis-Severus portrait model may be found in the unfolding of Severus' dynastic plans. In 196 Caracalla was designated Caesar in place of Albinus. Later, in 198, Caracalla took the title of

Augustus and Geta became Caesar. The new dynasty was now established and

could offer a new and more persuasive symbolism to the people in a " SaviourKing" image. Severus and Julia were themselves identified with the theme of aeternitas. They appear with the attributes of the sun and the moon on a new coin type initiated in Severus' reign with the inscription CONCORDIAE AETERNAE

(P1. I, fig. 1). Coins of Caracalla also indicate the blessings which will accom-

pany the new age. IMPERII FELICITAS is a popular reverse inscription on the coins of the newly designated Caesar in 196-198.9 The specific link of the Golden Age theme with the Serapis cult is found on a coin of Julia Domna where Isis, suckling the child Horus, is seen on the

on evidence from Egyptian papyri now definitely reconfirms the date of 199-200 (Westermann and Schiller, op. cit., supra, I, n. 24, 30). 6 L'Orange, Apotheosis, 82; Balty, BIHBR 33, p. 108, n. 1. 7 In recent studies, several scholars have taken ex-

ception to L'Orange's chronology. Toynbee (op. cit.,

reverse accompanied by the legend SAECULI FELICITAS (P1. I, fig. 3). Among the fifty-odd examples which

illustrate the basic Serapis portrait type, great differences of style and a number of variations in the basic type have been found. The evidence has shown the long duration and popularity of the type, which indicates that replicas were executed over a considerable period of time. Variety in style among the portraits listed in the

catalogue is thus not surprising. Some stylistic differences can be explained in the light of developing artistic trends and others by regional differences. The indi-

vidual styles of the executing artists of the replicas must also These possibilities make specific dates for the particular replica. Thus,

be kept in mind. it difficult to give execution of any the dating offered

below for the Serapis-Severus portraits must be considered a relative one. The

chronology suggested has been based upon a careful, comprehensive study of Severus'

portraiture as a whole and upon an evaluation of those developments in style which have already been established for the Severan age. A study of the portraits themselves reveals that there was created a basic Serapis-Severus portrait type in which the whole series has its common origin. All

of the known portraits of the Serapis type share the basic iconography of the original model in their hair and beard style. Only slight iconographic differences in facial type, turn of head and length of the beard occur. But with regard to style, the fiftyodd portraits can be arranged according to several distinct variations. These stylistic variations would seem to present us

with a true picture of the main stylistic currents of Severus' reign, inasmuch as and Jucker (op. cit., supra, Intro., n. 39, 103 and n. 4) all present evidence for an earlier dating of the Serapis portrait type and use the Berlin tondo as evidence for the existence of the distinguishing Serapis locks by 199. 8 Balty, BIHBR 33, p. 108, n. 1 on 109.

9 BMC V, #201, 53, pl. 10,9, with legend, IMPERII

FELICITAS.

supra, I, n. 61, 146), Budde (_ugendbildnisse, 43, n. 3),

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

112

the Serapis type appears to have been in use over almost the whole period. These variations in style will be briefly summarized and the portraits will be arranged in the catalogue accordingly. One of the earliest portraits in the series

typical of variant " A " would appear to be the fine bronze head of Severus in the Vatican (P1. LIV, LV, Cat. 46), whose style carries on the traditions of Antonine art. The soft, idealized expression of the face is reminiscent of the early portraits of Antoninus Pius.10 The impressionistic style of the hair and beard and the bronze technique with the absence of chasing have been compared by Lehmann and Kluge in their publication of Die antiken Grossbronzen to the bronze equestrian portrait of Marcus Aurelius on the Capitoline,"1 which has been dated between the years 164 and 166.12 The soft modulation of the surface of the cheeks in the Vatican head, however, betrays the later stylistic trends already noted, for example, in the portrait of Marcus Aurelius in the Terme Museum, #688, dated in the last years of his reign.13 The bronze portrait in the Vatican has been dated by Lehmann and Kluge around the turn of the century.14 Heintze has dated it more specifically between the years 196 and 201 on the basis of the

length beard. The portrait in the Vatican, however, differs from the other portraits of variant " A " in the arrangement of

the four curls on the forehead, which are somewhat shorter and tend to form a mass rather than to be separated. Exact replicas of the bronze portrait in the Vatican have not been found, for the bronze head in the Palazzo Rospigliosi must be considered

modern (P1. LV, figs. 1-2). Closely associated with this first variant is a second series of portraits illus-

trated by the head in Berlin (P1. LX, Cat. 56). This variant " B " differs, however, from "A" in its lengthened

facial form. In the portraits of this serie the face is long and thin and the high temples of the forehead are prominent. The same facial type is used in the portraits of variant " C," which differ from the Berlin group mainly in their style. It may also be that for this group

we have preserved an original artist's model in plaster, found in the Fayuim, from which the larger sculptures in the round were made (P1. LXVII, Cat. 70). Although badly worn, the little head is probably the closest to the original prototype that we have, and indicates that a definite change in style has occurred which distinguishes the portraits in variant " C " from the

previous portraits of the type. For the first time, Severus is shown as an older representation of the age of the emperor.15 A date during these years is in keeping man. There is in all a concern for the with the stylistic development traced in representation of fleshy surface forms seen our study and gives us an approximate in the rendering of the sagging cheeks as, date for the portraits in variant " A," for example, in the portrait in the Louvre, which are closely related to the Vatican Inv. 1120 found near Herculaneum (P1. head in style. Examples are to be found LXVII, Cat. 71), and in the head in the

in Copenhagen (P1. LVI, Cat. 47), Newby Hall in Yorkshire (P1. LVII, Cat. 49),

and elsewhere. These portraits also share with the Vatican bronze head the same broad and squat facial type and medium-

Palazzo Ducale in Mantua (P1. LXIX, Cat. 73). We have already noted that indications of age make their appearance in some of the coin portraits of the emperor in the years between about 202 and 210

10 For example, compare the portraits of Antoninus12 Wegner, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 1) 42. 13 Ibid., 46, p1. 29.

Pius in Naples (Wegner, op. cit., supra, Intro., n. 1, 79-80, pl. 1) and in the Metropolitan Museum, # 33.11.3 (Museum neg. 95096; G. M. A. Richter, Roman Portraits, New York 1948, fig. 73). 11 Lehmann and Kluge, op. cit. (supra, III, n. 29) II,

40-42.

14 Lehmann and Kluge, op. cit. (supra, III, n. 29) II, 40.

15 See in W. Helbig et al., Fiihrer durch die 6ffent-

lichen Sammiungen klassischer Altertiimer in Rom. Die Papstlichen Sammlungen im Vatikan und Lateran, ed. H. Speier (Tilbingen 1963) 373.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

113

(supra 67, PI. XI, fig. 3).16 In these coin portraits Severus' fleshy cheeks are indicated and his nose is broader. The eyes are more sunken and many of the portraits show the glance directed upward. This last feature is also found in the portraits in the round illustrating variant " C, " for example, the bust in the Twombly collection in Rome (P1. LXXII, Cat. 79) and the head in Castle Howard (P1. LXXI, Cat. 77). The earlier, idealized Serapis portrait type found on the coins from 196-197 to 201, however, is also continued on the coinage of these later years, alongside the more realistic portraits of this type.17

of the Serapis type (cf. P1. LXVII, Cat. 71). Likewise, the arrangement of the hair on the sides in three distinct waves above the ears can be closely related to the Serapis-Severus type (cf. P1. LXVII, Cat. 71, b and P1. LXIX, Cat. 73, b). The beard also has the decided cleft in the middle typical of the Serapis iconography. Different from the usual Serapis-Severus iconography, however, is the arrangement

A fourth variant, "D," shows yet a further stylistic advance which is also more allied to future developments than to the past Antonine era. The laureate portraits in the Galleria delle Statue in the

that the head in Munich is one of the first examples of the Serapis-Severus por-

Pitti Palace in Florence (P1. LXXV, Cat. 85) and the head in the Saint Raymond Museum in Toulouse (P1. LXXV, Cat. 84) are examples of the series which show both a consolidation of plastic form and an increased spiritualization through an emphasis on the upward glance. All portraits of this variant have the head turned to the side. The particular stylistic emphasis on a consolidated, block-like form anticipates the portraits of Caracalla (P1. LXXXIX, fig. 1), and is a stylistic factor

of the hair locks over the forehead into three plastic curls. The ends of the moustache are also somewhat shorter and terminate in a distinct outward curve.

Because of these minor variations from the usual Serapis iconography, Balty suggests

trait type and should thus be dated, according to her chronology, in 204.19 She also notes, however, the older age of the emperor, which would indeed appear to be more advanced than in the other por-

traits of the Serapis type.20 Furthermore, the beard is longer and corresponds with the image of the emperor on the coin portraits dated after 207 (supra 67). The style of the Munich portrait also goes beyond anything in the Antonine

tradition found in the earlier portraits of

Severus. The wild, lion-like mane of hair is contrasted with the strongly classicistic nude parts of the face. The consolidation wrhich causes me to date this group towards of the plastic block of the head and the the end of Severus' reign. upward glance of the eyes relate the por-

The famous head in Munich, which is so often illustrated in the handbooks on Roman portraiture in an old and misleading photograph, may be related in its iconography to the Serapis portrait type and in its style more specifically to our variant " D " (P1. LXXVI, Cat. 87).18 The hair is waved away from the temples in a pattern similar to the other portraits

trait to our variant " D " and to later

third-century portraiture (P1. LXXXIX, fig. 2). The intensity of the expression particularly anticipates the portraiture of

Caracalla (P1. LXXXIX, fig. 1). The drill work of the hair and beard, which is condensed into a tightly organized pattern that denies illusionism, is a development which can also be dated late in the reign

16 For example, also note BMC V, pl. 35, 4, 5 (202); Heintze, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 183) 19, who suggests a date

pl. 35, 16 (204); pl. 41, 12 (207); P1. 53, 11 (210).

of 200 for the portrait.

17 Cf. ibid., pl. 40, #9 (206) with our P1. XII, fig. 1. 20 Cf., for example, the bronze portrait in the Vatican,

18 Cf. older photo reproduced in Heintze, op. cit. (P1. LIV, LV, Cat. 46) or the portraits in the Louvre,

(supra, I, n. 183) pl. 26.

41117 (P1. LXI, Cat. 59) and in the Petworth Collec-

19 Balty, Collection Latomus 58, pp. 194-196.tion, Cf. #36 (P1. LXII, Cat. 61).

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

114

of Severus.21 The head in Munich originally came into the collection from the Palazzo Bevilacqua in Verona, indicating a probable Italian origin for the portrait, which would eliminate the possibility of a provincial source for the style. Closely related in iconography to the head in Munich is a portrait in Guelma, Algeria (P1. LXXVII, Cat. 88). Because of the older age of the man represented, it has been suggested that the portrait represents the father of Severus.22 But signs of age can be noted in the SerapisSeverus portraits from variants " C " and D and the arrangement of three locks over the forehead and the massiveness of the hair closely relate the head to the portrait in Munich. Moreover, why should Severus' father be shown with the Serapis locks? Unfortunately, the head in Guelma is known to me only in a poor frontal photograph which limits stylistic discussion. The iconographic similarity between the two heads suggests the existence of a variant model. They will be placed in the catalogue, however, with the portraits in group " D " for classification purposes,

but they must be considered as variations. Another portrait appears to be a posthumous example of our variant " D." It is the portrait in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, originally from Ostia or the

region of the Portus (P1. LXXVII, Cat. 89). The slightly under life-sized head

is linked to the series by the turn of the head to the right and by the dominating, upward glance of the eyes. However, its style is much more advanced than any of the others of variant " D," which causes me to suggest a posthumous dating for

the work.23 The upward curve of the 21 This same stylistic trend is seen in sarcophagi reliefs dated about 210 (K. Lehmann-Hartleben and E. C. Olsen, Dionysiac Sarcophagi in Baltimore, Baltimore 1942, 78, pl. 27).

22 F. G. de Pachtere, Musee de Guelma. Musees et collections archeologiques de l'Algerie et de la Tunisie (Paris 1909) 36, pl. VII, fig. 8. 23 Cf., for example, the head in Munich, (P1. LXXVI,

Cat. 87), which shows more interest in organic life, evident in the rounded form of the cheeks. 24 Cf., for example, the well-known portrait of Trajan

from Ostia (Heintze, op. cit., supra, I, n. 183, pl. 18).

eyebrows is now extremely exaggerated and the flattened face has taken on a mask-

like expression. The large eyes completely dominate the face and the drill holes almost fill the pupils. The surface was

originally polished, which must have enhanced the spiritualized effect of the portrait through its translucent surface. Finally, a fifth variant, " E," has been distinguished among the Serapis portraits of Severus. These portraits are separated from the previous group mainly by the frontal orientation of the head. The longer facial type is also continued and the forms show the same trend towards a flattening and consolidating of the plastic mass. That this particular portrait series prob-

ably extended over a long period of time is seen by the fine portrait of Severus in

the Capitoline Museum (P1. LXXVIII, Cat. 91), which still shows an affiliation with the Antonine style in the treatment of beard and hair. The drill is used to accent

and highlight the plastic form of the curls. The shiny surface, flattened profile view and upward-glancing eyes relate it to the stylistic trends noted in other portraits of variant " E." This frontal portrait form is popularly

used for portraits of Severus which would appear to be posthumous in date. The

colossal head from Markouna, Algeria, now in the Mus6e des Colonies in Paris, is especially expressive (P1. LXXXII, Cat. 97). Although abstracting tendencies had long been a part of Roman art,24 the

flattened, mask-like form and advanced, schematizing use of the drill go beyond practices in earlier Roman portraits or in

the previously discussed portraits of Severus. One wonders, of course, to what This portrait reveals a concern for abstract symmetry seen in the dominating, horizontal line of the eyebrows and the linear pattern of the hair locks. However, these stereometric interests are combined in the portrait of Trajan with a lively interest in naturalism which is apparent in the swelling forms of the cheeks and lips and in the subtle vitality of the surface obtained from the lustrous polish. This relative balance between natural forms and abstract patterns has been broken in the head from Markouna. The artist now relies primarily on a

distortion of natural form seen in the elongated neck,

flattened surfaces, and enlarged eyes for expression.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

115

a tendency toward a schematization of the drill work which goes beyond that observed in contemporary Roman portraiture. Similar abstracting tendencies in a more conservative form can also be found in a provincial head, probably originating in Greece. This frontal head is now in the Museum fur Kunst und Gewerbe in Hamburg (P1. LXXXI, Cat. 96). The large eyes, whose drill holes almost fill the pupils, relate the head to the portrait in Boston. It is a more crudely worked portrait, however, and the chisel is used in short, straight strokes which dig into the surface of the flesh.25 In conclusion, five different variations of the original Serapis type have been indicated. At least three portraits from the series can be dated posthumously by their increased Late Antique tendencies in style. Several general stylistic currents have also been noted, which can be used to summarize the relationship of Severus' portraiture to both its Antonine predecessors and the art of the following Late Antique age. The two earlier groups discussed can be related to the Antonine style by their classicizing forms and the illusionistic effects of the drill work. An attenuation of Cat. 45), dated from its archaeological context in 229, the head from Markouna the facial type was also noted in the secsuggests a faint lingering of Antonine ilond group, which is a stylistic tendency lusionistic effects seen in the still separated, that has also been noted in early Severan plastic clumps of the hair and beard curls. sarcophagi reliefs.26 The execution of the This observation suggests a date before portraits in these first two groups is there229 for the portrait from Markouna. fore placed mainly before 200. Around It is interesting to note in this com202, a realistic portrait of Severus showing parison of some of the African portraits him as an aging man appears on the coinage certain similarities in style which link toand continues until 210. This stylistic gether this particular series as a whole trend has been noted in the portraits in and separate it from contemporary Roman the round of variant " C," whose execution art. The portraits discussed above share must fall within the range of these years. a certain mask-like expression, and it is Despite a resurgence of realism, always mainly through the abstract pattern of the latent in Roman portraiture, the increased forms imposed upon their block-like surtendency towards a block-like, unorganic faces that the portraits find expression. form beneath the surface and the upward This particular African group of portraits glance of the eyes already link this group shares with the reliefs from Lepcis Magna with Late Antique art. Variants " D "

extent these tendencies in style may be due to provincialism, and how much to the general evolutionary currents of Roman art as a whole. A more thorough study of related provincial sculpture is needed in order to evaluate the problem, a task which is beyond the scope of this present study. In any case, the abstracting tendencies noted in the head from Markouna go beyond those in the portrait of Severus from Madauros (P1. LXXXVII, Cat. 102), the latter dated to the last years of his reign. The drill work also differentiates the portrait from Markouna from the impressive portrait of Severus in the Bardo Museum in Tunis (P1. LXXX, Cat. 94). In this head a softness of forms still lingers on the surface of the block-like structure. For dating purposes, the head from Markouna may also be compared to the portrait in Munich #357 (P1. LXXVI, Cat. 87), which has been dated here at the end of Severus' reign. The Munich head still shows a feeling for rounded organic forms, seen in the swelling cheeks which are lacking in the head from Markouna. In comparison, however, with the head of Severus in Djemila (P1. LIII,

25 Cf. the portraiture of Alexander Severus where

this technique becomes popular (L'Orange, op. cit., supra, Intro., n. 1, pl. I).

2ff Lehmann-Hartleben and Olsen, op. cit. (supra, n. 21) 72-77, figs. 9-10, sarcophagus with Dionysos and Adriadne dated on stylistic grounds between 200 and 205.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

116

and " E " with their consolidation of the mass, tendency towards flattened surfaces, and increased spiritualization through the frontal and upward gaze of the eyes carry this orientation even further. One wonders if the change towards an increased abstraction of style around 202 at the moment of Severus' return to Rome might be the result of a change in atelier personnel.27 Budde has suggested that at this time there was an influx of artists from the East who followed the emperor

back to Rome.28 In fact, he concludes that it is precisely during the time of Severus that the crucial change towards a Late Antique style of frontal, hieratic and symbolic forms occurs, and that it is the eastern world which provides the impetus. While Budde draws pertinent evidence from the monuments of Greece, Asia Minor, and Syria in support of his

thesis, in the last analysis one feels that he draws too hard a line in assigning the sole source for these stylistic conceptions to the East. Examples of unnatural frontality and other Late Antique style concepts can be cited already in monumental western art in the great columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius in Rome.29 What does occur under Severus, however, is an intensification of these tendencies toward conceptual and abstract values which lead away from the classical and humanistic traditions of the Greek world which have

dominated Roman art during the first two centuries,30 and these may be the result of eastern contacts during Severus' reign. In this connection, changes in the numismatic style under Severus have also been noted and attributed to the importation of artists from Asia Minor into Rome.31 This suggestion has found support in studies of Severan relief sculpture. We have already mentioned the frontal pose of Severus and Julia in the sacrifice scene on the arch of the Argentarii in Rome, and static frontality which goes beyond what had previously been expressed in Roman art has been noted as a particular feature in certain relief compositions on the arch of Severus at Lepcis Magna. 32 Furthermore, indications of a stylistic link between

the sculptures at Lepcis and Aphrodisias have been noted by scholars.33 Ward-Perkins, in a series of articles on Tripolitania, gives further evidence for the presence of sculptors from both Greece and Asia Minor in the building and decoration of the Severan architecture and reliefs at Lepcis, which show a mixture of classical forms and new artistic principles of composition and technique.34 Toynbee also analyzes the relief style on the arch at Lepcis and comes to similar conclusions.35 In a study of the " peopled scrolls " of antiquity by Ward-Perkins and Toynbee evidence is given that the new two-dimensional relief style introduced into Rome in the

27 For a similar sudden change in the imperial porsupra, II, n. 25, 31). His book was not in print at the

trait style of Gallienus which is attributed to a shift in the atelier personnel who created the portrait types, see Hadzi, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 10) 223. 28 Budde, op. cit. (supra, II, n. 2) 16 ff. On this point also see Mattingly, BMC V, cxxvii. 29 Frontality in Late Antique art implies the use of the frontal pose where in nature one would expect a side or three-quarter pose. This concept can be observed on the column of Marcus Aurelius, for example, in the adlocutio scene CI. (C. Caprino, A. M. Colini, G. Gatti,

M. Pallottino, P. Romanelli, La Colonna di Marco Aurelio,

Rome 1955, fig. 119). On this point also see G. Hamberg, Studies in Roman Imperial Art (Copenhagen 1945) 155 and Toynbee, op. cit. (supra, II, n. 6) 70-71. For Late Antique style tendencies in the column of Trajan see K. Lehmann-Hartleben, Die Trajanssaule. Ein romisches Kunstwerk zu Beginn der Spdtantike (Berlin, Leipzig 1926) 154.

30 Brilliant draws similar stylistic conclusions for the Severan Age, based on his study of the style of the reliefs on the arch of Severus in the Roman Forum (op. cit.,

time this manuscript was written and I wish to thank him for sharing many of his conclusions with me before their publication. 31 C. Vermeule, " Maximianus Herculeus and the Cubist Style in the Late Roman Empire," BMFA 60

(1962) #319, 14; C. Vermeule, " Eastern Influences in

Roman Numismatic Art," Berytus 12 (1956-1957) 98; BMC V, cxxviii; V. Scrinari, " Le donne dei Severn nella monetazione dell'epoca," BullComm 75 (1953) 119. 32 Brilliant, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 121) 178. 33 Toynbee and Ward-Perkins, op. cit. (sutpra, II, n. 13) 37-43; Squarciapino, op. cit. (supra, II, n. 13) 88. 3 J. B. Ward-Perkins, " Severan Art and Architecture at Lepcis Magna," JRS 38 (1948) 59-80; " Tripo-

litania and the Marble Trade," JRS 41 (1951) 89-104;

op. cit. (supra, II, n. 5) 269-305; " Excavations in the Severan Basilica at Lepcis Magna," BSR 20, VII (1952) 111-121; " The Hippolytus Sarcophagus from Trinquetaille," JRS 46 (1956) 14. 36 J. M. C. Toynbee, " Some Notes on Artists in the Roman World," Collection Latomus 6 (1951) 32.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

117

Severan Age had its origin in the workshops of Aphrodisias.36 These studies indicate that there was a greater exchange of artists as well as materials along the many cross routes of the ancient world than has hitherto been taken into account by many scholars. The question of the origin and time span of the so-called " Late Antique " style is beyond the scope of this study and, indeed, has been one of the most crucial topics discussed by scholars of this century without agreement.37 It can be ob-

served, however, that the concept of unnatural frontality characteristic of this style is peculiar to the art of the Parthian orbit from the first through the third centuries A.D.38 The crucial moment for the reception of this concept into Roman art, however, would appear to occur before the time of Severus. The intensification of these Late Antique elements of style under Severus can thus be considered either the result of influences from the Roman East or a culmination of artistic currents already developed in Rome itself.

36 Toynbee and Ward Perkins, op. cit. (supra, II, n. 13) S8 H. Ingholt, Palmyrene and Gandharan Sculpture. 1-43. There is also inscriptional evidence that artists from Aphrodisias existed in Rome at this time. (Ward

Perkins, JRS 41, 101 and n. 106 for further bibliography on this point).

An Exhibition Illustrating the Cultural Interrelations Be-

tween the Parthian Empire and Its Neighbors West and East, Palmyra and Gandhara (Yale University Art Gallery, October 14-November 14, 1954) Intro., and i.e., female

37 The term " Late Antique " was first used by A. Riegl, Die spdtromische Kunstindustrie (Vienna 1901).

bust from Palmyra, fig. 12 (A.D. 150), and relief of Zeus

For a summary of the scholarly positions see 0. Brendel,

hart, " Early Sculpture at Palmyra," Berytus 12 (19561958) 80. On Palmyrene sculpture as a whole see H.

" Prolegomena to a Book on Roman Art," MAAR 21 (1953) 9-73. For a particularly clear summary with recent bibliography on the eastern position as first presented by J. Strzygowski in his classic study, Orient oder Rome: Beitrdge zur Geschichte der spdtantiken und friihchristlichen Kunst (Leipzig 1901), see Ward Perkins' discussion in his article, "The Italian Element in Late Roman and Early Medieval Architecture," ProBritAc 33 (1947) 163167. For a recent statement of the Roman position see: E. H. Swift, Roman Sources of Christian Art (New York 1951) and review by K. Lehmann, ArtB 36 (March 1954) 69-74.

Kyrios from Dura-Europos, fig. 16 (A.D. 31); M. More-

Ingholt, Studier over palmyrensk Skulptur (Copenhagen 1928). For frontality in first-century paintings at DuraEuropos see Conon painting from temple of Palmyrene gods, dated A.D. 65-75 (F. Cumont, Fouilles de DouraEuropos 1922-1923, Paris 1926, 41 ff., pls. XXXI-XLI and M. Rostovtzeff, Dura-Europos and Its Art, Oxford 1938, 78-92). For a comprehensive discussion of frontality in ancient art, its origin and development, see E. Will, Le relief

cultuel greco-romain (" Bibliotheque des ecoles franca

d'Athenes et de Rome," 183) Paris 1955, 219-255.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

CHAPTER SEVEN

THE LATE SEVERUS PORTRAIT TYPE

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

CHAPTER SEVEN

THE LATE SEVERUS PORTRAIT TYPE

Naplesfrom (P1. XVIII, fig. 2). The style of A distinctly different portrait type theis relief head, however, is more frozen any of the others thus far studied found in a group of five portraits which can be identified with Severus from historical evidence. Unique to this portrait group illustrated by the head in Naples (P1. LXXXIII, LXXXIV, Cat. 98) are the flat, pointed curls which point inward towards the forehead. The long Serapis curls have vanished, and the hair is waved in a flat half-circle over the top of the forehead. The simplified, loosely waved hair style is very different from Severus' naturally curly, scattered ringlets. The particular classicizing style common to the portraits of this group with their sense for tectonic structure and hardened, decorative forms is also very different from earlier stylistic trends in Severus' portraiture. This new, late portrait type, designated as Type X, we have observed first appearing on the coinage in 207 (P1. XIII, fig. 1, supra 67); it is the popular type in use until Severus' death in 211 (P1. XIII, figs. 1, 2, 4; P1. XIV, figs. 1, 3). It is also the type used for the Divus coin portraits of the emperor (Frontispiece). The arch of Severus at Lepcis Magna further provides us with conclusive sculptural evidence that this particular portrait type can be associated with Severus. The scene of the Dextrarum Iunctio shows a portrait of the emperor which corresponds in all its details to the portrait in ' Apotheosis, 74.

2 Balty, BIHBR 33, pp. 101-113; cf. Balty, Col-

and the face and beard lengthened. The beard is also now clearly divided into three sections on each side. L'Orange has given the name of the " Leptis type "

to this particular portrait form and his terminology has been adopted by later scholars.' Balty would further like to identify the original imago for this portrait type with the presumed sculptural model in the round for the portrait in the relief.2 The longer beard found in the portrait from the relief in Lepcis as compared with the portrait in Naples suggests, however, that the portrait type used in the scene of the Dextrarum Iunctio

cannot be considered the prototype for the group but a later variation of it. Balty relates a group of about eight portraits to the portrait in the relief and dates the group between 202 and 204 on the basis of a date of 203-204 for the arch at Lepcis and the documented date of the arch of the Argentarii in 204. We have already presented evidence to suggest a redating of the arch at Lepcis between 207 and 209 (supra 74 ff.), a date in accord with the coin evidence for the late Severus type.

Unique to the late Severus portrait type and a change from Severus' naturally curly hair is the simplified hair style used, which is combed forward around the face with the flat curls pointed in towards lection Latomus 85, p. 43 where she now believes the type to date before 203.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

122

the forehead, and the straighter beard. The frontal curls are arranged in a flat semi-circle over the upper forehead. One wonders if another symbolic allusion was intended by Severus in the creation of the new type, so different from his previous types in both iconography and style. Or was the change conditioned only by taste ? Hair combed forward around the face is a popular hair style in Roman private portraits since the reign of Domitian 3 and is also the hair style adopted by the emperor Nerva,4 the first in the line of Severus' adopted ancestors, whom he also honored in his coinage 5 and inscriptions.6 In these portraits, however, a wreath of undivided curls, arranged in a continuous circle around the face, is typical rather than the pattern found in Severus' portraits where the center curls form a separate unit. Also the earlier portraits are lacking the long, divided beard - a significant part of Severus' iconography. This particular hair style used by Severus in his new portrait type combined with a long, parted beard can be compared to that of some of the Greek philosopher portraits of the Hellenistic age. One of the closer comparisons is with the portraits of Metrodoros (P1. LXXXIII, fig. 1), a pupil of Epicurus who was popular in Roman times.7 Typical of his portraits

3 E.g., see R. West, Romische Portratplastik (Munich

1941) pl. VI, #17, pl. XVI, #55; pl. XLVII, #166.

is the arrangement of the frontal locks in a simple circular pattern with the side curls of the hair brushed towards the face and a long divided beard. The

moustache is also clearly cleft in the middle. These are all iconographic features which characterize Severus' new type.8 The classicizing style which accompanies Severus' new portrait type also

shares certain affinities with the Greek philosopher portraits. The portraits of Metrodoros may again be compared to

this type for their emphasis upon structural clarity (P1. LXXXIII, fig. 1).9 A

smooth forehead with stress on the horizontal brow is found in both. The late Severus portrait type, however, is lacking in the richness of plastic form found in the Greek philosopher portraits. The hair curls of Severus' portrait in Naples (P1. LXXXIV, Cat. 98) in comparison with Metrodoros' portraits appear flat and decorative. The vitality of Greek classicism is lacking, although its outer shell remains. The emphasis in the late Severus portrait type is rather on the abstract structural form. The portrait of Severus in Munich (P1. LXXXVII, Cat. 101) especially reveals this concern in the shaping of the head. The Munich portrait varies from the other portraits in the series by its frontal position and the upward glance of the eyes which create a dramatic and 6 Murphy, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 41) 5. Severus also

frequently uses DIVI NERVAE ADNEPOTI in his title, i.e., CIL XIV 4388 (Snyder, op. cit. supra, III, n. 2,

4 The hair style used by Nerva in a posthumous portrait in the Museo Nazionale in Rome is indeed strik#50, 262-263). ingly close to that adopted by Severus in his late portrait 7 Bieber, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 67) 56-57, figs. 167-170, type (Maj, Museo Nazionale, #165, 90, and fig. #165). 172-174; Richter, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 68) 200-203, figs. Also cf. portraits of Nerva in Copenhagen and the Vatican 1226-1267. Museum, illustrated by Gotze, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 134) 8 Pertinent to this discussion is a small-sized portrait pl. 55. If one compares the portrait of Severus in Naples in the private collection of J. B. Ward-Perkins in Rome, (P1. LXXXIII, LXXXIV, Cat. 98) with the portrait of who suggested to me that the head might be an idealized Nerva in the Museo Nazionale even the same low reverse philosopher portrait of Severus. While it does bear close curl above the right ear can be seen in both, as well as resemblances to our latest portrait, its closer parallels the distinctive reverse curl on the left cheek. Severus' in iconography, in my opinion, are to Greek philosopher hair, which in this portrait type is waved forward in short portraits, further evidence that an allusion to a Greek locks, is also typical of Nerva's iconography. One wonders philosopher type may have been intended by Severus if an allusion to Nerva might be intended by Severus. Butin the creation of his latest portrait type. it is difficult to explain such a reference, and Severus This fine little head deserves a separate publication is also represented with a beard, in contrast to Nerva. which I hope shortly to do. I am grateful to Mr. Ward Furthermore, there is no indication in Severus' portrait Perkins for his kindness in allowing me to study and type of Nerva's most distinguishing feature, his hooked nose.photograph the head. a Severus apparently honors Nerva's accession in 9 Cf. also the portrait of Metrodoros in the Capitothree coin issues of 196-198 (Grant, op. cit., supra, I, n.line Museum (Richter, op. cit., supra, I, n. 68, figs. 123045, 116). 1232).

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

123

powerful expression. The beard on the portrait in Munich has been broken off but probably should be restored as a longer beard like that of the portrait of Severus in the Petworth Collection (P1. LXXXVI, Cat. 100), for certain details, such as the long, separated side curl visible in the left profile view, can be closely paralleled there. A fourth head from the series also shows the longer beard, and it would seem that this portrait in Guelma from Madauros in Algeria (P1. LXXXVII, Cat. 102) and the portraits in the Petworth Collection and in Munich represent a later variation of the portrait type. It is this form with the slightly longer,

divided beard that appears in the portraits of Severus of this type on the arch at Lepcis (P1. XVIII, figs. 2, 3; P1. XX, fig. 2). The style of the head in Guelma with the unorganic use of the drill, which cuts into the surface of the beard in short, deep, schematic channels, is especially close to the portrait of Severus in the sacrifice scene with the figure of Hercules (P1. XVIII, fig. 3). All five portraits of the late Severus portrait type, however, share an interest in abstract structural forms, smooth surfaces, and decorative patterns observed in the details of the beard and hair curls. Scholars have not previously pointed out the distinctly classicizing style of this portrait type of Severus which in its idealization of features has led them to believe that the portrait in the Dextrarum Iunctio relief is that of a young man. But the long beard does not fit this interpretation nor does the evidence of the coins, which also has not previously been noted in the literature.

Classicizing trends in style at this time are also not unique to the portraiture of Severus. A revival of a classical style has also been noted by Budde in the early portraits of Caracalla and Geta. The portraits of Caracalla as a boy in the Prado Museum

(P1. LXXXVIII, fig. 1) or Toulouse (P1. LXXXVIII, fig. 3) 10 may be compared to the portrait of Severus in Naples (P1. LXXXIV, Cat. 98). Both show smooth, rounded forms with an accent on the sharp horizontal line of the brows and a restrained use of the drill. This same restrained use of the drill in the hair, which emphasizes the plastic form of the locks and the smooth, simplified surface planes, can also be seen in the portraits of Geta as a boy in Munich (P1. LXXXVIII, fig. 2)11 and Toulouse (P1. LXXXVIII, fig. 4).12

A similar classicizing trend in the style

of Severan sarcophagi reliefs also occurs at the end of Severus' reign. Lehmann and Olsen in their study of the Baltimore sarcophagi group note on the Victory sarcophagus, dated by its style about 210, a return to " an abstract, symmetrical composition " 13 which stresses " the clear pattern formed by the silhouette-outline of each figure." 14 As a result, the figures are less organic and more frozen, a quality particularly characteristic of the

portrait of Severus on the arch at Lepcis Magna and in the later portraits in our series. This classical style of the early

third century has turned away from the organic tradition of the past and has become infused with new principles of style. It thus cannot be considered mere-

ly retrospective in its form but should be viewed as part of the broader evolutionary trends which we have also traced in our study. Lehmann and Olsen conclude their study of the sarcophagi, which terminates in the Severan age, with a statement which might equally well apply, in its broadest aspects, to the portraiture of Severus: " Both the development of an eschatological imagery and the changes of plastic style are only detailed illustrations of a profound transformation which

I' Ibid., 36, pl. 20. 10 Also cf. portrait of Caracalla in Naples, #1034,

which Budde dates at the time of the arch at Lepcis Magna,

7ungendbildnisse, 23, pl. 15b, 17b. 11 Ibid., 37, pl. 21.

"I Lehmann-Hartleben and Olsen, op. cit. (supra,

VI, n. 21) 77. L Ibid.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

124

was taking place in the spiritual bases of the western world. They are no isolated phenomena, but the embodiment, the tangible manifestation, of that gradual change in mentality which constitutes the gap between the pagan classical and the Christian medieval societies and cultures." 15 In conclusion, the late portrait type

of Severus with its classicizing style serves as a link both to the future and to the past. If an allusion to a Greek philosopher type was intended by Severus in 15 Ibid., 82.

his choice of iconography, the type may also be linked to Severus' earlier propagandistic theme of legitimacy, for his adopted father, Marcus Aurelius, could have provided the inspiration for a philosopher type. Likewise, Julia Domna's philosophic circle may have provided stimulus as well as a simple desire to portray himself in his old age as a wise and philosophic ruler. In any case, the drastic change in iconography of the late portrait type, in the light of what we have already observed in Severus' portraiture, would seem to be due to more than a simple whim of taste on Severus' part.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

CHAPTER EIGHT

CA TA L O G UE

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

CHAPTER EIGHT

EARLIEST OFFICIAL PORTRAIT TYPES

TYPE I

1. London, British Museum. P1. XXII Head set on armoured statue with military cloak thrown over 1. shoulder, obtained in Alexandria, 1801. Inv. 1944. Parian marble. Total height of statue including plinth, which is part of same block, 2.17 m.; H. crown of head to break in neck below beard, 0.35 m.; H. crown of head to tip of beard, 0.32 m.; W. of head, 0.25 m. Head is broken off below beard, but belongs to statue of same marble.' Both lower arms are missing, as well as the outer rims of both ears and fragments of the drapery folds with the shoulder brooch. The torso is cracked horizontally across the chest and vertically at the middle of the cloak. A second crack runs vertically from the 1. shoulder down to the 1. arm.

Antiquities, British Museum (London 1904) III, 175, #1944; R. P. Hinks, Greek and Roman Portrait Sculpture (British Museum, London 1935) 32; Balty, Collection Latomus 85, pp. 60-61, # 3, pl. VIII, fig. 16. Photographs: British Museum negs.: XXVII C 19; LXXIV C 49 and 50; LC 22. The head is half turned to the left with the level glance in the same direction. The emperor wears a simple cuirass, belted in the middle and terminating in long flaps. A plain long cloak is fastened on the right shoulder. He wears panther skin

boots and a tree stump forms part of the plinth at the right leg. The weight is on the r. leg and the 1. arm is bent forward. The short hair clings to the shape of the skull in tiny ringlets which are arranged in a flat half circle over the upper forehead. The beard is short and divided in the middle. The moustache forms an unbroken horizontal line across the upper lip and drops vertically at the corners. A

A third crack at the back of the cloak

parted tuft of hair is visible below the

runs horizontally across the upper shoulders. L. knee-cap is cracked as well as the center of the front of the tree trunk. The lower half of the nose is restored and the back of the statue is flat and unworked. The whole surface is weathered. A. H. Smith, A Catalogue of Sculpture in the Department of Greek and Roman

lower lip. The face is that of a young man. The brows are horizontal with the width of the forehead and cheeks emphasized. The brow is smooth except for two linear furrows between the eyes. Two drill holes in the shape of kidney beans indicate the pupils of the eyes and the irises are outlined. The drill is used in short, coarse, scattered

I There is some confusion in the literature concerning this statue in London. E. Breccia notes a statue with a head of Severus which does not belong (Alexandrea ad Aegyptum, Bergamo 1922, 197, #3608). In his bib-

liography for #3608 he cites S. Reinach, Ripertoire de

la statuaire grecque et romaine (Paris 1904) III, 160, 3

but Reinach is referring to the British Museum statue, our Cat. I. The reference in Breccia must thus be an

error. Portrait #3608 in Alexandria I have rejected as Severus, infra 189, App. II D.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

128

channels throughout the beard and hair. Behind the ears the hair is undrilled and only roughly worked. Smith did not identify the statue, but it is cited in Hinks as a portrait of Septimius Severus. The closely cropped hair and short beard distinguish it from the portraits of our Type II. The head is most closely associated with a portrait formerly on the Cairo art market identified as Septimius Severus (P1. XXII, Cat. 2). The two heads are strikingly similar in all their iconographic features, indicating the dependence of the two upon a common prototype. The style of the head with its emphasis upon the cubic form of the skull with the rounded brow and swelling cheeks is particularly close to the eastern coin portraits of this type. On the whole, the eastern coins show the persistence of rounded, Hellenistic contours in contrast

to the flatter surfaces of the Roman portraits (Cf. P1. II, figs. 3 and 5).2

2. Cairo,formerly on art market. P1. XXII Marble head, present location unknown.

White, large crystalline marble. H., 0.40 m. The head, cut at the lower neck, indicates its original insertion into a statue. End of nose and rims of the ears are chipped. P. Graindor, Bustes et statues-portraits

d'rgypte romaine (Cairo 1935) 62, #18,

The head from Cairo does, however, differ in style. In the Cairo head the drill is not used in either the beard or hair. Fine chisel strokes outlining the curls take the place of the crude drilling found in the head in the British Museum. Graindor compares the head to Attic works. Unfortunately, I have been unable to trace the present location of this fine and expressive portrait. 3. Cairo, Egyptian Museum. P1. XXIII Portrait statue, from Upper Egypt. Inv. 703.

Red granite. Total H., 2.75 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.34 m. (excluding head-dress); W. of head, 0.32 m. (excluding head-dress). Statue broken at lower thighs and repaired with cement. Missing are: all of 1. leg from the tunic, both hands and nose.

Surface of beard, torso and arms badly worn. The back is unworked, with a pillar attached. Borchardt, op. cit. (supra, III, n. 6). Severus is here represented as a Pharaoh wearing the double crown with the serpent on his head and the lower body draped. The statue is frontal, with the r. leg forward. The portrait is flat and the workmanship is rough, but the iconography speaks for an identification with Severus and with his earliest imperial portrait type. The eyes are undrilled.

pl. XVII; Harrison, op. cit. (supra, III, n. 5) 40, n. 3; Balty, Collection Latomus 85, pp. 58-59, #2, pl. VIII, fig. 15.

TYPE TI 2a

The head is turned slightly to the left and the large eyes, drilled with one simple 4. Rome, Museo Nuovo. P1. XXIV hole, stare in the same direction. The head may be compared in all its basic iconographic features with the portrait in the

Head, broken at lower neck, found in Rome, Via dell'Impero. Inv. 2309.

British Museum, #1944 (P1. XXII, Cat. 1).

Greek marble. Total H., 0.38 m.; H.

2 Further compare, for example, BMC V, pl. 5 (Rome)

and pl. 18, 11-20 (Laodicea).

Balty recently has published this statue, as well as our following portraits, Cat. 2 and Cat. 4, as portraits of Clodius Albinus, attributions which I find unacceptable on the basis of my comparative study of the coin evidence

(supra 61 ff.). Also compare my comments supra, Intro.,

n. 28.

2a For two additions to this portrait group see portraits in the Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto, and in the Pitti Palace, supra, Intro., n. 28).

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

129

crown to end of beard, 0.31 m.; W., 0.25 m.

End of nose, rims of both ears, and pieces of curls on r. side of head and 1.

side of forehead missing. Eyebrows, moustache, beard and hair are worn, otherwise surface in good condition. Marble now greyed with age and dust. D. Mustilli, Il Museo Mussolini (Rome 1939) #3, 149-150, pl. XCII, 342, 343; Barreca, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 17) 62; Balty, Collection Latomus 85, pp. 63-64, #7, pls. V, VI, IX, figs. 10, 11, 18. Photographs: German Archaeological Institute, Rome, neg. 34.1725-26.

The head is turned slightly to the right with the glance in the same direction. The hair falls high over the upper forehead and is waved away from the temples. The full, bushy beard is short and

Mustilli identifies the head as Severus on the basis of comparisons with medallion portraits of the emperor and its rela-

tion to a group of eight other portraits. Two of these portraits, however, clearly represent different types: the portrait in Naples (P1. LXXXIII, LXXXIV, Cat. 98)

and a portrait in Toulouse (P1. XXXIII, Cat. 14).3 The portrait in my own collec-

tion, much less well preserved, is a replica of this type (P1. XXV, Cat. 5). Both show much coarser workmanship and a realistic interpretation of the emperor, seen in the fleshy forms of the cheeks. 5. Columbia, Missouri, collec- P1. XXV

tion of A. M. McCann.

Head, cut at middle of neck, formerly on Roman art market.

Greek marble. Total H., 0.33 m.; H. crown The short moustache, slightly parted in the of head to end of beard, 0.30 m.; W., 0.23 m. center, hides the upper lip. The surface Restored: the central section of the is damaged. A series of chisel strokes face beginning at the bridge of the nose under the lower lip appears to indicate and including the moustache and all of the tuft of hair typical of Severus. Mustilli the front section of the beard. The side notes evidence of drapery at the nape of curls of the beard on both sides are anthe neck, indicating that the head was cient. The whole surface is badly weathoriginally part of a draped bust or statue. ered and the back of the head is roughly This evidence could not be verified becut and undrilled. cause of the present location of the head on a high support against the museum Head is frontal with the eyes directed a separation in the center is indicated.

wall.

to the r. and slightly upward. The brow The drill is used coarsely in deep, shows a single linear furrow. The drill short channels scattered throughout the is used in short channels in the beard and beard and hair which follow the movement hair, following the line of the curls. The of the curls and give a " honeycombed " eyes were originally drilled, although their effect to the surface, as in the portrait of surface is now badly worn. The head is Clodius Albinus in the Museo Capitolino closely associated in iconography and style (P1. CI, App. V A). The pupils are drilled with the head in the Museo Nuovo (P1. by two shallow drill holes in each eye and XXIV, Cat. 4) and may be considered a the irises are outlined. Details like the replica from a common prototype. The eyebrow hairs are not indicated, although head has not been previously published to a double furrow is modeled between the my knowledge. I am grateful to Professor brows, and one linear furrow divides the L'Orange for drawing my attention to broad brow. this portrait. 3 Another portrait in Toulouse referred to by Mustilli zionale (A. Hekler, Greek and Roman Portraits, New as Esperandieu #967 must be an incorrect reference York 1912, 267 b) is actually in Copenhagen (Poulsen, to #963. The head Mustilli cites as in the Museo Naop. cit., supra, Intro., n. 22, #721).

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

130

6. Aix-en-Provence, Muse'e P1. XXVI Granet.

Head, broken off under beard.

White marble. H., 0.30 m. Top of nose and ends of curls in beard are missing.

E. Esperandieu, Recueil general des basreliefs, statues et bustes de la Gaule romaine (Paris 1910) III, 356, #2496; P. Ardnt et al., Photographische Einzelaufnahmen antiker Sculpturen (Munich 1893) V, #235, 80; Poulsen, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 22) 502; Balty, Latomus 23, 60; Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 37, #5. Photographs: Henry Ely. Esperandieu suggested an identification with Marcus Aurelius, and the portrait is cited as an unknown man of the Antonine epoque in Einzelaufnahmen. Poulsen includes the head in his emended list of the portraits of Severus. The broad forehead, hair and beard forms bear a similarity to the early portraits of Severus of Type II

(especially Cat. 4 and Cat. 5). The rounded shape of the face, however, is different. The fine outlining of the hairs with the chisel suggested to me at first an Antonine dating for the portrait. Other portraits of Severus from Gaul, however, also show

a more classicizing style which allows me to include it here as a portrait of Severus, but with some reservation since I have not

seen the portrait myself. The head appears ancient from the photographs.

part of 1. ear, fragment of 1. eyebrow, pieces of frontal curls and side locks, ends of the two frontal curls of the beard, pieces of the drapery folds, 1. side of r. shoulder strap, and Medusa's nose and tail of snake on breast plate. The surface shows heavy cleaning and the bust was restored after its discovery by the sculptor Sibilla, accounting for the polished surface

and classicistic impression of the bust as a whole. P. Massi Cesenate, Indicazione antiqua-

ria del Pontificio Museo Pio-Clementino in Vaticano (Rome 1792) 58, #17; E. Q.

Visconti, II Museo Pio Clementino (Milan 1821) VI, 214-216; Bernoulli, 23, #8, p1. XII; W. Amelung, Die Skulpturen des Vaticanischen Museums (Berlin 1908) II, 486, #291, pl. 64; C. Pietrangeli, Ocriculum

(Otricoli), (" Italia Romana; Municipi e Colonie," VII, 1, Rome 1948) 93-94, pl. XIII, fig. b; Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 36, #3. Photographs: Anderson, #3949; Vatican neg. XXVIII.2.127. The head is turned to the right and the eyes glance in the same direction and

upwards. The curly hair is brushed away from the face, and curls are scattered across the upper forehead. The beard is of mod-

erately short length with the curls tending to separate in the center. The short, bushy moustache divides slightly in the center and completely hides the upper lip. The face is broad and the wide forehead is accented by two linear furrows. The

horizontal 7. Rome, Vatican, Sala dei P1. XXVI

curve of the eyebrows is stressed

and the eyebrow hairs are finely etched in

Busti

Armoured bust with paludamentum over 1. shoulder, found at Otricoli between 1777 and 1778. Inv. 710.

with the chisel. The hair and beard are drilled by means of round holes at the ends and centers of the curls. Fine chisel strokes

Head and bust are unbroken. Foot does not belong. Restored are: nose, lower

indicate individual hairs. This still organic use of the drill to accent the plastic form of the curls, combined with the fine chisel work, is typical of the techniques used in the portraits of Commodus.4 The bust is decorated with a Medusa

' Compare with head of Commodus in the Capitoline Museum, H. S. Jones, A Catalogue of the Ancient Sculptures in the Municipal Collections of Rome. The Sculp-

referred to as Jones, Museo Capitolino. Photograph: Capitoline neg. C 516.

Italian marble. Total H., excluding foot, 0.67 m.; H. crown of head to end

of beard, 0.30 m.; W. of head, 0.25 m.

tures of the Museo Capitolino (Oxford 1912) #34, hereafter

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

131

head and the right shoulder strap bears a thunderbolt. Bernoulli originally included the portrait in his list of the imperial portraits of Severus but did not feel certain about its identity. He compared it both to our portrait in the Palazzo Braschi, identified here with Severus (supra 88, Cat. 8) and to the portrait in the Capitoline Museum which we identify with Clodius Albinus (infra 197, App. V A). The portrait in the Vatican, however, bears the closest resemblance to the bust in the Palazzo Braschi with its broad facial type, wide forehead accented by the strongly horizontal brow, and the curly hair brushed away from the temples. The glance which is directed slightly upward, giving a more dramatic effect to the whole, is closer to that of the bust in Los Angeles (supra 88, Cat. 9). The head in the Vatican thus may be considered a third example of the same type, here interpreted slightly more freely and more dramatically as seen in the increasing movement of the hair curls across the forehead which distinguishes it from the other portraits in the group.

8. Rome, Palazzo Braschi. P1. XXVII (Formerly in Museo Capitolino). Armoured bust with paludamentum over 1. shoulder, from Porto d'Anzo (Bernoulli). Greek marble. Total H., excluding foot,

0.71 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.32 m.; W., 0.24 m. Head and bust in one piece, foot separate. Tip of nose, rims of both ears, ends of three forehead curls restored. Bust cracked through diagonally from upper 1. shoulder to lower r. Surface has been heavily cleaned, perhaps oiled, giving the marble a greyish tone. Portrait modern (?). F. Armellini, Le sculture del Campi-

doglio (Rome 1843-1845) III, 9, pl. 274, 1; Bernoulli, 23, #3; Jones, Museo Capito-

lino 137, #62, pl. 32; R. Paribeni, II ritratto nell'arte antica (Milano 1934-1942) pl. CCLXXXVII, hereafter referred to as

mus 85, p. 36, a, pl. II, figs. 3, 4. Photographs: Alinari #11745; Anderson #1625; McCann, neg. 63.68. The head is turned to the right, and the glance is to the right. Curls are massed high on the forehead and the hair is short and curly, tending to wave away from the face. The beard is short with the curls parted in the middle, and the emperor wears a short moustache, also cleft in the center. Below the lower lip is a short growth of straight hair. The drill is used extensively in both the beard and hair in

short, deep channels which follow the organic movement of the curls and is com-

bined with finely worked strokes of the chisel. The back of the head is undrilled. The pupils of the eyes are rendered by a shallow double drill-hole with the iris outlined. The eyes are heavy-lidded with the eye-brow hairs finely indicated. A double frown is shown at the bridge of the nose and two linear furrows accent

the broad forehead. The large ears are placed high and are uncovered. The paludamentum is fastened by a clasp at the right shoulder and the fastening strap of the cuirass ends in a lion's head. Bernoulli raises doubts as to its identification with Severus, though he includes it in the list of his imperial portraits. Jones identifies the bust as Clodius Albinus on the basis of the coin portraits, but, as has been noted here, some of these quite closely correspond to those of Severus. The portrait type and bust are very similar to the bust now in a private collection in

Los Angeles (Cat. 9).

9. Los Angeles, private P1. XXVIII collection.

Armoured bust with paludamnentum

over 1. shoulder, formerly on the Roman art market.

Fine crystalline marble. Total H., 0.69 m.

Head and bust in one piece, in excellent

state of preservation. Earth stains on Paribeni, Il ritratto; Balty, Collection Latoforehead and bust.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

132

E. Langlotz, Die Weltkunst, XXII, 11 (1952) 2, with accompanying illustration; Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 36, #2. Photographs: Kindness of M\lr. M.

nose has also been bent. The 1. side of the face is worn or weathered and incrustations appear in the hair. Part of the gilding remains on the forehead, Barsanti. cheeks, and beard. The eyes are drilled The portrait head is closely related in with a double hole and the irises outlined. all its details to the portrait in the PalazzoOn the whole the head is in good condition. Braschi in Rome (Cat. 8). In the head in 0. Vessberg, " Sculptures in the Los Angeles, however, the drill is used Throne-Holst Collection," The Museum

somewhat more schematically in deeper Mediterranean and Near Eastern Antiqchannels which create a bolder pattern of uities, Medelhavsmuseet Bulletin, 2 (1962) light and shadow in the beard and hair. 55-62, figs. 17-20. The glance is slightly upward, giving a The large bronze head is frontal with more dramatic expression. the heavy-lidded eyes glancing slightly to The bust also differs in certain small the right. Vessberg identifies the portrait details from that in the Palazzo Braschi. with Antoninus Pius on the basis of its The paludamentum is fringed and the shoul- iconography. He does, however, admit der strap, revealed on the right chest, ends that the small curly locks call to mind the in a simple knot in the Los Angeles bust. portraits of Septimius Severus. Dr. Vagn The above portrait is known to me Poulsen of the Ny Carisberg Glyptotek in only through photographs. Its fine state Copenhagen first directed my attention to of preservation and polished surface raised this fine head and sugg.csted a possible possible doubts as to its authenticity. Howidentification with Severus or Clodius Alever, Langlotz publishes the head as anbinus. Although the narrower forehead and tique on the basis of an examination of short beard bear a resemblance to the the marble and thus I have included it, portraits of Antoninus Pius, there are diswith some reservations, here in our cat- tinct differences in the iconography which alogue. speak, to my mind, more strongly against this attribution. Hair style in particular has been found to have significance in the creation of a symbolic portrait type. In the head in Djursholm the curly locks 10. Sweden, P1. XXIX, Colored P1. B which fall in a curve over the forehead Djursholm, Private collection of Mr. closely correspond to the portraits of our Henning Throne-Holst. Independent Variation

Type II. The bronze portrait is also lacking Antoninus Pius' long thin face Colossal bronze head said to have (P1. XXXII, fig. 1; PI. XXXIV, fig. 1) 5 been found in the Tiber in Rome, formerly in the Jacob Hirsch collec- It also, however, differs from Severus' portion. trait Type II in its shorter beard which is decoratively parted at the middle of the Gilded bronze. H. to break in neck chin. But this particular decorative parting under beard, 0.43 m.; W., 0.34 m. of the beard may be found in images of The head is broken off under the beard.Hercules (P1. XXIII, fig. 1). The curved Most of the top of the head is missing and moustache also corresponds to the Hercules a crack extends along the 1. side of the iconography. Unfortunately the battered head behind the ear. Cracks and small nose makes profile comparisons with other holes appear in the beard on the 1. side portraits of Severus difficult. The heavyand a crack in the r. side of the back of lidded eyes which mark the bronze porthe head. The hair and beard on the r. 5 Also compare portraits of Antoninus Pius in Wegner, side have been flattened. The end of the op. cit. (suipra, Intro., n. 1) pls. 1-9.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

133

trait further relate the head to the portraits of Type II. This particular feature is not typical of the other portrait types used by Severus and one might propose here an allusion to Commodus, which would be in keeping with the suggested symbolic reference to Hercules. In conclusion, an attribution to Severus is offered here for the portrait in Djursholm. Its iconography is closest to our Type II, although its freer rendering of the forms draws upon the contemporary Antoninus Pius portrait type while the shape of the forehead with the furrowed brow recalls the portraits of Type I (cf. P1. XXII, Cat. 2). This suggests a creative mingling of portrait models on the part of an original artist. The fine quality, material, size and style of the head in Djursholm indicate an imperial portrait of the period. Dr. Vessberg suggested to me that originally the portrait may have been placed on the Castel Sant'Angelo, an appropriate location for a fine portrait, for it was here that Severus' ashes were brought after his death.6 Gem

a. London, British Museum. P1. XC Laureate bust, profile to r., wearing paludamentum and cuirass. Plasma, 23 mm. x 17 mm.

reassembled. Head originally broken behind the ears and at neck. Face originally in one piece. R. foot, 1. foot (except for upraised heel), and piece of r. hand and wrist restored. Upper shoulders and back show patching. Deep, dark green patina. Surface of head in excellent condition. F. W. Goethert, " Archaologische Funde auf Cypern," AA 49 (1934) 99, fig. 13; Levi, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 15) 3-9; P. Dikaios, " The Bronze Statue of Septi-

mius Severus in the Cyprus Museuim, " Archaeology, 1 (1948) 146-147; 0. Vessberg, " Roman Portrait Art in Cyprus," Opuscula Romana, 1 (1954) 164; Vermeule, op. cit. (supra, III, n. 23) 351; 0. Vessberg, " The Hellenistic and Roman Periods in Cyprus," Swedish Cyprus Expedition, IV, 3 (1956) 104, pls. XXI-XXII; Balty, BIHBR 33, p. 107, n. 2, 110, pl. V, fig. 2; P. Dikaios, A Guide to the Cyprus Museum (Nicosia 1961) 111; Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 41, #9. Photographs: Cyprus Museum negs.

C 985, C 2938, C 5604, F 29, G 1872; McCann, neg. 63.7. The statue stands with the weight on the right leg, the right arm stretched forward and the left arm bent and held high. The head is turned to the emperor's left, and the glance is in the same direction. The magnificent statue was originally iden-

tified with Severus on the basis of its ico-

Walters, op. cit, (supra, I, n. 68) #2021, nography. Excavation at the actual site

212, pl. XXV. Photograph: British Museum, kindness of Miss Richter. TYPE III

11. Nicosia, Cyprus P1. XXX, Cat. 11, Museum. Colored P1. C Nude bronze statue found in 1928

of discovery has not revealed where the statue was originally erected or for what

occasion. The Severan period in Cyprus was marked by considerable building activity,7 and it is speculated that the statue was perhaps erected on the occasion of the building of an aqueduct from Kythrea to Salamis.

The powerful head can be closely re-

near Kythrea (ancient Chytri). lated in its iconography to the portraits Bronze. Total H. of statue, 2.08 m. The statue was found in many pieces. The head and upper torso were restored in 1929, and in 1940 the whole statue was 6 SHA, " Severus," XXIV, 2.

of Severus. The brow is broad and smooth

with stress on the horizontal eyebrows. The facial type tends to be broad and square and the beard is of medium length, I G. Hill, A History of Cyprus (Cambridge 1940) 233.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

134

divided in the center. The bushy moustache is parted in the middle and a short tuft of hair appears below the lower lip. In the profile view the curls of the beard form one mass which juts forward beyond the chin. The hair is scattered in round, plastic ringlets over the head and a mass of curls falls in a shallow curve over the upper forehead. The broad, square facial

noulli, 11; Kluge, Lehmann-Hartleben, op. cit. (supra, III, n. 29) II, 40-42, fig. 1;

Poulsen, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 14) 27, pl. XXXI, figs. 50-51; Jucker, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 39) 104, n. 9; Braemer, op. cit. (supra, III, n. 31) 43, #150; Mirabella Roberti (supra, III, n. 31) 301. Photographs: Direzione musei e pina-

coteca, Brescia; McCann neg. 63.36. The head is tilted slightly to the right with the glance also to the right. The hair is arranged in scattered ringlets clingof his rival, Clodius Albinus (P1. IV, fig. 2; Pls. CI-CV). Also details in the iconoging to the skull and forming a shallow curve across the forehead. The beard is raphy of the portrait in Cyprus dismedium length, divided in the middle tinguish it from portraits of Albinus,of which show a diagonally parted tuft of hair and ending in scattered, pointed curls in the frontal view. From the profile view, the below the lower lip and a distinct inward beard appears as a mass of curls which are curve to the ends of the moustache, as swept forward into a point under the chin. well as flatter hair curls. The only point of similarity is the treatment of the hair In the profile view the cubic, block form over the forehead. For the interpretaof the head is apparent and the nose is long and straight with a distinct indentation of the statuary type and the date see tion at its bridge. The top of the head is supra 89 ff. flat and the forehead and cheeks broad. The moustache is parted in the center. 12. Brescia, Museo Civico. P1. XXXI The lower lip is thin and the beard whiskers Gilded bronze head from Brescia. begin immediately below it. A suggestion of the fleshy folds of the cheeks is rendered Total H. of head and neck, 0.32 m.; by two assymetrical, diagonal furrows runH. crown to end of beard, 0.25 m.; W., ning from the nose to the beard. The 0.22 m. eyebrow hairs are indicated by a curious The head was cut at the neck and appardouble row of short lines arranged in two ently originally fitted into a statue. Hole schematic arches across the brow. The in r. lower curl of beard, otherwise head beard and hair curls are indicated by in excellent condition. Traces of gilt in sketchy linear strokes with only a sugback of head, eyes and cheeks. Surface gestion of plastic life. corroded. For a discussion of the problem of the H. Ditschke, Antike Bildwerke in Oberidentification and the date of the portrait, italien (Leipzig 1880) IV, 137, #342; Bersee supra 90 ff.

type, divided beard and horizontal brows clearly distinguish the portrait from that

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

THE ANTONINUS PIUS-SEVERUS PORTRAIT TYPES

TYPE IV

13. Leningrad, Hermitage. P1. XXXII Head attached to modern breastpiece, provenance unknown. Inv. A 318.

Head is broken off at lower neck. Tip of nose missing. Surface is smoothed and well preserved. Sharp line of eyebrows and frown in form of " v " at bridge of nose must be evidence of reworking. Esperandieu, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 6) II, 68, #963, with pl.; Poulsen, Catalogue,

Marble. Total H. of head with bust, 502; Braemer, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 23) 0.66 m.; H. of head to break in neck, 143-146 with earlier bibliography; Balty, 0.29 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.25 m.; Collection Latomus 85, p. 38, #9.

W. of head, 0.19 m.

The end of the nose is restored and a small piece of the r. eyebrow. The head is broken at the neck and placed on a modern nude breast-piece.

Imperial Hermitage. Musel Drevnew Skulpturi (ed. G. Kiseritzky, St. Petersburg 1901) 115, #248; Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 38, #7.

Photographs: Museo Saint Raymond; McCann, neg. 63.39. The head is turned slightly to the right and the eyes glance upward in that direction. The mass of curly hair is arranged in scattered curls around the face with short, loose locks falling over the forehead. In the profile view the locks form a distinct

graduated pattern which moves towards Photograph: Hermitage, #318. the back of the head. The beard is short The head is turned to the right and and brushed forward in the profile view. the level glance is in the same direction. A center division is suggested by two sepaThe eyes are drilled by large drill holes rated frontal curls, the ends of which are which fill the upper part of the pupil. broken off. The drill is used in short, The head has not been examined personally deep drill channels which serve to outline by the writer. It appears, however, to be the plastic form of the curls. The workancient in workmanship, judging from the manship is hard and the surfaces sharpphotographs. Its classicizing style is disened, noticed particularly in the curve of cussed in our text (supra 97 ).

14. Toulouse, AMusee Saint Pi. XXXIII Raymond.

Head found at Martres Tolosane in 19th century. Inv. 30.157.

Italian marble. Total H. of head and neck, 0.31 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.28 m.; W., 0.24 m.

the eyebrows and odd forked division between the brows, a mannered form not common in Roman portraiture. This classicizing style at first raises doubts as to

the antiquity of the head. IIowever, its provenience, the ancient city of AlVartres Tolosane on the left bank of the Garonne, presupposes its antiquity. Furthermore, its hardened classicistic style can be explain-

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

136

ed in the light of its dependence upon an early Antoninus Pius prototype. We have already noted that the early portraits of Antoninus Pius show a continuation of the classicizing Hadrianic style which has also been transferred to the portrait in Toulouse. Here is positive evidence in support of Schweitzer's theory that in the third century the style as well as the iconography of the original model influenced new artistic forms.8 The head is included in Poulsen's list of the portraits of Septimius Severus, and Braemer dates the head in 194 on the basis of a comparison with the early coin portraits of Severus. Its closest comparison in sculpture in the round is with the portrait of Severus in Leningrad (PI. XXXII, Cat. 13). In fact, the hair curls around the face and the arrangement of the beard curls can be exactly compared, indicating the use of a common model.

tened face. Although the iconography of the head is like that of the other portraits of Type IV, its flattened and abstracting style is very different. Rather than the smoothed surfaces found in the other portraits, the fleshy cheeks of an older man are indicated. The curls are plastically conceived but the drill work is coarse and lacking in the impressionistic effects of the Roman portraits. But as compared with the other portraits of Severus from North Africa, the head in Tripoli is less abstract in its drill technique and form, which indicates a probable date before 202.

15. Tripoli, Archaeological PI. XXXIII Museum.

Marble. HI. to break in neck below beard, 0.32 m.; W., 0.26 m. The head appears from the photo-

Head crowned with oak wreath with center diadem, from Hadrianic Terme at Lepcis Magna. Inv. 455. Greyish marble now yellowed with age. H. to break in neck under beard, 0.33 m.; W., 0.32 m. The head is broken off directly under the beard. The nose is missing and the whole surface of the head is badly worn and corroded. Parts of the r. and 1. ears are also missing. Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 42, #14; M. F. Squarciapino is at present working on a catalogue of the sculptures in the museum. Photographs: Archaeological Museum, Tripoli, D.L.M. 1239, 1240, 1241; German Archaeological Institute, Rome, neg. 61. 1791; McCann, neg. 63.12. The head is frontal and the eyes stare forward. The heavy oak wreath gives a top-heavy impression to the small flat8 Schweitzer, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 207).

TYPE V

16. Dresden, Staatliche P1. XXXIV Kunstsammlungen (Albertinum). Head mounted on modern (?) neck

piece. #393.

graphs to be broken off under the beard and mounted on a modern neck piece. The tip of the nose and the lower frontal curls of the beard are restored. The head has not been examined directly by the writer, but the surface appears to be in good condition, judging from the photographs. W. G. Becker, Augusteum, Dresden's

Antike Denkmaler Enthaltend (Leipzig 1804) I, 60-61 and pl. CXL; Verzeichniss der

alten und neuen Bildwerke uind ubrigen A terthuimer in den Salen der Kgl. Antikensammlung zu Dresden (Dresden 1833) 75, #244; H. Hettner, Die Bildwerke der

Koniglichen Antikensammlung zu Dresden (Dresden 1869) 59, #244; Bernoulli, 27, #75. Photographs: Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, #393.

The head is turned slightly to the left and the glance is to the left. For a discussion of its style and iconography see supra 98.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

137

17. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches P1. XXXV

18. Bedfordshire, Woburn P1. XXXV

Museum.

Abbey.

Head attached to modern bust, for-

Head attached to modern armoured

merly in the Castello at Cataio, in

bust. #63.

the Veneto. Inv. I 1294.

Marble head broken at neck under

White marble. Total H. of head and

beard. Total H. with modern bust, 0.63 m.;

restored bust, 0.65 m.; H. crown of head

H. crown of head to break in neck, 0.29 m.;

to break in neck, 0.31 m.; H. crown of

H. crowvn of head to end of beard, 0.27 m.;

head to end of beard, 0.20 m.; W. of

W. of head, 0.22 m. The nose is restored as well as the bust

head, 0.22 m. The bust and nose are restored and

from the lower neck. The lower part of

also parts of the eyebrows (?). The beard

the chin with the beard is broken off but

and hair curls are very worn, and the

appears to be of the same marble as the

frontal locks of the beard appear to

head and to be ancient. Ends of beard

have been broken off. The head has

curls broken off as well as r. clump of

not been examined personally by the

curls over the forehead. Surface badly

writer.

worn and appears to have been cleaned.

Duitschke, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 12) V,

Bernoulli, 27, #70; A. Michaelis, An-

Photographs: Vienna, Kunsthistor-

cient Marbles in Great Britain (Cambridge 1882) 726, #77; A. H. Smith, A Cata-

isches Museum, II 4425; German Archaeo-

logue of Sculpture at Woburn Abbey in the

logical Institute, Rome, neg. 63.1764.

Collection of His Grace the Duke of Bed-

#482; Bernoulli, 25, #44.

The head is turned slightly to the right and the glance is to the right. The hair and beard are so badly worn it is difficult

to reconstruct the original iconography.

ford (London 1900) 38, #63, fig. 21; Arndt, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 6) XI (1929)

#3143; C. Vermeule, " Ancient Marbles in Great Britain," unpubl. ms. (Ann Ar-

The curls over the forehead are scattered,

bor 1954) "Woburn Abbey," #63; C.

in the Antoninus Pius series rather than

Michaelis, Ancient Marbles in Great Brit-

Vermeule, "Notes on a New Edition of however, relating the portrait to Type V

to the Serapis type, although the distinction is difficult to make in this particular

ain," AJA 60 (1956) 348. Photographs: German Archaeological

case. The eyes are deeply drilled by

Institute, Rome, neg. 62.1503; McCann,

double holes which fill the pupils. The

neg. 65.28.

eyebrow hairs are indicated by deep chisel

The head is turned to the right and

strokes and are highly arched in a manner

the glance is to the right. The four

very different from Severus' usual forms.

scattered curls over the upper forehead

Although the museum does not indicate

relate the portrait to Type V, particularly

a restoration of the eyebrows, they would

to the portrait in the Palazzo dei Conservatori (P1. XXXVI, Cat. 19) and the one in Hadrian's Villa at Tivoli (P1. XXXVI,

seem to have been reworked. R. Calza raises some doubt as to the antiquity of

not available for study at the time of my

Cat. 20). The face of the portrait in Woburn Abbey, howvever, is that of a younger man and it lacks the same sagging cheeks and long moustache. The pupils

visit to the museum.

are shallowly drilled and the irises out-

head, but from close study of the photographs the beard and hair drilling would appear ancient. Unfortunately the head was

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

138

lined in a manner that suggests a modern reworking. The eyebrows have clearly been reworked. The expression is thoughtful and pious, characteristic of the type. In quality the head appears to have been only a fair piece originally.

19. Rome, Palazzo dei P1. XXXVI Conservatori, garden. Colossal head attached to modern

breast-piece. Inv. 1286. Italian marble. H. from crown to break in neck under beard, 0.48 m.; W., 0.40 m. The head is broken at the neck under the beard and attached to a modern breast-piece. The nose is restored. Bro-

ken away are the 1. eyebrow, pieces of lower curls of beard and piece of forehead with 1. hanging curl. The whole surface is now completely worn amTay and a heavy crustation of moss covers the face. E. Platner, C. Bunsen, E. Gerhard, W. Rostell. Beschreibung der Stadt Rom (Stuttgart, Tubingen 1830-42) III, i, 116; Bernoulli, 23, #5; H. S. Jones, A Catalogue of the Ancient Sculptures Preserved in

still follow the organic movement of the curls. Severus appears here as an older man, and an interest in surface realism is seen in the indication of the sagging flesh of the cheeks. The flattened form of the head also indicates a late date for the portrait within the series. For the relationship of its style to that of the other portraits in the series, see supra 98.

20. Tivoli, Hadrian's P1. XXXVI Villa, Museum. Head, from Hadrian's Villa. Inv. 527. White marble, now yellowed with age, of fine crystalline structure. Total H. of preserved head, 0.32 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.29 m.; W., 0.24 m. The head is broken at the lower neck and is split through in the middle of the face. The crack extends from the 1. eye across the nose and cheek. A triangular piece of the r. cheek and a section of the back of the head are missing. Most of the nose is worn away and the curls of

the beard and hair are badly worn. The surface of the face is also completely

the Municipal Collections of Rome, Vol. I, worn away.

The Sculptures of the Palazzo dei Conservatori (Oxford 1926) 252, #109, pl. 98, hereafter referred to as Jones, Pal. d. Conservatori. Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.65. The colossal head is frontal and the

S. Aurigemma, " Lavori nel Canopo di Villa Adriana-III," BdA 41 (1954) series IV, 63. The head is frontal with the eyes turned upward to the righit. The drill

was used extensively in deep channels glance is directed slightly to the right. throughout the beard and hair. The use The long beard is divided in the middle of the drill, the upward glance and the and three or four locks are scattered across consolidation of the plastic form suggest the forehead which are now partly dea date after 200 for the head. In style it stroyed but can be reconstructed from the is more closely related to the colossal head earlier photograph in Jones. The moustache is long in comparison with the other portraits of Type V. The tuft of hair

in the Palazzo dei Conservatori than to the other portraits of Type V in a classicizing style. It can also be related to under tlhe lower lip typical of Severus is the later portraits of Severus in the still visible. Serapis series; however, the disposition of The eyes are drilled with large double the hair curls identifies the head with the drill holes and the pupils outlined. The Antoninus Pius group. That the artist drill was used in short scattered channels must have had a knowledge of contemin the beard and in longer deeper chanporary Serapis-Severus portraits is also nels in the hair. The lines of the drill seen in the longer form of the moustache.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

139

21. London, British Mlluseum. P1. XXXVII Small bronze laureate bust, draped in paludamentum fastened on r. shoulder. Castellani, 1873, formerly in Hertz Collection (?). Inv. B.M. 513. Bronze. Total H. of bust, 0. 1 im.; H. of head to end of beard, 0.05 m.; W. of head, 0.05 m.; W. of bust, 0.075. The little bust is in excellent condition, and shows a dark green patina which appears to be ancient. The back of the bust is hollowed out, and a small rectangular plaque at the back of the neck (0.02 m x 0.005 m.) suggests that it originally may have rested against a support. H. B. Walters, Catalogue of the Bronzes, Greek, Roman, and Etruscan in the

Department of Greek and Roman Anttiquities (British Museum, London 1899) 151, #838, pl. XXVI, with earlier bibliography. Photographs: German Archaeological Institute, Rome, neg. 63. 1797; Mr. J. Felbermeyer, American Academy, Rome; McCann, neg. 63.50. The little bust faces forward and the glance is slightly to the right. The head is crowned with a laurel wreath from which decorative fillets hang down and decorate the upper shoulders. The beard is long and divided, and the hair locks are scattered across the forehead. Although the piece is small and crude in workmanship, the basic iconography can be connected with Severus and more specifically with the Antoninus Pius Type V. The bust type is very similar to the portrait of a young boy who has been identified as both Caracalla and Gela on a bronze

third bust. The plaque was originally published with a bust of Severus on it, which according to C. Pietrangeli is known to have been attached to the plaque in 1775. Platner records the inscription in 1837 with the busts of Severus, Caracalla and Julia. The inscription is again published in the CIL in 1876 with portraits of Severus, Geta and Caracalla. There is evidently some confusion here in the identification of the other two busts. In any case, the portrait of Severus disappeared at an early date from the museum records. The little bronze in the British Museum bears a close relationship in bust form and style to that of Caracalla still remaining on the plaque in the Capitoline. Although the size of the bust in London is slightly larger, for the central figure decorating the tablet an increase in size would not be out of keeping. The evidence suggests the possibility of an identification of the bronze bust now in the British Museum with the lost portrait on the plaque in the Capitoline and that at some time in the last century it made its way across the Channel by devious means.

22. Copenhagen, Ny P1. XXXVII Carlsberg Glyptotek. Miniature marble head in relief, acquired in 1895, originally of Roman provenance, #817 (Inv. 1465).

Nude bust attached to end of sceptre on funeral monument. Crudely worked but appears from photographs to be in good condition. S. Eitrem, H. L'Orange, " Throne et sceptre," From the Collections of the Ny plaque showing an inscription of the fourth Carlsberg Glyptotek 3 (1942) 189-201, fig. cohort of the Vigiles in the Capitoline 2; Poulsen, Catalogue, 581, #817; J. W. Museum, dated 203 (P1. XXXVII, fig. 1).9 Salomonson, " A Roman Relief in CoA female head decorated the upper left penhagen with Chair, Sceptre, and Wreath corner of the tablet and an empty center and Its Historical Associations," BABesch boss indicates the former presence of a 30 (1955) 1-21. The little head is turned slightly to 9 Platner, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 19) III, i, 184, #38; the left. Scattered curls fall over the foreCIL VI, 220; E. Hiibner, " Caracalla. Rundes Erzrelief des Berliner Museums," AZ 36 (1878) 29; Bernoulli, 28, head and the beard is long. L'Orange #87; C. Pietrangeli, Musei Capitolini. Guida breve (Rome identified the head with Severus and sug1963) 45, #54.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

140

gested that the forehead locks are similar to those of Serapis. The locks in the relief head, however, are not separated like those in our Serapis-Severus portrait type and the iconography can be closely compared to that of the small bronze head now in the British Museum (P1. XXXVII, Cat. 21). For the interpretation of the interesting relief see Salomonson cited above.

Gems

b. New York, Collection of P1. XC the late Maxime Velay.

Laureate, armoured bust, profile to 1. The gem is known to me only from an impression, kindly loaned to me by Miss Gisela Richter and which is reproduced here. Madame Velay has informed me that her husband's collection is still in New York, although not available for study. The portrait type with the idealized features and use of rounded ringlets over the forehead can be compared to the coin portraits used as evidence for our Type V, supra 98. The fine portrait is lacking in signs of age in the face and thus would most probably appear to date before 202. The gem has not been previously published, to my knowledge.

cheeks of both boys date the gem before 210, when chin beards become the rule

on their coinage. I am grateful to Miss Gisela Richter for telling me of this unpublished gem.

d. Rome, Museo Nazionale. P1. XC Bust with paludamentum facing to 1. Pasta vitrea 2 mm. x 12 mm. Inv. 72147.

Severus is represented with Julia Domna beside him wearing a diadem. Facing them are draped busts of Caracalla and Geta. Caracalla is shown with sideburns and Geta is unbearded, dating the gem, by comparison with the coins, between 208 and 210 (supra, II, n. 15). Although the head of Severus is very small, there are clearly no Serapis curls over the forehead, nor is the hair upswept as in the Marcus Aurelius-Severus type. The iconography of the gem may best be compared with that of our Type V. I wish to thank Miss Gisela Richter for drawing my attention to this fine little gem and for the photograph represented here. The gem has not been previously published, to my knowledge.

e. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, P1. XC Cabinets des Medailles.

c. Paris, BibliotheIque Nationale, P1. XC Cabinet des Medailles. Laureate bust with paludamentum facing to 1., between busts of Caracalla (laureate) and Geta. Red jasper intaglio. #2100 b.

Severus is shown with curls high on the forehead and the beard parted into four divisions, a feature which becomes common on the coins beginning after 207. The portrait type best corresponds with our Type V and the corresponding coin portraits.

Since Caracalla wears the laurel wreath the gem must date after 198. The smooth

Laureate bust with paludamentum facing Caracalla (laureate) to 1. Sardonyx, 27 mm. x 40 mm. #2100. Judging from the small photograph,

there do not appear to be the Serapis low-hanging locks over the forehead of Severus. Rather the curls are arranged high on the forehead, similar to coin portraits of the Antoninus Pius-Severus portrait type. Caracalla wears a short chin beard, indicating a date after 209. Bernoulli, 29, c; M. Chabouillet, Catalogue general et raisonne des came'es et pierres gravedes de la Bibliotheque Imperiale (Paris 1858?) 273, #2100; Les pierres gravees. Guide du visiteur (1930) 33, pi. IX, #2100.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

141

TYPE VI 9a

23. Istanbul, Archaeological P1. XXXVIII Museum. Head with oak crown. Perhaps from Beirut. Inv. 46.

White, fine-grained marble. H. to break in neck under beard, 0.39 m. The head is broken off under the beard. The nose is missing and the lower forehead and lower beard curls are damaged. The crown is partly detachable.

The surface was originally polished. The head has not been examined by me. G. Mendel, Catalogue des sculptures

grecques, romaines et byzantinies, Musees Imperiaux Ottomans, (Constantinople 1912-

1914) II, 320-321, #587; M1. Schede, Meisterwerke der turkischen Museen zu Konstantinopel, Vol. I, Griechische und romische Skulpturen des Antikenmuseums (Berlin, Leipzig 1928) 20-21, pl. 42, #587.

The head is frontal and the eyes stare outward in the same direction. The drill is used sparingly in the beard and hair, and the pupils of the eyes are drilled in a deep central hole. Mendel in his catalogue of the Istanbul collection suggested an identification with Clodius Albinus or Pescennius Niger. Schede identifies the

portrait with Severus on the basis of its similarity to coin portraits and the portrait on the arch of the Argentarii. The identification with Severus and the style

of the portrait are discussed in the text (supra 98). The head shows the mixture of stylistic trends to be expected in the East. The classical heritage of plastic life is still felt in the rounded curls of the

mous work, although abstracting tendencies were noted in the early portraits of Severus from the East. The head in Istanbul may then indicate the progressive development of these trends in the East during the first half of Severus' reign.

24. Rome, Palazzo Colonnza. P1. XXXIX Armoured bust with paludamentum draped on 1. shoulder. Greek marble, now yellowed with age. rFotal H. of bust with foot, 0.72 m.; H. top of head to end of beard, 0.30 m.; W. of head, 0.25 m. The head and foot are unbroken from the bust, which is decorated with a Medusa head and a band knotted across the lower chest. Restored are: the nos-, both end curls of frontal beard, part of 1. shou-lder, and fragments of drapery folds. The upper part of the foot is chippOd. The eyebrows are worn and the center curls are worn but ancient; r. eyeball scratched and parts of curls on r. side of beard are broken off. The surface has been cleaned. F. Matz and F. von Duhn, Antike Bildwerke in Rom (Leipzig 1887) I, #1 881; Bernoulli, 23, #14; G. Corti, Galleria Colonna (Rome 1937) 82, #132. The head is turned to the right and the glance is to the right. Across the center of the upper forehead appears the block of waved curls which characterized the

head in Istanbul (P1. XXXVIII, Cat. 23). In the profile view, the curls of the beard

appear divided into three units as is the more usual form on the coins before 207 (supra 67). The classicizing style and hlair and beard. But the face itself showssoftened expression of the head i:n the strong abstracting tendencies apparent in Palazzo Colonna are, however, very difits flattened form and the parallel linear ferent and relate the portrait particularly furrows which accent the broad flat brow. to such early portraits of Severus of the The fixity of expression is also unclassical Serapis type as the head in the Louvre,

and relates the Istanbul portrait to later antique art. The head may be a posthu9a For an addition to this group see portrait in Tyre (supra, Intro., n. 28).

X1117 (PI. LXI, Cat. 59). The portrait is an important one for its iconography and because of the preservation of the bust. The workmanship, however, is only of fair quality and illus-

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

142

trates the standardized repetition of the imperial portraits. 25. Tebessa (Algeria), P1. XXXIX Muse'e du Temple Paien. Head found near Basilica in Tebessa. Marble. H. of head to break in neck under beard, 0.22 m. The head is broken off under the beard. Gsell notes evidence of a mantle. Nose is missing; 1. eyebrow, patches on cheeks, and 1. hair curls on sides are dam-

aged. I have not seen this head myself.

White marble. Total H. with bust, 0.57 m.; H. from crown of head to end of beard, 0.315 m.; W. of head, 0.252 m. Head is broken at lower neck and attached to modern bust. Restored are: nose, ends of frontal curls of beard and part of 1. and part of r. ear. Damage on 1. eyebrow, forehead and hair curls. The head is known to me only from photographs. A. Conze, Beschreibung der antiken Skulpturen, mit Ausschluss der Pergamenischen Fundsticke (Konigliche Museen zu Berlin, Berlin 1891) 154, #381; Bernoulli, 27, #76; P. Bienkowski, 0 Popiersiach Cezarow Rzymskich na Zamku w Poznaniu (Poznan' 1923) 17, pl. V, fig. XII; K. Majewski, " Popiersia Rzymskie W. Muzeum Narodowyn W Poznaniu," Archeologia 7 (1955) 186, #11 and pl. III; Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 46, #10. The head is turned to the right and the glance is to the right. The characteristic block of waved curls can be made

S. Gsell, Le Musee de Tebessa. Muse'es et collections archelologiques de l'Algerie et de la Tunisie (Paris 1902) X, 42, pl. IV, 1; G. Souville, " Statues imperiales du Musee de Guelma," Libyca 2 (1954) 149 and n. 3. Photographs: Marcel Bovis, negs. 12008, 12009. The head is turned to the right and the glance is to the right. The block of curls distinctive of portrait Type VI apout on the forehead, which connects the pears on the forehead, but they are more portrait with Type VI. Although one isolated than in the previous examples must be cautious in making stylistic judgnoted in Type VI. The softened expresments from photographs alone, the odd, sion relates the portrait to the one in the long drill channels used in the beard and Palazzo Colonna (P1. XXXIX, Cat. 24). hair, separating the individual locks of The lack of drill work in the beard, with hair, do not look like ancient workmanits soft rendering of the forms of the ship. Blumel also doubts the antiquity of curls, connects the head in style with the head in a penciled notation in Conze's some of the other portraits of Severus original catalogue. from North Africa.10 Eyes appear undrilled from the photographs and the piece is crudely worked. TYPE VII

26. Pozna 4 (Poland), P1. XXXIX Adam Mickiewicz University. Head attached to modern bust, formerly in Berlin, #381, and given to Poznan in 1930's. Originally in Po-

27. Venice, Museo Archeologico. P1. XL Head on restored bust, formerly in Grimani Collection, 1586. Inv. 54.

lignac collection and from Sanssouci,

Marble. Total H., 0.70 m.; W. of bust, 0.55 m. The head is broken at the neck under the beard. The nose and bust are restored. 10 Cf. the head in Guelma from Khamissa (P1. LXXVII The surface appears to have been cleaned. 88). Other portraits from North Africa, however, now stored in the National Museum, Poznan. Inv. IX.76.58 and U.P. 3121.

Cat. of seemingly contemporary date show an advanced use of the drill, such as the portrait of Severus in Tripoli (Ill. XXXIII, Cat. 15).

Dutschke, op. cit. (sutpra, Cat. 12) V, #85; Bernoulli, 25, #47; C. Anti, II Regio

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

143

Museo Archeologico nel Palazzo Reale di Venezia (Rome 1930) 126, #41. Photographs: Museo Archeologico, Venice, negs. 1514-1516. The head is turned to the right and the glance is to the right. For a comparison in iconography with the latest portrait type used by Antonius Pius see text, supra 99. Unusual in the style of the

portrait is the advanced schematization of the short drill channels which are used to outline the plastic clumps of curls. The eyebrows also are rendered in short chisel strokes which form an abstract pattern. There is some question in my mind whether the portrait is an ancient one.

At least the surface has been reworked. 28. Mantua, Palazzo Ducale. P1. XL Head attached to modern bust, from Sabbioneta. Inv. 6913. Italian marble. H. of head to break in neck, 0.35 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.30 m. The neck is cut to set into a bust. The nose and large section of 1. side of beard are restored, as well as section of beard below lower lip, including portion of r. beard curls. The two lower frontal curls of the beard, however, are ancient. The curls on the upper forehead and top of the head have been badly damaged and the surface heavily cleaned. Traces of ancient polish, however, remain.

Duitschke, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 12) IV, #778; Bernoulli, 24 #39; A. Levi, Sculture greche e romane del Palazzo Ducale di Mantova (Rome 1931) #145. Photographs: " Calzolari," Mantua; McCann, neg. 63.17. The head is turned to the right and

the glance is to the right. The frontal locks are so damaged that it is difficult to identify this portrait securely with a definite group. But the pattern which remains is closest to the framing pattern of locks seen in the head in Venice. The style of the Mantua portrait is, however, very different. The surface planes are not smooth but are modulated, and the short drill channels of the beard and hair create a flickering pattern of light and shadow over the surface in the more traditional Antonine impressionistic manner. The head is a poor work and badly restored, which makes stylistic discussion limited. The soft expression and long facial type connect it with such earlier portraits in the Serapis groups as the portrait in the Museo Torlonia, #566 (P1. LXVII, Cat. 69).

29. Didymoteichon, Thrace. P1. XL Armoured bust, from ancient Plo-

tinopolis. Gold. Weight: 0.980 kilogrammes. The Times, London, June 12, 1965; G. Daux, " Chronique des fouilles et decouvertes archeologiques en Grece en 1964," BCH 89 (1965) 683. The bust is known to me only in a poor photograph and further information about it has not been forthcoming. The divided beard, as well as the hair style and facial type with the high forehead, is hard to reconcile with the identification suggested by Daux, who compares the Thracian bust with the gold bust of Mar-

cus Aurelius found in Avenches.1' The Thracian bust may rather be compared with the portraits of Severus, Type VII. "I Wegner, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 1) 169, pl. 27.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

THE MARCUS AURELIUS-SEVERUS PORTRAIT TYPE VIII 12

and slightly upward. The emperor wears a cuirass decorated with a Medusa head. 30. Rome, Museo P1. XLI, XLII The paludamentum is fastened by a brooch Nazionale. on the left shoulder, and the metal hasp over the right shoulder is decorated by a Armoured bust with paludamentum finely carved Nike. The whole bust is of over 1. shoulder, from Ostia. Inv. 345.: good workmanship, although the folds of Greek marble. Total H. of bust, the paludamentum are cursorily worked. 0.69 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, The facial type is broad and square, 0.30 m.; W. of head, 0.26 m. with the forehead slightly narroving above Head is unbroken from the bust. Missthe wide cheek bones. The beard is of ing are the nose, ends of the curls of the medium length with the drill used sparingly beard and hair locks, piece of upper lip both in short, round drill holes at the center with fragment of the moustache, 1. porof curls and in longer channels to outline tion of Gorgon's head on breastplate and them. This use of the drill allies the poredges of paludamentum and brooch. L. trait with late Antonine art and suggests eyebrow and 1. forehead bruised. that it is one of the earliest of the group. Bernoulli, 24, #27 ( ?); 13 R. Paribeni, The eyebrow hairs are indicated by short Le Terme di Diocleziano e ii Museo Naziochisel strokes. Otherwise the surfaces of nale Romano, (Rome 1932) 248, #743; Maj, the face are smoother and idealized, with Museo Nazionale, 127-128, #252; Balty, only a suggestion of Severus' fleshy cheeks. Collection Latomus, 58, pp. 188 ff., figs. 2, 4, 6; Balty, op. cit. (supra, n. 13) 82-89; 31. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg PI. XLIII Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 45, #2. Glyptotek. Photographs: Mr. J. Felbermeyer, AmHead acquired in Rome, 1893, from erican Academy, Rome; Gabinetto Fotoestate of the art dealer Scalambrini. grafico Nazionale, Rome, negs. E 44533, Inv. 802. 44534. The head is turned slightly to the right White, coarse-grained marble now yellowed with age and showing vegetable with the eyes glancing in the same direction Variant A

12 Also see portrait of Severus in scene from triumphal in his list. Bernoulli, however, specifically states that procession on Arch of Severus at Lepcis Magna (P1. XIX, fig. 2) for the one example of this portrait type in the existing historical reliefs. For discussion of portrait and date of arch see supra 74 ff., 77. 13 The identification of this bust in Bernoulli's list has recently been discussed by Balty in her article, " Deux portraits 'perdus' de Septime Seviere," RBPhil 40, 1 (1962) 82-9. She wishes to identify this bust in the Terme

the lost portrait is a " head " and since he is careful to differentiate busts and heads in his listing, the evidence

for an identification with #30 is not conclusive to my mind. For Bernoulli's #27, Balty identifies a bust of Severus from the Museo Kircheriano in the Terme Mu-

seum, now lost (P1. XCIII, App. I G) and published in P. Gauckler, Le sanctuaire syrien du Janicule (Paris 1912) 289-290. The present museum inventory card for lost bust from the Kircheriano indicates that the with Bernoulli's lost portrait from Ostia, indicated asthe #30

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

146

fibre on the surface. Total remaining H. to cut at neck, 0.37 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.28 m.; W., 0.25 m.

Museum or that in the Biblioteca del Pontificio (P1. XLIV, Cat. 33).

Head is shaped for insertion into a statue or bust. Missing are end of nose, lower section of frontal beard, ends of hair curls and most of 1. ear. Chip in bridge of nose and 1. upper brow. Eye

32. Bonn, Rheinisches P1. XLIII Landesmuseum.

balls and frontal curls are damaged, although their original pattern remains. The surface is weathered. A. Hekler, Greek and Roman Portraits

(New York 1912) fig. 276b (erroneously labeled as in the Terme Museum);

L'Orange, Apotheosis, 141, n. 11; Poulsen, Catalogue, 500-501, #721; Balty, Collection Latomus, 58, 192 ff., fig. 13; 85, p.

46, #8, pl. IV, fig. 8. Photographs: Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, #721; German Archaeological Institute, Rome, negs. 63.1756, 63.1767; McCann, negs. 63.45 and 63.46. The head most closely corresponds to

the portrait in the Museo Nazionale (P1. XLI, Cat. 30). The head is of poorer workmanship, however, and the drill is used more extensively in the beard and hair, often digging into the surface in a schematic way rather than following the organic curve of the curls. This more progressive use of the drill is typical of later Severan art. Thus, I would place

the date of the execution of the head after the head in the Terme Museum. Also a later characteristic is the distinct asymmetry of the forms themselves. The mouth tilts downward to the left, contrasting with the bend of the head to the right. The hair is also much bushier on the left side. These asymmetries of pattern might also be due to the hand of a less gifted artist. The expression is also less forceful than that found in either the head in the Terme

head, although broken at the neck, belonged to the bust. Bernoulli lists only two portraits of Severus in the Terme Museum, while today there are five indicated in Felletti Maj's catalogue. She identifies

our bust Cat. 30, as number #27 in Bernoulli's list

and this identification is followed here, although it is

possible that # 27 may also refer to the lost bust

Head, found in Roman legionary camp on the banks of the Rhine near Bonn. Inv. U 215. Carrara marble. Total H. 0.39 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.32 m. The head is preserved with the neck, which shows a piece of drapery on the r. shoulder, indicating that the head was originally part of a draped bust or statue. Back is well preserved but face is badly destroyed with nose, upper lip, and lower beard broken away. Entire surface damaged. H. Lehner, " Ein romischer Marmor-

kopf aus Schwarzrheindorf," Bonnjbb, 118 (1909) 135-137 with earlier bibliography, pl. V, figs. 1-4; H. Lehner, Die antiken

Steindenkmailer des Provinzialmuseums in Bonn (Bonn 1918) 9, #14; Maj, Museo Nazionale, 128; Balty, Collection Latomus, 58, p. 191, figs. 11, 12; 85, p. 45, #5. Photograph: Rheinisches Landesmuseum, U 215. Despite the very poor condition of the

head the main iconographic features of the Marcus Aurelius type are visible. The broad facial type and turn of the head to the right relate it to the bust in the Terme Museum (P1. XLI, Cat. 30).

33. Rome, Biblioteca del P1. XLIV Pontificio Ateneo Antoniano. Armoured bust with paludamentum

draped across chest and 1. shoulder. Found on the site of the Biblioteca del Pontificio Ateneo on the Via Merulana, 124.14

from the Kircheriano. 14 I am particularly grateful to Mr. Felbermeyer of the American Academy in Rome for the photographs and notes on measurements and condition of the bust. I would like to thank Father Amore, Dean of the Faculty, and Father Weyenborg for allowing the portrait to be studied and photographed.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

147

Greek marble. Total H. including foot, 0.79 m.; W. of bust across shoulders, 0.69 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.31 m.; W. of head, 0.25 m. Head, bust and foot belong together. Entire bust cracked vertically through at r. of neck. Nose, edges of mantle and brooch also broken off. R. ear shows ancient break and reworking, probably by the original sculptor, who left it unfinished. Surface unpolished and in fine condition. Balty, Collection Latomus 58, pp. 187196, figs. 1, 2, 3, 5; 85, p. 44, c, pl. IV, fig. 7.

Photographs: Mr. J. Felbermeyer, American Academy, Rome.

The portrait closely corresponds to that in the Terme Museum of this type

(P1. XLI, Cat. 30). Different, however,

is the turn of the head to the left in the

bust from the Biblioteca del Pontificio Ateneo, which relates it to the portrait

in Toulouse (P1. XLV, Cat. 34). The glance is directed firmly outwards to the left and the forms of the curls and cheeks

are more rounded than in the other examples of this type. The bust is of excellent workmanship and the classicizing style of

Martres Tolosane in 19th century. Inv. 30.113.

Fine-grained white marble. Total H. with foot, 0.70 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.32 m.; W. 0.26 m. Head has been broken under the beard and is attached to bust, to which it appears to belong. Missing are: nose, piece of 1. eyebrow, r. front end curl of beard, edges of drapery folds, and nose of Medusa head on breastplate. R. eyebrow and curls on 1. side are worn. Other ends of beard and hair curls chipped. Surface of 1. cheek scratched and upper r. cheek worn and discolored. Rest of surface in good con-

dition. Back of head only roughly worked. Bernoulli, 26, #57; Esperandieu, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 6) II, #981, 79-80; L'Orange, Apotheosis, 141, n. 11; Braemer, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 23) 145; Maj, Museo Nazionale, 128, Balty, Collection Latomus, 58, p. 190, figs. 9, 10; 85, p. 45, #4. Photographs: Le Musee Saint Raymond, kindness of R. Mesuret; McCann, negs. 63.38, 63.39, 63.40. The turn of the head to the left and

this particular group of portraits finds its finest expression here. The smooth forms of the face contrast even more dramatically with the deeply drilled surfaces of hair and beard. The patterns of the drill channels themselves are also simplified and clarified,

the glance to the left (and here slightly upward) connect this portrait most closely

tending to form bold parallel lines which hold the light and shadow. That the head was closely modeled on the same prototype

contrast to the reliance on plastic modeling and bold, deep drill channels in the treatment of the hair and beard in the

as the portrait in the Terme (Cat. 30) is seen from the close correspondence of the

Roman portrait. On the head in Toulouse

overall pattern of the curls in both the

front and back views of the two heads. a classicizing style can be infused with life and power in the hands of a skilled artist is proved by this fine portrait of Severus in the Biblioteca del Pontificio Ateneo. 34. Toulouse, Musee Saint P1. XLV Raymond.

Armoured bust with paludamentum fastened on 1. shoulder, found at

with the one in the Biblioteca del Ponti-

ficio Ateneo in Rome (P1. XLIV, Cat. 33). The chisel is also used extensively in the

beard and hair to outline the locks, in

the drill is used in short channels for accents only, with the fine linear pattern

That of the chisel strokes remaining visible. Either a provincial artist is here at work

or perhaps the linear technique of the beard work suggests an artist accustomed to working in metal. The more flattened profile view and the stress on the upward glance of the eyes are characteristics which relate the head to later antique stylistic trends. Braemer dates the portrait in 202 or later and designates it as the

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

148

" Decennalia " type, which is possible, but because of its more advanced stylistic elements I would date the portrait later within the group. Variant B

35. Mantua, Palazzo Ducale. P1. XLVI Ancient (?) head, attached to modern bust, from Sabbioneta. Inv. 6732. Greek marble. H. to break in lower neck, 0.36 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.32 m.; W., 0.25 m. Head broken under beard. End of nose is restored. Chips in 1. eyebrow and 1. cheek, frontal curls and ends of beard

curls. Surface badly worn and perhaps cleaned. The heavily modulated surfaces and baroque expression of the glance cause me to doubt the head's antiquity. However, the use of the drill in the hair and beard appears ancient to me, in which case the dramatized expression of the head must be the work of a modern restorer.15 Duitschke, op. cit. (supra, Cat., 12) IV, 335, #742; Bernoulli, 25, #41; Levi, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 28) 68, #146 with earlier

1113. From Collection Borghese, Rome. Head of Greek marble. Bust of different marble and does not belong with head. H. of bust and head, excluding foot, 0.68 m.; H. crown of head to break in neck, 0.33 m.; W. of head, 0.25 m. Head is broken under beard. Restored are nose, lower sections of frontal curls of beard and ends of side curls of beard, upper frontal curls of hair, and piece in neck on r. side. Surface is discolored and has been cleaned. C. de Clarac, Musee de sculpture antique et moderne (Paris 1853) VI, 190, pl. 1101, #3316 D; Bernoulli, 25, #52; Paris, Musee National du Louvre. Department des antiquites grecques et romaines. Catalogue sommaire des rmarbres antiques (Paris 1922) 64, #1113; Budde, op. cit. (supra,

IT, n. 2) fig. 49, pl. 43; Balty, Collection Latomus 58, p. 192, cited incorrectly in n. 3 as Louvre, #1115; 85, p. 46, *9. Photographs: A. Giraudon, Paris, #1336; McCann, neg. 63.27.

The head is turned to the right with the glance to the right. The slight down58, pp. 190-101, fig. 7; 85, p. 45, #3. ward tilt of the mouth and asymmetry Photographs: " Calzolari," Mantua; of the eyes connect the head with the porMcCann, neg. 63.16. trait in Copenhagen (P1. XLIII, Cat. 31). The head is turned slightly to the left On the other hand, the longer facial type and the glance is to the left and somewhat and longer beard with its prominent trianupward, connecting the portrait with the gular parting at the center relate the porbust in Toulouse (P1. XLV, Cat. 34). But trait to the other heads in the Louvre of the longer facial type and longer beard this type and suggest the existence of a connect the portrait head with those in second, common model which represents the Louvre discussed below (Cat. 36, 37, a variation of the original prototype. 38). What differentiates the head radically Chisel strokes are combined with short from all of them is the contorted brows drill channels in the beard and longer and increased realism of the fleshier cheeks channels in the hair. The moustache is which, if the bust is ancient, must be due undrilled, and the eyebrows are lightly to a heavy reworking of the surfaces. etched in with the chisel. The planes

bibliography; Balty, Collection Latomus,

36. Paris, Louvre. P1. XLVII Head attached to bust with fringed mantle draped across chest and gathered at r. shoulder by brooch. Inv.

of the face are smooth and the high forehead dominates. The expression is bland and the style idealized. Heavy restorations and only fair execution of the piece render the portrait interesting mainly as an example of a variation of the original

15 Von Heintze, L'Orange and Toynbee also doubt

the antiquity of the head on the basis of the photographs.

iconogragraphic type.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

149

37. Paris, Louvre. P1. XLVII Head attached to bust with paludamentum draped across chest and 1. shoulder. Rome, Collection Borghese. Inv. 1115. Modern (?). White, fine-grained marble. Bust of coarser-grained marble and does not belong. Total H. of bust and head, excluding foot, 0.68 m.; H. crown of head to break in neck under beard, 0.32 m.; W. of head, 0.25 m. R. end curl of beard broken. Surface polished and head in excellent condition. Clarac, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 36) VI, pl. 1100, #3316 B; Bernoulli, 25, #51; Paris, Musee National du Louvre, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 36) 63, #1115; Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 46, #12. Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.29. The iconographic type is that of #1113

in the Louvre (P1. XLVII, Cat. 36). The shiny surface of the head, the erratic use of the drill in the beard and hair and the squared rather than rounded form of the forehead, all give the impression of modern workmanship.16

38. Paris, Louvre. P1. XLVIII Bust with paludamentum draped across chest and 1. shoulder. Collection Albani, Rome. Inv. 1114. Modern ( ?). Head and bust of white, coarse-grained marble. Total H., excluding foot, 0.77 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.35 m.;

W. of head, 0.28 m. Head and bust appear unbroken. Entire

Photographs: McCann, negs. 63.27, 63.28.

The longer facial type and long, triangular parted beard connect this head with

#1113 in the Louvre (P1. XLVII, Cat. 36). The slightly furrowed brow and modulation of the planes of the cheeks also relate the portrait to that in Mantua (P1. XLVI, Cat. 35). The technique of the careful drill work in the hair and beard and the

artificial expression, coupled with its fine preservation, cause me to doubt its antiquity.

39. Germany, Hannover, P1. XLIX Kestner-Museum.

Head attached to ancient bust with paludamentum over chest and 1. shoulder. Inv. 1.37. Marble. Total H. of head and bust, 0.78 m.

Head is broken under beard and attached to ancient bust to which it does

not belong. Restored: nose, neck and back of head, 1. section of frontal beard, pieces of the paludamentum and the base. Hair and beard curls worn, and surface looks cleaned from photographs. Head has not been examined at first hand by the writer but it appears from the photograph to be ancient. Bernoulli, 27, #79; Carl Ktithmann,

Katalog der antiken Skulpturen und kunstgewerblichen Gerate (Provincialmuseum, Hannover 1914) 63-64, #37, pl. on p. 63; Poulsen, Catalogue, 501; Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 46, #7.

Photographs: Kestner-Museum, I.37. The longer facial type with the longer curls on r. and 1. sides, piece of 1. eyebrow, beard relate the portrait to #1113 in the and pieces of drapery restored. L. side Louvre (P1. XLVII, Cat. 36). The planes curls of hair damaged, also r. eyebrow and nose, ends of two frontal curls, ends of

both eyeballs. Surface in fine condition. Clarac, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 36) VI, pl. 1101, #3316 E; Bernoulli, 25, #53;

Paris. Musee National du Louvre, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 36) 64, #1114; Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 42, #10. 16 Toynbee also questions the antiquity of the head on the basis of the photographs.

of the face are also smooth and the expression bland. Eyebrow hairs are etched in and pupils drilled by double drill holes, with irises outlined. The drill is used in short, deep channels throughout the beard and hair and chisel marks are visible only now around the chin. The channels tend to form a schematized pattern, suggesting a date of execution after

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

150

portrait #1113 in the Louvre on the basis of its style. Workmanship mediocre.

40. Rome, Vatican, Museo P1. L Chiaramonti.

Head attached to modern breastpiece,

41. Richmond, Virginia Museum P1. L of Fine Arts.

Head placed on statue dressed in military tunic, formerly in the Palazzo Giustiniani, Rome, and Williams College Museum of Art, Williamstown, Mass. Modern (?)

Inv. 1685. Marble. Total H. of statue, 2.13 m.

Greek island marble. H. crown of head to break in neck at end of beard, 0.32m.; W., 0.24m.

Head is broken off just under the end of the beard and attached to a modern breastpiece. Restored: lower part of forehead with eyebrows, nose, and all of sides and front of beard from the chin down. The undivided beard piece looks like ancient marble, however, and probably belonged to another ancient statue. The lower lip is badly damaged and the surface very worn.

Bernoulli, 23, #7; Amelung, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 7) I1, 596, #437; Balty, Collection Latomus 58, p. 192 and n. 4, fig. 14; 85, p. 46, #11. The head is tilted slightly to the right and despite its very restored condition the somewhat thinner and longer facial type relates the portrait to #1113 in the Louvre (P1. XLVII, Cat. 36). The pupils are drilled by large double holes with the irises outlined. The hair is drilled in long, deep channels which are crudely worked and form a schematized pattern on either side of the forehead. The upper, ancient part of the beard is roughly worked with the chisel, and shallow round drill holes dig into the surface. The moustache is crudely indicated by straight chisel strokes. The advanced and destructive use of the drill in the hair places the portrait stylistically late in the group, although its poor workmanship may account for some of its seemingly progressive features. Its very restored condition excludes the head from any stylistic analysis.

The head, according to Matz and Duhn, is modern and does not belong to the statue. Balty favors the antiquity of the portrait on the basis of its relationship to her other types. The head has not been studied directly by me, for it was not accessible at the time this catalogue was written. I am, however, doubtful of both the antiquity of the statue and the head on the basis of the photographs. The drill work in the hair and a certain realism in the modeling of the face lead me to this opinion, which would have to be verified by a study of the statue itself. More recent restorations noted are the end of nose, lower frontal curls of the beard, large curl on 1. ear, r. arm, r. leg from knee, 1. leg from middle of upper thigh and the base.

Clarac, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 36) IV, 268-269, #2511; Matz and Duhn, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 24) r, 374, #1313; Bernoulli, 23, #16; Balty, Collection Latomus 58, p. 193, and n. 1, fig. 15; 85, p. 46, #13; J. M. Eisenberg, Art of the Ancient World I (Dec. 1966) Cat. 45, #29. Photographs: Williams College Art Museum; German Archaeological Institute, neg. 56.1330.

The head is turned to the right and bears the essential features of the Marcus Aurelius-Severus type. The long facial form connects it in iconography with the portrait on the arch at Lepcis Magna

(P1. XIX, fig. 2). These arguments, however, cannot be used to prove its antiquity, for a modern artist could equally well use the ancient type, available in many copies, for his model.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

151

Variant C

42. Rome, Museo Nazionale. P1. LI Head attached to armoured bust with paludamentum draped over 1. shoulder and band knotted across chest. From Ludovisi Collection, acquired in 1901. Inv. 8623. Head and bust probably both of Itallian marble. Total H. of bust, including foot, 0.68 m.; H. crown of head to break in neck under beard, 0.31 m.; W. of head, 0.25 m.

The head is broken under the beard. The attached bust appears to be ancient and to belong with the head. The point of the nose is restored. Missing are the rims of both ears, ends of curls in lower beard, and fragments of the drapery folds. Curls over the forehead are worn but

The head is turned to the right with the glance slightly upward in the same direction. The arrangement of the hair curls in a flat semi-circle over the forehead rather than upswept deviates from the iconography of the Marcus AureliusSeverus type. In other respects, however, it is similar and is best understood as a variant of the type. The portrait shows a smooth, classicizing style which connects it with such portraits in group " A " as the one in the Biblioteca del Pontificio

Ateneo Antoniano (P1. XLIV, Cat. 33). The expression of the eyes, however, is softer and suggests a blending with the earlier portraits in the Serapis-Severus series.

43. Florentce, Boboli Gardens. P1. LII. Statue, clothed in toga drawn over head.

ancient. Signs of abrasion appear on the

upper 1. cheek. The foot belongs with the bust. Surface of head has been heavily cleaned. Platner, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 19) III,

2, p. 579, #12; F. Capranesi, Sculture antiche esistenti nella Villa di S.E. il Prin-

White, large crystalline marble. Over life-sized. Head originally incorrectly published by Dutschke as modern and corrected by Arndt. Restored: 1. hand and r. lower arm. Part of toga on 1. side of face appears restored and pieces of drapery. Surface weathered but statue as a whole

cipe D. Ant. Boncompagni Ludovisi (Rome 1842) 6, #12; T. Schreiber, Die antiken Bildwerke der Villa Ludovisi in Rom, (Leipzig 1880) 50, #13; Bernoulli 23, #18; R. Paribeni, Le Terme di Diocleziano e il Museo Nazionale Romano (Rome 1920) 81,

flattened but worked. Tree stump at 1. foot. Feet sandalled. Duitschke, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 12) II,

#115; Maj, Museo Nazionale, 128, #253,

41, #81 (as Marcus Aurelius); Bernoulli,

with further bibliography; Balty, BIHBR 33, p. 107, pl. VII, fig. 1; S. Aurigemma, The Baths of Diocletian and the Museo Nazionale Romano (Rome 1963) 73; 17 Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 42, #12. Photographs: Mr. J. Felbermeyer, American Academy, Rome; McCann, neg. 63.69.

24, #37; Arndt, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 6) XII (1931) #3429; Balty, Collection Lato-

in good condition. Plinth belongs. Back

mus 85, p. 42, #145. Photographs: German Archaeological Institute, Rome, neg. 62.1505; McCann, neg. 63.62. The fact that this statue was originally confused with Marcus Aurelius is a further

17 The bust has been published as both antiquethe and museum on an armoured bust which one presumes is

modern. Platner lists the bust as modern, while Schreiber says although the head is broken from the bust, the two belong together. Felletti Maj in her catalogue entry lists, " Testa di Settimio Severo su busto moderno," but in her discussion of the portrait says that it does belong with the bust. But the photograph included shows only the head. Aurigemma in the most recent catalogue of the collection appears to doubt the authenticity of both the head and the bust. Today the portrait is exhibited in

the original one mentioned in the earlier literature. The bust form itself, with the belt across the chest, although not common, does exist (Paribeni, II ritratto, pl. CCLXX, bust of Lucius Verus). In examining the bust with Professor L'Orange,

we both agreed that it could be ancient, judging from the marble and the line of the break at the neck. However, a careful cleaning would be necessary to verify this supposition.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

152

confirmation of the existence of the Marcus Aurelius-Severus portrait type. The head shows the longer face and beard which relate it to the later versions of the type which more closely corresponds to the portrait on the arch at Lepcis Magna

(P1. XIX, fig. 2). The forehead curls differ in their straight and flat arrangement

over the forehead, but it bears the other iconographic features of the Marcus Aurelius-Severus type. The face in profile is very flat and the beard deeply drilled, but the channels still follow the organic movement of the curls. The statue is meant to be seen from the frontal view, for the back is flat and in profile the figure is completely lacking in three-dimensional form. The artist of the statue in the Boboli Gardens has copied a traditional statuary type but has rendered it in an essentially two-dimensional form. These stylistic characteristics relate the work to Late Antique art, although the naturalism of the beard curls and the handling of the drapery folds still show the influence of the classical tradition. The Severan Age is a turning-point stylistically, and this statue, although of only fair execution and preservation, is interesting as a reflection of the two stylistic components of the age. The abstract elements are still balanced by the long classical tradition of organic life which is here, however, merely

a fa9ade.

G. Ricci, "Sculture rinvenute nel-

l'Isola Sacra," NSc 15, series 6 (1939) 59-61; G. Calza, La necropoli del Porto di Roma nell'Isola Sacra (Rome 1940) 247, fig. 147; R. Calza, and M. F. Squarciapino, Museo Ostiense, (Rome 1962) 57, #15 (29); Balty, BIHBR 33, p. 108, n. 1; Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 42, #13. Photographs: Ostia Museum # 29;

Gabinetto Fotografico Nazionale, F 5723, 5724.

The bust is frontal with the head turned slightly to the left and the glance to the left and upward. The simple cuirass is decorated with a Medusa head. The beard is long and divided in the middle and the curls fall in a flat semi-circle over the upper forehead. The side curls are brushed away from the face. The face itself is broad and long and the plastic forms have been flattened. The ears are also large and distorted, placed high on the head and pulled forward to emphasize the frontal view. The forehead is smooth but the fleshy, soft folds of the cheeks are indicated. This combination of an interest in surface realism seen in the rendering of the sagging flesh of the cheeks and advanced geometrization of the structure seen in the flattened and block-like form

of the head relates the portrait to the later portraits of Severus in the Serapis (cf.

44. Ostia, Museum. P1. LIII

P1. LXXVIII, Cat. 91) and Marcus Aurelius series (cf. P1. LIII, Cat. 45). Balty

Armoured bust from excavations at Ostia, Isola Sacra. #29.

has compared the head in Ostia to the portrait on the Dextrarum Iunctio relief

Italian marble. Total H. with bust and foot, 0.75 m.; W. of bust, 0.61 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.30 m.; W. of head, 0.25 m. The head, bust and foot are unbroken. Nose and parts of both ears are missing. Frontal curls are damaged and surfaces of beard and hair are worn. The lower part of the bust is scratched and chipped. Surface worn.

from the arch at Lepcis Magna (P1. XVIII, fig. 2). She concludes, however, that the Ostia portrait is representative of a varying type. The longer divided beard does relate the head to the portrait in the relief from Lepcis and our latest series. But the hair style is different and can be associated with variant " C " of our Marcus Aurelius series. The workmanship is cursory and suggests the hand of a lesser artist.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

153

Posthumous Variant D

45. Djemila (Algeria), P1. LIII Archaeological Museum. Colossal head, found in temple at Djemila dedicated to " Gens Septimia" by Alexander Severus in 229.

J. Mazard and M. Leglay, Les portraits antiques du Musee Stephane Gsell d'apres les sculptures et les monnaies (Alger 1958) 47-48, fig. 34; Balty, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 26) 76, n. 3; Balty, Collection Latornus 58, p. 194, n. 1. Photographs: Kindness of David Maxwell, McCann, neg. 64.98; Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, neg.

Marble. Total preserved H. with neck, C 10865. 1. 10 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.87 m.; The head faces frontally with the large W., 0.72 m. eyes directed heavenward. Althouglh the Head cut at base of neck to fit into iconographic features of this type have statue. Found with foot and head from been greatly simplified, the basic forms statue of Julia Domna, a companion piece. which connect the head with its now Missing are: nose, ends of beard curls distant prototype are still visible. The and piece in 1. side of forehead with hair is swept off the forehead and the part of 1. brow. R. cheek appears worn characteristic bunch of curls in front of from the photographs. Lower neck dameach ear is visible. The beard is long, aged in front and in back. The head parted in the middle and forming a mass. has not been studied directly by the writThe ears in the portrait from Dj emila er, but the surface appears in good conare, however, completely uncovered. For dition from the photographs. the significance of the portrait for Late Y. Allais, Djemila (Paris 1938) 22, Antique art see our earlier discussion 63-64; L'Orange, Apotheosis, 141, n. 11; (supra 104 ff.). Leschi, op. cit. (supra, II, n. 27) 31, fig. 1;

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

THE SERAPIS-SEVERUS PORTRAIT TYPE IX18

Variant A

46. Rome, Vatican Museum. Pls. LIV, LV Bronze head. H. with neck, 0.41 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.33 m.; W., 0.24m. Restored are the top and back of the head. The cut runs across the top of the head and behind both ears. The lower part of the hair in the back with the neck is clearly ancient. Kluge and Lehmann originally stated that the back and neck were modern, a description which is also followed in the new edition of Helbig. However, the cleaning and examination of the head for the pho-

tographs for this study revealed the ancient line of the break. Restored in gesso

are: curl on upper r. side of head and 1. end curl of beard. Patina is a dark, greenish brown and the wax casting has

been done without added chasing. Bernoulli, 23, #11; Kluge and Lehmann-Hartleben, op. cit. (supra, III, n. 29), II, 40-42, pl. XIII; Paribeni, II ritratto, pl. CCLXXXVIII; Levi, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 15) 5-6, fig. 1; Helbig, op. cit. (supra, VI, n. 15) 372-373, #474. Photographs: Mr. J. Felbermeyer, American Academy, Rome. The head is tilted slightly to the right

with the glance directed outward to the 18 Also see portrait of Severus on Arch of the Argentarii in Rome (PI. XV, fig. 1 and supra 73) and the

right. The iris of the eye is outlined and the pupils are rendered by a single, round, deep drill hole. The eyes are heavylidded and the upper lid overlaps the lower at the corners, creating an expression of thoughtful pathos found in some of the portraits of the philosopher emperor, Marcus Aurelius. Kluge and Lehmann comment on the fine impressionistic handling of the bronze technique whereby the forms of the hair and beard are developed directly in the wax-casting process rather than from the cold work. The artist has particularly tried to preserve the sketchy, impressionistic forms of natural life and expression. Kluge and Lehmann compare the style and technique of the Vatican portrait to the equestrian portrait of Marcus Aurelius on the Capitoline. In both, they feel that the plastic style of the Hadrianic bronze technique has given way to a style with stronger accentuation on the metal surface itself. Kluge and Lehmann thus date the portrait of

Severus in the Vatican at the turn of the second century, a date which is in accord with the stylistic evolution presented here. In comparison with the other bronze portraits of Severus, however, Kluge and Lehmann place the head in Brescia, identified as Didius Julianus (P1. XXXI, Cat.

12), before the Vatican head and the head in Brussels (P1. LXIII, Cat. 62) with its hard, academic style after the Vatican porpainted portrait on the tondo in Berlin (P1. XXI, fig. 1, colored P1. A, and supra 79 ff.).

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

156

trait, a chronological sequence which has not been found acceptable in this study.19

47. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg P1. LVI Glyptotek.

Head acquired in 1893 in Rome. Inv. 803. Coarse-grained marble, originally white and now yellowed with age. H. to break in neck under beard, 0.28 m.; W., 0.21 m. Head broken at neck under beard. Missing are: nose, piece of 1. brow,

lower curls of beard in front and on r. side, and both ear lobes. Frontal curls are damaged but ancient. Surface has been cleaned but some of ancient polished surface appears to remain around eyes. Back of head flattened, coarsely worked and undrilled. Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek. Billedtavler til Kataloget over antike Kunstvaerker

(Copenhagen 1907) pl. LX, fig. 722; Poulsen, Catalogue, 501, #722.

Photographs: Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, #722.

The head is frontal with the eyes slightly to the right. The fairly broad and squat facial type relates the portrait to the bronze head in the Vatican (Pls. LIV, LV, Cat. 46). Both chisel and drill are used in the beard and hair in an impressionistic manner. The brow is slightly swelling and there is some suggestion of the fleshiness of the cheeks. The style and generally soft, pathetic expression are also related to the bronze head in the Vatican, and the head in Copenhagen must be considered close in date. The portrait is a piece of fair quality. 48. New York, Pier Tozzi P1. LVI Galleries. Head, formerly in the Del Drago Collection, Rome, acquired by Mr. Pier Tozzi about 1928.

Greek marble. H. of head with neck, 0.33 m.; H. of head from crown to end of beard, 0.27 m.; H. of ancient fragment from above eyebrows to lower neck, 0.23 m.; W. of head, 0.22 m. Photographs: John D. Schiff, New York City, 773.2084.T, 773.2085.T, 773, 2086.T. Head is broken off at lower neck. The ancient fragment consists only of the front section of the face from below the eyebrows and the front portion of the neck. The break on the r. side runs down the cheek and drops vertically to the neck. On the 1. side, the cut runs diagonally across the upper cheek bone and below the 1. ear. The beard curls on the 1. side are ancient. The rest of the head is restored, including the end of the nose. The restored section is of Italian marble. The surface of the ancient portion appears to have been cleaned. The head is turned slightly to the right with the glance in the same direction and slightly upward. The pupils of the eyes are drilled with double drill holes and the irises are outlined. The drill is used in the beard in long channels, outlining the plastic form of the curls. The chisel is used in the moustache and in the upper beard curls. The cheeks are sensitively modeled with an indication of their fleshy form. Although the hanging

Serapis locks are here restored, the portrait is clearly of this type. The beard curls and moustache exactly correspond to those of the Copenhagen portrait (P1. LVI,

Cat. 47) and its style belongs with variant " A." The portrait originally was of high quality.20 49. Yorkshire, Newby Hall. P1. LVII Head attached to modern bust with paludamentum across chest and 1. shoulder. White, large-grained marble. H. of

head with neck, 0.33 m.; H. crown of

'9 Cf. bronze head in the Palazzo Rospigliosi (P1. LV, 20 I am grateful to the late Mr. and Mrs. Rush

figs. 1-2), which is undoubtedly a modern copy of the portrait in the Vatican.

Taggart of Rye, N. Y. for drawing my attention to this portrait.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

157

head to end of beard, 0.26 m.; W., 0.23 m. Head is broken off at lower neck. Restored: nose, four frontal curls, ends of curls on 1. and r. side of beard and small piece in r. eyebrow. Traces of ancient fibers in beard, hair and cheeks. Surface now weathered but appears to have been originally polished. Michaelis, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 18) 527, #19; Bernoulli, 27, #67; Arndt, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 6) #3120; Vermeule, " Ancient Marbles in Great Britain," Newby Hall, #19; C. Vermeule, " Notes on a New Edition of Michaelis. Ancient Marbles in Great Britain," AJA 59 (1955)143, #19. Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.52. The head is turned slightly to the right and the glance is to the right. Although the four Serapis curls are restored, the iconography in all other respects can be correlated with the Serapis type and the broad facial form and impressionistic use of the drill relate the head to #722 in Copenhagen (P1. LVI, Cat. 47). The modeling of the surface, however, is somewhat more idealized, with its smooth brow, than the head in Copenhagen. The profile view shows a flattening of the forms. The pupils are drilled with large double holes and the iris is raised and outlined. Because of these more abstracting qualities of the head, I would date it stylistically somewhat later than the head in Copenhagen. The head originally was of good quality.

50. Florence, Palazzo Riccardi. P1. LVII Head attached to armoured bust with paludamentum fastened on 1. shoulder. Nr. 18. White marble of large crystalline structure. H. head to break in neck, 0.31 m.; H. top of head to end of beard, 0.26 m.; W. of head, 0.25 m. Head and bust do not belong together. Head itself has been broken into three pieces. The face has been divided in two by a horizontal break at the middle point of the cheeks which cuts upward at the

hair line across the top of the head. The center section of the back of the head has been broken, but appears also to be ancient. Missing are a piece of the upper lip on the r. side, and part of the r. ear lobe. Entire nose is restored. Ends of beard curls have been worn off and frontal curls of hair are damaged. Surface is now badly worn and shows signs of heavy cleaning. Dutschke, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 12) II, 65, #130; Bernoulli, 24, #38; Balty, op. cit. (supra, n. 13) 77-78, pl. V, figs. 1-2. The head is published by Dtitschke as " Marcus Aurelius " but the portrait, although badly damaged, is clearly that of the Serapis-Severus type. The head is turned to the right and the glance is to the right. The facial type, impressionistic use of the drill in the beard and hair, and the classicizing style of the face with its soft expression relate the head most closely to that in Newby Hall (P1. LVII, Cat. 49). The head in the Palazzo Riccardi, however, is less fine in workmanship. Balty compares the head to the portrait now in Mr. Twombly's priivate collection in Rome, which, because of the upward glance of the eyes and turn of the head to the left, has been placed in variant " C " in our classification of the

Serapis portraits (P1. LXXII, Cat. 79). Tea Martinelli is now working on a catalogue of the sculpture from the Palazzo Riccardi.

51. Rome, Villa Doria P1. LVIII Pamphili, niche in second story of garden faSade.

Head set in modern (?) draped

breastpiece. Nr. 93. Marble. Measurements were not attainable.

Head appears ancient, althouglh its position on the exterior of the building prevented close examination. In good condition. No restorations could be noted. M\atz and Duhn, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 24) #1834; Bernoulli, 23, #19. Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.72. The head is turned to the right. and

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

158

the glance is to the right. Broad facial form and classicizing style relate it to variant " A." Drill is used in deep, short drill channels which have begun to have a schematic pattern of their own. Thus, I would place the execution of this head fairly late in the group. 52. Florence, Palazzo Pitti: P1. LVIII Museo degli Argenti, Sala di S. Giovanni. Head attached to modern draped bust. Inv. 6770. Head of Italian marble. Tunic of bust in white marble with red marble mantle. H. of head to inset at neck, 0.35 m.; H. crown

to end of beard, 0.29 m.; W., 0.23 m. Head broken at lower neck and adjusted to fit into bust to which it does not belong. Head itself appears to be ancient. End of nose restored. Nick in upper r. forehead and rim of 1. ear broken. Four frontal curls ancient, although worn, as well as tips of frontal beard curls.

Surface well preserved and unpolished. Duitschke, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 12) II, 7, #10; Bernoulli, 24, #34. Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.60. The head is turned to the right with the glance to the right and slightly upward. The broad facial form and classicizing style of the nude parts contrasted with the drilled hair relate the head to

the portrait in Newby Hall (P1. LVII, Cat. 49). The drill work in the head in Florence, however, is used more extensively and in shorter, more regular channels, which suggests a slightly later dating for its execution. The eyebrows are etched in with the chisel and a furrow between the brows is indicated, which intensifies the otherwise idealized expression. A work of good execution.

53. Liverpool, Walker Art P1. LVIII Gallery.

Head attached to armoured bust with paludamentum draped across chest

and 1. shoulder. Formerly in collection at Ince Blundell Hall, #85, from Villa Mattei, Rome.

Luna marble. H., 0.33 m. (presumably of ancient head). The portrait has not been personally studied by the writer for it is now in storage. Poulsen publishes the bust as modern. Restored: nose, part of 1. brow, edge of 1. ear. L. point of beard is broken off and head is very worn. Michaelis, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 18) 359, #85; Bernoulli, 27, #62; F. Poulsen, Greek and Roman Portraits in English Country Houses (Oxford 1923) 101, #95, pl. 95; B. Ashmole, Catalogue of the Ancient Marbles at Ince Blundell Hall (Oxford 1929) 41, pl. 39, with earlier bibliography; Harrison, op. cit. (supra, III, n. 5) 40, n. 2; Vermeule, " Ancient Marbles in Great Britain," Ince Blundell Hall, #85. Photograph: Kindness of Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen. The head is turned to the right and the glance is to the right. The shorter

facial form and shorter beard relate the portrait to variant "A." But the style is less classicizing than that of the other heads. The glance, with the drill holes in the center of and filing the pupils, is more intense and there is a suggestion of fleshy realism in the cheeks which relates the portrait also to those in variant

" C." The drill is used in long channels which hold the shadow and in short round holes which accent the center of

curls. The chisel digs into the flesh of the cheeks. A work of fair quality.

54. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches P1. LIX Museum. Small-sized head attached to modern (?) bust, known in museum collection since 1816. Inv. I 111. Carrara marble. H. of head with attached bust, excluding foot, 0.28 m; H.,

crown of head to end of beard, 0.14i.; W. of head, 0.13 m.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

159

Head and bust do not belong together. The head is broken under the beard but the lower part of neck in front belongs with the head. Restored are end of nose and end curls of beard. Surface polished and in good condition. E. von Sacken and F. Kenner, Die Sammlungen des K. K. Miinz- und AntikenCabinetes (Vienna 1866) 57, pl. XXXI, 2; Bernoulli, 28, #80. Photographs: Kunsthistorisches Museum, II 9066, 9067. The head is turned to the right and the glance is to the right. The square facial type and impressionistic style of the beard and hair relate the little portrait to those in our group " A. " The eyes are

drilled by double drill holes and the pu-

The head is turned to the left and the eyes are to the left. The short facial form and lingering Antonine characteristics of style relate the portrait to those in variant " A." Compare particularly the small

portrait head in Vienna (P1. LIX, Cat. 54).

Gem

f. Paris, Bibliotheque Natio- P1. XCI nale, Cabinet des Medailles.

Bust with paludamentum and radiate crown, facing to r.,with Julia Domna, Caracalla and Geta. Sardonyx, #300. H., 75 mm.; L., 112 mm. M. Babelon, Catalogue des camees anti-

ques et modernes de la Bibliotheique (Paris

pils are outlined.

55. Toulouse, Museie Saint P1. LIX Raymond. Head attached to armoured bust, from Martres Tolosane. Inv. 30.158. Italian marble. Total H. with attached bust and foot, 0.56 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.24 m.; W. of head, 0.20 m. Head is broken diagonally under the beard and a large section of the neck is missing on the 1. side. The bust has been cracked through at the shoulders. It apparently belongs with the head. The top of the nose is restored and the lower frontal curls of beard are broken off. The frontal locks over the forehead are dam-

aged. The surface preserves the ancient polish.

Esperandieu, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 6) II, 74, #975; Braemer, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 23) 146 (cited incorrectly as Esperandieu #995); Budde, op. cit. (supra, II, n. 2) 16, fig. 46.

Photographs: Bildarchiv Foto Marburg #32641; courtesy of Musee Saint Raymond; McCann, neg. 63.40. 21 See Hammond, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 2) 160-162. Hammond presents convincing evidence for a date in 188 and his view is the one accepted here. Parker (op. cit., supra, I, n. 2, 66) also accepts the date of 188. For a sum-

1897) I, 156, #300, pl. XXXIV; Furtwangler, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 96) III, 365366, Fig. 199; L'Orange, Apotheosis, 77, fig. 51; Toynbee, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 61)

146; Budde, Jugendbildnisse, 15-16. Photograph: Cabinet des Medailles, neg. B 1347. Severus, crowned with the radiate crown of Sol, is shown with the hanging Serapis locks. The beard is of medium length and is brushed forward into four distinct curls. Julia Domna, wearing the diadem, is placed behind him and opposite

are Caracalla and Geta. Of the two, Caracalla alone wears the laureate wreath, indicating that the cameo must have been

carved between the years 198 and 209, the time of Caracalla's joint reign with Se-

verus. L'Orange specifically dates the gem to the time immediately before 209 on the basis of the ages of the two boys. This date would make Caracalla either twentyone or twenty-three years of age, depending on when one places the disputed date of his birth 21 and Geta either nineteen or twenty, again depending on whether one places his birth in 189 or 190.22 The age mary of the evidence on both sides, see Platnauer, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 6) 48-53.

22 Hammond, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 2) 160-162.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

160

of the txvo boys represented in the cameo, however, is clearly younger, and on the basis of a careful comparison of the cameo with the coin portraits of the youths, evidence for a date anywhere between the years 198 and 204 has been found possible (supra, II, n. 15). A date in this period would make Caracalla ten to sixteen years old, accepting the date of 188 for his birth, and Geta nine of fifteen, taking the most widely accepted date of 189 for his birthday. Budde has suggested that the occasion for the execution of the luxurious cameo was the celebration of Severus' Decennalia. The cameo, however, finds its closest association with a coin of Caracalla dated 201 which bears on its reverse the image of Severus and Julia with the same attrib-

utes of Sol and Luna (P1. I, fig. 1). The

Restored: 1. eye with eyebrow and piece of forehead, nose, part of 1. side of moustache, 1. lower frontal curls of beard and breastpiece. Chip on lower frontal curls of beard and breastpiece. Chip on lower r. curl of beard, and frontal forehead curls are worn but ancient. Surface has been heavily cleaned and marble is now yellowed with age, discoloration especially noticeable on 1. cheek. Traces of ancient surface indicate signs of polish. Conze, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 26) 155, #382; Bernoulli, 27, #77; Blumel, op. cit. (supra, III, n. 7) 39, R 94, pl. 50. Photograph: Staatliche Museen, neg. 4632.

The head is turned slightly to the right and the glance is to the right. The portrait differs mainly from those in variant

" A " by the elongation of the facial type same type is used again in 202 on another coin of Caracalla 23 but is not seen again.24 with its more rounded and prominent foreOne would suppose that the cameo was head. A classicizing style with impresalso created at the time when this parsionistic use of the drill in hair and beard ticular symbolism was in use. Furtherand a soft pathos of expression are continmore, the portrait face of Caracalla found ued. The double drill holes fill the center on the coins of 201 and 202 is the same of the pupils. Realistic details such as etching of eyebrow hairs are omitted. type as that found on the cameo. In conclusion, a study of the coinage has indicated There is some indication of the fleshy forms of the cheeks. This trend towards that the portrait types used on the Paris cameo for Severus and his sons are posan interest in surface realism links the

sible anyxvhere in the range of years be-

series of portraits in variant " B " to those

tween 198 and 204, further evidence that L'Orange's dating of the commencement of the Serapis portrait type in 204 must be reconsidered. The connection of the cameo with the coins of 201-202 suggests a specific date for the cameo.

in variant " C." The drill is not used in the back or on the top of the head, in keeping with the usual Severan practice. The portrait was originally of fair quality.

57. Poznan' (Poland), Adam P1. LX Mickiewicz University

Group B

56. Berlin, Staatliche Museen. PI. LX Head attached to modern breastpiece,

from the Royal Collection. Inv. R 94. White, coarse-grained marble. H. of head to break in neck under beard, 0.29 m.; W., 0.22 m. 23 BMC V, pl. 37, 11. 24 The double profile portraits of Severus with the radiate crown of Sol and Julia with the crescent moon

Head attached to modern armoured breastpiece, formerly in Berlin, #383, and given to Poznan in the 1930's. Originally in Polignac collection and from Sanssouci, Inv. IX. 76.63 and U.P. 3122.

Italian marble. Total H. with breastpiece, 0.43 m.; H. of head from crown to are found only, to my knowledge, on the coins of Caracalla of the years 201-202, evidence based on a study of BMC V.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

161

end of beard, 0.27 m.; W. of head, 0.23 m. Head broken at neck under beard. Restored: nose, r. eyebrow, part of upper and lower lip, and part of r. ear. R. lock on forehead is missing as well as ends of frontal curls of beard. The portrait is known to me only in a photograph. Conze, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 26) 155, #383; Bernoulli, 27, #78; Bienikowski, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 26) 18, pl. V, fig. XIII. The head is turned to the right and the glance is to the right and slightly upward. The long facial type and smooth surface planes relate the portrait to those in variant " B." Blumel casts doubt on the antiquity of the head in a penciled notation in Conze's catalogue (cf. Cat. 26). I have included it here in our catalogue, however, for I have not seen the head. While the cutting of the eyes does not look ancient from the photograph, they may have been recut.

58. Rome, Museo Nazionale, P1. LX storerooms.

Small-sized head attached to modern

nels are longer and deeper. The small head was originally probably part of a bust similar to that of the little portrait in Vienna (P1. LIX, Cat. 54). The facial type and style of the head in the Mluseo Nazionale identify the head as belonging to variant " B," indicating that size was not a determining factor in changes in iconography and style. Compare especially the portrait head in Berlin (P1. LX, Cat. 56) for a corresponding facial type. 59. Paris, Louvre. P1. LXI Head attached to modern (?) bust with paludamentum draped across chest and 1. shoulder. Inv. 111 7. White, fine-grained marble. H. of ancient head to break under beard, 0.30 m.; W., 0.22 m. Restored: end of nose, three frontal curls on forehead, and ends of two frontal beard curls. Missing: ends of curls above 1. ear. Surface now grey and discolored but appears in good condition and originally unpolished. Eyebrows and 1. cheek worn.

breastpiece. Inv. 126280.

Paris, Musee National du Louvre, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 36) 62, #1117.

Italian marble. H. with bust, 0.23 m.; H. crown of head to break in neck under beard, 0.16 m.; W. of head, 0.12 m.

Photographs: McCann, negs. 63.27, 63.28.

The head is broken at the neck under the beard. The nose and end of 1. ear are broken off. The ends of the beard curls, eyebrows and upper lip are worn away. The back of the head is unworked. The whole surface is badly worn and the marble shows spots of brown discoloration. Maj, Museo Nazionale, 168, #342. Photograph: McCann, neg. 64.83. The head is turned decidedly to the right and the glance is in the same direction. The eyes are drilled in large double holes which almost fill the pupils. The irises do not appear to have been outlined. The beard is drilled in short, scattered channels while in the hair the chan-

The head is turned sharply to the right and the glance is to the right. The long facial type places it with portraits in variant " B " of the Serapis type. It is impossible to discern the original number of curls over the forehead, but it seems likely that four rather than three should be restored in keeping with the iconography of the Serapis type. Its style is smooth and classicizing and continues the Antonine tradition of impressionistic drill work. A suggestion of fleshy cheeks relates the portrait to the head in Berlin (P1. LX, Cat. 56), although the Paris head lacks the variations in surface modulation. The back

of the head is also drilled, not a common practice at this time. A work of good quality.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

162

60. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches P1. LXI Museum. Head on modern bust draped with paludamentum, from Hofbibliothek, 1846. Inv. 1 181. Luna marble. Total H. with restored bust, 0.65 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.31 m.; W., 0.25 m. Head is broken at neck under beard. Restored are nose, patch over r. eyebrow, all of 1. half of forehead with hanging curl and 1. eyebrow, ends of side curls of hair and r. frontal hanging curl, part of the neck on the 1. side, and all of 1. half of frontal beard. The center of the lower lip is chipped. The edge of the r. ear is broken off and the rim of the 1. ear restored. Polish appears on remaining nude parts. Sacken, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 54) 57; Bernoulli, 28, #81. Photographs: Kunsthistorisches Museum, II 9068, 9069. The head is turned to the left and the glance is to the left. The long facial type relates the portraits to variant " B." The furrowed brow and fleshy realism of the cheeks relate the head also to portraits in variant " C." The head in Vienna, however, lacks the flattening and consolidation of the plastic forms typical of that group. The use of the drill is also in the Antonine tradition. For a similar facial type, compare portrait #1117 (P1. LXI, Cat. 59) in the Louvre.

61. Sussex, Petworth House. P1. LXII Head attached to modern nude breastpiece. Inv. 36. Greek marble (?). H. of head to break in neck, 0.31 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.28 m.; W., 0.21 m. Restored: tip of nose, lower lip, end of 1. ear lobe, piece of moustache, ends of two center hanging curls over forehead, back of head and breastpiece. Surface in excellent condition, although it appears to have been highly polished. Traces of

ancient vegetable fibers over 1. eyebrow. Michaelis, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 18) 611, #36; Bernoulli, 27, #68; M. Wyndham, Catalogue of the Collection of Greek and Roman Antiquities in the Possession of Lord Leconfield (London 1915) 61, #36; Vermeule, "Ancient Marbles in Great Britain," Petworth House, #36. Photographs: McCann, negs. 63.55, 63.56; A. F. Kersting. The head is turned to the right and the glance is to the right. The long facial type and longer beard and moustache connect the portrait with those in variant " B." The Petworth head is the most classicizing of the series with its smooth planes and highly polished surface. The hairs of the eyebrows are indicated and double drill holes fill the pupils. The drill is used extensively in short, shallow drill channels throughout the beard, creating a less plastic and more coloristic and pictorial effect on the surface. If the surface polish is ancient, the head bears a close relationship to the style of the portraits of Commodus, suggesting an early date in the reign of

Severus. The workmanship is of high quality.

62. Brussels, Musees royaux P1. LXIII d'art et d'histoire. Bronze statue with attached head of Septimius Severus, from the Castel S. Angelo. Formerly in Palazzo Barberini and Palazzo Sciarra, acquired in 1904.

Statue and head do not belong together and the bronze shows a different patina. H. of head, 0.45 m. Lehmann dates the nude statue, whose lower body is draped in a mantle, in the middle of the second century A. D. Furtwangler had previously believed that the head was attached to the statue in antiquity, an opinion shared by Lehmann and Kluge. The head is broken at the lower neck, but otherwise is in excellent condition. Bridge of nose appears dented. Domenico de Rossi, Raccolta di statue

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

163

antiche e moderne data in luce sotto i gloriosi auspici della Santita di N. S. Papa Clemente XI (Rome 1704) 84-85, pl. XCII; Matz and Duhn, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 24) #1332; Bernoulli, 23, #23; Kluge and Lehmann-Hartleben, op. cit. (supra, III, n. 29) II, 41 with n. 1 and III, 99, pl. XXX. Photographs: Institut royal du patrimoine, negs. 81 C, 83 C, 84 C, 9445 B; McCann, neg. 63.42. The head is turned to the right and the glance is to the right. The four corkscrew curls of the Serapis type appear over the forehead and the beard is of medium length. The longer facial type and smooth forms relate the head to the portraits in variant " B." Compare particularly the head in the Petworth Collection, #36 (P1. LXII, Cat. 61). Lehmann and Kluge note the very academic style of the head in contrast to the bronze head of Severus in the Vatican (Pls. LIV, LV, Cat. 46) and the earlier bronze portrait in Brescia (P1. XXXI, Cat. 12). In time, they place the portrait in Brussels after the head in the Vatican, although its more frozen and academic

bust with paludamentum over 1. shoulder, Palazzo Carpegna, formerly in collection of Lyde Brown. Inv. A 57. Carrarra marble. Total H. of head and bust, 0.83 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.29 m.; W. of head, 0.23 m. The head is broken at the neck under the beard and attached to a modern bust. The nose is restored and the ends of the beard curls are worn away. The head is known to me only in photographs but they reveal the fine preservation of the glossy surface. Imperial Hermitage, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 13) 110, #230; 0. F. Waldhauer, Romerske Portraetskulpturer Ermitagen (Petersburg 1923) 74, fig. 27. Photograph: Hermitage, A 57. The head is turned to the right and the glance is to the right. The long facial form and idealizing style place the portrait head in variant " B." Compare especially the portrait in the Petworth Collec-

tion, #36 (P1. LXII, Cat. 61). The handling of the shiny surfaces and technique of the drill are so similar that the possibil-

ity of the same hand at work in the two handling of the material is less progressive.

portraits is suggested. The eyebrows are not etched in, however, in the portrait in Leningrad, in contrast to the Petworth of the curls, the harshness of all the forms, head. Waldhauer compares the style of and the stilted expression reveal the hand the Leningrad portrait, with its interest in of an academic artist. In fact, these stybrilliant surface effects which contrast with listic differences cause me to have doubts the chiaroscuro technique of the beard as to its antiquity. Nevertheless because and hair, with that of the portraits of the academic style and long facial type Lucius Verus. are not out of keeping with the portraits Indeed, the fine linear pattern of the beard with its emphasis on the decorative swirl

in variant " B" I have included it in the

catalogue.25 This severer and more frozen style is in contrast to the softened and impressionistic style of the bronze Serapis-

Severus portrait in the Vatican and indicates the variety of stylistic expression possible in the capital city at this time.

63. Leningrad, Hermitage. P1. LXIV Head attached to modern armoured 25 Toynbee and Hadzi also have doubts as to the antiquity of the head on the basis of the photographs.

64. Florence, Uffizi Gallery. P1. LXIV Head attached to armoured bust with paludamentum fastened on r. shoulder. Inv. 1914, #210.

Italian marble. Total H. with bust, 0.62 m.; H. crown of head to break in neck under beard, 0.27 m.; W. of head, 0.21 m.

Head is broken under the beard and attached to an antique bust to which it does not belong. Restored are nose and

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

164

upward. The long facial type connects the portrait with those in variant " B." The cheeks are smooth and contrast with the deeply drilled hair whiclh tends to fall into a schematized pattern. The eyes are deep-set and the brows bulge forward with a furrow indicated between them. Duitschke, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 12) III, The bust is one of the finest in series " B, #173; Bernoulli, 24, #32; G. A. Mansuelli, Galleria degli Uffizi: Le Sculture, (Romeand I am particularly grateful to Lord and Lady Cholmondeley for their kindness in 1958) II, 112, #136. allowing me to study and obtain photoPhotographs: Gabinetto Fotografico graphs of it. della Soprintendenza alle Gallerie, N.

four frontal curls, although ancient roots of curls remain. The end curls of the beard are worn and side curls of hair are very sketchily executed. The surface was unpolished and now in fair condition although covered with dirt.

10396, N. 10397. The head is turned to the right and the glance is to the right. Mansuelli rejects

66. Rome, Vatican Museum: P1. LXV Gallerie delle Statue.

Dutschke's earlier attribution to Severus

Head of Severus attached to nude

and dates the portrait at the end of the second century. But a close examination of the head reveals the roots of the four ancient Serapis curls beneath the restoration, and the long facial type and idealized style place the poorly executed portrait

statue of an athlete. Inv. 584.

with variant " B." Compare especially the head in the Petworth Collpction, #36 (P1. LXIT, Cat. 61).

65. Norfolk, Houghton Hall. P1. LXIV Armoured bust with paludamentum over 1. shoulder and fastened on r. Lady Cholmondeley believes the portrait was acquired from Cardinal Albani in the 18th century.

White, fine-grained marble. H. of bust, 0.69 m.; H. of head, 0.36 m. Head and bust appear to belong together. Nose and small parts of paludamentum restored. Surface weathered but in fine condition. Michaelis, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 18) 324,

#5; Bernoulli, 27, #64; Poulsen, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 53) 102, #96, pl. 96; Vermeule, " Ancient Marbles in Great Britain," Houghton Hall, #5. Photographs: Goodchild and Son, King's Lynn; A. F. Kersting, H 18742,

H 18743, H 18745. The head is turned to the right and the glance is to the right and somewhat

Pentelic marble. H. of head to break in neck, 0.31 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.28 m.; WV., 0.24 m. Head cut at base of neck to fit into statue. End of nose, r. eyebrow, piece of 1. cheek and part of neck above 1. shoulder are restored. The surface is worn and pitted and the rims of the ears are both damaged. The head and statue do not belong together. For a discussion of the statue see Amelung, who relates it to a Polykleitan statuary type. This interpretation is also followed by Helbig. Bernoulli, 23, #10; Amelung, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 7) 11, 583-584, #392, pl. 56; Helbig, op. cit. (supra, VI, n. 15) 97, #131. Photograph: German Archaeological Institute, Rome, neg. 30.635.

The hiead is turned sharply to the right and the glance is to the right and slightly upwards. The high forehead and long beard, which here is not so distinctly separated, relate the head to the other Serapis portraits in variant " B." The pupils are drilled in double holes which fill the center. The beard is drilled in short, deep channels which break up the organic form rather than following the natural direction of the curls. The hair is drilled in longer channels which hold

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

165

the light and shadow. The planes of the face are smooth and contrast with the extensively drilled masses of the beard and hair. Because of the tendency toward coarseness and abstraction in the drill work and in the upward curve of the brows, I would date the portrait late in the group. The very restored condition of the head makes it difficult to judge fairly the original quality of the work. 67. Rome, Museo Torlonia. PI. LXV Armoured statue, said to have been found in the Porto. Inv. 136. Upper torso and head in Greek marble. H. of whole statue with plinth, 2.13 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.33 m.; W. of head, 0.30 m. Head belongs with upper part of statue, which is broken in two at the waist under belt. Lower body and plinth restored. Also modern are r. arm with cloak, upper

back and 1. arm with all of lower cloak, brooch on r. shoulder. Surface of face has been heavily cleaned. Bernoulli originally inaccurately published the head as separate from the body. Restored on face

are nose and lower curls of beard. Traces of plaster on moustache are perhaps from a cast of head. Four frontal curls are genuine, although worn. Curl on 1. of forehead broken. Matz and Duhn, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 24) #1351; P. E. Visconti, Catalogue of the Torlonia Museum of Ancient Sculpture (Rome 1883) 78, #136, pl. XXXIV, #36; Bernoulli, 24, #25. Head is turned to the right with the

glance to the right and slightly upward. The drill is used in the beard and hair in deep, long drill channels which tend to have a schematic pattern of their own. The planes of the face are smooth, with only a suggestion of the fleshiness of the cheeks. The long facial type and classicizing style place the portrait with those in variant " B." The pupils of the eyes are

drilled in odd V-shaped holes which appear to be ancient. A work of fair quality.

68. Guelma (Algeria), Musee P1. LXVI des Antiquites. Head found in the baths near the Forum novum at Khamissa (Thubursicum Numidarum). Marble. H. to break in neck, 0.40 m. The head is broken at the lower neck and appears to have been cut to fit into a bust or statue. The nose is missing and

the ends of the front beard curls are broken off. The head has not been personally examined by me. Pachtere, op. cit. (supra, VI, n. 22) 35, pl. VII, Fig. 7; Souville, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 25) 149; Mazard and Leglay,

op. cit. (supra, Cat. 45) 47-48, fig. 36 (incorrectly labeled as from Madauros); Balty, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 26) 76, n. 3. Photographs: Marcel Bovis, negs. 12233, 12234.

The head is turned slightly to the right with the glance to the right and upward. Souville calls the head a copy of the portrait of Severus in the Capitoline Museum (P1. LXXVIII, Cat. 91). The Capitoline head, however, faces forward and shows a shorter beard and upward glance of the eyes. The long facial type and classicizing style place the head from Khamissa with our variant " B." Of particular interest is the linear treatment of the beard and hair where the drill is not used. This softness of effect may be compared to the head from Chaoud-el-Battan in the Bardo Museum, which is, however, much more advanced in abstracting tendencies

(P1. LXXX, Cat. 94). The eyebrow hairs are etched in and

the drill holes of the pupils are small and placed close to the upper eyelids. In comparison with the other heads of Se-

verus from Africa, the head from Khamissa shows a soft and idealizing style

which is in harmony with the other portraits in variant " B " and indicates a date in the period before 200.

69. Rome, Museo Torlonia. PI. l,XVII Head attached to armoured modern

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

166

bust with paludamentum fastened on r. shoulder. Inv. 566. Head of Greek marble. H. crown of head to break in neck under beard, 0.30 m.; W., 0.26 m. Head attached to modern bust at neck under beard. Restored: nose, piece of lower lip, 1. eyebrow, frontal curls of lower beard, side curls of hair around forehead, and part of 1. ear. Curls of hair in back of r. ear and curl on r. forehead broken off. The surface has been cleaned. Visconti, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 67) 295, #566, pl. CXLVI; Bernoulli, 24, #26. The head is turned to the right and the glance is outward in the same direction. The long facial type and impressionistic use of the drill in the beard and hair relate the portrait to variant " B." The modeling of the surface with the emphasis on the diagonal lines of the cheeks relates the portrait to those in series " C." The drill holes fill the pupils. Because of its more conservative style as a whole, despite the interest in surface realism, the portrait is placed here with those of variant "B." The moustache shows fine chisel work and the portrait was originally a fine one. Variant C

70. Frankfurt-am-Main, P1. LXVII Frankfurter Stadtische Galerie.

Head, from the Fayium. Kaufmann Collection.

the glance directed towards the right. The beard is somewhat longer than in the portraits in variant " B " and the rendering here of Severus as an older man places the head with those portraits in variant " C." According to Kaufmann, the little head represents an artist's model from which larger sculptures were made. If this is so, the little head gives us our closest reflection of an original prototype.

71. Paris, Louvre. P1. LXVII Armoured bust with paludamenturn fastened on r. shoulder and draped over 1., found in the surroundings of Herculaneum. From Campana Collection. Inv. 1120. White, fine-grained marble. H. of head and bust excluding foot, 0.69 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.31 m.; W. of head, 0.26 m. Head and bust are unbroken. Foot does not belong. Restored: end of nose, lower lip, piece of 1. eyebrow with part of forehead, part of rim of 1. ear, folds of drapery over 1. shoulder, part of brooch and fragments of drapery folds in center of bust. End of 1. frontal curl of beard broken and ends of hair curls on either side. Frontal curls worn but ancient.

Pieces of drapery folds missing. Surface well preserved, although hair and beard are grey and discolored.

Bernoulli, 26, #55; Paris, Musee National du Louvre op. cit. (supra, Cat. 36) 64, #1120.

Head is broken off under the beard.

Photographs: Archives Photographiques, negs. 5.1490.010.B.E.1; 5.1490.010. AE.1; McCann, negs. 63.31, 63.32.

The whole surface is badly worn, judging from the photographs, and the end of the nose is missing. I have not seen this portrait myself.

the glance is to the right and slightly upward. The paludamentum is fringed and the hasp over the right shoulder ends

C. M. Kaufmann, Graeco-Aegyptische

in a lion's head. The portrait continues

Plaster.

The head is turned to the right and

Koroplastik: Terrakotten der griechischromischen und koptischen Epoche aus der

the long facial type typical of variant "B," but the portrait in the Louvre Faijzum-Oase und andren Fundstatten (Leipshows a different style. In place of the zig 1915) 21, 141, pl. 4, #35. late Antonine classicizing style with imThe small-sized head is frontal, with pressionistic treatment of the hair and

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

167

beard, the portrait in the Louvre reveals the realistic, sagging cheeks of an older man. The eyes are drilled in the form of curious round sunken disks (originally for an insert?) which show a fixity of expression in place of the soft, melancholy glance of the earlier portraits of Severus in the Serapis series. The hair and beard are

more extensively drilled. The drill holes of the beard are short and deep, covering the surface and creating a honey-combed pattern. The channels in the hair are

longer and form a distinct pattern of parallel lines on either side of the face. The structure of the head itself is blocklike and the surface realism does not reveal an organic structure beneath. The

origin of this particular variation of the Serapis type we have dated from the

sides of the cheeks. Two linear furrows accent the middle of the forehead. Although the four frontal curls are

badly damaged, they can be clearly distinguished, identifying the newly found head with our Serapis-Severus type. The suggestion of realism in the fleshy modeling of the cheeks may be compared to that of the bust in Paris (P1. LXVII, Cat. 71) and causes me to place the portrait with those in variant " A." The flattening and abstraction of forms has not been carried as far as in the portrait from Mantua (P1. LXIX, Cat. 73) and the soft expression of the head in Capua Vetere relate it also to earlier portraits in the Serapis series such as the portrait in Copenhagen in variant " A " (P1. LVI, Cat. 47). The modeling of the face has been sensitively executed and thie por-

coinage about 202.

72. Santa Maria Capua P1. LXVIII Vetere, Antiquarium. Head, found in the region of S. M.

Capua Vetere.

trait was originally of good quality. I am grateful to Rosaria Sansone and Alfonso de Franciscis of the Soprintendenza alle Antichit'a of Naples for allowing me to have access to this new portrait.

73. Mantua, Palazzo Ducale. P1. LXIX

Italian marble. H. of head from crown to end of beard, 0.26 m.; W. of head, 0.23 m. The head has been cut off directly under the beard. Missing are: nose and

under beard, 0.28 m.

four frontal curls, the roots of which, however, are still visible. The surface of the beard, hair and eyebrows is worn.

The nose is missing. The head is cut under the neck and the ends of the beard curls are worn. Unfortunately the

The head is unpublished. Photographs: Kindness of Richard Bronson, and Naples, National Museum negs. A 58, 59, 60, 61. The head is frontal with the eyes glancing upwards and to the right. The

head was not on exhibition at the time

pupils of the eyes are drilled at the top with a double hole and the irises are outlined. The lower rims of the eyelids

are also finely outlined. The drill is used in the beard in short, deep channels which follow the movement of the curls. Deeper drill channels are used in the hair curls, which continue behind the ears. The back of the head is undrilled. The chisel is used in short strokes on the

Head. Inv. 12240.

Italian marble. H. to break in neck

of my visit to the Palazzo Ducale and I thus have not seen it. The surface of the head from the photographs appears to be in good condition. M. Borsa, Museo della Reale Accademia di Mantova (Mantua 1790) 72; Dutschke, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 12) IV, 329, #727; Bernoulli, 25, #43 (cited as bust); Levi, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 28) 67, #144. Photographs: " Calzolari," Mantua. The head is turned to the right and the eyes glance to the right and slightly upward. The style, with its interest in surface realism, connects the head with

#1120 in the Louvre (P1. LXVII, Cat.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

168

71). The chisel strokes and drill work in the beard and hair only suggest the organic direction of the curls. The short, deep holes, crudely worked, dig into the surface of the block-like form which now renders organic life only on its surfaces. The chisel strokes of the moustache and eyebrows have also become more schematically rendered. The two small

drill holes of the pupils are placed high beneath the upper eyelid, stressing the upward glance. The increased abstraction and expressionism of the style relate the portrait to Late Antique art which is here finding form within the still lingering Antonine tradition of classical, organic form. The portraits of Severus in variant " C" particularly reveal this turning point in artistic direction and as such they have special interest for an analysis of the stylistic contributions of the period.

74. Londoni, British Museum. P1. LXX Head attached to bust draped with paludamentum across chest and 1. shoulder, to which it does not belong. Found in 1776 on the Palatine in the grounds of the Villa Magnani. Inv. 1916.

Greek marble. Total H. of bust, excluding foot, 0.66m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.31 m.; W. of head, 0.22 m. Head is broken from the bust and does not belong to it. Bust is very restored but may, in part, be ancient. Restored: nose, all of frontal beard from chin down. Frontal curls damaged but original. Surface of 1. cheek, R. lower eyelid and R.

brow are damaged. Otherwise the surface is in good condition and shows traces of original polish on the r. cheek. Smith, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 1) 166, #1916; Bernoulli, 26, #60; Hinks, op.

The interest in surface realism seen in the indication of the aging flesh of the cheeks relates this portrait to those in variant " C." All the same, the portrait in London shows a lingering of the Antonine style in its smoother, polished surfaces and impressionistic treatment of the hair and beard. The shallow, double drill holes fill the pupils, and the irises are raised and outlined. The eyebrow hairs are etched in and the drill is used in the beard in short round holes. The center hanging locks over the forehead end in a single round hole, as do some of the beard curls. A portrait of fine quality.

75. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg P1. LXX Glyptotek. Head attached to bust, acquired in Rome in 1900. Inv. 1768.

Head of Greek marble, bust of Italian. Total H. of bust and head, 0.64 m.; H. crown to break in lower neck, 0.36 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.29 m.; W. of head, 0.24 m. Head and bust do not belong together, although the bust appears ancient. The nose, ends of frontal beard curls, ends of hair curls of r. side, part of 1. ear lobe and part of back of the head are missing. Frontal curls, r. cheek, and surface of

forehead worn. Parts of original surface polish still visible. Poulsen, Catalogue, 501-502, #723; Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 47) pl. LX. Photographs: Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek #723; McCann, neg. 63.44. The head is turned to the right and

the glance is to the right and upward. The flattened, block form of the face, with the indication of the age of the emperor seen in the handling of the fleshy

cit. (supra, Cat. 1) 32, pl. 44a; C. Pie-

surface forms, relate the portrait to those in variant " C." The drill is used sparingly in the beard and hair, as compared Balty, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 26) 78, n. 1. the other portraits forming variant with Photographs: British Museum, LXXIII " C," and an interest in surface forms is C 21, LXXIV C 42. seen in the fine, regularized combing work

trangeli, Scavi e scoperte di antichita sotto il pontificato di Pio VI (Rome 1958) 74;

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

169

of the chisel in the beard and hair. The tendency toward abstraction is also seen in the increased geometrization of the form of the moustache, which frames the mouth in a neat trapezoid rather than curving around it as in the portrait in the British Museum (P1. LXX, Cat. 74). These stylistic trends suggest a date late

in the group, despite the more conservative handling of the beard and hair. The portrait was originally a piece of good quality.

76. Rome, Museo Capitolino. P1. LXXI Head attached to modern breastpiece. Inv. 364. Italian marble. H. crown of head to break in lower neck, 0.35 m.; H. crown

of head to end of beard, 0.29 m.; W., 0.25 m. The head is broken off at the lower neck and attached to a modern breastpiece. The whole top of the head, together with the four curls, is restored. Also the tip of the nose, piece of 1. cheek, lower 1. brow, 1. end curl of beard, and curls of hair on 1. side of face are restored. The surface is badly worn and the marble discolored. Upper portion of r. cheek and r. side of forehead, howvever, still indicate ancient surface polish. The r. ear is only roughly worked and set lower than on the 1. ear. Platner, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 19) III,

i. 189, 4192; Armellini, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 8) 11, 135, #2 (as Marcus Aurelius); Bernoulli, 23, #4, 31; Jones, M+useo Capitolino, 148-149, #23, pl. 36.

Photograplh: McCann, neg. 63.66. The head is turned to the right and the glance is to the right and slightly

upward. The fleshy forms of the cheeks and the upward curve of the brows relate the poorly preserved portrait to those in variant " C." Although the frontal curls are restored, the rest of the hair style, beard and moustache are of the Serapis type. Compare particularly the head in Copenhagen (P1. LXX, Cat. 75).

77. Yorkshire, Castle Howard. P1. LXXI Head attached to modern breastpiece. White, coarse-grained marble. H. of head and neck, 0.34 m.; H. from crown of head to end of beard, 0.27 m.; W., 0.24 m. Restored: nose, piece of r. eyebrow, piece of upper 1. cheek, parts of four hanging frontal curls and bust. The whole

surface is badly worn. Michaelis, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 18) 329, #39; Bernoulli, 27, #65; Arndt, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 6) #3029; Vermeule, " Ancient Marbles in Great Britain," Castle Howard, #39. Photographs: McCann, negs. 63.52, 63.53. The head is turned to the right and the glance is upward and to the right. The tendency toward abstraction seen in the block-like structure of the face and the flattened, trapezoidal form of the nmoustache relate the portrait to our Cat. 75 in Copenhagen (P1. LXX). The drill, however, was used more extensively in short, deep holes throughout the beard and hair in the portrait in Castle Howard. The head was originally one of good quality as is seen by the working of the beard curls under the chin.

78. Munich, Glyptothek. P1. LXXII Head attached to ancient armoured statue, acquired in Rome in 1815, from the Villa Albani. Inv. 331. Head of Italian marble. H. of head and statue, without plinth, 1.98 m. Head and statue do not belong together. For date of ancient statue see Furtwangler's discussion. Restored are the ends of the beard, end of nose and neck. The por-

trait could not be located when I visited the museum and is known to me only through old photographs. Bernoulli, 27, #71; A. Furtwangler, Beschreibung der Glyptothek Konig Ludwig's I zu Miinchen (Munich 1910) 350, #331, with earlier bibliography. Photograph: Glyptothek, Nr. 435.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

170

The head is turned to the right and the glance is to the right and slightly upward. Judging from the poor photograph available, which indicates a fleshy handling of the cheeks, I have placed the portrait in variant " C." But the drill work of the beard and hair, which is combined with chisel work and still emphasizes the organic movement of the curls, and the longer, less geometric form of the face relate the portrait also to those in variant " B." I would thus suggest an early date, just after 201, for the lost portrait.

79. Rome, collection of Mr. P1. LXXII L. Twombly. Head attached to armoured bust wvith paludamentum attached at r. shoulder, formerly on Roman art market. Head and bust of white, coarse-grained marble. Total H. with foot, 0.80 m.; H. of head to break in lower neck, 0.32 m.; H. of head to end of beard, 0.30 m.; W. of head, 0.26 m. The head is broken at the lower neck but would appear to belong with the ancient bust which includes ancient foot. Restored are: the nose, piece of r. eyebrow with cheek, frontal curls (evidence for one ancient root remains), and lower edge of cuirass. Broken are: lower curls of frontal

the portrait to those in variant " D." Balty compares the head to the portrait of Severus in the Bardo (P1. LXXX, Cat. 94) whose frontal and abstract style distinguish it from the head in the Twombly Collection. The eyes are drilled with double holes at the top of the pupils and scattered, short, deep drill holes are used throughout the beard and hair. Plastic life is felt in the rounded forms of the lips and full moustache. The drill is used in short, deep channels throughout the beard and hair, which do not yet have a pattern of their own. The head, now badly damaged, was originally a good piece and is interesting stylistically because of the mingling of naturalism and abstraction which makes it difficult to place this portrait in any one of our portrait groups.

80. West Norfolk, Holkhani P1. LXXIII Hall.

Head attached to togate statue. Head of white marble, body of white marble with grey veining. Total H. of statue, 2.13 m.; H. crown of head to end

of beard, 0.30 m.; W., 0.25 m.

The head is broken at the lower neck and joined to the statue by a restored collar of marble at the base of the neck. The head and statue are published as belonging together, but the difference in beard, piece of 1. eyebrow, both ears, piecesmarble between the two parts also suggests that the head must be considered of the drapery folds, and end of hasp over r. breast. The surface has been separately. Restored are the end of the totally destroyed by weathering. nose, rim of 1. ear, and r. and 1. hands. Balty, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 26) The statue is set into modern plinth. The surface has been cleaned. 72-78, pls. II-V. Photographs: McCann, negs. 63.70, Clarac, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 36) pl. 966, 63.71. #2481A; Michaelis, op. cit. (supra, Cat. The head is turned to the left and the 18) 302; Bernoulli, 27, #63; C. Vermeule, glance is to the left and upward. The " Notes on a New Edition of Michaelis, block-like form of the face and the indiAncient Marbles in Great Britain," AJA, cation of the vertical folds of the cheeks 63 (1959) 153. relate portrait to variant " C." The surPhotographs: McCann, neg. 63.49; Naface realism is not so pronounced, however, tional Buildings Record, London, neg. and the upward glance and increased conAA63-5022. solidation of the plastic form, as well as The head is turned to the right and the turn of the head to the left, relate the glance is to the right and slightly

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

171

upward. The facial type is long and the interest in a realistic surface modeling of the forms connects the portrait with variant " C." The work is of mediocre quality.

81. Venice, Museo Archeo- P1. LXXIV logico. Head attached to draped modern bust, from Grimani Collection, 1593. Inv. 40. Marble. Total H. with bust, 0.69 m. The head is cut at the lower neck to fit into a bust. Missing are lower curls of beard on both sides, nose and part of neck. The portrait is known to me only in photographs but the surface appears heavily reworked. Indeed, the portrait may be modern, but the style of the drilling appears to be ancient and the large, single drill holes filling the pupils of the eyes suggest a later reworking. Dtitschke, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 12) V, 135, #350; Bernoulli, 32, 34; Anti, op.

cit. (supra, Cat. 27) 126, #40. Photographs: Museo Archeologico, negs. 1511-1513. The head is turned to the right and the glance is to the right. The consolidation of the block form of the face coupled with the rendering of the folds of the heavy cheeks relates the portrait to our variant "C."

82. Rome, Museo Nazio- P1. LXXIV nale, storeroom. Small-sized head from the Tiber. Inv. 12230. Italian marble. Total H., 0.28 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.22 m.; W., 0.18 m. Head is cut at base of neck, probably to fit into a statue or possibly into a relief. The end of the nose is missing and the r. forehead curl is worn away. The back of the head was flattened and is now worn smooth. The whole frontal surface has also been worn completely away, al-

though the basic iconography is still visible. Heavy incrustation appears in the drill channels and the back of the head. Maj, Museo Nazionale, 167, #341. The small head is turned to the right and the glance is to the right. The eyes are drilled in double drill holes and the irises are outlined. The drill was used carelessly in long channels in the beard and hair. The consolidated plastic form combined with an interest in surface realism, still visible in the forms of the cheeks despite its poor condition, relates the little head to portraits in variant " C " of our Serapis-Severus portrait type. Compare particularly the head in Copenhagen (P1. LXX, Cat. 75).

83. Rome, Palazzo Lan- P1. LXXIV celotti.

Small-sized marble head on red por-

phyry bust with paludamentum. Italian marble. Total H. of bust excluding foot, 0.41 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.17 m.; W. of head, 0.15 m. Head and bust appear to belong together. The foot is separate. The sur-

face of the head is now caked with dirt which made observations difficult. The portrait appears to be ancient and no restorations could be observed. Matz and Duhn, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 24) #1899; Bernoulli, 23, #17. Photographs: McCann, neg. 64.85. The head is turned slightly to the right and the eyes are to the right and upward. The flattened frontal view of the small head and the interest in the fleshy realism

of the surface modeling relate the portrait to those in our variant "C." The

piece is of crude workmanship. Gem

g. New York, Metropolitan P1. XCI Museum. Armoured bust crowned with laurel

wreath, facing r., with Julia Domna,

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

172

Caracalla and Geta. Carnelian ringstone. Acc. no. 40.143. L., 20 mm. G.M.A. Richter, Catalogue of Engraved Gems. Greek, Etruscan, and Roman (Rome 1956) 493, #497, pl. lx; Budde, Jugendbildnisse, 15, pl. llla. Photographs: Metropolitan Museum negs. 122153, 123715. Severus is shown with Julia Domna, wearing a diadem, with Caracalla and Geta opposite. Low-hanging locks are seen over Severus' forehead, placing the portrait type with the Serapis series. The beard is divided into three sections and is somewhat longer in comparison with the portrait of the emperor on the cameo

in Paris, #300 (P1. XCI, Gem f), placed with the portraits of variant " A." The gem in the Metropolitan Museum shows only Caracalla wearing the laurel wreath, indicating a date between 198 and 209, before Geta also became Augustus. The faces of the boys are distinctly older than in the Paris cameo and Caracalla wears a short beard, which we have observed does not appear in the coin portraits before 209 (supra, II, n. 15). Richter dates the stone in the years 208-209. If the artist of the ringstone closely followed the portrait types in current use as is presumed, the coins indicate that the date of the gem can be further narrowed to the time just before Geta became Augustus, after the summer campaign of 209.26 The gem is not on exhibit at present in the Metropolitan Museum and unfortunately I have been unable to see it.

Variant D

84. Toulouse, Muse'e Saint P1. LXXV Raymond.

Head attached to armoured bust

with paludamentum fastened on r. shoulder, from Martres Tolosane (excavations 1826-1830). Inv. 30.114. 26 BMC V, clxxvi.

Head of Italian marble, now yellowed with age. Total H., excluding foot, 0.74 m.; H. of head to break in lower neck, 0.40 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.30 m.; W. of head, 0.33 m. Esperandieu publishes the head and bust together. However, the head appears too large for the bust, and I am not sure that they belong together, although the bust appears ancient. Foot and bust are separate. Missing are nose, lower r. curls of beard, and rim of 1. ear. The surface is badly worn. Esperandieu, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 6) II, 75, #976; Braemer, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 23) 146. Photographs: Musee Saint Raymond; McCann, neg. 63.41. The head is crowned with an oak wreath and is turned to the left wiith the eyes directed upward. The portrait shows an increase in abstraction and spiritualization over the portraits in variant " C." The face is now extremely flattened, and although there are still indications of the folds of the cheeks, the plastic form has become consolidated and organic propor-

tions ignored. The neck has become elongated and the ears are large and placed below the hair line. The emphasis is upon the upward-glancing eyes, now framed by the flattened upward curve of the eyebrows. The drill is used in deep schematic channels in the beard and hair. Braemer dates the work posthumously. But the drill work, which still suggests the direction of the hair curls, the lack of frontality, and the lingering suggestion of three-dimensional form in the cheeks and lips place the portrait at least earlier than the other posthumously dated portraits indicated here. A trend toward increased abstraction and spiritualization has been indicated in the portraits of Severus from the second half of his reign

which are developing trends in keeping with the style of the portrait in Toulouse. The upward glance occurs in portraits

of the emperor during his lifetime, and

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

173

I would thus suggest a date near the close of his reign or just followving his death for the portrait.

85. Florentce, Palazzo Pitti. P1. LXXV Head attached to draped bust with fringed mantle fastened on r. shoulder. Inv. 676. Head is of white, large crystalline marble now yellowed with age. Bust appears of different marble and probably does not belong with the head. Total H. of head and bust, 0.62 m.; H. crown of head to break in neck, 0.34 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.31 m.; W. of head, 0.25 m. The head is broken at the lower neck. Restored are: nose, 1. frontal curl of beard and frontal section of laurel crown, but the corkscrew locks are ancient. Broken off are rim of r. ear and ends of hair curls. Eyebrows and side curls of hair are worn. On bust parts of drapery are broken off, and bottom of bust appears to have been cut. Surface has been cleaned and is now badly worn. Duitschke, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 12) II, 8-9, #14; Bernoulli, 24, #35. Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.59. The head is turned to the right and

the eyes are directed upward and to the right. The head is crowned with a laurel wreath. The consolidation of the plastic

form, which now shows very little of the surface realism found in the portraits from variant " C," and the decided upward curve of the brows relate this portrait to the

crowned portrait in Toulouse (P1. LXXV, Cat. 84). The form, however, is not quite so flattened and the chisel is used

86. Rome, Palazzo Altieri. P1. LXXV Head attached to armoured statue. Head and middle part of torso with Victories appear to be of Greek marble while remaining parts of statue are in finegrained Italian marble. Total H. of statue with plinth, 2.09 in.; H. of head to break in neck at end of beard, 0.30 m.; WV. of head, 0.24 m. Matz and Duhn originally recognized the portrait as that of Severus and published the head and statue together. However, the head is broken at the neck and attached to a cuirassed torso (originally a bust?) of different marble. The middle part of the torso with the two Victories appears to be of the same marble as the head. Lower torso, with legs, and plinth are restored as well as arms. Matz and Duhn pubblished the upper part of the armour also as restored. It is difficult from the very patched condition of the statue, as well as from its very dirty condition today, to judge the antiquity of the upper torso. The wreath of the Victories appears to be restored, but the upper drapery may be ancient. Restored on face are: nose, two end curls of beard, rim of r. ear, part of r. eyebrow, and lower rim of 1. ear. The original surface has been cleaned and the surface of beard and hair is now very worn and caked with dust. Rossi, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 62) pl. CX, 103; Matz and Duhn, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 24) I, 386-387, #1345; Bernoulli, 23, #12. Photograph: McCann, neg. 64.78. The head is turned to the right and

the glance is to the right and upward. The statue is restored with the right arm outstretched and the left arm bent and holding a sword. The armour is decorated with two facing Victories holding a vreath high above their heads. A mantle is draped across the chest and left shoulder. Because of the heavy restoration of the

in the beard to outline the still plastic clumps of the curls. I would thus suggest, on the basis of the evolving stylistic trends which have been observed, that the portrait in the Palazzo Pitti is slightly statue, which makes the relationshiip to earlier in date than the portrait in Toulouse. the head doubtful, the portrait itself must The head was originally of fair execution. be our main concern. rI'lhe upwvard glance

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

174

of the eyes and the consolidation of the plastic form relate the portrait to those in variant " D." The forms are not as advanced in abstracting tendencies as those in the head in Toulouse (P1. LXXV, Cat. 84) and I would also place the date of its execution slightly earlier than the portrait in the Pitti Palace (P1. LXXV, Cat. 85) for the same reason. 87. Munich, Glyptothek. P1. LXXVI Head from collection in Palazzo Bevilacqua, Verona. Inv. 357.

White, fine-grained marble, now yellowed with age. H. of preserved head and neck, 0.39 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.35 m.; W., 0.28 m. Head cut to fit into armoured bust or statue. Square plaque, presumably belonging to the edge of the cuirass, remains attached at the back of the neck. Missing are: the nose, end curls of beard,

and pieces of curls on left side. A circular hole mars the r. side of the forehead. The head was originally attached to a bust which is known today from the older photographs. Today the restorations have been removed, which greatly alters the character of the head. Bernoulli, 27, #72, pl. XIV; Lehner,

the beard. The nose, and lower curls of the beard in the front and on the 1. side are broken away. The frontal curls are damaged and the surface appears worn. The head is known to me onJy in a photograph. Pachtere, op. cit. (supra, VI, n. 22) 36, pl. VII, fig. 8; Souville, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 25) 150-151. The head is turned to the right and the glance is to the right and distinctly upward. The face is that of an older man with sagging cheeks and heavy-lidded eyes. Pachtere suggests an identification with the father of Severus because of the great age of the man represented, despite the similarity to the portraits of Severus. He notes Bernoulli's statement that no portraits of Severus as an older man remain. However, in variant " C" we have noted the signs of old age appearing. The latest portrait type of Severus is a strongly classicizing one in style, which explains the lack of portraits of the emperor showing his increasing age. The iconography of the head from Khamissa can be so closely related to that of Severus that I

believe an identification with this emperor is most probable. The wild mane of hair and three, rather than four, curls over the forehead connect the head in iconog-

BonnJ7bb 118, p. 136, pls. 3-5; Furtwangler raphy with the portrait in Munich (P1. op. cit. (supra, Cat. 78) 361, #357; Barreca, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 17) 62; Heintze, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 183) 19, pl. 26; Balty,

Collection Latomus 58, p. 194, fig. 16. Photographs: Glyptothek, #357 (127); McCann, neg. 63.24. The head is turned slightly to the right and the glance is distinctly upward and to the right. For an analysis of the style and date of this excellent piece see discussion in the text (supra 113).

88. Guelma (Algeria), P1. LXXVII Musede des Antiquites. Head from Khamissa. White marble. H., 0.33 m.

The head is broken at the neck under

LXXVI, Cat. 87), which must also have been executed very near the end of his reign. For a discussion of the style of the portrait see supra 114.

89. Boston, Museum of P1. LXXVII Fine Arts. Head, from Ostia or the Portus. Inv. 60.928. Greek marble (?). H. of preserved head and neck, 0.41 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.28 m.; W., 0.22 m. Head is cut at neck probably to fit into draped statue, judging from the line of the curve which is low in front and high in the back. Missing are: the nose, left-hand curl on forehead, 1. ear lobe and

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

175

pieces of curls of beard and hair. The eyebrows are worn, as are the surfaces of

pression and the conservative technique relate the portrait also to our earlier variants,

moustache and parts of beard and hair

and I would thus suggest an early date within variant " D" for the head. The almost frontal position of the head, how-

curls. The original high polish is still visible on the neck and parts of the face. C. Vermeule, " A Hellenistic Portrait Remade as Severus Alexander (A. D. 222235), Roman Emperor and King of Egypt," BMFA 58 (1960) 22-25, #311, figs. 12, 13, 14.

Photographs: Courtesy of Boston Museum of Fine Arts, 19758, 19759. The head is turned to the right and the eyes look upward to the right. For a discussion of its style and suggested posthumous date see text, supra 114.

ever, relates the portrait to variant " E," suggesting that there may be here at work a conservative artist, trained in the Antonine tradition, who is working in the later years of Severus' reign when that tradi-

tion is giving way to new forms of expression. The head is only fair in quality and its restored condition necessitates caution in forming stylistic conclusions.

Variant E

90. Rome, Vatican, P1. LXXVII Museo Chiaramonti.

Head. Inv. 1293.

Italian marble. H. of ancient piece with neck, 0.38 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.28 m.; W., 0.22 m. Head was cut to be inserted into bust or statue. Restored are: lower part of nose, three right-hand curls on forehead, lower lip, r. eye with part of brow and cheek, half of 1. ear, rim of r. ear, parts of hair curls on r. side, large part of center of back of head, parts of beard curls, and foot with index tablet. Roots of four forehead curls are ancient as well as all of farthest curl on 1. Surfaces of beard

91. Rome, Museo Ca- P1. LXXVIII pitolino.

Head attached to green alabaster bust. Presented by Cardinal Albani to Benedict XIV. Inv. 461. Head of Greek marble. H. of head to break in lower neck, 0.34 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.30 m.; W. of head, 0.25 m.

Head is broken at lower neck and attached to green alabaster bust to which it does not belong. Restored: both ears with section of hair above and behind on each side, and piece of 1. brow. The nose is ancient but chipped. Surface is now and hair are worn. flecked with spots of discoloration but Bernoulli, 23, #6; Amelung, op. cit. otherwise is in good condition. (supra, Cat. 7) 1, 332, #26, pl. 35; Bernoulli, 22, #1, pl. X; E. Strong, L'Orange, Apotheosis, 75, fig. 50. Roman Sculpturefrom Augustus to ConstanPhotograph: German Archaeological tine (London 1907) 376; Jones, Museo Institute, Rome, neg. 29.571. Capitolino, 203, #51, with earlier bibliogThe head is turned slightly to the rightraphy, and pl. 47; L'Orange, Apotheosis, with the glance directed to the right and 75, 79, fig. 56; Budde, op. cit. (supra, clearly upward. The emphasis on the II, n. 2) 16, fig. 47; Vermeule, op. cit. upward glance of the eyes with the small (supra, Cat. 89) 23, fig. 4; Balty, op. cit. drill holes placed near the upper eyelids Intro., n. 26) 75, n. 1; W. Helbig, Fuhrer and the lack of organic life in the forms durch die offentlichen Sammlungen klassrelate the head to variant " D." The ischer Altertumer in Rom. Die stadtischen drill is still used to a degree to accent Sammlungen: Kapitolinische Museen und the general organic movement of the curls Museo Barracco. Die staatlichen Sammlungen: in the beard and hair. The pathos of exAra Pacis, Galleria Borghese, Galleria Spa-

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

176

da, Museo Pigorini, Antiquarien auf Forum und Palatin (Tubingen 1966) 11, 145, #14308. Photographs: Oscar Savio, negs. C 498, C 505. The head is frontal with the eyes directed upward. Large double drill holes are placed high in the pupils, emphasizing the spiritualized orientation. The beard is drilled in short, deep channels which are combined with chisel strokes to outline the direction of the curls. In the front of the beard, the channels tend to form a schematic pattern but the plastic life of the curls is still felt, in contrast with such a late portrait of Severus as the head #357 in Munich (P1. LXXVI, Cat.

87). In the profile view, the face is flattened and there is only a suggestion of the fleshy forms of the cheeks. The head is of fine quality. For a discussion of the date of the work, see supra 114.

92. Rome, Santa Pudenziana P1. LXXIX Head.

Greek marble. H. crow"Tn of head to end of beard, 0.30 m.; W., 0.25 m. Head is broken off under the beard. Missing are: nose, ends of frontal beard curls, lower part of 1. ear lobe. Damaged are: 1. eye with upper 1. cheek and frontal hanging locks of the hair. The surface is weathered with heavy incrustation. The head is unpublished, to my knowledge. Photographs: German Archaeological Institute, Rome, negs. 65.708, 65.709. The head is frontal with the eyes glancing upwards and slightly to the right. The hanging locks place the portrait with the Serapis series and the frontal orientation of the head combined with the block-like proportions and flattened profile view associates it with variant " E." The interest in surface realism portrayed in the modeling of the face may be compared. to that shown in the Capitoline

Museum portrait (P1. LXXVIII, Cat. 91). The eyes are pierced by double drill holes with the irises outlined. The beard is

drilled in short, deep channels which roughly follow the movement of the hair curls. The hair is drilled in long, deep channels which also serve to outline the movement of the curls. The corners of the eyes are also drilled but the back of the hair is undrilled. Originally the portrait was of high quality, as seen from the sensitive surface modeling. 93. Munich, Glyptothek. P1. LXXIX Head from collection in Palazzo Bevilacqua, Verona, and probably acquired in 1815 from Prince Kaunitz in Vienna. Inv. 401. Fine-grained marble, now greyed with age. H. of existing head to break in neck under beard, 0.28 m.; W., 0.21 m. The nose, 1. ear, and end curls of beard are now missing. Parts of both eyebrows are restored. The whole surface is badly worn. Portion of 1. cheek may show ancient polish. Bernoulli, 27, #73; Furtwangler, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 78) 377. Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.22. The head is frontal with the glance upward and slightly to the right. The eyes are deep-set and the lips are full and rounded. There is some feeling for the fleshy forms of the cheeks lingering still, but the general impression of the head is that of a firmly consolidated mass. The drill is used in short, schematic channels throughout the beard and hair, and I would date the head close to our Cat. 87 in Munich (P1. LXXVI), at the very end of Severus' reign. It must have originally been an impressive portrait, for despite its damaged condition a power of expression remains in the heavenward gaze of the eyes and in the sheer solidity of the form itself. 94. Tunis, Bardo Museum PI. LXXX Head from Chaoud-el-Batton. Inv. C 73. Greek marble. H. with preserved

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

177

neck, 0.44 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.35 m.; W., 0.28 m. Head was originally cut to fit into a bust or statue. Missing are the nose, lower curls of beard, and pieces of curls on upper r. side of forehead. The frontal curls are worn but ancient and the r. eyebrow and eyelid are damaged. A deep linear cut appears on the surface above the 1. eyebrow. The sides and back of the head are only roughly worked. The surface of the nude parts is scratched but well preserved. The lower lip and r. cheek show that the ancient surface was polished. R. du Coudray La Blanchere and P. Gauckler, Catalogue du Muse'e Alaoui (Paris 1897) 56, #73, pl. XIV; Gsell, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 25) 42, n. 6; H. Hoffmann, " Portrat des Kaisers Septimius

The conisolidation of the plastic forms, however, which foreshadows the portraits of Caracalla, brings us to the stylistic developments observed in the portraits of the last years of Severus' reign. Indeed the extreme mask-like character of the face and the adherence to the block form suggest the possibilities of a posthumous dating. But the lingering surface realism, which is lacking in the posthumous portraits of Severus from Djemila (P1. LIII,

Cat. 45) and Markouna (P1. LXXXII, Cat. 97), relates the portrait in the Bardo to the earlier portraits of Severus in variant " C." The portrait also does not show the contortion of the surface forms typical of many portraits of Caracalla. In conclusion, the execution of this expressive provincial portrait fits best within the evolutionary trends observed in the later years of Severus' reign.

Severus," Sonderdruck aus dem Jahrbuch der Hamburger Kunstsammlungen, 7 (1962)

227; Balty, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 26) 74-78, and 74, n. 3 for further bibliography. Photographs: Bardo Museum, C 73; German Archaeological Institute, Rome, neg. 61.631; McCann, negs. 63.13, 64.14, 63.15. The slightly over life-sized head faces rigidly to the front with the eyes staring directly forward. The shape of the marble block is adhered to on all four sides and the face itself has become a flattened mass whose power of expression comes from the life of the abstract forms and the intensity of the frontal gaze. Upon this hard, block-like core is imposed a soft surface naturalism observed in the fleshy folds of the cheeks, in the rounded lower lip, and in the soft, textured surface of the beard, which is lacking in drill work. This interest in a softened surface treatment can be found in other portraits from North Africa27 and would seem to be a particular provincialism of style not found in Roman works of the period.

95. Tunis, Bardo Museum. P1. LXXXI Head, from Carthage. Inv. 1806. Marble. H. 0.28 m.; W., 0.24 m. Remaining of the ancient head is only the upper portion of the face, including the eyes, forehead and frontal hair curls. The whole lower part of the face is missing, including the nose, and the top of the head has been damaged. Balty, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 26) 76, n. 3.

Photographs: Kindness of Dr. IEnnaifer Mongi of the Bardo Museum. The frontal, badly damaged portrait is identified with Severus by the four hanging Serapis locks over the forehead. The

head may also be compared in style to the portrait of Severus in the Bardo

Museum (P1. LXXX, Cat. 94) in the use of the chisel in the hair curls, which are undrilled, and the block-like form of the head. The eyes in the head in Carthage,

however, glance distinctly upward, to judge

27 E. Paribeni, Catalogo delle sculture di Cirene (Rome from the photographs, allying the head

1959) pl. 104, #182, head of Zeus, dated as either August-

an or Hadrianic.

with the posthumous portraits of Severus

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

178

(i.e., P1. LXXXII, Cat. 97). The pupils are drilled with shallow holes the shape of

97. Paris, Musde des P1. LXXXII

kidney beans and the irises are outlined.28

Colossal head from Markouna (Alge-

96. Hamburg, Museum fur P1. LXXXI Kunst und Gewerbe. Head, formerly on the art market in Rome, and probably from Greece. Inv. 1961.287. Greek marble. H., 0.27 m. The head is broken off under the beard. Nose is missing. Surface in good condition with exception of damage to

eyebrows and scratches on cheeks. The portrait has not been examined at first hand by the writer. Hoffmann, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 93) 224-227 with accompanying plates. Photographs: Kindness of Mr. Barsanti; Museum fur Kunst und Gewerbe, Hamburg, negs. 15485, 15485a.

Colonees.

ria), formerly in the Louvre. Inv. 1119. Coarse-grained marble, now yellowed with age. Total preserved H., 0.64 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.43 m.; W., 0.36 m. The head was cut at the lower neck to fit into a statue or bust. The nose and both lips are restored. The two r. corkscrew locks on the forehead are missing as well as the end curls of the beard and rim of r. ear. A small patch on the r. cheek is restored. The surface is worn and now greyed with dirt and age. Bernoulli, 26, #56, fig. 2; A. Heron de Villefosse, Musees et collections arche'ologiques de l'Algerie et de la Tunisee, Vol.

XIV, Musee Africain du Louvre (Paris 1921) 20, #266; Paris, Musee National du Louvre, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 36) 64,

#1119; R. Lugand, " 1tude de quelques

monuments inedits du Mus6e de Lambese," MelRome 44 (1927) 138, 147; L'Orange, Apotheosis, 79, 84, fig. 58; Balty, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 26) 76, n. 3. Photographs: German Archaeological Institute, Rome, neg. 40.344; McCann, do share a mask-like quality with an negs. 63.30, 63.31. accompanying consolidation of plastic form. But the portrait in Hamburg is lacking in The colossal head is placed frontally with the large eyes looking upward and an interest in surface realism and shows slightly to the right. The eyes are drilled a spiritualization of expression in the upin small, half-moon holes which are placed ward glance of the eyes. The chisel is at the top of the pupils. The drill is also used more schematically in the beard of the head in Hamburg, which is also used in short deep drill holes which form lacking in the use of the drill. I thus a schematized pattern of their own in the beard and hair. For a discussion of the suggest here for the portrait a posthumous dating which is discussed at further length posthumous date of the portrait and its in the text, supra 115. expressive style, see supra 114.

The head is frontal with the dominating eyes looking upwards and slightly to the right. Hoffmann compares the portrait to the head in the Bardo Museum (P1. LXXX, Cat. 94). The two portraits

28 I did not see the head when I was in Carthage and want to thank both Dr. Ennaifer Mongi of the Bardo Museum and Dr. Matilde Mazzolani of the University

of Rome for obtaining information and photographs of the head. See infra 191, for confusion of this head with our rejected portrait of Severus, App. II, R.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

THE LATE SEVERUS PORTRAIT TYPE X29

98. Naples, P1. LXXXIII, LXXXIV Museo Nazionale. Head attached to draped bust with paludamentum fastened on r. shoulder, from Farnese Collection, acquired by Museo Nazionale in 1787. Inv. 6086.

seo Nazionale di Napoli (Naples 1908) 254, #1060; L'Orange, Apotheosis, 74, fig. 48;

Balty, BIHBR 33, p. 104 and n. 5, 106, pl. IV, fig. 1, pl. VI, fig. 2; Alfonso de Franciscis, II Museo Nazionale di Napoli (Naples 1963) 36; Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 41, #5, pl. III.

Luna marble. H. crown of head to break in neck under beard, 0.32m.; W. of head, 0.23 m.

Photographs: Alinari, #19085; German Archaeological Institute, Rome, neg. 40.342; McCann, negs. 64.92, 64.93, 64.94.

Bust does not belong. Head broken under beard and above hairline in back. Restored: end of nose and lower hair curls at back of neck. Rims of both ears broken, and ends of curls in front of beard. Curls around face and back of head only roughly worked. Eyebrows also worn and surface of face slightly scratched but otherwise well preserved.

The head is turned slightly to the right, with the eyes in the same direction. Distinctive of this portrait type is the hair, which is waved inward towards the forehead in pointed curls and falls in a halfcircle across the top of the forehead in flat, unseparated curls. In the profile view the curls are waved forward from the back of the neck. The hair falls lower on the back of the neck than in Severus' other portrait types. Also distinctive are the parallel pointed curls directed forward from behind the ears and

Arditi, Inventario delle statue di marmo e di bronzo esposte ne' portici e galleria questo Regal Museo Borbonico (1819) #131

(307); Sangiorgi, Inventario della collezione delle statue e bassirilievi in marmo (1819?) #207 (131); E. Gerhard and Th. Panofka.

Neapels. Antike Bildwerke (Stuttgart, Tubingen 1828) 44, #131; Real Museo Borbonico, (Naples 1829) V, #55, pl. LV; G. Fiorelli, Documenti inediti per servire alla storia dei musei d'Italia (Florence, Rome 1878) I, 178, #103; Bernoulli, 24, #31; A. Ruesch, Guida illustrata del Mu2" Also see three portraits of Severus in reliefs on Arch of Severus at Lepcis Magna. (PI. XVIII, figs, 2, 3 and P1. XX, fig. 2). For discussion of these portraits and their date see supra 74 ff.

the projecting curl on the left upper cheekbone which separates itself from the reverse curving pattern of curls around the forehead. The beard is long and divided and forms a curving linear pattern around the chin. In the profile view, the side whiskers are rolled forward in a decorative pattern and the beard is divided into three units of long curls. The long moustache is parted by a clear triangle in the middle of the upper lip.

The drill is used sparingly in the beard and hair, only short drill holes accenting

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42an 1976 12:34:56 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

180

the ends of curls in the upper beard while some longer channels follow the direction of the curls in the lower beard. The pupils of the eyes are drilled by means of two round holes which are not fused into the more usual kidney bean pattern. The irises are outlined. The facial type is long with broad cheek bones and brow which narrows at the upper forehead. The planes of the face are smooth and rounded. The emphasis on structure, clarity and simplified form shows a distinctly classicizing style.

more intricate curl patterns are lacking, such as the many parallel divisions of the beard curls on the left side. Of special interest is the type of togate bust used for the Mantua portrait. Balty suggests that Severus initiated its first official use.

100. Sussex, Petworth P1. LXXXVI Collection. Bust draped in toga with folds crossed on 1. shoulder, said to have been found near Rome. Inv. 76.

99. Mantua, Palazzo Ducale. P1. LXXXV Bust draped in toga with folds crossed on 1. shoulder, from Sabbioneta. Inv. 6793. Greek marble. Total H., 0.64 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.32 m.; W. of head, 0.22 m. Head and bust are unbroken and only nose is restored. Rims of both ears and 1. upper eyelid chipped. Eyebrows, beard and frontal curls are worn. R. side of forehead shows discoloration and whole surface appears to have been cleaned.

Duitschke, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 12) IV, 327, #725; Bernoulli, 34, #40; Levi, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 28) 67, # 143, pl. LXXVIII a; Balty, BIHBR 33 p. 104 and n. 4, 105, pl. VI, fig. 1; pl. III, fig. 1; Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 40, #4. Photographs: " Calzolari," Mantua; McCann, negs. 63.17, 63.18. The portrait corresponds in all its iconographic details to the head in Naples

(P1. LXXXIII, LXXXIV, Cat. 98). The classicizing style is also similar, although

the expression in the portrait in Mantua is somewhat softened. For example, the eyebrows are slightly more rounded and less sharp than in the head in Naples. The treatment of the beard and hair lacks some of the finesse of the portrait in Naples. For example, some of the

Greek marble. Total H. of bust to break in foot, 0.72 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard curls, 0.37 m.; W. of head, 0.24 m.

Head, bust and upper portion of foot are unbroken. Missing are: nose, two ends of farthest side curls of beard on both 1. and r. and end of 1. beard curl in front, end curl on 1. side of upper forehead, 1. ear lobe; pieces of drapery folds, and lower part of foot are restored. Surface is well preserved and unpolished. Michaelis, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 18) 617; Wyndham, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 61) 127, #76, with pl.; Vermeule, " Ancient Marbles in Great Britain," Petworth, #76; Balty, BIHBR 33 p. 104, pl. II, fig. 1;

Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 40, #2. Photographs: German Archaeological Institute, Rome, neg. 62.1496; McCann, neg. 63.57; A. F. Kersting. The portrait type is that of the head in Naples (Pls. LXXXIII, LXXXIV, Cat. 98) and the bust form corresponds to

that of the portrait in Mantua (P1. LXXXV Cat. 99). The head is turned to the left and the glance of the eyes is slightly upward, allying it more closely to the

head in Munich (P1. LXXXVII, Cat. 101). Distinctive of the Petworth bust is the increased length of the beard, which is clearly separated into three long curls on either side of a wide triangular center parting. The longer beard can be most

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

181

closely correlated with the representations of Severus of this type in the relief scenes of the arch at Lepcis Magna (P1. XVIII, figs. 2, 3; P1. XX, fig. 2). The longer beard is also seen on the coins of Severus dating after 207 (P1. XIII, figs. 1, 2, 4; P1. XIV, figs. 1, 3). It would seem that the bust in Petworth represents a later variation of the late Severus portrait type. The head in Munich (P1. LXXXVII, Cat. 101) may also perhaps be restored with the longer beard, for certain details such as the long separated side curl visible in the left profile view link it with the portrait in the Petworth Collection. The longer separated curls could also be more easily broken off. The Petworth head is a curious mixture of a classicizing style combined with an interest in realistic detail seen in the etching in of the eyebrow hairs with the chisel, a detail also seen in the head in Munich (Cat. 101) but lacking in the portraits in Naples (Cat. 98) and Mantua (Cat. 99). The treatment of the drapery folds of the bust shows a more naturalistic and detailed handling as compared with the treatment of the toga in the bust in Mantua. Because of its fine preservation and classicizing style, I questioned at first the antiquity of the bust in the Petworth Collection. But a careful study a second time of the drill work, etc., left no doubt in my mind that the bust was ancient. The longer-bearded type also corresponds to the portraits of Severus cited on the arch in Lepcis (supra, n. 29).

101. Munich, Glyptothek. P1. LXXXVII Head acquired from Sposino in Rome in 1822. Inv. 353. Greek marble. Total preserved H., 0.35 m.; H. crown of head to end of

beard, 0.27m.; W., 0.22m. Head has been broken at lower neck where remains of pleated folds indicate the head was originally part of a draped or armoured bust or statue. Missing are:

end of nose (restored in earlier photographs), curls of lower beard, and 1. ear lobe. Eyebrows worn. Surface in good condition, although now discolored with age. Bernoulli, 27, #74; Furtwangler, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 78) 359, #353; L'Orange, Apotheosis, 73, fig. 47; Balty, BIHBR 33 p. 106, pl. V, fig. 1; Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 41, #6. Photographs: German Archaeological Institute, neg. 40.343; Munich, Glyptothek, #353; McCann, neg. 63.23. The iconographic type clearly belongs with that of the head in Naples (Pls. LXXXIII, LXXXIV, Cat. 98) and the bust in Mantua (PI. LXXXV, Cat. 99). Different, however, is the position of the head which is almost frontal and the upward glance of the eyes of the head in Munich, giving a more dramatic and powerful expression to the whole. Different also is the bolder cubic style, which lays emphasis upon the geometric pattern of the facial forms such as the powerful horizontal brows and horizontal line of the mouth framed by the bushier rnoustache. The increased plastic hair curls are emphatically outlined by deeper drill channels arranged in a schematized, horizontal pattern. The back of the head is left much rougher than on the head in Naples. The swelling temples typical of Severus are also more prominently indicated in the Munich head. The increased sense for geometric form and schematization of patterns link the head in Munich with Late Antique tendencies in style. Thus, one would suppose that the head in Munich is either a later rendition of the late Severus portrait type or was executed by a more progressive artist of the times. It should be noted that the earlier photographs of this head showing the nose restored, reproduced in L'Orange and Balty, are poor and most deceptive. The head is actually a much more powerful statement of Severus in his role both as Roman emperor and as " Saviour-King," portrayed here in the frontal and upward glance of the eyes.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

182

102. Guelma (Algeria), P1. LXXXVII Musee des Antiquites. Head found in theatre at Madau-

ros (Mdaourouch). White marble. No measurements known. Head broken at neck. End of nose broken and 1. eyebrow damaged. S. Gsell and C. A. Joly, Mdaourouch (Alger 1922) 91, pl. XV, fig. 3; L. Leschi, Algerie antique (Paris 1952) pl. 26; Souville, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 25) 149-150, fig. 1; Mazard and Leglay, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 45) 46-50, fig. 33 (mislabeled from Khamissa); Balty, BIHBR 33 p. 106-107, pl. IV, fig. 2; Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 41, #8. Photographs: New York University, neg. K 8844; Marcel Bovis, negs. 1229, 1230. Souville points out the similarity of the head to portraits identified with Clodius Albinus (cf. infra 197 ff.), but concludes

that the long beard identifies the portrait with Severus and compares it to the representations of the emperor on the arch at Lepcis. Balty includes the portrait in her group of the " Leptis" type, stating that the features are identical with the other portraits in her group. However, evidence for differentiation within the group into an earlier and later type has

been presented here. The head in Guelma clearly belongs to the later group

represented by the head in the Petworth Collection (Cat. 100) and the heads on the arch at Lepcis, particularly the portrait of the emperor in the sacrifice scene with the figure of Hercules (P1. XVIII, fig. 3). The style of the head in Guelma has been associated with those of Severus on the arch (supra 115 ff.). The head in Guelma faces forward,

and in this respect is closest to the head in Munich (P1. LXXXVII, Cat. 101). Likewise, the prominent temples in both portraits can be compared. The head in Guelma, however, does show a broader and squarer facial form than any of the

others in the group and the forehead curls are somewhat varied. Either the portrait is a posthumous one or the advanced drill technique, which goes beyond contemporary Roman work, must be explained by its provincial origin. Individual clumps of hairs are still indicated on the head in Guelma by chisel strokes, and the presence of organic life in the forms dates it before the externally dated posthumous portrait of Severus in Djemila (P1. LIII, Cat. 45). I have not studied this portrait at first hand and further information about the head could not be obtained. Gems

h. Paris, Bibliotheque Nation- P1. XCII

ale, Cabinet des M!dailles.

Armoured, standing, with paludamentum, facing front, head crowned with laurel, between Caracalla and Geta crowned by Victories. Sardonyx, #301. H., 31 mm.; L., 32mm.

Babelon, op. cit. (supra, Cat. Gem f) #301, 157, pl. XXXIV. Photograph: Cabinet des Medailles, neg. 63A12678.

Severus is shown sacrificing over an altar with his two sons beside him being crowned by Victories. Babelon identifies the boy on the left sacrificing with his father as Caracalla and notes a diadem on his head. Geta, on the right, he describes as bare-headed. On a close direct examination of the gem, however, it appears to me that the boy on the right also wears a laurel wreath, although the small size of the image coupled with its crude workmanship leaves a margin of uncertainty. Severus' hair is clearly cut straight across the forehead with no indication of separated hanging locks, and he wears a long beard. The type appears to be that of the late Severus portrait type. The dedication in the exergue is to the " Victory of the Emperors." The boys both appear young and unbearded. If both boys wear a diadem or a laurel

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

183

wreath, the gem must date between 209 and 211 when all three reigned jointly. The absence of beards on the boys further indicates a date before 210, on the basis of our coin evidence (supra, II, n. 15). To what victory the gem refers is a problem, but one would suppose that it could be connected with the wars in Britain at this time. The crude little gem, possibly a provincial piece, has significance for our study, for it can be used as further proof that the Serapis portrait type was not the only one used for later portraits of the emperor,

intaglio, found in churchyard at Castlesteads (ancient Uxellodunum) in late eighteenth century in a Roman urn. In the collection of the Rev. William Dacre of Irthington in the late nineteenth century, present location unknown. Carlisle, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 91) 71, pl. VI, 25; Blair, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 91) 147; Harris, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 90) 78.30

Carlisle originally suggested that the busts represented were Severus (as Jupiter) between his two sons as Castor and which has hitherto been the opinion held Pollux. Blair, quoting Rev. C. W. King, by scholars. identifies the heads as Serapis between Isis and Horus. For our identification of i. Petronell (Austria), Pi. XCII the figures as Severus in the guise of Donau Museum. Serapis between Caracalla and Geta as the Draped bust crowned with laurel Dioscuri, see supra, I, n. 91. Severus is wreath, facing r. between Caracalla and here represented without the Serapis locks Geta. Type of gem unknown. From and the portrait type appears to be that Carnuntum, formerly in the Carnunof his late imperial type. Belowv the tum Museum in Deutsch Altenburg figures are the letters EZC. The gem and recently stolen from the Donau was last known in an exhibition of the Museum. Present location unknown. Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle-uponTyne on January 27, 1886.31 The little Erich von Swoboda, Carnuntum: seine gem is important for our study, for if it Geschichte und seine Denkmaler (Vienna represents Severus, it is our only remain1949) 33, pl. VIII, fig. la; R. Noll, Kunst example of the emperor wearing the der R6merzeit in Oesterreich (Salzburg ing 1949) modius of Serapis, further evidence of his 28, fig. 77. association w'ith the god. Severus is represented with his two sons, both of whom appear to wear laurel wreaths and Caracalla on the right also the lion-skin hood (?), indicating a date

for the gem between 209 and 211 when Geta was also Augustus. The boys are both unbearded, which narrows the date to before 210, on the basis of the coin evidence (supra, II, n. 15). Severus appears to use here his late portrait type with the hair curls cut straight across the

forehead. The beard is long and divided into three sections.

j. Castlesteads, Cumberland. P1. XCII Draped bust, laureate and crowned with the modius, facing r. between Caracalla and Geta (?). Carnelian

k. Paris. Bibliotheque P1. XCII Nationale, Cabinet des Medailles. Armoured bust, crowned with laurel wreath, facing l. Chalcedony intaglio, #2100 a. Photograph: Cabinet des Medailles neg. 66A. 15450. Severus' profile closely corresponds to portraits on coins cited for his latest portrait type. I am grateful to Miss Gisela Richter for telling me of this unpublished gem. "I For an account of the site at Castlesteads see E.

Birley, Research on Hadrian's Wall (Kendal 1961) 203-205. 31 I am grateful to Professor Birley for this information.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

184

Lead Seals

1. Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Mu- P1. XCII seum of Antiquities, King's College. Three lead seals or bullae with representations of Severus, laureate and facing 1., between Caracalla on 1., also laureate but facing r., and Geta on r., bare-headed and facing 1. From South Shields. J. C. Bruce, " On the Recent Discov-

eries in the Roman Camp on the Lawe, South Shields," Archaeologia Aeliana 10

(1885) 253-258, pl. opp. 254, figs. 1, 3, 7; J. M. C. Toynbee, Art in Britain Under the Romans (Oxford, 1964) 357. The crude little portraits of Severus all show him with a long beard, parted into three or four sections, and with the hair curls arranged high over the forehead. They appear to be diminutive portraits of Severus' late portrait type. Above the busts are the letters A UGG. For a discussion of the use of these seals, see Bruce. I am grateful to Professor Toynbee for drawing my attention to these interesting little pieces.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

CHAPTER NINE

APPENDICES I-V

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

CHAPTER NINE

APPENDICES I-V

I. Lost Portraits in the Round Described as Severus in the Archaeological Literature'

ALGERIA

A. Cherchel, Muse'e Arche'ologique. Colossal head from Gournaya (Gouraya). No communication ever was received from the museum concerning a request for a photograph and present location of the head. P. Gauckler " Seance du 13 Juin," BAntFr (1894) 175; Bernoulli, 28, #83; Balty, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 26) 76, n. 3. B. Lambessa, Musee de Lambese. Bust of Septimius Severus, found in Markouna. H., 0.29 m.

R. Lugand, " 1tude de quelques monuments ine6dits du Mus6e du Lambese," MelRome 44 (1927) 138, 147; Balty, op. cit. (supra, Intro. n. 26) 76, n. 3.

GREAT BRITAIN

C. Cheshire, Marbury Hall. Michaelis, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 18) 511, #31; Bernoulli, 27, #66; Vermeule, " Ancient Marbles in Great

Britain," Marbury, #31; Vermeule, AJA 60 (1956) 336. Portrait sold in 1 The portraits in appendices I-IV are arranged

alphabetically first by nation and then by city, appendix V in order of reliability of attribution.

1933 and present location unknown. Vermeule cites Poulsen's attribution of the head to the school of Cavaceppi. D. Liverpool, Walker Art Gallery

Head, under life-sized, provenience unknown. Luna marble. H., 0.18 m. Ashmole, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 53) 81, #217 g. Illustration of the head is unknown to me. ITALY

E. Florence, Palazzo Pitti, Magazine. Portrait of Septimius listed in Bernoulli and Dutschke as in the magazine. The portrait could not be located in my search of the storerooms and palace. Dutschke, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 12) 30; Bernoulli, 24, #36; Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 59, #1, pl. VII; cf. Intro., n. 28.

F. Florence, Uffizi Gallery. Head attached to modern armoured bust. Inv. 165. The portrait could not be located in the Uffizi Gallery. Professor Mansuelli writes me that he was unable to identify it when writing his catalogue of the ancient sculpture of the museum.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

188

Dutschke, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 12) III, 174; Bernoulli, 24, #33.

G. Rome, Museo Nazionale. P1. XCII Head attached to armoured bust, from Museo Kircheriano. Inv. 193. Parian marble. Total H. of bust with ancient foot, 0.74 m. From the photographs the hiead appears to be broken from the bust at the lower neck under the beard. Head, bust and foot, however, are associated together in the museum catalogue reference. The upper section of the cranium is cut through but is apparently ancient and belongs to original head. The photographs show a long facial type with the hanging curls and classicizing style that can be compared to the portraits in our Serapis series, variant " B " (supra 112). Compare particularly the head in the Petworth Collection (P1. LXII, Cat. 61). The bust has disappeared from the museum collection sometime after 1914 when Paribeni included it in his catalogue. No further record of it could be obtained. Bernoulli, 24, #27; Gauckler, op. cit. (supra, Cat., n. 13) 289-290, pl. LVII; R. Paribeni, Guida del Museo Nazionale Romano (Rome 1914) 107-108, #466; Balty, op. cit. (supra, Cat., n. 13) 84-89. H. Rome, Palazzo Colonna. The portrait is apparently in a section of the palace not open to the public and permission could not be

obtained from the Colonna family to see it. I am grateful to Dr. Federico Zeri for his help in obtaining information about the portrait.

Matz and Duhn, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 24) #1877; Bernoulli, 23, #15 (erroneously cited as Matz and Duhn #1887). I. Rome, Palazzo Poli. Marble head attached to statue to which it does not belong. Matz and

Duhn question the antiquity of the head. The portrait could not be traced, and Mr. Achilles Talenti tells me that when he bought the Palazzo Poli in the 1930's the sculptural collection had already disappeared. I would like to thank Mr. Talenti for his kindness in arranging for me to make a search of the palace. Matz and Duhn, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 24) #1314; Bernoulli, 23, #21. J. Rome, Palazzo Sciarra.

Head attached to modern bust of red alabaster. The portrait is no longer in the Palazzo Sciarra and its present location could not be traced.

Matz and Duhn, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 24) #1921; Bernoulli, 24, #24. K. Rome, Villa Doria Pamphili. Head, formerly on first floor of villa. Nr. 38. Present location unknown.

Matz and Duhn, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 24) #1913; Bernoulli, 23, #20.

SPAIN

L. Seville, Casa de Pilatos. Portrait on modern armoured statue. M. Wegner, " Romische Herrscher-

bildnisse des Zweiten Jahrhunderts in Spanien," ArchEspArq 26 (1953) 89, 90. No further information available.

TUNISIA M. Bou Ftis. Marble Head. P. Gauckler, Compte rendu de la mar-

che du service en 1898, 10; Balty, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 26) 76, n. 3.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

189

II. Doubtful Attributions in the Round Not Otherwise Mentioned2

AUSTRIA

to outline the curls of the hair and beard suggest a later date. Breccia, op. cit. (supra, Cat., n. 1) 185-186, #55, fig. 94. Photographs: McCann, neg. 65.34.

A. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches PL.XCIII

D. Alexandria, Greco- P1. XCIII

Museum.

Marble head set on modern bust, formerly in the Castello at Cataio.

Inv. I 1295. The style and iconography of the head cannot be associated with Severus.

Dutschke, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 12) V, #516.

Photographs: Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum, neg. II 4424; German Archaeological Institute, Rome, neg. 63.1765.

Roman Museum.

Armoured statue, Inv. 3608, with inserted marble head identified as Severus. The facial type and hair style, however, are clearly not those of Severus. Breccia, op. cit. (supra, Cat., n. 1) 197, #1 (3608).3 Photograph: German Archaeological Institute, Rome, neg. 2549.

B. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum. Fragment of marble head from Ephesus of an " imperial priestess" of the third century in whose crown Hill identifies a portrait of Severus. Inan and Rosenbaum have recently questioned this identification and, in any case, I agree with them that the representation is so small that any se-

FRANCE

E. Paris, Rodin Museum. P1. XCIV Apparently an unpublished head identified in a Marburg photograph (#173335, #173336) as Severus, but the iconography can rather be associated with Lucius Verus.

cure identification is prohibited. G. F. Hill, " Priester-Diademe," JOAI 2 (1899) 245 ff., fig. 132; Inan and Rosenbaum, op. cit. (supra, II, n. 26) 137, X169, pl. XCVIII, 4. EGYPT

C. Alexandria, Greco- P1. XCIII Roman Museum.

Head of Greek marble from Alexan-

dria, Inv. 3371, identified by Breccia as Septimius Severus. The long facial type, undivided beard, and hair style differ, however, from any of

GERMANY

F. Cassel, Museum Fridericianum. Marble head on a togate statue identified as Severus by Bieber but doubted by Frederik Poulsen. The long facial type and the undivided beard speak against an attribution to Severus. Poulsen suggests an identification with a contemporary of Severus who was imitating him. M. Bieber, Die antiken Skulpturen und Bronzen des Koniglichen Museum Frideri-

surface polish and the use of the drill

cianum in Cassel (Marburg 1915) 31, #49, pls. XXX, XXXI, #49; Poulsen, Catalogue, 502.

2 Also see portraits in Athens, National Museum (Pl. XCVI, figs. 1-2) and Izmir (Pl. XCVI, fig. 4), both

3 Breccia gives an incorrect reference in Reinach for this statue. See supra, Cat., n. 1.

Severus' portrait types. The high

discussed in our text, supra 40.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

190

GREAT BRITAIN

G. London, Apsley House. Marble head described as Severus in the early literature but identified by Wegner as Marcus Aurelius, an identification with which I agree. I am grateful to His Grace the Duke of Wellington for information about the portrait.

varying iconography of the hair and beard and the facial type separate the head, in my opinion, from those por-

traits identified here as Severus. I am grateful to Mr. Ward-Perkins and Dr. Laura Fabbrini of the Museo Foro Romano for photographs. Jucker, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 39) 103, n. 2.

Michaelis, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 18) 430, #4; Bernoulli, 27, #61; Vermeule, "Ancient Marbles in Great Britain," Apsley House, M4; Wegner, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 1) 179. H. Middlesex, Chiswick P. XCIV House. Togate statue, identified by Vermeule as Septimius Severus. The very destroyed condition of the head makes any identification uncertain. The remaining pattern of the beard and the hair style, however, are very different from those of Severus.

Vermeule, AJA 59, p. 132. Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.52.

GREECE

ITALY

K. Cataio, formerly in the Castello. Cited by Dutschke as a modern bust. Present location unknown. Dutschke, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 12) V, 295, 756a; Bernoulli, 25, #45.

L. Rome, Museo Nazionale. Head of Luna marble, Inv. 204, identified by Frel as Septimius Severus

but Felletti Maj dates the head in the early Antonine period. The hair style and facial type are very different from those of Severus. Maj, Museo Nazionale, 105, #201; J. Frel, " Su alcuni ritratti del Museo Nazionale Romano," ArchCl 9 (1957) 245246.

I. Athens, Agora Museum. Head of Pentelic marble. I share Harrison's opinion that the portrait dates in the Antonine period.

Harrison, op. cit. (supra, III, n. 5) 38-40, #28, pl. 19, with earlier bibliography.

J. Saloniki, Archaeological P1. XCIV Museum.

Marble head and portion of armoured bust, Inv. 898. The portrait was originally brought to my attention by Mr. Ward-Perkins. Jucker identifies the portrait with Severus. The

M. Turin, Museo di Antichita. Head of Greek marble. The head cannot be definitely identified with any portraits now in the museum. Dtitschke, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 12) IV, #146; Bernoulli, 25, #48. N. Turin, Museo di Antichita. Marble bust. The bust cannot be definitely identified with any portraits now in the museum.

Dutschke, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 12) IV, #147; Bernoulli, 25, #49.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

191

LIBYA

0. Tripoli, Archeological P1. XCV

SWEDEN

Q. Stockholm, National P1. XCV

Museum.

Museum.

Marble head, Inv. 476, from theatre at Lepcis Magna recently identified by Caputo as Severus. But the upswept hair, large curls of the beard and the narrow bulging brow find their exact parallel in the images of the hero Hercules. Rather, the head may illustrate the type of Hercules model

Head identified by Bernoulli and Brising as Septimius Severus. The iconography cannot be related to any of our portraits.

Bernoulli, 3 #28; H. Brising, Antik Konst I Nationalmuseum urval och Beskrifning (Stockholm 1911) 125, #102, pl. LIV.

which gave inspiration to Severus' portrait Type II (supra 86 ff.).

Caputo, op. cit. (supra, III, n. 18) 381385, pl. LXXXVIII-XC.

TUNISIA

R. Tunis, Bardo Museum P1. XCV Marble head from Carthage. H., 0.40 m.; W., 0.25 m. Picard suggests an

SPAIN

P. Seville, Archaeological P1. XCV Museum.

identification with Clodius Albinus. Balty includes it in her list of por-

traits of Severus where it is, however, confused in her bibliography with

Marble togate statue, veil drawn over head, broken off at knees. Nose missing. Surface completely destroyed.

the head of Severus, also from Carthage, now in the Bardo Museum. Inv. 1806 (Cat. 95). The iconography of the head separates it from both Severus and Albinus. I am grateful to both Dr. Ennaifer Mongi and Dr. Matilde Mazzolani for obtaining in-

The guide to the museum, published in 1957, identifies the very destroyed portrait with Septimius Severus, upon formation about the portrait for me. the recommendation of Wegner. In his article of 1953, however, Wegner identiM. G. C. Picard, " Rapport sur l'actified the statue with Marcus Aurelius, sugvite du service des antiquites et arts de la gesting it had been reworked at a later Tunisie du Ier novembre 1945 au 15 jantime. The long, thin facial form and vier 1946. Fouilles des thermes d'Antonin undivided beard separate it from the icona Carthage," BAC (1946-1949) 62; Balty, ography of Severus. Although the hair op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 26) 76, n. 3. style, which is arranged in a cap over the Photographs: Kindness of Dr. Ennaiforehead, is not like Marcus Aurelius' latfer Mongi of the Bardo Museum. er portraits, the sunken cheeks and long facial type can be correlated. The poor state of preservation of the head makes TURKEY identification difficult, but Wegner's identification with Marcus Aurelius appears S. Ephesus. the most acceptable to me. Wegner, op. cit. (supra, App. I L) Marble head found in the west hall #87, 82-84, 89-90, fig. 9-10; Museo of the Palaestra. Keil suggests an arqueologico de Sevilla, 7 (Madrid 1957) identification with Severus but Cor100, pl. LXXXI. nelius Vermeule thinks that it is more

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

192

likely a late version of a Pergamene Aesculapius. In any case, the iconography of the shattered head separates it from the portraits identified here with Severus. J. Keil, " Vorlaufiger Bericht fiber die

Ausgrabungen in Ephesos," JOAI 27 (1932) Beiblatt, 43-44, fig. 26.

UNITED STATES

T. Detroit, Institute of Arts.

glance is to the right. The bust form used, with double folds of the toga arranged over each shoulder, is unknown to me in any other antique examples. The mingling of a classicistic interest in polished forms combined with realism in the handling of details such as the soft flesh around the eyes, as well as with its fine preservation furthel cause me to raise doubts concerning this previously accepted antique bust. Felletti Maj also doubts the antiquity of the bust. The long facial form and classicizing style suggest a model from our var-

iant "B "in the Serapis series (supra 112).

Head identified by Heil with Septimius Severus. The style and iconography bear no resemblance to the portraits of the emperor.

Bernoulli, 25, #50; Paris, Musee National du Louvre, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 36)

W. Heil, "Four Roman Portrait Heads" Bulletin of the Detroit Institute of Arts 9, #1 (1927) 28-30, with plate.

Photographs: Archives Photographiques, 5.1490. 028.AE.1, 5.1490.0028.BE.1; McCann, neg. 63.32.

64, #1118; Barreca, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 17) 62.

B. Paris, formerly in von P1. XCVII Frey Collection. III. Renaissance and Modern Copies in the Round Formerly Identified as Ancient 4

FRANCE

A. Paris, Louvre. Pi. XCVII

Draped bust, said to be from Gabii, formerly Collection Borghese. Inv. 1118.

White, fine-grained marble. Total H. of bust excluding foot, 0.72 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.33 m.; W. of head, 0.28 m.

Head and bust are unbroken. The foot is added. End of nose restored and pieces of drapery fold. Otherwise bust in excellent condition; surface shows high, modern polish. The head is turned to the right and the 4 I have no hesitation in designating the portraits in the appendices as Renaissance or modern copies. When I have doubts conceming the authenticity of individual portraits included in the catalogue, I have indicated them in the catalogue itself.

Head broken at neck, from Stettiner Collection in Rome and sold in Paris in 1933. Present location unknown. Light marble, with colored veining. Although the head is known to me only in photographs, the use of colored marble, technique of the drill work in the

beard and hair and general expression clearly show the head to be modern. Kaschnitz-Weinberg first published the head as a portrait of Severus. Poulsen doubted the identification. Jucker also doubts the authenticity of the head, while Balty accepts the the head as ancient. The general portrait type can be related to the portraits of Severus in the Palazzo Braschi in Rome (P1. XXVII, Cat. 8) and in Los Angeles (P1. XXVIII, Cat. 9). G. Kaschnitz-Weinberg, Die Antike 2 (1926) 42, pl. III; Poulsen, Catalogue, 502; Jucker, op. cit. (supra, Intro., n. 39) 104, n. 9; Balty, Latomus 23, p. 59; Balty,

Collection Latomus 85, p. 37, #4. Photographs: German Archaeological

Institute, Rome, negs. 3087, 3088.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

193

r. shoulder. Inv. 12248 (?). Total H. of head and bust, 0.57 m.; H. of head to break in neck, 0.32 m.; W., 0.23 m. Head is broken from the bust. Edge of r. ear broken and 1. ear damaged. Otherwise in excellent condition, although marble

GREAT BRITAIN

C. Wiltshire, Wilton House. P1. XCVIII Head formerly in the collection at Wilton House. Sold by Christie's to R. Falkiner on July 3, 1961. The present location of the head could not be traced. The naturalistic modeling of the face and the drillwork in the

discolored with dirt.

The head is turned to the right and the glance is to the right and slightly upward. The technique of the drill work Michaelis, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 18) 710, in the eyes, hair and beard dates the head 184; Bernoulli, 27, #69; Vermeule, " Anin the modern period. The three curls cient Marbles in Great Britain," Wilton over the forehead which end in spiral curls House; Christie's. A Selected Portion of are not found in any of the other portraits the Collection of Ancient Marbles Formed of Severus, although the facial type and by Thomas, 8th Earl of Pembroke, Monday divided beard identify the portrait with Jfuly 3, 1961 (London 1961) 33, #145. this emperor. I have not been able to Photograph: A. C. Cooper, London, identify the portrait in any publication. neg. 272259. Felletti Maj and R. Calza also suggest beard appear modern.

that the head is modern on the basis of ITALY

D. Florence, Uffizi Gallery. P1. XCVIII

the photographs. Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.20.

F. Rome, Galleria Borghese. P1. XCVIII

Bust draped with paludamentum across chest and 1. shoulder. Inv. 1914, #207. Greek marble. Total H., 0.77 m. Head and bust are in one piece. Restored: nose, end of farthest r. curl on forehead, and end of beard curl on r. side.

White Italian marble head, cut at base of neck to fit into bust or statue. H., 0.38 m. Published by Faldi as a 17th century work of one of the antiquarian sculptors such as Nicola Cordier, Caporale or Cristofor Stati, who managed the collection of Cardinal Scipione Borghese. The copy is from a portrait of the Serapis type. The style is smooth and classicizing and the long facial type suggests a model from variant " B " (supra 112).

The head is turned to the left and the glance is to the left. Mansuelli recognizes the portrait as modern, an opinion shared by this writer. The handling of the fleshy surface of the cheeks suggests knowledge of a model from our Serapis series, variant Bernoulli, 23, #13; I. Faldi, Galleria "C " (supra 112). Borghese. Le sculture dal secolo XVI al Mansuelli, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 64) II, XIX (Rome 1954) 14, #7, fig. 7, with 142, #191, fig. 191. earlier bibliography. Photographs: Brogi, 9269; Gabinetto Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.64. Fotografico della Soprintendenza alle Gallerie, N. 10395, N. 10396. G. Rome, Museo Nazionale. P1. XCIX

E. Mantua, Palazzo Ducale. P1. XCVIII Marble head attached to armoured bust with paludamentum fastened over

Head of Italian marble. From the Palatine Museum, which had acquired it from the Campana Collection in the late nineteenth century. Inv. 625.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

194

Total H., 0.46 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.40 m.; W., 0.33 m. The neck has been cut to fit into a statue. The style of the drill work and the dramatized expression of the face date the head in the modern period. Its

Visconti, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 67) 297, #572, pl. CXLVII; Bernoulli, 24, #29; Balty, BIHBR 33, p. 104-105, pl. XXXIII; Balty, op. cit. (supra, Cat., n. 13) 82-87;

identity with Severus must also be

I. Rome, Palazzo Altieri. P1. XCIX

questioned. The portrait has also been identified with Clodius Albinus. Helga von Heintze suggested a date in the eighteenth century to me for the portrait.

Bernoulli, 24, #28; W. Helbig, Fuhrer durch die offentlichen Sammlungen Klassischer Altertumer in Rom (Leipzig 1913) II, 176, #140; Paribeni, I ritratto, pl. CCXCI; P. E. Arias, La scultura romana (Messina 1943) 169; S. Aurigemma, Le Terme di Diocleziano e il Museo Nazionale Romano (Rome 1950) #247; Maj, Museo Nazionale, 126-127, #251; Balty, op. cit. (supra, Cat., n. 13) 86, n. 2, 3; Balty, Collection Latomus

85, p. 42, #141. H. Rome, Museo Torlonia. P1. XCIX Italian marble bust draped in toga with folds crossing over 1. shoulder, found in the Veientanum of Livia,

Rome, in 1863. mnv. 572. Total H. excluding foot, 0.73 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.38 m.; W. of head, 0.24 m. Balty identifies this bust with Bernoulli's lost portrait of Severus from Prima Porta. Head and bust are in one piece and unrestored but the foot is separate. The portrait and bust type closely correspond to the one in the Petworth Collection

(P1. LXXXVI, Cat. 100). The bust form, however, is wider. The drill work along with the hardened surfaces and interest in increased realism of detail, and also the perfect preservation convince me that the bust is modern. Mr. Felbermeyer has suggested to me that perhaps it is a work of the late seventeenth century, based on a model of the Petworth type.

Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 40, #3.

Modern portrait bust of the Serapis type with the head turned slightly to the right. The head is of white marble and the draped bust of red porphyry. Total H., 0.71 m.; H.

crown to end of beard, 0.28 m.; W. of head, 0.25 m. Long facial type indicates a model from variant " B of the Serapis type (supra 112). Unpublished. Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.79.

J. Rome, Palazzo Corsini. White marble head on draped bust of red porphyry and black marble. The head is turned to the right and the glance is to the right. The fore-

head shows three large hanging curls and the beard is long and divided. The portrait of Severus cannot be definitely related to any one of our icon-

ographic types and its style appears to me modern. Maj, Museo Nazionale, 128.

K. Rome, Palazzo Giustiniani. P1. C White marble head set into red porphyry armoured bust with paludamentum over left shoulder. Total H.,

0.70 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.31 m.; W., 0.24 m. No restorations or damages. The bust has only been known in the Giustiniani collection since 1937, and its style clearly identifies it as modern. It is a copy of the portrait of Severus in the Palazzo Braschi, Rome (P1. XXVII, Cat. 8), to which its measurements also correspond. Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.74.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

195

L. Rome, Palazzo P1. LV, figs. 1, 2. Rospigliosi, Throne Room.

neck, 0.40 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.31 m.; W., 0.25 m.

Bronze head attached to red marble bust. H. of head and neck, 0.35 m.; H. crown to end of beard, 0.28 m.; W., 0.25 m.

The workmanship appears modern (17th century?) and the head is unrestored. It is a copy of the Serapis-Severus portrait type. The head is frontal, as in the portrait of Severus in the Capitoline Museum (P1. LXXVIII, Cat. 91) from variant " E," but the upward glance of the eyes in the modern head is turned also to the r. The fleshy cheeks also suggest a knowledge of portraits from variant " C " in the Serapis series. Unpublished. Photograph: McCann, neg. 63.91.

Head cut at base of neck to fit into bust or statue, otherwise head in excellent condition. Head does not belong with present bust. Small hole in bronze at base of neck on r. shoulder and crack in back

of neck on r. Patina is a dark green. The antiquity of the head was doubted by Bernoulli. The head is a close replica of the bronze portrait of Severus in the Vatican of the Serapis type, variant " A " (P1. LIV, LV, Cat. 46). The upward glance of the eyes, however, allies the head to later portraits in the Serapis group. There are

N. Venice, Doge's Palace. P1. C

also slight variations in the handling of the individual beard curls which suggest to me the hand of a copyist who has created a modern pastiche. The artist of the head in the Palazzo Rospigliosi also exaggerates the movement of some of the individual curls, creating a sharper and more decorative effect. There is also a greater em-

phasis on realism in the handling of the nude surfaces and a sharpness in the etch-

ing of the eyebrows which is lacking in the softly modulated head in the Vatican. I have no hesitation in designating the portrait in the Palazzo Rospigliosi as the

work of a modern (17th- century?) In addition, it is exhibited in a room containing other modern bronze copies of famous Roman portraits. Matz and Duhn, op. cit. (supra, Cat.

24) I, 504, #1918; Bernoulli, 23, #22. Photographs: Mr. J. Felbermeyer,

Marble head attached to draped statue. Total H. of head and statue, 2.09 m.; H. of head alone, 0.38 m. Head broken at lower neck and attached to statue. Restored: nose, lower section of beard, arms and feet and parts of the toga.

The head stares directly forward and its style and iconography designate it as surely of modern workmanship. The four curls over the forehead, however, identify the portrait with Severus rather than Marcus Aurelius, as originally believed by Dutschke but corrected by Bernoulli. The statuary type can be compared to Greek prototypes. The four curls over the foreartist.

head relate the head in a general way to

the Serapis iconography. Duitschke, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 12) V., 25-26, #58; Bernoulli, 25, #46. Photographs: Museo Archeologico, Venice, negs. 1517-1520.

American Academy, Rome; McCann, neg. 63.91.

SICILY

M. Rome, Palazzo Rospigliosi, P1. C Casino della Aurora. Head of Italian marble attached to red porphyry bust with toga crossed over 1. shoulder. H. of head with

0. Palermo, National Museum. Marble toga statue, Inv. 700, of the first century A.D. with inserted plas-

ter head of Marcus Aurelius, originally published by Reinach as Severus.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

196

T6lken, but the identification has been rejected by both Furtwangler and

I am grateful to Vincenzo Tusa, Superintendent of Antiquities at Palermo for information about the statue.

Reinach, op. cit. (supra, Cat., n. 1) III, 161, #2; N. Bonacasa, Ritratti greci e romani della Sicilia. Catalogo (Palermo 1964) 136, #184, pl. LXXXI, 1.

Bernoulli. I am in accord with this

opinion on the basis of the iconography.

Bernoulli, 29, e; A. Furtwangler, Beschreibung der geschnittenen Steine im Antiquarium (Berlin 1896) 342, #11056, pl. 64.

SPAIN

P. Merida, Museum of Archaeology. Small nude bust of fine - grained

GREAT BRITAIN

B. London, British Museum.

Draped bust, facing r., with female bust opposite. Sardonyx Walters suggests a resemblance to Severus, but the full bearded head appears to me

marble found in the Campo de San Juan in Merida in 1910. Inv. 126.

Total H. of bust, 0.26 m. Head, bust and foot are in one piece. The sur-

face is polished and the small bust is in excellent condition. The piece has not been examined directly by the

more like Commodus.

Walters, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 68) 212, #2023, pl. XXV.

writer.

C. London, British Museum. The head is turned to the right and Head of Severus (?), wearing diadem, the glance is to the right. The long facial facing r. Sardonyx, 13 mm. x 12 mm. type and smooth surfaces relate the bust to those in variant " B" of the Serapis Walters, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 68) 212, type (supra 112). Although the bust is #2022. known to me only in poor photographs, its excessively softened style with emphasisD. London, British Museum. on the fluidness of the highly polished surArmoured bust of Severus, laureate, face causes me to doubt its antiquity. The in profile, confronting Julia Domna( ?). nude bust form is also unique among the Transparent white paste, 12 mm. x preserved portraits in the round of Severus. 16 mm. A. Garcia y Bellido, Esculturas romanas

de Espania y Portugal (Madrid 1949) 37-38, #28, pl. 25.

Walters, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 68) 308,

#3242.

E. London, British Museum. IV. Gems and Mosaic Described as Severus in the Literature and Doubtful Attributions

Laureate head of Severus (?). Sard, set in bronze sixteenth-century ring, 13 mm. x 11 mm.

Walters, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 68) 383, GERMANY

#4073.

A. Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Antiqua-

ITALY

rium.

Sardonyx cameo showing scene of apotheosis. Bearded figure in chariot has been identified as Severus by

F. Aquileia. Mosaic. Rostovtzeff originally identified a portrait of Severus in the

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

197

crown of the flamen of Aquileia, but later re-identifies figure as Jupiter. The representation of the figure known to me is so small, in any case, that a secure identification is difficult.

G. Brusin, " Aquileia," NSc 20 (1923) 227, fig. b; M. Rostovtzeff, The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire (Oxford 1926) 598-599, n. 13; Rostovtzeff, op. cit. (supra, I, n. 1) 711-712, n. 13. UNITED STATES

G. Philadelphia, University Museum. Fragment of bearded head, facing r., wearing aegis and holding sceptre. Sardonyx. Somerville Collection. Vermeule suggests that the figure represents Severus, but the beard is unforked and the idealized features suggest rather an identification with a god. C. Vermeule, Cameo and Intaglio Engraved Gems from the Somerville Collection (Philadelphia 1957) 289 and pl. on fron-

tispiece.

V. Portraits of Clodius Albinus

A. Rome, Museo Capitolino. P1. CI Mailed bust with paludamentum over 1. shoulder, found in ruins of Antium (Porto d'Anzio), from the Albani Collection. Inv. 463. Italian marble. Total H. excluding foot, 0.64 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.27 m.; W. of head, 0.23 m. Head and bust unbroken, foot added. Restored: tip of nose, folds of drapery over 1. shoulder, Gorgon's nose on breastplate, and lion's head on r. breast strap. Frontal curls are worn and bits of the lower beard are broken. Surface of face has been cleaned but marble shows ancient

fiber roots. Bust as a whole in excellent condition. Bernoulli, 19, 22,#2, 33; Strong, op.

cit. (supra, Cat. 91) 376; Jones, Museo Capitolino, 203, #50, with earlier bibliography, and pl. 47; Helbig, op. cit. (supra, App. III G) I, 2, p. 315; Paribeni, II ritratto, pl. CCXXXIX; Balty, Collection

Latomus 85, p. 62, #6, pl. IX, fig. 17, pI. X, fig. 19. Photographs: Anderson 1624; McCann, neg. 63.67. This fine bust shows the head turned to the right with the glance firmly in the same direction and slightly upward. The mailed cuirass is decorated with a gorgon's head and the strap over the right

shoulder ends in a lion's head. The forehead is rounded rather than broad and closely cropped curls fall over the high forehead, receding at the sides. The beard is short and unparted, and the curls tend

to cling to the chin and neck rather than curling foward as in the portraits identified here with Severus. The short, full moustache hides the upper lip and a wide tuft of hair appears under the lower lip. Particularly characteristic for the iconography of Albinus is the pattern of the curls of the hair, which lie close to the

head and are combed forward in a distinct scale-like pattern. It is this hair pattern which is combed inward around the temples in contrast to Severus' more bushy, scattered curls that is one of Albinus' distinguishing features on the medallions and coins (P1. IV, fig. 2). The drill is used extensively throughout

the beard and hair in short, deep channels joined by connecting bridges. The whole surface is broken up into a " honeycombed" pattern of light and shadow, a heritage from late Antonine art.5 The

pupils of the eyes are accented by shallow drill holes with the irises outlined.

The portrait has been variously identified by scholars as either Severus or Clodius Albinus. Bernoulli includes the bust in his list of the portraits of Severus but suggests the possibility of an identification 6 Cf. portrait of Commodus in the Museo Capitolino,

Jones, Museo Capitolino, #34, pl. 51; Photograph, Capitoline neg. C 516.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

198

with Clodius Albinus. Jones identifies the portrait with Clodius Albinus on the basis of comparisons with the coin por-

traits. This later opinion is the one upheld here on the basis of a close comparison with the portraits of Clodius Albinus on his medallions. The portrait in the Capitoline is the closest one found to those portraits of Albinus which can be distinguished from Severus on the coinage (supra 88 ff.). B. Bloomington (Indiana), P1. CII Indiana University Art Museum. Armoured bust with fringed paludamentum draped over 1. shoulder and across chest, formerly on the Roman art market and probably originally from Rome. Inv. 62.99. Greek, large crystalline marble. Total H., 0.63 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.27 m.; W. of head, 0.25 m. Head and bust are unbroken. End of nose restored. Missing are: 1. side of moustache with part of lip, pieces of frontal curls of hair and curls on r. side of head, lower curls of beard, rim of r. ear, lower half of 1. ear, lower half of brooch, and pieces of folds of the cloak. Some of the breaks look modern. Raccolta privata di oggetti di scavo, medio evo, rinascimento, (Exposition and

Sale, S.A. Arte Antica, Rome, November 16-24, 1951) 7, #90, pl. III, #90 (mistakenly referred to as #89); Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 38, #8. Photographs: Indiana University Art Museum; McCann, neg. 64.95. The head is turned to the right with the glance in the same direction and upwards. Pointed locks of hair dip in a semi-circle down over the upper forehead and the closely cut curls are brushed inwards toward the temples. In the profile view the forward-moving pattern of the flattened locks is like that seen in the portrait identified with Clodius Albinus in the Capitoline Museum (P1. CI, App. V A). The beard is short and undivided and

in the profile view is moulded to the shape of the neck and chin, rather than jutting forward. The curls of the beard also tend to be in longer, pointed locks in contrast to the more kinky curls seen in the portrait identified here with Severus in the Palazzo Braschi (P1. XXVII, Cat. 8). The drill is used in long, crudely cut channels in the beard and hair, combined with rough chisel strokes which outline the individual sections of the curls. Small round drill holes are also used to accent the wide tuft of hair under the lower lip and ends of the curls on the left side of moustache. The use of the drill in long channels which outline the individual clumps of curls and raise them in relief is reminiscent of metal technique

and it is suggested that perhaps this mediocre artist was copying from a bronze prototype. The eyes are deep-set with the brows curved distinctly upward. The pupils are drilled in shallow holes in the curved shape of a kidney bean and the pupils are crudely outlined. Individual realistic details such as eyebrow hairs are lacking but the fleshy folds of the rounded cheeks are indicated. A frown is visible between the brows and a linear furrow cuts across the lower brow. The portrait is identified in the Arte Antica sales catalogue as that of Clodius Albinus. The Indiana University Art Museum labels it Septimius Severus. It does bear resemblance to the portraits identified here with both Severus and Albinus.

The broader, squarer facial type links it more closely to the first official portrait type. However, the flattened curls of the

hair, which are combed forward and inwards around the face, the beard, which is unparted and clings to the chin, leaving a bare section around the lower ear, cause me to suggest an identification with Clodius Albinus. It finds its closest comparison in the bust in the Capitoline Museum

(P1. CT, App. V A), except for the broader forehead and facial form. The head in Indiana, however, is less fine in quality and the advanced, schematic outlining of

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

199

the drill technique suggests a comparison with later works.6

C. Mantua, Palazzo Ducale. P1. CII Antique head attached to modern armoured bust. Inv. 6916. Greek marble. H. of ancient head and neck, 0.37 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.33 m.; W. of head, 0.25 m. Head was broken at lower neck. End of nose restored and pieces of beard and

hair curls and rim of r. ear missing. Surface of beard and hair are worn away. Diitschke, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 12) IV, #734; Bernoulli, 25, 33 and #42; Levi,

coins of Albinus minted at Lugdunum after he had declared himself Augustus, a distinctly longer-bearded portrait type is shown which differs from any of the earlier portraits of Albinus on the coins minted by Severus while he was Caesar between 193 and 195. Especially characteristic also for the Lugdunum mint are the deep-set, upward turned eyes (P1. IV,

fig. 3).7 The portrait in Mantua may well be the only preserved example of Clodius Albinus' imperial portrait type, made between 195 and 197 during his short period of rule in the West, and thus the portrait is important despite its very bat-

op. cit. (supra Cat. 28) #147, p. 68; Balty

tered condition.

Collection Latomus 85, p. 62, #5, pl. VI, fig. 12.

D. Sussex, Petworth Collection. P1. CIII

Photographs: " Calzolari," Mantua; McCann, neg. 63.18. The head is turned to the right and glances to the right. The hair is short and curly with short locks falling flat across the upper forehead. The design of the curls is so destroyed it is difficult to draw conclusions as to their original pattern, although the direction of the drill holes appears to move forward, a typical iconographic feature of Albinus. The beard is longer than on the other portraits identified here with Albinus, but it is unparted, as is the bushy moustache which hides the upper lip. The drill is used throughout the beard and hair in short, scattered drill holes, typical of late Antonine and early Severan technique. Duitschke identified the portrait with Severus and Bernoulli includes it in his list for the emperor, but with hesitation. Levi suggests an identification with Clodius Albinus. The deep-set eyes and high arching curve of the brows with the high rounded forehead can be closely compared to the portrait of Clodius Albinus in the Capitoline Museum (P1. CI, App. V A). The beard, however, is longer. On the

Head attached to modern breastpiece. Nr. 37. Greek marble. H. of ancient head, 0.30 m.; W., 0.23 m. Head is broken off under beard. Restored are: section of 1. half of forehead with topmost frontal curls, including 1. eyebrow; the whole nose; 1. frontal sec-

tion of beard; lower half of 1. ear; bust. Missing is rim of r. ear. Upper lip is damaged. The surface shows signs of cleaning. A crack runs from hair curls

above 1. ear diagonally down to 1. eye. Michaelis, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 18) 611, no. 38 8; Bernoulli, 19; Wyndham, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 61) 62, #37 with plate; Maj, Museo Nazionale, #252, 128; Balty, Collection Latomus 85, p. 37, #6. Photographs: McCann, neg. 63.57; A. F. Kersting, G 4462 - G 4464. The head is turned to the right with the eyes glancing slightly upwards in the same direction. The hair is short and arranged in locks which are brushed forward from the back of the head and held closely down across the upper forehead. The locks are pointed inwards toward the face. The beard is of medium short

6 Cf. posthumous portrait of Severus in Djemila op. cit. (supra, Cat. 61) 55. I would like to thank The

(P1. LIII, Cat. 45). 7 Also see BMC V pi. 12; pl. 26,10.

Lord Egremont and Miss D. Beatrice Harris for kindness in allowing me to take photographs and study the collec-

8 For confusion in Michaelis' numbering see Wyndham tion at length.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

200

length, unparted, and the full moustache is arranged in a horseshoe curve around the mouth. Remains of small bunches of hair separate the lower lip from the beard. The eyes are deep-set with the brows curved upwards. The facial type is long

with accent on the rounded, smooth forehead, a distinguishing feature of Clodius Albinus (P1. IV, fig. 2). The drill is used in short channels, raising the curls on the sides of the beard in relief. The curls of the beard and hair are worn from cleaning. Bernoulli and Wyndham both identify the portrait as Clodius Albinus while Felletti Maj includes the head in her list of portraits of Severus. The head in the Petworth Collection can be closely related to the portrait of Clodius Albinus in the Capitoline Museum (P1. CI, App. V A)

and to the portrait in Indiana (P1. CII, App. V B). The high domed forehead connects it with the portrait in the Capi-

toline, as does also the upturned curve of the eyes, the horseshoe form of the moustache and the forward pattern of the curls of the hair, which are flat and held close

to the skull. A comparison of the profile views with the portrait in Indiana reveals striking similarities. The individual pattern of the curls of the beard can be exactly matched. For example, in the left profile the forward curls of the sideburns

and the long, large curl at the jaw bone are parallel. Despite the poor state of preservation of the portrait in the Petworth Collection, it is evident that both artists worked from a common prototype.

E. Sussex, Petworth Col- P1. CIV lection

Head attached to ancient bust with paludamentum over chest and 1. shoulder. Nr. 39.

Greek marble. Total H. with bust and foot, 0.86 m.; H. crown of head to tip of beard, 0.28 m.; W., 0.24 m. Head is broken off under beard and attached to an ancient bust which includes the foot. They appear to be of the same

marble and to belong together. End of nose and patch on 1. side of neck are restored. The surface has been polished. Michaelis, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 18) 611, #37 9; Bernoulli, 20 (cited as #39); Wyndham, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 61) 64, #39; Vermeule, "Ancient Marbles in Great Britain," Petworth #39. Photographs: McCann, neg. 63.54; A. F. Kersting, G 4465, G 4466.

The head is turned very slightly to the r. and the eyes look upward. The hair is arranged in round curls which in the profile view move toward the back of the head and fall horizontally across the upper forehead. The beard is short and divided and the moustache is parted in the center to reveal a triangular section of the upper lip. Short drill holes are used in combination with chisel strokes in the beard but the front of the hair is undrilled. A few round drill holes appear in the side curls below the ears. The face is long with an emphasis on the rounded forehead and upward curve of the eyes. Bernoulli doubts an identification with Albinus, but Wyndham concludes that it is a " less faithful likeness " of Albinus. The iconography of the portrait does not conclusively belong with any of our early portrait types of Severus or of Albinus. Despite the varying pattern of the hair and beard, the longer face with the rounded forehead and brows and the moustache which tends to form a horseshoe curve rather than a more diagonal one as in the early portraits of Severus, link the Petworth head more closely with those portraits associated here with Albinus. The lack of drill work in the hair suggests the possibility that the portrait was unfinished, and in any case it is poorly worked.

F. Rome, Vatican Museum, P1. CIV Sale dei Busti. Head attached to modern marble breastpiece. Inv. 682. 9 For confusion again in Michaelis' numbering see Wyndham, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 61) 55.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

201

Greek marble, with large crystals. H. of ancient head and neck, 0.36 m.; H. crown of head to end of beard, 0.30 m.; W. of head, 0.22 m.

Ancient head was broken at base of neck. Restored are: the whole nose, pieces of upper and lower r. eyelids and r. cheek. Both eyebrows are badly worn and the ancient surface has now been completely destroyed.

Bernoulli, p. 23, #9; Amelung, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 7) 11, #322, pl. 72.

venience unknown. From Alcaizar. Inv. #187 E.

White marble with fine crystals. Total H., 1.42 m. Head has been attached to bust, to which it appears to belong. Restored are: nose, mouth, and part of the ear lobes. The lower beard has been worn away and has been reworked.

A. Blanco, Museo del Prado. Catalogo de la escultura (Madrid 1957) 105, #187-E, pl. LXV; Balty, Collection Latomus 85,

Photograph: Vatican neg. XXVIII.2.41. p. 61, *4. The head is turned slightly to the right Photograph: Prado Museum, neg. and the glance is to the right. The ends #187 E. of four locks of hair swing in a semicircle The head is turned slightly to the over the upper forehead. The hair is right and the eyes gaze pensively in the closely cut and the curls wave inwards same direction. Traces of four short around the temples. The beard is short locks appear on the upper forehead and with a suggestion of a part below the chin. the curls are waved inwards toward the The drill is used in short strokes to accent temples. The beard is now too badly the ends of the curls of the beard and is destroyed for us to see its original form, combined with the chisel. The pupils are but remnants of a wide tuft of hair can drilled and the irises outlined. A tuft of be seen under the lower lip and waved hair is seen below the lower lip and the sideburns on the cheeks. The drill is used sideburns are waved forward at the sides. in short, deep channels which reveal the Bernoulli includes the portrait in his plastic form of the curls of the hair and list for Severus but has doubts concerning produce a " honeycombed " pattern of light the identification. Its closest comparison and dark, reminiscent of late Antonine art. is to the portrait in Indiana identified The horizontal structure of the brow is here as Clodius Albinus (P1. CII, App. emphasized and two horizontal lines break V C). The longer facial type and domed up the smooth surface of the forehead. forehead link the head in the Vatican Blanco suggests an identification with in turn with the portrait of Albinus in Clodius Albinus on the basis of a comparthe Capitoline Museum (P1. CI, App. V A). ison of its profile with that of a portrait The head is in such poor condition that its attached to an armoured statue in the Vatvalue here is purely an iconographic one. ican, identified by Amelung as Clodius Albinus (P1. CV, figs, 1, 2).10 Although G. Madrid, Prado Museum. P1. CIV Amelung's identification of the Vatican Head attached to bust with paludastatue is not acceptable to me, the relamentum over 1. shoulder, original pro-

10 Amelung, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 7) II, 405-407, #248, pl. 45. The portrait head, which is attached to a statue dated by its armour decoration in the second half of the first century A.D., was identified by Amelung as Clodius Albinus on the basis of the coin portraits and portraits in the round which he does not specify. A comparison with coins, however, shows an entirely different facial type (P1. II, fig. 4; P1. IV, fig. 3), as does the portrait in the Capitoline Museum (P1. CI, App. V A), which is our closest parallel in the round to the individual medal-

lion portraits of Albinus. Typical features, like the tuft of hair under the lower lip and the scale-like pattern of the curls which are brushed toward the face and the curls over the forehead, are lacking in the portrait in the Vatican. The profuse use of the drill in deep holes throughout the beard and hair speaks for an earlier date for the portrait in my opinion. Cf. Balty, Collection Latomus 85,

p. 64, #8. The facial type with the heavy-lidded eyes,

thin lips and high forehead bears a resemblance to Com-

modus (ibid., II, #287; Wegner, op. cit., supra, Intro., n. 1, pl. 55).

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

202

tionship of the head in the Prado to Clodius Albinus can be confirmed by a comparison of the essential iconography with another head in the Vatican, Amelung's #322,

identified here as Albinus (P1. CIV, App. V F).

H. Tunis, Bardo Museum. P1. CV Head from Temple of Saturn, Dougga.

White marble. H., 0.28 m.; W., 0.195 m.

Head is cut off under the beard. The nose is missing and the surface of the r. cheek and upper forehead with the frontal curl is damaged. Poinssot, op. cit. (supra, III, n. 22) 47-49, pl. V, figs. 16-19. The head is frontal with the glance directed forward. The pupils of the heavylidded eyes are drilled in a circular hole. Small round drill holes dot the surface of the beard. The hair is undrilled and the flat curls are pointed forward towards the face. The rounded forehead is unfurrowed. The short moustache is full and 11 C. Poinssot, Les ruines de Dougga (Tunis 1958) 65.

bushy and the short beard is unparted. Poinssot dates the head in the early third century and suggests an identification with Macrinus, although he notes a similarity to the portraits of Severus. But he discards this identification on the basis of the flat hair curls, which are, however, one of the distinguishing features of those portraits identified here with Albinus. Poinssot notes an inscription from the portico of the temple in honor of both Severus and Albinus, whose name has been erased.1' He thus believes it is unlikely that a portrait of Albinus remains. The head was found in a cistern of the temple with the cult statue. Is it not possible that the portrait was discarded and so preserved for us precisely because of its identification with Albinus? 12 The iconography of the portrait can be closely compared to that of the bust in the Capitoline Museum identified here as Albinus (P1. CI, App. V A) and the facial type appears to me very different from that of Macrinus 13 seen on the coins. It also lacks his straggly beard. 8l Cf. the coin portraits of Macrinus, BMC V, pls.

12 In fact, Poinssot suggests that the cult statue 78, and 79, 80, #1-14. The head in Dougga is also very dif-

the head were purposely thrown into the cistern (op. cit., supra, III, n. 22, 32, n. 4).

ferent from the portrait identified with Macrinus in the Capitoline (L'Orange, op. cit., supra, Intro., n. 1, 93, fig. 239).

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

CHAPTER TEN

CONCLUSIONS

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

CHAPTER TEN

CONCL USIONS

The purpose of this study of the

cules (supra 65, 86 ff.) and to a classical

portraiture of Septimius Severus has been

philosopher type (supra Ch. VII). One statue even portrays Severus as the war god, Mars (P1. XXX, Cat. 1 1 and colored P1. C), and one as a divine Pharaoh (P1. XXIII, Cat. 3). Severus' portraiture on his coinage also reveals further allusion to historical predecessors, Didius Julianus (supra 60, 85) and Pertinax (supra 61, 86) and to the gods, Jupiter (supra 63, 64) and Sol (supra 61), as well as to Hercules (supra 65). The comparison of the coin and medallion portraits with those in the round has also led to the identification of eight of the portraits previously attributed to Severus with his western rival, Clodius Albinus (supra App. V). The earliest portrait type found on the coins which can be associated with portraits in the round appears in 193 (P1. II, fig. 5) and continues in use on

a twofold one: first, to present a new corpus of the portraits of the emperor arranged and dated according to portrait types, and secondly, to offer an interpretation of their iconography based on a study of their prototypes. Bernoulli's original list of identifications has been completely revised and a number of new attributions have been added. Portraits which must be considered modern copies have been identified and included in an appendix. The method used for the identification and dating of the portrait types has proceeded from the widely accepted hypothesis that both the numismatic portraits and the portraits in the round derive from common sculptural models (supra 39). A close study of the numismatic evidence as well as of the historical and literary sources has provided evidence for the date and interpretation of a number of varied portrait types which have been later correlated with the sculptures in the round. Ten different portrait types with their variants have been identified among the portraits of the emperor in the round. Assimilations alluding to both Severus' historical ancestors and the gods have been established for at least six of these types: four with Antoninus Pius (supra Ch. IV), one with Marcus Aurelius (supra Ch. V), and one with Jupiter-Serapis (supra Ch. VI). There is also suggestive evidence for an intended allusion to Her-

the coins until 196 (P1. VI, fig. 3). Type I portrays the emperor as an energetic soldier with a short beard and the hair curls brushed in a semicircle high across the upper forehead (supra 61, 85 ff.). The soldier type, while it appears on both the Roman and eastern coinage, survives in three portraits in the round from Egypt which show particularly abstract qual-

ities in their style (P1. XXII, Cat. 1; P1. XXII, Cat. 2; P1. XXIII, Cat. 3). A second coin type which may be asso-

ciated with portraits in the round appears on the coinage between 194 and 196-197 (i.e. P1. III, fig. 2 and supra

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

206

61, 86 ff.). Type II is characterizad by plastic features and a fuller beard which suggest a possible reference to both Pertinax and Hercules. The style of the portraits in this group on the whole reveals a continuation of the baroque Antonine tradition with an illusionistic treatment of the curly hair and beard. The third portrait type in the round, Type III, was linked to the eastern coins of Laodicea ad Mare minted between 197 and 202 (P1. VII, figs. 1, 3 and supra 63, 89 ff.). The fine bronze portrait in Cyprus from this group (P1. XXX, Cat. 11 and colored

P1. C) shows a continuation of Hellenistic

portrait of the emperor from Djemila (Pl. LIII, Cat. 45). With the exception of the posthumous portrait, the series as a whole shows a late Antonine illusionistic style with an idealization of forms and expression. Contemporaneously with these allusions to his adopted ancestors, Severus used another referential portrait type. Type IX has been associated with the Egyptian god of the lower world, Serapis. The coinage (supra 54) and the Capitoline Triad relief in Lepcis (P1. XX, fig. 1) further indicate that it is the Romanized Jupiter-Serapis which lies behind the type.

tradition in its plastic style. These first Severus' African background and adopted three portrait types would appear to be Roman heritage are here combined in one the closest in the representation of Seimage. Judging from the large number verus' idiosyncratic features. He is shown of replicas of this type preserved, it was as the forceful soldier emperor also reby far the most common one used by the vealed in the sources (supra 47 ff.), an emperor. Evidence for a redating of the image emphasized by allusions to Mars origin of the Serapis type in 196-197 is provided by the coinage (P1. VI, figs. 1, 2), and perhaps also to Hercules. Outside of the portraits from Egypt, the style of as well as by its wide use until 207 (supra 67, 109 ff.). The greatest variety in these first three portrait types continues the earlier Antonine plastic and illusionisticstyle has been found among the portraits tradition. of the Serapis type. Both a soft, classicizTypes IV, V, VI, and VII are found ing Antonine style was found and an

to share a common allusion to Antoninus Pius, the great founder of the dynasty of Severus' adopted father, Marcus Aurelius (supra, Ch. IV). Evidence for its use between 196-197 and 210 on the coinage has been presented (i.e. P1. VIII, fig. 4 and supra 95 ff.) and a medallion of 194 may indicate its still earlier origin

abstracting and spiritualized style which points to Late Antique Art. Signs of age are noted appearing in some of the coin portraits about 202 (supra 67) and this realism is also found reflected in some of the portraits in the round. Apparently this type also continued in use

after Severus' death, for at least three of

(P1. III, fig. 5). Some variation in the

the portraits in the round from this series

style of the portraits in the round identified is seen, although the style in the series as a whole is a conservative one, showing Severus as the idealized and pious ruler in the Antonine tradition. Coins struck between 202 and 207 reveal a further portrait type which may be connected with Severus' Decennalia and has been related to the late Jupiter-like portrait type used by Marcus Aurelius (P1. X and supra 103). That Type VIII continued in use also after Severus' death is indicated by the dated posthumous

have been dated posthumously on the basis of their style (Cat. 89, 96, 97). Finally, a tenth portrait type in the round is found in popular use during the

last years of Severus' reign. Evidence from the coinage for the dating of Type X between the years 207 and 211 has been presented (P1. XIV and supra 68, 121 ff.) and it is also the type used for the posthumous coin portraits of the emperor (Frontispiece). A possible allusion to Greek philosopher portraits for the inspiration of this type has been suggested and

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

207

a discussion of its particular classicizing style presented. Certain statistics compiled from the catalogue of 102 sculptural portraits are also suggestive. For at least 85 percent of the material, allusions to ancestors or to the gods have been found. Of the 102 portraits, the provenance of only 68 is known; of this group, 29 are from Rome and sixteen others from Italy proper. Nine are from North Africa, five from southern France, four from Egypt, three from Greece and one each from the regions of the Rhine and the Near East. Such a distribution appears to indicate that most of the imperial portraits were made in Rome and the West, with North Africa being the next most active center of production. Greek marble has been surely identified in 40 of the portraits and Italian marble is used in at least 32. Six of the remaining portraits are of

bronze (Cat. 10, 11, 12, 21, 46, 62), one in gold (Cat. 29), one in red granite (Cat. 3) and one in plaster (Cat. 70). In three-quarters of the portraits the head only has survived. Six statues remain in the group: three armoured (Cat. 1, 67, 86), one nude (Cat. 11), one draped in a toga (Cat. 43) and another in the Egyptian royal apron (Cat. 3). Of the nineteen busts preserved, fourteen are

armoured,l three are draped in the paludamentum (Cat. 21, 38, 83) and two in

the toga with the folded band across the shoulders (Cat. 99, 100), a type apparently made popular by Severus.2 The

one small bust in relief (P1. XXXVII, Cat. 22) is nude. At least five, and perhaps seven, of the preserved portraits of Severus appear to me to date posthumously (Cat. 12, 45, 84, 89, 96, 97, 102). A final question naturally arises at the end of this study. To what extent were changes in the iconography of the portraits accompanied by changes in style? Schweitzer's article (supra, I, n. 207) as

79,

well as Hadzi's study mentioned earlier (supra, Intro., n. 10) revealed that conscious, retrospective revivals in both style and iconography occurred in imperial portraiture of the later third century. Our study has revealed evidence which would seem to indicate that such revivals in style are also valid for the portraiture of Severus. The Antoninus Pius-Severus portrait types and the Marcus AureliusSeverus portrait type showed, on the

whole, the use of an Antonine tradition in style. On the other hand, the late Severus portrait type, which may be compared to Greek philosopher portraits of the Hellenistic age, showed evidence of a classicizing revival in style with particular stress upon abstract structural forms. These stylistic interests are in harmony

with the Late Antique tendencies in style which were found to become particularly apparent in Severus' portraits in the Serapis series after 202. Thus, the style of the period of Severus cannot be viewed merely in terms of revivals or survivals

of previous styles. In the case of the Serapis-Severus portrait type the creating artist did not revive the style of the original Greek prototype. Rather, the portraits in this series show a stylistic evolution which moves away from the baroque Antonine traditions of the sec-

ond century towards Late Antique principles in style, which become increasingly dominant in the third century. The early portraits in the Serapis series, contemporary with the Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius portrait types, could also be linked in style with the previous Antonine tradition. About 202, however, a break with this tradition is observed and Late Antique concepts of abstractionism and expressionism become more dominant. The consolidation of the plastic form relates these later portraits to those of

Severus' successor, Caracalla. The con-

cern for surface realism and the fluid modeling of the planes, which no longer 1 Cat. 7, 8, 9, 24, 29, 30, 33, 34, 42, 44, 55, 65, 71, reflect organic life beneath, in turn fore84( ?). shadows the portraiture of Alexander 2 Balty, BIHBR 33, p. 102, n. 2.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

208

Severus at the end of the age. Therefore, while the portraiture of Septimius Severus in its variety indicates the use of revivals of earlier style and iconography, there can also be observed a recurring and underlying stylistic current which moves away from the classical, organic heritage of the Antonine tradition toward the ab-

stract and symbolic style of Late Antiquity. This study has also revealed the great variety of style and expression which occurred in the individual portraits of Severus, a variety which has previously been overlooked by scholars. Rodenwaldt in his study of the Severan Age in the Cambridge Ancient History states that the portraiture of Severus " consciously and of deliberate purpose carries on the

tradition of typical Antonine Imperial portraiture. It does not present the military usurper with African blood in his veins, but rather the son, fictitious though the adoption was..., of Marcus Aurelius... ." 3 It is not until the age of Caracalla that Rodenwaldt sees any break in the Antonine stylistic tradition. This study has revealed that the portraiture of Severus can no longer be considered as merely a continuation of the Antonine tradition of art. An examination of both the style

and the iconography of the imperial portraits has shown positive evidence for new trends which are more closely allied to the future than to the past. While Severus' use of referential portraiture is not new to Roman art, its consistent and coherent use among his portrait types has no previous precedent to my knowledge. The style of the portraits as a whole has also revealed changes toward abstraction and spiritualization which would seem to link them not only to later Roman art but to early medieval Christian art. It is also apparent from a study of

be maintained. Pieces of exceptionally high quality of expression and execution exist as well as the usual run of mediocre repetitions. Note, for example, the softly sensitive bronze portrait in the Vatican (Pls. LIV, LV, Cat. 46) or the emotional and powerful portraits in Munich (P1. LXXVI, Cat. 87), Cyprus (P1. XXX, Cat. 11 and colored P1. C) and Sweden (P1. XXIX, Cat. 10 and colored P1. B) or the intensely spiritualized portraits discovered in North Africa (P1. LIII, Cat. 45 and P1. LXXX, Cat. 94) and Greece (P1. LXXXI, Cat. 96). The ideal prototypes apparently conceived by Severus also showed variety in their sources. Evidence derived from the

coins and literary and historical sources suggest that these allusions are not a casual whim on Severus' part, but are employed in fulfillment of an unfolding ideological program. The theme which underlies the whole program and continues to be a concern throughout Severus' lifetime appears to be his wish to establish a new and permanent dynasty which could offer the people the hope of an eternal Golden Age of bliss. The dynasty is given legitimacy and dignity by an association with Roman tradition, a symbolic association given visual form in the portrait allusions to Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius. After the first steps in Severus' dynastic plan are established by Caracalla's appointment as Caesar in 196 and Augustus in 198, with his brother then taking the title of Caesar, Severus further ensures the position of the new imperial house through an association with the gods themselves. The Serapis portrait type is linked to the theme of the

Golden Age promised by the new dynasty.

This divinized portrait type supplies the people with a new Saviour-King to whom the imperial portraits of Severus that their they could address their hopes for the designation as " not strikingly interesting, renewed life of the Roman state. In the though very numerous " 4 can no longer last years of his life, which were troubled by illness, Severus would appear to have 3 G. Rodenwaldt, " The Transition to Late-Classical wished to present himself in the role of Art,." CAH 12 (1939) 545. the wise philosopher, an allusion which 4 Strong, op. cit. (supra, Cat. 91) 376.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

209

may also be linked to his dynastic theme, for Marcus Aurelius was the great example of the philosopher emperor. Severus also made use during his reign of allusions to Jupiter, evident in the Serapis type and probably also suggested in the Marcus Aurelius-Severus portrait type. Both the Jupiter and Serapis allusions indicate Severus' claim to deification, a claim which was not new to Roman imperial art but had never before been so comprehensively and boldly stated. This strengthened claim to divinity associated Severus with the Saviour-King images of succeeding emperors. Jupiter, the ruler of the upper world, and Serapis, the god of the lower world, as well as Severus' historical allusions, are fused in

the image of the emperor as a Cosmocrator which appears on his coinage. The earthly realm, the heavenly spheres, and the lower world are united in the one image of an all-powerful ruler. In conclusion, not only is this large group of imperial portraits significant in itself as revealing the man, his evolving concept of his role as emperor, and his dream for his empire, but important as a link with the past and a foretaste of the future in historical portraiture. The disillusioned, dying emperor need not have concluded: "Omnia... fui et nihil expedit." 5 5 SHA, " Severus," XVIII, 11.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

MUSEUM INDEX

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

MUSEUM INDEX

* The index includes all portraits of Severus r with the exception of those on the coins, as well as material included in the appendices.

ALGERIA

Cherchel, Musee Archeologique, App. I A. Djemila, Archaeological Museum, Cat. 45. Guelma, Musee des Antiquites, Cat. 68, Cat. 88, Cat. 102.

Lambessa, Musee de Lambese, App. I B. Tebessa, Musee du Temple Paien, Cat. 25. AUSTRIA Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Cat. 17, Cat. 54, Cat. 60, App. II A, App. IIB.

Petronell, formerly in the Donau Museum, Gem. i. BELGIUM

Brussels, Musees royaux d'art et d'histoire, Cat. 62. CANADA Toronto, Royal Ontario Museum (supra, Intro., n. 28). CYPRUS Nicosia, Cyprus Museum, Cat. 11.

DENMARK

Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Cat. 22, Cat. 31, Cat. 47, Cat. 75. EGYPT Alexandria, Greco-Roman Museum, App. II C, App. II D. Cairo, formerly on art market, Cat. 2.

Cairo, Egyptian Museum, Cat. 3. FRANCE

Aix-en-Provence, Mus6e Granet, Cat. 6. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Cabinet des Medailles, Gems c, e, f, h, k.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

214

Paris, Louvre, Cat. 36, Cat. 37, Cat. 38, Cat. 59, Cat. 71, App. III A. Paris, Musee des Colonees, Cat. 97. Paris, Rodin Museum, App. II E. Paris, formerly in von Frey collection, App. III B. Toulouse, Musee Saint Raymond, Cat. 14, Cat. 34, Cat. 55, Cat. 84. GERMANY Berlin, Staatliche Museen (East), Cat. 56, App. IV A. Berlin, Staatliche Museen (West), painted tondo (supra 79). Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum, Cat. 32; supra, II, n. 26. Cassel, Museum Fridericianum, App. II F. Dresden, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen (Albertinum), Cat. 16. Frankfurt-am-Main, Frankfurter Stadtische Galerie, Cat. 70. Hamburg, Museum fur Kunst und Gewerbe, Cat. 96. Hannover, Kestner-Museum, Cat. 39. Munich, Glyptothek, Cat. 78, Cat. 87, Cat. 93, Cat. 101. GREAT BRITAIN

Bedfordshire, Woburn Abbey, Cat. 18. Castlesteads, Gem j. Cheshire, Marbury Hall, App. I C. Liverpool, Walker Art Gallery, Cat. 53, App. I D. London, Apsley House, App. II G. London, British Museum, Cat. 1, Cat. 21, Cat. 74, Gem a, App. IVB, App. IV C, App. IVD, App. IVE. Middlesex, Chiswick House, App. II H. Newcastle-upon-Tyne, King's College, Museum of Antiquities, Gem 1 (leads seals). Norfolk, Houghton Hall, Cat. 65. Sussex, Petworth House, Cat. 61, Cat. 100, App. VD, App. V E. West Norfolk, Holkham Hall, Cat. 80. Wiltshire, Wilton House, App. III C. Yorkshire, Castle Howard, Cat. 77. Yorkshire, Newby Hall, Cat. 49. GREECE

Athens, Agora Museum, App. II I. Athens, National Museum (supra 40). Salonike, Archaeological Museum, App. II J. Thrace, Didymoteichon, Cat. 29. ITALY

Aquileia, App. IV F. Brescia, Museo Civico, Cat. 12. Cataio, formerly in Castello, App. II K. Florence, Boboli Gardens, Cat. 43. Florence, Palazzo Pitti, Cat. 52, Cat. 85, App. I E; supra, Intro., n. 28. Florence, Palazzo Riccardi, Cat. 50. Florence, Uffizi Gallery, Cat. 64, App. I F, App. III D. Mantua, Palazzo Ducale, Cat. 28, Cat. 35, Cat. 73, Cat. 99, App. III E, App. VC. Naples, Museo Nazionale, Cat. 98.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

215

Ostia, Museum, Cat. 44. Palermo, National Museum, App. III 0. Rome, Arch of the Argentarii (supra 73). Rome, Arch of Septimius Severus in the Roman Forum (supra 78). Rome, Biblioteca del Pontificio Ateneo Antoniano, Cat. 33. Rome, collection of Mr. L. Twombly, Cat. 79. Rome, Galleria Borghese, App. III F. Rome, Museo Capitolino, Cat. 76, Cat. 91, App. VA.

Rome, Museo Nazionale, Cat. 30, Cat. 42, Cat. 58, Cat. 82, Gem d, App. I G, App. II L, App. III G. Rome, Museo Nuovo, Cat. 4.

Rome, Museo Torlonia, Cat. 67, Cat. 69, App. III H. Rome, Palazzo Altieri, Cat. 86, App. III I. Rome, Palazzo Braschi, Cat. 8. Rome, Palazzo Colonna, Cat. 24, App. I H. Rome, Palazzo dei Conservatori, Cat. 19. Rome, Palazzo Corsini, App. III J. Rome, Palazzo Giustiniani, App. III K. Rome, Palazzo Lancelotti, Cat. 83. Rome, Palazzo Poli, App. I I. Rome, Palazzo Rondini (supra, II, n. 26). Rome, Palazzo Rospigliosi, App. III L, App. III M. Rome, Palazzo Sacchetti (supra, II, n. 26) Rome, Palazzo Sciarra, App. I J. Rome, Santa Pudenziana, Cat. 92. Rome, Vatican Museum, Cat. 7, Cat. 40, Cat. 46, Cat. 66, Cat. 90, App. VF, App. V n. 10. Rome, Villa Doria Pamphili, Cat. 51, App. I K. Santa Maria Capua Vetere, Antiquarium, Cat. 72. Tivoli, Hadrian's Villa, Museum, Cat. 20.

Turin, Museo di Antichit?a, App. II M, App. II N. Venice, Doge's Palace, App. III N. Venice, Museo Archeologico, Cat. 27, Cat. 81. LEBANON

Tyre, Museum (supra, Intro., n. 28). LIBYA

Sabratha, Theatre, relief from scaenae frons (supra, II, n. 26). Tripoli, Archaeological Museum, Cat. 15, App. II 0 and arch of Severus at Lepcis Magna (supra 76 ff.). POLAND

Poznan', Adam Mickiewicz University, Cat. 26, Cat. 57. SPAIN Madrid, Prado Museum, App. V G. Merida, Museum of Archaeology, App. III P. Seville, Archaeological Museum, App. II P. Seville, Casa de Pilatos, App. I L.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

216

SWEDEN

Djursholm, collection of Mr. Henning Throne-Holst, Cat. 10. Stockholm, National Museum, App. II Q. TUNISIA Bou Ftis, App. I, M.

Tunis, Bardo Museum, Cat. 94, Cat. 95, App. II R, App. V H. TURKEY Ephesus, App. II S.

Istanbul, Archaeological Museum, Cat. 23. Izmir, Culture Park (supra, II, n. 26). UNITED STATES

Bloomington, Indiana, Indiana University Art Museum, App. VB. Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, Cat. 89. Columbia, Missouri, collection of A. M. McCann, Cat. 5. Detroit, Institute of Art, App. II T. New York, collection of the late Maxime Velay, Gem b. New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gem g. New York, Pier Tozzi Galleries, Cat. 48. Los Angeles, private collection, Cat. 9. Philadelphia, University Museum, App. IV G. Richmond, Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, Cat. 41. U.S.S.R.

Leningrad, Hermitage, Cat. 13, Cat. 63.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

GENERAL INDEX

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

GENERAL INDEX

Aesculpius 56, 95, 192.

Aeternit Imper-i 64, 110. Africa, portraits from, 76 ff., 78 n. 26, 136 (Cat. 15), 142 (Cat. 25), 153 (Cat. 45), 165 (Cat. 68), 166 (Cat. 70), 174 (Cat. 88), 176-177 (Cat. 94), 177-178 (Cat. 95), 178 (Cat. 97), 182 (Cat. 102), 187 (App. I A, App. I B), 188 (App. I M), 191 (App. II 0, App. II R), 202 (App. V H), 208. Alexander the Great 65, 66, 87. Alexander Severus 37, 207. Antioch 103. Antoninus Pius 51, 61-62, 68, 95 ff., 112 n. 10, 205-206. Aphrodisias 75, 116-117. Arval Brothers 51 n. 48. Astrology 51-52. Athens 50, 58.

Bacchus 87; also see Liber.

J. Balty 41-43, 75, 80, 104-105, 113, 121, 145 n. 13, 157, 180, 182. F. Barreca 40-41.

J. J. Bernoulli 37, 39, 40, 90, 174, 197, 199, 200-201, 205. P. Bober 75. F. Braemer 41.

Bronze portraits 88-91, 112, 132-133 (Cat. 10), 133-134 (Cat. 11), 134 (Cat. 12), 139 (Cat. 21), 155-156 (Cat. 46), 162-163 (Cat. 62), 156 n. 19, 195 (App. III L), 207-208. Bryaxis the Younger 53, 109.

L. Budde 75 n. 15, 111 n. 7, 116, 123, 160. Busts,

armoured 130 (Cat. 7), 131 (Cat. 8, Cat. 9), 141 (Cat. 24), 143 (Cat. 29), 145 (Cat. 30), 146 (Cat. 33), 147 (Cat. 34), 151 (Cat. 42), 152 (Cat. 44), 159 (Cat. 55), 164 (Cat. 65), 166-167 (Cat. 71), 170 (Cat. 79), 172 (Cat. 84), 193 (App. IIIE), 197 (App. VA), 198 (App. VB), 207. nude 139 (Cat. 22), 196 (App. IIIP), 207. with paludamentum 139 (Cat. 21), 149 (Cat. 38), 171 (Cat. 83), 193 (App. III D), 200 (App. VE), 201 (App. V G), 207. with toga 180 (Cat. 99, Cat. 100), 192 (App. III A), 194 (App. III H), 207. Caesarea 103. Capitoline Triad 53, 78. Caracalla 47, 51, 54, 55 n. 91, 56, 58, 60 n. 135, 63-65, 75 n. 15 (portrait types on coins), 76-77, 80, 95, 103, 111, 113, 123, 139-140, 159-160, 172, 177, 182184, 207-208. Carnuntum 50, 59. Carthage 56, 66, 75. Cassius Dio 48. Claudius II 90-91.

Clodius Albinus 40, 42 n. 28, 48, 50, 59, 60-63, 68, 88-89, 103, 131, 134, 182, 191, 197-202 (portraits of), 205. Commodus 56 and n. 96, 57 and n. 114, 62, 65-66, 87 n. 16, 130, 133, 162, 196. Cosmocrator 52-53 and n. 69, 59, 69-70, 209. Dea Caelestis 56-57.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

220

Decennalia 42, 65-66, 77, 80, 103, 148, 160, 206. Di Auspices 65, 87. Didius Julianus 50, 59-60, 62, 68, 85, 90, 205. Diocletian 87. Dioscuri 55 and n. 91, 56, 183. Domus divina 58. Dominus noster 58. Drill work 86, 97-99, 106, 113-115, 123, 128-129, 131, 136, 138, 142 n. 10, 143, 146-147, 149-150, 155, 157-159, 161, 163, 167, 170, 176, 177, 179, 197, 199-201. Egypt,

portraits from, 86, 127 (Cat. 1), 128 (Cat. 2, Cat. 3), 166 (Cat. 70), 189 (App. II C, App. II D), 207. visit of Severus to, 55-56, 79-80, 86, 110-111 n. 5, 205. Equites 49. Fundator Pacis 64, 69. Gallienus 39, 66, 116 n. 27. Geta 47, 51, 54-55 n. 91, 56, 58, 60 n. 135, 63, 68, 73, 75 n. 15 (portrait types on coins), 76-77, 80, 95, 103, 111, 123, 139-140, 159-160, 172, 182-184. E. Gibbon 47. Golden Age 57, 110-111, 208. Gold portrait 96, 143 (Cat. 29), 207. M. Grant 51, 95. Greece, portraits from, 40, 96, 133-134 (Cat. 11), 143 (Cat. 29), 178 (Cat. 96), 189 n. 2, 190 (App. II J, App. II I), 207. Hadrian 66. Hadrumetum 63, 88. M. L. Hadzi 39, 207. M. Hammond, 49-51, 58, 159 n. 21. Hercules 56-57 and n. 114, 60, 63, 65-66, 68-69, 77, 87, 132, 182, 191, 205-206. Herodian 48. Iconography 69 and n. 207, 136, 207-208. Imago 38 n. 5, 66, 103, 105, 121. Iovi Sospitatori 110. Isis 53 n. 68, 54-55 n. 91, 57, 111, 183. H. Jucker 43, 90, 111 n. 7. Julia Domna 47, 52 and n. 51, 56 n. 105, 57-58, 73, 79, 87, 111, 124, 140, 153, 159-160 n. 24, 171-172. Jupiter 53-54, 63-64, 77, 87, 104, 110, 197, 205, 209. Jupiter Dolichenus 55. Jupiter-Serapis 53-54, 110, 205, 209. Laodicea ad Mare 63, 68, 85, 89-90, 96, 206. Laureate portraits 133 (Gem a), 136 (Cat. 15), 139 (Cat. 21), 140 (Gems b, c. e), 141 (Cat. 23), 171 (Gem g), 172 (Cat. 84), 173 (Cat. 85), 182 (Gem h), 183-184 (Gems i, j, k, Lead seal 1), 196 (App. IV D), 196 (App. IV E). K. Lehmann 90, 112, 123, 154, 162-163. Lepcis Magna 47, 49, 58, 74. arch of Severus at, 41, 49, 53, 66, 74-78 (dating of), 104, 116, 121, 123, 145 n. 12, 152, 179 n. 29, 182. D. Levi 40, 89-90. Liber 60-61 n. 139, 87; also see Bacchus.

H. P. L'Orange 37, 41, 52-53, 73, 79-80, 104, 110-111, 121, 159-160. Lucius Verus 163.

Ludi saeculares 51; also see Secular Games. Lugdunum 63, 199.

B. M. Felletti Maj 41. Marcia, first wife of Severus, 49.

Marcus Aurelius 49-51, 57, 62, 65-66, 69, 77-78, 91, 95, 10)3 if., 104 n. 6, 124, 143, 151, 155, 157, 190), 195, 205-206, 209. Mars 62, 85, 89, 205-206.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

221 Medallions 39, 65, 96. Metrodoros 122.

Mint practices 39 n. 7, 60 n. 135, 64 n. 171, 116, 205. Mithras 55.

I. Mundle 65 n. 179, 87, 109 n. 1. D. Mustilli 40. Nerva 51, 122 and n. 4.

Pertinax 50, 60-61, 68, 86, 205. Pescennius Niger 56 n. 96, 59, 62. Philostratus 52.

Pharaoh 86, 128, 205. Pius 51.

Plautilla 60 n. 135, 65, 67. Plautianus 52, 60 n. 135, 67, 75. Posthumous portraits of Severus 79, 104-105, 114, 134 (Cat. 12), 141 (Cat. 23), 153 (Cat. 45), 172-173 (Cat. 84), 174-175 (Cat. 89), 178 (Cat. 96, Cat. 97), 182 (Cat. 102), 206. F. Poulsen 40-41, 90, 104. Praetorian guards 49. Private portraits 79 n. 26, 122. Probus 90. Prototype 38 n. 5, 39, 41-42, 67, 79, 88, 122, 128, 166, 208. Ptolemies 53, 110. Replica 38 n. 5, 41-42, 98, 109. Restitutor Urbis 64, 69, 110. G. Rodenwaldt 208. Rome,

arch of the Argentarii 41, 58, 73-74, 110, 116, 154 n. 18. arch of Severus in the Roman Forum 66, 78 and n. 25, 116 n. 30. column of Marcus Aurelius 116 and n. 29. column of Trajan 116 and n. 29. temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus 77. Saviour-King symbolism 66, 69, 70, 111, 181, 208-209. B. Schweitzer 69 n. 207, 136.

Scriptores Historiae Augustae 48, 52, 75, 95. Secular Games 56, 65, 67, 110; also see Ludi saeculares. Septizodium 52. Serapeum, Alexandria 53. Rome 54.

Serapis 41, 53 and n. 68, 54-55 and notes 91-92, 56-57, 63, 68-69, 73, 87, 96, 98, 109ff., 183, 205-206, 209. Sol 67, 160 n. 24, 205. Solar crown 61, 63, 158 (Gem f), 160 n. 24, 196 (App. IV C). Sol Invictus 58. Statues of Severus,

armoured 127 (Cat. 1), 165 (Cat. 67), 173 (Cat. 86), 189 (App. II D), 196 (App. IV D), 207. Egyptian dress 128 (Cat. 3), 207. nude 133 (Cat. 11), 207.

togate 73, 77, 151 (Cat. 43), 190 (App. II H), 191 (App. II P), 195 (App. III O), 207.

Style,

abstraction 86, 89-90, 97, 115-116, 123, 128, 141, 143, 152, 157, 165, 167-169, 172, 176-177, 181, 205, 207-208. Antonine " Baroque " 67, 88, 97-98, 106, 112, 114-115, 143, 161, 162, 165, 168,

175, 197, 206-208. classicizing 67-68, 96-99, 105-106, 121-124, 130, 135-136, 147, 152-153, 158, 160, 162, 165, 174, 180-181, 206-207.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

222

consolidation of plastic form 97, 113-114, 138, 162, 170-174, 176-178, 207. frontality 75, 79, 105, 114, 116 and n. 29, 117 and n. 38, 122, 136, 141, 153, 156, 181. idealized 96-98, 106, 113, 163-165.

Late Antique 75, 104, 115-117 and n. 37, 153, 168, 181, 206-208. provincial 111, 114-115, 177, 181. realism 61, 68-69, 96, 98-99, 112-113, 115, 129, 138, 148, 152, 158, 160, 167168, 171, 174-175, 177-181. upward glance 79, 105, 114-116, 122, 131, 145, 147, 153, 164, 169-178, 181, 198-200.

Tondo painting, Berlin 43, 79-80, 86, 110, 155 n. 18. J. M. C. Toynbee 39, 74, 109 n. 2, 111 n. 7, 116. Trajan 51, 90, 114 n. 24. Tubilustrium 85.

Variant 38 n. 5, 105, 205. C. Vermeule 89. J. B. Ward-Perkins 116, 122 n. 8.

Workshop practices 39, 59, 88 n. 19, 104 and n. 5, 105, 111, 116-117, 166, 205.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P L A T E S

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. I

Fig

3

(p4.

57

F.

_ig

4

(p

54)

Fig 1 Setmu Seeu an Jui Dona aueu of Crcll (rves).0

Fig.~~~~~~~ 3. Isi sucln Hrsdeais of-Jli Don rvre 9 0 Fi.4 Juie-eapi in Shrne deaiu of Caaal.rees)0

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. II

_ l! i_ _ t: 111s-\ __1 *7s_.X _^ t|^ _ E_ _w

I

_

_.

.

'

e

X

*- ,zX_e:

iR

v__r

_,.

NEC=i

__}}

\.*"r_ _

\_

'

_

_

__L_

Y_xNK

X

D1_

tJ5n_

a

? J _,_;iG_Ss_ __. w -?--

t

____

_r

.|@

._v

.

'

_

aa

,;.=

'

_

_

__

___

__ _

__s_ ^S__ __SE __

Fig.

1

(p.

61)

Fig.

2

(p.

61)

Xa

37 __t

-U

|_

E_

t_s

v_?_w _i_

__b_

___'s

_>

-

r

2;^

,

wiof Fig.

3

(p.

61

)

Fig.

4

(p.

61)

| 1 X1 __r ...

_

s

_

_=m_ i_ _s Aj:W _

*

_

|

_AA-

w_M_ \ lZ . 5 . P v v . . . ............................. X. _

__ _

_?_

\_

\_ Z__

.

Fig.

5

(p.

61)

Fig.

6

(p.

61)

Fig. 1. Septimius Severus, dupondius, 194-195. Fig. 2. Septimius Severus, sestertius, 194.

Fig. 3. Septimius Severus, large bronze coin (Perperene), 194. Fig. 4. Pertinax, sestertius, 193.

Fig. 5. Septimius Severus, bronze medallion, 194. Fig. 6. Antoninus Pius, bronze medallion, after 145.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. IV

_ -:: , =.; _= N 1' . I_ 1-s_ 3; :. .... . ..

_;q-_. X=-'_ . _w._ __ _DIS

gs

;]_>_

_v_

_!-L_!r;__

=snKa

_t_

'z3 :

'!

_

_

S

j

_

_

_|

_x 1s

_

_

__svr

:r

Fig.

1

(p.

_

__

62)

_

_

c:4:gso. s i_w_B_S_ ___... __K 9La s t S 1 _z _ _ Si_^r :_lWtZw_Dl_;F'i__'i. _w,e.JY __ | __# l _' |-. _..L_ '

__

_ _

S

_

_

::

1

13w.' i

tEl

_

s - K\.

.

Fig.

,-

2

(p.

62)

;

z--[r

E

rw | 4 F |

_;

1

.

|

i

_s

i

;

_.

_w.Ns

-.

.:

_

^

LIi

_-

!

.> IM

___l _ __I _ __w I

_I

__

1

__;o -

-

-

-

-

-

Fig. 3 (p. 63)

Fig. 1. Septimius Severus, bronze medallion, 194. Fig. 2. Clodius Albinus, bronze medallion, 194-195.

Fig. 3. Clodius Albinus, denarius (Lugdunum), 195-197.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. V

Fig 1 (p 62)

- - t~~~~~~~~~~Fg 2 (p. 62)

Fig~~_, -. 4. Setiis:eers brnz medllon 19.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. VI

-

_ sv . ............ _ ._K | * X ...... .:. ._b!. ___. i -._SI. ::w__ _-l w_l:_ | .qW_r..i _' r_i__ _';- __1__*ss >_E_ _N: w _waD-! ,

ws__ 1-z S

5_

_F

_ ,.

S,{

*

h_

iviil

_ _?

k.

_

1

'_

_

_s

:.... Fig. 2 (p. 63) -

-

:

.

.:

__

_=

_i}

_F

.

sr___

_z34Xyi_i

_ s

I ff ew R r * I ! r-__ :< -!li

_

F

_;

,.

,

_

_u

_S

;;_

_

_

_r _ i7

-

Fig.

Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

1. 2. 3. 4.

3

(p.

63)

Fig.

4

(p

63)

Septimius Severus, aureus, 196-197. Septimius Severus, detail of fig. 1. Septimius Severus, aureus, 196. Septimius Severus, bronze medallion, 196-197.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. VII

Fig.

1-

Fig.
., . , . e.:.- y : _ ._s .

j

,1_ '''S,1# ;

_

S

x

_s

.......................................................................................

.

_.

,

_

:

...

_

,

.

.r

.

_ _

*

*;-E

_

,t,?'" -eMax\aSa^we

_

.

-

*

..

.

_

__;Z4Zv'^\i's

.

Cat.

3,

1r

(p.

128)

.

*.:.

.

.

_

S

OL'

Cat. 3, a (p. 128)

Fn

*_ER!!!D

W

-sffi-

-

1*i.

.

ss,

_

w?_

,

Q.,

,

X,

_Wo.'''.'_

_

_

_j_]t

(

Sk

_|

>t

hriS

_a_

_

_

3nSt

_e=e_

_

Fig. 1 (p. 128) Fig 2 (y X7)

Cat. 3, a-b. Statue of Septimius Severus, red granite. Cairo, Egyptian Museum Inv. 703. Fig. 1. Hercules. Tunis, Bardo Museum C 1033. Fig. 2. Minerva, Serapis, and Hercules, relief. Alexandria, Greco-Roman Museum # 3170.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. XXIV

|

^

'v

.*X....4~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

W. _~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~......

Cat. 4- a (p) 128) t at. 4 c (p). 128)

Cat. 4,adEetmu eeu Rm ueuv v20 Calt. 4. cl (pr. PS8) (Cat. 4. d (p. 1.28. )

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. XXV

(at. 5, a (p). 1 29) ('at. 5.h p 129) .8

.

__.'5_

Cat.I5, a-d. Septimius Severus. Columbia, Missouri, collection of A. M. McCann. ._

_I_

i_~~~~~~~~~~~

('at. 5, t (p 1~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~9) (it ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ d (p 1~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~9): ....

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. XXVI

Cat. 6, b ( 1 3 0)

Cat. 6, a (1p 1 30)

U~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~. .s .... ...- _ I .''

Cat. 7.~~~ Setmu Svru. Roe aianm.70

Catn.F. 7 (p t ,,- . 130) .

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Pi. XXVII

u~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ~ C

t

8

(m.

e

131

.t

8,

(p

1

R.1)

(i t S L (p HI) a it S d (p 131)

Cat 8 a d Septimius SeverusRomePalazz Brahi......

. :* I .... E~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i.....

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. XXVIII

__-t _X i ,ZwEw I Xl |.__| _i8} .. ! .'t* ?e'r . .d. . e,^'_li '^. .t. . .ffi l * | S | ___M;:.,,B. | | l | l . . . . . . . . . . | l ' ti' Ei l 1! u;S l M1 _ _wc__i _Di ... -- s . ts ! a_ye_ ........... il * a 1I _l

_

.

I

_l

_I

*

__

I

I .

_I

l

_

r

I-I I _S | iiil l

1

_I

-I

_ .S ti22AiS t. *_ l _|B, ;>,,>P_ _

sa.

__

_

_ :.2 ! | I I I -

_I

___,Si9t .A::s ..Aj . .j6i_sk iR.\. .. .:7-^ |.XL-*tS:i ti . _ t .k . . kM i. W _.EE _ .. .... ... :i: . . s.,. ___

_'M'=9

F.

tW'

'

3

..

_

Ili.

.s

_

__'.9R,._ _te

_




e-

2_;

*

M

_

_

w.;w_r

-l!wN'_X

_,

-RFSE

S sIt

Fs

_

|-E

s

s

|

)^

.1

{

!

|-111

.

?U?_

9

_

*

?-4

_

w

b_

__.

.

|

..

13

l

.8

|

l

_

|

B

-

z

Wu

?'

__

( sit. ()t 1) (}), I '5 1 )

_l ri

wa n

o'

"

tE';

( e t t . ) | t ( 6 5 . i . i ) ( s l t . ), t1 ( 1 5 1 .3 1 )

Cat. 9, a-d. Septimius Severus. Los Angeles, private collection.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. XXIX

Cat. I1(),( (p. 132) Lat. 1(), b (p. 132)

Cat. 1), d (p. 132)

Cat. 10, c (p 132)

Cat. 10, a-d. Septimius Severus, bronze. Sweden, Djursholm, collection of Mr. Henning Throne

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Pi. XXX

i ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ .. ...

:-~~~~~~~~~~

.:.

....

|~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~'" T mN

h Cat. 1 11 b (p. 13 3)~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~a.11 p.13

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Cat. 11, a (p:.:133)

^ : . | _ __~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~......

L ~ ~~~~~a. .1 c (p 13

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. XXXI

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~4.

-

Cat

Cat~~

12

12

_

Ca.1,a-.Spimu eers rnz.Beci,Mso iio

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

1

dp11

c_p14

I

...

.

P1. XXXII

~~- l |_ Cat. 13 (p. 135)

Cat.~ ~~_ 13 Setiiu Seeu Leiga Hemtg A! 318 E!| S

Fig. 1~~~~~~r. Anoiu isBuswc Man Bodi olg1MsufAt

Fig. 1 (p. 97)

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. XXXIII

Cait. 14, h) (p) I3n)

(kat. 14, a (p). 135)

Ca.t. 15, a-. Septmiu Severus Trpl,Acaooia uemm 45

S'IIICat. 115,

Cat 15, a (jt 136)

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Pi. XXXIV

.

.

..

.

.

.

.

.

.

...

.

..

..;......

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.. . . . . . f Xi 4

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ .:_. . . -b. . . ._ .2

il

ali

l

l

E

l

_

|

l

li

l

..

I

_.1

I

y*^~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~......

_

1|_

:

;

i

_

4

j

5~~~~~~~~~~~..

...

..

^~~~~~~ ~ ~~~~ ~ ~ ~~~~ ~ ~~~ ~ ~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ . ... ... .. i

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ . _S. . . . . . . . . . . ;E

1~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.

Ca. 16 a (p 136 Fig , p 16

Cat. 16 a (p. 1 36)Fi.1(. 36

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

.

.

..

..

......

Ial. xxxv

(Cat.

1'

7

(p.

1

13i)

C 1t. 188 a Sur 6 )

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Pi. XXXVI

_X:~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~. ... _2 ... ....

Cat~~~. 19 ai! _p 138 Cat. _::_,. b.i;. 138)| i

W7~|

__

*

.

_

.

*

_

X_r

'l~~~w

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. XXXVII

A..

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~. . . . . . _

.

.

.....

.

..

Fig. 1 (p. 139)

p

Ca.

1.

Cat.

etmu

Fig.

21

eeu,boz

2.Atnnu

mv~.

is

(p.

odn

139)

rts

adi,Pad

uemm

13

uem

1465_

Fig. 2R (p 98) Cat. 22 (p139) Fig.1. Bronze pauwihicitooftforhchtothVi

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. XXXVIII

Cat. 23, a (. 141) Cat. 3, b (p..141

~

I

(

..

.s

_

_

(

Cat . 23 -. Spiis eeu sabl, Arheloia Mueu _v 4

Figs._ 1-.AtnnsPu_tes ainlMsu 53

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. XXXIX

I

~

~

r r ~

fI.

-i'iS5

Catit 94,; (p5 141 ) ('X't. 24, b5 (pr 141) Cat. 26 (p. 142)

('at

25_

p

4)(t2,b(.12

Cat 24 a-b Setiiu Seers RoePzoClna

Cat 26 Setmu Seers Pond dmMeiwc Uiest P 11 Cat. 25, a-bSetiu Seeu. Tbssa(lgeia),l 1\ls6 d' Tepl Pa-ien.i

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. XL

Ct.; Cat.

Ct.:

28.

Septimius

27

(p.

142)

27.:Sept.mius

Severus.Venice,MuseoArheologico....

Severus,

Cat. 29. Gold bust of Septimius Severus. Didymoteichon, Thrace.

Cat. 28 (p. 143) Ct 9( 13

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

54..

:.

Mantua,

P

P1. XLI

S~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.

.

.....

S

...t

. i | , | l | | _ * I I lE~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~. . .....'.

Cat. 30, a (.145) '

Cat. 30, a. Septiiu Seeu.Rm,Mse1ainl 45. Fi. . arusAuelus dti w fro reiefo trup of MacsArlius Roe aaz e osraoi

Fig. 1 (p. 1O:

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Pt. XLII

.... . ~~~ ~~ ~~~ ~~ ~~ ~~ ~~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~......

| . _ _ _~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~......

Cat 30 b *p 145 Cat. 30 c p.15

AF: :: :8; - ,.: ^9 1 > Fig I _p 10__4__)

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

PI. XLIII

. ..... ... . . e. . .... ...., , ia | _

__fif25

-n-_||2--eefle3K}1B:N|

1|11

l

x

.

............

.

i

-;0~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.

.So

EA>

..

.....

..

l

Cat 3 1, a p . 145 Cat. 31RBm_ b _(p.22B36 145){BB^B |,

4.:

:.

......"''j

.............................

_v.i';s

/

.......

_

!

11

I

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

...

PI. XLIV

''.~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~. . ... ... ..': .;: ' ' . . .:' . ;, .c

..... w :. ,w Xp:X ... E,.XiS iSii 11 Eb~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~........... .

g' Cat.; 3 3f, a p.16

I ' * - l^ -X- .,85e: .. .. . --~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

| | ___ _ | I 11 _11 * _ _~ - _ _ !_ .......... _ * - _1~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~... ....

is ,,,, ,, >. _ ................. | S S _~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i, .A q

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. XLV

(\ E _ tz 147 | _ _Cat _ 34 , a\E /

II I _ I __ _

I

_

_

.

.t - | |

l _*a_ l

a

|

|

| I _. I |

L ws _ L.^' ;A *aL | SI mj * . . . . . . . ,. l ,^. I l L _ l | __ ' *' ;_l_ l | I_ _ _S_u_ i:C _ _ |_ _ . I Ll I . . . . . . . . . . . :. _|_ .,;,; I

I

|

I

.

, .

.

_

|

.

a

|

|

|

|3

| r

_{

r

F

|

|

*_

-

| 11111 I | I _l ___

# _ * 11 _ _

H1_ * 1E I _ _i _

_t;> _ Cat. 34, b (lr. 14f /

*A

;;

......

R

..;

B

i

_

_

_

....-

..i;:::

_

i

___i_

__ I E

X

|

__

li

1E

i

__SS.. .] __ 0 ....M

_k_ g:

_ -

11

*.

i

__ ...

!

. . . | | I | 1|l,.

Cslt. 3+,c(p. 147)

Cat. 34, a-c. Septimius Severus. Toulouse, Musee Saint Raymond Inv. 30.113.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

PI. XLVI

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.. . . . . . . . . :. . S.. . . . . .: . . .

!.~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~~Ct 35 a (p 148)=

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~. ~1 ~1I~I. *. .s:. . . ._ . . . . . .: " ! . : ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.

| . . : : s s l | | : :::: ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~. .:_ S :::.: ....

!

..

:

:.

S

-

;.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~......

.. _ I | I * .... ............. ;~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.. . ... ...

.

.

.

.

....

s

.

....

.

.

I

I

I

|

a

I

.

*

i

...

_

i.j

_

|

I

*

.

...

...

...........

...

;

..............

...

i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~...

..........................~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.

...

...

...

i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.

l

|

|

|

|

|

..

...

.

....,..,.i.......~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

: _ l | | i | Z | : : : .~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~: f . -| | ..~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~s ;

L

..:

E..~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ _D s]B' _ : _ ..~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~... . ....

E

...:

.a

.-

-

....

..

.....

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~. . i . . . .

e

....

-.-...

.:..

...

....

i.'.;~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ . . . . . ca . 35 b ( . 1 8 * j .. .i . .. -w |~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.. ....

.:...::...::....::...:.:...~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.. .. .. : .: .. .: .: . .: :::~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~... ..

.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~. ...:.......,..

*: . ... .: :., ,s, ?,...~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~... ....

Cat. 3, c (p.35 1 148)

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

..

..

PI. XLVII

o : S - - r s : - | i:f .Kes w~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

> w 51 l ! ! * '31 _ee | | = l |-~~~~~~~~~~

Calt. 36, a1 (5 1 48) C at. 3 6, 1) (P. 1 48)

wl ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~. !_. . . . . . . . .^! 3. is S ..... _ j,, . ; . :2 E i g = s ! !~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.......

.e3i. 1 .. al ia N - 1 t _~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.......

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. XLVIII

I_lCE

_ _; _i . _ __ | _11

-

_E

_I?_.

_ WE i l _

-Slw} g " fi_ N | l _

_

__MS58' .?Xt?W.| . g. .: ?...:. . S. . . a,lS,_ _ __{ _ . __ *

|

Cat

3X

a

{r

1

|

E

1E

l

_

_

1498

* , \,

?_g'

i__x

_|'aF

.

MItyeasg

A

.

.

.

E

:tS__iE-

..

.:

__

_'.B__

_

_y#_ ss:

__

_ I

_

?90:

Cat. 323, b (p. 149) Cat. 3S, c (p. 149)

Cat. 38, a-c. Septimius Severus. Paris, Louvre Inv. 1114.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

_

PI. XLIX

.. .. _ _.... ...... _ .................. l.. ..............?

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. L

[ ...... as. . . . .; ....... ......... E~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ .....

Cat. 40 (.150)

Ca.4. Septmu Severus....... Roe Vaicn Mse Ciamot v18 Cat. 41.Septimiu Seers Rihod Mueu of FineArts

Cat. 41 (p. 150)

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. LI

.' ... .' . ...

l _ _ ' . ' E : ' .' . ^..:~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~. ....

..

......_.'..

:

Cat. 42, a (p. 1.51 Cat. 42, b (p. 151)

_~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~F

at. 42, a (p ) 151) 8it 42 d (p11

Cat 42 a d eptimius Sverus RomeCuato Nazioalep.v1862

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. LII

Cat. 43, a (p. 151)

Cat.

C

.

4

43,

ac

h

(p.

151)

S

(it

.

43,

of

c

(p.

1~1)

St

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

PI. LIII

Ls S ; 4 __ 1 1 r _o";s 1%

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

PI. LIV

.........~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.....

_ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~... . .. .

;.. . . . .. . . . . i

.. .. .. .. . . . ...... - . . = .. f l ........ .

.. . . .... .................... ..

.....

~

~

~

~

~

~

~

~

~

~

~

~

~

~

~

~

~

~

~

~

~

~

~

~

.

.

.

.

..

.

.

.

...............~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~........

s* .........

j::.,(~~~ ~~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~. .... .,, .. .. :......

\:~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~. .:: :: .. ..;

>

X4g

.

*.%

l

.

o.

|

|

..

.

_

_~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.

*.ur~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~... ...::

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

.

.

.

P1. LIX

X---_1R: S S E E | l | | | | , X , * _ F .: . .iv 11!w1!i__w5 _ - * * | ff.J | r .

_CMcl____t-:54,-:-:Z: -i}a (._Tr..S!1:-DX).'Sg.,K'Ccl:'E__b Fi " i ! N ----6zd l . . :t 54,::,13.,(p*. . . .@-. 1 |SX)|R|| Ifl. {. :

E,

':V:"'-

'92.

.

1E.

|

i

*

.

*

|

|

_XS

l _S _ |* |*l| l__ I _ _ _s-_ | _11|_

, |

- ^ I-_

_5U'st,*p_.

_

.dl_

_w._.....

_9r.g_

_

.s_.

..

.

__

.. ...:::. ...: .;

z.. _ ?:

*s

:t' _

: E ,:S2 gi ' w t .-

_K

*4

s

f

4,

6

sR

_s_

|

_]_,_ _2|_s!s;_.g

_

.,.

K

...

s

>!

}

.,.'::

..MA.s

t._.jb

_.,

.

-i_ _

Ct

X

55t

iX

.

Se

S.

_wE_|i .,

j

.

.

l

w

1598

a. vp

Cat. 54, a-b. Septimius Severus. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum Inv. r 1ll. Cat. 55. Septimius Severus. Toulouse, Musee Saint Raymond Inv. 30. 158.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

i

PI. LX

+.:... r ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.. . .

a ? 6, a 10Ca. 56: b:1. 160)

.;

...........'A

Cat. 57 (p. 160) ~~~~~~~~Cat. ;5, (pr. 160)(

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. LXI

Cat. 59 (p. 161)

Ca.5. etmisSveu ais our m 17.

Ca.6,abSpiisSvrsVen 5ushsoice uemm 8

Cat. 60, a (p 162) Cat. 60, b (p. 162)

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. LXII

I

WA M_

C

.. : r 2 | F

..

_

::

>

-

^;

.X

X

l

_

.'7t .:..:., .; :..' 2. . . . . ,j_

nA. m I | _ i 11S l _

_: :.1 i ,.j.: i * : 'ffl' ,. W.::'

i.:..:::. . :'s' _

, . { 1_

_L.'.

w

_

Fw Ki K K _

' :^.,;,w t E _

ra E F _

--

rA

|

E....:

_li

#'

s

_


v

.p

.

........

...

X

........

X.e.|.|

1

S.+

A

.

.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

P

..-.40

App. II Q (p. 191) App. I R (p 191)

b " 2 J J -g 8 1 . X F -- ........ s >~~~~~~~~~V::,t::

App~~~). . 0. Herule. Triol Arheloia Mueu mv 476 b.

App. Uko w (p. 191) App. Tru (p. 191)

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. XCVI

Fig. 1 (p. 40) Fig. 2 (p. 40)

Fig. 4 (p. 79, n. 26)

Fig. 3 (p. 78, n. 26)

Fig. 1-2. Unknown man. Athens, National Museum Inv. 373.

Fig. 3. Sacrifice scene. Sabratha, theatre, relief from scaenae frons. Fig. 4. Unknown man. Izmir, Culture Park.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. XCVII

App. III A, 1 (p. 192) App. III, A, 2 (p. 192)

App. III B, 1 (p. 192) App. III B, 2 (p. 192)

App. III A, 1-2. Septimius Severus. Paris, Louvre Inv. 1118. App. III B, 1-2. Septimius Severus. Paris, formerly in von Frey collection.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. XCVIII

App. III C (p. 193) App. III D (p. 193)

App II C. Spiis SvrsFomlyin Wilshre,WitnHue

App.~~~~~~~~~ iIF. Setimu Seeu. Rm,Gleia Boghse

App. III E (p. 193) App. IIL F (p. 193)

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. XCIX

App. III G, 1 (p. 193) App. III G, 2 (p. 193)

App. III H (p. 194) App. III I (p. 194)

App. III G, 1-2. Septimius Severus (?). Rome, Museo Nazionale Inv. 625. App. III H. Septimius Severus. Rome, Museo Torlonia Inv. 572. App. III I. Septimius Severus. Rome, Palazzo Altieri.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. C

App. III K, 1 (p. 194) App. III K, 2 (p. 194)

Ap. IK,1-. epim_ u Seers Roeiaaz isiin

App. III M Spimu Seers Rome Palzz Ropiisi Ap.IIN

etmu

eeu.Vnc,Dg'

aae

App. III M (p. 195) App. III N (p. 195)

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. CI

App. V A, 1 (p. 197) App. V A, 2 (p. 197)

App. V A, 3 (p. 197) App. V A, 4 (p. 197)

App. V A, 1-4. Clodius Albinus. Rome, Museo Capitolino Inv. 463.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. CII

App. V B, 1 (p. 198) App. V B, 2 (p. 198)

App. V C (p. 199)

App. V B, 1-2. Clodius Albinus. Bloomington (Indiana), Indiana University Art Museum

App. V C. Clodius Albinus. Mantua, Palazzo Ducale Inv. 6916.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Pi. CIIi

..._ _ _.. ... _... ...

. ....... ......

..

..

.

.

.

..

.

|~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.. . . .

.:...:.,:....,.,,a.;,, _ s | te0, ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~ ~~ ~~ ~~ ~~ ~~ ~~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~. ... .

......._.. .. .."._... .i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.. .:.._._.

F)~~~~~~ (r 1 QM A V_)' %IO

This content downloaded from ff:ffff:ffff:ffff:ffff:ffff:ffff:ffff on Thu, 01 Jan 1976 12:34:56 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. CIV

App. V E, 1 (p. 2C0) App. V E, 2 (p. 200)

App. V F (p. 200) App. V G (p. 201)

App. V E, 1-2. Clodius Albinus. Sussex, Petworth Collection Nr. 39 App. V F. Clodius Albinus. Rome, Vatican Museum Inv. 682.

App. V G. Clodius Albinus. Madrid, Prado Museum mnv. 187 E.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

P1. CV

App. V H, 1 (p. 202) App. V H, 2 (p. 202)

Fig. 2 (p. 201)

App. V H, 1-2. Clodius Albinus. Tunis, Bardo Museup2 . Figs. 1-2. Armoured statue of unknown man. Rome, Vatican Museum Inv. 248.

This content downloaded from 131.111.5.187 on Mon, 23 Oct 2017 17:42:50 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms