The portal of the saints of Reims Cathedral: a study in mediaeval iconography vt150j777

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THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL A STUDY IN MEDIAEVAL ICONOGRAPHY

MONOGRAPHS ON ARCHAEOLOGY AND FINE ARTS SPONSORED BY

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA AND THE COLLEGE ART ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA

XIII

| THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL

A STUDY IN MEDIAEVAL ICONOGRAPHY BY

WILLIAM M. HINKLE

1965

PUBLISHED BY THE COLLEGE ART ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA

IN CONJUNCTION WITH THE ART BULLETIN

The publication of this monograph has been aided by a grant from the Samuel H. Kress Foundation

+ Copyright © 1965 by College Art Association All Rights Reserved

L.C, Card No, 65-29085

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS WISH to express my deep gratitude to Professor Robert Branner for all his help and guidance

| in the course of my research for the original dissertation on which this study of the portal at Reims is based, and to Professor Rudolf Wittkower for the valuable encouragement which he gave me at the very start of my work. In the final conclusions of my research I have likewise benefited from the very kind interest and advice of Professor Marion Lawrence and Professor Meyer Schapiro. I am also greatly indebted to Professor Louis Grodecki and to Professor Willibald Sauerlinder for their constructive criticism in regard to my thesis, and to Professor H. W. Janson for his suggestions as to the editing of this present monograph.

In the matter of the illustrations, my thanks are again due Professor Branner for two of his own photographs of the north transept of the cathedral. Because of the damage suffered by the portal during the First World War, however, I have endeavored, wherever it seemed appropriate, to illustrate its separate details from photographs taken before 1914. For original photographs of other works of art, and for their kind permission to reproduce them, I wish to thank M. Robert Richard of the Musée de Picardie, Amiens; M. Gernet of the Bibliothéque Municipale, Reims; Professor Bochenski of the Narodowe Museum, Cracow; and Dr. Irtenkauf and Dr. Laufner, of the libraries at Stuttgart and Trier. I also would like to extend my thanks to Professor Theodore Reff and Mr. Carl Baldwin for their valiant assistance in acquiring additional photographic material.

| TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgments Vv Abbreviations Vill

Introduction 3

I. The Transept Portals of the Cathedral of Reims 5

II.Reims St. Sixtus and St. Calixtus 9 and Its First Missionary 9

St. Calixtus and His Relics at Reims 10

III.St.St. Nicaise of Reims 14 Nicaise and the Cephalophores 14.

The Martyrdom of St. Nicaise on the Calixtus Portal 16

St. Nicaise and St. Eutropie in Mediaeval Art 17

The Cult of St. Nicaise at Reims 19

IV. St. Remi and the Conflict over the Coronations 23

The Baptism Clovis26 23 Reims andofSens

The Valois Portal 30

The Anointing and the Crowning 28

Samuel and St. Remi 33 V.The The Triumph of Reims 36 Regalia and the Abbey of Saint-Denis 36 The Sacred Ampulla The Iconography of the Kings37 AI The Old Testament Precursors of the Bishops and Kings 31

VI. St. Remi the Wonder-Worker 44.

The Birth of St. Remi A4. St. Remi Is Elected Bishop of Reims 46 The Beggar of Chermizy and the Miracle of the Fire 47

The Young Girl from Toulouse 48 The Miracle of the Wine Cellar 49 The Angels and the Acolytes 50

VII. The Book of Job 53 The Story of Job at Chartres and Reims 53

The Patience of Job and the Martyrs of Reims 57

Satan and the Miracles of St. Remi 58

The Theophanies of Christ and the Calixtus Portal 61

Appendices 67 Cathedral of Reims 67 A. A Seventeenth Century Description of the North Transept Portals of the

C. The Rational 70

B. The Earlier Projects for the West Portals of the Cathedral of Reims 68

D. The Popes on the Outer Archivolt of the Calixtus Portal 71 E. The Archbishops on the Inner Archivolt of the Calixtus Portal 72 F. The Chasse of St. Remi in the Abbey Church of Saint-Remi, Reims 73 G. The Clerestory Windows in the Apse and Choir of Saint-Remi, Reims 74 H. The Sculptures of the Archivolt and Spandrels above the Rose Window,

West Facade, Cathedral of Reims 75

Index 83 Illustrations 89 I. The Windows of the Triforium of the West Facade, Cathedral of Reims 76 J. The Clerestory Windows in the Apse and Choir of the Cathedral of Reims 77

Selected Bibliography 79 ABBREVIATIONS

of literature frequently cited AA,SS Acta Sanctorum. Cabrol and Leclercq Fernand Cabrol and Henri Leclercq, Dictionnaire d’archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie

Chevalier Cyr Ulysse Joseph Chevalier, Sacramentaire et martyrologe de Vabbaye de Saint-Remy (Bibliothéque liturgigue, v1), Paris (1910) Flodoard, H. Flodoard, “Historia Remensis Ecclesiae,” Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum, xu, pp. 409-599 Hincmar Hincemar, “Vita Sancti Remigii,” Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum, U1, pp. 250-341

Marlot, H. Guillaume Marlot, Histoire de la ville, cité, et université de Reims (Vols. cited: 1-111, Reims, 1843-1846)

Molinier Auguste Molinier, Les sources de Vhistoire de France, pt. 1 (Manuels de bibliographie historique, 111), (Vols. cited: 1-111, Paris, 1901-1903)

PL Patrologia Latina Reinhardt, R. Hans Reinhardt, La cathédrale de Reims, Presses universitaires de France, Paris, 1963

Schramm, K. Percy Ernst Schramm, Der Kénig von Frankreich (Vol. 1, text; Vol. 1, appendices and notes), Weimar, 1939

Trav. de Pacad, de Travaux de Vacadémie nationale de Reims Reims

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL A STUDY IN MEDIAEVAL ICONOGRAPHY

| INTRODUCTION HE text of this iconographic study of the portal of the saints of Reims Cathedral is substantially that already included in my doctoral dissertation presented at Columbia in 1962. But in spite of the enormous bibliography that for over a century had already been devoted to various aspects of the cathedral, it was not until 1963, with the publication of Hans Reinhardt’s monumental work, La cathédrale de Reims, that the first comprehensive monograph dealing with the cathedral in all of its phases was destined to appear. This long wait is indeed understandable. So intricate is the fabric of this vast Gothic structure and so complex its archaeological and historical background, that even in a volume of the magnitude of Reinhardt’s monograph some of its more important features can only be summarized; while controversy and uncertainty still exist concerning the answers to many of the problems and hypothetical dates, for which this eminent scholar of Reims has offered his own solutions. The subject matter of the sculptures of a single portal, on the other hand, would seem to present a far less formidable task. Indeed, most of the sculptures of this portal of the saints on the north transept of the cathedral had already been satisfactorily identified in the earlier literature. Doubts and misunderstandings, however, still remained concerning the interpretation of a few of the reliefs and monumental statues. The statue of the prelate on the trumeau in particular, although vested as a pope, had been regarded ever since the early nineteenth century as that of St. Sixtus, the first bishop of Reims, after whom the portal has generally been named. I am most gratified to find that Reinhardt in his more recent publication has subscribed to the quite different identification that I had already given this statue in my thesis of 1962. Whereas this one problem has now been satisfactorily solved, I have retained substantially intact the more detailed evidence for this new identification which I had presented in my dissertation. Such circumstantial evidence is all the more important in dealing with the subject matter of the French Gothic portals, where the student is faced with an utter lack of any mention of these sculptures in the contemporary documents, or any inscriptions that may once have been painted on them. In the case of Reims the only description of this portal of the saints prior to the nineteenth century that I have been able to find is that in Pierre Cocquault’s seventeenth century History of Reims, and this is garbled and incomplete (see Appendix A). Nor can one always rely on the labels that these seventeenth and eighteenth century authors bestowed on the mediaeval statuary. The unsubstantiated theories of Montfaucon and Mabillon in regard to the identity of the royal statues on twelfth century church portals are well known (see the article on this subject by Jacques Vanuxem in the Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, xx, 1957, pp. 45-58). Another example of such contrived nomenclatures has been cited by Louis Bréhier in connection with the portal of the saints at Reims. In Jean Duchaisse, L’origine des églises de France, published in 1688, the author, in support of a uniform predilection for the founding bishops of the French Churches, attempts to prove that a statue that stood in a doorway of the cathedral of Clermont, wearing the thirteenth century form of the papal tiara, was really that of St. Austremoine, the first bishop of the diocese. The case is a striking parallel to that of the pope on the trumeau of the portal at Reims, regarded in the past as another of the founding bishops, St. Sixtus. In the case of Pierre Cocquault’s description of the portal, his reference to one of the monumental statues in the right embrasure as a king may be equally suspect. As Emile M4le has long ago pointed out, nothing in the statue itself suggests such an interpretation. Undoubtedly, however, this label gave rise to the later supposition that the statue was Clovis, a designation that it continues to be given in Reinhardt’s recent monograph. But the enigmas of this doorway are not only concerned with the identification of its subject matter. The portal is also involved in one of the major archaeological problems of the cathedral

4 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL itself. For it has long been assumed that this doorway was at first destined, not for the north transept, but for an earlier, unfinished project for the triple portals of the west facade. Robert Branner, however, has come to the conclusion that only the embrasure statues were intended for this earlier scheme. This project in turn was quickly abandoned in favor of the present position of the portal and its more expanded form on the north transept. I have relegated to one of the appendices of my study a discussion of the various proposals that have been put forward for this earlier program, and I have omitted any reference to it in the text. Speculation on the probable nature of such unrealized projects is indeed intriguing. But what is iconographically of far greater importance is the final decision which was actually taken by the builders of the cathedral and which was to supplant any other scheme that may have been tentatively contemplated. In all that has been written concerning this north transept doorway, however, little attention has been given the iconographic relationships of these sculptures with other mediaeval monuments; while the deeper content and more extensive background of its subject matter have remained largely unexplored. In attempting to deal with these more extended aspects of the portal I have been primarily guided by the four main themes that underlie the major groupings of its sculptured figures: first, the hagiology of the martyrs whose relics were venerated at Reims and who are commemorated in three of the monumental statues and in one of the reliefs of the tympanum; secondly, the legend of St. Remi, that confessor bishop of Reims, who was the reputed anointer of the first of the Christian kings of France and whose miraculous deeds occupy the major portion of the tympanum; thirdly, the sacerdotal and hierarchical character of the portal, as expressed in the archbishops and popes and their Old Testament prototypes in the voussoir figures of the archivolts; and lastly, the theological implications that are encountered in the central subject of the tympanum, the story of Job, whose inclusion among the saints of Reims and the prelates of the church has constituted still another of the unresolved problems of the doorway. Beyond all of these a fifth theme emerges, the historical one, which embraces the larger panorama of French monarchical and ecclesiastical history in the latter part of the Middle Ages and which, more than any of the others, accounts for the creation of the portal itself at a particular moment in time. As this brief summary of these major themes suggests, the subject matter of the doorway would seem at first to be composed of disparate elements that lack that unity of meaning which one comes to expect in the sculptured portals of the High Gothic cathedrals. In the ensuing pages my purpose has not only been to trace the genesis of these separate motifs in the more distant past; I trust that I have also been able to convey something of the subtle interdependence that binds these themes together and that results in an organic whole, by which the portal is imbued with the essence of a unified, if complex, personality. Two other aspects of this doorway are also important for any initial understanding of its iconographic significance, namely, its relationship to the material fabric of the cathedral itself and to the surrounding precinct as it existed in the thirteenth century, and the place of this portal in the long building chronology of the Gothic structure—topics that I shall discuss in the opening chapter of this study.

CHAPTER I

THE TRANSEPT PORTALS OF THE CATHEDRAL OF REIMS n the sixth of May in the year of our Lord 1210 the ancient Cathedral of the Blessed () Virgin of Reims, much of whose fabric still dated back to the ninth and tenth centuries, was consumed by a devastating fire.’ No sooner had the charred ruins been cleared away, however, than the canons proceeded in that very same year to lay the massive foundations of the new

Gothic structure.” Around 1220 the upper parts of the more easterly portions were begun, and toward the end of this same decade the chevet was probably nearing completion.* But in contrast to this more expeditious beginning, the later progress in both the architectural program and the sculptural adornment of the cathedral was to continue intermittently throughout the thirteenth century. Indeed, it was not until the middle of the century that the three western portals, with their vast array of statues, assumed their present form. On the north transept, however, another set of portals had already been completed whose sculptures vie in artistic and iconographic interest with the more famous statuary of the west facade (Fig. 1). On the small doorway at the right the Romanesque Virgin and Child on the tympanum and the sculptured figures on the surrounding arch have been reassembled from a twelfth century tomb, salvaged from the ruins of the pre-Gothic cathedral.* In the central and left portals, with their deep embrasures and lofty archivolts, the more naturalistic idiom of the early decades of the thirteenth century is represented in a wealth of monumental statues and pictorial reliefs.

On the left doorway, in the tympanum of the Last Judgment, the somewhat archaic Deesis repeats the similar motif that occurs on the central portal of the south transept of Chartres. In the scene of the Souls in the Bosom of Abraham the peculiarly “classical” style of Reims appears, while the monumental statues of Peter and Paul, standing below on opposite sides of the doorway, have been hailed as the creations of an important innovator in naturalistic representation.” In contrast to this Judgment portal, with its statue of Christ on the central pillar, or trumeau, flanked by the Apostles on either side, the central doorway is largely devoted to the local saints (Fig. 3). The figure of the prelate on the trumeau has been assumed to be that of St. Sixtus, the first bishop of Reims, from whom the portal has derived its name. Two other early bishops of Reims stand in the embrasures on either side—St. Remi on the right, St. Nicaise, holding his severed head, on the left—while in the reliefs of the tympanum above are depicted a whole series of scenes from the legend of St. Remi. On the basis of certain stylistic affinities with the sculptures of the west portals of Amiens, Miss Teresa Frisch in a recent article has convincingly established a date of 1224 or 1225 for the initial work on the central doorway of the transept at Reims, with an outside date of 1231 for its completion.® The portal and its sculptures therefore belong to the final stages of the first and most active period in the structural history of the cathedral, which spans the two decades from 1210 to 1. Louis Demaison, Album de la cathédrale de Retms, Reims _ ser, 3, XXXII, 1904, pp. 177-199).

(1899-1902), I, pp. 4ff. 5. Notably in Wilhelm Voge, “Die Bahnbrecher des Natur2. Robert Branner, “Historical Aspects of the Reconstruc- studiums um 1200,” Zeitschrift fiir bildende Kunst, xxv, 1914, tion of Reims Cathedral, 1210-1241,” Speculum, XXXVI, 1961, pp. 193-216, esp. pp. 207ff. The stylistic variations in the

PP. 23-37, esp. pp. 23f. and p. 24. n. 5. sculptures of the Judgment Portal are analyzed in Erwin 3. Ibid., p. 32. By 1221 daily services were being conducted Panofsky, “Uber die Reihenfolge der vier Meister von Reims,”

in the axial chapel of the ambulatory. Reinhardt, R., p. 71 Jahrbuch fiir Kunstwissenschaft, 1927, pp. 55-82, esp. p. 74.

and p. 71 n. 10. 6. Teresa G. Frisch, “The Twelve Choir Statues of the 4. As first noted by Louise Lefrancois-Pillion (“Le portail Cathedral at Reims,” ART BULLETIN, XLII, 1960, pp. 1-24, roman de ja cathedrale de Reims,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts, esp. p. 24.

6 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL approximately 1230.” Whereas a more precise analysis of the stylistic origins of the atelier at work on this doorway has yet to be undertaken, a few analogies with the somewhat earlier sculptures of the transept portals of Chartres have already been established;* while further instances of a

close relationship with Chartres, in both form and content, will be included in the course of this study. What appears to be unique, however, among the French Gothic cathedrals of this period is the choice of the local saints and their miracles, rather than one of the more universal themes of the

church, as the central motif for the triple doorways of a facade. Although the lateral portals of the west facade of Laon, as at Reims, bear depictions of the Last Judgment and the Virgin and Child, the tympanum of the central portal is devoted to the Glorification of Mary; on the two transept facades at Chartres the central motifs are the Crowning of Mary and the Last Judgment.” But at Reims even the monumental statue of Christ is relegated to a subordinate place on the trumeau of the left portal (Fig. 1). The unusual proportions of the two larger doorways at Reims have also long been noted. The vast expanse of the tympanum of the central portal, with the unprecedented number of five superimposed registers, and the wide, splayed arch surrounding it, are in strange contrast to the low embrasures below and their stunted statues.*” On the Judgment Portal the embrasures and the arch above are recessed at right angles to the facade. Here a somewhat opposite impression is gained; for the tympanum, which is approximately as large as that of the central doorway, lacks an appropriate frame in the much smaller arch in which it is contained. These anomalies in the transept portals are further compounded by the oddities of their architectural setting. The top of the large rectangular wall in which the two main portals are placed stops abruptly against the right buttress of the central bay, continuing lower down in the supporting wall of the small Romanesque doorway at the right (Fig. 1). Indeed, there is ample evidence that the central and left doorways were later additions rather than part of the original concept of the facade.

In the first plans, three lancet windows were to have occupied the entire ground story of the central bay.** The heads of these lancets can be seen on the exterior above the rectangular wall in which the two doorways are now set. In place of the Judgment Portal another window was to have opened onto the east aisle of the transept. The jambs and mullions of all four of these windows, now blocked up by the doorways, are still visible on the interior. But here it must also be noted that the lower part of this facade, with its lack of architectural coherence, was never intended to be seen as a single unified design. For it is only since the end of the eighteenth century that these three portals have faced a city street. Originally they opened onto the enclosed cloister of the canons’ quarters, which was situated directly in front of the transept facade (Fig. 2-N)."* The small right doorway with its Romanesque sculpture gave access to the west cloister walk and may, indeed, as part of the original plan of the transept, have taken the

7. Reinhardt, R., p. 72 and p. 72 n. 7. burg (1930), p. 25. 8. For the chronology of these transept facades, see Louis 11. As they do on the present south transept facade, where Grodecki, “The Transept Portals of Chartres Cathedral,” ART no monumental portals occur. Notre-Dame de Reims (introBULLETIN, XXXIII, 1951, pp. 156-164. A summary of the duction by Bernard Vitry), (Paris, 1958), pl. 9.

bibliography on the influence of Chartres on the Reims sculp- 12. The cloister garth was 120 feet (approximately 40

tures is given in Frisch, of.c#t., p. 18. meters) square, according to Jean-Baptiste Francois Geruzez g. The portal of the local saints on the west facade of (Description historique et statistique de la ville de Reims, Amiens is placed to the left of the central Judgment portal, Reims-Paris-Chalons, 1817, 1, p. 313). The cloister and its

with the Virgin portal on the right. surrounding buildings are indicated in the plans by Legendre

10. The increase in the number of registers at Reims is (1765) and Cellier (1617-1618), reproduced in Robert Bran-

already foreshadowed in the tympanum of the Judgment por- _ ner, “The North Transept and the First West Facades of Reims

tal at Amiens with its four-fold division, in which the lowest Cathedral,” Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte, xxiv, no. 3/4, register is further divided into two horizontal bands depicting 1961, pp. 220-241, esp. p. 225, figs. 6 and 7. See also the the Resurrection of the Dead. Wolfgang Medding, Die West- description by Cocquault, Appendix A. portale der Kathedrale von Amtens und thre Meister, Augs-

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 7 place of a similar passageway to the west side of the cloister in the pre-Gothic cathedral.** Later on, when the transept facade had already been begun, if not in fact completed, the canons decided to construct the two larger doorways as notable additions to their claustral precinct (see Appendix

B). The central portal opened directly onto the cloister garth, while the left Judgment Portal gave access to the southern walk. There is evidence, too, as Robert Branner has demonstrated, that these doorways were originally protected by wooden gables, which also formed a shelter for the canons’ walk at this south end

of the cloister." Indeed, the markings of the gable on the masonry surrounding the arch of the central portal are still clearly visible in older photographs (Fig. 3). The ungainly proportions of the two larger doorways and their disparity in size with the smaller right portal, as well as the asymmetrical setting in which they are placed, would have been disguised beneath these wooden roofs and their external supports. Nor would the three doorways have been seen as the subordinate elements of a larger whole. Each would have given access to a separate part of the claustral precinct and functioned as an independent entrance to the cathedral. But even in this merger of the transept facade with the complex of the canons’ cloister and its surrounding structures the central doorway still remained, liturgically at least, the most important of the three. For according to a notice in Pierre Cocquault’s seventeenth century History of Reims, it was this doorway that the canons customarily used for their ceremonial processions to and from the choir of the cathedral on the great feast days of the church (see Appendix A). This practice, moreover, was undoubtedly conditioned by the internal ritualistic arrangements of the cathedral itself. As is known to have been the case later, in the thirteenth century the liturgical choir probably occupied the first three bays of the nave, separated from the western bays by a choir screen, while the high altar was placed just east of the center of the crossing (Fig. 2-G and H1)."* Formal access to the Judgment Portal by way of the east aisle of the north transept would thus have been partially blocked by the reserved area surrounding the high altar; while the Romanesque doorway would have been unsuitable, because of its smaller size, for the elaborate processions so characteristic of the cathedral in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. On the other hand the central portal, more spaciously designed, would have provided a direct and formal means of communication with the canons’ stalls in the liturgical choir (Fig. 2-B and H). But here again it must be asked, what peculiar significance could have been attached to these local saints, that they should have been chosen as the main theme for the processional doorway

of the cathedral chapter, rather than the traditional subject of the Last Judgment or one of the popular themes connected with the Virgin Mary, to whom the cathedral itself was dedicated?** Among the many historians and hagiographers of the past to whom one must turn for an answer

to this question, three are outstanding. The first of these, Hincmar, archbishop of Reims from 845 to 882, through his political astuteness during the breakup of the Carolingian Empire was largely instrumental in establishing the power and prestige of Reims, that vast archdiocese in north-

eastern France that included Laon, Noyon, Cambrai, Tournai, Soissons, Amiens, and Chalons13. For a more detailed analysis of the relationships of the The site of the high altar remained unchanged from at least portals to the canons’ cloister, see Branner, of.c#t., pp. 224ff. as far back as the tenth century. Reinhardt, R., pp. 34 and 209.

14. These gabled roofs appear also to have been provided 16. It can be assumed that it was the canons, rather than with small windows which helped to illuminate the tympana the archbishop, who decided on the subject matter and place-

of the portals. /did., pp. 230f. ment of the portal. Both archbishops Alberic of Humbert

15. The remains of a late Gothic stone choir screen, begun (1207-1218), under whom the Gothic cathedral was begun, in 1417 and demolished in 1744, were found in the excavations and Guillaume de Joinville (1223-1226) were absent from after World War I. Henri Deneux, Dix ans de foutlles dans Reims during the greater part of their episcopates. Marlot, H.,

la cathédrale de Reims: 1919-1930 (Lecture given at WI, pp. 535-548 and 567. According to Branner (“Historical Reims, June 1, 1944), Reims, n.d., p. 3. The position of this Aspects of Reims Cathedral,” pp. 25f. and p. 26 n. 13), the screen, beyond the first two eastern bays of the nave, is indi- archbishops played only a small role in financing the reconcated in an engraving by Lepautre of the coronation of Louis _ struction of the cathedral, nor is there any reason for concludxIv, reproduced in Marie Godbillon-Sartor, Les tapisseries, ing that Henry of Braine, who succeeded Guillaume de Jointoiles peintes et broderies de Reims, Reims, 1912, p. §9, fig. 8. __ ville in 1227, took any active interest in the building enterprise.

8 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL sur-Marne among its suffragan sees.** An able theologian and a shrewd prelate, as well as a notorious forger, Hincmar was also the author of a highly colored legend of St. Remi which henceforth remained the standard Life of this fifth century bishop of Reims, whose miraculous deeds were to be so expansively commemorated on the tympanum of the so-called Sixtus Portal. In contrast to this aggressive churchman is Flodoard, whose less successful career as a minor member of the Reims clergy recedes behind the lengthy History of Reims which in the tenth century he assiduously compiled from the most authentically documented facts and the most dubious traditions.’* He also composed a shorter chronicle covering the years between 919 and 966, in which he gives a vivid picture of the troubled times in which he lived, when the region of Reims was constantly harassed by the local dynasts and France itself was experiencing the full fury of the Norman incursions. The third of these authors belongs in time, but not in spirit, to a much later and far different age. In the first half of the seventeenth century Dom Guillaume Marlot, grand prior of the abbey of Saint-Nicaise, collected in his Histoire de la ville, cité, et Université de Reims an extensive compendium of the historical lore of the city, to which are added valuable descriptions of the churches of Reims, their shrines and treasures as they still existed, largely intact, at this period.”

A genial antiquarian, Marlot could also in the age of Mignard admire the beauty of the venerable Gothic cathedral, while he endeavored against the rising tide of scepticism to believe in the old fables and legends, however improbable they might be.

But it is precisely these ancient beliefs that are also of vital importance in dealing with the iconographic themes of this portal of the saints of Reims, whose earliest legends point back to a time when history and myth are still inextricably interwoven, to the days of Roman rule in Reims and to the period of its Christian origins. 17. The list of sees is given in Marlot, H., 1, pp. 212ff., of Noyon after 951. He died in 966. Molinier, 1, p. 279.

esp. p. 214. 19. Marlot was born at Reims in 1596 and died in 1667. 18. Born in 893 or 894, Flodoard traveled as far as Italy, Editor’s preface, Marlot, H., 1, pp. i-x.

suffered imprisonment in 940, and just missed becoming bishop

| CHAPTER II ST. SEXTUS AND ST. CALIXTUS Reims AND Its First Missionary CCORDING to an old tradition, repeated by Flodoard, Reims had been founded by none other

A than Remus himself, the cofounder of Rome, from whom too the Gallic city derived its

name.” But if the mythical origins of pagan Reims thus paralleled those of ancient Rome, the legend of its Christian beginnings is far more modest. Of St. Sixtus, its first missionary, the older chroniclers say nothing. His anonymously composed Life cannot be earlier than the ninth century and presents the conversion of Reims as a distinctly secondary event.” In the opening account of the legend, St. Crespin and St. Crespinian are said to have journeyed from Rome to Soissons and there to have suffered martyrdom in the reign of Diocletian.” Whereupon the pope was prompted to send out Sixtus as bishop and his companion Sinicius as priest to carry on their work. Arriving at Reims, but finding that they could make little headway among the pagan inhabitants, the two missionaries hastily moved on to nearby Soissons, where they were more cordially received by the remnants of the Christian population. Only after the successful reconversion of the city did they venture to return to Reims, which then submitted less grudgingly to their proselytizing zeal. At the death of Sixtus, Sinicius became the second bishop of Reims. The founding of the Church of Reims is thus depicted as a minor episode in the story of the conversion of Soissons, a diocese that later was to become a mere suffragan see of Reims itself. More embarrassing still, this event occurred at a time when the great persecutions of the church were all but over. Indeed, the anonymous author of the Life seems to have been only too aware of this fact, for, in concluding, he says of Sixtus and Sinicius that, though lacking a persecutor, in their own lives they had carried the Cross of Christ and had deservedly achieved the crown of martyrdom.” In view of the ecclesiastical importance that Reims had already acquired in the Carolingian period, it is not surprising to find that during the ninth century emendations to this highly unsatisfactory legend were repeatedly made, in which the mission of St. Sixtus was ascribed to an ever earlier date. It remained, however, for Archbishop Fulco, who held the see of Reims from 883 to 900, to put forward the most ambitious of these claims. In a letter to Pope Stephen v he boldly proclaimed that it was St. Peter himself who had sent St. Sixtus to Reims and had appointed him primate over all the other bishops of Gaul—although the Gallic episcopacy could hardly have existed at that time.” The story that St. Sixtus was the disciple of St. Peter, still current among such later writers as Vincent of Beauvais, may well have been the result of a hagiological rivalry between Reims and Paris.” Already in the middle of the ninth century Hilduin, the abbot of the royal monastery of Saint-Denis, had successfully identified the patron saint of his abbey with Dionysius the Areopagite, who is mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles as a disciple of St. Paul.’ If this was so, why should

20. Flodoard, H., pp. 412f. op.cit., p. 135 and p. 135, col. 1 n. 3. According to Hincmar 21. The Vita was composed sometime before Hincmar suc- it was Pope Sixtus 11, who reigned shortly after 250, who had

ceeded to the see of Reims in 845. Molinier, 1, p. 50. sent his namesake to Reims: Opuscula et Epistolae, PL, cxxvi, 22. The legend is published in 4.4,SS, Sept., 1, pp. 125-129. col. 334. The Emperor Lothaire, writing to the pope, claimed See C. Narbey, Supplément aux Acta Sanctorum pour des vies that St. Sixtus was a disciple of the Apostles.

de saints de Pépoque mérovingienne, 1, Paris, 1899, pp. 134- 25. The letters of Lothaire (see preceding note) and Fulco 138, for other traditions surrounding the legend of St. Sixtus. are published in 44,55, Sept., 1, p. 121.

23. 44,SS, Sept., 1, p. 127. 26. A list of the passages from these later writers is given

24. In the offices of St. Memmius of Chilons, St. Sixtus is in the editor’s comments, Marlot, H., 1, p. 419 n. 1. said to have been sent to Gaul by Pope Clement 1. Narbey, 27. Dionysius in turn had been identified as the author of a

10 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL not St. Sixtus have been the disciple of St. Peter, particularly as there already existed so much confusion as to just which pope had sent him to Reims?

But in the region of Reims itself by the thirteenth century, if not earlier, the claims of Fulco seem to have been forgotten. In a thirteenth century Reims breviary the lessons are chiefly concerned with an account of the martyrdom of St. Crespin and St. Crespinian, indicating a return to the traditions of the original Vita;** while in Richier’s version of the Life of St. Rem#, dating from the second half of the thirteenth century, St. Sixtus is briefly mentioned as having been sent to Reims by Pope Clement.” No substance could be found in the conflicting legends surrounding this ambiguous saint on which to establish a satisfactory hagiolatry. According to Flodoard the little church in which St. Sixtus and St. Sinicius had both been buried had once been the scene of a fervent cult served by twelve canons. But the devotion of the faithful had long since lapsed.** The bodies of the two saints, says

Flodoard, had recently been removed to the basilica of Saint-Remi, while only a single priest ministered to the little oratory of Saint-Sixtus, which was still standing unattended in Marlot’s day in the suburbs of the city.” Moreover, though portions of his relics are known to have been enshrined in the Gothic cathedral, no evidence exists that any of its chapels had ever been dedicated to St. Sixtus.®*? Nor is there, indeed, any reason to believe that this first bishop of Reims appears among the monumental statues of the portal that for so long has borne his name.

St. CALIxTUs AND His REtics at REIMs Ever since 1823, with the publication of Povillon-Piérard’s description of the cathedral of Reims, the statue of the prelate on the trumeau of the central portal of the north transept has been thought

to represent St. Sixtus.** From his shoulders hangs the Tau-shaped pallium worn during the Middle Ages by popes and bishops as a special sign of their ecclesiastical preeminence; while on his breast is suspended a rectangular plaque adorned with twelve jewels, modeled on the breastplate worn by Aaron as the first of the high priests of Israel (Fig. 5). This rectangular plaque, peculiar to the Church of Reims, belongs in turn to a more general type of breast ornament, known as the rational, that was favored by popes and archbishops in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries (see Appendix C). But this is no bishop of Reims who stands beneath the towering canopy of the trumeau. On his head is not the double-horned episcopal mitre that by the end of the twelfth century had become standard almost everywhere. Instead, the statue wears a cone-shaped headdress rising from a single jeweled circlet that is immediately recognizable as the papal tiara in the simpler form in which it still occurs at this period (Fig. 6).°* Moreover, ever since the latter part of the ninth century the cathedral of Reims had claimed to possess among its most treasured relics the body of an authentic pope, Calixtus 1, to whom honors had been paid never known to have been bestowed on St. Sixtus. philosophical treatise, of Syrian origin, probably composed rieures au x1iI® siécle,” Bulletin monumental, LXXXV, 1926, circa 500. A manuscript of this Pseudo-Dionysius, sent to Louis pp. 67-116, esp. pp. 68f.

the Pious by the Byzantine emperor in 827, was one of the 32. His relics had been placed in the church of Saint-Remi sources used by Hilduin in composing his Life of St. Denis. by archbishop Hérivé around 920. Later the body was given Max Buchner, “Die Areopagitika des Abtes Hilduin von St. to the cathedral, the head to the church of Saint-Nicaise. Denis,” Historisches Jahrbuch der Gérresgesellschaft, Lv1, Marlot, H., 1, p. 429, and Ul, pp. 526 and 530. 1936, pp. 441f.; LVII, 1937, p. 313 LVIII, 1938, pp. 55f. 33- Etienne-Francois Povillon-Piérard, Description histo-

28. Narbey, of.ci#t., pp. 134f. and p. 134 n. 2. rique de Déglise métropolitaine de Notre-Dame de Rheims, 29. Richier, La vie de Saint Remi, ed. W. N. Bolderston, Reims, 1823, p. 98.

London, 1912, p. 56. 34. A comprehensive study of the origin and evolution of

30. Flodoard, H., pp. 4146. ) the mitre and tiara is given in Joseph Braun, Die liturgische

31. Marlot, H., 1, pp. 478£. and 479 n. 1. The church was Gewandung im Occident und Orient, Freiburg-im-Breisgau, in the eastern district of the city, the site of the first Christian 1907, pp. 431-474 and 495-502. community. Louis Demaison, “Les cathédrales de Reims anté-

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 11 According to the anonymous author of his Life as contained in the Acta Martyrii, Calixtus 1 suffered martyrdom in Rome in the year 222 during the reign of the Emperor Alexander.** The legend opens with the destruction of the Temple of the Capitol. On being accused of this impious deed the Christians are condemned to be sacrificed as propitiatory offerings to the pagan gods. But their pastor, Calixtus, converts the leader of the soldiers who are sent to arrest them. Whereupon the furious emperor orders the pope to be tortured. After a heavy stone has been fastened to his body, he is thrown from an upper window and falls headlong into a watery pit. The scene of the pope’s martyrdom is quaintly illustrated in an illuminated initial in a twelfth century Passional from the abbey of Zwiefalten, now in the Stuttgart library. At the right a henchman of the emperor is tossing Calixtus from a tower window, while at the left another retainer is shoving the pope headfirst into a well, a millstone tied around his neck (Fig. 7).°*° Originally buried in a cemetery near the Via Aurelia in Rome, in the ninth century the body of the pope is said to have been obtained by a certain Count Everard, who in 855 transported it to his own abbey of Cysoing, situated in the diocese of Cambrai in northeastern France, After his death his son Rodulf decided in 898 to donate both the abbey and the remains of the pope to the Church of Reims.” Before the relics could be safely delivered, however, the bishop of Cambrai had boldly made off with them.** Though there is no record of the manner in which they were recovered, the remains of the pope seem eventually to have reached Reims, where Archbishop Fulco placed them behind the high altar of his cathedral, along with the relics of St. Nicaise, the famous martyr bishop of Reims, and those of the other saints.*” In 959 the wooden coffers containing these relics were covered with silver donated by Count Arnoul of Flanders.** Soon, however, a more prominent place was found for the shrine of St. Calixtus. In the Carolingian churches of France and Germany it was sometimes the custom to erect, directly over the porch of the western facade, an upper chapel dedicated to some specially venerated saint.” At Reims Hincmar had built such a two-story narthex in front of the facade of the ancient fifth century basilica and had provided it with an upper chapel dedicated to the Saviour (Fig. 2-K ).** Some years after his accession in 969 Archbishop Adalberon tore down the huge vaulted arcades of Hincmar’s structure and in its place erected a more modest porch.” To its upper chapel he then transferred with appropriate reverence the body of St. Calixtus and furnished the chapel with a special altar for those who came to pray at the shrine of the martyred pope.“ But even before his remains had been transferred to this more prominent site St. Calixtus had also been closely associated with that other famous saint of Reims, the martyr bishop St. Nicaise. In one of his minor poetical works Flodoard has given a versified account of the pope’s martyrdom and the translation of his relics to Reims, Now that St. Calixtus and St. Nicaise have become partners in the church of the Mother of God, he says, these two saints reign as the twin luminaries 35. The Vita is published in 44,SS, Oct., v1, pp. 439-4413 919-966. an abridged twelfth century version is in Narbey, of.cit., 11, 41. See Hans Reinhardt and Etienne Fels, “Etudes sur les

p. 356. églises porches carolingiennes,” Bulletin monumental, xcu, 36. Volume Two of this Passional (Stuttgart, Landesbiblio- 1933, pp. 331-365, and XCVI, 1937, pp. 425-469.

thek, Ms 56), which contains the Life of St. Calixtus (fol. 42. This narthex is known only from its description at the 130°), is dated shortly before 1160 in Albert Boeckler, Das time of its demolition, as recorded in Richer, Annales. Mon. Stuttgarter Passionale, 1923, pp. 16ff., p. 51 and fig. gs. German, Hist., Scriptorum, Wt, p. 613. Richer was a monk of 37. The events concerning the relics of St. Calixtus up to the abbey of Saint-Remi, Reims; his annals span the years the time of their donation to Reims are described in the 888-995. Molinier, 1, p. 284.

Martyrology of Saussay. AA,SS, Oct. VI, p. 428. 43. The massive foundations of Hincmar’s narthex were 38. According to the text of a letter of Archbishop Fulco discovered in the excavations of the nave of the cathedral after

to the bishop of Noyon, quoted in Flodoard, H., p. 569. 1918. Deneux, Dix ans de fouilles, p. 34.

39. Flodoard, H., p. 473. 44. Richer, Joc.cit, According to Reinhardt and Fels (0?.cit.,

40. Les Annales de Flodoard (Collection de textes pour 1933, pp. 351f., and 1937, p. 433), Adalberon had reduced servir a Pétude et a Venseignement de Phistoire, xxx1x), Paris, the large upper sanctuary of the Carolingian narthex into a 1905, p. 147. This contemporary chronicle includes the years simple upper chapel.

12 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL of Reims, their intercessory prayers like a divine shield spreading their heavenly protection over the walls of the city.*° The continued cult of St. Calixtus in the pre-Gothic cathedral is attested to in the early twelfth century Ordinal of Reims. According to the evidence contained in this liturgical text, commemorative prayers were customarily recited by the canons in the pope’s mortuary chapel over the west entrance of the cathedral on the vigils of St. John the Baptist, St. Michael, and St. Maurilius.“ In the early thirteenth century the martyred pope, together with St. Nicaise, still held his place of preeminence in the roster of the local saints. In May, 1211, a year after the new Gothic structure was begun, the chapter, in the presence of Archbishop Alberic, bought the rights to a sizeable amount of the tithes owned by a certain German knight Milo and his wife Basilia. The contract stipulated that these revenues were to be expressly reserved for the endowment and upkeep of the chapel of St. Nicaise and that of St. Calixtus, the latter now situated at the easternmost end of the south aisle of the choir (Fig. 2-F).*’ Thus the concern of the chapter was directed almost from the very start of the building operations of the new cathedral toward ensuring the continued veneration of these two saints whose names had so long been linked together. When, in the next decade, the canons decided to erect a portal on the north transept in commemoration of the saints of Reims, it might be expected, too, that the statue of the pope should have been given the place of honor on the trumeau, as a reminder of the former preeminence of his mortuary chapel on the older west front. Nor is this trumeau figure the only memorial to Pope Calixtus to be found on the Gothic cathedral. Toward the middle of the thirteenth century, when the west portals received their final complement of monumental statuary, St. Calixtus took his rightful place among the quota of local saints that adorn the lateral doorways, where his statue, characterized by a somewhat affected elegance, stands in the left embrasure of the right portal (Fig. 8).*° Still another event in a later age testifies to the popular devotion that continued to be attached

to the relics of the martyred pope. On the twenty-fourth of July, 1481, the vast wooden roof of the cathedral was destroyed by fire, and the very streets of the town are said to have run with the lead from its molten cover, spewed forth by the myriad gargoyles. On the following Sunday a great concourse of the clergy and people of Reims moved in outdoor procession around the body of the cathedral. In their midst were borne aloft the shrines of St. Nicaise and his sister St. Eutropie and those of St. Rigobert and St. Calixtus—in fact what under the circumstances must

have been the relics of the most venerated saints of the cathedral at that time.* | The seventeenth century inventories of the cathedral treasury include fairly precise descriptions of the two reliquaries that contained the pope’s remains. The main shrine, in which were preserved his head and other portions of his body, was of gilt copper, adorned with fourteen silver figures 45. Flodoard, Opuscula Metrica. PL, Cxxxv, col. 660. The St. John the Baptist, St. Nicaise, Sts. James and Philip, St. Remi, authenticity of these poems is confirmed in Molinier, 1, p. 260. St. Nicholas and St. Calixtus. For these dedications, see Charles 46. Though the chapel itself is not specifically mentioned, Cerf, Histoire et description de Notre-Dame de Reims, Reims, there can be no doubt that it was to this upper sanctuary that 1861, 1, pp. 437ff., and Branner, “Historical Aspects of Reims the canons repaired on these occasions, for, after prayers were Cathedral,” p. 33 n. 46.

sung in commemoration of St. Calixtus, the canons are said 48. The placement mark on this statue, which is dated circa to have descended into the church, which they then entered. 1240-1250, indicates that it was originally destined for the For these passages in the text of this Ordinal, see Chevalier, left portal of the local saints in an earlier project for the west

pp. 261ff., esp. pp. 296, 300 and 302. facade. Doris Schmidt, “Portalstudien zur Reimser Kathe47. As recorded in a Vidimus of 1250, Alexandre Teulet, drale,”? Miinchener Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst, ser. 3, X1, Layettes des trésors des chartes (Archives nationales, inventaires 1960, pp. 14-58, esp. p. 32, fig. 15, and p. 49. et documents), 1, Paris, 1863, p. 366. The endowments of the 49. See the description of the fire in Cocquault’s seventeenth

other chapels seem largely to have been left up to the gener- century History of Reims, reproduced in Cerf, of.cit., pp. osity of private individuals. The seven chapels of the chevet, 4ooff. beginning at the north side, were dedicated to the Saint-Lait,

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 13 and. topped by a silver dome. The arm of St. Calixtus was kept in a silver gilt shrine studded with precious stones. Moreover, in the inventory of 1669 it is stated that the diocese of Tournai had recently given to the cathedral a silver arm containing a relic of the now canonized Everard, the father of Count Rodulf and the founder of the Abbey of Saint-Calixtus at Cysoing.”° 50. These inventories are published in Prosper Tarbé, Trésors des églises de Retms, Reims, 1843, pp. 59, 64f., and 78.

CHAPTER III

ST. NICAISE OF REIMS ST, NICAISE AND THE CEPHALOPHORES

HERE can now be no doubt that it is Pope Calixtus whose figure adorns the trumeau of the so-called St. Sixtus Portal—no doubt, too, that for over a century this portal has been misnamed. It is by rights the Calixtus Portal, and so it shall be referred to in the ensuing pages, the statue of St. Calixtus being akin to those other mitred popes who hover, taller and more lean, in the dark embrasures of the transept portals of Chartres.” Though in time the role of the pope in the hagiolatry of Reims and the identity of his trumeau statue seem to have been forgotten, such was not to be the case with St. Nicaise. In the still fresh memory of his abbey church at Reims and in the very site of his martyrdom preserved in the cathedral, the physical imprint of his cult has everywhere been perpetuated; while his fate during the barbarian invasions of the fifth century was to become a part of the legendary history of the city itself, The Passion of St. Nicaise begins with an extended eulogy of this tenth bishop of Reims and a description of the ravages inflicted upon his diocese by the invading Vandals.** Having devastated the surrounding countryside, the barbarians finally break into the city itself and advance upon the bishop who, accompanied by his sister, the chaste Eutropie, has taken up his position in front of the portal of his cathedral church. “O Victricia arma!” he cries, with Vergilian rhetoric, as the enemy approach. Exhorting them to look upon the humility of the citizens of Reims, kneeling in prayer before their God, he bids them sheathe their sword. But if slaughter is still their intent, he offers himself as the first victim in the holocaust. Falling on his knees, he then cries out, “My soul cleaves unto the ground,” and is immediately decapitated. But the lips of the severed head miraculously continue to utter the words of the psalm: “Vivifica me, Domine, secundum verbum tuum.” The faithful Eutropie, fearing because of her beauty that the soldiers might wish to spare her for their wanton lusts, lashes out at the Vandal warrior who has just slain St. Nicaise. Furiously gouging out his eyes, she draws upon herself her own martyrdom, and her blood mingles with that of her brother. But instead of the expected massacre of the inhabitants, a celestial army suddenly appears in the heavens and drives out the Vandal hordes. Amid angelic hymns and the ineffable perfume arising from the holy relics, the bodies of the two martyrs are then reverently buried in the Church of Saint Agricola, built by Jovinus, a former Roman prefect. Such is the legend of St. Nicaise as recorded in a series of manuscripts, the oldest of which dates from the end of the ninth century or the beginning of the tenth. Its Carolingian authorship is suggested as well by the reminiscences of the Aeneid that can be detected in the speech delivered by the bishop to the Vandal army—an imitation of classical oratory characteristic of the literary Renaissance of the period.” But a notable feature of this legend is likewise related to the earlier Life of St. Denis, composed in the middle of the ninth century by the abbot Hilduin. The decapitated head of St. Nicaise that continues to chant the versicle from the Psalms can be traced to the s1. One of the four small reliefs on the base of the trumeau 52. Identical texts of the Vita are given in Analecta Bolstatue depicts St. Martin dividing his Cloak with the Beggar, Jandiana, 1, pp. 609-613; HH, pp. 156-157; and Narbey, which may also have been suggested by the same scene on the Supplément aux Acta Sanctorum, i, pp. 498-501. For the list tympanum of the right portal of the south transept of Chartres. of the early bishops of Reims, traditional since the time of See Frisch, op.cit., p. 17. The iconographic significance of Hincmar, see Louis Duchesne, Fastes épiscopaux de Pancienne these reliefs, which include a praying figure (?), a man astride Gaule, 111, Paris, 1915, pp. 76f. a lion, and a knight attacking a dragon, has so far eluded my 53. Narbey, of.cit., pp. 492-497, esp. p. 497 N. 5. own investigations,

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 15 beheading of this first bishop of Paris on the heights of Montmartre; in Hilduin’s account the severed head of the saint was also alive and continued to praise the Lord.” This wonder, however, is incidental to the other great miracle for which St. Denis is principally famous. In Hilduin’s version of the legend the saint, immediately after his decapitation, picked up his head and carried it the not inconsiderable distance to the spot north of Paris where later arose the abbey church of Saint-Denis. This patron saint of Paris can indeed be credited with having supplied the original model, in a more or less direct fashion, of all those saints who carry their heads, the so-called cephalophores.™ The influence of the legend of St. Denis, propagated far and wide, is particularly noticeable in the local hagiolatry of northeastern France, where a number of head-carrying saints are to be found in the vicinity of Troyes.’ Near Reims itself St. Oricle, an ardent cephalophore, after his decapitation washed the gory stump of his head in a well, the water of which was later drunk by the sick for its curative powers. Having made the mark of the cross on a rock with his own blood, he then carried his head to a tomb which he had already prepared for himself with his own hands.” Among the many legends of these head-bearing saints, however, that of St. Nicaise of Reims appears to have been exceptional. For in none of the versions of his martyrdom, nor in any of the liturgical texts devoted to St. Nicaise, have I been able to find any claim whatsoever that he carried his detached head. Yet in art he undoubtedly belongs to the company of the cephalophores. Like the figure on the “Portail de la Calende” of St. Nicaise, the martyr-bishop of Rouen, and like those of St. Ache and St. Acheul on the portal of St. Firmin at Amiens, the embrasure statue of St. Nicaise on the Calixtus Portal firmly grasps its severed head, while above its truncated neck two angels with veiled hands hold the crown of martyrdom (Fig. 9).°° More revealing still, in the

reliefs and in the illuminated manuscripts the kneeling bishop is sometimes shown offering his decapitated head on an altar. This may well have a highly symbolic meaning. But when in mediaeval hagiology was a literal interpretation also excluded? And if taken literally such a representation must certainly imply that, after picking up his head where it fell in front of his cathedral, St. Nicaise

turned around, passed through the door, marched up the length of the nave, and deposited it in the sanctuary. It is, after all, the particular goal that awaits these cephalophoric saints—whether tomb or foun-

tain or altar—that makes their journey memorable. Sometimes in the manuscripts and on the cathedral portals they are guided toward their destination by the angels. Just as in his legend an angel was said to have guided the steps of St. Denis down the perilous slopes of Montmartre, so in the illustration of his martyrdom in a mid-thirteenth century Life of St. Denis he is attended by two angels, one of them swinging a censer, the other, according to the accompanying verses, chanting a mellifluous song (Fig. 10). At Paris two of these angelic guides once stood on either side of his embrasure statue on the left portal of the facade of Notre-Dame.” On the west facade of Reims itself is another statue of St. 54. Passion of St. Denis, PL, cvt, col. 47. For the earlier Monographie de Péglise Notre-Dame cathédrale @’ Amiens, 1, evolution of the legend, see Pierre Saintyves, Ex marge de la Amiens-Paris, 1901, p. 4113 p. 411 n. 3, and pl. 44.

légende dorée, Paris, 1930, pp. 220ff.; Raymond J. Loenertz, 59. Bibl. Nat., N.A. fr. rog8, fol. 44°. The text of the “La légende de S. Denys ’Aréopagite,” Analecta Bollandiana, verses accompanying the illustrations are published in Léopold

LIX, 1951, pp. 217-235. Delisle, Notice sur un livre & peintures exécuté en 1250 dans

55. One hundred thirty-four cephalophoric saints are listed Pabbaye de Saint Denis, Paris, 1877, pp. 15-22, esp. pp. 17f.; by Saintyves (of.cit., pp. 521ff.) in his detailed study of this facsimiles in Henri Omont, Vie et histoire de Saint Denys,

theme. Paris (1907), p. ro and pl. 16. See also Camille Couderc, 56. Ibid., pp. 252ff. 57- Flodoard, H., p. 420. Les enluminures des manuscrits du Moyen Age de la Biblio58. The voussoir figure of St. Nicaise of Rouen is situated at théque Nationale, Paris, 1927, pp. 61f. and pl. 30.

the top of the inner archivolt of the south transept portal of 60. At Notre-Dame these statues have been restored by Rouen. Georges Lanfry, La cathédrale aprés la conquéte de la Viollet-le-Duc on the basis of the reliefs of the dado. Louise

Normandie (Les cahiers de Notre-Dame de Rouen), Rouen, Lefrancois-Pillion, “Autour dun groupe de statues de la 1960, pl., p. 56. For the problems concerning the identity of facade occidentale de Ja cathédrale de Reims,” Bulletin monuthe cephalophoric statues at Amiens, see Georges Durand, mental, crx, 1951, Pp. 41-46, esp. p. 45.

16 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL Denis, his decapitation summarily suggested by the minor loss of the top of his head.* On the right a winged companion turns invitingly toward him, while the angel on the left once censed him with

the now missing thurible (Fig. 11). In the embrasure of the Calixtus Portal, too, one of these supernatural beings, though wingless, is to be found to the left of the statue of St. Nicaise, still bearing the incense boat and the chain of the missing censer (Fig. 9). THE Martyrpom oF Sr. NicalsE ON THE CaLixtTus PorRTAL

Yet another theme that is occasionally found in the legendary lore of the saints—that of the two comartyrs—can likewise be traced to St. Denis. In the account of his martyrdom his two companions, St. Rusticus and St. Eleutherius, are also said to have shared his decapitation on Montmartre (Fig. 10). Though they were not enrolled in the ranks of the cephalophores, their severed heads were both heard to pronounce the name of Jesus.” St. Nicaise of Rouen, whose legend was so closely patterned on that of the Parisian martyr, also had two companions, Quirinus and Scriviculus, who were reputed to have been the disciples of

St. Denis and with whom St. Nicaise was executed.* St. Lucien, the cephalophoric bishop of Beauvais, was likewise beheaded with his two clerical assistants. St. Oricle’s comartyrs were his own two sisters, Oricule and Basilique, with whom he suffered death at the hands of either the Vandals or the Huns. Nothing is said of such secondary luminaries in the Life of St. Nicaise of Reims. But, according to the account of his martyrdom as given by Flodoard, the bishop’s deacon Florentius and his reader Jocondus were both slain by the Vandal warriors along with St. Nicaise and St. Eutropie.” On the left leaf of an ivory diptych, preserved in the treasury of the cathedral of Tournai, St. Nicaise, his right hand raised in blessing, his left clutching a book, is flanked on either side by a cleric,

each holding a maniple (Fig. 12). Undoubtedly in these attendant figures can be recognized his two companions and comartyrs.*° If a date around 900 can be assigned this leaf of the diptych on the basis of its late Carolingian style, the story that Florentius and Jocondus shared in the martyrdom of St. Nicaise would then have been current at least half a century before Flodoard wrote his History of Reims. All of these elements of the martyrdom of St. Nicaise that have been discussed so far have been ingeniously incorporated into the single relief that is to be found in the left half of the lowest register of the tympanum of the Calixtus Portal (Figs. 4—P and 13). At the right the saint is depicted kneeling in front of a Vandal warrior, who is about to decapitate him with his drawn sword. Behind the bishop St. Eutropie surges forward toward the prospective murderer of her brother, one hand already reaching out to pluck out his eyes, an event which in the legend occurs only after the bishop’s death. At the extreme right is the open portal of the cathedral before which St. Nicaise was slain. The praying figure within the archway may be identified as one of the bishop’s fellow martyrs, probably the deacon Florentius. At the other end of the relief, beyond a group of Vandal knights, the grieving Eutropie has followed St. Nicaise on his headless pilgrimage to the sanctuary of the cathedral (Fig. 13). Before her already kneels the 61. There is no reason to believe that this statue is St. 42ff. At Reims itself Marlot mentions a partial decapitation Nicaise, as claimed in Reinhardt, R., pp. 167f. This partial of St. Denis in a window of the small abbey church of Saintdecapitation, unknown in the representations of St. Nicaise, Denis, Marlot, H., 1, p. 496. appears to have been the special feature of St. Denis, as in the 62. PL, cvt, col. 46. case of his statues on the west facade and south transept of 63. Saintyves, 0f.cit., p. 240.

Notre-Dame. See the explicit description in Henri Sauval, 64. All three are depicted holding their severed heads on Histoire et recherches des antiquités de la ville de Paris, Paris, the front of a silver reliquary, dated circa 1261, from the 1724, p. 372. The statue holding his cranium from the south Sainte-Chapelle, now in the Cluny Museum. Souchal, of.cit., transept is still preserved in the Cluny Museum. Geneviéve p. 179.

Souchal, “Un reliquaire de la Sainte-Chapelle au musée de 65. Flodoard, H., pp. 419f. Cluny,” Revue des Arts, X, 1960, pp. 179-194, esp. fig., p. 188. 66. Adolph Goldschmidt, Die Elfenbeinskulpturen, 1, Berlin,

Other examples are given in Lefrancois-Pillion, of.cit., pp. 1914, pp. 78f. and pl. 71.

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 17 decapitated bishop offering his head upon the altar, above which a small angel holds the crown of martyrdom. Two more angels flank the ciborium of the altar, one of them censing the severed head, while the other angel, standing directly in front of St, Eutropie, holds the incense boat. The postlude to the miracle of the cephalophores is concerned with their final death, when life leaves their dismembered bodies and their souls can at last ascend to Heaven. This concluding act in the drama of St. Nicaise is depicted on a carved stone panel, dating from the end of the fourteenth century, that once formed part of the altar frontal in the sanctuary of the now destroyed abbey church of Saint-Nicaise at Reims.” In spite of its very mutilated condition, the main elements of the composition can still be deciphered (Fig. 14).

Having deposited its offering on the altar, the decapitated trunk of the dead bishop now lies prostrate in front of it. On the altar itself, at the extreme left of the panel, two diminutive angels have already received his mitred head and are about to carry it aloft on a cushion. On the pavement in back of the body of St. Nicaise are stacked the three corpses of St. Florentius, St. Jocondus, and

St. Eutropie. Above, under the two gabled arches of the frame, hover four pairs of angels who bear the souls of the four martyrs to heaven. At the side of the altar a monk, perhaps the donor of the altar frontal, kneels on a draped prie-dieu.®

St. NicaisE AND St. Eurropie in Mepraevar Arr The popularity of St. Nicaise both at Reims and in the other churches of the archdiocese 1s attested to by a not inconsiderable number of extant works of art associated with his cult and by still others,

now lost, but of which reliable descriptions have been preserved. Moreover, the direct influence of the ingenious composition of the saint’s martyrdom as depicted on the Calixtus Portal can still be traced in a few of the remaining monuments. At Laon on the tympanum of a small doorway on the northwest tower of the cathedral was carved, sometime in the second quarter of the thirteenth century, a somewhat attenuated version of the relief at Reims (Fig. 15).°° Unfortunately all of the figures on the Laon tympanum were consistently decapitated by the more recent Vandals of the French Revolution. But St. Eutropie can still be identified in the center. of the lower register, stretching out a hand in a far less determined if more graceful gesture toward the Vandal warrior who is about to behead the bending figure of St. Nicaise. The upper part of the tympanum has been filled with the scene of the bishop offering his head on the altar. In two illuminated manuscripts the progressive episodes of the bishop’s martyrdom are now synchronized in such a way that they appear to belong to the same momentary event. In a colored drawing in a Psalter and Book of Hours dating from the third quarter of the thirteenth century and preserved in the Czartoryski Museum, Cracow, the bishop offers his head on the altar, while in back of him St. Eutropie has incongruously turned around in an opposite direction to tear out the eyes of the Vandal knight (Fig. 16).” In an illuminated initial from the Propers of the Saints in a fourteenth century missal, which once belonged to the abbey of Saint-Nicaise at Reims, the scene of the bishop at the altar is combined with his decapitation. Here the Vandal warrior, who 67. The relief is described in detail in PAbbé Midoux, Beaux-Arts, ser. 6, XVII, 1937, pp. 83-98, esp. pp. 97f. and “Drancienne église saint-Nicaise de Reims,” Bulletin monu- p. 98, fig. 14. mental, LXXXV, 1926, pp. 142-152, esp. pp. 145ff. and fig., 70. MS 3466, fol. 1087. The origin of this manuscript is

p. 143. probably the region of Picardie and Artois. Maria Jarosla-

68. To the right of this scene, in the fragment of a second wiecka-Gasiorowska, “Les principaux manuscrits 4 peintures panel, a group of horsemen are issuing from a fortified gate- du musée des Princes Czartoryski 4 Cracovie,” Bulletin de la way—the barbarians fleeing the city, terrified by the heavenly soc. fr. de reproduction de MSS & peintures, XVIII, 1934, Pp. Ihost that appeared after the massacre in front of the cathedral. 164, esp. pp. 17ff. The miniature is wrongly identified as the 69. The style of this tympanum hardly seems to warrant Martyrdom of Thomas 4 Becket in Firmin-Didot, Catalogue

the early date of around 1225 assigned to it in Elie Lambert, des livres Mss et imprimés, Paris, 1884, pt. 6, pp. 5f. and “Les portails sculptés de la cathédrale de Laon,” Gazette des pl. opp. p. 4.

18 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL has just beheaded the saint with his still upraised sword, with his other hand is conveniently proffering the severed head to the kneeling bishop (Fig. 17).” But what undoubtedly must have been the most monumental of all the representations of the martyrdom of St. Nicaise and St. Eutropie were those that once adorned the west portals of the abbey church of Saint-Nicaise itself, This beautiful Gothic structure was totally demolished at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The design of the facade, however, is known from a seventeenth century engraving by Deson and from an eighteenth century painting recently acquired by the Musée des Beaux Arts at Reims.” As is indicated in the engraving, the doorways were flanked by intervening gables that, with those of the portals, formed a continuous screen across the facade (Fig. 18). Moreover, in the tympana

of the portals the monotonous horizontality of the multiple registers, as at Notre-Dame, Paris, at Amiens, and on the north transept of Reims, has been replaced by a graceful tracery design consisting of two trilobed arches surmounted by a quarterfoil. Though in both the painting and the engraving only the slightest indications have been given of the carved figures of the doorways, their subject matter is known from earlier descriptions.” The tympanum of the central portal was devoted to the Last Judgment. Below on the trumeau was the monumental statue of St. Nicaise holding his mitred head. In the lower part of the tympanum of the right doorway was depicted the martyrdom of St. Eutropie, as well as the massacre of St. Florentius and St. Jocondus. Above in the quarterfoil St. Nicaise knelt in the center of a group of Vandal warriors. The tympanum of the left portal represented the slaying of St. Agricola and St. Vitalis, early martyrs of Reims and the original patrons of the abbey. Though the nave of Saint-Nicaise was begun about 1231, from the novelty of their architectural design the portals cannot be much earlier than around 1245 to 1250. At Reims nothing remains of the stained-glass windows of the church of Saint-Nicaise or the apsidal chapels of the cathedral.”* A series of medallions has survived, however, from a thirteenth century window once devoted to the legend of St. Nicaise; they are now divided between the Louvre and the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum in Boston. But these panels have been so drastically restored that their iconographic value has been considerably impaired. Moreover, in several instances the restorers have fashioned two versions of the same scene where originally there must have been only one.” What is still noteworthy in these panels, however, is the inclusion of the martyrdom of St. Eutropie, who in the other extant monuments is chiefly outstanding for her determined attacks against the Vandal warrior. In the upper section of one of the two medallions in the Louvre she bends her body resignedly beneath the Vandal’s sword, her honor saved, while her brother’s decapitated body, now very much the work of the restorer, lies at her feet (Fig. 19).”’ Below the 71. Reims, Bibl., Ms 320, fol. 126”. Henri Loriquet, Manu- presented by Etienne-Francois Povillon-Piérard in 1822. scrits de la bibliothéque de Reims (Catalogue général des mss. 74. As suggested in Robert Branner, “Drawings from a des bibl. pub. de France, Xxxvii1), 1, Paris, 1904, p. 217. The Thirteenth Century Architect’s Shop: The Reims Palimpsest,” initial ““M” of the miniature occurs at the beginning of the Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, XV11, no. 4, Propers for the Feast of St. Nicaise. Another version of the 1958, pp. 9-21, esp. p. 19. saint kneeling at the altar is to be found on the fourteenth 75. Up to 1914 a cycle of the Martyrdom of St. Nicaise was century seal of the custodian of the reliquaries of the church to be found in a thirteenth century window in the church at of Saint-Nicaise. Charles Givelet, L’église et Vabbaye de Saint- Longueval, in the diocese of Soissons, described in Charles Nicaise de Reims (Trav, de Vacad. de Reims, xcviil, 1894/ Givelet, “Les vitraux de Longueval,” Trav. de Pacad. de

1895, pt. 2), Reims, 1897, pp. 132f. and fig. p. 132. Reims, LXX, 1880-1881, pp. 355-364, esp. pp. 356ff., and 7z. See Henri Deneux, “L’ancienne église Saint-Nicaise de poorly illustrated in Etienne Moreau-Nélaton, Les églises de Reims,” Bulletin monumental, LXXXV, 1926, pp. 117-142, esp. chez nous, 11, Paris, n.d., p. 197 and fig. 465.

fig. 20 opp. p. 118, The painting shows the facade in ruins, 76. For a detailed analysis of the authenticity of the glass in an ironical forecast of the destruction of the church in the these medallions, see Louis Grodecki, “Les vitraux soissonnais

following century. du Louvre, du musée Marmottan et des collections améri-

73. The detailed description in Henri Fleury, “Saint caines,? Rewue des Arts, X, 1960, pp. 163-178, esp. pp. 167f. Nicaise et son église,” La chronique de Champagne, 1v, Reims, 77. Most of the figure of St. Eutropie is modern, as well as 1838, pp. 1-14, esp. p. 7f. and p. 8 n. 1, is based on a report the sword of the executioner. The general composition too has

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 19 scene of her martyrdom in the same medallion have been placed the obsequies of St. Nicaise. A cleric with open book stands at each end of the bier. To the right five women are mourning over the shrouded body of St. Eutropie.” In the bottom section of the Boston panel are still other versions of the martyrdom and obsequies of St. Eutropie. Most of the upper part of this window, so unmediaeval in its self-conscious symmetry, can safely be credited to the restorer’s art. The original fragments from which the Louvre and Boston panels were composed undoubtedly stemmed from a window in the cathedral of Soissons, as Louis Grodecki has demonstrated, and are to be dated in the 1220's.” The most imposing memorial to St. Eutropie, however, is to be found on the Calixtus Portal itself. Here a monumental statue of the saint, somber and determined, stands in the left embrasure to the right of the figure of her decapitated brother (Fig. 9). The general pose of the statue and the arrangement of the cloak that veils her head have also been likened to those of St. Elizabeth in the group of the Visitation at Chartres (Figs. 21 and 22).°° But the long sweeping folds of the St. Elizabeth have been sacrificed to accommodate the lines of the drapery to the broader shoulders and more stalwart form of the intrepid saint at Reims.” Though the head of St. Eutropie was preserved in the cathedral, it is in the abbey church of Saint-Nicaise that her cult appears to have assumed its most active form. Here the water in which her relics were periodically dipped was said to be drunk by the sick for its therapeutic properties. Moreover, in a rite known as Contrapondera the quaint custom arose of weighing children in a pair of scales that was hung at the entrance to her chapel. While the sacristan of the abbey intoned the canticle and prayers from the office of St. Eutropie, the infant was placed in one of the scales, an image of the maidenly martyr in the other.” It is possible that an allusion to this ritual is to be found on the Calixtus Portal. In the windowlike apertures of the canopy that shelters the embrasure statue of St. Eutropie has been carved a series of small youthful heads wherein may be recognized the innocent children associated with the cult of this virginal saint, who so valiantly died in defense of her purity (Fig. 20).

THE. Cutt or St. Nicalse at REIMs Though in art the original legend of the martyrdom of St. Nicaise was still further elaborated upon by the mediaeval iconographers, it must not be thought that he was merely the product of the pious fantasy of a later age. Undoubtedly he was also an historic personage in his own right, who may well have met his death at the hands of the Vandals in 407, the traditional date of his martyrdom ;** while the present location of the cathedral of Reims remains as his material legacy. Inspired by a vision, says Flodoard, the bishop decided to transfer his episcopal seat from the old Church of the Apostles to a new site, where now stands the Gothic cathedral.™ lost its original character. The Vandals at the right are largely 81. A later statue of a female figure clasping a book, in the redone, although the general composition is original. [bid., right embrasure of the left portal of the west facade, has also

p. 168. been identified as St. Eutropie. The statue of a deacon with a

78. The architecture and the four mourning clerics are martyr’s palm in this same embrasure has been thought to original, with the exception of the head of the priest at the represent St. Florentius. Paul Vitry, La cathédrale de Reims, lower right. The body of St. Nicaise is entirely modern. The Paris (1915-1919), 1, p. 25 and pl. 10; Reinhardt, R., p. 168. composition of the obsequies of St. Eutropie is authentic, but 82. For the cult of St. Eutropie, see Marlot, H., 111, pp. 334 all but one of the heads are modern, as is much of the archi- and 526.

tectural background. [b2d. 83. The arguments for the historicity of the martyrdom of 79. In the lower right section of the central medallion at St. Nicaise by the Vandals are given in Charles Cerf, “Saint Boston an original group of ten men (citizens of Reims?) has Nicaise, a-t-il été martyrisé en 407 par les Vandales,” Trav. been preserved. Their triangular heads are similar to those in de Pacad. de Reims, C1, 1869-1870, pp. 79-214.

some of the later glass in the cathedral of Soissons. Jbid., 84. Flodoard, H., p. 417. According to Reinhardt, R., p.

pp. 168 and 173. 20, St. Nicaise probably established his cathedral in the pre80. These analogies are pointed out in Emile Male, “La existing Roman baths; the original basilica church was not

cathédrale de Reims,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts, ser. 5, 11, 1921, constructed until later in the fifth century. Ppp. 73-88, esp. p. 85.

20 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL Though it was here before the portal of his new church that St. Nicaise was slain, it was not in his cathedral that he was buried. In his legend it is stated that the bodies of both the bishop and his sister were interred immediately after their martyrdom in the ancient basilica of Saint Agricola and Saint Vitalis that had been erected in the period of Roman rule and that later became the abbey church of Saint-Nicaise. The early Christian sarcophagus that at first contained their remains continued to be preserved in the nave of the church up to the time of the French Revolution.”

At the end of the ninth century, however, Archbishop Fulco removed the bodies of the two martyrs from the church of Saint Agricola and placed them behind the high altar of the cathedral, “where,” says Flodoard, “with the relics of St. Calixtus and those of the other saints we still revere them today.”** At this period too some of the remains of St. Nicaise were dispersed. Portions of his relics had been acquired by a bishop of Noyon and had also found their way to the codiocese

of Tournai, where they were responsible for a number of miracles.’ Some years after the bishop’s relics had arrived at Tournai was carved the left leaf of the ivory diptych preserved in the treasury of the cathedral (Fig. 12). The figure of St. Nicaise wearing a chasuble, his hand raised in blessing, and flanked by his deacon and reader, each holding a maniple, has also been thought to represent the moment of benediction that closes the liturgy of the mass

after the “Ite, missa est.”°* It is possible that at the cathedral of Tournai at the end of the mass that commemorated the feast of St. Nicaise the celebrant and his two assistants, turning toward the congregation, actually impersonated for a moment the martyred bishop and his two companions. This interpretation, moreover, is further suggested by the subject matter of the right-hand leaf of the diptych, which was probably carved a century or more later than its companion panel.” Beneath a medallion of the Agnus Dei is depicted the Crucifixion, flanked by two female figures. The one on the right is inscribed Jerusalem, while on the left, standing at the foot of the cross, Ecclesia receives into a chalice the blood streaming from the side of Christ, thus personifying the faithful who in their communion receive the sacraments at the hands of the priestly celebrant. But the dramatic fervor that seems to have accompanied the cult of St. Nicaise as patron of Tournai was to be abruptly terminated when, shortly after 1054, a disastrous fire broke out in the cathedral. According to the story told by Marlot, a disgruntled cleric seized the occasion to make off with the bishop’s relics and promptly returned them to Reims. Archbishop Gervais, at first suspicious of their authenticity, had them placed side by side with the other relics of the saint, which were preserved behind the high altar of his own cathedral at Reims. To his satisfaction, however, he found that the two sets of bones matched. With great solemnity he then donated the relics from Tournai to the church of Saint Agricola, which, newly rebuilt, became the abbey church of Saint-Nicaise.”°

Reims now found itself with two separate shrines of its martyred bishop, one in the church where

he had first been buried, the other in the cathedral before whose portal he had been slain. Deneux, in his excavations in the nave of the present cathedral, discovered between the seventh and eighth bays from the facade the exact location of the western wall of the old fifth century church, the “ostium basilicae” mentioned in the legend as the place of the saint’s martyrdom.” Here, too, in the pre-Gothic cathedral is known to have been situated the “rouelle,” the round marble stone set in the pavement in the center of the nave that commemorated the exact spot where

85. Marlot, H., 1, pp. 603f. as indicated in 2 communication kindly sent me by M. Lucien 86. Flodoard, H., p. 420. Fourez of the museum, Tournai. The two leaves were proba-

87. Ibid. bly used as the front and back covers of a liturgical book. 88. Charles de Linas, “Le diptyque de saint Nicaise,” Ga- See Cabrol and Leclercq, xv, pt. 2, cols. 2552f.

zette archéologique, X, 1885, pp. 308-316. go. Marlot, H., 111, pp. 156ff.

89. Both leaves are recarved from an antique consular gt. The actual substructure that was discovered during the

diptych, but the right panel has a smaller border and a solid excavations probably belonged to the portal of the Carolingian background, whereas in the left panel the ground has been church built over the foundations of the older facade. Deneux, partly cut away. This, and the differences in style, suggest a Dix ans de fouilles, pp. 20 and 24. later date, perhaps in the eleventh century, for the right panel,

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 21 the bishop had met his death at the hands of the Vandal warrior. Immediately to the east of the “rouelle” was the altar that stood under the crucifix of the great rood in the nave of the church.” In the thirteenth century the “rouelle,” probably in order not to interfere with the canons’ stalls and

the choir screen in the much larger Gothic nave, was transferred to a more westerly site in the middle of the sixth bay, as is indicated in a charter of 1299 (Fig. 2-J).”° In 1213, shortly after the Gothic cathedral was begun, Archbishop Alberic placed the cranium of the saint in a new silver shrine, the sides of which were adorned with silver-gilt figures in relief.* In the commendatory verses that were engraved on the reliquary it was said that St. Nicaise, “endowed with divine qualities while he lived, wondrously came to life again in his death”— certainly a reference to his chanting head which is also mentioned in the verses, but perhaps, too, a precious hint of his role as a cephalophore.

This was indeed the century that witnessed the heyday of the cult of St. Nicaise. On the Wednesday after Easter, 1231, the foundation stone of his new abbey church was laid by Archbishop Henry of Braine.”” Rejecting the massive architecture in which the cathedral ponderously reared itself over the town, its architect, Hugues Libergier, fashioned a light and airy structure with a translucent facade and two delicate openwork towers. But in spite of its smaller size and the lure of the indulgences issued by the pope, the expense of the new building presented a formidable challenge to the financial resources of the abbey.’ When Hugues Libergier died in 1263 not much more than the nave and the facade had probably been completed.” Fortunately, however, these building operations also coincided with a rash of miracles attributed to the relics of St. Nicaise in the abbey itself. Even in Marlot’s time the litters, chains, and votive ships offered by the grateful recipients of the saint’s favors could still be seen hanging from the vaults of the church.”* By the middle of the thirteenth century, attracted by the fame of the wonder-working relics, pilgrims from everywhere began converging on Reims.” In 1257 the archbishop of Reims solemnly opened the shrine of the saint and, removing a rib, sent it as a present to Louis 1x, who promptly added it to his famous collection of relics in the Sainte-Chapelle.*” But the veneration and popularity of St. Nicaise were not confined to his abbey church. In the cathedral too the new Gothic nave had been transformed into a vast martyrium dedicated to his cult (Fig. 23). On the great festival occasions of the church, and above all on his own feast day, the entire body of the chapter and canons paid their ceremonious visit to the “rouelle.” In embroidered vestments and silken copes the celebrant of the festive mass and the deacons and subdeacons, preceded by the acolytes, crucifer, and thurifers, congregated at the high altar beneath the golden triptych of the altarpiece and its great jeweled cross. Not on the altar itself but in front of it stood nine massive candelabra, while behind and above the altar the shrines of the saints and the votive statues of the Virgin glistened darkly in the feretory.** Passing through the choir screen, the procession moved westward into the nave, there to pause in its station at the 92. The discovery of the tomb of Albert of Liége, who was tores, xit!, p. 85. known to have been buried in 1192 beside the “round marble 96. Five successive indulgences were obtained from the pope stone on which St. Nicaise had been beheaded,” confirmed the in 1257 and 1259. Chevalier (introduction), pp. Llxiv-lxv.

original site of the “rouelle” in the pre-Gothic cathedral. See 97. According to Branner (“Drawings from a Thirteenth Louis Demaison, “Reims 4 la fin du x11 siécle, d’aprés la vie Century Architect’s Shop,” p. 19), the nave was probably de saint Adalbert, évéque de Liége,” Trav. de Pacad. de Reims, finished in 1256, the eastern portion not until 1294.

CXXXIX, 1924-1925, pp. 88-138, esp. p. 93. 98. Marlot, H., 1, p. 332. It was above all under the 93. Idem, “La cathédrale de Reims, son histoire, les dates de abbacy of Girard of Cernay, elected abbot in 1254, that the sa construction,” Bulletin monumental, LXVI, 1902, pp. 3-59, cult of St. Nicaise flourished. Chevalier (introduction), p. Ixiv.

esp. p. 30. The “rouelle” is also indicated as being in the 99. As is attested to in a bull of Alexander Iv of 1256, center of this same bay in a sixteenth century plan of the published in Marlot, Joc.cit. cathedral, cited by Demaison (“Les cathédrales de Reims anté- 100. Chevalier (introduction), p. Ixv.

rieures au X1II® siécle,” p. 76). This evidence for the site of 1o1. As indicated in the thirteenth century Ordinal of the “rouelle” in the Gothic cathedral has not been accepted in Reims, nine candelabra were placed in front of the altar for

Reinhardt, R., p. 16, on somewhat unspecified grounds. the feasts of the more important local saints, including St.

94. Marlot, H., 1, pp. 6o05f. Nicaise. Chevalier, pp. 92-260, esp. pp. 163 and 193.

95. Chronicle of St.-Nicaise, Mon, German. Hist., Scrip-

22 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL wrought iron grill that protected the “rouelle.” Directly above it hung a circular chandelier whose tapers were then lighted, forming within the long shadowed stretches of the nave a resplendent halo shining over the site of the saint’s martyrdom.*” A silent witness to this scene of his glorification was the over-life-size statue of the martyred bishop carrying his head that still surmounts the lofty pillar on the inside of the trumeau of the

west central doorway (Figs. 24 and 25).’° High up on the right side wall of this same deep portal, on a level with the statue of St. Nicaise, the equally colossal figure of a Vandal warrior in helmet and chain mail raises his arm threateningly toward the already decapitated bishop (Fig. 26). Behind him a guardian angel, his huge wings outspread, swings a censer. In the corresponding group on the left wall of the archway a second Vandal warrior sheathes his sword (Figs. 25 and 28). Beyond him another guiding angel points toward the “rouelle” and the sanctuary beyond, forever beckoning the saintly cephalophore toward the site of his martyrdom and the altar of his sacrifice (Fig. 27). 102. This hypothetical reconstruction of the rites at the reliefs of the Martyrdom of John the Baptist. Vitry, Retms, “rouelle” has been suggested by a brief passage in Cocquault’s 11, pp. 57ff.; pls. 101, 108 and 109. A prototype for the motif

History of Reims: “Sur cette pierre pend un chandelier of on of an internal trumeau statue is to be found on the Judgment allume un cierge tous les bons jours de féte de l’année, aux and Calixtus portals, where an angel is placed on top of each processions qui se font en la nef et le jour de la féte dudit of the internal trumeaux. Branner, “The North Transept and

saint Nicaise.”” Reims, Bibl., Ms 1609, fol. 26°. the First Facgades of Reims Cathedral,” p. 237 and p. 236, 103. On the lintel, in back of the statue of St. Nicaise, are figs. 13 and 14.

CHAPTER IV

ST. REMI AND THE CONFLICT OVER THE CORONATIONS THE BaprisM OF CLOvIs

n the cult of St. Nicaise was expressed that mediaeval devotion that everywhere was attached | to a local saint, one that focused the reverence of the faithful upon a legendary aspect of their own regional past. But with the legend of St. Remi and the miracles he wrought, the Church

of Reims became involved in the whole history of France itself and in the long and complex struggle for power, secular and ecclesiastic, that accompanied France’s emergence as a nation. Above all the mystique of the French monarchy and its eventual destiny were to become inseparably associated with the central event of the legend, the miraculous baptism of Clovis. In the earliest account of this fateful event, that written in the sixth century by Gregory of Tours in his History of the Franks, there is as yet no hint of the marvelous.** According to Gregory, the Frankish barbarians, like the Vandals and Huns before them, have been pillaging the churches in the diocese of Reims. But their king, Clovis, through the influence of his Christian wife, Clotilda, is converted. Whereupon he exhorts his people to forsake their pagan deities and prepares them to be baptized by the bishop of Reims, St. Remi. When all is ready in the baptistry, the king insists on being first at the font. “Humbly bow your head, Sicambre,” cries the bishop, “and adore what you have burned, burn what you have adored.’”” After the baptism and unction of Clovis three thousand of his soldiers also receive the rite, as well as the king’s sisters, Albofled and Landehild. Such 1s the prosaic account which in the ninth century Life of St. Remi by Archbishop Hincmar of Reims was amplified into a miraculous legend on which eventually were to be founded the claims of Reims to the coronations of the kings. In Hincmar’s version, on the day set for the baptism the bishop, taking the king by the hand, leads him through the festively decorated streets of Reims into the baptistry. Because of the pressure of the crowd outside, however, the priest who carries the necessary chrism is kept from entering. Unable to begin the rite, St. Remi silently prays, All at once a snow-white dove descends over the font, bearing in its beak a heaven-sent ampulla, filled with a divine chrism from which emanates an intoxicating perfume. Seizing the ampulla, St. Remi asperges the baptismal water, whereupon the dove disappears. Moved by this vision, the king renounces Satan and all his works and demands to be baptized immediately. Three times he is immersed in the font and then in the name of the Trinity the bishop anoints him with the miraculous chrism.*°° Was the miracle of the sacred ampulla an outright fabrication of Hincmar’s? The foremost statesman of his time, he did much to preserve the dwindling prestige of the Carolingian monarchy. But as an ardent champion of the church he was also aggressively bent on asserting the theocratic power and prerogatives of his own see of Reims. Justly denounced for his forgeries, he has also been accused of unscrupulously inventing the legend in order to further the interests of his archbishopric, the dynasty to which he had committed his allegiance, and the power of the universal church which, he hoped, would dominate the temporal rulers.*” 104. Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum (Collection de nonia. Hincmar, p. 291. textes pour servir a@ Vétude et a Venseignement de Vhistoire, 106. Ibid., p. 297.

XLVII), Paris, 1913, pp. 58-63. 107. Marc Bloch, Les rois thaumaturges, Strasbourg-Paris, 105. [bid., p. 63. The epithet “Sicambre” was said to stem 1924, pp. 225 and 227. from the town of Sicambria, founded by the Franks in Pan-

24 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL There is some question, however, as to whether the descent of the dove with the heaven-sent ampulla was in fact his own invention. Evidence exists from Hincmar himself that the miracle was already current prior to his Life of St. Remi, which he is known to have finished in 877 or 878.°% In an address delivered at the crowning of Charles the Bald in 869 he briefly mentions the miraculous chrism.**” More indirectly, in a letter of still earlier date setting forth the rights of Reims

to the primacy of the Frankish Church, he speaks vaguely of a miracle that accompanied the baptism of Clovis.”*°

Whatever the origin of the legend, the obvious parallel between the appearance of the dove over the font and the Holy Spirit that descended on the baptism at Jordan has long been recognized." Far more puzzling is the unprecedented appearance of the ampulla in a contemporary representation of the baptism of Christ. In a ninth century ivory in the Van den Bergh collection in Antwerp the dove that hovers over the figure of Christ bears a small vial in its beak (Fig. 30)."” Unfortunately no precise date can be given this ivory relief that might be of help in determining if the ampulla carried by the dove was original to the miracle of St. Remi or if it was indeed derived from earlier representations of the Gospel scene.***

Whether or not Hincmar is eventually to be held responsible for the miracle, it must not be forgotten that the Carolingian period was also the era when the ancient legends were everywhere being decked out with new wonders. In this respect, at least, the archbishop was only doing for the Church of Reims what his elder contemporary Hilduin had already accomplished for his abbey in rewriting the legend of St. Denis. Moreover, in Hincmar’s Life of St. Remi the theme of the miraculous chrism is by no means reserved for the baptism of Clovis. When the youthful saint is first elected bishop, a heaven-sent chrism is also described as being poured over his head.*** Later, on one of his pastoral rounds, the saint visits a sick man who on his death-bed has sent for the bishop to baptize him. But the local priest has failed to supply the sacramental oils for the rite. Whereupon two empty vessels placed ona small altar in the dying man’s room are miraculously filled with the necessary oils and chrism. With these the saint proceeds to anoint the sick man, who is not only baptized but restored to

health as well.

The baptism of Clovis and the miracle of the dying man are given equal prominence on a carved ivory relief now in the museum at Amiens (Fig. 29). Attributed to the tenth century, this small plaque may actually have served as a book cover for a copy of Hincmar’s Life of the saint. In the central panel of the three registers into which it is divided St. Remi kneels before the altar in the sick man’s room, while the hand of God showers oil into the two ampullae. Below this scene is a representation of the baptism of Clovis that reproduces with artless sincerity the pristine quality of Hincmar’s legend. Following a somewhat pictographic convention, the church-like building in the background is probably to be thought of as the place in which the baptism itself is being performed. In the center of the relief St. Remi lays his hand on the head of Clovis, whose naked body is more than half swallowed up in the font. To the left a deacon holds the towel with which to envelop the king as 108. Heinrick Schrérs, Hinkmar, Freiburg-im-Breisgau, pl. 27, fig. 66.

1884, p. 446. 113. See Marcel Laurent, “Le baptéme du Christ et la sainte 10g. The text of this address is given in 44,SS, Oct., 1, ampoule,” Bulletin: Académie royale d’archéologte de Bel-

p. 84. gique, 1922, pp. 80-83, in which later examples of the ampulla

110. This passage occurs in Hincmar’s own forgery of a in the baptism of Christ are also cited. These are included in letter supposed to have been sent to St. Remi by Pope Hormisda. the more comprehensive list of 13 such representations, all

PL, Cxxvl, col. 338. postdating the Van den Bergh ivory, in Francis Oppenheimer, 111. According to Jean Jacques Chifflet, De Ampulla Re- The Legend of the Ste. Ampoule, London, 1953, pp. 275ff.

mensit, Antwerp, 1651, p. 70, the dove in the Clovis legend 114. Hincmar, pp. 263f. might have been suggested by the dove in the Biblical episodes 115. lbid., p. 290.

of the Miracle Plays. 116. Goldschmidt, 0%.cit., p. 31 and pl. 23, fig. 57. 112. Goldschmidt, Die Elfenbeinskulpturen, 1, p. 35 and

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 25 soon as he steps out of the water. Behind him can be recognized Queen Clotilda. On the other side of the bishop three more clerical figures are animatedly gesticulating. The essential detail in identifying the subject matter of the relief is the dove emerging from under the vault of the church, the ampulla dangling from its beak. Otherwise the central group follows the established pattern of the traditional baptismal rite. So in the scene of an ordinary baptism in a German manuscript from Wessobrunn of around 800 similar gestures and poses are assumed by the officiating priest and deacon (Fig. 31).” In the Amiens ivory the only regal note is that of the large crown worn by the queen. In contrast to this ingenuous scene are the representations of the baptism in the art of the early

thirteenth century. In a stained glass window at Chartres devoted to the life of St. Remi the ampulla carried by the dove now rests directly on the head of the Frankish king (Fig. 32-17 and Fig. 35)."° Standing beside the font, the bishop raises his hand in formal benediction, while on the other side of the king the deacon holds, not a towel, but a crown. Opposite this scene in the stained glass window the Frankish ruler, now wearing the crown, is shown regally enthroned, flanked on either side by St. Remi and the deacon (Fig. 32-18 and Fig. 35). Though the dove has disappeared, the ampulla still rests upon his head. In the ambiguous iconography of the window the baptism by water appears to have been followed, not by the anointing of a catechumen, but by the consecration and crowning of the king."® In the lowest register of the tympanum of the Calixtus Portal, in the relief that forms the pendant to the martyrdom of St. Nicaise, still another development has taken place in the rendering of the baptismal scene. On the right St. Remi heads an ecclesiastical procession that includes a crossbearer standing directly behind him and an aged prelate carrying a missal and the saint’s pastoral staff (Fig. 52). Moving toward the font from the opposite side of the relief is the corresponding procession of the court headed by one of its members in a fashionably cut cape and long hair, who now holds the crown. Behind him stands Queen Clotilda. All of these figures are depicted with a monotonous regularity, as though frozen in some highly formalized ceremony. Significantly St. Remi now grasps the ampulla itself, while the king standing naked in the font turns toward him for his anointing. Two symmetrically balanced angels censing the group below, from the large overhanging cloud from which they are emerging, further emphasize the ritualistic formality of the scene. In the window at Chartres other incidents from the story of St. Remi and Clovis are illustrated. Their place in the window can be identified by the numbers on the chart (Fig. 32). (8) Queen Clotilda visits St. Remi to arrange for a meeting between the king and the bishop (Fig. 34). (15, 16) St. Remi and Queen Clotilda pray for the salvation of Clovis and his people (Fig. 35). (11) St. Remi preaches to Clovis and the members of his court on the eve of the king’s baptism (Fig. 34). (19, 20) Two scenes illustrating an incident that occurred some time after the king’s baptism. According to the story as recorded by Hincmar and repeated in the later versions of the legend, a wealthy landowner named Eulogius, having offended Clovis, took sanctuary in the cathedral of Reims and there sought the assistance of St. Remi. Whereupon the bishop conferred with the king and persuaded him to grant the offending knight both his life and his worldly possessions. 117. “Baptism of Jude,” Munich, Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 11g. The frontispiece of the Carolingian Sacramentary of 22053, fol. 167. The manuscript is ascribed to a Bavarian Metz (Bibl. Nat., Ms Lat. 1141) has been interpreted by origin in Adolph Goldschmidt, Die deutsche Buchmalerei, Albert M. Friend (“Two Manuscripts of the School of St.

Florence-Munich (1928), 1, p. 55 and pl. 64. Denis,” Speculum, 1, 1926, pp. 59-70) as a symbolic crowning 118. The window is described in Yves Delaporte and Etienne of Clovis. This interpretation has been convincingly disproved Houvet, Les vitraux de la cathédrale de Chartres, Chartres, in J. Croquison, “Le Sacramentaire de Charlemagne,” Cahiers 1926, pp. 267ff., pls. 75-78; no. 28 in the plan of the cathe- archéologiques, v1, 1952, pp. 55-70. dral; rbid., p. 122, fig. 1.

26 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL In the scene at the left in the stained glass window St. Remi is interceding with Clovis on behalf of the unfortunate offender, while at the right the bishop is pointing him out to the king (Fig. 35). Eulogius himself is depicted as having sought sanctuary in the cathedral by taking refuge behind an altar.””° REIMS AND SENS

Whereas in the Amiens ivory the anointing of Clovis had been represented as a simple baptismal rite, in the window at Chartres and on the relief of the Calixtus portal the crown has been added as a significant accessory, implying that the baptism was to be followed by an actual coronation;

while the artless informality of the Amiens ivory has now been replaced by a stiff ceremonial reminiscent of a scene from the Byzantine court.

The period from the tenth to the thirteenth century spanned by this pictorial transformation also witnessed the gradual evolution of the coronation traditions of the kings of France and the long conflict engaged in by the rival bishops as to who was to have the right to officiate at their crowning.

Already with Hincmar the struggle had begun. For it was precisely in this era, in which the ecclesiastical authority was beginning to assert itself in the temporal affairs of the state, that the church itself succumbed to its own internal rivalries, comparable to those of the rulers whom it sought to dominate. The conflict between the bishops was not only confined to the question of who was to crown the king. It involved the primacy of the church as well. For he who was first in the Frankish hierarchy alone held the coronation rights. As the foremost champion of ecclesiastical rule Hincmar himself had been particularly anxious to establish the primacy of his own archiepiscopal see and with it the prerogatives of Reims in the coronations. Though in 869 he had been chosen to preside at the crowning of Charles the Bald as King of Lorraine, in the year 876 Pope John vin bestowed the primacy, not on Reims, as Hincmar had every right to expect, but on Ansegise, archbishop of Sens.*” Undoubtedly the Life of St. Remi that Hincmar composed shortly afterward was designed to enhance the prestige of Reims in the face of this unexpected setback. But in order to establish conclusively the claims of Reims to the coronations and to the primacy of the Frankish church Hincmar had also resorted to much more stringent measures. In fact he had not hesitated to commit outright forgery. One of the documents attributed to his facile invention is the so-called Second or Long Testament of St. Remi, supposed to have been drawn up by Hincmar’s sainted predecessor in his own lifetime.” A passage at the end of this text states that St. Remi had not merely baptized the heirs of Clovis, but had bestowed upon them a royal consecration as well, this in spite of the fact that there is not the slightest historical evidence for a religious consecration of a Merovingian king.” A second fabrication purported to be nothing less than a letter written by Pope Hormisda to St. Remi himself in which the pope had appointed him his vicar throughout the realm of Clovis, thus granting him the full primacy of the Frankish Church.”* Nor were the efforts of Hincmar in vain. After the death of Charles the Bald in 877 Hincmar succeeded in officiating at the corona120. The story of Eulogius (Hincmar, pp. 308f.) isthe only Paris, 1735, p. 160. incident that satisfactorily explains these two scenes, unidenti- 123. See Ernst H. Kantorowicz, Laudes Regiae (University

fied in Delaporte, op.ciz., p. 271. of California Publications in History, xxxttt), Berkeley-Los 121, Marlot, H., 11, p. 418. Wenilo of Sens had officiated Angeles, 1946, pp. ssf. and p. 55 n. 142. The first authentic at the crowning of Charles as ruler of the Frankish kingdom account of a regal anointing is that of the Visigothic king in 848. C. A. Bouman, Sacring and Crowning, Groningen- Wamba in 672. Bouman, of.cit. (preface), p. x.

Djakarta, 1957, p. tog n. 1. 124. PL, cCxxvi, cols. 338-339. Since Hormisda did not 122, This testament is appended to Hincmar’s Life of St. become pope until three years after the death of Clovis in 511, Remi. Hincmar, pp. 341f., esp. p. 345. Its authenticity has the letter can hardly be genuine. See the comments in 44,SS, long been questioned. See Histoire littéraire de la France, 11, Oct., 1, p. 156 and p. 158 n. b.

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 27 tion of Louis the Stammerer, Charles’s son, as King of the West Franks.’”* But in 879 at the double crowning of the sons of Louis the Stammerer it was in turn the archbishop of Sens who presided. Thereafter for over a hundred years the two contending Churches were to divide the coronations almost equally between them.

With the advent of the Capetians, however, the tide turned definitely in favor of Reims. The party of Sens having sided with the opponents of the new dynasty, the sons of Hugh Capet, as well as those of Robert 1 and Henry 1, were all crowned by the archbishop of Reims during their father’s lifetime.’ In 1059, at the crowning of Philip 1, Archbishop Gervais of Reims could now confidently enunciate the claims of his Church as based on the forgeries of Hincmar. Holding the rod of St. Remi, the archbishop reminded Philip that it pertained to him above all others to consecrate the king, a right confirmed to St. Remi by Pope Hormisda, who had also bestowed upon him the primacy of all Gaul, as Pope Victor had done in turn to him, Gervais.” In 1089 Urban 11 issued a bull giving Reims full rights and privileges, as regarded not only the coronations but also all those festival occasions in which the king wore the crown.’ Unfortunately for Reims, however, when Louis vi succeeded his father in 1108, the archiepiscopal see happened to be vacant.” This was just the chance that the other bishops, chafing under the supremacy of Reims, had been waiting for. The place they chose for the coronation of Louis vi was Orléans, situated in the province of Sens, whose archbishop naturally officiated. Hardly was the ceremony over when emissaries from Reims burst in on Daimbert of Sens, who was still disrobing in the sacristy. Too late, the messengers could do no more than to threaten that their church would not suffer the injuries it had received to go unpunished.*” But neither could the matter rest so lightly with the rebellious bishops. Mindful of the bull of Urban 11 that had so forcefully restated the prerogatives of Reims, they chose Yves, the astute bishop of Chartres, to defend their position and to clarify the underlying issue.** In a general letter to the Church of Rome and all its members Yves first enumerated all those previous coronations that, he claimed, had taken place outside of Reims and by other bishops. His most potent argument, however, was a theological one. If the archbishop of Reims alone was entitled to perform the sacrament of the royal consecrations, then the sacramental power bestowed upon the episcopal order was of unequal value and differed among the various bishops at their own consecrations. As Yves of Chartres was at pains to point out, such a doctrine could only be a schismatic one that destroyed the whole sacramental unity of the church.” In spite of this persuasive argument the conflict was soon resolved against the rebellious bishops. In 1129 the young coregent Philip was crowned by the archbishop of Reims, while at the coronation of Louis vi1, which also took place at Reims, the consecrator was the pope himself.** In 1179 the final ascendancy of the Church of Reims seemed assured. Its archbishop, Guillaume, was none

other than the brother of Louis vi, who, still living, arranged to have his son Philip Augustus crowned at Reims by Philip’s own uncle. But the young king also had a mind of his own, After the death of his father, Philip Augustus married Elizabeth, the daughter of the count of Hainault. At her coronation the king insisted that he be crowned again. This time, moreover, it was the archbishop of Sens who officiated. Not only 125. The following account of the conflict over the corona- crated, while his opponent, the choice of Rome, had failed to

tions is partly based on Schramm, K., 1, pp. 114ff. receive the royal acknowledgment. /did., p. 117. 126. Hugh Capet himself had been crowned at Reims in 130. Godefroy, of.cit., pp. 125f. 987. Théodore Godefroy, Le cérémontial francois, Paris, 1649, 131. Yves was elected bishop in 1091 and died in 1116.

I, p. 117. Molinier, 11, p. 192.

127, This address has been published by Godefroy (ibid., 132. PL, CLXN, cols. 193-196, esp. col. 195. pp. r2of.). 133. Schramm, K., 1, p. 120. 128. Schramm, K., 1, p. 116. 134. Oeuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume Le Breton (ed. 129. One candidate, backed by the king, was not yet conse- H.-F. Delaborde), Paris, 1882, 1, pp. r12f.

28 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL was this a blow to the king’s uncle but, significantly, the ceremony took place, not in a cathedral, but in the abbey church of Saint-Denis.** For in the second half of the twelfth century another contender for the coronation rights had arisen within the abbey walls. More subtle and insidious than the open struggle for power that had so long been waged between Reims and Sens, this new rivalry stemmed from the ancient origins of the coronation ceremony itself and from the two complementary rituals of which it was composed. For it was in the crowning of the kings, in contrast to their anointing, that the Church of Reims now found itself confronted by the claims of the abbey of Saint-Denis. THE ANOINTING AND THE CROWNING

The mediaeval ceremony of the coronation of the kings consisted of two separate rites—first, the consecration that was performed by anointing the person of the king, and secondly, the coronation itself, when the crown was placed on the king’s head by the officiating metropolitan. Of the two, the crowning was by far the older rite. Its origins can be traced to the practice of the later Roman emperors, who sometimes crowned themselves with the imperial diadem. In 450 a religious precedent was set for the later Byzantine coronations in Saint Sophia when the Emperor Marcian was crowned by the patriarch of Constantinople.” As the wearers of the diadem the Eastern emperors could thus regard themselves as the direct heirs of the emperors of Rome in an uninterrupted line of descent. But no such continuity existed in the West. When Charlemagne was crowned by the pope in Rome in 800, he introduced a novelty in the ceremonial recognition of a western ruler that was directly borrowed from the ritual of the Byzantine coronations.**’ Another rite, however, had already arisen in the Frankish realm of Charlemagne’s predecessors that owed nothing to Roman or Byzantine precedents. In 751 Pepin 1 had been anointed with oil by St. Boniface in a rite of regal unction that was the first of its kind in the Frankish kingdom. A second consecration of Pepin by Pope Stephen 11 took place in 754 in the abbey of Saint-Denis.* However much modeled on the sacramental consecrations of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, these regal unctions had their ultimate prototype in the Old Testament, in the anointing of David and Solomon.” The new Carolingian dynasty that had usurped the power of the Merovingians was thus given a Biblica] sanction, which also took the place of the Byzantine succession to the Roman emperors. The Carolingian kings could now regard themselves as the spiritual heirs of the ancient kings of Israel, just as David in usurping the throne from the line of Saul and Jonathan had been assured of his rights to the kingship by the oil poured upon his head by Samuel. Charlemagne himself had been regally anointed, perhaps twice, prior to his crowning by the pope.” But it was not until the coronation of Charlemagne’s successor that the two separate rites of the anointing and the crowning were first united in the same ceremony. In 816, in the old cathedral of Reims founded by St. Nicaise, Louis the Pious was consecrated by Pope Stephen rv, who after the anointing placed upon the emperor’s head a magnificent crown of gold which he had brought with him from Rome for the occasion. Queen Hermengarde, too, was crowned and named Augusta.” 135. For this coronation, at which Guido of Sens officiated, Eva Miiller, “Die Anfange der K6nigssalbung im Mittelalter,”

see Godefroy, of.cit., pp. 138f. Htstorisches Jahrbuch der Gérresgesellschaft, LVI, 1938, pp.

136. For the origins of the Byzantine coronations, see 417-360, esp. pp. 333ff. Scholars have now largely discounted Cabrol and Leclercq, xv, pt. 1, cols. 305ff., and Kantorowicz, the vague evidence for an Anglo-Saxon anointing prior to that

op.cit., p. 78. of the Carolingians. [bid., pp. 322ff. 137. Bouman, o.cit. (preface), p. x. Though the Mero- 139. Kantorowicz, of.cit., pp. 56 and 78. vingian kings may have worn the diadem, they never received 140. Bloch, 0f.cit., p. 463.

it in a religious ceremony. Bloch, of.cit., p. 469. 141. As described in the Life of Louts the Pious, by The138. Kantorowicz, op.cit., p. 54. No direct connection has ganus of Trier, composed in 835. Mon. German. Hist., Scripbeen established between the regal anointings of the Visigothic forum, 11, pp. 585f. kings in the seventh century and the Frankish-Germanic rite.

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 29 The coronation of Louis the Pious, however, was only an imperial ceremony. When Charles the Bald was consecrated as the heir of Louis in 848 by the archbishop of Sens, the crowning took its place beside the unction in a ritualistic act that also recognized the royal succession. Here with the union of the two rites was first created the mediaeval sacring of the kings." It must be remembered, however, that the precedent for the coronations which Reims later sought to establish through St. Remi was based only on the unction of the king. It was as the anointer of Clovis in the rite of baptism and later as the consecrator of his heirs in a regal anointing,

as the Testament forged by Hincmar alleged, that St. Remi came to be regarded as the founder of the claims of Reims. But what of the crowning? Though now included in the churchly ceremony it was not a sacrament. Its quasi-secular nature was to be still further emphasized in the later ordinals of the French coronations when the lay peers of the realm placed their hands on the crown at the very moment it was set on the king’s head.*®

It was to be expected, however, that in time a certain special crown should be given a unique and even sacrosanct character that set it apart from all other crowns worn by the king. In Germany the particular crown of the empire was the one which had belonged to the last of the Saxon emperors.*“* In England and Hungary, as later in Bohemia, the special crown of the realm, sanctified through its associations with a canonized king, was that which was reserved solely for the coronations.”*” But no such process occurred in France. The question that was raised was not which of the many royal crowns was the crown of France, but who was to be their keeper. The claimant to this role was none other than the abbey of Saint-Denis, which already had the right to the royal burials. Occasionally the early Capetian rulers had bequeathed portions of their regalia to the monastery. So Hugh Capet had deeded his mantle to the abbey, his widow a sceptre and Philip 1 his crown."

In 1120 Louis v1 was also persuaded to donate his crown to Saint-Denis in front of the papal legate. At the same time he drew up a document in which he declared that according to law and custom the regalia of the king at his death were to be handed over to the monastery. Two years later that forceful prelate, Suger, became abbot of Saint-Denis.* Ostensibly for the greater glory of his abbey he proceeded to transform the concessions of Louis v1 regarding the regalia into a flat declaration that all of the jeweled crowns of the king belonged by right to St. Denis and his two martyred companions. Another document forged in the abbey now extended this right all the way back to Charlemagne. According to an ancient tradition the emperor had once laid his diadem as an offering on the altar of the monastery. It was now stated that with this act he had handed over the sovereignty of his empire to the saint as well.’ Now too the claims of Saint-Denis to the coronations begin to appear. Around the year 1140 a history of Charlemagne was composed by an anonymous author who wrote under the name of Archbishop Turpin, who had held the see of Reims in the second half of the eighth century. According to this Pseudo-Turpin, Charlemagne had declared in a council] that all of France belonged to the patron saint of the abbey, without whose consent no king could be crowned.*”

142. Bloch, of.cit., p. 470. 146. See Sumner McKnight Crosby, L’abbaye royale de 143. As in the thirteenth century Ordo of Reims. Chevalier, Saint-Denis, Paris, 1953, pp. 8f.

p. 224. 147. This summary of the evolution of the claims of Saint144. In 1204 the widow of the last Saxon emperor be- Denis to the coronations and the regalia is largely based on

queathed his crown to the first emperor of the Frankish line, Schramm, K., 1, pp. 132ff.

whose rulership was thus assured. Schramm, K., 1, p. 206. 148. Suger was elected abbot in 1122. Erwin Panofsky, 145. The coronation crown of Bohemia, made in 1346, was Abbot Suger on the Abbey Church of St.-Denis, Princeton,

kept on the head of the reliquary bust of S. Wenceslas at 1946, p. 1. Prague. Josef Cibulka, “La couronne royale de Bohéme et les 149. Schramm, K., 1, p. 132 and p. 132 ns. 8 and 9. couronnes des rois de France,” Actes du x1x° congrés interna- 150. This chapter in Pseudo-Turpin dealing with Sainttional @’histoire de Part, Paris, 1958, Paris, 1959, pp. 167-175, Denis may have been inserted by an inmate of the abbey. Ibid.,

esp. pp. 167f. pp. 134f.; p. 134 n. 13 and p. 142.

30 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL Other twelfth century documents forged in Charlemagne’s name are more extravagant still in expressing the prerogatives of Saint-Denis. Only within the walls of the abbey can the king be crowned, since it is here that Charlemagne gave up his crown in order to receive it back again from the saint, just as a serf buys his freedom with the payment of a stated sum. The abbey is now named the head of all the churches of France and its abbot the Primate, while the kings are strictly forbidden to be crowned anywhere else but in the church of Saint-Denis.*™ Thus the abbey was not primarily concerned with the problem of who was to crown the king, but

of where the ceremony was to take place. The claims of the monastery to the coronations were based on the allegiance of the king to St. Denis himself in a relationship comparable to the feudal bonds that existed between a vassal and his lord or between a serf and his master. At the ruler’s coronation the crown and the kingdom which he had offered to the saint were to be handed back to him as a fief. In the contest with Reims the question was, on whom was the king to bestow his allegiance? Was it to be St. Denis or St. Remi? The saints themselves were now pitted against each other. THE Varois PorTau In the rivalry of the saints, St. Remi had an initial advantage over the saint of the abbey. In a deed bestowed on the church of Saint-Remi at Reims in 1090 Philip 1 had honored the saint as the patron of his kingdom “for all time.” By virtue of the saint’s apostolic authority, he was also pronounced the defender of the realm.’ Philip’s son, Louis v1, however, he who had been crowned by the archbishop of Sens at Orleans, had also been educated in the monastery of SaintDenis. It is not surprising, therefore, that in the document of 1120, in which Louis had acknowledged the rights of the abbey to the regalia of the dead kings, he should also have named St. Denis as his leader and protector. In a second document of 1124 he announced that the abbey of SaintDenis was the head of his realm, while later in the same year he declared himself the outright vassal of the monastery.’ These expressions, however much wrapped up in the effusive idiom of mediaeval hagiolatry, were harbingers of more tangible realities to come. Between 1147 and 1149, when Louis vii was away on the Second Crusade, the political sovereignty of the realm was actually intrusted to the abbot Suger, who now became the regent. Nor must it be thought that his efforts to enhance the prestige of his abbey and its saint were antithetical to the power and prestige of the French monarchy, which he also sought in every way to strengthen and to extend. These two divergent ambitions were both for Suger’s purpose directed toward the same grand design.*™ At Saint-Denis itself, however, the monument that best expresses this confluence of the saint and the monarch was not to be built until after Suger’s death. Around the year 1180 was carved the so-called Valois Portal that now adorns the thirteenth century facade of the north transept of the abbey (Fig. 36).’°*° The trumeau statue of the Virgin is modern, as are most of the heads in the archivolts and on the reliefs. But in spite of damage and subsequent restoration the general design of the doorway has survived substantially intact.** On the tympanum the martyrdom of St. Denis is depicted in a composition that in its highly informal character is unique for its time.’ Kneeling beneath his executioner, the saint extends his 151. One of the documents is known to have been forged in 155. Suger had died in 1151. The original position of the

the abbey itself. Jbid., pp. 135 and 143, and p. 143 n. 2. Valois Portal remains unknown. 152. This charter is published in Guillaume Marlot, Le 156. See Willibald Sauerlinder, “Die Marienkrénungstombeau du grand saint Remy, Reims, 1647, pp. 96f. portale von Senlis und Mantes,” Wallraf-Richartz Jahrbuch, 153. Schramm, K., 1, pp. 135ff. and p. 136 ns. 1 and 3. XX, 1958, pp. 115-162, esp. pp. 154f,

Louis vil, however, seems to have chosen St. Remi as his 157. As Sauerlinder (ibid., p. 156) has pointed out, the

patron. Marlot, of.cit., p. 97. design conforms neither to the symmetrical type of twelfth 154. For the role of Suger as the “Father of the French century tympanum, nor to the tympanum with multiple regisMonarchy,” see Otto Georg von Simson, The Gothic Cathe- ters, popular in the thirteenth century. dral (Bollingen Series, xLv111), New York, 1956, pp. 61ff.

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 31 freshly severed head toward one of his comartyrs, who at the gory sight raises his hands in horror. Behind St. Denis his other companion bends his neck ready for his decapitation. Below, in the left panel of the lintel, St. Denis and his followers are being brought in chains into the presence of their Roman persecutor, while at the right the saint, now in prison, receives his last communion from Christ himself. All about them in the voussoirs of the archivolts are the crowned and sceptred kings, while six monumental statues of the kings stand in the embrasures below.*”* Thus is stated in uncomplicated terms the peculiar and intricate relationship which arose between the abbey and the monarchy. Preeminently the Valois Portal is the portal of the kings who as his vassals owed their crowns to St. Denis—the complement to that other portal of the hierarchs of Reims, the anointers, whose claims to the regal unction were based on their apostolic succession to the consecrator of Clovis. In some of its aspects, at least, the Calixtus Portal forms a striking counterpart to the sculptures of the abbey doorway. As a pendant to the martyrdom of St. Denis the tympanum of the Calixtus Portal is largely devoted to the wonders performed by the rival saint of Reims (Fig. 3). Whereas in the archivolts of the abbey doorway stand the serried ranks of the kings, in those of the portal at Reims it is the priestly hierarchies who are enthroned (Fig. 4—D, FE, and F). Fourteen popes, nimbed and wearing conical tiaras, are seated in the outermost archivolt (Figs. 37 and 38) (see Appendix D). Three of them are vested with a rectangular rational such as that worn by St. Calixtus on the trumeau. In the inner archivolt are twelve saintly prelates, six to a side, mitred and wearing the pallium (Figs. 37 and 38). Surely they can be identified as the early metropolitans of the cathedral itself (see Appendix E). So twelve of archbishop Hincmar’s episcopal predecessors are said to have once adorned the ancient silver shrine in which Hincmar had placed the relics of St. Remi in his abbey church (see Appendix F). In this same church a series of the archbishops of Reims is to be found in the twelfth century stained-glass windows of the choir and apse, each prelate standing beneath either a saint or a patriarch of the Old Testament (see Appendix G). In the central archivolt of the Calixtus Portal the Old Testament prophets and high priests as the precursors of the priestly orders of the church are ranged between the popes and the archbishops (Figs. 4—E, 37 and 38).**” Their mitre-like caps, each with two horned bulbs, are the same as those worn by some of the high priests who surround the Tree of Jesse on the north transept of Chartres (Figs. 39 and 40).’*° Of these three sacerdotal orders in the archivolts of the portal,

two are represented in the monumental statues below—on the trumeau a martyr-pope, in the embrasures the two canonized bishops of Reims, St. Nicaise and St. Remi, each wearing the pallium and the rational (Figs. 3 and 4). But what of the third of the hierarchies, the high priests of Israel? There is reason to believe that they too are represented by one of the embrasure statues. But in order to understand the identity of this Old Testament figure and the reason for its presence on the portal it is necessary to turn to still another aspect of the coronations, one that is also connected with the anointing of the kings. THE OLp TEsTAMENT PrEcuRsORS OF THE BisHops aND Kincs

As has already been noted, the regal unction first performed on the Carolingian rulers may well have been modeled on that of the ancient Jewish kings in order to legitimatize the new dynasty 158. Most of the heads on the lintel and tympanum are pp. 33. modern, as are many in the archivolts. Idid., pp. 151ff. 160. On the outermost archivolt of the central coronation 159. The Old Testament prophets, who had anointed and portal. Etienne Houvet, La Cathédrale de Chartres: Portail counseled the Jewish kings, were likewise regarded as the Nord, n.p., 1919, 11, pl. 19. Many of the heads of the voussoir prototypes of the bishops. Adolf Katzenellenbogen, The Sculp- figures on the Calixtus Portal are now in the lapidary museum,

tural Programs of Chartres Cathedral, Baltimore (1959), Reims. See Anne Paillard, “Tétes sculptées du x1I® siécle

32 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL by surrounding it with the aura of a religious sanction. When the Capetians usurped the Frankish throne they too could regard themselves in their regal anointings as the spiritual heirs of the Old Testament rulers. Likewise the type of mediaeval king gradually began to be patterned after the example of David and Solomon. In the Ordo for the consecration of Louis the Stammerer in 877, the fortitude of David and the wisdom of Solomon are held up as the virtues that the emperor is to receive at the moment of his unction."® In the prayer of consecration used at the sacring of King Odo in 888 his anointing is likened to that which was bestowed by the Lord on David through the ministering hands of His prophet Samuel.*” These references to the Old Testament kings were later to be incorporated in the prayers that accompanied the regal unction of the French kings in the thirteenth century. As David was anointed by Samuel, so is the king consecrated by the archbishop.” After the anointing was sung the anthem “Tnunxerunt regem Salomonem.”’™ According to the twelfth century theologian Peter of Blois, the king was transformed through the sacramental grace of his consecration into another being, as David was transfigured by the Holy Spirit and as Saul through the anointing by Samuel was

“changed into a new man.” But the time came, too, when many in the church felt that the process of sacramentalizing the role of the king had gone too far. For he began to be regarded, in fact, not only as rex but as sacerdos as well.*®° Already at the end of the eleventh century Gregory vi in his struggle with the emperor Henry tv had emphasized the inferiority of the spiritual power of the king as compared with the sacramental power of the priest."*’ From the time of Hincmar on, from generation to generation, the doctrine was faithfully transmitted that “he who receives the unction is inferior to him who has given it.” If the kings were the heirs of David and Solomon, the consecrating bishop was the successor of the high priests who had anointed them. So at the Synod of Quiercy in 858 the bishops had proclaimed to Louis the German that the position which they occupied in the church was identical with that held by Samuel, the sanctified prophet of Israel.*** As the first of the anointers of the Old Testament kings and himself a kingmaker when he chose David to reign over Israel, Samuel thus became the prototype from whom the later bishops could claim their ascendancy over the secular rulers. In a judgment of 1143 rendered in favor of the bishops of Paris under Louis vir it is not only from the institution of the church but also from the Old Testament that the bishops are said to derive their authority to consecrate the king, by which act alone he is rendered fit to

. 169

reign.

If the kings patterned themselves after the Old Testament rulers, Samuel in turn was held up as a model for the aspiring members of the ecclesiastical hierarchy. In commenting on the youthful career of Archbishop Bruno of Cologne, the tenth century chronicler Widukind likens him to Samuel, who in his own youth had assisted the high priest in the temple.’”® According to the legend

of St. Taurinus, bishop of Evreux, before the birth of the saint his mother had prayed that the son whom she might bear should serve the Lord like Samuel.*” provenant de la cathédrale de Reims,” Bulletin monumental, 165. Letter to the court of the King of Sicily. PL, ccvn, CXVI, 1958, pp. 29-40; illustrated in J. L. H. Muller, Joyaux cols. 28f.

de sculpture, Retms, Paris, 1954, pls. 1-14. 166. There was indeed little difference between the conse-

161. Mon. German. Hist., Legum Sectio 11, Capitularia cration of a bishop and that of a king, both of whom were Regum Francorum, i, p. 461. The same prayer was appar- anointed on the head. ently used at the consecration of Philip 1 in 1059. Katzenellen- 167. Bloch, Rois thaumaturges, pp. 121ff. and p. 122 nm. 1.

bogen, of.cit., p. 28 n. 8. 168. “. .. sanctus Samuhel, cuius locum in ecclesia nos licet 162. Edmonde Marténe, De antiquis Ecclesiae ritibus, 11, tenemus.” Mon, German. Hist., Capit. 2, p. 439.

Antwerp, 1763, p. 216. 169. The passage from this cartulary is cited in Bloch,

163. See the so-called Ordo of Louis VIII in Godefroy, of.cit., p. 191 n. 1. Cérémonial, 1, pp. 18f., dated after 1270. No. 16 in the list 170. Widukind, Rerum Gestarum Saxonicarum (Scriptores

of Ordinals, Schramm, K., 11, p. 4. Rerum Germanicarum), Hanover, 1904, pp. 37f. 164. Ordo of Reims. Chevalier, p. 222. 171. AA,SS, Aug., I, p. 639.

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 33 Moreover, in the pictorial images Samuel himself was occasionally invested with a quasi-episcopal

rank. In the anointing of David in a Bible from Saint-Bénigne, Dijon, of around the year 1100 Samuel wears a contemporary episcopal mitre of a simple triangular form.’” Again in a twelfth century manuscript at Burgos the seated Samuel, communing with the Lord, is shown with a low double-horned mitre, complete with dangling lappets, of a type that was likewise current at this

period (Fig. 44).° At Reims the sacerdotal kinship with the Old Testament priesthood had been particularly emphasized, not only in the rational that the archbishops wore in imitation of the Aaronic breast-

plate, but also on the Calixtus Portal itself, in the high priests who are ranged between the archbishops and the popes (Figs. 37 and 38). Was Samuel too included in this assemblage of the hierarchies of the doorway, he who was the precursor of all the priestly anointers of the mediaeval kings? SAMUEL AND St. REMI

To the left of St. Remi in the right embrasure of the Calixtus Portal stands a bearded statue whose right hand may once have held a now missing object (Fig. 42). In the seventeenth century Cocquault identified this enigmatic figure as a king (see Appendix A). In his description of the portal, published in 1861, the abbé Cerf claimed that the statue was that of Clovis in the garb of a catechumen who thus stood, fittingly enough, next to his anointer St. Remi.’” His long tunic fastened with a jeweled belt and the cut of the cloak which he wears over it are indeed reminiscent of the court costume of the period in which the portal itself was carved (Fig. 44.). There is evidence too that his left hand once fingered the cord that originally seems to have joined the two ends of his cloak that rest on his shoulders (Fig. 42). From other monuments this gesture appears to have been a favorite mannerism of the thirteenth century court. But in back of his head is the fragment of a halo indicative of a sanctity never known to have been bestowed on Clovis. Moreover, on his head is not a crown but a plain, slightly bulbous headpiece, which seems to have no precedent in the sculptural representations of the kings (Fig. 43).*” As an alternative to this unsatisfactory designation, Emile Male has suggested a likeness between the embrasure statue and the figure of a bearded man who also pulls at the cord of his cape and who is seated at the extreme right in the third register of the tympanum of the portal (Fig. 67).""° Male has furthermore claimed that this seated figure is Job, who can be recognized in the center of the same register, lying on his proverbial dunghill (Figs. 4a-K and 58). He has therefore concluded that the embrasure statue must represent this same Old Testament patriarch. But the seated man in the relief, as will be shown later on in this study, is not Job at all. Instead, he belongs to an episode from the legend of St. Remi, which has nothing to do with the scene of Job. In spite of this fact, however, the domical headpiece on the embrasure statue may indeed point to its identity as an Old Testament figure. Already in the twelfth century and the beginning of the thirteenth the Biblical prophets and high priests were occasionally shown wearing a variety of fanciful headgear, which in some instances appears to have been modeled on the episcopal mitre or even the papal tiara. Thus was suggested the Old Testament origin of the priestly orders them172. Dijon, Bibl. Pub., ms 2, fol. 101%. Charles Oursel, Reims, 11, p. 27, it is called Clovis, and so continues to be Les MSS @ miniatures de la bibl. de Dijon (Bulletin de la soc. designated in the later literature. See also Reinhardt, R., p. 140. fr. de reproduction de MSS @ peintures, Vi1, Paris, 1923), p. 23 175. Reinhardt (#bid.) suggests that the crown of Clovis

and pl. 13. may have been held by the angel on the other side of the statue

173. J. Dominguez Bordona, Spanish Illumination, Flor- of St. Remi. Besides the unlikelihood of an angel bearing the

ence-New York, 1929, 1, pp. 22f. and pl. 53 fig. A. crown, an 1863 heliogravure of the right embrasure (Paris, 174. In Jean-Baptiste Francois Geruzez, Description his- Exposition, Arts et Métiers, no. 14.488) shows the angel torique et statistique de la ville de Reims, 1, Reims-Paris- holding an incense vessel. Chalons, 1817, p. 313, where the description of the Calixtus 176. Emile Male, “La cathédrale de Reims,” Gazette des portal appears to be based on that of Cocquault, the statue is Beaux-Arts, ser. 5, 111, 1921, pp. 83f. referred to as a king. In Cerf, Histoire de Notre-Dame de

34 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL selves. So on one of the consoles in the nave of the abbey of Saint-Remi at Reims, as well as in the right archivolt of the Judgment Portal at Notre-Dame, Aaron in his role as the first of the high priests of Israel wears a conical headpiece like that of a pope.’”’ In a twelfth century Bible at Burgos, as has already been noted, Samuel wears a contemporary episcopal mitre with pendant lappets (Fig. 44). A similar type of mitre with lateral horns, though by this time no longer fashionable for bishops, continues to appear on the high priests in the archivolt of the Calixtus Portal and on those surrounding the Tree of Jesse at Chartres (Figs. 39 and 40). Indeed, by bestowing an outmoded form of the mitre on these Old Testament figures the intention may well have been to emphasize further their role as the early precursors of the ecclesiastical orders.*” On the west facade of the cathedral of Reims itself, in the anointing of David in one of the voussoirs of the archivolt above the rose, Samuel wears a tall domical mitre with a slight medial indention (Fig. 45). Even closer to the headpiece of the Reims statue is the mitre worn by Samuel in the anointing of David in an illuminated page of the Rutland Psalter of mid-thirteenth century date (Figs. 43 and 47).'*° Moreover, the long belted tunic and the cord that once fastened the two ends of the cape on the statue at Reims are to be found again in the figure of Samuel in a window in Saint-Urbain at Troyes, dating from the 1270’s (Figs. 42 and 46). Significantly the ample draperies of these stained-glass figures at Saint-Urbain have also been shown to have affinities with the sculptural style of some of the statues, of earlier date, on the west facade of Reims.*™ Far from providing obstacles, the very details of the costume worn by the statue on the transept

doorway thus further substantiate its identity as that of Samuel; while the austere and archaic solemnity of the statue itself is consonant with the role of Samuel as the priestly prototype of St. Remi, that more alert and elaborately vested prelate who stands next to him, his head turned toward the dove that is descending upon his shoulder (Fig. 42). A kind of rhythmic counterbalance now emerges in the disposition of the portal statues, the two anointers in the right embrasure facing the two martyrs, the brother and the sister, just as on the lowest register of the tympanum the baptism of Clovis by St. Remi is paired with the corresponding relief of the martyrdom of St. Nicaise (Figs. 3 and 4). Moreover, whereas in the archivolts the derivation of the sacerdotal hierarchy of the church from the ancient Jewish priesthood is stated in only the most general of terms, in these two monumental statues of Samuel and the sainted bishop of Reims this same relationship is given a more specific significance, in which the particular claims of Reims as regards the coronations are allied to the more general mediaeval attitude as to the Old Testament origins of the priestly orders. In these same embrasure statues is likewise stressed the role of the priest at the expense of the king whom he has consecrated. But with the passing of the Middle Ages the emphasis was to change. Whereas the king came to be regarded as the supreme consort of the mystical body of the state, the church in its own mystical contributions to the concept of kingship was gradually 177. At Saint-Remi the figure of Aaron occurs on a corbel of the Angel of the “Sourire de Reims” has been made in on the south side of the nave, as has been kindly indicated to Louis Grodecki, “Les vitraux de saint-Urbain de Troyes,”

me by Professor Branner. Congrés archéologique, Troyes, CXIII, 1955, pp. 123-138,

178. In the mediaeval liturgical dramas, the high priest esp. pp. 128 and 132. Samuel wears a similar rounded mitre

Aaron wore not only a mitre but episcopal vestments as well. in the rose of a clerestory window at Bourges, Arthur Martin Emile Male, L’art religieux du xu® siécle, Paris, 1922, p. 147 and Charles Cahier, Monographie de la cathédrale de Bourges,

and p. 147 Nn. 2. Paris, 1841, 1, pl. 28. In the central portal of the north tran-

179. The mitre with lateral horns went out of use in the sept, Chartres (Houvet, Chartres: Portail Nord, 1, pl. 8) and latter part of the twelfth century. Braun, Die liturgische on the southernmost buttress of the west facade, Reims (Vitry,

Gewandung, pp. 459-461 and p. 463. Reims, 1, pl. 16), the statue-columns of Samuel wear the 180. Samuel and Jesse, who is crowning his son David, shimla, the liturgical veil of the Jewish high priest. Another

have been interpreted as representing the archbishops of Canter- monumental thirteenth century statue of Samuel, however, in

bury and York in Meyer Schapiro, “An Illuminated English one of the buttress niches on the south side of the nave of the

Psalter of the Early Thirteenth Century,” Journal of the cathedral, Lyons, is bareheaded and wears a cape. Lucien Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Xx111, 1960, pp. 179-189, Bégule, Monographie de la cathédrale de Lyon, Lyons, 1880,

esp. pp. 181 and 184; pl. 24 fig. e. p. 66 and pl. opp. p. 66. 181. A comparison with the statues attributed to the Master

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 35 reduced.to a mere politico-religious adjunct to the secular throne.” In this new relationship between church and crown it is now more understandable too why in the seventeenth century, in spite of the halo and the domical mitre, the statue of Samuel on the Calixtus Portal should have been regarded, not as that of the first of the priestly consecrators, but as that of an anointed king. This shift in emphasis, in which the monarch inevitably assumes more and more the center of the stage, is graphically illustrated in two wings from a painted altarpiece commissioned in 1501 by the Confraternity of Notre-Dame du Puys at Amiens and now preserved in the Cluny Museum." In the coronation of Louis x11 as somewhat fancifully depicted in the right panel the king, kneeling in his coronation robes, completely dominates the scene, while the diminutive figures of the officiating bishops are relegated to a peripheral role (Fig. 48). The same compositional scheme is used in the corresponding left wing of the triptych, where a similar change in regard to the coronation traditions associated with Samuel, as they survived into a later age, can be detected (Fig. 48). Here the youthful David as the prototype of the young

French monarch kneels to receive the unction from the horn of the high priest, while Samuel himself, wearing on his head a jaunty Renaissance hat, has now become a purely accessory figure, barely distinguishable from the other Old Testament worthies who are discreetly ranged behind him. 182. The transference of the idea of the corpus mtysticum 183. Jacques Dupont, “Musée de Cluny: Trois peintures from church to state is analyzed in detail in Ernst Kantoro- francaises primitives,” Bulletin des musées de France, 1933; wicz, The King’s Two Bodies, Princeton, 1957, pp. 207ff. pp. 6-9.

CHAPTER V

THE TRIUMPH OF REIMS THE REGALIA AND THE ABBEY OF SainT-DENIS

s the Calixtus Portal itself proclaims, it was on the sacramental power of the priesthood, A not only as handed down by apostolic succession from St. Remi, but also as prefigured in the consecrations of the Old Testament kings by Samuel, that the Church of Reims based its coronation rights. In contrast to these mystic claims of the anointers of the kings the abbey of Saint-Denis sought more tangible means of establishing itself as the indispensable church of the coronations by becoming the sole custodian of the regalia. The old custom by which the dead rulers brought their crowns with them to Saint-Denis now led to new prerogatives for the abbey. Gradually the precedent was established that the regalia should be handed over to the monastery, not by the dead, but by the living monarch, and that immediately after his coronation.

In that same era in which the statues of the crowned and sceptred kings were placed on the Valois Portal occurs the first recorded instance of this practice when, shortly after his coronation in 1179, Philip Augustus gave his regalia to the abbey.*** Louis viii, however, failed to follow his father’s example. During the greater part of his reign Louis 1x also refused to hand over his regalia, which he continued to keep in the royal treasury. But according to a record of 1260 made by the abbot of the monastery the king in that year finally deposited the crowns and other royal ornaments in Saint-Denis.” In 1261 St. Louis drew up a document in which the terms of the agreement with the abbey were more precisely defined. All of the regalia were now to be kept permanently at Saint-Denis. But the king was also careful to stipulate that all those royal emblems that were necessary for the coronations must be taken out of the monastery and made available on these occasions.” This same charter also briefly describes the manner in which the regalia were to be kept in the abbey treasury. In a special ceremony the crowns that were now added to the older bequests were to be arranged around an altar, where already were placed those of the king’s predecessors. For some of these crowns were not only votive offerings to St. Denis; they had become sacred objects in their own right as well. Several of them had been hallowed by their association with the great rulers of the past. The so-called crown of Charlemagne, as depicted in the eighteenth century engraving by Félibien, is

of a late twelfth century form and thus could hardly have belonged to that emperor.’*’ But undoubtedly it was revered as the emperor’s own and probably became, as Félibien claims, the crown generally used at the coronations. Another crown that had already disappeared from the

treasury of Saint-Denis in Marlot’s time was said to have belonged to the emperor Charles the Bald.***

As to the newly-made crowns deposited in the abbey by the thirteenth century kings, what they lacked in historic value could be compensated for by other means. For one of these crowns at least was also designed as a reliquary. Among the jewels that enriched the crown made for Louis 1x 184. Schramm, K., 1, p. 133 and p. 133 nm. 1. 187. Michel Félibien, Histoire de Pabbaye royale de Saint185. No. 4640, Joseph Delaborde, Layettes du trésor des Denys en France, Paris, 1706, p. 543 and pl. 4 fig. H, opp. chartes (Archives nationales, inventaires et documents), 111, p. 542.

Paris, 1875, p. 552. 188, Marlot, of.cit., p. 601. Another of the crowns was 186. This charter, burned in the eighteenth century, is reputed to have belonged to the wife of Charles 1v. Schramm, published in Guillaume Marlot, Le thédtre @honneur et de K., 1, p. 208. magnificence, préparé au sacre des rois, Reims, 1643, p. 611.

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 37 was a great ruby in which was placed a thorn, undoubtedly taken from the Crown of Thorns in the Sainte-Chapelle.**® In time an added sanctity was attached to this crown when the king himself became canonized.

Some notion of these vanished treasures can be gained from a votive crown of silver gilt that was given by St. Louis to the convent of the Preaching Friars at Liége in 1267 and is now preserved in the Louvre. Between the trilobed fleurons stand eight small angels holding scrolls and plaques on which are described the numerous relics that the crown once contained. These included pieces of the True Cross, the Crown of Thorns, and the Lance that had pierced the side of Christ (Fig. 49).°° THE SacrED AMPULLA

The sumptuous collection of the regalia that in time was amassed in the treasury of Saint-Denis and the royal effigies that crowded the aisles of the church were to serve as the material testimonials of the abbey’s successful affiliation with the monarchy, while St. Denis himself was to become the patron saint of France and his oriflamme the royal standard. But the other aspirations of the abbey in regard to the monarchy were never to be realized. When in 1180 Philip Augustus was crowned a second time by the archbishop of Sens at SaintDenis, the victory over the Church of Reims by its combined rivals seemed to be complete. As it turned out, however, it was to be but a momentary interlude. Never again was a king of France to be consecrated by an archbishop of Sens, while the expectation that the abbey, like that of Westminster, would also become the coronation church was not to be fulfilled. Many factors conspired to guarantee the final and permanent right of Reims to the coronations. Not the least of these was the long succession of aggressive prelates who had continued since the time of Hincmar to assert the theocratic supremacy of their Church. But neither the assertiveness of

its prelates, nor the precedent set by the anointing of Clovis, nor the forgeries of Hincmar, nor the primacy of Reims that had been repeatedly confirmed by the popes, nor the long record of royal consecrations assigned to its credit, were in themselves decisive. He who would truly comprehend the underlying factor that was finally to resolve the conflict over the coronations in favor of Reims must also seek to understand the compelling power of the mystic symbol and the supernatural talisman that wielded their strange sovereignty in the world

of the Middle Ages. For Reims not only held to the belief that Clovis had been anointed with chrism from the ampulla brought down from heaven. It also claimed that it still possessed this ampulla and that the holy oil it contained was none other than the miraculous chrism that St. Remi had used on Clovis in the fifth century. Moreover, it was with this chrism that the Church of Reims had been wont to consecrate the kings at their coronations.

The earliest evidence for this belief comes from Hincmar himself. In an address delivered at Metz in 869 at the coronation of Charles the Bald as king of Lotharingia the archbishop reminded the king that Clovis, as Charles’s predecessor, had been baptized and consecrated at Reims with chrism brought down from heaven, “of which we still have something left.””** Thereafter for well over two centuries nothing more is heard of the miraculous chrism. In none of the coronation ordinals is it mentioned. On this subject the chroniclers too are strangely silent. It was not until 1131 at the crowning of the boy king, Louis vu, that the heaven-sent chrism was again referred to. Though the ceremony took place at Reims, it was not the archbishop but the pope 189. Félibien, of.cit., pl. 3 fig. P. A drawing of the crown 190. Percy Ernst Schramm, Herrschaftzetchen und Staatsis included in the Gaigniéres Collection, Cabinet des Estampes. symbolik (Schriften der Mon, German, Hist. xu, pt. 3), The tall form of this crown, made between 1240 and 1250, Stuttgart, 1956, 111, pp. 87of. and pl. 120. No direct relarepresented the final evolution of the mediaeval type with tionships can be established between the forms of these royal four fleurons. Cibulka, “Couronne royale de Bohéme,” pp. crowns and those displayed on the Calixtus portal.

169f, 191. This address is published in 44,SS, Oct., 1, p. 84.

38 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL himself, Innocent 11, who officiated. According to the account in the Chronicle of Morigny he is said to have consecrated the young king with the miraculous oil delivered by angelic hands to St. Remi for the anointing of Clovis.” When Louis vu1’s son, Philip Augustus, was in turn consecrated at Reims in 1179 by his uncle, Archbishop Guillaume, it might have been expected that the miraculous chrism would again be mentioned. But at first this was not to be the case. After the death of his father, Philip Augustus had commissioned Rigord, a monk of Saint-Denis, to write an account of the events of Philip’s reign, In his description of the coronation of 1179 nothing is said of the sacred oil.*”* After the second consecration of the king at the abbey of Saint-Denis by the archbishop of Sens it would have been highly impolitic to have made any mention of this mystic chrism which the rival Church of Reims claimed to possess.

But though the court had so abruptly turned its back on Reims, the renown of its wonderworking saint was spreading. The students who came to Reims from far and wide to attend its famous schools would have heard much concerning St. Remi and the marvels of the sacred ampulla, which they too in time would pass on to others. So in the Life of Adelbert of Saarbrucken, who in the early part of the twelfth century had spent his student days at Reims, the city is referred to as the site of that resplendent monastery dedicated to St. Remi, he who had baptized the king of the intractable Franks with a miraculous chrism brought down from Heaven.” In the latter part of this same century the abbey church of Saint-Remi, which had been extolled

in the Life of Adelbert, was rebuilt in a chaste early Gothic style.’ On a lofty pedestal behind the high altar was placed the saint’s shrine begun by Hincmar and embellished by succeeding generations with figures in silver relief and with costly gems. At one end of the shrine in a grottolike aperture encrusted with jewels reposed the reliquary containing the small crystal vial of the

holy ampulla (Appendix F). But the veneration of the canonized bishop was by no means confined to his native city. A particularly active cult of the saint had arisen in far away Provence, while his popularity in the north is attested to by the numerous churches dedicated to St. Remi in Alsace and in the region of the Vosges."** More eloquent still is the testimony of the Parisian theologian, Jean Beleth, who, writing in the second half of the twelfth century, complains that “St. Remi, that so-called bishop of Gaul, . . . is now held in such honor and veneration throughout France that his feast over-

shadows even that of Saint Michael.” And now, too, with the rise of monumental sculpture in the north of France in the latter part of the twelfth century the carved images of St. Remi begin to appear on the churches. On the facade of his abbey church at Reims his statue holding a crozier stands on a tall pilaster on the right side of the central doorway.””* On the exterior of a now destroyed twelfth century chapel at the abbey of Saint-Trond in the region of the Meuse a statue of St. Remi was to be found to

192. PL, CLXxx, col. 162. Congrés archéologique, Reims, 1911, 1, pp. 57-105, esp. p. 61.

193. Oeuvres de Rigord, 1, pp. 12f. Rigord offered Philip 196. For Provence, see Marlot, H., 1, pp. 613f.; Maximin Augustus a first copy of his chronicle in 1196, a second copy Deloche, Saint-Remi de Provence au Moyen Age, Paris, 1892,

circa 1200 to the king’s heir, the future Louis vir. Molinier, pp. 7 and 22. Ten early churches dedicated to the saint in

II, p. 3. Alsace and the Vosges are listed in Henri Jadart, “La vie de

194. Anselm of Havelberg, Vita Adelberti 11 in Monumenta saint Remi dans la poésie populaire,” Trav. de Pacad. de Moguntina (Bibliotheca Rerum Germanicarum, 111), Berlin, Reims, xcvit, 1894-1895, pt. 1, pp. 115-169, esp. p. 118,

1866, pp. 565-603, esp. p. 576. Adelbert studied at Reims 197. PL, ccm, col. 155. Jean Beleth, of whom little is

circa 1130. His Vita was written between 1141 and 1142. known, taught theology in Paris and was attached in 1182 to Louis Demaison, “Une description de Reims au x® siécle,” the Church of Amiens, Histoire littéraire de la France, xv, Bulletin archéologique du comité des travaux historiques et Paris, 1817, pp. 218f.

scientifiques, 1892, pp. 378-395, esp. pp. 379f. 198. This statue and that of Saint Peter on the left pilaster

195. The remodeling, begun circa 1170, included the west are dated circa 1180 in Willibald Sauerlinder, “Beitrage zur facade, the vaults, and the choir and apse. Clovis Poussin, Geschichte der ‘friihgotischen’ Skulptur,” Zeitschrift fiir Monographie de Vabbaye et de Péglise de S'-Remi de Reims, Kunstgeschichte, 1956, pp. 1-34, esp. p. 83 p. 3 fig. 4. Reims, 1857, pp. 118ff.; Louis Demaison, “Eglise Saint-Remi,”

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 39 the left of a group of Christ crowning the patron saints of the monastery. In his hand he held a tablet on which was inscribed, “O Lord, I have loved the beauty of thy house”—brief words, but surely expressive of that aesthetic sentiment of the Middle Ages that was to culminate in the art of the great cathedrals.” Though the bishop of Chartres had once branded the coronation rights of Reims as schismatic, it was at the cathedral of Chartres in the early decades of the thirteenth century that the whole story of the baptism of Clovis and the sacred ampulla was to find its place in the vast program of its stained-glass windows (Figs. 34 and 35).°™° In these same decades the tenor of the royal court had also changed in regard to St. Remi and the claims of Reims. Shortly before Louis viir ascended the throne in 1223 the court poet, Guillaume Le Breton, wrote a version in verse of the first coronation of Louis’s father, Philip Augustus,

and. dedicated it to the young prince. Here the description of the coronation of 1179 is quite different from that written by Rigord, the monk of Saint-Denis, who had been so careful to avoid any mention of the miraculous chrism.*” According to Le Breton the king had been consecrated by Archbishop Guillaume with that holy

oil which God himself had sent down by the hand of an angel for the special sacring of the Frankish kings. For it was by this holy chrism alone that they had been raised to the dignity of kingship and made worthy of their rule.’ In this same versified chronicle the court poet has included a version of the legend of Clovis in which the continuity of the royal consecrations is stil] more explicitly stated. All the kings of France who came after Clovis are now said to have been anointed by that same holy oil that had been used in his baptism.””

The moment had come when the court could make the legend of the miraculous chrism and the sacred ampulla its own.

For Reims too the long struggle was over. It was in this same hour of its triumph that the Calixtus Portal itself was created, where, in the relief of the baptism of Clovis, in the presence of the popes, archbishops and high priests in the archivolts, St. Remi confidently seizes the ampulla;

while the two processions of prelates and courtiers that converge upon the font appear to be commemorating, as in some solemn pact, the final acceptance of the claims of Reims by the faction

of the court and crown (Fig. 52). But this doorway was not the only monument that in this era of its triumph was to testify to the sacerdotal pride of Reims. In 1227 a prelate was elected to the see of Reims who stemmed from the noble house of Braine. Moreover, through his grandfather, who was the brother of Louis vit, he was also of royal descent.** Whereas the abbey of Saint-Remi had been content to adorn the clerestory windows of its apse with a series of the early bishops of Reims, relegating the later metropolitans to the westernmost bays of the choir (see Appendix G), Henry of Braine did not hesitate to place himself in the right lancet of the central clerestory window of the apse of the cathedral, directly beneath the scene of the Crucifixion, while in the left lancet the Virgin and Child were enthroned above the emblematic facade of the Church of Reims (Fig. 51). In the 199. The inscription, “Domine, dilexi decorum domus tue,” is based on his contention that the cathedral, begun after the

is recorded in a contemporary chronicle. Jules Helbig, Za fire of 1194, was built from east to west. Idem, “The Chrosculpture et les arts plastiques au pays de Liége et sur les bords nology of Chartres Cathedral,” ART BULLETIN, XXXIX, 1957,

de la Meuse (second edition), Bruges, 1890, pp. 26f.; see also pp. 33-47. According to the more generally accepted theory, Lisbeth Tollenaere, La sculpture sur pierre de Pancien diocése the nave was begun first, the chevet not completed until circa de Liége a Pépoque romane (Soc. archéol, de Namur), 1957, 1217, a date that would include the St. Remi window in the p. 107. For another figure of St. Remi on a Romanesque lintel, apsidal chapel. See Louis Grodecki, “Chronologie de la cathénow in the interior of the fountain of Saint-Remy at Chaumuzy drale de Chartres,” Bulletin monumental, CXV1, 1958, pp. 91-

(Marne), see André Lapeyre, Des facades occidentales de 119. Saint-Denis et de Chartres aux portails de Laon, Université 201. Le Breton composed the PAillipidos between 1214 and

de Paris, Faculté des lettres, 1960, p. 247 n. 3. 1217, Molinier, 111, pp. 3f.

200. The date of 1205 for this window (no. 28) in Paul 202. Oeuvres de Rigord, 11, pp. 2of. Frankl, “The Chronology of the Stained Glass in Chartres 203. Ibid., p. 15. Cathedral,” ART BULLETIN, XLV, 1963, pp. 301-322, esp. pp. 204. Henry of Braine held the see of Reims until his death

30s5f., may well be too early by a decade. Frankl’s dating in 1240. Marlot, H., 11, pp. 572f.

40 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL stained glass windows on either side, below the figures of the Apostles and the Evangelists, were ranged the ten suffragan bishops of the archiepiscopal see, each with the corresponding emblem of his church—Soissons, Laon, Senlis, Amiens, Beauvais, Noyon, Tournai, Térouanne, Cambrai, and Chalons (see Appendix J).*° And now to this sanctuary, where Henry of Braine presided like an emperor surrounded by his own vassal kings, came the kings of France for their anointing. Already with the advent of Louis viii the long succession of the coronations had begun to unfold. At his crowning in 1223 two hundred knights were sent to the abbey of Saint-Remi to escort the sacred ampulla to the cathedral.”° At the consecration of the boy king Louis 1x in 1226 three hundred knights were sent. On this occasion the archbishop of Sens was allowed as a special concession to receive the ampulla at the cathedral door.” Around the year 1270 the Ordo of Reims established the sequence of the ritual that was to be

followed throughout the ensuing centuries.’ On the morning of the coronation, in monastic procession with cross and lighted tapers, the abbot of Saint-Remi, walking under a silken canopy,

made his way to the parvis of the cathedral through the massed throngs that encumbered the narrow streets and square. Suspended from his neck on a chain he bore the golden dove in which was encased the small crystal ampulla (Fig. 50). Only when he had reached the main portal of the cathedral was the jealously guarded reliquary handed over to the archbishop of Reims who, accompanied by a retinue of high prelates, solemnly swore to give it back again according to custom.”

After the coronation oath was administered by the archbishop in the cathedral, the king was stripped to his shirt, which was opened front and back. And now, while the Litany of the Saints was intoned, he bowed himself down to the pavement. While he was thus prostrate, the archbishop approached the high altar. Lifting up the sacred ampulla, he extracted from it with a golden stylus a few drops of the heaven-sent oil, which he proceeded to mix on a paten with other ordinary chrism. Only this was used on the king. Even when the queen was consecrated at the same time, she received but the usual oil reserved for the catechumens.™ At the end of the Litany the archbishop, turning toward the king, recited the prayer of consecration. Then the king, humbly kneeling before him, was anointed by the archbishop on his head, chest, shoulders and arms. And now in this same century that saw the final consummation of the sacring of the kings arose

the last of the beliefs concerning the holy ampulla. For now it was claimed that no matter how many drops of the heaven-sent chrism might be extracted from the sacred vial, the miraculous oil, self-replenishing, would never diminish.” “Other kings,” says the poet Richier in his thirteenth century Life of Samt Remi, “buy their chrism at the pharmacy. But in France no one earns a penny in selling such unction. For the holy chrism of the kings of France was made by God to descend for St. Remi and, never failing, shall last as long as Christendom.” 205. These windows, undoubtedly donated by Henry of caux manuscrits des bibliothéques publiques de France, Paris, Braine himself, are described in Reinhardt, R., pp. 183-187, 1937, IV, pp. 145f.; pls. 30-36. The manuscript was undoubt-

and are dated by Louis Grodecki (Marcel Aubert and others, edly executed at Reims, but with illustrations in Parisian

Le vitrail francais [Paris, 1958], p. 140) shortly after 1230. style. See Catalogue, Exposition Sainte-Chapelle: Saint Louis, For engravings of the windows, partly destroyed in 1914, see Paris, 1960, no. 10. Martin and Cahier, Cathédrale de Bourges, 1, last two plates. 210. If the press of the crowd permitted, the ampulla was 206. Chronique rimée de Philippe Mouskes (ed. de Reiffen- _ received at the small abbey church of Saint-Denis, near the berg), 11 (Collections de chroniques belges inédites), Brussels, cathedral, where it was kept on the high altar. Marlot, H.,

1838, p. 442. Il, pp. 529f.

207. Ibid., p. 562. The bishop of Soissons officiated, the 211. Ordo ad Inungendam Reginam: Ordo of Reims, Chevasee of Reims being vacant after the death of Guillaume de lier, p. 225.

Joinville. Marlot, H., 111, p. 570. 212. The earliest reference to this belief is found in the mid208. This Ordo is published in Chevalier, pp. 222-226; thirteenth century Chronique de Mouskes, 11, pp. 442f. Another

no. 14 in the list of Ordines, Schramm, K., 1, p. 4. thirteenth century reference is cited in Barthélemy Hauréau, 209. Marlot, H., 11, p. 48 n. 1, The various stages of the Notices et extraits de quelques manuscrits de la bibliothéque coronation are illustrated in a pontifical from Chalons of circa nationale, 1, Paris, 1891, p. 272. 1280. Bibl. Nat., Ms lat. 1246. Victor Leroquais, Les pontifi- 213. Richier, Vie de Saint Remi, p. 335.

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 41 Tue IcoNoGRAPHY OF THE KINGs

As the coronation rite of the kings of France itself suggests, it was not the way of the Middle Ages to resolve its human rivalries through the interchange of conciliatory notes or through decisions arrived at around the conference table. Rather the hard-won prerogatives of the victors became gradually embalmed in ceremonial protocol, rendered thenceforth more palatable to the losers in the all-embracing splendor of an intricate and time-consuming ritual. Another process of the reconciliation between the contending factions can also be detected in the coming together of the legends and in the mutations of the pictorial images. Already at the beginning of the thirteenth century an account of the descent of the sacred ampulla that differed from the traditional legend as derived from Hincmar seems to have been the version accepted by the court. For according to the chronicle of Guillaume Le Breton, the miraculous chrism was claimed to have been delivered, not by means of a dove, but by the hand of an angel.” After the reconciliation between the court and Reims equal recognition was to be given both of these versions in the mid-thirteenth century Chronicle of Philip Mouskes. Here, in the account of the baptism of Clovis, the ampulla is again brought down by an angel, but now in the guise of a dove.”” In this same chronicle St. Denis, the old rival of the saint of Reims, is likewise accorded a part in the Clovis legend, which includes as well a novel variant on the theme of the saint’s decapitation. In complacent disregard for historical chronology St. Denis, though supposedly a disciple of St. Paul, is now credited with having converted Queen Clotilda in the fifth century. On hearing of his wife’s conversion the pagan Clovis angrily seizes a saw and hacks off the bishop’s cranium. Whereupon St. Denis picks up his severed scalp, puts it back on again, and imperturbably continues his conversation with the discomfited monarch.” As the legends coalesce, a gradual transformation takes place in the pictorial images as well. For now that the conflict over the crowning has been resolved, it is not surprising to find that the baptismal unction performed on Clovis, and on which the claims of Reims had rested, assumes more and more the overtones of an actual coronation. Already the beginnings of this evolution can be detected in the stained-glass window at Chartres, where the deacon holds the crown in readiness beside the font, while in the adjoining panel the ampulla rests upon the crowned head of the king enthroned between the deacon and St. Remi (Fig. 35). On the Calixtus Portal the crown is held by the squire standing in front of Queen Clotilda. Moreover, the presence of the censing angels descending from the clouds above may well have been intended to express a tacit acknowledgment of that other version of the legend favored by the court, in which the sacred ampulla was said to have been brought down by the hand of an angel (Fig. 52). But nothing expresses more effectively the now universal acceptance of the claims of Reims than the appearance of the scene of the baptism of Clovis in a sumptuously illustrated Life of St. Denis that was composed in the scriptorium of his own abbey in the middle of the thirteenth century (Fig. 53)."” The scene is closely related in its ceremonial aspects to the relief at Reims and to the baptism in the window at Chartres, and its ecclesiastical character is further emphasized by the group of bishops who solemnly attend St. Remi. Surely among them may be recognized too the mitred abbot of the monastery, who in the actual coronation ceremony in the cathedral of Reims stood guard beside the altar on which he had placed the regalia brought from Saint-Denis. 214. Oeuvres de Rigord, 1, pp. 14f. and p. 20. Earlier 215. Chronique de Mouskes, 1, pp. 18f. references to the angel occur in the account of the coronation 216. Ibid., pp. 17f. in 1131 of Louis vit (Chronicle of Morigny, PL, cLxxx, col. 217. Bibl. Nat., N. A. fr. 1098, fol. 50°. Omont, Vie de 162) and in the Life of St. Béchaire by Adso, abbot of Haut- Saint Denys, p. 13 and pl. 22; Delisle, Notice sur un livre a

villiers, PL, cxxxvit, col. 675. peintures exécuté en 1250, p. 4.

42 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL In the manuscript itself, at the right of the font, the foremost of the royal attendants lifts the regal crown, poised in readiness for the immediate coronation of the king (Fig. 53). Nor is there here any doubt that an actual crowning is about to take place, as can be gathered from the Latin verses that accompany the illustration: “Aspirante Deo, baptisma sacrum Clodoveo Hic sanctus donat Remigius huncque coronat.”

In a small miniature in a late thirteenth century vernacular Life of St. Remi an angel, in accordance with the court legend, holds the ampulla which he is energetically proffering the saint, while from the position of his other hand he appears to have just placed the crown on the head of the king in the font (Fig. 54).”* In an earlier relief on the south transept of Chartres, which belongs to the sculptures of the porch constructed soon after 1224, the process of transforming the baptism into the consecration and crowning of the king has all but been completed.”” No longer is Clovis in the font, which has now been altogether dispensed with. Though naked to the waist, the king kneels before an altar, the crown upon his head, while behind him St. Remi is about to receive the ampulla from the descending dove (Fig. 55). Eventually, as might be expected, Clovis was accorded a rite of crowning like that of any other king of France. In Hincmar’s Life of St. Remi the king is said to have received a diadem from the Emperor Anastasius some time after his conversion.””° But in the Grandes Chroniques de France Clovis, in true mediaeval fashion, is crowned immediately upon the death of his father as the necessary prerequisite for his succession to the throne.” In accordance with the Grandes Chroniques

the crowning of Clovis is included as the first act in the king’s reign in a set of mid-fifteenth century tapestries that once belonged to the Duke of Burgundy and that later were presented to the cathedral of Reims.’ Nor has the fact that this event takes place long before the baptism of Clovis prevented the designer of the tapestry from representing the rite as a churchly ceremony, with two bishops in full pontifical regalia holding the crown above the king’s head. These later works of art, however, are but incidental to the royal iconography that was to spread itself in the second half of the thirteenth century over the west facade of the cathedral of Reims. Whereas the Calixtus Portal had emphasized the role of the priestly consecrators, in the vastly

expanded sculptural program of the new west front the kings and their Old Testament prototypes were now to come into their own. The monumental statues of two crowned and bearded kings on the right buttress of the central

portal have been identified as those of David and Solomon (Fig. 57).”* In the voussoirs of the archivolt that spans the rose window are carved scenes from the lives of these Old Testament rulers, including, as has already been noted, the anointing of David by Samuel (Fig. 45). Among the other subjects of the voussoirs are David bringing Saul the head of Goliath, Solomon praying for wisdom, the judgment of Solomon and his anointing by Zadok; while in the relief that decorates the spandrels above the arch of the rose the encounter between David and Goliath takes place in a landscape of spreading trees and grazing flocks (Fig. 56 and Appendix H); scenes that transcribe in stone the very words of the Preface recited at the consecration of the king: “Lord

of Lords... Thou who hast saved David ... from the hand of Goliath . .. and from all his 218. In a collection of Lives of the Saints, circa 1275, of 220. Hinemar, p. 311. probable Flemish origin. Bibl. Nat., ms fr., 6447, fol. 2357. 221. Book 1, Chapt. 15; Les Grandes Chroniques de France See Paul Meyer, Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la biblio- (ed. Jules Viard), Paris, 1940, 1, pp. 54f. This first part of theque nationale, XXxv, pt. 2, Paris, 1897, pp. 435-510, esp. the Grandes Chroniques, composed in the 1270s, was probably pp. 436, 472 and 491, In the text of this short Life of St. Remi, based on an earlier text of the time of Louis 1x. /did. (intro-

however, the dove brings down the ampulla (fol. 2397). duction), pp. xixff. 219. One of six small reliefs illustrating miracles of the 222. Marie Godbillon-Sartor, Les tapisseries, toiles peintes Confessor Saints on the external face of the easternmost pier. & broderies de Reims, Reims, 1912, pp. 58f.; fig. 9, opp. p- 60.

Houvet, Cathédrale de Chartres: Portail Sud, uy, pl. 85. 223. Vitry, Rezms, 1, p. 14. See also Reinhardt, R., p. 152.

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 43 enemies, Thou who hast enriched Solomon with the ineffable favors of wisdom and peace... multiply the gifts of Thy goodness in Thy servant whom we have chosen to be our king... .””*** In the interior of the west facade the theme of the coronation itself is suggested in the stained-

glass figures that fill the nine windows of the glazed triforium beneath the ledge of the rose (Fig. 23). In the central light stands a bareheaded youth in a cope and tunic of azure blue, spangled with golden fleurs-de-lis, in whom can be recognized a king of France arrayed in his coronation robes, while in the window at the left a bishop in full regalia raises his crozier in blessing. Other figures, some crowned, some in episcopal vestments, occupy the remaining lights (see Appendix I).

But it is in the highest zone of the exterior of the facade that the kings now reign supreme (Fig. 56). Whereas at Notre-Dame, Paris, and at Amiens the royal gallery is confined to the facade beneath the rose, here the series of the statues of the kings continues uninterruptedly around the bases of the lofty open-work towers.” In the central niche between the towers, in the so-called

Gallery of the Gloria, directly above the point of the archivolt of the rose, Clovis stands once again naked in the font, flanked by St. Remi and his crossbearer on the right, on the left by Queen Clotilda who now holds the crown, herself crowned and wearing a regal robe gathered around her feet (Fig. 56).*° Within the cathedral too a place was found for the royal iconography. Though in the sanctuary and choir the stained-glass windows of the clerestory were reserved solely for Archbishop Henry of Braine and his ecclesiastical suffragans seated beneath the saints of the church, in each upper lancet of the nave a king of France in turn was ranged above an early metropolitan of Reims.” Thus in the windows a balance of the royal and ecclesiastical hierarchies was achieved, wherein was celebrated, as in some solemn anthem, the final resolution of the divergent claims of priest and king; while on the west facade the sacerdotal relationship between St. Remi and Samuel is once more affirmed in this apotheosis of the kings of France, where the baptism of Clovis in the Gallery of the Gloria is placed almost directly above the anointing of David in the archivolt of the rose (Fig. 45). For it was not from their dynastic prerogatives that the legitimacy of the kings eventually stemmed, but from their spiritual link with the ancient rulers of Israel and from the mystical rite of their consecration at Reims with the miraculous chrism of St. Rem.” 224. “Dominus dominorum, qui... humilem quoque’ the Gloria sung by the choir boys on Palm Sunday in this puerum tuum David Regni fastigio sublimasti, eumque de ore central section of the Gallery of the Kings. Etienne Moreauleonis et de manu bestiae atque Goliae ... et omnium inimi- Nélaton, La cathédrale de Reims, Paris (1915), p. 74. corum liberasti et Salomonem sapientiae pacisque ineffabili 227. Several of the metropolitans were designated by name. munere ditasti . . .’ So-called Ordo of Louis VIII (Godefroy, One of the kings was inscribed KAROLUS. See V. Tourneur,

Cérémonial, 1, p. 20), dated after 1270. See note 163. “Mémoire sur Viconographie intérieure de Ja cathédrale de 225. The first instance of a homogeneous series of the kings Reims (1),” Trav. de Pacad. de Reims, xxiv, 1855-1856, on the cathedral facades occurs at Notre-Dame, while at Reims pp. 123-195, esp. pp. rsoff.

the idea of the regnum has been intensified, not only in the 228, For the royal iconography on the west facade of extended Gallery of the Kings, but also in the statues of the Reims, see also Louis Bréhier, La cathédrale de Reims: Une rulers in the tabernacles of the transept buttresses. Katzenellen- oeuvre francaise, Paris, 1916, pp. 125ff.; idem, “L’histoire de bogen, Sculptural Programs of Chartres, p. 35. Arguments for la France 4 la facade de la cathédrale de Reims,” Revue hisidentifying the statues at Reims as kings of France, rather than forique, CXXII, 1916, pp. 288-300; and the summary in Jean of Judah, are presented at length in Reinhardt, R., pp. 157ff. de Pange, Le roi trés chrétien, Paris (1949), pp. 34ff. 226. The term “Gallery of the Gloria” was derived from

CHAPTER VI

ST. REMI THE WONDER-WORKER THE BrrtH oF St. REMI F the Calixtus Portal was begun around the year 1225, the subject matter of its sculptured | figures must have been decided upon shortly after the crowning of Louis viii in 1223, the ceremony that marked the final acceptance by the court of the coronation claims of Reims. Undoubtedly this event must also have influenced the canons of the cathedral in their decision to erect a fitting memorial to the supernatural powers of St. Remi, who had thus elevated the Church of Reims above all others in the kingdom. For, though the place of honor on the trumeau of the portal is occupied by the statue of a martyred pope, the major portion of the vast five-tiered tympanum above is devoted to the miracles performed by the saintly bishop and to the wonders that accompanied his birth (Fig. 58). Moreover, whereas all of these miraculous stories depicted on the portal are also to be found in Hincmar’s Life of St. Remi, three of them had already appeared in an earlier version of the legend and thus can by no means be attributed to the archbishop’s zealous invention. As one of his sources Hincmar mentions a Life of the saint by the sixth century poet Fortunatus that is still extant.” Though the style of the debased Latin precludes attribution of this Life to this learned bishop of Poitiers and though the author makes no mention of Clovis and the Franks, the brief text of this Pseudo-Fortunatus is the first to describe the prophetic announcement of the birth of St. Remi.” Wondrous indeed throughout the whole of the Middle Ages are the tales concerning the pious mothers of the yet unborn saints—the sterile wombs that bear and the heavenly visions of their pregnancy that turn the sorrow of the barren women into ecstatic joy. Frankly patterned on similar incidents from both the Old and New Testaments, these pious plagiarisms are sometimes embellished with the picturesque details of a local coloring, combined with a highly individualized fantasy. So in the Life of St. Samson of Dol his mother Anna, wed to a prince of Armorica, sorrowfully

sees her sister bear children year after year while she herself remains barren. Only after her husband has given three bars of silver to the church does she conceive. Whereupon in a vision she

is told that the son whom she shall bear shall be seven times more precious than the treasure donated by her husband to the Lord.*” The divine prediction of the glorious destiny of the child is sometimes contrasted with the perils attendant on its birth. According to the story of St. Bridgit, the wonder-worker of Sweden, a resplendent maiden appeared in the heavens bearing a scroll on which was announced the impending birth of a daughter to Bergir, the Jegman of Upland. But ere the saint was born her mother Ingeborg came nigh to perishing in a storm at sea. Rescued by the dukes Eric and Waldemar, she was informed by a heavenly voice that she had been saved for the sake of the wondrous infant whom she bore in her womb.” Among the earlier of the prenatal visions is that of the mother of St. Taurinus of Evreux, who prayed that she might be blessed by a son who should serve the Lord like Samuel. And behold, on a certain night she came face to face with an angel who, approaching her, touched her womb with a wand. And Jo, when the staff came 229. Hinemar, p. 250. The various sources of Hincmar’s in Molinier, 1, p. 113. Life of St, Remi are discussed in Schrérs, Hinkmar, pp. 446ff. 231. AA,SS, July, vi, pp. 573 ff. A version, partly dependent on Hincmar, is included in Flo- 232. Life of St. Bridgit by Peter of Skenige and Peter of

doard, H., pp. 421-428. Alvastra; Scriptores Rerum Svectcarum, 11, pt. 2, Upsala,

230. This Vita is published in 44,SS, Oct., 1, pp. 128-131. 1871-1874, p. 189. See also the Life by Birger, archbishop of The arguments against attributing it to Fortunatus are given Upsala (1366-1383). 44,SS, Oct., Iv, pp. 485ff.

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 45 forth again, it had flowered into the likeness of a lily, whose blossoms gave forth a marvelous perfume.” Whereas in these stories it is the expectant mother who receives the angelic visitation, in the Life of St. Remi the divine revelation comes to a saintly hermit, who here plays a role similar to that of Joachim in the apocryphal legend of the birth of the Virgin Mary.** According to the story as told by Pseudo-Fortunatus and amplified by Hincmar, a certain recluse of Laon named Montanus is transported in a dream into the midst of the heavenly host.”** Suddenly a voice from on high is heard to declare that Celinie, a poor but blessed woman, is to give birth to a man-child, whose name is to be Remi and who is destined to redeem his country from the ills from which it suffers. Prompted by this vision, Montanus confides the divine prophecy to Celinie. But the aged woman

is understandably distrustful. How could she, long past the time of childbearing, conceive and give milk to a son, she reminds him, while her husband Emile too is old and feeble? But in spite of her old age, he tells her, her own milk sprinkled on his eyes will yet cure him of his blindness. For in order to make the vision all the more authoritative, as in the case of the dumbness that under similar circumstances had afflicted Zacharias, the saintly hermit has been temporarily deprived

of his sight.**° Everything then turns out as Montanus had predicted. The child is born and baptized Remi, while with his own hand the new-born infant sprinkles the eyes of the recluse with the milk from his mother’s breast and restores the monk’s sight. Thus too in the apocryphal account of the infancy of Christ his supernatural powers were first made manifest when the withered hand of the midwife Salome was cured by the touch of his swaddling clothes.?*” The analogies between the mystic events attendant on the birth of St. Remi and similar episodes

in the New Testament and in the apocryphal stories are further underlined in the pictorial and sculptural monuments.

In the right hand panel of the lowest zone of the St. Remi window at Chartres the donor is seen kneeling before a cult statue of the Virgin and Child (Fig. 33).7** On the opposite panel the hieratic pose of the seated Celinie, so similar to that of the cult image, hints at her own semidivine eminence as the mother of her miraculously conceived son. Her right breast is bare, while on her

lap the infant saint reaches out precariously to touch the blind monk’s eyes with the healing milk (Fig. 33). On the tympanum of the Calixtus Portal, at the extreme left of the second register, the seated figure of Montanus looks up in rapt wonder toward an angel descending from a swirling cloud with the prophetic announcement of the birth of the saint (Fig. 59). Here the sculptor may well have been inspired by contemporary representations of the angelic visions of St. Joseph. So on one of the portals of St.-Gilles in Provence the seated saint, in a pose similar to that of Montanus, raises his hands in astonishment as he gazes upwards at the swirling angel who warns him to fly with his family to Egypt (Fig. 60).7* In the relief at Reims, to the right of Montanus, the aged Emile places his hands protectively on the shoulders of the expectant mother in a gesture reminiscent of the meeting of Joachim and 233. 44,SS, Aug., 1, pp. 639ff. Though attributed to vision of Montanus to the angelic annunciations received by Deodatus, this Vsfa, with its reminiscences of Hilduin’s Passion Abraham, Zacharias and the Virgin Mary.

of St. Denis, can hardly be earlier than the middle of the ninth 237. Migne, of.cit., cols. 1072f.

century. 238. This medallion has been extensively restored and lacks 234. J. P. Migne, Dictionnaire des Apocryphes, 1, Paris, any inscription that might identify the donor. Delaporte,

1856, cols. rosof. So too in Matthew I: 20-21, it was Joseph, Viétraux de Chartres, p. 267.

not Mary, who received the prophecy of the coming of the 239. Richard Hamann, Die A bteikirche von St. Gilles und

Saviour from the Angel. thre kiinstlerische Nachfolge, Berlin, 1955, pp. 156ff. and p. 235. Hincmar, pp. 259ff. 157, fig. 189. The terminal date of 1129 for the portals (ébid., 236. In Hinemar, p. 261, the birth of St. Remi is likened p. 181) is at sharp variance with the later dates established by to that of Isaac and John the Baptist, both born of aged Meyer Schapiro (“New Documents on St.-Gilles,” ART BULLEparents. Richier (Vie de Saint Remi, p. 44) compares the TIN, XVII, 1935, pp. 415ff.).

46 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL Anna at the Golden Gate (Fig. 59). The series ends with the stately figure of the matronly Celinie, who like her counterpart in the window at Chartres holds her child on her lap, while Montanus bends forward to receive the miraculous milk from the infant’s outstretched hand (Fig. 59). The pose of the mother and child, seen in three quarter view, can also be compared to the earlier Virgin and Child in the Adoration of the Magi, carved by a less gifted sculptor on the tympanum of the left portal of the north transept of Chartres (Fig. 61).° The same scene is to be found again in a voluminously illustrated mid-fourteenth century manuscript copy of the versified Life of St. Remi that was composed by the poet Richier, probably at Reims itself, in the second half of the thirteenth century.’** Here the monk who receives the therapeutic milk from the hand of the child now kneels in the attitude of one of the Wise Men paying homage to the

infant Christ; while the prominent manner in which the artist has portrayed the bared breast of Celinie recalls the theme of the nursing Virgin Mary that was already becoming popular in contemporary art (Fig. 62). But it was not only in the pictorial monuments that the birth of St. Remi was commemorated. At Reims there seems once to have flourished an active cult connected with the maternal solicitude that had surrounded the infancy of the saint. Particular importance was attached to the relics of his mother, St. Celinie, which were kept in his abbey church. His nurse too, the blessed Balsamie, in time acquired a church of her own, as related by Flodoard.*” According to Marlot a new church of the Holy Nurse, served by twelve canons, was consecrated by archbishop Alberic in 1215. Above the altar was placed the shrine containing the body of the “Sainte Nourrice.”** Though time has long since obliterated the material vestiges of these ancient cults, in the Gallery

of the Gloria on the west facade of the cathedral of Reims the statue of the monk Montanus, standing next to the figure of Queen Clotilda, still announces to an expectant world the wondrous

coming of St. Remi (Fig. 56). St. Remi Is ELEcTED Bishop oF REims

According to Hincmar, after having acquitted himself as a brilliant student the youthful St. Remi decided to retire to a hermitage at Laon. On the death of bishop Bennadius, however, the recluse at the early age of twenty-two was elected to the see of Reims by general acclamation. Though finally acceding to the demands of the populace, at first he modestly refused the high office on the grounds of his youthful inexperience.” A later elaboration of the story of his elevation to the see of Reims is to be found in Richier’s Life of St. Remi. According to this account the people of Reims, both clergy and laity, after acclaiming him bishop, repaired to the saint’s hermitage at Laon. Upon his refusal to accompany them back to Reims, however, the cell of the young recluse was promptly demolished, and the reluctant saint himself was forcibly conducted back to the city.’ In the fourteenth century illustration of this episode the saint is being importunated by the people of Reims, while a man with a pick is about to undermine the hermitage (Fig. 64).”° 240. Houvet, Chartres, Portail Nord, 1, pl. 19. The medi- contemporary French miniatures. Paul Meyer, “Notice de deux ocrity of this relief is in strange contrast to the quality of the mss de la vie de saint Remi, en vers francais,” Notices et exrest of the sculptures in the lateral doorways of this same ratts des Mss de la Bibl. Nat., xxxv, pt. 1, Paris, 1896, pp. facade, which have been attributed by Willibald Sauerlinder 117-130, esp. pp. 119f.; Camille Gaspar and Frédéric Lyna, to a Sens atelier, active from circa 1212 through 1220. See Les principaux MSs a peintures de la Bibl. royale de Belgique, his more recent article on the style and chronology of these pt. 1, Paris, 1937, pp. 304-306. sculptures, “Tombeaux chartrains du premier quart du xime® 242. Flodoard, H., p. 421.

siécle,” L’information d’histoire de Part, 1X, no. 2, 1964, 243. Marlot, H., 11, pp. 462ff. and 517.

Pp. 47-60. 244. This episode and the following accounts of the saint’s 241. Brussels, Bibl. royale, ms 5365, fol. 19”. Made for the miracles are primarily based on Hincmar, pp. 263-279.

future Charles v, this copy was illuminated in a heavy pro- 245. Richier, of.cit., p. 245. vincial style far removed from the courtly refinements of 246. Brussels, Bibl. royale, Ms 5365, fol. 22°.

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 47 Several hitherto unidentified scenes in the window at Chartres can now also be explained on the basis of Richier’s text. In one of the medallions the saint sits pensively in his cell, while on either side a workman, with ax raised, is about to demolish the hermitage (Figs. 32-3 and 33). At the right St. Remi is fleeing the ruins of his cell, preceded by one of the wreckers (Fig. 33); while in the left-hand section of the upper part of the same medallion a bishop is leading the unwilling candidate to his ordination, which occurs immediately thereafter on the adjoining panel. Tue Beccar oF CHERMIZY AND THE MIRACLE OF THE FIRE

Just as the wonders attendant on the birth of St. Remi find their prototypes in the Bible and in the apocryphal narratives, so after his election as bishop of Reims he emerges in the legends as a Christlike figure imbued with supernatural powers. Then begins a series of miracles that rival those of the Gospel stories and that culminate in the greatest miracle of all, the Raising of the Dead. Three of these wonders are included in the short Life by Pseudo-Fortunatus. In the first of these St. Remi encounters in the village of Chermizy a blind beggar who is violently seized by a devil. Whereupon the bishop exorcises the evil spirit, bestows alms on the poor man, and restores his sight. In the Chartres window the beggar, hands clasped before him, is being supported by a companion, while the bishop exorcises the demon, who is seen issuing from the man’s head

(Figs. 32-7 and 34). This triple act of mercy on the part of the saint is followed by an exorcism involving, not an individual, but the city of Reims itself. The Adversary of the Human Race, so states the legend,

had attacked Reims in the form of fire and had quickly reduced a third of the city to ashes. Advancing toward the conflagration, the saint makes the sign of the cross, at which the flames immediately recede. Whereupon he chases the fiery elements through a gate in the city wall, which he then orders to be closed and blocked up, with the added injunction that it never be opened up again under pain of death. In one of the medallions in the window at Chartres the bishop is making the sign of the cross in front of a group of burning buildings (Figs. 32-12, and Fig. 34). On the Calixtus Portal, on the right-hand side of the second register, a different version of the miracle is depicted in which the fire is personified by a group of demonic beings. Here with a mild gesture of his right hand St. Remi is chasing before him three large grimacing devils (Fig. 63). Reluctant to leave, they are followed by still another diminutive demon who is indulging in some vociferous backtalk. Two acolytes accompany the bishop, one carrying a missal, the other the bucket of holy water and the aspergillum as the ritualistic instruments of the exorcism. Though the burning houses are not indicated in the relief on the transept portal, the identity of the scene is confirmed by another relief to be found on the lintel of a doorway that opens into the south aisle of the cathedral in the second of the western bays added to the nave sometime in the middle of the thirteenth century (see plan, Fig. 2-L). Here again the bishop is chasing a group of devils before him (Fig. 66). But a city gate and a gabled building have also been included that leave no doubt as to the subject matter of the scene.**’ Moreover, in the illustration of the miracle of the fire in the fourteenth century manuscript of Richier’s Life of St. Remi, though the demons are again being chased by St. Remi, as on the Calixtus Portal the flames and the houses have been omitted (Fig. 65).7 247. Identified as the Miracle of the Fire in Henri Jadart, have been derived from a misunderstanding of Early Christian Les inscriptions lapidaires de Notre-Dame de Reims (Trav. de representations of the Three Youths in the Fiery Furnace. This

Pacad. de Reims, CXVII, 1904-1905), pp. 272£. supposition can hardly be a valid one, since no mention of fire 248. Brussels, Bibl. royale, Ms 5365, fol. 36%. In Francis demons occurs in the text of either Pseudo-Fortunatus or Oppenheimer, Frankish Themes and Problems, London, 1952, Hincmar, as Oppenheimer seems to imply.

pp. 74ff., the story of the Miracle of the Fire is claimed to

48 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL THE YounG Girt FROM TOULOUSE

The last of the three stories derived by Hincmar from Pseudo-Fortunatus concerns a young girl of Toulouse who has long been tormented by a devil. Anxious to rid her of the vexatious spirit, her noble parents escort her to the tomb of St. Peter in Rome, where through the intercession of the first of the Apostles they hope that she may be cured. Hincmar adds, moreover, that St. Benedict also attempted to exorcise the demon. But neither the relics of St. Peter nor the efforts of St. Benedict are of the slightest avail. The family then proceeds with the young girl to St. Remi, whose exorcism, as the demon himself had predicted, is immediately successful. But the retchings by which the evil spirit leaves her body so tax the young woman’s strength that she subsequently dies. Filled with remorse, the bishop is finally persuaded to attempt to bring the young girl back to life. Approaching her coffin, he seizes the hand of the dead body and in the name of the Saviour bids the young woman arise. Whereupon she gets up from the bier, her life and health restored, and returns with her grateful family to Toulouse. On the tympanum of the Calixtus Portal three separate episodes from the story are to be found, arranged in a seemingly haphazard order (Fig. 4—L, N and H). In the right section of the third register the youthful St. Benedict raises his right hand in a vain attempt to exorcise the demon, as Hincmar describes in his version of the sojourn of the family in Rome (Fig. 67). In front of him the young woman, her hair unbound, sways slightly forwards in an attitude eloquent of her distraught state, while in back of her two bearded elders are callously discussing her case. Beyond them another learned elder with a mocking finger is pointing out the fruitless efforts of St. Benedict to a companion behind him. On the extreme right sits the girl’s father, his face creased with despair while he pulls at the cord of his mantle.” Following this scene is the exorcism by St. Remi that appears in the second register directly over the peak of the canopy that shelters the trumeau statue of St. Calixtus (Fig. 68). Though this relief was already in a mutilated condition prior to the First World War, the young girl from Toulouse, standing in front of the bishop, can be identified by the remains of one of her long locks which, as in the scene above, falls over her shoulder, while the contorted body of the demon is still visible as he issues from her head. Behind her can be recognized her anxious parents, while the now familiar figure of the acolyte with the holy water bucket accompanies St. Remi. In contrast to the rather monotonous rhythm of these static figures on the Calixtus Portal is a later representation of the same episode in a small relief carved on an upright stone panel, preserved in the abbey of Saint-Remi, which reflects the more delicate and sensitive art of the early fourteenth century.” Here the young girl from Toulouse has fallen to her knees at the feet of the saint, her head twisted upwards in the agony of the exorcism, while her mother supports her slender body (Fig. 69). Dominating the scene is the large hairy form of the demon, rising into the peak of the trilobed arch that surmounts the relief. The culminating wonder in the story of the young girl from Toulouse, her resurrection after succumbing to the effects of the exorcism, is to be found in what is undoubtedly the earliest extant representation of the miracles of St. Remi, the tenth century book cover at Amiens (Fig. 70). Just 249. Emile Male (“La cathédrale de Reims,” pp. 83f.) her long locks as the girl from Toulouse in the scene of her claims that this scene represents an episode from the story of exorcism on the register below, and bears no resemblance to

Job, in which a messenger is announcing to Job’s wife the Job’s wife, who appears on the other side of Job as he lies misfortunes that have befallen the patriarch, who is seated on the dunghill, in the center of the upper register. nearby. See also Reinhardt, R., p. 141. This interpretation is 250. No. too in the Catalogue, Exposition des trésors de untenable on at least three counts: (1) Nothing in the Book Reims, Musée de POrangerie, Paris, 1938. The lack of weathof Job indicates that the news was delivered to Job’s wife. ering indicates that this panel, about three feet high, probably (2) No such scene appears in the mediaeval cycles of Job. stemmed from a monument placed indoors, possibly in the (3) The woman thought to be Job’s wife can be identified by abbey of Saint-Remi itself.

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 49 as these miraculous stories themselves parallel those of the Gospels, so here the composition of the resurrection of the girl from Toulouse in the top register of the ivory panel appears to have been inspired by some contemporary illustration of the Raising of Jairus’ Daughter. The pose of St. Remi as he bends forward to seize the wrist of the young girl while clasping a book in his other hand, the curving lines of her body as she rises from the bier, and the arc of her feet enveloped in her shroud all find their counterparts in the figures of Christ and the daughter of Jairus as depicted in reverse in a miniature of the Codex Egberti, dating from the 980’s (Figs. 70 and 71).”* Even the gesticulating apostles and elders grouped behind the figure of Christ are repeated in the clerics raising their hands in astonishment behind St. Remi, while at the other end of the ivory relief are gathered the parents of the young girl. In marked contrast, however, to the expressive rhythms and homely accents of the Amiens ivory, the tympanum of the portal at Reims presents the miraculous event in terms of a formalized ritual, with overtones of a stark and macabre realism. In the left hand section of the fourth register St. Remi, attended by three clerics and a member of the family, pauses at the foot of a rectangular coffin, both hands lifted, one of them holding the now missing pastoral staff (Fig. 72). In the center of the sarcophagus the girl from Toulouse, her face haggard from her ordeal with death, stands bolt upright in her shroud, while at the right her father points with a rigid hand toward his resurrected daughter. The similar figure of a shrouded woman standing in her coffin appears in the tympanum of the Last Judgment Portal, in the lower register of the Resurrection of the Dead, and thus affords an iconographic and stylistic link between the sculptures of the two doorways. THE MIRACLE OF THE WINE CELLAR

In the window at Chartres and on the Calixtus Portal still another miracle is illustrated, one not included in the brief Life by Pseudo-Fortunatus. According to Hincmar, while the bishop was visiting a female relative in a villa at Cernay, the steward of the household announced at dinner that there was no more wine in the wine casks. Going down to the cellar, the saint made the sign of the cross over one of the casks. Whereupon a vast plenitude of wine flowed from the bung onto the cellar floor. In two half medallions of the stained-glass window St. Remi is shown traveling on horseback to Cernay, while at the right he has dismounted from his horse and is being greeted by his female

relative at the door of her house (Fig. 32—9 and 10, and Fig. 34).”° In the medallion above, in the upper right-hand panel, two geysers of red and white wine are spouting from a cask in the wine cellar, to the astonishment of a couple of servants (Fig. 34). In the scene at the left the bishop is seated at supper, while the steward has just entered and announced the lack of wine. From the upraised gesture of his right hand it would seem that the saint is in the act of making the sign of the cross that produced the wine without so much as getting up from the dinner table. Indeed, the analogies with the similar miracle at Cana, already implicit in Hincmar’s account of the supper at Cernay, is further emphasized in the stained-glass medallion. The scene of St. Remi seated at the table, while the steward approaches to announce the lack of wine, finds its thematic counterpart in one of the illustrations of the Gospel story in another window at Chartres. In the thirteenth century glass added below the cult image of the Virgin and Child in the window of La Belle Verriére the miracle at Cana is profusely illustrated in a series of six separate scenes.”” In the central medallion the governor of the wedding feast, raising his empty cup at the banquet 251. Trier, Stadtbibliothek, Cod. 24, fol. 25°. This pericope mediaeval art. Louis Réau, Iconographie de Part chrétien, 11, was made for Egbert, archbishop of Trier, 977-993. Hubert pt. 2, Paris, 1957, p. 386. Schiel, Codex Egberti, Basle (1960), pp. 15 and 123, with 252. The most likely of several interpretations suggested by facsimiles. Due to the popularity of the Raising of Lazarus, Delaporte (Vitraux de Chartres, p. 269). the similar miracle of Jairus’ Daughter was a theme rare in 253. Ibid., pp. 216f. and 219f.; 1 (Plates), pl. 40.

50 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL table, interrogates two servants as to the lack of wine (Fig. 73), an episode that in its general content parallels the supper at Cernay (Fig. 34). A more specific analogy, however, can be found between the miracle at Cernay as depicted at Chartres and another aspect of the iconography of the wedding at Cana, namely the theme of the astonishment of the servers.

According to an older tradition, stemming from the late antique, the Gospel miracle was represented in Western art, not in terms of the wedding banquet, but in those of the actual transformation of the water into wine.’ So in the Codex Egberti Christ makes the sign of blessing over three water jars in the presence of the Virgin Mary (Fig. 75).”°° To the left, while a server pours out the miraculous wine, his companion raises his arms in wonder at the miracle, in a gesture that was to be recalled in the St. Remi window at Chartres, in the amazement of the two servants in the wine cellar (Fig. 34). On the tympanum of the portal at Reims, on the right hand side of the fourth register, the sculptor has adhered more closely to Hincmar’s text by placing the miracle at Cernay entirely in the cellar (Fig. 76). As in the resurrection of the girl from Toulouse, the saint, followed by two clerics, raises his pastoral staff. While the bishop’s female relative vacantly fingers the cord of her cape, the steward expresses his wonder at the miraculous wine by extending his right arm in a formal salute. But in spite of the wooden poses and the stiff verticality of the figures, the scene on the tympanum also betrays its affinity with still another aspect of the miracle at Cana as illustrated in the window at Chartres. Here, in the scene of the transformation of the water into wine, the theme of Christ blessing the water jars is now combined with the two servers, one of whom demonstrates his astonishment by piously pressing his palms together (Fig. 74).”*° A later rendering of the miracle at Cernay is to be found in one of the fourteenth century illustrations of Richier’s poem. Though the quaintly disproportionate figures are imbued with a livelier animation, the similarity of the composition to that on the portal suggests that here again the artist may have been directly influenced by the corresponding relief at Reims (Fig. 77). The miracle of the wine cellar and the resurrection of the girl from Toulouse conclude the series of episodes from the life of St. Remi on the Calixtus Portal. Whereas in these reliefs are represented the more notable miracles of the saint, they constitute but a small fraction of the wonders that eventually were to be attributed to his supernatural powers. Nor was there any need

for St. Remi to join the ranks of the martyrs, with which the Church of Reims was already liberally supplied. According to Flodoard death came uneventfully on the thirteenth of January in the seventy-fourth year of his episcopacy, the ninety-sixth year of his life.’ In the left panel of the top medallion of the St. Remi window at Chartres the bishop lies on his bier, mourned by three clerical figures, while at the right an angel bears on a napkin his small naked soul, incongruously topped by a mitre (Fig. 35).7™ THE ANGELS AND THE ACOLYTES

Whereas in the texts of his legend the great miracles of St. Remi are often accompanied by prayerful invocations, prostrations, and even tears, on the tympanum of the portal at Reims they are brought about by the formal rituals—the lifting of a pastoral staff and the indispensable presence of the assisting clergy and acolytes with holy water bucket and sprinkler conveniently 254. The scene of the wedding banquet does not make its 255. Trier, Stadtbibliothek, Cod. 24, fol. 20%. Schiel, appearance in Western art until the twelfth century, probably of.cit., pp. 119f. as a Byzantine importation. Karl Kiinstle, [konographie der 256. So interpreted by Kuhn (o?.cit., p. 137). christliche Kunst, Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1928, 1, pp. 382ff. 257. Flodoard, H., p. 427. See also the comprehensive study in Walter Kuhn, Die Ikono- 258. His body was said to have been buried in the smal] graphie der Hochzeit xu Kana (doctoral thesis, University, chapel of St. Christopher, later to become the abbey church

Freiburg), Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1955, pp. 382f. of Saint-Remi. Flodoard, H., pp. 428 and 443.

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 51 available. The supernatural powers employed in expelling demons, conjuring up wine, and even raising the dead are now wholly invested in the external liturgical apparatus of the priestly function. The striking emphasis on the ritualistic character of the miracles of St. Remi is consonant too with the unusual elaborateness of the actual rites of the cathedral chapter, as they were practiced in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Just as the exorcism of the girl from Toulouse, with attendant acolytes and aspergillum, is placed in the central axis of the portal, directly above the canopy of Pope Calixtus (Fig. 4—-N), so on the Wednesday before Easter the demoniacs were received by the archbishop, enthroned before the parvis of the cathedral, immediately in front of the west portals. Only after they had evinced by their penitential demeanor that they had made their peace with the church were they allowed to enter the cathedral. Then in a special ceremony, attended by the entire chapter, those possessed of devils were anointed and solemnly exorcised by the archbishop in a muted voice.” But these elaborate rites were not confined to the cathedral. At certain times of the year the entire city and its suburbs were transformed into a vast religious precinct, as the canons paid their ceremonious visits to the older sanctuaries of the city. During Easter Week the major churches were visited, and, with the Rogation Days that followed, the processions sought out in an ever widening circle the lesser holy places. On the feast of St. Mark the cathedral chapter made the entire circuit of the city outside the ramparts, at which time the chapels and ancient cemeteries that lay beyond the city gates were also visited.”*° On this occasion twelve banners were borne at the head of the procession. These were most probably not floating draperies, but square boards on which were painted sacred emblems, of the type represented on the Calixtus Portal in the framed plaque carried by the cleric who stands at the extreme right in the relief of the Baptism of Clovis (Fig. 52).7" But it was on Palm Sunday that the processional rites reached their climax. After the morning offices had been said in the cathedral, the canons proceeded from the choir and silently made their way through the Calixtus Portal and around the circuit of their cloister, as was their custom on these occasions.” Leaving the chapter precinct, the procession continued to the small abbey church of Saint-Denis, which was situated opposite the cathedral just outside the walls.** Here a halt was made while the monks of the abbey climbed to the top of the adjoining Porte Saint-Denis, the city gateway that gave direct access to the parvis of the cathedral. As they began intoning the canticle, Ave Rex Noster, a group of boy choristers, proceeding through the gateway, passed across the cathedral square and immediately ascended the west facade into the Gallery of the Kings over the rose window (Fig. 56). And now from their high perch overlooking the city and the ramparts the youthful voices, in answer to the chanting of the monks, broke out into the cry, Gloria Laus.?™ This was the signal for the whole congregation of canons and monks to enter the city. Singing Ingrediente Domino and preceded by the thurifers, torchbearers, and three ceremonial crosses, they marched through the Porte Saint-Denis and into the cathedral square, thus commemorating, as in some second Jerusalem, the triumphant entry of Christ into Reims on Palm Sunday. Notable in the minute descriptions of these elaborate rituals, as preserved in the twelfth and thirteenth century Ordinals of the cathedral, are the parts assigned to the minor orders of the 259. These rituals are described in the thirteenth century 263. The location of this abbey is described in the ChroOrdinal of the cathedral. Chevalier, pp. 92-260, esp. p. 123. nique de Mouzon. Mon, German. Hist., Scriptorum, X1v, p.

260. Ibid., pp. 141f. 161. See also Demaison, “Reims 4 la fin du x® siécle,” pp.

261. For examples of such painted “vexilla,” see Christo- 113f. and p. 114 n. 1. pher Wordsworth, Ceremonies and Processions of the Cathedral 264. The choristers are said to have ascended “in veterem Church of Salisbury, Cambridge, 1901, fig. p. 93, and p. 176 ~—‘ turrim.” Chevalier, p. 120. The “old tower” probably refers

(inventory of the cathedral). to the old tenth century westwork of Adalberon, replaced by

262. “... processio more solito circa claustrum execuntur.” a new facade in 1152, as it does in other documents, according

(For “execuntur” read “exequitur.”) Chevalier, p. 120 and to Reinhardt, R., pp. 42 and 51. This reference to it in the p. 120 n. 2. From the description of the Palm Sunday rites. thirteenth century Ordinal indicates the retention of a termi-

[bid., pp. 119ff. nology copied from the older Ordinals.

52 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL clergy, to the subdeacons and sacristans, as well as to the acolytes who carried aloft the processional crosses to which were attached the relics of the saints, bore the lighted torches, and swung their incense-laden thuribles. On eleven of the buttresses of the apsidal chapels of the cathedral are carved a series of angels, some bearing liturgical objects comparable to those carried by the acolytes and subdeacons on their processional rounds—torch, censer, aspersorium, mace, cross, and a liturgical book. Still others hold a maniple, a scroll, a reliquary shrine, and the crown of the saints. In their midst, on another buttress, stands the figure of Christ, holding a jeweled tome. Recently these sculptures have been

dated by Miss Teresa Frisch between the years 1224 and 1231 and thus are contemporary with the Calixtus Portal. The statue of the Christ in particular, both in its somewhat archaic character and in its heavy proportions, bears direct comparison with the embrasure statues of the doorway.” Undoubtedly, too, in these heavenly acolytes that accompany the figure of Christ as the great High Priest can be discerned a reflection of those out-of-door processions that during the course of the year hallowed the entire city; just as these angels, with their curling locks and enigmatic smiles, are the archetypes of all those youthful servers who once graced the sacred rituals of the priests of Reims.**°

Two of these angelic acolytes, though wingless, flank the Calixtus Portal. For the censing angel who accompanies St. Nicaise faces a similar wingless angel who stands opposite him next to St. Rem in the right embrasure (Figs. 9 and 42). The missing hands of this second statue may also have once held an incense boat (Fig. 42).°*’ As before some vast retable adorned with the images of the saints and their miraculous rites, these heavenly thurifers would thus have prepared those who entered the doorway for the chief liturgy of the church that was celebrated within. Indeed, the tympanum of the portal itself bears a direct relationship to the golden retable that once adorned the high altar of the cathedral. Made by order of archbishop Hincmar, this jeweled altarpiece, according to Marlot, was divided like a triptych into three sections.” In the center was a relief of the Virgin and Child with the Four Evangelists. On the left panel were depicted the martyrs St. Nicaise, St. Eutropie and St. Florentius, while in the relief on the right was the anointing of Clovis by St. Remi with attendant bishops.*” Thus the disposition of the subject matter of the wings of this retable was exactly that which was later to be repeated on the tympanum of the transept portal itself, where the two reliefs of the martyrdom of St. Nicaise and the baptism of Clovis are placed to the left and right of the canopy of the trumeau (Fig. 58). On the Calixtus Portal other angels, constellated around the enthroned Christ at the apex of the tympanum, hold the celestial crowns of the four principal saints of the doorway. Two of them kneel on either side of the Saviour, each proffering Him a crown with his veiled hands (Fig. 79);

while immediately above them two more crowns are held in the outstretched hands of a third angel, carved on the innermost keystone of the arch (Fig. 78). On the central keystone another angel holds an open book, analogous to the books of the Old Testament figures in the voussoirs of this same archivolt (Fig. 4~-B). 265. See Frisch, “Twelve Choir Statues of the Cathedral op. 98, both angels are said to be holding censers. According at Reims,” pp. 6 and 20; figs. 2-6, following p. 4. Once to Cerf, Histoire et description de Reims, 11, p. 28, the angel thought to have been intended for the trumeau of the Judg- _ next to St. Remi held a “navette” in his left hand.

ment Portal (Panofsky, “Uber die Reihenfolge der vier 268. Marlot, H., 111, pp. 527f.

Meister von Reims,” pp. 68ff.), the figure of Christ, too small 269. Around the altar were six silver columns, the two at for a statue column, was undoubtedly designed for its present each end surmounted by angels. [did., p. 528.

position, Frisch, sbéd., p. 6. 270. Whereas three of the crowns are undoubtedly those of 266. Bréhier (Cathédrale de Reims, pp. 111f.) believed the three martyrs of the portal, St. Remi was also said to have this series of statues was modeled on Byzantine representations gained the crown of glory, as indicated in the Propers for of the divine liturgy. Frisch (Joc.cit.) suggests that it repre- St. Remi in a fourteenth century missal; Reims, Bibl., Ms 230, sents the procession into church at the beginning of the mass. fols. 1147-115": “Domine . . . posuisti in capite eius coronam 267. In Povillon-Piérard, Description historique de Rheims, ... Gloria honore coronasti eum...”

CHAPTER VII

Tue Story oF Jos at CHARTRES AND REIMS

N the incessant round of their holy offices the canons who used the Calixtus Portal as the | entrance to the cathedral choir and the means of access to their cloister garth would also have been confronted by still another aspect of its sculptural program, one, moreover, that is seemingly unrelated to any of the other iconographic themes of the doorway that have been considered thus far. In the very center of the third register of the tympanum the patriarch Job lies naked on his dunghill, dominated by the figure of Satan, an Old Testament subject that has no discernible connection with the miracles of St. Remi or the hierarchies of the priests or the other-worldliness of the angels with which it is surrounded (Figs. 4-K and 58). Nor have any of the authors who have written on the subject matter of the Calixtus Portal been able to suggest a satisfactory explanation for the presence on the doorway of this alien theme, which speaks so stridently of the ugliness of life and its injustices. Briefly the content of the Book of Job can be summarized as follows: After wandering to and fro on the earth Satan enters into converse with God, who reminds him of the uprightness of his servant Job. Whereupon Satan wagers Jehovah that, should misfortune befall the wealthy patriarch, he would not hesitate to curse his God and thus fall into sin. Jehovah takes up the challenge and delivers Job into the hands of Satan, who in quick succession slaughters his cattle, then his sons and daughters, and finally inflicts upon the patriarch himself a plague of boils. Lying on a dunghill, Job is then visited by three friends, each of whom in turn endeavors to convince him that his misfortunes are the direct result of his sinfulness. But Job protests his innocence and, though at a loss to find a cause for his calamities, declares his steadfast faith in his God. Whereupon Jehovah reveals himself to the patriarch in a whirlwind and declares his power over all things. He then castigates the three friends for having falsely accused Job of sin and restores the patriarch to his former prosperity.

The scene of Job lying on the dung heap, the “sterquilinio” of the Biblical text, which occurs on the tympanum of the Calixtus Portal, also appears among the earliest monuments of Christian

art, in the frescoes of the catacombs. Among the familiar salvation themes of Jonah and the Whale, Daniel in the Lion’s Den, and the Three Youths in the Fiery Furnace, is occasionally to be found the solitary figure of Job seated on a hummock in meditative dejection.”” In a lunette in the Hypogeum of the Aurelii he raises his right arm toward a woman standing before him— the wife of Job who in the words of the Bible bade her husband in his misery curse God and die.”” At the left three nude figures are approaching—the three visitors who came to converse with

their unfortunate friend. | In a fresco of the first half of the fourth century, in the catacombs of St. Peter and St. Marcellinus, the wife of Job has brought her husband a small loaf of bread. But as a precaution against coming into too close contact with the leprous disease from which he suffers, she is warily proffering it to him at the end of a stick.” Though known as Blasphema for having tempted Job to curse his God, she is shown in the fresco as the provider of nourishment for her ailing husband, in a more positive role, one not mentioned in the Biblical text. The scene of Job and his wife is also to be found on a small group of Early Christian sarcophagi.”"* One of these monuments, moreover, was once directly associated with two of the saints

271. Eleven representations of Job are listed in Joseph Archeologia Cristiana, XxV11, 1921, pp. 83-93; pl. 13 opp. Wilpert, Die Malerei der Katakomben Roms, Freiburg-im- _ p. 92.

Breisgau, 1903, pp. 54 and 382ff. 273. Wilpert, op.cié., pp. 54 and 328; pl. 147.

272. Orazio Marucchi, “Un singolare gruppo di antiche 274. See Frederich Gerke, Der Sarkophag des Junius Bassus, pitture nel?ipogeo del Viale Manzoni,’ Nuovo Bulletino di Berlin, 1936, pls. 3 and 10; Orazio Marucchi, 1 Monumenti

54 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL of Reims. Although the sarcophagus that had first contained the bodies of St. Nicaise and St. Eutropie was destroyed during the French Revolution, the subject matter of the front panel is known from a seventeenth century drawing by Peiresc (Fig. 80).” On the extreme right of the relief Job was seated on a folding chair; in front of him stood his wife. As on the other sarcophagi, she was covering her nose with a fold of her robe against the stench of his sores;*° while with her right hand she was proffering her husband the loaf of bread at the end of the stick. Though the staff she once held had been broken off, the remains of the loaf are still discernible in the sketch.*” Undoubtedly this sculptured panel, preserved in the church of Saint-Nicaise at Reims, must have been known to the builders of the Gothic cathedral. The other subjects of the relief, however, provide no clue as to a possible reason for the presence of Job on the Calixtus Portal. The figure of Christ flanked by Peter and Paul in the center, and David and Goliath and the figure of Moses receiving the law on the left side of the composition, belong rather to the stock repertory of these Early Christian sarcophagi and have nothing to do with the iconography of the doorway.””* Moreover, in the later Middle Ages the theme of Job’s wife feeding her husband disappears in Western art, while the pictorial representations of the story of Job undergo a variety of transformations. Other actors in the drama are now included as the subject takes on more descriptive content and as the artist seeks to give a direct visual form to the metaphorical idiom of the Old Testament narrative. According to the Biblical account Satan is said to have smitten Job with boils from the sole of his foot to the crown of his head (Job 2:7). In a Bible of the year 960, preserved in the library of

St. Isidore at Leon, a winged Satan is literally striking the foot of Job with his spear, while Blasphema with an enormous hand gestures toward the figure of her husband (Fig. 81). In another Spanish manuscript, the Roda Bible, probably dating from the late eleventh or early twelfth century, the story of Job is depicted in a series of descending scenes (Fig. 82).”° At the top the patriarch is seated as a crowned king in a walled city; while before him stands the first of the four messengers who brought him the news of the succession of calamities that befell his cattle and children.

Immediately under this scene, and seated on what appears to be the roof of a house, the disconsolate Job, no longer crowned, is visited by Satan who, in accordance with Eastern iconography, is depicted as a winged angel with a dark halo. Below, within the upper story of the house itself, Job receives the three friends, while behind them stands Elihu. Above them Satan, flying through the air, hits the patriarch on the head with a wand in another literal interpretation of the smiting of Job with boils. Among the few sculptural representations of the afflictions of Job that have survived from the Romanesque period, one of the most impressive is that which occurs in the church of Saint-Andréle-Bas, Vienne (Fig. 83). Here on a carved capital of the nave, dating from the mid-twelfth century, the imposing figure of the seated patriarch is scraping the sores on his arm with a potsherd, thus illustrating the words of the Vulgate: “. . . testa saniem deradebat” (Job 2:8).7** The influence del Museo Cristiano Pio-Lateranense, Milan, 1910, pl. 27 ART BULLETIN, XIV, 1932, pp. 103-185, esp. pp. 174f., accords fig. 1; Edmond Le Blant, “D’une représentation inédite de with the date of 407 for the martyrdom of St. Nicaise. Job sur un sarcophage d’Arles,” Revue archéologique, 11, 1860, 278. For the type of “city-gate” sarcophagus to which

pp. 36-44; pl. 17. that of Saint-Nicaise is related, see Marion Lawrence, “City-

275. Bibl. Nat., Ms fr. 9530, fol. 152°; idem, Les sarco- Gate Sarcophagi,” ART BULLETIN, X, 1927-1928, pp. I-45, phages chrétiens de la Gaule, Paris, 1886, pp. 17f. and fig. esp. p. 16. p. 17. Fragments of the sarcophagus were preserved at Reims 279. MS 2, fol. 182°. Wilhelm Neuss, Die katalantsche until 1914. Louis Demaison, “Communication sur un bas-relief Bibelillustration, Bonn-Leipzig, 1922, pp. 72ff., 98ff.; pl. du sarcophage de St.-Nicaise,” Bulletin de la soc. nat. des 23 fig. 76.

antiquaires de France, 1926, pp. 133-135. 280. Bibl. Nat., lat. 6, fol. 637. Ibid., pl. 25, fig. 84. For

276. A gesture suggested by the text: “Halitum meum the problematic dating of these miniatures, see Walter W. S.

exhorruit uxor mea.” Job 19:17. Cook, “The Earliest Painted Panels of Catalonia (1),” art. 277. The period around 400 ascribed to the sarcophagus in BULLETIN, V, 1922-1923, pp. 85-101, esp. pp. 92f. and p. 93 n. Marion Lawrence, “Columnar Sarcophagi in the Latin West,” 281. Paul Deschamps, French Sculpture of the Romanesque

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 55 of the antique can be detected in the figure of his wife who appears at the right and who, as on the Early Christian sarcophagi, holds her garment to her nose against the stench of his sores. But undoubtedly the most monumental of all the representations of Job in the Middle Ages are those to be found at Chartres and Reims. On the tympanum of the right portal of the north transept of Chartres the dejected patriarch, no longer seated, lies prone on the littered dung heap (Fig. 85). As on the capital of Saint-Andréle-Bas he is absorbed in scraping his left arm with a broken shard (Figs. 83 and 85). Above him rises the figure of Satan, the upturned mask of his grotesque double-horned head resembling that of some Oriental devil-god, while with his clawed hands he has seized Job by his foot and the crown of his head. Thus is recalled the Biblical text that was more literally interpreted in the manuscript of St. Isidore and in the Roda Bible, where Satan was inflicting the patriarch with sores by striking his head and foot with spear and wand (Figs. 81 and 82). In front of Job his wife raises her hand in commiseration for her stricken husband lying at her feet (Fig. 85). On the opposite side of the relief are portrayed the three friends. As in the case of the Magi in later mediaeval art, differences in the ages of the three companions of Job are sometimes indicated by their beards, the youngest of them being a beardless youth.” At Chartres these conventional distinctions are heightened by a more individualized characterization. The bearded elder who bends over the head of Job and who has been identified as Eliphas, the most critical and discursive of the three visitors, fastidiously pulls his cloak away from the filthy dung heap (Fig. 85).*** Directly behind him the youthful, ugly-featured Zophar, with his coarse nose and smooth puffy cheeks, callously discusses with Bildad ways and means of confounding the patriarch in his unfortunate predicament. At the extreme left the middle-aged Bildad, his mouth agape at the sight of the patriarch in the Devil’s grasp, pulls at his beard in cynical deliberation. The same gesture of a calculated malevolence is to be found again on the lintel of the left portal of the south transept.

| Here, while St. Stephen is being led away to his stoning, the evil-eyed high priest craftily strokes his beard as he emerges from the city gate of Jerusalem, from which he has just ejected the saint (Fig. 91)."**

When one turns to Reims, it is immediately apparent that the group of Satan and Job on the tympanum of the Calixtus Portal owes its inspiration directly to the earlier relief at Chartres (Fig. 86).**° As at Chartres, Satan has grasped Job by the top of his head and upraised foot, now broken off. But at Reims the sculptor has reinterpreted the theme in terms of a stark and brooding intensity. Divested of the animal attributes of the Chartrain demon, the Satan at Reims, with his haggard body and toothless mouth, seems to be giving voice to the inner torment of the patriarch below.

Moreover, while the Chartrain Job was occupied in the physical act of scraping his arm, on the

Calixtus Portal he has transferred the potsherd to his breast in a gesture that was to become familiar in the later representations of the penitence of St. Jerome, while his gaze is turned sorrowfully outward toward the world. A prototype for the expressive melancholy of his features is to be found close at hand in a twelfth century Bible from St.-Thierry, now preserved in the library at Reims, where the sorrowful gaze of the pensive Job is still more poignantly defined (Fig. 84).”*° Period, Florence-New York (1930), p. 47; pl. 49b. For the 283. I have here followed the purely hypothetical identifidate of 1152 for this part of the nave, see Jean Vallery-Radot, cations of the three friends suggested in Selim Abdul-Hak, “Le style et Page du clocher de Saint-André-le-Bas 4 Vienne,” La sculpture des porches du transept de la cathédrale de Char-

Bulletin monumental, CIX, 1951, pp. 113-133, esp. p. 132. ¢res, Paris, 1942, p. 105.

Job scraping himself with the shard appears in the Spanish 284. Ibid., p. 208. Romanesque Farfa Bible (Neuss, of.cit., pl. 100 fig. 125) and 285. As first pointed out by Vége (“Die Bahnbrecher des

in two Franco-Flemish manuscripts, illustrated in Hanns Naturstudiums,” p. 196 n. 9). A date of circa 1220 has Swarzenski, Monuments of Romanesque Art, Chicago (1954), recently been given the so-called “Solomon’s Portal” at

pl. 160 figs. 353 and 354. Chartres by Sauerlinder (“Tombeaux chartrains,” p. 54).

282. As in the Franco-Flemish manuscript of circa 1140; 286. Initial “V” at the beginning of the Book of Job. Bibl. Nat., lat. 15307, fol. 1%. Ibéd., pl. 160 fig. 353. Reims, Bibl., Ms 23, fol. 45%. Henri Loriquet, Manuscrits de

56 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL Standing directly behind the patriarch on the tympanum of the portal, the wife of Job raises both hands to her face in a pose that may have been directly inspired by the figure of Job’s wife holding her garment to her nose on the sarcophagus of St. Nicaise (Fig. 80). But what was originally a gesture of repugnance has now been transformed into an expression of horror at the sight of her husband seized by Satan (Tig. 86). To the left of Job’s wife are two groups, each composed of three male figures animatedly conversing with each other, which undoubtedly belong to the scene of Job (Figs. 58 and 87). Their exact identity, however, has remained problematic. Indeed, the unrelatedness of the two groups, both to each other and to the central figure of the patriarch, is difficult to explain in terms of a connected and coherent narrative. But once it is accepted that the intent of the sculptor was not to depict a series of interrelated episodes, but rather to represent the chief actors in the drama of Job’s misfortunes, placed in a rhythmic alignment within the confines of the long frieze-like relief, their identity is readily established. The man pulling his beard at the extreme left of the relief can immediately be recognized as

the crafty Bildad of the tympanum at Chartres (Figs. 85 and 87). Next to him the beardless youthful Zophar clasps the hand of the aged Eliphas, here characterized by his careworn features. This scene, indeed, may well have been intended to represent the moment described in the Biblical text when, upon first hearing of Job’s misfortunes, his three friends came together and decided among themselves to pay the patriarch a visit (Job 2:11). To the right of the three friends, and separated from them by a tree-like bush, a closely knit group of three young men are engaged in earnest conversation (Fig. 87). Though according to the Biblical account the news of the destruction of his cattle and children were brought to Job by four successive messengers (Job 1:14-19), only three are generally shown in mediaeval art. In

the eleventh century Spanish Farfa Bible they present themselves simultaneously before the seated patriarch, as they do in the later cycle of the story of Job in a medallion from a thirteenth century window of the Sainte-Chapelle (Fig. 88) and on one of the small reliefs on the trumeau base of the Portail de la Calende at Rouen, of around 1280." Though the group is unrelated to the central figure of Job, it is undoubtedly the three messengers who are represented in the beard-

less youths at Reims, discussing perhaps the fatal portent of their reports before presenting themselves to the patriarch (Fig. 87)."* On the tympanum of the Calixtus Portal still another group of two bearded men and two veiled women have been placed to the right of Job (Fig. 86). In the final chapter of the Book of Job his brothers and sisters are said to have commiserated with him in his misfortunes and to have then bestowed upon him pieces of gold, in this manner restoring him to his former wealth (Job 42:11). Ona Romanesque capital of circa 1140, from the cloister of the cathedral of Pampeluna, the sculptor has chosen to illustrate the moment when, on first approaching him, his relatives are filled with compassion at sight of the stricken patriarch (Fig. 89). Some raise their hands in token of their grief, another clasps his ulcerated body, while still another gently supports his hand with a fold of his robe.” la bibliothéque de Reims, 1 (Catalogue général des Mss des p. 29 fig. 7.

bibl. pub. de France, xxxvitt), Paris, 1904, pp. 29f. 288. In the literature on the portal these two groups have 287. For the Farfa Bible from Santa Maria, Ripoll, see been only vaguely referred to as the friends and relatives of note 281. The Sainte-Chapelle medallion is part of the orig- Job, without differentiation between them. See Reinhardt, R.,

inal glass in an extensive narrative cycle of Job. See Louis p. 141. Grodecki in Marcel Aubert, Louis Grodecki, and others, Les 289. See Georges Gaillard, “Le chapiteau de Job aux vitraux de Notre-Dame et de la Sainte-Chapelle de Paris musées de Toulouse et de Pampelune,” La Revue des Arts, Xx, (Corpus Vitrearum Medii Aevi: France, 1), Paris, 1959, pp. 1960, pp. 146-156, esp. pp. 149f. and 156 fig. 18. A less 72f., 241ff. and 250, pl. 66 fig. D53 and p. 255. The relief on expressive rendering of the same group, in which the restored the Rouen portal is the ninth in a series of twenty scenes of the Job is standing and fully clothed, is to be found on a capital

story of Job. Louise Lefrancois-Pillion, Les portails latéraux from La Daurade in the museum, Toulouse. Ibid., p. 148 de la cathédrale de Rouen, Paris, 1907, pp. sf. and 3o0ff., and = fig. 4.

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 57 Much the same moment has been portrayed at Reims (Fig. 90). These brothers and sisters of Job are also among the more emotionally expressive figures on the portal. The poignant gestures of their raised hands, so reminiscent of the Romanesque capital, and their features furrowed in the intensity of their grief, are surely by the same sculptor who carved the figures of Job and his wife, while the more constrained poses and striated drapery of the messengers and the three friends betray the work of a less gifted associate (Figs. 87 and 90). THE PaTIENCE OF JoB AND THE Martyrs oF REIMS

At Chartres for the first time the subject of Job had been chosen as the main theme of a portal tympanum—a bold iconographic departure from the traditions of the past.”* But a host of literary references to Job bears witness to the continued fascination which this Old Testament patriarch and his problems had already exerted upon the Early Christian and mediaeval theologians. In the writings of the Church Fathers, preoccupied as they were with the immediate prospects of a posthumous salvation, special interest was attached to the passage in the Vulgate that was interpreted as signifying Job’s belief in the after life: “Scio enim quod Redemptor meus vivit et in novissimo die de terra surrecturus sum .. .”? (Job 19:25-27).”” But Job also provided a model for the Christian faced with the troubles and temptations of his earthly existence. Tertullian holds him up as an example of one who, by guarding himself with the breastplate of patience against the darts of temptation, recovered from God the wholeness of his body and retrieved in double

what he had lost.” Gregory of Tours, in mourning over the death of his children, who had been swept away by the plague, takes comfort in the words of Job: “Dominus dedit, Dominus abstulit. . . . Sit nomen eius benedictum in saecula.””’* When extolling the virtues of Murillio, bishop of Cahors, who suffered from gout, Gregory likens him to Job, who provided for the indigent, consoled the widow, and was the eye of the blind, the foot of the cripple, and the father of the poor.”* Adam Scotus interprets the words of Job: “I made a covenant with mine eyes; why then should I think upon a maid?” as indicating the self-discipline of the patriarch that shuns concupiscence.”* To Bernard of Clairvaux he is the example of that Christian piety whose inner virtue shines through the physical corruption of the outer man. His soul is filled with the aroma of his good deeds, which nullifies the stench of the flesh.”””

Moreover, as the outstanding example of one who had been guided by that steadfast patience that triumphs over the evil passions Job became closely allied with the personification of this particular virtue. Already in the fifth century, in the Psychomachia of Prudentius, Job accompanies Patientia, who in the conflict between the Virtues and the Vices remains invulnerable to the blows of the frustrated Ira.?** In an illustration in the Bamberg Apocalypse, of the beginning of the eleventh century, Patience stands victorious on the prone figure of her defeated rival, while grasping the wrist of the ulcer-spotted patriarch. On the same illuminated page, in a further elaboration 290. Besides the cycle at Rouen, the theme of Job plays liturgy. Edmond Le Blant, Etude sur les sarcophages chrétiens only a minor role in the other thirteenth century portals, as antiques de la ville d’Arles, Paris, 1878, p. 64. in a small relief on the central portal of Notre-Dame (Marcel 293. Liber de Patientia, PL, 1, cols. 1382. Aubert, Notre-Dame de Paris, Architecture et sculpture [Edi- 294. Historia Francorum, pp. 187f.

tions Albert Morancé], n.p. [1928], pls. 41 and 46) and in 295. Ibid., p. 195.

one of the archivolts of the south transept portal, Amiens 296. De Ordine, Habitu et Professione Canontcorum Ordt(Durand, Cathédrale d’Amiens, 1, p. 447 and pl. 48). nis Praemonstratensis, PL, CXCvul, col. 534. 291. Katzenellenbogen, Sculptural Programs of Chartres, 297. Sermones in Cantica, PL, cLxxxml, col. 829. The

pp. 67 and 78. passage reflects St. Bernard’s more mystical approach toward 292. See the comments of St. Jerome in his polemic against moral theology, as against the excessive use of reason by such

John of Jerusalem (PL, xx111, col. 398) and those of St. of his contemporaries as Abélard. See Etienne Gilson, La Ambrose and others, cited in Cabrol and Leclercq, vit, pt. 2, philosophie du moyen dge, Paris, 1952, pp. 297ff. cols. 2554f. In the catacomb frescoes and on the sarcophagi, 298. Adolf Katzenellenbogen, Allegories of the Virtues and however, Job was most probably connected with the salvation Vices in Mediaeval Art, London, 1939, pp. tf. themes in the Ordo Commendationis Animae of the funeral

58 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL of the triumph of the Virtues, Penitence accompanies David, Abraham is associated with Godfearing Obedience, and Moses with Purity.” As exemplifiers of the Christian virtues the Old Testament patriarchs were sometimes accorded a status comparable to that of the saints and martyrs of the church. According to Honorius of Autun both Noah and Daniel, as well as Job, are promised a place among the Elect on the Day of Judgment when, like travelers freed from the bondage of their perpetual wanderings, they shall at last return to their heavenly home.*” Abélard sets the proverbial patience of Job alongside that of the martyrs, a virtue stemming from the soul, which nevertheless can also manifest itself in a physical form in the manner in which the sufferings of the body are tolerated.** In his Compendium in Job Peter of Blois repeatedly compares the steadfastness of Job to the faith of the martyrs that remains unshaken in the face of their physical torments.*” On the tympanum of the Calixtus Portal the moral precepts exemplified by the afflicted patriarch may well have been intended to evoke in the contemplative observer those other virtues associated with the martyred prelates, whose statues stand below in the full panoply of their silken vestments.

Thus as a complement to the patience and forbearance of Job were added the fortitude and sacrifice of St. Nicaise, who as the Good Pastor had laid down his life for his flock.*°* And when in commemoration of St. Calixtus was sung the Canticle of the Martyrs, O Blessed is he who has withstood temptation, may not the canons of the cathedral, too, have been reminded of the Just Man Job who in his afflictions had so staunchly resisted the temptation to curse his God?*”*

The theme of Job thus expands to impart to other aspects of the portal the coloration of a didactic morality. Just as the sacerdotal orders of the church in the archivolts find their antecedents in the Jewish high priests, so the virtues of the martyrs of the church are foreshadowed in those of the patriarch on the tympanum. But the peculiarly prominent position that has been accorded the scene of Job on this transept doorway can hardly be explained in terms of these moral analogies alone. For here, in the very center of the tympanum, Job is surrounded above and below, not by the sufferings of the martyrs, but by the miraculous deeds of St. Remi (Fig. 58). SATAN AND THE MIRACLEs OF St. REMI

In dealing with the prominence of Job on the portal at Reims it must also be recognized that this is not only an iconographic problem in the textual sense. The scene on the tympanum is visually

disturbing as well. Whereas in the earlier representations of the story of Job the figure of Satan had been introduced as an accessory element, at Reims, as at Chartres, he now dominates, not only the reclining figure of Job, but the tympanum itself (Fig. 58). Placed directly in the vertical axis of the Calixtus Portal, he has become the focal center of the entire composition, a mysterious and unwanted presence. But if the figure of the triumphant Satan on this transept doorway is a discordant element, the problem of Satan and God and their intervention in human affairs, as described in the Book of Job,

presented a formidable challenge to the Christian theologians in their efforts to reconcile their own idea of deity with this ancient Semitic concept of the dual nature of the divine. By far the most voluminous of the commentaries on the Book of Job and among the most widely

299. Ibid., p. 15; p. 1§ n. 3, and p. 57. the twelfth century Ordinal of the cathedral. Ibid., pp. 296

300. Speculum Ecclesiae. PL, CLXxut, col. 854. and 300. The small relief of Job on the left outer buttress of 301. Prologue: Sic e¢ Non, PL, cLxxvitt, col. 1561. the west central portal of Notre-Dame also served as an illus-

302. PL, ccvn, col. 806. tration of the virtue of patience, and was thus related to the 303. The antiphonal, Bonus Pastor, was sung on the vespers series of the Virtues on the dado of the same doorway, as is

of the feast of St. Nicaise. Chevalier, p. 163. pointed out in Willibald Sauerlinder, “Die kunstgeschichtliche 304. The antiphonal “Beatus vir qui suffert [sic] tempta- Stellung der Westportale von Notre-Dame in Paris,’ Martionem” was sung in commemoration of St. Calixtus on the burger Jahrbuch fiir Kunstwissenschaft, xvi, 1959, pp. 1-56, Vigils of St. John the Baptist and St. Maurilius, according to esp. p. 8.

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 59 read of the patristic writings in the Middle Ages was the Moralija in Job of Gregory the Great.*” At Reims alone the library still possesses five mediaeval manuscripts of the Moralia, including a copy given to the cathedral by Hincmar.*” Almost all of the later comments on Job are ultimately derived from this massive work, while large portions of it furnished the immediate inspiration for the less extensive Compendium in Job written by the twelfth century prelate, Peter of Blois.°”’ In the comments on the passage in the Book of Job in which Satan first appears among the Sons of God, the problem of Satan in the midst of the Heavenly Host, and seemingly on a parity with Jehovah himself, was, as Gregory had already stated, a grave one. But it must not be inferred that he was there by God’s consent. Nor must it be thought that he actually saw God, a vision reserved only for the Blessed. Though seen by others, Satan did not himself see; for he was there as one blinded by the sun.** Just as perplexing to these commentators was the fact that God had condescended to enter into conversation with Satan, and that on seemingly equal terms. But in asking the Adversary, “Hast

thou considered my servant Job... a perfect and upright man?” God, says Peter of Blois, was really tormenting Satan, who is rent with anguish when he hears of man’s virtues.*"” Nor did God actually succumb to Satan’s proposition when He gave the patriarch into his power. Job was made to suffer in order that he should gain the crown of martyrdom, which gives pleasure to Christ, who rejoices at the sight of the agony of the martyrs.” Even more puzzling was the passage in which God said to Satan concerning Job, “. . . thou movest me against him, to destroy him without cause. .. .” Because God is just, says Gregory, it can not have been without cause that He was moved to destroy him. Job was afflicted without cause only in the sense that he had not sinned. But it was with cause that Job suffered in order that he should provide an example to others of those virtues with which he himself was enriched. Nor must it be taken in a literal sense that God was “against Job.” This is only a manner of speech in which God condescends to use our own idiom.*” God placed Job in Satan’s hands, says Peter of Blois, but did not actually relinquish His hold on him; for in the very act of deserting him, He was indeed guarding him lest he be overcome by temptation.°” These few examples illustrate some of the difficulties encountered by these theologians in dealing with a text so foreign to mediaeval religious thought. Baffling, indeed, was the inclusion of the Principle of Evil and Darkness in the hierarchy of Heaven. But above all the purpose of such commentators as Gregory and Peter of Blois was centered upon reconciling at all costs the primitive Jehovah of the Book of Job with the Eternal Logos of Christian theology and upon extracting a lofty moral purpose from the misfortunes inflicted upon the patriarch, where such meaning there was palpably none. But the theme of an innocent man as the victim of a contest between two divine powers, one of Darkness and the other of Light, is otherwise far from a unique one in religious lore. As Louis Réau has pointed out, the Book of Job not only recalls the Persian legend of the struggle between Ormazd and Ahriman, but belongs to an international mythology**—a story, moreover, in which

were presented in the most inscrutable form the perennial problems of good and evil and the 305. For the popularity in the Middle Ages of the Moralia, excerpts from the Compendium with a later versified transla-

completed by Gregory in 590, see Gilson, of.cit., p. 153. tion in the vernacular of Northern France. 306. Hincmar’s copy is contained in Mss 99-102. The other 308. Moralia, Bk. 2, chap. 4. PL, uxxv, col. 557; paracopies, from the abbey of Saint-Remi, are of the twelfth and phrased in the Compendium. PL, ccvti, col. 805. thirteenth centuries. Loriquet, Mss de la bibl. de Reims, 1, pp. 309. Ibid,

95ff. The edition of the Moralia in the Patrologia Latina is 310. Ibid., col. 806.

partly collated from these four manuscripts. PL, Lxxv, col. 502. 311. Moralia, Bk. 3, chap. 3. PL, Lxxv, cols. 60of. 307. PL, ccevit, cols. 795-826. The Compendium was com- 312. Compendium. PL, ccvi, col. 817. missioned by Henry 11 Plantagenet. Born circa 1135, Peter of 313. Iconographie de Dart chrétien, 11, pt. 1, Paris, 1956, Blois died in England in 1198 or 1204. See the editor’s intro- p. 311. According to Réau, the Book of Job, not older than

duction in L’Hystore Job (ed. R. C. Bates) (Yale Romantic 400 B.C., may have been influenced by Persian dualistic Studies, XIV), New Haven, 1937. This publication contains concepts.

60 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL relationship of deity to man. Nor is it from the theological point of view that seeks to determine the true nature of God, or even his existence, but rather from the standpoint of the divine as a subjective human concept, that the presence of Job on the Calixtus Portal can best be understood. For if the Book of Job has meaning at all, it points up in the most poignant terms, as no other story in the Old Testament does, the perennial need for a reconciling symbol between man and his own ambivalent image of deity. The idea that Christ as a reconciling agent was the answer to a human need arising out of man’s own conflicting concepts of the nature of the divine would have been unintelligible to a mediaeval theologian. The possibility that there could also exist human images of the godhead that were compounded of whim, destruction, and a capricious disregard for man, was strictly ignored in conventional mediaeval theology. The Jehovah of the Book of Job who, as a matter of personal whim, delivers one of his creatures into the hands of another God, one of chaos and destruction, as the result of a wager between them, was assumed to be the same as the providential God of Thomas Aquinas, which allows only of the absolutes of power, justice, knowledge and goodness.*™ Satan was he who, in the miracle of the fire in the Life of St. Remi, must be chased out of the city and the gate sealed up against him, and woe to him who opens that gate and lets the Adversary in. Nevertheless, even Gregory was by no means unaware of the predicament of Job as the helpless pawn in this conflict of the divine powers. Satan, says Gregory, was not against Job but against God, while as the subject of their rivalry Job indeed found himself in the very center of their

| strugele.*

What might well serve as a visual illustration of this passage from the Moralia occurs in an illuminated initial in the twelfth century Bible in the library at Reims, which originally came from

the nearby abbey of Saint-Thierry. Here the artist has intuitively captured the subjective and psychological character of the patriarch’s predicament (Fig. 84). On the upper left terminal of the initial “V” the wolf-like head of Satan breathes fire toward the beardless cross-nimbed figure of the Christ-Logos that confronts him on the opposite side of the initial, while between these two supernatural apparitions the seated patriarch below meditates on their conflict, in whose very grip he now finds himself. Moreover, within the confines of mediaeval theology itself a solution to the dilemma of Job could also be formulated—not, indeed, in the transcendental terms of the Eternal Logos, but in the Christ of the Incarnation, Peter the Lombard, that twelfth century bishop of Paris, who in his youth had also attended the episcopal school of Reims, has stated it in no uncertain terms: “... and there is one mediator between man and God, he is as though a middle arbiter for composing peace, Christ Jesus, made man for all, that thus there should be a mediator. For not otherwise but through man could he mediate. Here is that arbiter whom Job desired, when he spoke of the one that was an arbiter for us. For it was fitting that the mediator between men and God should possess something of the nature of God and something of the nature of man.”*** Much the same idea had already been expressed by Gregory in the Moralia: “Therefore, let the holy man (Job) ... call for the Mediator between God and man, God and man in one... . For the Redeemer of mankind, who was made the Mediator between God and man through the 314. See Etienne Gilson, The Spirit of Mediaeval Philoso- enim aliter quam per hominem mediat. Hic est arbiter ille phy (trans. A. H. C. Downes), London, 1936, pp. 133 and quem Job desiderat dicens, uter esset nobis arbiter. Mediator 156ff., for a survey of the development of the concept of the autem inter Deum et hominibus oportebat ut haberet aliquid

godhead in mediaeval theology. simile Deo, et aliquid simile hominibus . . .” Collectanea in

315. “... diabolus non contra Job, sed contra Deum certa- Epistolas S. Pauli. PL, cxcit, col. 339. Arriving at Reims from men proposuit; materia vero certaminis beatus Job in medio Italy, Peter the Lombard later became the first of the scholastic

fuit.”” Moralia, Bk. 2, chap. 6. PL, Lxxv, col. 662. theologians, before being elected bishop of Paris in 1159. 316. “. . . et unus est mediator Dei et hominum, id est ad Histoire littéraire de la France, 1X, 1750, pp. 34, 63, 72 and

componendam pacem quasi medius arbiter, scilicet Christus 210.

Jesus, pro omnibus factus homo, ut sic esset mediator. Non

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 61 flesh, . . . did both convict man, that he might not sin, and withstand God, that he might not smite... 27°" Thus the redeemer whom Job longs for, as described by Gregory and Peter the Lombard, is indeed none other than the reconciling agent between man and his own conflicting concepts of the divine. So too on the Calixtus Portal the scene of the sorrowing Job, helpless in the clutches of Satan, presents the problem that is resolved in the mediating Christ, who in the apex of the tympanum above bestows His blessing upon the world (Fig. 58). In however naive or derivative a form, the miracles wrought by the saints are also the result of this reconciliation, which testifies to the healing power of the divine, now redeemed among mankind. It is not merely as a play on words that St. Remi is referred to by Hincmar as that ‘Remedy who was made the reconciler in the day of the wrath of God and the mitigator of His fury.”** He is the “Remedy” just because he is the “mitigator of the wrath of God.” As the “reconciler” he is also a type of the mediating Christ. So on the Calixtus Portal two of his miracles that recall those of the Wedding at Cana and the Raising of the Daughter of Jairus are placed directly beneath the figure of the enthroned Saviour at the top of the tympanum (Fig. 4-H and I, and Fig. 58). So his birth as depicted on the tympanum is, like that of all the divine heroes, a miraculous event—the seated figure of the Blessed Celinie and the infant St. Remi, an image of the Virgin holding the divinely incarnated Child (Figs. 59 and 61). The mission of St. Remi in the world and his very name, divinely chosen before he was conceived, are likened by Hincmar to the words of the prophecy concerning the name of Jesus and the redemptive mission of the Saviour: And our Lord and Redeemer, He is that Saviour who was named Jesus before He was born of mortal flesh, to be for his people the salvation of their sins. Thus, too, the blessed St. Remi, who was destined to guide the church and its faithful through the stormy seas of a ravaged world, was likewise preordained by God to bear the name of Remi.*?®

Who, indeed, are these wonder-working saints of the Middle Ages if not the lesser ‘Christs in

that great Pantheon that was mediaeval hagiolatry? With but minor alterations most of the miracles of St. Remi on the Calixtus Portal could be readily transformed into those of the Gospel stories. And if it is by accident that the futile attempt of St. Benedict to exorcise the girl from Toulouse has been placed on the third register of the tympanum as a companion piece to the scene of Job, the result is nevertheless a most meaningful one (Fig. 4-K and L, and Fig. 58). On the right side of the relief, the demon is in possession of the tormented girl, whose dilemma can be resolved only by the successful exorcism performed by St. Remi, as depicted in the register immedi-

ately below; while to the left of the girl from Toulouse Satan has seized the patriarch, whose predicament finds its resolution in the reconciling symbol of the mediating Christ above. Here in the very center of the composition, where the demonic powers hold sway, the theme of the thauma-

turgical wonders of St. Remi, which are to rectify the ills of the world, is merged with the redeeming mission of the Saviour. THE THEOPHANIES OF CHRIST AND THE CatixtTus PorTAL

At Reims and Chartres the scene of Job belongs to a new category of subjects in the iconography of the cathedral portals which includes incidents from the lives of the regional saints and those of 317. Moralia, Bk. 9, chap. 38. PL, Lxxv, cols. 893f. scripts in Strasbourg. F. J. Mone, Lateinische Hymnen des 318. “Remedius, qui mitigator furoris Domini in tempore Méttelalters, 111, Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1855, pp. 489f. iracundiae factus est reconciliatio . . 2? Hincmar, p. 262. St. 319. “Et Dominus ac Redemptor noster Jesus, id est SalvaRemi continued to be popularly known as the Remedium to tor, copnominatus est, antequam carne natus; eo quod salvum whom the wretched appealed in their prayers, as in two twelfth facturus esset populum suum a peccatis eorum. century hymns, one sung at Reims on the vespers of the feast of “Tta ergo et beatus Remigius ab eo, quod ecclesiam sibi his Nativity, published in Jadart, “Vie de saint Remi dans la credendam inter fluctivagos mundi recturus esset anfractus, poésie populaire,” p., 125; the other preserved in two manu- Remigii a cognomen a Deo est assecutus.” Hincmar, p. 261.

62 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL the martyrs, and which on the lateral doorways of the transepts at Chartres has largely replaced the traditional Christological and transcendental themes. Moreover, at Chartres a subtle relationship now links the otherwise conventional figure of Christ in the upper register of the tympanum with the hero of the particular drama that is being enacted below—a true theophany in which the Saviour vouchsafes to manifest Himself to the individual in a certain manner at a crucial moment in time. So on the tympanum of the left portal of the south transept St. Stephen, at the moment of his stoning, gazes upwards at the majestic presence of the crowned Christ, the heavenly ruler of that Kingdom into which the protomartyr is about to be received (Fig. 91). On the tympanum of the right portal of the same transept St. Martin, having divided his cloak with the beggar, dreams on that self-same night that the Lord appeared to him wearing the beggar’s portion of the cloak (Fig. 92). Above the scene of the sleeping saint and flanked by two angels, Christ emerges as a visionary apparition from a bank of waving clouds and wearing the beggar’s cloak over his left shoulder and arm—the Lord of humility and compassion as a complement to the regal aspect of Christ the King in the corresponding tympanum of the stoning of St. Stephen.*”° On the north transept of Chartres, above the scene of Job, the same theme of the half figure of Christ emerging from the clouds suggests the theophanic vision of the Christ to be, the Mediator between God and man, “the arbiter whom Job desired” (Fig. 85).° The same motif is used again in a medallion of a copy of the Bible Moralisée, dating from the middle of the thirteenth century. Here Job points to the half figure of Christ emerging from the clouds in illustration of the verse,

“For I know that my Redeemer liveth...” (Fig. 93).°” On the portal at Reims, however, where a psychological realism is so strikingly contrasted with an emphasis on the hierarchical character of the sacred personages, the clouds have been dispensed with, while the full-length figure of the Saviour, hieratically enthroned and holding the Book of Salvation, bestows His blessing on the world (Fig. 79). On the keystone of the outermost archivolt above has been carved another figure of the blessing Christ (Fig. 94). The globe that He holds is emblematic of His universal rule, just as the sainted popes in the voussoirs of the same archivolt are His earthly representatives (Fig. 4-A and D). In like manner the hieratic pose of the blessing Saviour on the tympanum itself is subtly linked to the trumeau statue of Pope Calixtus, who as His Vicar on earth raises his hand in pontifical

blessing (Fig. 3). In the interplay of contrasting elements the pope on the trumeau assumes indeed a crucial role as a unifying figure in the iconography of the doorway. As a martyred saint whose relics were venerated in the cathedral, he is allied to the two martyrs of Reims who occupy the left embrasure, and as the highest among the priestly hierarchies of the church and their Old Testament prototypes, he is also related to the general subject matter of the archivolts and to Samuel and St. Remi. But behind the intricate nuances of these iconographic relationships also lie those other aspects of the doorway that have supplied the major themes in the preceding chapters of this study, those more imponderable factors that prompted the canons of the cathedral in the third decade of the thirteenth century to choose these particular subjects, and none other, for their processional door320. The scenes of St. Martin occupy the left compartments _lenbogen, ibid., p. go, such allegorical interpretations do not of the tympanum; episodes from the legend and cult of St. seem to apply to the Job at Reims, for whose presence in the Nicholas are on the right. Abdul-Hak, Sculpture des porches content of the doorway no explanation is given.

de Chartres, pp. 235ff. 322. Oxford, Bodleian Library, Ms 270, fol. 218". In the 321. Interpreted in Peter Kidson, Sculpture at Chartres, typological sense the passage from Job is here interpreted as

London, 1958, p. 53, as representing God himself as the reward signifying the testimony of the Apostles to the Resurrection of and consolation of Job’s sufferings. In Katzenellenbogen, Christ. Alexandre de Laborde, La Bible Moralisée, Paris, 1911-

Sculptural Programs of Chartres, p. 68 and p. 68 nn. 57 and 1927 (Text) pp. 23ff. and (Plates) 1, pl. 218. The largest 58, the Job at Chartres not only foreshadows the sufferings of | manuscript enterprise of the Middle Ages, the Moralized Christ but, since the body of Christ is also the Church, Job Bibles were probably influenced by the glass of the Saintelikewise stands for the Church itself, successful in the on- Chapelle. See Grodecki in Aubert and others, Vitraux de Notreslaughts that have been made upon it. According to Katzenel- Dame et de la Sainte-Chapelle, p. 83.

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 63 way—a. portal that is not only a sculptured compendium of the saints of Reims and a witness to their ancient cults, but also a monument to that moment when the ambitions of the proud prelates of Reims were finally crowned with success. The Portal of the Martyrs, it is also the Portal of the Church Triumphant, where the incense from the thuribles of the priestly acolytes was to mingle with the unseen incense of the angels. Not only a memorial to the magical powers of the sacerdotal function, but in the scene of Job the expression too of a deeper humanity, it testifies as well to that most extravagant of the superstitions of the Middle Ages, the legend of the sacred ampulla, which supplied the mystique for a monarchy long since vanished, and by that same token was instrumental in the founding of a great nation of the modern world.

APPENDICES

, APPENDIX A A Seventeenth Century Description of the North Transept Portals of the Cathedral of Reims “Au costé senestre de ladicte église sont deux grands_cloistre des Chanoines et en celle qui entre au cloistre portaux de semblable haulteur et largeur que ceux de ou I’on faict ordinairement la procession, le martyr de

la nef. A chacun d’iceux sont trois grandes images, St Nicaise et les miracles de St Remy, en plus de 80 scavoir: d’un costé de St Nicaise, sa soeur et un ange; images comprises en 8 rang(s), non compris diverses de l’autre, St Remy, un ange et un roy; de plus, en images de table aux épitaphes adjacents vers le Beau celle du milieu, a Pentour de larcade d’iceluy portail Dieu.” Pierre Cocquault, Histoire de Péglise, ville et par rangs séparés, 44 images et au fond, sur ledict province de Reims, ut. Reims, Bibliothéque Municiportail ou face diceluy, 4 lentour de l’arcade de cha- pale, ms 1609, fol. 29°. cune representante, scavoir: a celle qui entre au grand

APPENDIX B

The Earlier Projects for the West Portals of the Cathedral of Reims Twenty-six of the thirty-five monumental statueson the Judgment Portal on the north transept is lower the present west portals of the cathedral of Reims than the central doorway only because the archivolts appear to belong to an earlier, less extended project for and embrasures are set at right angles to the facade. the facade. The positions for which they were orig- If they were splayed in the usual fashion, both portals inally intended in this earlier project can be determined would have approximately the same overall dimenby the placement marks engraved on the statues, as_ sions. In this case they would not be suitable for the published in Henri Deneux, “Signes lapidaires et épu- triple doorways of a facade, in which the lateral portals res du xulI° siécle a la cathédrale de Reims,” Bulletin are invariably smaller and lower. monumental, LXXXIV, 1925, pp. 99-130. Photomon- Reinhardt has endeavored to cope with this problem tages of the statues in their original positions are illus- by retaining the right angles of the embrasures of the

trated in Doris Schmidt, “Portalstudien zur Reimser Judgment Portal and by further reducing the height Kathedrale,” Miinchener Jahrbuch der bildenden of the doorway by removing one of the registers of the Kunst, ser. 3, XI, no. 2, 1964, pp. 14-58, esp. pp. 32- tympanum. Very real objections to this, as well as to 37, figs. 15-20. See also Reinhardt, R., pp. 164f. other features of Reinhardt’s reconstruction, have been Additional evidence for this earlier project has been expressed by Robert Branner in his review of Reinsubmitted by Schmidt (idid., p. 27 fig. 11). On the hardt’s monograph (ART BULLETIN, XLv, 1963, pp. north face of the base of the extreme left buttress a 375ff.). vertical break in the masonry indicates that the but- Another difficulty with this scheme is of an iconotresses, as originally planned, were to have been less graphic nature. For it would be unprecedented to place salient than they are now, in conformity with the more a portal devoted to the local saints in the center of the

restricted scheme of this earlier project. triple portals of a west facade. I'wo alternative proSince both the central and left portals of the north posals have recently been presented that seek to solve transept are obviously later additions to this facade, it both of these problems. has long been thought that they were first intended for In a scheme, somewhat too piecemeal to be entirely

a still earlier program for the west facade, here for plausible, Doris Schmidt (of.cit., pp. 24ff.) has sugconvenience designated as West 1. In this case, how- gested that the Virgin Portal occupied the center of ever, where the evidence is by no means as clear, West 1, with the six Christophores in the embrasures, considerable differences of opinion exist as to its orig- while the architectural elements of the embrasures

inal nature. themselves were those of the present portal of the According to the older theory, as presented in Erwin _ saints on the north transept. As evidence for this curious Panofsky, “Uber die Reihenfolge der vier Meister von reapportionment of architecture and sculpture, Schmidt

Reims,” Jahrbuch fiir Kunstwissenschaft, 1927, pp. (ibid., p. 26) cites the small angel emerging from the 55-82, esp. pp. 56ff., the portal of the saints occupied extreme left canopy of the central transept portal. This the central position of West 1, with the Judgment angel, so Schmidt claims, was originally associated with Portal on the left, exactly as on the north transept the group of Abraham and Isaac from the series of the (Fig. 1). The right portal was assumed to have been Christophores, which stood immediately below. It is devoted to the Virgin Mary. The six archaic statues of highly unlikely, however, that this angel had anything “prophets,” which are more properly designated as to do with the Sacrifice of Isaac, since a similar angel Christophores, and which are now on the right portal emerges from the outermost canopy of the opposite of the west front and on the neighboring buttress, are embrasure (Fig. 3). thought to have belonged to this earlier doorway, of In Robert Branner, “The North Transept and the which no other sculptures have survived, if indeed they First West Facades of Reims Cathedral,” Zettschrift

were ever executed. fir Kunstgeschichte, xxiv, no 3/4, 1961, pp. 220-241,

The latest version of this scheme is that which has _ still another alternative for West 1 has been proposed, been presented in the form of a detailed reconstruction which is partly based on a series of engraved archiin Reinhardt, R., pp. 105ff. and p. 107 fig. 9, in tectural drawings preserved on the wall of the triforium which the Christophores have been rather unaccounta-__ passage of the south transept. These drawings consist bly placed, not in the embrasures of the Virgin Portal, of plans, actual size, for the inside splays of a central but on the buttresses. One of the major difficulties en- portal with trumeau and a lateral portal, without trucountered in this, as well as in any other hypothetical meau, together with the springing of the archivolts of scheme for West 1, however, resides in the fact that both portals. /did., pp. 231f. The dimensions of the

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 69 central doorway correspond in width to those of the have occurred shortly after work on West 1 had begun.

Judgment Portal on the north transept, though the In the case of the portal of the saints this is certainly apex of its tympanum is somewhat too low to fit into substantiated by the relative homogeneity of its sculpthe archivolts of the engraved drawing. In spite of this tures, which is in striking contrast to the stylistic dislight discrepancy, Branner has claimed that the designs versity encountered on the other doorways of the were intended for West 1, with the Judgment Portal cathedral. The trumeau statue in particular bears direct

in the center. But what of the portal of the saints? comparison with the two bishop saints in the embraSince in the drawings the lateral portal is without a_ sures. Nor is the fact that this statue is slightly taller trumeau and since the archivolts are too small for the than the others necessarily an indication that it was, tympanum of the central portal on the north transept, as Branner has claimed, an “afterthought.” On the Branner has concluded that only the embrasures of west front of Amiens the three trumeau statues are all the portal of the saints were intended for West 1. Only _ perceptibly taller than those in the embrasures. Indeed,

when these elements of the doorway were transferred in spite of all the scholarly attention which the probto the north transept were the rest of its sculptures lems of West 1 have received, and of the careful investiexecuted, which included the trumeau, the tympanum gation made by Professor Branner of the structural

and the archivolts. details of the north transept facade, the exact nature of According to Branner the abandonment of the pro- this earlier project for the west front still remains very gram for West I in favor of the north transept must much in the realm of hypothetical conjecture.

APPENDIX C

The Rational The term “rational’’ was applied to two quite differ- erat factum (Exodus 28). Huis doctrina et veritas, ac ent ecclesiastical ornaments worn by popes and bishops _duodecim pretiosi lapides contexti, nominaque filiorum

in the Middle Ages. The more usual form of ‘the Israel insculpta erant, et hoc pontifex in pectore ob rational was that of an elaborate shoulder covering, recordationem populi portabat. Hoc in nostris vestibus reminiscent of the pallium. The second type, never sO praefert per ornatum, qui auro et gemmis summis widespread, consisted of a jeweled plaque suspended casulis in pectore affigitur.” PZ, cuxxu, col. 608. At on a chain hung around the neck. Joseph Braun, Die Reims the rational was worn by the archbishop onl

liturgische Gewandung tm Occident und Orient, Frei- 9. solemn feast days. Marlot, H 6 y burg-im-Breisgau, . 6974f. pectoral took MATION, 2 e9examples Thy Ps O49: 5" Sgau, 1907s1PP. 9970This 5 Pe Outside ofSYS. Reims only a few of the rec-

a variety of shapes, as can be seen in the rationals worn ; y P

by the embrasure statues of the popes and bishops in the tangular rational are to be found, as on the statue of

south transept portals of Chartres. Marcel Aubert, St. Peter on the north centr al portal of Chartres La cathédrale de Chartres, Paris (1952), pls. 69, 70, (Houvet, Chartres: Portail nord, I, pl. 10), and on 75 and 76, At Reims the particular form of this type the effigy of Pope Clement 11 in the cathedral, Bamof the rational was that of a rectangular pectoral berg. See Erwin Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture (ed. H. studded with twelve jewels that continued in use until] W. Janson), New York, 1964, p. 54 and p. 305 n. late in the fifteenth century, as indicated in the 1470 203- The high priests of the Old ‘Testament are also inventory of the cathedral. Marlot, H., m1, pp. 531f. occasionally shown wearing the Reims rational. ExamThat this type of the rational was modeled on the ples include Aaron on a console in the abbey church of breastplate of Aaron, as described in Exodus 28: 15-30, Saint-Remi, Reims, and on the outer archivolt of the is confirmed in a passage from the Gemma Animae of Judgment Portal of Notre-Dame, Paris; and Samuel Honorius of Autun: “Rationale a lege est sumptum, and Zadok in the voussoirs of the archivolt above the quod ex auro hyacintho, purpura unius palmi mensura rose window on Reims west (Fig. 45).

APPENDIX D

The Popes on the Outer Archivolt of the Calixtus Portal Of the sixteen nimbed prelates seated on the vous- land, went to France as a youth still in his teens and soirs of the outer archivolt of the Calixtus Portal, settled for a time in Provence, where he entered the fourteen can be identified as popes by their conical monastic life. Before leaving for Rome he became tiaras (Figs. 3 and 4—D). All are likewise vested with abbot of the monastery of St. Rufus near Avignon. In

the pallium. Only three of them, however, wear the the Histoire littéraire de la France, x11, 1814, pp. Reims type of rectangular rational. They are to be 287f., it is stated that, before journeying to Provence, found on the lowest voussoir of the left archivolt and Nicholas Breakspear went to Paris, then to Languedoc. on the lowest and fourth voussoirs on the right (Figs. In Alfred H. Tarleton, Nicholas Breakspear (Adrian

37 and 38). In Schmidt, “Portalstudien zur Reimser tv), London, 1896, p. 35, it is claimed, without supKathedrale,” p. 38, these three popes are identified as porting evidence, that the youthful Nicholas lived first Silvester 11, Urban um, and Hadrian tv, all of whom at Saint-Denis. In his history of Reims, Marlot makes are claimed by Schmidt to have been former prelates no mention whatsoever of Hadrian Iv. of Reims. This would seem to hold true, however, On the Calixtus Portal two more seated prelates, for only two of the popes. Silvester 11 (999-1003) had both wearing the pallium, flank the keystone of the been archbishop of Reims as Gerbert of Aurillac. outer archivolt. Instead of tiaras, however, they have Duchesne, Fastes épiscopaux, m1, p. 78; Marlot, H., been given skull caps. As can be seen in Figure 94, it i, p. 88. As Eudes, Urban 11 (1088-1099) had been _ is possible that the tall tiaras were omitted so as not to archdeacon of Reims. /did., pp. 200f. As to Hadrian block the figure of Christ carved on the keystone. For Iv (1154-1159), I have not been able to find any undoubtedly these figures were also intended to repreevidence that he had ever been to Reims. The principal sent popes. The pose of the prelate on the right, with authorities for this pope are collected in the Pontificum the remains of his pontifical staff clearly visible in Romanorum Vitae (ed. I. M. Watterich), Leipzig, photographs before 1914, is exactly that of the pope 1862, 1, pp. 323-341. These include his Life by his seated immediately below; while the raised left hand chamberlain, Boso, as well as shorter accounts by of the other prelate indicates that he also once held William of Newburgh and Matthew Paris. All agree a staff. that Hadrian tv was born Nicholas Breakspear in Eng-

APPENDIX E

The Archbishops on the Inner Archivolt of the Calixtus Portal Of the twelve episcopal prelates on the inner archi- or hold their pastoral staffs, this prelate holds a framed volt of the Calixtus Portal, all of whom have double- plaque, of a type on which were displayed emblematic horned mitres of thirteenth century type, only one, in devices (Fig. 38). A similar framed board is held by the lowest left voussoir, wears the rational (Fig. 37). a cleric at the extreme left of the Baptism of Clovis

In Schmidt, ‘“Portalstudien zur Reimser Kathedrale,” on the neighboring tympanum (Fig. 52). On the p. 38, it is suggested that this figure may represent archivolt the incised design of the plaque has been either Hincmar or Henry of Braine, while the other reproduced in an engraving in Charles Cerf, Histoire prelates are characterized simply as bishops. Might they et description de Notre-Dame de Reims, Reims, 1861,

not also represent archbishops of Reims? I, fig. 2, plate opp. p. 595, where the panel is erroneThough the rectangular rational was peculiar to ously labeled a book. Reims, it does not seem to have constituted the indis- In the central medallion of the panel a cross on a pensable mark of identity in the sculptural representa- tall stem undoubtedly represents the archiepiscopal staff tions of the Reims metropolitans. None of the statues and is thus emblematic of the see of Reims itself, just identified as canonized bishops of Reims in the embra- as in the tapestries donated to the cathedral by Arch-

sures of the west portals wear the rational, while St. bishop Lenoncourt in 1530, his arms and those of the Remi does in the baptism of Clovis in the Gallery of chapter are surmounted by the pastoral cross. See Marie the Kings (Fig. 57). Nor is the rational used con- Godbillon-Sartor, Les tapisseries, toiles peintes et bro-

sistently on the tympanum of the Calixtus Portal. deries de Reims, Reims, 1912, p. 68. In the lower Whereas St. Remi wears it in the baptism of Clovis, part of the plaque the two conventionalized roses may he does not in the miracle of the fire in the second have been intended as the symbols of the Virgin Mary,

register (Figs. 52 and 63). the patroness of the cathedral, while the sun and cres-

It is highly unlikely, moreover, that the eleven other cent moon at the top are the usual accompaniments of bishops in the archivolt of the Calixtus Portal, all of the Crucifixion.

whom wear the pallium, are not also metropolitans. The same symbolism is to be found in the twin If they are not those of Reims, then it must be sup- _lancets of the axial clerestory window of the apse of the posed that eleven archbishops of sees other than Reims cathedral (Fig. 51). The angel surmounting the are here not only given a place of honor but the aura emblematic facade of the Church of Reims holds the of a saintliness too, as indicated by their halos. But this pastoral cross, while immediately above is the Virgin hardly accords with the prominence repeatedly given and Child. In the other lancet, above archbishop Henry at Reims to the images of its archbishops in the other of Braine, the sun and moon flank the scene of the monuments, including the stained-glass windows of Crucifixion. See Reinhardt, R., pl. 43 after p. 192. the nave, where a metropolitan of Reims was placed ‘Thus the prelate with the rational on the left archivolt

in each of the clerestory lancets. is represented in the full panoply of an archbishop of Moreover, the archbishop in the lowest right vous- Reims, while his opposite number displays a design soir, who faces the metropolitan with the rational, is emblematic of the archiepiscopal see, which further also unique in the series of prelates on the inner archi- confirms the identity of the twelve prelates as metrovolt, Whereas the others raise their hands in admonition _ politans of Reims.

A2

APPENDIX F

The Chasse of St. Remi in the Abbey Church of Saint-Remi, Reims The original shrine of wood covered with silver grossiérement travaillée et representoit sur les deux plaques, made by Hincmar in 852, is very probably cdtés les douzes Archevéques de Reims prédécesseurs that which is depicted in an engraving of the tomb of d’Hincmar.” The twelve early bishops of Reims on

St. Remi by E. Moreau, based on a drawing by G. the shrine are also referred to in Prosper Tarbé, Baussonnet, dated 1633, reproduced in Nicolas Bergier, Trésors des églises de Reims, Reims, 1843, p. 190 Le dessein de Vhistoire de Reims (ed. Jean Bergier), n. 2; Claude Poussin, Monographie de VPabbaye et de

Reims, 1635, pl. 5. Here the sides of the shrine Péghse de S‘-Remi de Reims, Reims, 1857, pp. 185f. are decorated with a series of round-arched panels. A golden aperture studded with jewels at one end of In 1650 this shrine was placed inside a new one made the shrine served as a window through which the relics of solid silver, Pierre-Louis Péchenard, Les reliques de could be seen. Around the aperture were engraved Saint-Remi, Reims, 1898, p. 15; p. 15 n. 13 p. 38. verses that referred to Hincmar as the builder of the See also Charles Givelet, Henri Jadart, and Louis shrine. Guillaume Marlot, Le tombeau du grand saint Demaison, “L’ancienne chasse de saint Remi,” Trav. Remy, Reims, 1647, pp. 63f., wherein the older shrine de Pacad. de Reims, xcvu, 1894-1895, pp. 293-300, is described before it was enclosed in the new one made esp. p. 298. A description of the older shrine is given in 1650. In the aperture was kept the reliquary in the in the Almanach historique de la ville de Retms, Reims, form of a golden dove that contained the sacred am1771, pp. 74ff., esp. p. 77: “L’ancienne Chasse n’étoit pulla. Jéid., p. 142. que de bois revétu d’une lame d’argent; elle étoit

APPENDIX G

The Clerestory Windows in the Apse and Choir of Saint-Remi, Reims These windows, in the form of triple lancets, con- The Virgin and Child in the central axial window stituted the most important large assemblage remaining of the apse was surrounded in the flanking lancets by of late twelfth century French stained glass. Restored a double tier of figures—above, by apostles and prophin the nineteenth century and again, more drastically, ets; below, by a long roster of the archbishops of Reims, after their partial destruction in World War 1, they beginning with St. Remi as patron of the church, then have been dated circa 1175-1180 by Louis Grodecki Sixtus and Sinicius, followed by Sts. Nivard, Nicaise,

in Marcel Aubert and others, Le vitrail frangais Rigobert, Réole, and other early bishops. The eleventh (Publication: Musée des arts décoratifs de Paris), and early twelfth century metropolitans occupied the Paris, 1958, p. 108 and p. 108 n. 25. The subject choir lancets, while the latest in the series were in the matter of the windows, as they existed prior to World windows adjacent to the transept—Samson (1140War 1, is known from the description in Louis De- 1161), followed by Henri de France (1162-1175), maison, “Eglise Saint-Remi,” Congrés archéologique, under whom the rebuilding of the chevet of the abbey

Reims, 1911, I, pp. 57-106, esp. p. 92. church was begun.

APPENDIX H

The Sculptures of the Archivolt and Spandrels above the Rose Window, West Eacade, Cathedral of Reims The ten voussoirs of the archivolt illustrating the life Etienne Moreau-Nélaton, La cathédrale de of David and that of Solomon, many of them destroyed Reims, Paris (1915), pl. 66. during World War 1, are among the more expressive 2. Solomon praying for wisdom. Vitry, of.cit., pl.

of the sculptures of the latter part of the thirteenth 95-

voussoir: ; .

century to be found on the cathedral. The following 3. Judgment of Solomon: Solomon and a Soldier is a list of the subjects, whose chronological order does who holds the Child.

not always coincide with that of the Biblical text: 4. Judgment of Solomon: The Two Women.

Right half of the archivolt, beginning with the lowest Moreau Nélaton opt oon Oils Pls 94

oo 5. Solomon and the Queen of Sheba. Vitry, of.cit.,

1. David bringing Saul the head of Goliath. Vitry, pl. 93; Moreau-Nélaton, of.cit., pl. 62. Cathédrale de Reims, 1, pl. 96.

2. Anointing of David by Samuel (Fig. 45). In the spandrels above the archivolt of the rose the 3. David conferring with a warrior (Uriah the relief of David and Goliath has been extensively reHittite? ). Voussoirs 1, 2, and 3 are illustrated, stored, Vitry, op.cit., p. 23 and pl. 96; Louise Le-

ibid., pl. 92. francois-Pillion, Les sculpteurs de Reims, Paris, 1928,

4. Bathsheba persuading David to name Solomon pp. 43f. At the right David is about to assault Goliath,

as his successor. Idid., pl. 95. who is armed with helmet, shield and spear (Fig. 56). 5. Anointing of Solomon by Zadok. At the left David has already hit the giant with his

. i. slingshot. Now helmetless, Goliath’s head sinks on his

Left hal} of the archivolt, beginning with the top shoulder. Between the two figures in each group sits

VOUSSOI a shepherd dog, while five sheep stand or lie beneath 1. Solomon and the architect of the Temple. the trees along the top of the arch of the rose.

APPENDIX I

The Windows of the Triforium of the West Facade, Cathedral of Reims These nine stained-glass windows, renewed after wearing crowns. An old Reims tradition, cited by World War 1, had already undergone extensive resto- “Tourneur, claimed that the windows represented the ration in 1834. V. Tourneur, “Mémoire sur Picono- coronation of Charles vi, while the king has also been

graphie intérieure de Ja cathédrale de Reims (1),” thought to represent St. Louis. It is possible that the Trav. de Pacad. de Reims, xxtv, 1855-1856, pp. 123- two “female” figures originally represented two clerics 195. Each light was occupied by a single standing who accompanied the bishops. This is suggested by figure. According to Tourneur (ibid., pp. 133ff.), the the appearance of the windows in a photograph kindly bareheaded figure wearing a blue cope with gold fleur- brought to my attention by M. Grodecki, which was de-lis in the central lancet was Clovis. In one of the taken during World War 1, when large portions of adjoining windows stood St. Remi, blessing; in the the glass were still in place. On the left of the central

other, another bishop holding a book. figure a bishop was raising his pastoral staff in a gesture Tourneur claims that the windows on either side of benediction. of the central group were occupied by two female fig- Though these thirteenth century windows can ures, which he identifies as Queen Clotilda and Albo- hardly have depicted the coronation of Charles vu, fléde, the sister of Clovis; the other windows were from lack of any other evidence the figure of the king occupied by two more bishops and two lay figures must remain for the present anonymous.

APPENDIX J

The Clerestory Windows in the Apse and Choir of the Cathedral of Reims Each of these nine windows, large parts of which Window no. 4. Left lancet: Bishop, St. Matthias

were lost in the fire of 1914, is composed of two lan- Right lancet: See of Tournai, St.

cets. In the central easternmost window of the apse Luke Henry of Braine, inscribed ANRICUS, occupies the right

lancet below the Crucifixion (Fig. 51). Anemblematic North side, to the left of the central apsidal window: facade of the cathedral, topped by an angel with the

archiepiscopal cross, is placed in the left lancet below Window no. 1. Right lancet: Bishop of Laon,

the Virgin and Child. A suffragan bishop and the St. Paul

emblematic facade of his see, surmounted by a trumpet- Left lancet: Bishop’s see, St.

blowing angel, likewise occupy the lower sections of James Major

the twin lancets in each of the other windows, placed . beneath a series of the Apostles and Evangelists. Window no. 2. Right lancet: Bishop of Chilons,

The following order of these figures is based on the St. ‘Thomas .

description of the windows in V. Tourneur, Histoire Left lancet: Bishop’s see, St. Philip

, eye , . St. Matthew

et description des vitraux et des statues de Pintérieur . . _ op: .

de la cathédrale de Reims, Reims, 1857, pp. 444. Window no. 3. Right lancet: Bishop of Senlis,

Louis Bréhier, La cathédrale de Reims: une oeuvre Left lancet: See of Am; Ct frangaise, Paris, 1916, pp. 248f. and p. 249 n. 1; and Tee the actual inscriptions in the engravings of the windows Jude in Arthur Martin and Charles Cahier, Monographie Window no. 4. Right lancet: Bishop of Térou-

de la cathédrale de Bourges, Paris, 1841-1844, 1, last anne, St. Thaddeus (?)

two unnumbered plates. Left lancet: Bishop’s see, St.

South side, to the right of the central apsidal window: Barnabas

Window no. 1. Left lancet: Bishop of Soissons, ; St. Peter Since there were ten suffragan sees and only eight Right lancet: Bishop’s see, St. windows, Senlis and Amiens both occupy the twin

Andrew lancets of the north window, number three. Likewise

; ; . Cambrai, for whom no inscription exists, must have Window no. 2. Left lancet: Bishop of Beauvais, hared a window with one of the other suffragans.

Riek J i n - Bichoo? , According to Branner, “Historical Aspects of the Reignt athe L shop's see, of construction of Reims Cathedral,” p. 26 and p. 26

James the Less n. 15, it is possible that the order of the suffragan

Window no. 3. Left lancet: See of Noyon, St. bishops surrounding Henry of Braine was suggested

Bartholomew by the actual precedence in the seating arrangements

Right lancet: Bishop, St. Simon of the bishops at the provincial synods.

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la cathédrale de Chartres, Chartres, 1926. cienne chasse de saint Remi,” Travaux de Pacadé-

80 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL mie nationale de Reims, xcvu, 1894-1895, pp. ———. Les sculpteurs de Reims, Paris, 1928.

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Godbillon-Sartor, Marie. Les tapisseries, toiles peintes Gazette archéologique, x, 1885, pp. 308-316.

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1649. Marlot, Guillaume. Histoire de la ville, cité, et untlin, 1914. ———. Le théatre onneur et de magnificence,

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Gregory the Great, Moralia in Job (PL, txxv, cols. prepare i. sacr ‘ des ” Ons, Reims, 143- Re 509-1162, and LXxVI, cols. 1-782). ———.. Lé tombéeau du grand saint Kemy, Keims,

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textes pour servir & Pétude et & Penseignement de Medding, Wolfgang. Die Westportale der Kathedrale

I-119. han ae

Phistoire, xivit), Paris, 1913. von Amiens und thre Meister, Augsburg (1930). Grodecki, Louis. “Chronologie de la cathédrale de Midoux, T'Abbé. “L’ancienne église saint-Nicaise de

Chartres,” Bulletin monumental, cxvi, 1958, pp. meee Bulletin monumental, LXxxv, 1926, pp.

«e . _ . ) ’

a ? “The Transept Portals of Chartres Cathe- Molinier, a ibuste. Hes $0 oars “e phistoire de France, dral,” ART BULLETIN, XXXII, 1951, pp. 156-164. r ; Pe “1901 1903 tographie historique, 111), IComata evan de saint-Urbain de Troyes: Mone, F. J. Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters, my,

“oN Moreau-Nélaton, Etienne. La cathédrale de Reims

12901 28 arciveorogiques “ royes, CXIM, 1955» PP. Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1855.

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——.. The Sculptural Programs of Chartres Cathe- Pange, Jean de. Le roi trés chrétien, Paris (1949).

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Kuhn, Walter. Die Ikonographie der Hochzeit zu of Sz.-Denis, Princeton, 1946. Kana (doctoral thesis, University, Freiburg), Frei- —————— - “Uber die Reihenfolge der vier Meister von

burg-im-Breisgau, 1955. Reims,” Jahrbuch fir Kunstwissenschaft, 1927,

Lambert, Elie. “Les portails sculptés de la cathédrale pp. 55-82. de Laon,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts, ser. 6, XVI, Péchenard, Pierre-Louis. Les reliques de saint Remi,

1937, pp. 83-98. Reims, 1898- cn

Lapeyre, André. Des facades occidentales de Saint- Peter “ Bos Compendium in Job (PL, ccvu, cols.

Denis et de Chartres aux portails de Laon, Uni- P 795-82 de : . yes

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‘ : ; ; éims, Keims, 15623.

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Mefrangols- Fillion, Pouce, autour d’un groupe de Reinhardt, Hans. La cathédrale de Reims, Presses uni-

t atues “ i, acade occidentale de la cathédral de versitaires de France, Paris, 1963. oo ulletin monumental, CIX, 1951, pp. 41- ————, and Etienne Fels. “Etudes sur les églises

40. “ ; porches carolingiennes,” Bulletin monumental, xcm,

~ Reim - rs portal » Bonu ‘e la cathédrale de 1933, pp. 331-365; XCVI, 1937, pp. 425-469.

> Pp. ~199. ondon, 1912.

S04, pp 7196 es Deaux-Arts, ser. 3, XXXII, Richier. La vie de Saint Remi (ed. W. N. Bolderston), ——— . Les portails latéraux de la cathédrale de Saintyves, Pierre. En marge de la légende dorée, Paris,

Rouen, Paris, 1907. 1930.

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 81 Sauerlander, Willibald. “Beitrage zur Geschichte der Simson, Otto Georg von. The Gothic Cathedral (Bol‘frithgotischen’ Skulptur,” Zeitschrift fiir Kunstge- lingen Series, xLvu1), New York, 1956.

schichte, 1956, pp. 1-34. Souchal, Genevieve. “Un reliquaire de la Sainte-Cha-

———.. “Die kunstgeschichtliche Stellung der West- pelle au musée de Cluny,” La Revue des Arts, x,

1-56. 1843.

portale von Notre-Dame in Paris,” Marburger 1960, pp. 179-194. Jahrbuch fiir Kunstwissenschaft, xvi, 1959, pp. ‘Tarbé, Prosper. Trésors des églises de Reims, Reims, ———. “Die Marienkrénungsportale von Senlis und Tollenaere, Lisbeth. La sculpture sur pierre de Pancien

Mantes,” Wallraf-Richartz Jahrbuch, xx, 1958, diocése de Liege a Pépoque romane (Société archéo-

pp. 115-162. logique de Namur), n.p., 1957.

————.. ““Tombeaux chartrains du premier quart du Tourneur, V. Histoire et description des vitraux et des

xur® siécle,” Linformation @histoire de Part, 1x, statues de Pintérieur de la cathédrale de Reims,

no. 2, 1964, pp. 47-60. Reims, 1857.

Schmidt, Doris. “Portalstudien zur Reimser Kathe- --————-. “Mémoire sur liconographie intérieure de drale,” Miinchener Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst, la cathédrale de Reims (1),” Travaux de Pacadémie

ser. 3, XI, 1960, pp. 14-58. nationale de Reims, xxiv, 1855-1856, pp. 123-195.

Schramm, Percy Ernst. Herrschaftzeichen und Staats- Vitry, Paul. La cathédrale de Reims, 2 vols., Paris

symbolk (Schriften der Monumenta Germaniae (1915-1919). Historica, XI, pt. 3), Stuttgart, 1956. Voge, Wilhelm. “Die Bahnbrecher des Naturstudiums ——. Der Kénig von Frankreich, 2 vols., Wei- um 1200,” Zeitschrift fiir bildende Kunst, xxv,

mar, 1939. 1914, pp. 193-216.

Schrérs, Heinrick. Hinkmar, Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1884.

Aaron, 34, 68 stained glass: St. Remi window, Fortunatus, Venantius, 44; see also

Abélard, 58 25f, 39 and n200, 41, 45, 47) 493 Pseudo-F ortunatus

Ache and Acheul, Saints, 15 window of La Belle Verriére, 49f Fulco, archbishop of Reims, 9f, 11 and Adalberon, archbishop of Reims, 11 Chaumuzy, Fountain of Saint-Remy, n38, 20

Adam Scotus, 57 39 N199 Adelbert of Saarbrucken, 38 chrism, see miraculous chrism

Alberic of Humbert, archbishop of Chronicle of Philip Mouskes, 41 Gervais, archbishop of Reims, 20, 27

Reims, 7 n16, 12, 21, 46 Clermont, Cathedral, statue, 3 Grandes Chroniques de France, 42 and

Amiens, Cathedral, west portals, 5, 6 Clotilda, Queen of the Franks, 23ff, 41, n221 nng and 10, 15, 67; royal gallery, 43) 743 1n art, see Amiens, Museum; Gregory the Great, pope, s9ff

43 Chartres, stained glass: St. Remi Gregory VII, pope, 32

——, Museum, ivory book cover, 24f, window; Reims, Gothic cathedral, Gregory of Tours, 23, 57

48f Calixtus Portal, tympanum reliefs: Guido, archbishop of Sens, 27f and

ampulla, see sacred ampulla Baptism of Clovis; Reims, Gothic 28 n135

Ansegise, archbishop of Sens, 26 cathedral, West Facade Guillaume, archbishop of Reims, 27, 39 Antwerp, van den Bergh Museum, Clovis, King of the Franks, 3, 25f, 33 Guillaume Le Breton, 39, 41

ivory book cover, 24 and n174, 74

baptism of: 23ff, 29, 34, 37ff, 41 ff,

sif, 70; see also Amiens, Museum; Hadrian tv, Pope, 69

Balsamie, Saint, 46 Chartres, Cathedral, south porch; Henry of Braine, archbishop of Reims,

Bamberg, Cathedral, effigy of Clement Chartres, Cathedral, stained glass: 7 n16, 21, 39f, 43, 70, 75

II, 68 St. Remi window; Paris, Bibl. Na- Hilduin, abbot of Saint-Denis, 9, raf,

——, Staatliche Bibl., Cod. A. 11. 42, tionale, Life of St. Denis, Life of St. 24

Apocalypse, 57f Remi; Reims, Cathedral, retable; Hincmar, archbishop of Reims, 7f, 11,

Bernard, Saint, 57 and n297 Reims, Gothic cathedral, Calixtus 23f, 26f, 29, 37f, arf, a4ff, 48f, 52, Boston, Isabella Stewart Gardner Mu- Portal, tympanum reliefs 59 and n306, 61, 7of seum, stained glass, 18, 19 and n7g crowning of: 42; see also Reims, Honorius of Autun, 58, 68

Bourges, Cathedral, stained glass, 34 Cathedral, tapestries Hormisda, pope, 26 and n124, 27

n1&81 Cocquault, Pierre, 3, 7, 22 n102, 33 Hugh Capet, 27 and n126, 29 Brehier, Louis, 3 Coronations, evolution of rite of, 28f; Bridgit, Saint, 44 claims to, see Saint-Denis, abbey Brussels, Bibl. Royale, Ms 5365, Life church illuminated manuscripts, see Bamberg, of St. Remi, 46 and n241, 47, 50 Cracow, Museum, Psalter and Book of Staatliche Bibl.; Brussels; Burgos; Burgos, Bibl. Provincial, Bible, 33f Hours, 17 and n7o Cracow; Dijon; Leon; Oxford; Crespin and Crespinian, Saints, 9f Paris, Bibl. Nationale; Stuttgart;

crowns, 29 and nni4q4 and 145, 36f; Trier; Vatican Calixtus Portal, see Reims, Gothic ca- see also Charlemagne; Charles the Innocent 1, pope, 38

thedral Bald; Louis 1x; Paris, Louvre, vo- ivory book cover, see Amiens, Museum;

Calixtus, Saint, roff, 31, 58, 62; see tive crown Antwerp

also Reims, Gothic cathedral, Calixtus Cysoing, abbey of St. Calixtus, 11, 13 ivory diptych, see Tournai

Portal, trumeau statue; Stuttgart, Passional

Cana, miracle at, 49, 50 and n254 Daimbert, archbishop of Sens, 27 Jean Beleth, 38 and n1g7

catacombs, see Rome David, prototype of mediaeval kings, Job, 4, 33, 53ff; in art, see Chartres,

Celinie, Saint, 45f, 61; in art, see 28, 32, 35, 42f Cathedral, north transept portals; Reims, Gothic cathedral, Calixtus Denis, Saint, 9, 15, 16 and n61, 29ff, Leon; Oxford; Pampeluna; Paris, Portal, Miracles of Saint Remi; 37, 41f; in art, see Paris, Bibl. Na- Bibl. Nationale, Roda Bible; Paris,

Chartres, Cathedral, St. Remi win- tionale, Life of St. Denis; Paris, Notre-Dame, relief; Paris, Saintedow; Brussels, Life of St. Remi Notre-Dame, west facade, south tran- Chapelle; Reims, Bibl. Municipale,

Cerf, Abbé, 33 sept; Reims, Gothic cathedral, West Bible; Reims, Gothic cathedral, CaCharlemagne, 28ff; crown of, 36 Facade; Saint-Denis, abbey church, lixtus Portal, tympanum reliefs; Charles the Bald, 24, 26, 29, 373; crown Valois Portal Rome; Rouen; Troyes; Vatican;

of, 36 Dijon, Bibl. Publique, ms 2, Bible of Vienne

Chartres, bishop of, see Yves Saint-Bénigne, 33 Jocondus, Saint, 16f ——, Cathedral Dionysius the Areopagite, 9 and n27; north transept portals: 6; statue, see also Denis, Saint

St. Elizabeth, 19; central portal, Laon, Cathedral, west portals, 6; northvoussoirs, high priests, 31 and n160, west doorway, 17 and n69

343; tympanum of the Adoration of Eleutherius, Saint, 16 Leon, Saint Isidore Bible, 54f the Magi, 46 and n240; tympanum Elizabeth of Hainault, 27 Libergier, Hugues, see Reims, Saintof Job, ss5ff, 61, 62 and n321; Eutropie, Saint, 12, 14, 16ff, 19f, 52, Nicaise, abbey church

statue, St. Peter, 68 54 Longueval, church, stained glass, 18 south transept portals: statues, 6, Everard, Count, 11, 13 n75 14, 68; tympanum of the Martyr- Louis v1, 27, 29f dom of St. Stephen, 55, 62; tympa- Louis VII, 27, 30, 32, 37, 39, 41 n214 num of the Legend of St. Martin, 62 Flodoard, 8 and nr8, 9, 11, 16, 19, 46, Louis VIII, 36, 39f, 40, 44

and n320; south porch, relief, Conse- 50 Louis 1x (St. Louis), 21, 36, 403; crown

cration of Clovis, 42 and n2a1g Florentius, Saint, 16f, 19 n81, 52 of, 36, 37 and n189

84 THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL Louis xt, 35; see also Paris, Cluny primacy of church, 9, 24, 26 -——, Porte Saint-Denis, 51

Museum Prudentius, 57 —— pre-Gothic cathedrals, 11 and Louis the Stammerer, 27, 32 ; Pseudo-Turpin, 29 ——, Saint Agricola and Saint Vitalis, Lucien, Saint, bishop of Beauvais, 16 church, 14, 20

Louis the Pious, 28f Pseudo-Fortunatus, 45, 47f N44, 12, 19 n&4, 20 and ngr, 28

and n64 . iy -——-, Saint Balsamie, church, 46 Raising of Jairus’ Daughter, 49 and ——-, Saint Nicaise, abbey church, 10

; N251 n32, 18 and n71, 19ff; altar frontal

. : gier,Denis, 213; sarcophagus of St. Niscripts abbey church . d d 278 zof, 46, 52 Adalberon; Alberic of Humbert; 565 seal ont e custodian, 8 n7t

Male, Emile, 33 33, 48 249 rational, 10, 31, 68f . i and n68; “anchitect, Hugues Li.

manuscripts, see illuminated manu- regalia, 29, 36f; see also crowns; Saint- berey ; h f .

Marlot, Guillaume, 8 and nig, 10, Reims, archbishops, 31, 70, 723 seé also CAISC, 205 a ang nn277 and 27%)

Martin, Saint, 62 and n320 Fulco; Gervais; Guillaume; Henry —~ ° Saint-Remi, abbey church, 30, miraculous chrism, 23, 24, 403; see also of Braine; Hincmar; Turpin 34 and ni77, 38 and nrgs, 40, 48

sacred ampulla early bishops, 71f; see also Ni- and nz50, 50 and n258, 59 n306,

Montanus, Saint, 45 and n236, 46 caise; Remi; Sinicius; Sixtus 68; relics, 10 N32, 46; relief, Exor-

suffragan bishops and sees, 7f, 40, cism of Girl from Toulouse, 48 and 75 n250; shrine of St. Remi, 31, 38, Nicaise, Saint, bishop of Reims, 5, ——, Bibl. Municipale, Ms 23, Bible 71; stained glass, 39, 72; statue, St.

11ff, 14, 16ff, 19ff, 28, 31, 34, 52, from Saint-Thierry, 55, 60 Remi, 38 and n198

58, 72 ——, Cathedral, coronation rites, 27ff, ——, Saint Sixtus, church, 10 and n31 nsg8, 16 and nn303 and 304, 65; processions, 39ff, 43ff, 58, 61 and nz18, 62, 72;

Nicaise, Saint, bishop of Rouen, 15 and 40; liturgical rites, 7, 21f, s1f, 58 Remi, Saint, 4, 5, 8, 29ff, 38 and n196,

see liturgical rites; relics, 11ff, 20f; in art, see Amiens, Museum; Brusretable, 52; “rouelle,” 20, 21 and sels, Bibl. Royale; Chartres, CatheOld Testament kings, 28, 31f, 433 see nng2 and 93, 22 and n1o2z; shrines, dral, south porch, relief; Chartres,

also David; Solomon see relics; tapestries, 42 Cathedral, stained glass: window of

Old Testament prophets and high ——, Gothic cathedral, sf, 19; apsidal St. Remi; Chaumuzy; Saint-Trond;

priests, 31 and nis9, 32ff; see also sculpture, 52 and nn265 and 266; Paris, Bibl. Nationale, Life of St.

Aaron; Samuel canons’ cloister, 6 and n12, 7, 51, Denis, Life of St. Remi; Reims, Oricle, Saint, 15f 533 chapels, 12 and n47; choir Gothic cathedral, Calixtus Portal, Oxford, Bodleian Library, ms 27o0b, screen, 7 and nrg, 21; shrine of St. embrasure statues, tympanum reliefs;

v4af lief, shrine, statue

Bible Moralisée, 62 and n322 Nicaise, 21; stained glass, 43, 72, Reims, Saint-Remi, abbey church, re-

WEsT FACADE Richier, 10, 40, 45 n236, 46f

Pampeluna, Museum, capital, Story of 12 and n48, 15, 16 and n61, 19 Rigord of Saint-Denis, 38 and n193,

Job, 56 N81, 34, 42, 43 and n225, 46, 68, 39

Paris, Bibl. Nationale, ms fr. N. A. 733 central portal, interior sculpture, Rodulf, Count, 11, 13

1098, Life of St. Denis, 15, 41£; MS 22 and n103 Rome, catacombs, Story of Job, 53 and

fr. 6447, Life of St. Remi, 423; MS north transept portals: s5ff, 22 n271, 57 n292

lat. 6, Roda Bible, 11, 54f n103, 66f Rouen, Cathedral, “Portail de la Ca-

——, Cluny Museum, wings of altar- CALIXTUS PORTAL (central portal), lende,” reliefs, Story of Job, 56 and

piece, 35 39, 62£; formerly known as the n2873; voussoir figure, Saint Nicaise

——-, Louvre, stained glass, Martyr- Sixtus Portal, 3ff; chronology, of Rouen, 15 and ns58 dom of St. Nicaise and St. Eutropie, sf, 44; archivolts, 31, 33f, 58, Rusticus, Saint, 16 18 and n77, 19 and n78}3 votive 69f; embrasure statues: 3, 5, Rutland Psalter, 34

crown of St. Louis, 36f 65, 673; St. Nicaise, 15, 31, 34,

——-—, Notre-Dame 58, 62; St. Eutropie, 19; St.

west facade: royal gallery, 43 and Remi, 31, 33f, 62; Samuel, sacred ampulla, 23ff, 37ff, 41, 713 see n225;3 left portal, statues, St. Denis 34f, statue thought to be Clovis also miraculous chrism and angels, 153 central portal, vous- or Job, 33 and nn174 and 175; Saint-Denis, abbey church, 9, 15, 29f, soir, Aaron, 34, 68; relief of Job, censing angels, 16, 33 n175, 52 37f£; claims to coronations, 28ff; re-

57 1290, 58 n304 and n267; keystones: angels, galia, 29, 36ff, 41; Walois Portal, south transept portal: statue, St. 52; Christ with globe, 62; tru- 30f, 36; see also Suger Denis, 16 n61 meau statue, 3, 5, 10, 12, 14, Saint-Gilles, abbey church, tympanum

——,, Sainte-Chapelle, relics, 16 n64, 31, 62, 673; tympanum reliefs: of the Adoration of the Magi, 45

21, 37; stained glass, Story of Job, 4, 50, 52; Martyrdom of St. and n239 56 and n287, 62 n322 Nicaise, 16f, 34, 52; Baptism of Saint-Trond, abbey, statue of St. Remi, Pepin 1, King of the Franks, 28 Clovis, 25, 34, 41, 52; Miracles 38f Peter of Blois, 32, 58, 59 and n307 of St. Remi, 5, 8, 44ff, 61; Story Samson of Dol, Saint, 44 Peter the Lombard, 60 and n316, 61 of Job, 33, 48 n249, 53, 55ff, Samuel, 28, 33f, 35, 42, 623 as proto-

Philip 1, 27, 29, 30 58, 6o0f; crown-bearing angels, type of bishops, 34, 43; in art, see

Philip Augustus (Philip 11), 27, 36ff 52; enthroned Christ, 62; vous- Bourges; Burgos; Dijon; Paris, Clu-

popes, on Calixtus Portal, 31, 62, 69; soirs: see archivolts ny Museum; Reims, Gothic cathesee also Calixtus, Saint; Gregory the JUDGMENT PORTAL (left portal), dral, Calixtus Portal, embrasure

Great; Gregory vir; Hadrian 1v; sf, 49, 66f statues; Rutland Psalter; Troyes

Silvester 11 tal), sf bert, Guido

Hormisda; Innocent 11; Urban 11; ROMANESQUE PORTAL (right por- Sens, archbishops; see Ansegise, Daim-

THE PORTAL OF THE SAINTS OF REIMS CATHEDRAL 85 Silvester 11, pope, 69 Stuttgart, Landesbibl. Ms 56, Passional, Turpin, archbishop of Reims, 29; see

Sinicius, Saint, bishop of Reims, of 11 and n36 also Pseudo-Turpin

10 and n32 ; ; ; Urban 11, pope, 27, 69

Sixtus, Saint, bishop of Reims, 3, 5, 9, Suger, abbot of Saint-Denis, 29

Soissons, 9; Cathedral, stained glass, Taurens, Saint, bishop of Evreux, 32,

19 and n79 Tet li Vatican, Farfa Bible, 54 n281, 56 omas 6054f 28, 32) 42 Tournai, Cathedral, 20;Aquinas, ivory diptych,

Solomon, prototype of mediaeval kings, Thon tans 57 Vienne, Saint-André-le-Bas, capital, stained glass, see Boston; Bourges; 16, 20 and n8Qg Chartres; Paris; Reims; Soissons; Trier, Stadtbibl. Codex Egberti, 49 Widukind, 32

Troyes and n251, 50

Stephen, Saint, 55, 62 Troyes, Saint-Urbain, stained glass, 34 Yves, bishop of Chartres, 27 and n131

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23. Interior of Nave and West End, Reims (photo: Jean Roubier) 24. St. Nicaise. Trumeau, Interior of West

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Central Portal, Reims (photo: Marburg)

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27. Angel. Left Jamb, Interior, West Central Portal 28. Vandal Warrior. Left Jamb, Interior,

(photo: Marburg) West Central Portal (photo: Marburg)

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