The Population History of China (1368-1953) 9004682651, 9789004682658

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GLO BA L ECO N O M I C H I STO RY S E R I E S, 20 THE QUANTITATIVE ECONOMIC HISTORY OF CHINA, 7 SE R I E S E DI TO R S: Bas van LEEUWEN, Biblical Encyclopedia, 8 Yi XU, Robin PHILIPS and Meimei WANG 9 789004 682658

ISSN:brill.nl/be 2405-870X brill.com/qehc issn: 1874-3927

QEHC 7

The Population History of China (1368–1953)

CAO Shuji, Ph.D. is an honorary Professor at the Hong Kong Institute for the Humanities and Social Sciences. His research areas include the history of China’s population and China’s economic environment.  He has published many journal articles and books, including A History of Chinese Immigrates (Ming Period) and A History of Chinese Immigrates (Qing Period) (Fudan University Press, 2022).

G E H S 20

CAO Shuji

From 1368 to 1953, China's administrative divisions were mainly composed of counties, prefectures, and provinces. This book shows the population figures, density, and changes in the provincial population in China during this period and population figures of each major city and town and its proportion in terms of the provincial population during this period―the urbanization rate. Data in this book is drawn partly from historical sources and partly from statistical-model-based calculations. The book also includes provincial population maps in 1393, and their original statistical models, population databases, and metadata.

GLOBAL ECONOMIC HISTORY SERIES / THE QUANTITATIVE ECONOMIC HISTORY OF CHINA

The Population History of China (1368–1953) CAO Shuji

The Population History of China (1368–1953)

Global Economic History Series volume 20

The Quantitative Economic History of China Series Editors Bas van Leeuwen (International Institute of Social History / Utrecht University) Yi Xu (Guangxi Normal University / Utrecht University) Robin Philips (Utrecht University / International Institute of Social History) Meimei Wang (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences) Editorial Board Bas van Bavel (Utrecht University) Bozhong Li (Tsinghua University) Debin Ma (Hitotsubashi University) Denggao Long (Tsinghua University) Jan Luiten van Zanden (Utrecht University) Jaime Reis (University of Lisbon) James Lee (Hong Kong University of Science and Technology) Stephan Broadberry (University of Oxford) Zhihong Shi (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences) Zhengping Cheng (Tsinghua University)

volume 7 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/qehc

The Population History of China (1368–1953) By

Cao Shuji Translated by

Wan Hongyu Yang Yichen Li Mei Kizito Tekwa

LEIDEN | BOSTON

Cover illustration: Part of the eighteenth-century remake of the twelfth-century original painting Along the River During the Qingming Festival by Zhang Zeduan. The remake is created by five Qing dynasty court painters (Chen Mu, Sun Hu, Jin Kun, Dai Hong and Cheng Zhidao) and is currently in the National Palace Museum in Taipei. The painting captures the daily life of people and the landscape of the capital, Bianjing (today’s Kaifeng) from the Northern Song period. Licensed under public domain, via Wikimedia Commons. This book was translated by Wan Hongyu, Yang Yichen, Li Mei and Kizito Tekwa from Shanghai International Studies University. The translation of the book was funded by the Chinese Fund for the Humanities and Social Sciences. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Cao, Shuji, author. Title: The population history of China (1368-1953) / by Cao Shuji; translated by Wan Hongyu, Yang Yichen, Li Mei, Kizito Tekwa. Description: Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2024. | Series: The quantitative economic history of China; volume 7 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2023048780 (print) | LCCN 2023048781 (ebook) | ISBN 9789004682658 (hardback ; alk. paper) | ISBN 9789004688933 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: China—Population—History. Classification: LCC HB3654.A3 C3543 2024 (print) | LCC HB3654.A3 (ebook) | DDC 304.60951—dc23/eng/20231019 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023048780 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023048781

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. ISSN 2405-870X ISBN 978-90-04-6826-58 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-68893-3 (e-book) DOI 10.1163/9789004688933 Copyright 2024 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Schöningh, Brill Fink, Brill mentis, Brill Wageningen Academic, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Böhlau and V&R unipress. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Requests for re-use and/or translations must be addressed to Koninklijke Brill NV via brill.com or copyright.com. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Contents List of Tables, Diagrams, and Maps vii 1

Introduction 1

2

Reinvestigating the Population of the Ming and Qing 15

3

Population of Prefectures in the Hongwu Period 41

4

The Military Population and the Population of National Minorities in the Ming Dynasty 72

5

The Population Growth and Distribution in the Ming Dynasty 97

6

The Rapid Population Decline between the Ming and Qing Dynasties 132

7

The Population of the Four Southern Provinces in the Mid-Qing Dynasty 161

8

The Population of the Prefectures in Sichuan Province in the Mid-Qing Dynasty 189

9

Population by Prefecture in Northern China in the Mid-Qing Dynasty 220

10

The Impact of the Taiping War on the Population 253

11

The Urban Population in the Hongwu Period 297

12

The Urban Population in the Late Ming Dynasty 328

13

The Urban Population in Northern China in the Mid-Qing Dynasty 356

14

Urban Population in Southern China in the Mid-Qing Dynasty 382

vi

Contents

15

Urban Population of Shandong Province at the End of the Qing Dynasty 428

16

Urban Population at the End of the Qing Dynasty, the Examples of Zhili and Henan 464

17

Conclusion 508 Appendix 1: Population and Population Density of Regions in the Ming Dynasty 513 Appendix 2: The Number of Li, the Population of Inner Cities and Fu Captials in 1393 (Hongwu’s 26th Year) 521 Appendix 3: The Population of the County Headquarters (excluding Fucheng and Fuguo) and the Urbanization Rate of the Individual Fu in 1393 (Hongwu 26th Year) 526 Appendix 4: Urban Population and Urbanization Rate of Individual Fu in 1580 (Wanli 8th Year) 531 Appendix 5: Changes in the Population of the Individual Fu in the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties 536 Appendix 6: Population of the Individual Fu from 1393 to 1953 546 Appendix 7: Population of Individual Fu from 1680 to 1953 555 Appendix 8: Population of Fu and Towns in the Qing Dynasty 565 Glossary of Chinese Characters 580 Bibliography 581 Index 607

Tables, Diagrams, and Maps

Tables

1 Provincial population in 1381, 1391 and 1393 18 2 Households, population figures, and the male-female ratio of certain areas in 1391 21 The registered and actual population of Shanxi Province in Hongwu 3 24th year 49 Prefectural household and population in Guangzhou in Hongwu 24th year 65 4 Registered prefectural population in Sichuan in Hongwu 24th year 70 5 The population distribution of Guizhou in 1391 88 6 Yunnan population per fu in 1391 93 7 Population of Henan Fu during the Ming Dynasty 100 8 Provincial and regional population of the Ming Dynasty 124 9 10 Population changes of each province in the late Ming and early Qing Dynasties 157 11 Jiangning population figures from 1809–1953 168 12 County-level number of households and population ratio in Xiezhou in 1391, 1764, and 1953 242 13 The influence of the Taiping War on the population of Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and other seven provinces 289 14 China’s population change from 1680 to 1953 295 15 Population of Hangzhou, Fuzhou, Nanchang, and Wuchang fu in the Ming Dynasty 302 16 Urban population of 40 fu (zhou) of nine areas in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) 309 17 The average population of 289 county capitals of 9 regions including Zhejiang in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) 320 18 The urban population and urbanization level of 15 provinces and areas in China in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year) 323 19 Provincial urban population and urbanization rate in China in Wanli 8th year 355 20 Prefectural urban population of Shandong in 1776 363 21 Prefectural urban population of Zhili in 1776 366 22 Prefectural urban population of Henan in 1776 370 23 Prefectural urban population in Shanxi in 1776 374 24 Urban population of Shaanxi by prefecture in 1776 379 25 Cities and towns under Suzhou in the Qianlong period (1736–1796) 387

viii

Tables, Diagrams, and Maps

26 27

Population of cities and towns in Jiangsu by prefectures in 1776 391 Population of towns and cities in Zhejiang province by prefectures in 1776 396 28 Population of towns and cities in Anhui province by prefectures in 1776 397 29 Population of towns and cities in Jiangxi province by prefectures in 1776 401 30 Population of towns and cities in Hunan and Hubei provinces by prefectures in 1776 406 31 Population of towns and cities in Fujian and Guangdong provinces by prefectures in 1776 410 32 Population of towns and cities in Sichuan province by prefectures in 1776 413 33 Population of towns and cities in Guangxi province by prefectures in 1776 415 34 Population of towns and cities in Guizhou province by prefectures in 1776 419 35 Population of towns and cities in Yunnan province by prefectures in 1776 422 36 The urban population of the provinces across China in 1776 426 37 Population and urbanization ratios of counties in Shandong province in 1919 458 38 Relationship between the urban population and the total population of all provinces by prefecture in 1910 505 39 China’s population by province from 1393 to 1953 508 40 China’s urbanization rate from 1391–1953 (%) 512

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Diagrams The relevance between the prefectural population percentage of each province and the prefectural li percentage of each province in 1391 31 Correlation between the population of each fu in 1393 and in 1953 38 Relationship between population density and average annual population growth rate for the 32 fu in the early Ming Dynasty 116 The relationship between the civilian population and the population density of 36 ordinary prefectural capitals in 1391 310 The relationship between the urban li and the population density of 35 prefectural capitals 311 The relationship between the population density of 43 prefectures and the average population of 277 counties in Northern China in 1391 320 The relationship between the population density of 12 prefectures and the average population of 151 counties in Northern China in 1391 321 The relationship between the population density of 31 prefectures and the average population of 126 counties in Northern China in 1391 322

Tables, Diagrams, and Maps 9

ix

The relationships between the total population and urban population of 26 counties, including Qihe 453 10 Relationships between the total population and urban population of 48 counties including Zouping 454 11 Relationships between the total population and urban population of 74 counties including Qihe and Zouping 454 12 Relationship between the population of counties in Shandong province in 1915 and in 1953 respectively 462 13 Relationship between the urban population of counties in Shandong province in 1910 and the population of corresponding counties in 1953 463 14 The relationship between the urban population and total population of prefectures in Shandong, Zhili, and Henan provinces in 1910 500 15 Relationship between the urban population and total population of Shanxi and Shaanxi provinces by prefecture in 1910 501 16 Relationship between the urban population and the total population by prefecture in the six northern provinces in 1910 502 17 Relationship between the urban population and the total population of Sichuan by prefecture in 1910 503 18 Relationship between the urban population and the total population by prefecture in Jiangsu, Anhui and Zhejiang provinces in 1910 503 19 Relationship between the urban population and the total population of the eight southern provinces by prefecture in 1910 504 20 China’s population growth from 1393–1953 510



Maps

1 China’s population density in 1393 (26th year of Hongwu) 127 2 China’s population distribution in 1580 (Wanli 8th year) 130 3 China’s population density in 1580 (Wanli 8th year) 131 4 Drought distribution in China 1627–1643 134 5 The relationship between droughts and peasant wars of the late Ming Dynasty 136 6 The plagues of the Chongzhen period 139 7 Net population decline in the late Ming and early Qing Dynasties 159 8 Net population decline rate in the late Ming and early Qing Dynasties 160 The population loss during the second half of the 19th century 292 9 10 The population loss rate of the second half of the 19th century 293 11 The civilian population of ordinary prefectural capitals in 1393 313

x 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

Tables, Diagrams, and Maps The total population of ordinary prefectural capitals in 1393 314 The prefectural civilian urbanization rate in 1393 325 The prefectural urbanization rate in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year) 327 Distribution of prefectural cities and towns in 1580 353 Prefectural urbanization level in 1580 354 Distribution of cities and towns in the individual prefectures in 1776 424 Level of urbanization of the individual prefectures in 1776 425 Level of urbanization by prefecture in 1910 506

Chapter 1

Introduction Since the 20th century, there have been a number of research works and papers on the population history of China from 1368 to 1953. This chapter reviews and briefly comments on the most influential works, especially the research conducted by Ping-ti Ho. 1

Studies Prior to the Era of Ping-ti Ho

Studies by Wang Shida and Chen Da 1.1 In 1930, Wang Shida (1930) wrote a detailed review of the estimates of China’s population by 21 western missionaries, diplomats, and scholars from the first half of the 18th century to the 19th century, including the estimate of the famous demographer Thomas Robert Malthus (1766–1834).1 Such estimates, judging by current standards, are of little academic value. In 1932, while discussing the household registration system in 1910 (Xuantong 2nd year), Wang Shida (1932) briefly reviewed the compilation and examination of household registers in the early Qing Dynasty. He correctly held the view that the census register compilation and examination in the early Qing Dynasty originated from the lijia system in the Ming Dynasty. However, his perception of the subjects of the tax and corvée / labor services, population registration and compilation as men aged 16–60 was completely wrong.2 In 1946, Chen Da (1946:2) reviewed and commented briefly on the population data in the Qing Dynasty. He was right in thinking that “up to the beginning of the 18th century, China’s population data generally covered portions of, rather than, the entire population at the time of publication”. However, he was not entirely correct in assuming that “the classes of population excluded were limited to the hereditary slaves of Ning Kuo (Anhui Province), the musicians of Shansi, the barbers, the aborigines of the southwest, the boatmen of the coastal provinces, the bannermen of the Manchu garrisons in various provinces, and the inhabitants of certain areas under special political tutelage of the government” (1946:3). 1 Wang, S. (1930). Estimates of Population of Contemporary China. Social Science Journal, 1(3). 2 Wang, S. (1932). Household Registers of Ministry of Civil Affairs and Estimates of Population. Social Science Journal, 3(3), 264–265.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004688933_002

2

Chapter 1

Moreover, Chen Da (1946) held the opinion, albeit without proper substantiation, that “from the 18th century until recently, there has been at times a tendency to exaggerate the total population thereby distorting the real demographic conditions.”3 1.2 Studies by Luo Ergang In 1949, Luo Ergang (1949) discussed the population pressure before the Taiping Rebellion in a lengthy article that included the population census methods and population data during the reign of Emperor Qianlong, Jiaqing, and Daoguang. Some of the ideas he espoused are worthy of note. First, regarding the compilation and examination of household registers in the early Qing Dynasty, Luo Ergang (1949) maintains, “the census of household registration in the early Qing Dynasty was conducted to collect ding tax. Ding and person data was under-reported, given that it was the basis of ding tax. Therefore, the population figures of that time were a direct reflection of the number of ding taxpayers.” The ding tax was still linked to the population as illustrated by Luo Ergang’s quotation of Zhang Yushu, Minister of the Board of Revenue in 1662 (Kangxi 1st year). Those registered in the book were ding taxpayers who were also registered household members. The total population was inherited from earlier generations and did not increase despite the division of households. This means it remained comparatively small. Those who were officials, imperial scholars, students in the imperial college, civil servants, army men were exempted from paying taxes. Private servants, guards and slaves were not registered. Therefore, a permanent discrepancy existed between the registered population and the real number of inhabitants.4 Zhang Yushu (1986) demonstrated his mastery of the population registration by pointing out that officials and people with achievements were exempted from ding tax, domesticated servants were not considered ding or mouth, the quota of ding or grain inherited from ancestors did not increase as the family grew. Consequently, the number of ding in the Yellow Registers had no bearing with the increase or decrease of population. However, Luo Ergang understood 3 Chen, D. (1981). Population in Modern China. (B. Liao, Trans.). Tianjin: Tianjin People’s Publishing House. (Original work published 1946). 4 Zhang, Y. (1986 reprint). Shunzhi Jian Hukou Shumu (Household Registers during the reign of Emperor Shunzhi). In Collection of Zhang Wenzhen (Vol. 7). In Complete Library in Four Branches of Literature (No. 1322) (pp. 533–534). Taipei: Commercial Press Tai Wan.

Introduction

3

the population registration of Emperor Shunzhi and Emperor Kangxi as “the most important evidence of the population paying ding tax”—a number that was far away from the original meaning of Yushu Zhang. As a matter of fact, “people who paid ding tax”, in Zhang Yushu’s words, were the ancestors at the founding of this system, which later turned to “quota of ding” rather than the “population” as Luo Ergang understood it. Moreover, like many others, Luo Ergang considered “No more levy on newborns in the greatest time” a new policy of Emperor Kangxi. However, it is a policy that had been implemented since the early years of Ming Dynasty. This notion is further elaborated in Ping-ti Ho’s study. Secondly, with regard to the Baojia System introduced after the Qianlong Dynasty, Luo Ergang’s description of “Household Registration I” in Volume 19 of General Examination of Qing Dynasty’s Registers and in Volume 11 of Jiaqing Hui Dian (Collection of Statutes) is an accurate representation of the system since 1741 (Qianlong 6th year) and the baojia Fa (Law of Baojia) implemented in 1757 (Qianlong 22nd year). The system ordered every ten households to build a security group pai, each ten pai a jia and tenjia a bao, to be headed by a pai headman, a li headman, and a bao headman respectively. Each household was required to fill in the household pai with the name, the age, the profession, and the number of population to be included in the book of pai. Subsequently, the book of pai was utilized in the compilation of the book of jia, then the book of bao which became the population register of the county and the prefecture. Luo Ergang continued to comment on the total population of each Dynasty and pointed out the under-registration in the 6th year of Qianlong as well as the registration since 1775 (Qianlong 40th year). Luo Ergang enumerated the provincial population data in 1787 (Qianlong 52nd year), 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), and 1842 (Daoguang 22nd year). In addition, he calculated the population density of these three years, which he compared with the population of each province in 1933. Moreover, he briefly explained the reasons for and driving forces behind population growth in various regions at different periods around 1775 (Qianlong 40th year).5 Later, Ping-ti Ho followed the same train of thought and emphasized the change of population data in the 40 years of Qianlong. Unfortunately, Ho failed to mention that the thought initially came from Luo Ergang. Thirdly, Luo Ergang discussed China’s land area and grain price, population migration, mountain development, and refugees. He also outlined the introduction and planting of American crops as well as the population theory at that 5 Luo, E. (1949). Population Pressure before the Taiping Rebellion. Collected Papers on the Economic History of Contemporary China, 8(1), 23–37.

4

Chapter 1

time, all under the theme “Population pressure before the Taiping Rebellion”. Luo Ergang’s studies were detailed in several chapters of Ping-ti Ho’s related works. It is unfortunate that Ping-ti Ho did not annotate his source. 2

Contributions of Ping-ti Ho

Ping-ti Ho made a great contribution to the population history of China. In 1959, he published a monograph entitled Studies on the Population of China, 1368–1953. In the preface, he described himself as “mainly concerned with interpreting available data of the early Qing period by tracing the changing institutional context of key population terms which led me as far back as 1368 (Hongwu 1st year)”.6 The success of this effort laid the foundation for a correct understanding of population data in the Ming and Qing dynasties. 2.1 Population Data in the Ming Dynasty Chapter one of Ho’s book, The Nature of Ming Population Data, proved two facts. First, population registration in most areas during the reign of Ming Taizu bore strong resemblances with the modern population registration, both in terms of rules and practical effects. Secondly, after Hongwu, the population registration system continued to exist, albeit with a significantly altered focus and statistical methods. Since then, there has been even greater under-registration. The population statistics of some areas in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties could only be regarded as tax paying units. For this reason, Ping-ti Ho (1989) believed that China’s population increased more or less linearly from 1368 (Hongwu 1st year) to 1600 (Wanli 28th year), despite the stagnation shown by the official population data of the Ming Dynasty. So, in the concluding chapter, Ping-ti Ho attempted to reconstruct the population of China in the Ming Dynasty. He believed that the total registered population of the five northern provinces increased from 15.5 million in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year) to 26.7 million in 1542 (Jiajing 21st year). This was an increase of 73% with an average annual growth rate of 3.4‰ in a period of almost 150 years. However, the population growth of these northern provinces was not fully reflected in official statistics meaning that actual population growth figures in the north must be higher than suggested in the official figures. Even at that rate of growth, the population of northern China had at least doubled by 1601 (Wanli 28th year). At the same time, Ho believed that the population of southern China somehow seemed to be growing faster than that 6 Ho, P. (1989). Studies of Population of China, 1368–1953. Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Works Publishing House.

Introduction

5

of the north. Based on these assumptions, he suggested that China’s population increased from about 65 million in the late 14th century to about 150 million in 1601 (Wanli 28th year). In short, two characteristic features underscore Ping-ti Ho’s study of the Ming Dynasty population. In terms of institutional history, he determined the nature of population data in the Ming Dynasty, which, for most parts of China, was close to modern population registration. In terms of regional population data, he adopted what he thought was an appropriate population growth rate to estimate the population in the late Ming Dynasty. 2.2 Population Data in the Qing Dynasty Ping-ti Ho (1989) pointed out that ding, the main content of household registration in the early Qing Dynasty, had no relationship with the adult male population due to the fact that the ding tax had been completely transferred to the field tax by the 16th century. The original ding tax imposed during the Qing Dynasty was determined according to Ming Dynasty statistics given that provincial and local officials, whenever possible, followed the quotas of the late Ming Dynasty. Therefore, the total number of population registration every five years did not reflect the real population growth in the early Qing Dynasty. In the early 80 years of the Qing Dynasty, the tax / corvée reform with the main content of “a fusion of the poll tax with the field tax (tan ding ru mu)” to create “Ding” totally irrelevant with the adult male population. So, in many places, there were decimal numbers in “ding” calculation or “sheng”, “ge”, “shao (spoon)”, “cuo (pinch)” and other grain units. Ping-ti Ho (1989)pointed out that after the complete “fusion of the poll tax with the field tax”, most of the country’s ding registration was abolished. It was not until 1740 (Qianlong 5th year) it was considered necessary to establish a census system to be carried out by the Board of Revenue. However, ministers and some provincial officials showed little interest in the census, leaving the task of registering the entire population solely to the baojia security system, thus making it indirect registration based entirely on unpaid baojia filings by local governments. The role of the Baojia system was to maintain local order during 1741–1775 (Qianlong 6th year to Qianlong 40th year) and was very inconsistent in completing population registration. The emperor decided to overhaul the country’s baojia registration system when significant underregistration was revealed. As a result, there was great under-registration in the census of 1741–1775 (Qianlong 6th year to Qianlong 40th year), which theoretically represented the entire population of the whole country. He noted that in the winter of Qianlong 40th year, household registration went up for the first time because it was listed as an important function of the baojia system in the Qing Dynasty with a steadily improving baojia household

6

Chapter 1

registration technology. Judging from the number of people per household, sex ratio, and age structure, the Chinese population registration during 1775–1850 (Qianlong 41st year to Daoguang 30th year) was generally accurate. Still, due to China’s vast size and regional diversity, the numbers in some areas were underreported or inflated. Ho (1989) pointed out that in terms of the object and scope, the baojia household registration had changed after the Taiping Rebellion in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) in most parts of China. He further maintained that the provincial population data was even more confusing because it mostly was unconvincing with obvious under-registration in some provinces. In short, Ping-ti Ho’s study on the population of the Qing Dynasty also featured two aspects. In terms of the institutional history, he elaborated on the nature of ding and on the relationship between the compilation and examination of Ding and the baojia household registration. In terms of population data, he followed Luo Ergang in explaining the impact of the political situation in different periods of the Qing Dynasty on the baojia household registration system, as well as the implementation issues in the household registration system, and he laid out his perceptions of the quality of household registration data in different periods. 3

Studies in the Post Ping-ti Ho Era

Ping-ti Ho’s study was a precursor for further research at the institutional history level. In fact, he initiated a type of history study followed by many researchers in China. 3.1 The hu and kou in the Ming Dynasty On the concept of hu (household) in the Ming Dynasty: Ping-ti Ho (1989) traced the system back to the Hongwu period in the early Ming Dynasty, starting with the household certificate registration. Ten hu were organized into a jia, and ten jia into a li. Hu / the household constituted the foundation of the lijia system. Moreover, as far as the household certificate was concerned, the hu / household was regarded as the tax-paying unit and the basic unit of huangce (Yellow Registers). The adult male in the household, known as hu ding, was also liable to field tax. Liu Zhiwei (1988) pointed out that since the hu during the reign of Emperor Hongwu was a basic unit in the yellow register, the authorities tended to maintain the stability of the hu to match the system design of ten jia taking turns to deliver the corvée service. Meanwhile, the general public tended to divide

Introduction

7

the hu into small units to avoid labor service. This situation changed with the abolition of the Yellow Register in the middle period of the Ming Dynasty. Tax was no longer levied based on the size of the hu, rather, it was levied depending on the size of the property. Therefore, the concept of hu in the Yellow Registers shifted from referring to a natural family to more than two families or the whole clan.7 Therefore, the labor service originally undertaken by one or two people became the responsibility of two or more families as a household could contain several or even dozens of families. The word hu gradually lost its reference meaning to population and property and became a tax and grain registration unit. This change of hu in the Yellow Registers best explained the remarks of Zhang Yushu quoted above. From the perspective of population history, Ping-ti Ho (1989) believed that this change in the Ming Dynasty began during the reign of Emperor Yongle who, together with later governments, shifted their interest in hu from population to taxes and corvée. Since Yongle period, Hu has lost its meaning of a natural “family” and acquired the meaning of taxes and corvée. From the perspective of socio-economic history, Liu Zhiwei (1988) believed that the change in the Ming Dynasty resulted from the “Single Whip Method” tax reform that abolished the “corvée” burden. Then, hu could accommodate a variety of social relations, including blood, geographical and contractual, or other interest groups.8 The two explanations were not contradictory; instead, they were complementary. While acknowledging Ho’s contribution, Ge Jianxiong (1991) pointed out that “although the household registration during the reign of Emperor Ming Taizu was quite complete, the total number of households was not necessarily accurate.” The reason was that there were many problems in the data of 1381 (Hongwu 14th year), 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), and 1393 (Hongwu 26th year) recorded in Ming Shi Lu (Analects of the Ming Dynasty) and Houhu Zhi (Houhu Records) especially given that the total number of population increased and decreased randomly. He pointed to the discrepancy between the population registration system and the aggregation system of population data as the reason for the difference in data of different literatures in the same era.9

7 Liu, Z. (1988). On the Evolution of Hu (household) in the lijia System in the Pearl River Delta in the Ming and Qing Dynasty. Journal of Sun Yat-sen University, (3), 64–73. 8 Luo, Y., & Zhou, X. (2013). Studies of Institutional History in the Rural Area. An Interview of Prof. LIU Zhiwe. China’s Social Historical Review, 396–398. In J. Chang (Ed.), China’s Social Historical Review (pp. 396–398). Tianjin: Tianjin Classics Publishing House. 9 Ge, J. (1991). Demographic Development History of China. Fuzhou: Fujian People’s Publishing House, p. 230.

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Chapter 1

This hypothesis sheds new light on dealing with similar differences in population data. 3.2 The Population in the Qing Dynasty and the Concept of Ding In terms of institutional history, western scholars accepted without any doubt Ping-ti Ho’s view regarding the nature of ding, a tax-paying unit that bore no relation to the population. In 1987, Pan Zhe and Chen Hua (1987) provide supporting evidence for Ping-ti Ho’s views on ding with a considerable volume of county-level data.10 However, three years later, Chen Hua (1990) negated himself and published a different opinion believing that the registration and aggregation in the Qing Dynasty were not for the whole population;11 instead, it referred to a limited part of the society, namely, the taxable adult male. In 1989, Chen Feng (1989) wrote that the ding amount in the early Qing Dynasty “did not represent the actual number of men aged 16–60, but the fixed number of taxable people”.12 This assertion was abundantly used with rich reference even though it was a repetition of Ping-ti Ho’s opinion. In 1991, Jiang Tao (1991:19) put forward a new way of understanding ding in accordance with Ping-ti Ho’s viewpoint. He pointed out: “the registration of ding could be understood as the ‘legal person’ in modern law, and it served as a taxable legal person”. In essence, the aggregation of ding was the computation of statistics of tax-paying legal persons rather than the number of natural persons.13 It was not until more than a decade later that Liu Zhiwei elaborated on the relationship between the natural person and his descendants in the early Ming Dynasty as well as the “general household” and “sub-household” as taxpayers that Jiang Tao’s statement became well-grounded. A closer look reveals that the relatively more recent studies on the population history of the Qing Dynasty tend to concentrate on the systemic level, particularly on the understanding of ding and related concepts. An example is Ho’s study of yuan’e rending (original ding quota) in the early Qing Dynasty which Ho believes was used to represent the number of households in the

10 Pan, Z., & Chen, H. (1987). On the ding in the Qing Dynasty. Research on the Economic History of China, (1), 95–110. 11 Chen, H. (1990). The Evolution of Household Registration in the Qing Dynasty. In Studies on the History of Qing Dynasty (Vol. 7) (p. 5). Beijing: Guangming Daily Press. 12 Chen, F. (1989). On the Population Registration in the early Qing Dynasty. In Ping Zhun Xue Kan (Vol. 5) (p. 270). Beijing: Guangming Daily Press. 13 Jiang, T. (1991). The Population History of Modern China. Hangzhou: Zhejiang Renmin Publishing House.

Introduction

9

late Ming times.14 To support his case, Ho (1989:31) employs statistics from places including Changsha Prefecture, Macheng County, Dangyang County, Luochuan County, and Shanghai County. I have found even more examples on the provincial level. According to “Provinces: Household and Population”, Vol. 1 of Jiangxi Tongzhi (The General Records of Jiangxi) under the reign of Emperor Jiajing (1522–1566), in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), Jiangxi province had 1,583,097 households. In “Appendix”, Vol. 23 Xijiang Zhi under the reign of Emperor Kangxi (1662–1722), the same number was documented but solely under the number of Nan Zi Cheng Ding (adult males). In Tax revenue, Vol. 2 Jiangxi Dazhi in the Wanli period (1573–1620), the number of adult males was 1,484,401, which is slightly smaller than the aforementioned number but shows signs of correlation. This indicates that, in Jiangxi, the officials of the early Ming period measured the adult male population by assuming that there was one adult male per household. This means the number in Xijiang Zhi, which is a duplicate of the number of households in the early Ming era, cannot be regarded as a mistake. Another example is Guangxi in 1578 (Wanli 6th year) where according to “Household and Population,” Vol. 30 of Guangxi Tongzhi (The General Records of Guangxi) under the reign of Yongzheng (1723–1735), the number of hu (household) was 218,000 and odd and the number of guochao yuan’e rending (the original ding quota of the current Dynasty) was 215,000 and odd. Again, the latter is likely to have been derived from the former. A similar pattern is also observed in other provinces. Challenges to Ho’s theory include a lack of knowledge about the situation in three provinces, i.e., Shanxi, Sichuan, and Huguang and the numbers of ding in the early Qing era, in fact, not matching the numbers of households and persons in the late Ming era in at least seven provinces including Jiangnan, Zhejiang, Zhili, Shandong, Henan, Shaanxi and Guizhou. The records in Vol. 74 of The General Records of Jiangnan and in Vol. 71 of The General Records of Zhejiang under the reign of Emperor Qianglong (1736–1796); and Vol. 12 of The General Records of Shandong under the reign of Emperor Yongzheng (1723–1735) all show that the original ding quotas in these three provinces were twice the household numbers of 1578 (Wanli 6th year). Therefore, I infer that these three provinces have counted the salt tax quota in yuan’e ren ding like it was done in Guangdong thereby doubling the composition of the ding quota (the original male ding quota plus the salt tax quota). The same pattern can be observed in Henan. 14 Ho, P. (1989). Studies on the Population of China, 1368–1953 (J. Ge, Trans.). Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House. (Original work published 1959).

10

Chapter 1

Finally, Zhang Xinmin and Hou Yangfang (2010) explored the sources of yuan’e rending in Da-qing Yitongzhi (Comprehensive Georgraphy of the Great Qing) taking Jiangnan area as an example; they’ve found out that all three editions quoted The General Records of Jiangnan in the Qianglong period (1736–1796) for the number of yuan’e rending, but did not stick to the number of Yuan’e rending for the early Qing Dynasty. They were either various combinations of the numbers of shizai ren(tun)ding (actual quotas) and its component dangchai ren(tun)ding (corvee quotas) and zisheng ren(tun)ding (new quotas), or a duplicate of the shizai ren(tun)ding in 1711 (Kangxi 50th year).15 This finding is critical to the clarification of the nature of Yuan’e rending in Da Qing YitongZhi and it serves as a warning to researchers against the non-discretionary use of data from Da Qing YitongZhi. However, Zhang and Hou’s research contributes few answers to Ho’s question about the relationship between Yuan’e rending in the early Qing period household numbers and the population in the late Ming era.16 In fact, another paper by Zhang Xinmin (2012) deserves even more attention from researchers of the Qing population history. I have noticed that the total number of yuan’e ren ding and zi sheng fu nan da xiao (the new population of males, females, and children) in Suzhou in Jiaqing Yitongzhi is close to the number of the entire population of Suzhou prefecture in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) as documented in Suzhou Records in the Tongzhi period (1862–1874) (with a difference of only 3,743). In an effort to account for the difference, Zhang adds the number of dang chai ren ding of Suzhou in 1731 (Yongzheng 9th year) documented in The General Records of Jiangnan in the Qianlong period (1736–1795) and Zi Sheng Fu Nan Da Xiao of Suzhou in Jiaqing Yitongzhi and get the exact number of the entire population of Suzhou in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) recorded in Suzhou Records. Thus, Zhang concludes that zisheng funan daxiao equals the population of Jiaqing 25th year minus Dang Chai Ren Ding of 1731 (Yongzheng 9th year). He also indicates that, in Jiangning prefecture, zi sheng fu nan da xiao equals the male population of Jiaqing 14th year minus 15 Zhang, X., & Hou, Y. (2010). Da-qing yitongzhi zhong “yuan’e rending” de laiyuan-yi jiangnan weili (Sources of “yuan’e rending” in Chorography the Great Qing: a case study of Jiangnan). Qingshi yanjiu (The Qing History Journal), (1), 37–46. 16 As a matter of fact, Zhang and Hou cited my research regarding the problems of Ho’s theory “Challenges to Ho’s theory include a lack of knowledge about the situation in three provinces, i.e. Shanxi, Sichuan, and Huguang and the numbers of ding in the early Qing era, in fact, not matching the numbers of households and persons in the late Ming era in at least seven provinces including Jiangnan, Zhejiang, Zhili, Shandong, Henan, Shaanxi and Guizhou”. But they did not use my analysis of the population data of the seven provinces.

Introduction

11

dang chai ren ding of 1731 (Yongzheng 9th year). Making use of these bits and pieces of data evidence of two prefectures in today’s Jiangsu Province, Zhang proves his hypothesis that zisheng funan daxiao was fabricated from the number of the entire or the male population minus dangchai rending of 1731 (Yongzheng 9th year).17 His findings indicate that researchers studying the Qing population at the prefectural level should be careful with zi sheng fu nan daxiao in Jiaqing Yitongzhi. Mistaken for the representation of the entire population, the number of zisheng funan daxiao has left out some dangchai rending of 1731 (Yongzheng 9th year). Of course, one should always use data with discretion, even when entire population figures found in registration books and local chorographies. The aforementioned two papers represent the most remarkable contribution by Chinese scholars in recent years to the study of the population system in the Qing period. Though they have not significantly improved Ho’s points, they have reminded researchers of the importance to be careful with the population data in all sources of literature. 4

Methodology: Regional Studies in Population History

4.1 Population History and Historical Demography In his preface to Studies on the Population of China, 1368–1953, Ho (1989) writes: “This monograph aims to interpret the nature of different types of population data and to suggest tentative historical explanations as to how and why China’s population has been able to grow in early modern and modern times. It therefore remains basically an essay in economic history and is not intended to be a demographic analysis, which must be undertaken by experts differently equipped than I.” John King Fairbank, in his foreword to Ho’s book, acknowledged Ho’s method: “Although concerned with population, Dr. Ho explicitly eschews quantitative analysis, for statistics of the modern or would-be-modern type—census data and government statistical reports designed for the purpose—are unavailable for China in the Ming and Ch’ing periods.” As Ho’s and Fairbank’s remarks indicate, what Ho conducted is a research of population history, rather than a research of historical demography. Generally 17 Zhang, X. (2012). Da Qing Yitong Zhi zhong “zisheng nanfu daxiao” kao—yi jiangsu weili (Sources of “zisheng nanfu daxiao” in Records of the Unity of the Great Qing: a case study of Jiangsu). Zhongguo jingji shi yanjiu (Researches in Chinese Economic History), (3), 161–170.

12

Chapter 1

speaking, the difference between the two is that the former is a type of history studies that analyzes the state of past populations by applying the methodology of history studies, while the latter is a type of demography that studies past populations by implementing modern demographical methodology, especially population statistics (which processes and analyzes indicators like births, marriages, deaths, family structure, etc.), to seek the correlations between changes in the statistics and changes in the social and natural environment of the time. Like Ho’s book, this is also a book of population history, not historical demography. It is necessary to highlight the fact that, statistical analysis is still a useful tool for the writing of population history, at least for the measurement of population growth. As a matter of fact, Ho does use statistical analysis in his research. One example is his deduction of the population of the late Ming period from presumed average growth rates of the populations in the south and the north of China. Another example is his evaluation of the reliability of the population statistics of the pre-1953 period based on the 1953 census-registration. The limitation of his study is that, like the scholars that come before and after him, Ho concentrates on the study of the total population of China, limiting his discussion to the provincial level only. Such a discussion, from today’s perspective, is too generalizing. 4.2 Refocusing on Regional Population as Research Subject Scholars, including Luo Ergang and Ho (1989), have conducted a lengthy study of the systemic aspects of the national population statistics of the Ming and Qing Dynasties. At this juncture, the time is ripe to move on toward a less generalizing direction. Worthy research subjects include the population statistics of the early Ming Dynasty, of 1776 (Qianglong 41th year), and thereafter, of any other significant point in history. Therefore, this study does not limit itself to the national or the provincial level; instead, it delves into administrative areas at a much lower level, i.e. at the county level, beginning from there, gathers data at the provincial and national levels from bottom to top. This is what I did in 2001 in Zhongguo Renkou Shi: Ming Shiqi (The Ming Dynasty, Vol. 4 of The Population History of China) and in 2003 in Zhongguo Renkou Shi: Qing Shiqi (The Qing Dynasty, Vol. 5 of The Population History of China).18 By 18 Cao, S. (2000). Ming Shiqi (The Ming Dynasty). In Zhongguo Renkou Shi (The Population History of China) (Vol. 4). Shanghai: Fudan University Press. Cao, S. (2001). Qing Shiqi (The Qing Dynasty). In Zhongguo Renkou Shi (The Population History of China) (Vol. 5). Shanghai: Fudan University Press.

Introduction

13

taking advantage of multiple calculation methods, this study reconstructs the population data of prefectures across China in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year), 1580 (Wanli 8th year), 1630 (Chongzhen 7th year), 1650 (Shunzhi 7th year), 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), 1880 (Guangxu 6th year), 1910 (Xuantong 2nd year), and the 1953 census. The study is equally an expansion and an extension of previous research in terms of time period and geographical coverage with the historical population data of southwest China, an area that had hitherto been understudied. Apparently, the project behind this book is ambitious considering that the author deals with not only an overall number for the country, but in multiple sets of statistics at multiple levels, from the county through the prefecture to the province. For example, in the Qing Dynasty, there were 1,500 administration areas at the county level, 350 at the prefectural level, and 18 at the provincial level. If each area had, say, 20 records, there would be about 37,000 numbers to be checked, evaluated, and calculated. Fortunately, such a massive endeavor can be broken down into smaller and more manageable projects. Since 1997, I have been processing these numbers in a top-down sequence from the population data at the provincial level through the prefectural level to the county level. The whole project came to a successful end in 2020. This book, as a streamlined version of my research findings, gives a brief account of the reconstructing process of population data with simplified quotations. What’s more, some supporting evidence is also omitted to suit the limited space. 4.3 Notes on the Historical Data Like Ho’s book, this book extracts data mainly from the official historical accounts of the Ming and Qing Dynasties as well as local Records at the provincial, prefectural, and county levels. However, the major distinction from Ho’s book is the attitude towards the local historical accounts. For Ho, local historical accounts served as examples to support his points, while, for me, they are the foundation for the study of the areas in question. I have cross-checked data from various editions of local historical accounts and compared them with official accounts. For example, I have cited several editions of Yongzhou Records to illustrate the discrepancies in the population data of Yongzhou prefecture in the Hongwu period (1368–1398), noting that some of the editions include the population of ethnic minorities, while others do not. Another example is the discrepancies between Ming Shilu (The Veritable Records of the Ming Dynasty) and Houhu Zhi (The Gazetteer of the Back Lake). After cross-checking many provincial historical accounts and other sources, I find that the provincial

14

Chapter 1

population data of 1393 (Hongwu 26th year) in Houhu Zhi is most likely the result of consulting records only, rather than a product of census. This would then explain why the data of only a few areas in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year) appears more reasonable than those gathered two years earlier. As for the numbers in “The Board of Revenue: Household and Population,” Vol. 19 of Da Ming Hui Dian (Collected Statutes of the Ming Dynasty), my finding is that they are duplicates of the data in Houhu Zhi.

Chapter 2

Reinvestigating the Population of the Ming and Qing As it has been pointed out earlier, although Ho has cleared up major problems concerning the population system of the Ming and Qing period, there is still much to be explored. Once the investigation gets down to the regional level, more research-worthy problems are likely to emerge. 1

Household Registration in the Hongwu Period (1368–1398)

1.1 The hutie Household Certificate System According to Vol. 58 of Ming Taizu Shilu (Veritable Records of Emperor Taizu of the Ming), in November of 1370 (Hongwu 3rd year), Emperor Zhu Yuanzhang (1328–1398) ordered the Board of Revenue to register the entire population and issue hutie (household certificates). Each certificate was numbered and bore a partial official seal to be matched with the other half of the seal on the registration document bearing the same number kept at the Board of Revenue. The fluctuations in population were documented by local registers, and they were reported annually to higher authorities. Here is the household certificate of a man called Wang Jifo. The Wang Jifo Household Place of Residence: 14 du, Qianmen County, Huizhou prefecture; Occupation: miscellaneous affairs; Number of persons: 5; Number of Males: 3; Adult Males: 2; Wang Jifo, aged 36; Older brother, aged 40; Male Children: 1, aged 4; Number of Females: 2; Wife: A-Li, aged 33; Older brother’s wife, aged 33; Property: No land; A house of 3 rooms; No livestock. Wang Foji keeps the certificate (the right half) with approval. Hongwu 4th year Month Day1 1 Luan, C. (1997). Mingdai huangce zhidu qiyuan kao (The Origin of the Yellow Register System of the Ming Dynasty). Zhongguo shehui jingji shi yanjiu (The Journal of Chinese Social and Economic History), (4), 40–41. © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004688933_003

16

Chapter 2

To sum up, the Wang Foji household was made up of two nuclear families consisting of three males and two females. The owner of the household, Wang Foji, had a son who was four years old. In addition to this certificate, I have come across another one that shows a person named Fu Ben, an inhabitant of Mi county, Henan Kaifeng prefecture in 1370 (Hongwu 3rd year) who had two daughters: a 13-year-old named Fu Jingshuang and a 19-year-old named Fu Zhaode.2 It therefore can be concluded that in the early years of the Hongwu period (1368–1398), recorded in a hutie household certificate were all members of a household, including all of the males, the females, even the young female children. The seven household certificates (hutie) of the early Hongwu period that have been kept so far register altogether 37 people, including 19 males and 18 females. This makes an average of 5.3 people per family, thereby reflecting the typical family size of five in China. The sex ratio is 106 males per 100 females, which is similar to that of modern China. Six out of the seven households were from the Jingshi region (present-day Jiangsu and Anhui provinces) and Zhejiang province. These three provinces are collectively known as Jiangnan area (south of the Yantze River) in the broad sense. As far as these areas are concerned, the statistics regarding family composition and sex ratio in the early Hongwu period fit our knowledge about the household and the sex make-ups of traditional Chinese society. Based on this finding, we can assume that in the Hongwu period (1368–1398), the average family-scale and sex ratio in the Jiangnan (south) area and even the whole nation were about the same as in modern China. This presumption is also one of the baselines that I use to evaluate the reliability of regional population data. Discrepancies in the Numbers of People per Household 1.2 According to “Household and population,” Vol. 9 of A General Record of Shanxi in Wanli period (1573–1620), the number of persons per household figures in at least 10 out of 22 counties in Taiyuan prefecture in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) meet the aforementioned baseline. These counties, it should be noted, were mainly near Taiyuan city or on route from Taiyuan, the capital of Shanxi, to Datong, a major city on the national border in the Hongwu period (1368–1398). Comparatively speaking, the remoter counties had more persons per household, a significant deviation from the baseline. This same pattern can be perceived in other prefectures in Shaanxi. According to “The Board of Revenue: Household and Population,” Vol. 19 of DaMing Huidian in Wanli period (1573–1620), the average number of persons 2 Tan, Q. (2006). Zaolin Zazu: Zhiji. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company.

Reinvestigating the Population of the Ming and Qing

17

per household in 18 counties in Jingshi prefecture in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year) was 5.6, close to the average number from the household certificates. The prefectures that most resemble modern China in terms of family size include Songjiang, Suzhou, Changzhou, Huizhou, Ningguo, Chizhou, Guangde, and Fengyang. Statistics on the number of persons per household in these prefectures are between 4.7 and 5.6. Six of the prefectures, except Fengyang, were located in the so-called Jiangnan region to the south of the Yangtze River, the most economically developed region in China. Fengyang, the birthplace of Zhu Yuanzhang, was named Zhongdu (the central capital) and was one of the political centers in the early years of Zhu’s reign. As a result, its population data is as reliable as the data obtained in the Jiangnan region. More deviation from the baseline can be observed in Zhenjiang, Yangzhou, Chuzhou, and Taiping, which had between 6.0 and 6.6 persons per household. These four areas, except Zhenjiang, another Jiangnan prefecture, were all in the north bank of the Yangtze River but close to Nanjing, the capital city. As for other prefectures such as Hezhou, Luzhou, Anqing, Huai’an, and Xuzhou located north of the Yangtze River but more distant from the political center, their persons per household figures range between 7.0 and 8.0, a sharp deviation from the baseline. An exception is Yingtian prefecture in the Jingshi capital region, which had 7.3 persons per household. The deviation was not caused by a registry mistake but by the concentration of the rich and powerful in the capital city, many of whom lived with their big families. It is the registration of these people and their families in Yingtian that significantly increased the number of persons per household number when compared with nearby areas. It, therefore, can be concluded that the more economically developed and closer to the political center a region was, the more accurate its population registration was. The same pattern as in Shanxi and Jingshi can be observed across the nation. See Table 1. Among the 13 administrative areas at the provincial level across the country, the population to person per household ratio of only seven (Jingshi, Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Beiping, Huguang, Fujian, and Guangdong) met the baseline in 1381 and 1391. Furthermore, the ratio of only six (Jiangshi, Jiangxi, Huguang, Guangdong, Beiping, and Yunnan) in 1391 were reasonable. It was not until 1393 that the figure of Fujian started to appear reliable. The remarkably small figure in Fujian in 1391 was the result of a miscalculation by the local registers in places including Fuzhou and Jianning. This is explained in detail later. In Zhejiang, the number of persons per household was only 3.8 in 1391. According to “Gong Fu Zhi,” Vol. 17 of A General Record of Zhejiang during the reign of Emperor Jiajing (1522–1566), there were 2.138 million households and 10.488 million people in 1391, i.e., an average of 4.9 persons per household. This

18 table 1

Chapter 2 Provincial population in 1381, 1391 and 1393. Household unit: 10 thousand

Area

1381 Households

Jingshi Zhejiang Jiangxi Beiping Huguang Fujian Shandong Shanxi Henan Shaanxi Sichuan Guangdong Guangxi Yunnan Total

Persons

Persons per household

Households

194 215 155 34 79 81 75 60 31 29 21 71 21

1,024 1,055 898 189 459 384 520 403 189 216 146 317 146

5.3 4.9 5.8 5.6 5.8 4.7 6.9 6.7 6.1 7.4 7.0 4.5 7.0

1,066

5,946

5.6

188 228 157 35 74 82 72 59 33 29 23 61 21 8 1070

Note: The original documentation of the population of Guangdong in 1391 was 707,241, with 3.7 persons per household, which didn’t match the data of the other two years with more households and fewer persons per household. The total sum of all the provincial numbers in 1391 was 10 thousand more than the documented number, which leads to my conclusion that the actual number for the population of Guangdong in 1391 should be 607,241 instead of 707,241, as shown in Table 1. Source: The 1381 data quoted from Vol. 140 of Ming Taizu Shilu. The 1391 data is quoted from Vol. 214 of Ming Taizu Shilu, while the 1393 data quoted from Vol. 2 of Houhu Zhi, compiled by Zhao Guan and revised in the Tianqi period (1621–1627)

figure proves that the figures in Ming Taizu Shilu were wrong. As for Jiangxi, according to “Provinces: Household and Population,” Vol. 1 of A General Record of Jiangxi under the reign of Emperor Jiajing (1522–1566), there were 1.583 million households and 7.925 million people in the Hongwu period (1368–1398). By indicating that there were 5 persons per household, these figures meet the baseline. This number is out of sync with the one in Table 1, but it seems more accurate. However, no explanation is provided regarding the similarity with the numbers in 1381 and 1393.

Reinvestigating the Population of the Ming and Qing

1391

19

1393

Persons

Persons per household

Households

Persons

Persons per household

1,006 866 811 198 409 330 567 441 210 249 157 258 139 35 5,676

5.4 3.8 5.2 5.7 5.5 4.0 7.9 7.5 6.4 8.6 6.8 4.2 6.6 4.4 5.3

191 214 155 33 78 82 75 60 32 29 22 68 21 6 1066

1,076 1,049 898 193 470 392 526 407 191 232 147 301 148 26 6,056

5.6 4.9 5.8 5.8 6.0 4.8 7.0 6.8 6.0 8.0 6.7 4.4 7.0 4.3 5.7

There are still problems in those provinces with seemingly reasonable data. One example is the data of Jingshi area that has been discussed in earlier sections. In Huguang area, which was split into Hunan province and Hubei province under the reign of Emperor Kangxi (1662–1722), the respective numbers of persons per household of three Hunan prefectures, Yuezhou, Changde, and Yongzhou, were 4.0, 4.4, and 5.6,3 and the numbers of three Hubei prefectures, Xiangyang, Mianyang, and Huangzhou, were 5.6, 6.2 and 7.0. Compared with the data of Hunan, the data of the Hubei prefectures appear to be less reliable. Records of Zhending Fu, which was under the reign of Emperor Jiajing (1522–1566), recorded the data of only 21 counties in Beiping in the early years of the Hongwu period (1368–1398) and did not account for the population of 11 counties. These 21 counties had a total of 47,738 households and 475,182 people, an average of almost 10 people per household. 3 The data are from “Household and population” of Records of Yuezhou Fu in the Longqing period (1567–1572), Vol. 6 of Records of Changde Fu in the Jiaqing period (1522–1566) and Vol. 3 of Records of Yongzhou Fu in Hongwu 26th year (1393).

20

Chapter 2

However, within those provinces with unreliable overall numbers, some prefectures have reliable numbers. For example, among four prefectures in Shandong province, while the number of persons per household in Qingzhou, Laizhou, Yanzhou were between seven and ten, the number in Dongchang prefecture was only 4.6.4 The reliability of Dongchang data owes to the fact that the region was the destination of a government-organized migration during the Hongwu period (1368–1398). As a result, the population of the region was carefully registered and documented. As is shown in Table 1, the numbers of Jingshi and its nearby region, including Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Fujian, are around 5, which were the most reliable. The farther away from the capital, the bigger the number of persons per household, which, in most cases, exceeded 6. The only exception is Yunan, a military base situated at the southwest border, which was strategically important in the population investigation of the area. To sum up, in the Hongwu period (1368–1398), the quality of the population census was decided by the quality of the work by the local officials, which was, in turn, influenced by the distance of the administrative area from the political center. The farther away the officials were from the political center, the less supervision they received, the more mistakes they made, and the less reliable were the results of the population census. When I came across a significantly small number of persons per household, I kept the number of households and fixed the number of persons according to the five-person-per-household baseline, while for those areas with a significantly large average number of persons per household, I kept the number of persons without fixing the number of households given that the current study focuses on the population with due attention paid to gender ratio. 1.3 Discrepancies in the Sex Ratio Ho once cited the figures in Vol. 3 “Household and Population” of Records of Yongzhou Fu (1381–1382), in his discussion of the reliability of the population investigations and the resulting statistics of the time. The records show 73,005 households, 135,349 adult males, 123,970 adult females, 94,071 under-age males, and 58,228 under-age females with sex ratios of 109 for adults; 162 for children; and 125 for the general population. The number of persons per household was 5.6. 4 The data are from Vol. 7 of Records of Qingzhou Fu in the Jiajing period (1522–1566), Vol. 3 of Records of Laizhou Fu in the Jiajing period (1522–1566), Vol. 15 of Records of Yanzhou Fu in the Wanli period (1573–1620) and Old Records of Yongle in Vol. 8 of Records of Dongchang Fu in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820).

21

Reinvestigating the Population of the Ming and Qing

Apparently, the incredibly high sex ratio in Yongzhou resulted from the under-reporting of the number of girls. Some may suggest that the small number might be caused by the prevalent killing of young female children at the time. This assumption was groundless as the adult sex ratio would have been around 162 if that were the case. To date, we have not found any breakdown of the population identical to that of Yongzhou prefecture, while certain local historical accounts presented statistics on the gender composition of the population. Table 2 shows the male and female populations in some areas of Jingshi, such as Songjiang prefecture, Guangde departmental county, and Anqing prefecture. The sex ratio of Songjiang prefecture was about 109, and an average household of about 5 persons draws close to modern figures. In contrast, the size of Guangde departmental county’s average household was relatively larger table 2

Areas

Households, population figures, and the male-female ratio of certain areas in 1391

Households Persons

227,136 Songjiang Prefecture Guangde Zhou 29,905 Anqing Prefecture 52,038 Mayi County 792 Laiwu County 5,788 Anzhou Zhou 1,227 Quyang County 3,195

Males

Females Sex Persons per ratio household

1,094,666 571,433 523,233 109

4.8

167,884 102,441 65,442 157 406,974 217,303 189,671 115 6,422 3,724 2,698 127 51,738 37,921 13,817 274 11,659 7,680 3,979 193 48,033 33,069 14,964 221

5.6 7.8 8.1 8.9 9.5 15.0

Data sources: “Household and Population,” Records of Songjiang Fu, edited in the Zhengde period (1506–1521) of the Ming Dynasty (Vol. 6); “Food and Money,” Records of Guangde Prefecture, edited in the Jiajing period (1522–1566) of the Ming Dynasty (Vol. 6); “Household and Population,” Records of Zhili Anqing Jun, edited in the Tianshun period (1457–1464) of the Ming Dynasty (Vol. 4); “Household and Population,” Records of Mayi County, edited in the Wanli period (1573–1620) of the Ming Dynasty (Part 1); “Household and Population,” A General Record of Shanxi, edited in the Wanli period (1573–1620) of the Ming Dynasty (Vol. 9); “Household and Population,” Laiwu County Records, edited in the period of the Republic of China (1912–1949) (Vol. 6); “Household and Population,” Anzhou Zhi (Anzhou Records), edited in the Wanli period (1573–1620) of the Ming Dynasty (Vol. 3); “Household and Population,” New Records of Quyang County, edited in the Kangxi period (1662–1722) of the Qing Dynasty (Vol. 4).

22

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compared to its significantly high sex ratio. This presupposes that the data ignored certain households as well as female children. The sex ratio of the population in Anqing prefecture was slightly higher than the modern figure, while the average household size is even far higher. It is unclear why certain households were neglected even though the sex ratio seemed basically normal. Logically, such an error is not frequently found in household statistics, given that the bigger size of the average household was often related to a higher sex ratio. Besides, it is found in Volume 19 of Da Ming Hui Dian revised during the Wanli period (1573–1620) that the average household had more than 7 persons in some areas of Jingshi such as Yingtian prefecture, Lu Zhou, Huai’an prefecture, Xu Zhou, and He Zhou located to the north of the Yangtze River. But the data is not discussed here because the bigger size of the average household in these areas may have presented certain systematic problems. The size of the average household in the four counties of Mayi, Laiwu, Anzhou, and Quyang exceeded the average size of 5 persons (per household), and their sex ratio was significantly higher. That is to say, the female population record in areas with a bigger size of the average household was apparently omitted. The cases of these four counties do not entirely represent the trend that a larger average household size is tantamount to a higher sex ratio. Nevertheless, it may be reasonable to presume so, albeit cautiously. If the household-person ratio were normal, the omission of the female population would be rare, and the total population would be more accurate. If each household has 4 to 6 persons, the presumed sex ratio was 110; if each household had 6 to 8 persons, the presumed sex ratio was between 120 and 130; if each household had 8 to 9 persons, the presumed sex ratio was 140; if each household had 9 or more persons, the presumed sex ratio was 150. The total population figures can be revised this way. Luan Chengxian maintains that the huangce System (Yellow Registers System) was formally put into effect in 1381 as a fundamental household registration and tax-corvée system in the Ming Dynasty. Based on his findings from a copy of the Yellow Registers manuscript in Huizhou prefecture during the Hongwu (1368–1398) and Yongle periods (1403–1424), Luan maintains that the Yellow Registers remained the official record of population data until the Yongle period when female children became under reported.5 In fact, such under registration was a pivotal factor influencing the quality of demographic surveys. The omission of the population of female children was more serious in remote areas compared with that in inland areas. Widely accepted after the

5 Luan, C. (1988). A Study of the Yellow Registers System in the Ming Dynasty. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press.

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23

Yongle period, this practice of under reporting female children in the Yellow Registers has become an indisputable fact. Generally speaking, the size of the average household corresponds to the actual population when the household-person ratio is within the normal range. That is to say, for those areas with a smaller average household size, we tend to consider the household number and revise their population based on a standardized average household size of 5 persons. Likewise, for those areas with a larger average household size, we tend to consider their total number of persons. In general situations, we do not revise the household number given that our chief concern is the population. It can be proved from the above discussion that the omission of the population of female children was the most serious problem in demographic surveys during the Hongwu period. Registered Population and Actual Population 1.4 As for the registered population, the study tries to provide as much as possible households data by county so as to estimate the average number of households in that prefecture. The more samples there are, the more accurate the estimate will be. In the Ming Dynasty, li was sometimes used to estimate the population. The relation between li and population will be the subject of later analysis. If without any source available, we can estimate the population of the prefectures with no data record by making a comparative analysis, i.e., taking the population of the neighboring prefectures with data record as the control point and then reviewing the household data in other historical periods. After the estimation of the registered population, the data should be revised according to the household-person ratio and the sex ratio. In many areas, there are discrepancies between the registered population and the actual population owing to the omission of the female population. In view of the fact that we are still uncertain about the relationship between the household-person ratio deviation and the sex ratio deviation or that there may be no relevance between them, there is a need to revise the sex ratio according to the household-person ratio. 1.5 The Civilian Population of Han People in Inland Areas According to “huangce,” Vol. 20 of Daming Huidian, yimin (ethnic outsiders or uncivilized tribes) who did not submit to the Ming authority in the Yunnan frontiers in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) were not included in the population enumeration. It is known that the population data of Yunnan in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year) left out the majority population of the national minorities who were not subject to the local administration. In that year, the data of other areas such as Sichuan, Huguang, Guangdong, and Guangxi also did not include the population of the national minorities there.

24

Chapter 2

The frontier areas during the Hongwu period (1368–1398) also included the vast part of the northern buzhengsi (provincial administration commissions) governing Liaodong, Shanxi, and Shaanxi where a large number of national minorities and some Han people inhabited. A special measure was taken with regard to the management of inhabitants of these areas. Gu Chen points out, “these areas that constituted half of the territory of the Ming Empire were subject to the administration of dusi or xingdusi departments and their subordinate wei suo as no administrative institution had been established there during the Ming (esp. early Ming) period.”6 In this case, the local management was under the administration of dusi or xingdusi departments which were affiliated with the military system. For instance, the dusi department of Liaodong governed part of today’s Liaoning province; Daning dusi and Wanquan dusi governed the western part of Liaoning province, the northern part of Hebei province and part of Inner Mongolia; Shanxi xingdusi governed the northern part of Shanxi province and its neighboring Inner Mongolia; Shaanxi xingdusi governed most areas of Gansu province. Generally speaking, there were only military garrisons in those areas where no prefectures or counties had been set up. The civilian population, if there was any, was subject to the management of military garrisons. Despite the fact that the administrative institutions were set up in Yunnan and Guizhou during the Yongle period (1403–1424), these two provinces functioned mainly as frontier defense locations. In Yunnan, for instance, some of its garrisons had jurisdiction over the population surrounding them as well as part of prefectures and counties in their localities. In short, the frontier defense in the Ming Dynasty was part of its territory and became the only administrative division of its border areas; the military wei was responsible for the management of population enumeration in these areas. The household and population figures of the Hongwu period available today account for the civilian population registration. They do not include the population of garrisons which consisted of three types of people: border patrol officers, military family dependents, and civilian population under the management of garrisons. Three pieces of evidence help to illustrate this fact. First, no other population is interpolated into the buzheng shi si-based population enumeration in which the total population of buzheng si is made up of the total population of all prefectures summing up the total population of all their counties. Second, there is no record of garrison population in the population record of Liaodong, Beiping xingdusi, Shanxi xingdusi, Shaanxi xing dusi, and 6 Gu, C. (1989). The Territorial Management System of the Ming Empire. Historical Research, (3).

Reinvestigating the Population of the Ming and Qing

25

Sichuan xingdusi, which are apparently not included in the fourteen bu zheng si. Third, taking Yunnan as an example and according to Vol. 194 of Mingtaizu Shilu, Yunnan dusi had jurisdiction over 1,301 military officers and 64,002 soldiers in 1388 (Hongwu 21st year), and the number of soldiers in Yunnan increased in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year) when the emperor established garrisons nationwide. If the 76,000 households in Yunnan in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) were taken as the number of soldiers, the civil prefectures and counties under the management of Yunnan buzheng si would become a vacant shell without any population. Although the meaning of registered “hukou” varied in the middle Ming period, the convention of excluding the population of military garrisons from that of prefectures and counties remained unchanged. The population of each county in the early Jiajin period (1522–1566) can be found in “hukou (Household and Population),” Vol. 33 of A General Record of Shaanxi edited during the Jiajing period in which the population of each prefecture is composed of the total population of all counties affiliated to it while the population of military garrisons listed under each prefecture is not included in the total number. The provincial population is the total population of all prefectures, while the population of military garrisons in Gansu and Ningxia is not included in the total number. The regimes of other national minorities existed outside the areas controlled by the Ming government. In the north, the Mongolians retreating northwards still occupied vast areas of land and, with its powerful forces, posed a threat to the Ming Dynasty. In Liaodong, located in the northeast, the government of the Ming Dynasty was not stable and effective until 1403 (Yongle 1st year), when the Ming government began to set up wei suo to rule (or, in fact, contain) the three nüzhen tribes who came to haul down their flags. Similar cases can be found in Tibet, where the Ming government, unlike the Yuan Dynasty that had set up xuan zheng yuan (Advisory Council in charge of Tibetan affairs and religion) to facilitate direct and effective governance, established two military commissions for the capital guard—Dhus Gtsang and mDo-Kham. Like the Nurgan Regional Military Commission did, the xuan zheng yuan was established for the purpose of containment. The surveys and enumerations on the inhabitants in these areas were not taken into account within the administrative scope of the government during the whole Ming period. In addition, like any other population enumeration in history, the omission of the population of Jian Min (socially rejected lower class including tenant, servants, and slaves) was not rare in population enumeration during the Hongwu period (1368–1398). Mostly domestic servants were omitted as well as danmin (Tanga or Tangka people in the coastal area of Guangdong) who were also considered as jian min; a considerate number of them were listed under

26

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the national registration—military household register.7 For lack of access to sufficient data, we are unable to make a valuable estimation of the population of these unregistered jianmin and, thus, will not mention their population figures hereafter. 1.6 Collection and Compilation of Provincial Population Data If the omission resulting from a limited average household size and a small female population are not taken into account, it can be concluded that the household registration during the Hongwu period (1368–1398) basically included the civilian population of the inland areas. However, this does not mean that the population figures in the early Ming period we see today are accurate. It is one thing to raise questions about the integrity of household registration data, and it is another thing to determine whether the registration was accurately recorded in historical materials. Ping-ti Ho and other scholars did not seem to pay enough attention to this issue. From our comparison and verification of certain sets of provincial population data during the early Ming period in the officially compiled historical records, it can be concluded as follows: First, local magistrates were chiefly concerned about the tax-paying population in the second compilation of Yellow Registers in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year). This approach led to a decrease in the population figure compared with the figures recorded ten years earlier. Second, the population data in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year) was the re-enumeration of data from Houhu Huangce by the officials of the Board of Revenue as the decrease in 1391 had incurred the displeasure of the court. The new data was not gathered based on the results of any household census. Therefore, it had an obvious vestige of outright fabrication. Third, the court may have issued a decree in 1393 ordering the whole country to re-enumerate the population of 1391. Such a process was especially time-consuming due to different progression schedules in different places. The collection of data from these places was severely hampered by multiple difficulties that made it impossible to reach any results. Some places may have submitted re-enumeration reports, but even more places failed to do so. Since the alleged 1393—“26th year of the reign of Emperor Hongwu”—data had been formulated at the time of the deadline, the central government chose to ignore it. Therefore, the only accessible is recorded in local documents. As a matter of fact, the population recorded for 1393 is similar to the population recorded in 1391. Even though no explanation is provided, this finding is assumed to be true in the following discussion. 7 Liu, Z. (2010). Between the State and the Society: Studies on the lijia Tax and Corvée Systems in Guangdong during the Ming and Qing Periods. Beijing: China Renmin University Press.

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27

In short, the population data of the Hongwu period (1368–1398) that we can access today is far from reality due to the fact that it has been influenced by various institutional or non-institutional factors. Therefore, it seems necessary to re-construct China’s population based on prefecture-level data during the Hongwu period. 2

Household Registration, lijia and weisuo

2.1 Huahu, Lianghu, and Yanhu In 1381 (Hongwu 14th year), Emperor Zhu Yuanzhang issued an edict on the revision and compilation of Yellow Registers on tax and corvée. The provisions were as follows: The items in all registers should be specified as a farm field, pond on a hill, house, wagon, boat, and so on. Official departments concerned must keep a record of the actual properties according to the style of the registers, and any faulty record on fabricated properties is forbidden. The general registers of the whole county should list the total property amount of its population, and there is no need to specify the properties of the individual Hua Hu.8 It can be concluded that in Yellow Registers, “huahu” is the equivalent of “household”; registers with the record on Hua Hu should be Li Ce (internal registers) or tu ce (maps and books) while the registers of a county solely keep a record of the total property amount. Obviously, huahu corresponded with the actual family during the Hongwu period (1368–1398). After certain generations, multiplication often resulted in the existence of several zihu (branch households). Due to strict control regarding the division of household by the court, many independent branch households or several households had to use the same old huahu; those newly registered households who did not transfer their tax and property on time to the new registers still kept their old household registration. As the government’s concern about households and ding was not to keep a record on the increasing or decreasing population but to guarantee revenue collection, the regular compilation of Yellow Registers became a formality, and the actual

8 Shen, S. The Board of Revenue 7. Household and Population 2. Yellow Registers. In Daming Huidian (Vol. 20) (p. 337).

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huahu was indeed an empty household name. This practice continued till the early Qing Dynasty. In March 1730 (Yongle 8th year), the Qing government adopted the method of “liansanban chuanfa” (using triplicate vouchers) to prevent its officials from bullying people and perverting justice. The provisions against this practice were as follows: The tax quota for huahu of each li and jia should be filled in a triplicate form before prefectures and counties begin to collect the land tax paid in crops. One copy of the form should be given to the household paying the land tax in crops, one to the payment undertaker, and another left to the county administration for verification. The taxation is household-based and is fulfilled according to Yellow Registers. Those petty officials or clerks who failed to give the receipt copies to those households who had paid the land tax in crops or did not impose land tax but still wrote out receipts would be charged with corruption or embezzlement and be thus subject to strict investigations.9 Huahu and zhizhao (receipt copy or voucher) appeared almost at the same time. The zhizhao convention of having triplicate receipts or vouchers was passed down to the later generations, and large numbers of zhizhao have been found from the contract documents of different places in China in which the type of household was de facto huahu who paid the land tax in crops irrespective of whether it was described as liang hu or huahu. Among the households responsible for tax and corvée, there were diverse types of huahu who paid the land tax in crops. There were also natural men with household names but without physical household registers; social communities composed by certain people; one common huahu household name shared by several households, or one household register used by several huahu who lived in the same village or another county, or who had the same names or different names, etc.10 The huahu-based taxation suggests that huahu cannot correspond to population.

9

See The provision in March of the 8th year of the reign of Emperor Yongzheng (1730) from The Imperial Edicts Issued through the Cabinet. Reprinted in the First Historical Archive of China (Eds.) (1999). A Collection of the Imperial Edicts in Chinese during the Reign of Emperor Yongzheng (Vol. 8) (pp. 113–114). Guangxi: Guangxi Normal University Press. 10 Cao, S. & Gao, Y. (2010). Songhupiao and shouliangzi: the intermediate procedure in the purchase and sale of land at Shicang of Songyang, Zhejiang. Journal of East China Normal University (Philosophy and Social Sciences), (4), 28–36; Shan, L. & Cao, S. (2010). The

Reinvestigating the Population of the Ming and Qing

29

However, there were also exceptions. According to “Tax and Corvée: House­ hold and Population”, Vol. 4 of Records of Yongchuan County of Sichuan edited in 1894 (Guangxu 20th year), the court stipulated in 1671 (Kangxi 10th year) and 1690 (Kangxi 29th year) that those kekin (guest people or migrant people) who took their wives to settle down in Sichuan for land reclamation should be registered in the local household registration and should take the imperial examination. Therefore, the civilian household registration in Yongchuan County had new and old households. Both households who lived together in the villages and had to pay land tax on crops were called Liang Hu. Those who did not pay the land tax in crops, as well as the local people, were called Hua Hu, a category that had hitherto not been recorded in the country registration. Several Liang Hus, however, shared the common household registration and followed the Bao Jia system. In 1730 (Yongzheng 8th year), civilians entering Sichuan were incorporated with local people into baojia; in each Tuan, the numbers of families varied from tens to hundreds, and they were all called yanhu. Therefore, the total population of a county could be estimated based on the number of its yanhu. It is very important to clarify the nature of households in the Yellow Registers, given that this information was useful in estimating the regional population. 2.2 The Li Jia System Vol. 135 of Mingtaizu Shilu recorded Emperor Zhu Yuanzhang’s edict on the nationwide compilation of Yellow Registers, which stipulated that every 110 households are organized into one li whose headmen had to be 10 people with the largest number of adult males in their household and who paid more taxes; the remaining 100 households were divided into 10 jia and each jia had one headman. The register had to be revised every ten years. This system made it possible to extrapolate the household number of a region based on the knowledge of its jia number. However, it is unfortunate that the system had exceptions as “widows, widowers, orphans, childless people and those not liable to labor services had to be excluded from the 110 households but appended to them and listed separately in the registers under the name of odds and ends.” These people were called daiguan (appended population) or jiling (odds and ends). Each province organized its lijia according to its understanding of “appended population” and “odds and ends.” For instance, about 110 to 120 households were classified into one li in the prefectures of Henan, Zhending prefecture of evolution and nature of huahu based on Shicang documents. Journal of Social Sciences, (8), 119–129.

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Beiping, and the counties of the east Yanzhou prefecture of Shangdong; about 130 households were classified into one li in most prefectures of Jingshi; about 140 households were classified into one li in Jiangxi; about 150 to 160 households were classified into one li in Shanxi and Fujian. The number of households that were classified into one li was so vague in Xiangyang, Hubei, and in west Yanzhou prefecture that some of their counties classified 10 and up to 400 households into one li. Aside from such an extreme error, the gap between the household number of different places and the standard household number does not result from an error. Proof from various sources points to the fact that a significant discrepancy that existed between the classification of lijia and the governmental edict was impossible under the rigid laws imposed during the Hongwu period. Luan Chengxian (1998) proves that the standard classification of 110 households in the Li Jia system should be applied with restrictions to certain geographical ranges. For instance, if the 110 households of a 160-household natural village are classified into one li, the remaining 50 would have to be “appended households,” and they would be equally liable to tax and labor services. Therefore, the fact that the number of “formal households” in lijia is not consistent with the local population is harmless. In other words, lijia is not completely an organizational population unit despite the fact that it is, in some sense. The importance of tax and corvée collection apparently outweighs that of population organization.11 It is perceptible that the confusing figures stem from the loose requirements of the Ming government regarding the number of dai guan and jiling households. The Li Jia household registration bears internal resemblances with the household investigation and Yellow Registers that were used at the same time. Table 2 shows the population of each prefecture in 12 bu zheng si such as Beiping and Shandong and then calculates the percentage of the population of each prefecture from the provincial population; similarly, the li number of each prefecture from Daming Yitongzhi (Comprrehensive Georgraphy of the Great Ming Dynasty) compiled in the Tianshun period (1457–1464) is also shown, and its percentage among the provincial li number is calculated. There are altogether 101 sets of valid data, which, as illustrated in Diagram 1 below, have a high degree of significance based on the regression analysis. It is suggested that the organization of li by each province in the Tianshun period was closely related to the population registration in the Hongwu period. It means that most counties in the same province may have adopted similar 11 Luan, C. (1998). A Study of the Yellow Registers System in the Ming Dynasty. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press.

31

Reinvestigating the Population of the Ming and Qing 0.5 0.45 0.4

y = 0.8963x + 0.0117 R² = 0.814

Population

0.35 0.3 0.25 0.2 0.15 0.1 0.05 0

0

0.05

0.1

0.15

0.2

0.25

0.3

0.35

0.4

Li Diagram 1

The relevance between the prefectural population percentage of each province and the prefectural li percentage of each province in 1391

standards to classify its li. Therefore, the li number in the Hongwu period can be used to estimate the population of certain regions or testify their population data calculated by other means. Also, the li number in the Tianshun period can be used to estimate or testify the population of the Hongwu period. The premise for such estimation is the stable li number of the administrative regions in a certain area from the Hongwu period to the Tianshun period, or the fluctuating li numbers proportionate to their population changes. In fact, the household changes in number during these periods were not consistent with the li changes. Details can be seen in Table 2 in the Appendix. For instance, the population of Beiping prefecture only accounted for 13.8% of the provincial (buzhengsi) population in the 24th year of the Hongwu period, while its li accounted for 26.2% of the provincial li number in the Tianshun period. The 0.124 difference was due to the fast population growth of Beiping prefecture after Emperor Yongle moved his feudal capital there from Nanjing in 1403. In contrast, the population of Kaifeng prefecture in Henan province accounted for 42.1% of the provincial population in the 24th year of the Hongwu period while its li accounted for 0.308 of the provincial li number in the Tianshun period; the 11.3% difference may result from the additional registration of a large number of refugees in the lijia system. The largest difference

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of 15.2% is with Guilin prefecture, whose population accounted for 39.7% of the provincial population in the 24th year of the Hongwu period while its li only accounted for 24.5% of the provincial li number in the Tianshun period. The reason may be similar with Kaifeng prefecture, where a significant unregistered population was added to the lijia population registration. Similar cases also happened in Shizhou prefecture, Huguang province where the registered population was fewer in the 24th year of the Hongwu period, and the lijia population registration was not conducted until the Tianshun period. If we do not consider Zhending prefecture, Beiping; Jianning prefecture, Fujian; and Qingyuan prefecture, Guangxi, whose respective difference was higher than 7%, the population percentage of the remaining 94 prefectures was more closely related to their prefectural li percentage. Please see Diagram 1 for more information. 2.3 Military Household Registers in Weisuo In the documents of the Ming Dynasty, military household registers had two primary senses: First, they referred to military personnel and their family dependents, i.e., what Gu Cheng called “wei household registration”; Second, they referred to the relatives of military personnel in their hometown who belonged to military household registers. We call the former “military household registers in weisuo” and the latter “military household registers in sub-prefectures and counties.” They were respectively under the jurisdiction of dudufu (commandery) and buzhengsi. The military household registers in weisuo could be transferred from those in sub-prefectures and counties only when all able-bodied men who were conscripted in military household registers in weisuo died and no one filled in as substitutes.12 Though subject to two different management systems, the two kinds of military household registers were closely related. The statistical books of the two military household registers also belonged to two different operational systems. According to “Military Book,” Vol. 90 of The Ming History, Emperor Hongwu, in the 20th year of his reign, mandated the Ministry of War to compile the books containing military household registers and hand them out to all military personnel in weisuo while keeping a duplicate copy at the Imperial Household Department. These books were a record of the personal information of military personnel, their relocating dates, and the number of their dependents. This shows that military personnel could take their family members to weisuo where they were stationed. The so-called 12 Gu, C. (1989). On wei household registration in the Ming Dynasty. Journal of Beijing Normal University, (5), 56–65.

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“military household certificate” can be understood as the weisuo population register, which was similar to Yellow Registers in some sense. According to the “Military Book” of The Ming History, the standard size of wei-suo included a wei of 5,600 individuals, a thousand-household suo of 1,120 individuals, and a hundred-household suo of 112 individuals. In my previous studies, the military household number was estimated according to this standard size. In fact, the organizational units of the military wei in different places probably varied significantly and did not fit such a standard. In this book, the number of weisuo in different areas is specified in view of historical facts. In my previous studies, the military population during the Hongwu period was enumerated based on an average 3 persons per household because most military personnel were young and unmarried. Based on several engraving copies of weisuo historical accounts found in the Shunzhi period (1638–1661), Ma Shunping (2011) concluded in his recent study that the average number of persons per household in Shaanxi xingdusi in the Hongwu period was 2.83.13 This draws close to my estimation. However, the average number of persons per household was only 2.3 (i.e., one soldier with 1.3 family dependents) if we do not consider the Liangzhou wei, which accepted many Mongolians following their surrender. The present study adopts the standard household size of 3 persons to enumerate the military population of wei-suo while hoping for more reliable data in the future. 3

Temporal and Spatial Issues

Population estimation is not only concerned with social institutions but also with time, administrative regions, and other factors. 3.1 Standard Point of Time According to Ping-ti Ho’s study, a census was carried out nationwide in the Hongwu period of the Ming Dynasty. Though there were numerous problems associated with the census, the year 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) is considered the commencement point of systematic population enumeration in China during the recent 600 years. The data of 1393, in some literature, was just revised from the data of 1391. Such revision is applicable in certain areas but not in

13 Ma, S. (2011). A new discussion of the wei-suo population data of dusi in the Ming Dynasty: Evaluating two sets of the population data of Shaanxi xindusi in local historical accounts. Journal of Suzhou University of Science and Technology (Social Science), (4), 49–53.

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others where it has not produced the desired result.14 However, the standard point of time for the enumeration of the registered military population can be 1393 (Hongwu 26th year) period because “the weisuo system was established nationwide” in that year. In Daming Huidian edited in the Wanli period, the household data of 1491 (Hongzhi 4th year) and 1578 (Wanli 6th year) were the most accurate. However, only several prefectures and counties, including Beiping, Shandong, Henan, and the north of Jingshi area obtained relatively accurate household data. The prefectural and provincial data during the middle and later Ming period from most areas, especially the vast southern area, could not be used in the present study. Taking war, disaster, and emigration as evidence for population growth or decline, we managed to work out the total population of 1580 (Wanli 8th year) by extrapolating the population of those areas without recorded data according to the reliable data of some other areas. In this way, we develop the data in Table 1 of the Appendix “Regional population and population density in 1393–1580.” The 8th year of the Wanli period (1582) is not only a year closer to the 6th year chronicled in Daming Huidian but also a year when the plague was raging in the north. The influence of epidemic diseases, disasters, and wars at the end of the Ming Dynasty should be considered hereafter in the study of the population growth or reduction in different regions. Therefore, the 3rd year of the Chongzhen period (1630) and the 19th year of the Kangxi period (1680) should be considered the other two standard points of time in our enumeration of the population changes at the end of the Ming and Qing dynasties. Both Luo Ergang and Ping-ti Ho pointed out that by 1776 (Qianglong 41st year), the household baojia system in the Qing Dynasty had been transformed to the household enumeration system. This year was also the commencement point of population enumeration in the Qing Dynasty. Taking wars and famines as factors influencing China’s population, we consider 1850 (Daoguang 30th year), 1880 (Guangxu 6th year), and 1910 (Xuantong 2nd year) as the other three points of time for China’s population enumeration. A modern official census was undertaken in 1953. In order to better show the changing tendency of the Chinese population, we adjusted the administrative regions in 1953 to correspond to the administrative divisions at the prefectural level in the Qing Dynasty, particularly from 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). To enumerate the provincial population of the late Ming and the early Qing dynasties, we rely on the population growth rate during 1776–1820 and trace 14

Cao Shuji. (2000). The Ming Period. In Ge Zhaoxiong (Ed.). The History of Chinese Population (Vol. 4) (p. 54). Fudan Publishing House.

Reinvestigating the Population of the Ming and Qing

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back the provincial population of the Qing Dynasty to 1680. In this way, we generate the data in Table 7 of Appendix “The provincial population in 1680–1953,” which includes the provincial population during the seven years: 1680, 1776, 1820, 1850, 1880, 1910, and 1953. 3.2 Standard Administrative Regions Standard administrative regions of the Ming Dynasty need to be formulated to enumerate the provincial population of the Ming Dynasty and to account for population changes in the late Ming and the early Qing dynasties. The administrative regions of the 1393 (26th year of the Hongwu period) could reasonably serve as the benchmark for the Ming Dynasty. We decided not to adopt the standard administrative division of the 8th year of the Wanli period introduced in Historical Atlas of China (chiefly edited by Tan Qixiang) because of its partial coverage of the whole Dynasty. Therefore, we need to offer a standardized solution to the administrative division of the Ming Dynasty. The method adopted is as follows: M, Q, and N, respectively, are used as the codes for 1393 of the Ming Dynasty, 1820 of the Qing Dynasty, and 1953 of the People’s Republic China. Then dividing MA prefecture in the Ming Dynasty into QB and QC prefectures in the Qing Dynasty would be represented as MA = QB + QC. If MA1 county of MA prefecture in the Ming Dynasty were under the administration of QB prefecture, that would be MA = QA + (QB*NA1/NB). In view of the fact that “prefecture” was not an official administrative region of P.R. China, we process the data at the county level and obtain the provincial data NB;15 QB refers to the provincial population data from Jiaqing Yitongzhi (Comprehensive Geography of the Jiangqing period) whose record on the administrative regions of the 25th year of the Jiaqing period (1820) can be used as the standard administrative division of the whole Qing Dynasty. The standardized method is the same as the method above. As a result, the population of the Qing Dynasty and that in 1953 in Table 5 and Table 6 of the Appendix is calculated according to the standard administrative division of the Ming Dynasty. The aim, we should emphasize here, is to investigate population changes during the late Ming and the early Qing dynasties and 1393–1953. 3.3 Population Growth Rate An example may further illustrate our method. In the “Records of Geography,” Vol. 62 of The Yuan History, there were altogether 1,200,772 households and 15 Cao, S. (2005). The Great Famine: Chinese Population in the Period of 1959–1961. Hongkong: Hongkong Times International Publishing Co., Ltd.

36

Chapter 2

6,214,195 inhabitants (4.8 persons per household) in the eight lu (administrative division similar to prefecture of the Ming Dynasty) of the Fujian region. There were 799,649 households and 3,875,127 inhabitants (4.8 persons per household) in Fuzhou lu. The large household number of Fuzhou lu accounted for 61% of the total households of the eight lu of Fujian, and its population accounted for 62% of the total population of the eight lu. In Jiaqing Yitongzhi, the household number of Fuzhou prefecture and Funing prefecture (divided from Fuzhou lu in the Yuan Dynasty) was 616,533, and their population was 3,353,092. Both figures were less than those in the Yuan Dynasty. It is inconceivable that the total household number and population of Fuzhou and Funing prefectures in the Qing Dynasty seemed to be less compared to those of the Yuan Dynasty despite the fact that, in the Jiaqing period of the Qing Dynasty, the household number in Fujian province was 3,150,000 and its population was as much as 16,750,000. The only possible reason is that the record of the household-population figures of Fuzhou lu in the Yuan Dynasty was exaggerated. This error resulted from the frequent changes in the administrative division of the Yuan Dynasty. From the 18th year of the Zhiyuan period (1281) to the 20th year (1283), Fuzhou city twice became the capital city of Fujian province and was finally incorporated into Zhejiang xingsheng (administrative province). Such frequent changes may have led to errors in household and population statistics given that, at a certain period, even the total household number of Fujian xingsheng was unavailable because of the dissolution of this administrative unit. With no idea of the so-called “Fujian xingsheng”, the compilers of local historical accounts mistakenly added its household number to the actual household number of Fuzhou lu in order to obtain the total household number of Fuzhou lu. Based on this fact, we take the household number of Fuzhou lu as the total household number of both Fuzhou lu and the eight lu of Fujian. The household number of the other seven lu is subtracted from the household number of Fuzhou lu in “Records of Geography” of The Yuan History, and the result is divided by 2. That gives rise to the 149,263 households and 768,048 inhabitants of Fuzhou lu in the Yuan Dynasty. The household number of Fuzhou lu in the Yuan Dynasty accounted for 19% of the total household number of the eight lu, and its population, 20% of the total population of the eight lu (5.1 persons per household). The above percentage data were close to the household-population percentage of Fuzhou prefecture in the total household-population figures of Fujian province in the Jiaqing period of the Qing Dynasty.

Reinvestigating the Population of the Ming and Qing

37

3.4 Analysis of Regional Population The Fuzhou case is a reminder for us that regional population changes developed at the same or similar rate regardless of whether those areas were influenced by industrialization or natural or man-made calamities. That is to say, the population of certain areas without any data record can be constructed according to this principle. For example, it has been found that the household-population data of Anqing fu in Jiaqing Yitongzhi was not accurate. According to the “Records of Geography” of The Ming History, the population of Anqing fu and that of Chizhou fu in 1393 were 423,000 and 199,000, respectively, accounting for 68% and 32% of their total population. If the population of wei suo is added, the above percentage figures would rise to 67% and 33%. Suppose these figures are also applied for 1820, then the population of Anqing fu would be 5,552,000 as opposed to the population of Chizhou, which is 2,755,000. This can be proved true by the population of 5,577,000 totaling yuan’e dingkou (original number of men and women) and zisheng dingkou (new-born generation) even though these two sets of data can never be added up in the studies of institutional history. We had not thought about verifying our bold estimation in the earlier analysis until 2010 when one of our students reminded me in class of the data in Wansheng Zhilue (A Brief Account of Wan [Anhui] Province), another historical account I had not mentioned at the time. It was recorded in this account that, according to the register report in 1545, “in Anqing fu, there were 5,559,000 inhabitants including the new-born generation, the original number of local men and women and other people in mintun.”16 This figure is similar with my estimation in the above analysis. Apparently, the average annual population growth rate in similar neighboring regions can be taken as a reference in calculating the average annual population growth rate in a certain region. 3.5 The Significance of the 1953 Data The cases of Anqing fu and Chizhou fu suggest that the population growth rates could be similar in areas with similar natural environments and devoid of serious natural disasters, social turbulence, large-scale emigration, and largescale industrialization and urbanization. That means the fu population percentage of each province in 1393 could be closely related to that in 1953. 16 Wansheng Zhilue (A Brief Account of Wan [Anhui] Province) (Vol. 1) (p. 8).

38

Chapter 2 0.7

0.7 0.6

0.4 0.3

0.4 0.3

0.2

0.2

0.1

0.1

0

0

0

0.1

0.2

0.3

0.4

1393

Diagram 2

y = 0.8491x + 0.0088 R² = 0.7555

0.5

1953

1953

0.5

0.6

y = 0.7532x + 0.0221 R² = 0.6286

0.5

0.6

0.7

0

0.1

0.2

0.3

0.4

0.5

0.6

1393

Correlation between the population of each fu in 1393 and in 1953

To verify such a hypothesis, we adjusted the population by county in 1953 to fit the population of each fu in 1393. Then we divide Jingshi area into the northern area of the Yangtze River and the southern area of the Yangtze River area rather than Jiangsu and Anhui. Through the regression analysis of the population percentage of 214 fuin their provincial population in 1393 and that of 214 fu in their provincial population in 1953, it can be concluded that the two sets of data have a positive correlation (see Diagram 2 for more details). This means that the population figures in the Ming and Qing dynasties can be revised or verified according to the population percentage of each fu in the provincial population in 1953. Altogether 35 fu are excluded in the diagram due to their frequent population changes.17 These include areas whose population increased rapidly due to urban development, such as Tianjin, Tangshan, Hankou, Wuxi, and Shanghai (respectively subject to the administration of Hejian, Yongping, Hanyang, Changzhou, and Songjiang fu); less populated areas in the Hongwu period (19 fu such as Dongchang, Yanzhou, Nanyang, Runing, Hanzhong, Gongchang, Lintao, Xiangyang, De’an, Mianyang, Datong, Fengyang, Jiujiang, Ganzhou, Nan’an, Lianzhou, Huizhou, Xunzhou, and Pingle); areas with higher population outflow in the mid-Ming Dynasty (Qingzhou and Huangzhou fu); areas afflicted withwars and disasters in the late Ming and the early Qing dynasties 17

Suppose the population of each fu accounted for A of the provincial population in 1953 and the fu population B of the provincial population in 1393. If A/B-1 ≥ 0.5, the population changes must be more frequent in the fu in question. The 1953 data in the book come from The Compilation of Census Statistics of People’s Republic of China: 1949–1985. Beijing: China Financial and Economic Publishing House, 1988.

0.7

Reinvestigating the Population of the Ming and Qing

39

(Yanqing, Huaiqing, Henan, and Pingyang fu); and areas influenced by the wars of the Taiping Rebellion (Yingtian, Huizhou, Guangde, Anqing, Jiaxing and Huzhou fu). It can be seen from Diagram 2 that the two sets of the 179 pairs of data are highly correlated. Therefore, we verify and revise the population data of different periods in the Qing Dynasty based on the 1953 census data. 4

The Present Study

4.1 On the Population of the Ming Dynasty In this book, we will reconstruct the population of inland areas in the Hongwu period (1368–1398) and that of frontier defense areas and national minorities based on the fu population data. We will also estimate the population of different areas in 1580 and 1630 according to reliable population growth rates then reconstruct the urban population of the Ming Dynasty. On the Population of the Qing Dynasty 4.2 Theoretically, the data of 1776 should represent the total population at the time. Unfortunately, the data of most areas was underestimated. It is a strenuous task to collect bits and pieces of data because the records of the population data by fu and county in the Qianlong period were absent from the official history books. We managed to reconstruct the fu population of each province in 1776 and 1680 by comparing and verifying the data by fu and by county and matching them with the fu population of the Ming Dynasty. Only in this way can the national population be reconstructed. The book mainly focuses on several provinces and areas as typical examples. There are many errors in the prefecture population data of each province in 1820 recorded in Daqing Yitongzhi (Comprehensive Geography of the Great Qing Dynasty) compiled in the Jiaqing period, (hereafter Jiaqing Yitongzhi) that most scholars have used in their studies. It is quite problematic to use them without careful data analysis. There are roughly three kinds of data errors in Jiaqing Yitongzhi. The first kind of errors are those caused by the absence of data. For instance, sometimes, the fu population data did not represent the total population data of their counties, some of which even did not have data records. The recorded household number of some fu was just half of their actual data. Accordingly, the population of these areas was only part of their actual total population. The second type of errors are those made by petty officials who compiled household data. Typical areas with such errors included Sichuan, not

40

Chapter 2

to mention other places. The third kind of errors were random errors made without any reason. Problems can be found when the data with these errors are compared with earlier and later data, especially the 1953 census data. The greatest influence on the population of the Qing Dynasty came from natural disasters and the wars in the late Qing period (especially wars during the Taiping Rebellion and those among Hui people in west China). These wars are briefly introduced in this book. (For details, please consult the other two Chinese versions of this book). The fu population data of each province in 1910 was quite problematic. The so-called “census” in the Xuantong period was no more than the figures of earlier household data of certain provinces petty officials thought they could conveniently add or subtract. In many areas, the stipulations on the census were not strictly carried out. Given that it is impossible to learn from any given data of its time, we need to calculate the fu population of each province (except for Sichuan) in 1910 by regressing the 1953 population.

Chapter 3

Population of Prefectures in the Hongwu Period The Hongwu period census significantly underreports the non-interior and interior Han population. Therefore, any reconstruction of the population during the Hongwu period warrants the initial reconstruction of the local population. It should be noted that the inland population reconstruction starts at the prefecture-level administration. Note: Given the good quality of their data, the following localities are not discussed at this point. They are Jingshi, Jiangxi, Henan, and Shanxi, with records respectively from “hubu” (The Ministry of Revenue), Volume 19 of “Da Ming hui dian” edited in the Wanli period; “Pansheng hukou (Provincial Popu­ lation),” Volume 1 of “Jiangxi Tongzhi (The General Records of Jiangxi)” edited in the Jiajing period; Volume 3 and Volume 11 of “Henan zongzhi (The General Records of Henan)” edited in the Chenghua period; “Hukou,” Volume 9 of “The General Records of Shanxi,” edited in the Wanli period. 1

Beiping

Beiping, in the Hongwu period, was a jurisdiction equivalent to today’s firstlevel administrative regions, including Beijing city, Tianjin city, and Hebei Province. After the relocation of the capital, Beiping became Jingshi, also known as North Zhili. In Table 1, the number of households in Hongwu 24th year was 341,000, while the population was 1,981,000. Unfortunately, this data is underestimated, given that the population analysis by prefecture is as follows: 1.1 Beiping Fu According to “hukou” (Household Records), Vol. 8 of Shuntian Fu Zhi (Shuntian Fu Records) edited in the Yongle period, in 1369 (Hongwu 2nd year), Beiping registered 14,974 households and had a population of 48,973. In the 8th year, it registered a total of 80,666 actual households and had a population of 323,451. The population of Beiping increased significantly from Hongwu 2nd year to Hongwu 8th year mainly because of the migration of people from behind the mountain (north of Yanshan mountain, including the present Xuanhua in Hebei and Liaoyang in Liaoning provinces). From Hongwu 8th year, the growth in population was mainly natural due to the decline in the inflow of

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004688933_004

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people from other parts of the country.1 The following paragraph certified during the Hongwu period, the average growth rate of Baoding’s population was 6.9%. Therefore, it can be estimated that in Hongwu 24th year, the population was 361,000. Judging from the individual county situation, the household-person ratio became unreasonable in Hongwu 24th year, thereby skewing the census data. For example, according to Volume 4 “TianFu Zhi Hu Kou (Land Taxes Households)” of Xianghe County Records, edited in the Kangxi period, in Hongwu 24th year, there were 3,950 households and a population of 43,435, including an average of 11 persons per household. Another example in “Hukou”, Volume 5 of “Shulu County Records” edited in the Guangxu period, a total of 1,870 households and a population of 12,440 was registered in the Hongwu period. That means there was an average of 6.7 persons per household. According to “Military Establishment,” Volume 90 of the Ming Shi (the History of Ming Dynasty), the garrison of Beiping dusi division mainly stationed within Beiping comprised of a total of 13 wei (1 wei governs 5 thousand-hu suo) and 1 suo, and an additional 3 wei at Yanshan for a total of 16 wei and 1 suo. Based on this data, it can be estimated that there was approximately 255,000 military personnel granted that each personnel had two dependents. 1.2 Baoding Fu According to “Hukou” Volume 6 of Hongzhi “Baoding County Records,” a total of 53,400 households and a population of 318,908 were recorded in Hongwu 10th year and 56970 households and a population of 351,320 in Hongwu 24th year. In fourteen years, the average annual growth rate of both households and population was 4.6‰ and 6.9‰, respectively. Since after Hongwu 8th year, there was no inflow of people from behind-the mountain areas, population growth during this period is considered natural. In Hongwu 24th year, the average number of persons per household in Baoding was 6.2, higher than normal. Based on the analysis above, it is probable that the census in this area left out the female population. Volume 3 of Anzhou Records edited in the Wanli period recorded that in Hongwu 24th year, Anzhou in Baoding fu had a total of 1,227 households (civilians and military personnel included) and a total population of 11,659. That means there was an average of 9.5 person per household. The male population was 7,676, while the female population was 3,983 for a gender ratio of 193. The gender ratio and household to person ratio deviated significantly from the normal value. This 1 Cao, S. (1997). The Ming Period. In The History of Chinese Immigration (Vol. 5) (pp. 216–224). Fuzhou: Fujian People Publishing House.

Population of Prefectures in the Hongwu Period

43

is because the average number of persons per household in Baoding fu was not as high as 9.5 and the under-reported female population was not as low as in Anzhou. Suppose the registered population of Baoding was 130, and the actual gender ratio was 110, then the actual population would have been about 380,000.2 1.3 Zhending Fu During the Hongwu period, Zhengding fu had jurisdiction over 32 prefectures and counties. According to “ji fu” (Taxes), Volume 12 of Zhengding fu Records edited in the Jiajing period and “hukou”, Volume 10 of “Zhengding fu Records” edited in the Qianlong period, there were 56,971 households and a population of 548,270 in the 25 counties of Zhengding Prefecture. Consequently, there ought to be 701,786 registered inhabitants in Zhengding Prefecture during the Hongwu period based on a scale of 21,931 persons per county. The number of households and persons in Hongwu 14th year and 24th year was recorded in “Min she zhi (People and Society),” Volume 2 of “Baixiang County Records” edited in the Kangxi period. This means the data recorded in Zhengding fu Records (Jiajing edition) belonged to Hongwu 14th year, given that the average number of person per household was 9.6. There was a significant underestimation of the number of households and underreporting of the female population. According to “Hukou,” Vol. 4 of “Quyang County New Records” (Kangxi Edition), the male population was 33,180 male while the female population was 15,011 during the Hongwu period with a gender ratio of up to 221. The average number of persons per household in Quyang county was 15, much higher than the number in Zhengding Prefecture. Therefore, the gender ratio of the registered population could be as high as 150 in Zhengding fu. Likewise, calculated according to the actual population gender ratio of 110, the actual population of Zhengding Prefecture in Hongwu 14th year ought to be about 800,000. From around Hongwu 2nd year, Shandong, mainly the northern Qingzhou and Jinan fu, had welcomed about 350,000 immigrants from Zhengding fu and

2 Here is the calculation: Before the adjustment, suppose the total population is z, the population sex ratio is e (1 female to 1 male), the male population is x and the female population is y. After the adjustment, the total population is p, the population sex ratio is f, the female population is g and the male population is still x.Known: x + y = z, x = ey, g = x/f; then: ey + y = z, y = z/(e + x), x = z − y = z − [z/(e + 1)], g = {z − [z/(e + 1)]}/f; Adjusted total population: p = x + g = z − [z/(e + 1)] + {z − [z/(e + 1)]}/f = [1 + 1 / f][z − z/(e + 1)]; Adjust population gender ratio to 1.1, namely, f = 1.1, and the formula could be reduced to: p = 1.909 z [1 − 1/(e + 1)]. The actual population estimates below are treated as such, not as specified otherwise.

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Chapter 3

surrounding.3 Suppose 300,000 people migrated from Zhengding fu, then it would be plausible to suggest that the population growth from Hongwu 14th year to 24th year was offset by emigration. Moreover, due to large-scale emigration, it was only possible to assess the population of Zhengding fu at 700,000. In addition, there were about 17,000 military personnel in Zhengding. 1.4 Other Prefectures There is no population data for Hejian, Yongping, Shunde, Guangping, and Daiming fu (prefecture) in the Hongwu period. As a result, estimates had to be made using the “regional population proportion analysis” methodology. In our estimate, the administrative regions have been adjusted and the specific process omitted. Given that in the Hongwu period, the lijia formulation in Beiping area was in line with the standard, it was possible to verify the number of households and the population based on lijia data. During the Yuan Dynasty and the Qing Jiaqing period, the population of Hejian fu and Baoding fu were approximately the same.4 Therefore, like Baoding fu, there were about 350,000 registered inhabitants and a total population of about 380,000 in Hejian fu in Hongwu 24th year. In the Yuan Dynasty, the number of households in Yongping lu (an administrative division higher than fu) was 19% that of the number in Baoding lu. The percentage rose to 39% during the Jiaqing period in the Qing Dynasty. The growth in the household population ratio resulted from a significant number of military personnel that transformed into civilians. Following the household population ratio of Yuan Dynasty in Hongwu 24th year, Yongping Prefecture had 70,000 registered inhabitants and a total population of about 76,000. There were two wei stationed in Yongping fu in the Hongwu period with a total of 34,000 military personnel.5 In the Yuan Dynasty, the number of households in Shunde lu was only 21% compared to the households in Zhengding. The percentage increased to 24% in the Jiaqing period in the Qing Dynasty. Thus, it is estimated that in the Hongwu period, Shunde had 150,000 registered inhabitants and a population

3 Cao, S. (1997). The Ming Period. In The History of Immigration in China (Vol. 5) (pp. 160–214). Fuzhou: Fujian People’s Publishing House. 4 In general, the population data during the Yuan Dynasty and the Jiaqing period in the Qing Dynasty are cited from Liang, F. (1980). Statistics of Population, Land and Field Taxes of China in History. Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House. 5 The source and quantity of the military population are not mentioned here. Rather, they are listed on the database. Explanation about population will be made only for wei and suo with extra configuration.

Population of Prefectures in the Hongwu Period

45

of 170,000. This estimate is also supported by the number from the lijia system, the process of which is omitted. In the Yuan Dynasty, the number of households in Guangping lu was 29% of the total number of households in Zhengding, compared with 31% in the Qing Dynasty. Therefore, it can be deduced that Guangping fu had 30% of the population of Zhengding in Hongwu 24th year with 210,000 registered inhabitants. This estimate is also supported by the data from the lijia system. After deducting the number of households in Qinghe County, the total number of households in Daming lu during the Yuan Dynasty was 62,399, that is, 43% of the total in Zhengding. Accordingly, Daming fu in Hongwu 24th year had about 300,000 registered inhabitants and a total population of 340,000. Hukou, Volume 3 of Zhengde Daming fu Records recorded that during the Hongwu period, households in Daming fu ten countries were grouped into 318 li. There were altogether 38,000 households and a population of 290,000 in Daming fu calculated at 120 households per li and at 7.5 per household on average. This is more or less the same compared with the regional data. The tradition of li formulation based on the actual number of households in Daming fu continued until the Hongzhi period. According to Volume 3 of Zhengde Daming fu Records, there were 579 li and about 69,480 households at 120 households per li in Hongzhi 15th year. This number is extremely close to the number recorded in Volume 2 of the Records. As in the Ming Dynasty, most of the North China areas merged in the “li tun” the system of li, which was formulated in accordance with the government provisions, had expanded with the increase of population. 1.5 Summary In Hongwu 24th year, Beiping had a total population of 2.42 million, much more than the 1.98 million presented in Table 1. Compared with the Hongwu period, Beiping area had undergone several transformations. There was the “Jingnan Battle,” Emperor Yongle’s “Relocating the capital to Beiping” after the Hongwu period, and the population distribution based on the li & she formulation had changed considerably. Therefore, it is hard to verify the data recorded in Daming Yitongzhi (Comprehensive Georgraphy of the Ming Dynasty). 2

Shandong

In the Ming Dynasty, Shandong buzhengsi (Province) had jurisdiction over six fu (prefecture), including Jinan fu, Dongchang fu, Yanzhou fu, Qingzhou fu, Dengzhou fu, and Laizhou fu. According to Table 1, in Hongwu 14th year,

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Chapter 3

Shandong had 752,000 households and a population of 519,700,000 inhabitants, including 6.9 persons per household on average. In Hongwu 24th year, Shandong had 720,000 households and 567,300 persons, including 7.9 persons per household on average. It is abnormal that in Hongwu 24th year, the total population was less than the number of total households. Volume 8 “Hukou” of Jiajing “Shandong Tongzhi” (The General Records of Shandong) borrowed the data of Hongwu 26th year in the “houhuzhi” given that its population data of 754,000 households and 525,600 persons coincided with the population data of Hongwu 24th year. 2.1 Dongchang Fu There are two sets of numbers regarding the population of Dongchang fu (Prefecture) in the early Ming Dynasty as laid out in Volume 8 “Hukou” of Jiaqing Dongchang fu Records. One cited from The Old Records of Yongle, which recorded “24,029 households and a population of 110,192 at the beginning of the Ming Dynasty”; the other cited from the Wanli Records claiming “Dongchang fu had 2,270 households and a population of 24,234 in Hongwu 24th year.” It turned out that the author of Wanli Records mistook the population data of Liaocheng County for that of Dongchang fu. So, the statistics provided in The Old Yongle Records should actually be population data of Dongchang fu in the Hongwu 24th year. The average number of persons per household was 4.6. The census of Dongchang fu was very standard. 2.2 Qingzhou Fu Section Hukou, Volume 7 of Jiajing “Qingzhou Fuzhi” (Qingzhou Records) recorded that in Hongwu 24th year, there were 213,533 households, including 1,689,946 inhabitants with an average household of 7.9 persons. At the county level, the data of Yishui and Rizhao counties were identical. So, it is unclear which of the data was mistakenly copied. Due to the large number of persons per household, it is suspected that a considerable number of women in the household survey were under-reported. According to the analysis, such a large number of persons per household ought to correspond to a gender ratio of about 140. With the adjusted gender ratio of 110, the population of Qingzhou fu ought to be 1,880,000. 2.3 Laizhou Fu Section Hukou, Volume 3 of Laizhou fu Records in the Wanli period recorded that in Hongwu 24th year, there were 99,203 households and a population of 760,297, including 7.7 persons per household. Adjusted in the same way as that of Qingzhou fu, the actual population of Laizhou fu had about 850.000.

Population of Prefectures in the Hongwu Period

47

2.4 Yanzhou Fu Section Household Records, Volume 15 of Yanzhou Fu Records compiled in the Wanli period contained an incomplete record of the population of 10 out of 23 counties. The 10 counties included Qufu, Zou County, Sishui, Jinxiang, Yutai, Shan county, Chengwu, Jining, and Juye and the total number of households was 37,341, including 300,630 persons. According to the “Da Ming Yitong Zhi,” the ten counties in the Tianshun period had 271 li, accounting for 32.5% of the total li in the prefecture (excluding Caozhou set up in the Zhengtong period). Assuming that this proportion was also the population6 in the Hongwu period, Yanzhou fu had an estimated 920,000 registered inhabitants in the Hongwu 24th year. Due to the large population of the above-mentioned ten counties, it is estimated that the gender ratio of the registered population of Yanzhou was as high as 150, and the actual population, after adjustment, was 1,050,000. 2.5 Dengzhou Fu According to Volume 2 “Hukou” of Republic of China’s Laiyang County Records, Volume I “min fu” (People) of Jiajing’s Ninghai fu Records, Volume 3 “Hukou” of Wanli’s Fushan County Records, there were 53,403 households and a total population of 479,169 inhabitants. Dengzhou fu in the Tianshun period had, altogether, 543 li in a total of 8 counties, including Laiyang, Ninghai, Wendeng, and Fushan that had 323 li, that is, a total of 59.5%. Assuming that this proportion represented the population proportion of Dengzhou in the Hongwu 24th year, the total number of registered population7 ought to have been about 805,000. 2.6 Jinan Fu There was no record of the population of Jinan fu, and there was very little information regarding the county-level population. Therefore, no estimation is possible. As previously remarked, Shandong had 525,600 registered inhabitants during Hongwu 24th year. Here the five prefectures of Shandong, Jinan excluded, had 4270,000 registered inhabitants. Therefore, it is estimated that the difference of 986,000 is the registered population of Jinan fu. 6 In Chapter 5 of this book, I have pointed out that the records in Volume 2 and Volume 3 of the Shandong Gazetteer in the Jiajing period were the li numbers in Hongwu 24th year. It recorded 865 li in Yanzhou Prefecture whereas 862 li was recorded in The Chorography of Great Ming. Given that the difference was minor, no other adjustments were made on the data. 7 In Tianshun, there were 545 li in Dengzhou Prefecture in Hongwu 24th year according to Volume 3 of Jiajing “Shandong Tongzhi,” but 543 li, according to “The Chorography of the Great Ming”. Because the difference was minor, the data was not adjusted.

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According to Volume 8 “Hukou” of Jiajing’s Shandong Tongzhi (The General Records of Shandong), Jinan fu had a population of 210,300 in 1526 (Jiajing 5th year) with an annual growth rate of 5.6% beginning from Hongwu 24th year. The population growth rate in Jinan fu was very identical to the population growth in most of northern China. This, in turn, proves that estimates of the population of Jinan Prefecture in Hongwu 24th year are, generally, correct. The person per household ratio in Shandong and in Jinan seemed too high in both Ming Taizu Shilu (Veritable Records of Ming Emperor Taizu) and Shandong Records edited in the Jiajing period. It is estimated that the gender ratio of the registered population in Jinan ought to be at least 150, given that the adjusted actual population of Jinan Prefecture was 1,130,000. 2.7 Summary To sum up, the aggregate population of Shandong’s 6 prefectures was 527,200 in Hongwu 24th year. The number of population in Hongwu 26th year recorded in Volume 8 “hukou” of Shandong Tongzhi edited in the Jiajing period taken from Houhu Zhi was 525,600. The difference of 16000 between the two is negligible. It can almost be neglected. This confirms the previous assumptions: first, the registered population of Ji’nan Prefecture was the difference between the total population in Shandong and that of the other five prefectures; second, Dengzhou population estimates according to the li data of Tianshun, was, to a large extent, accurate. 3

Shanxi

As per the statistics of the population growth rate of Hongwu 14th year, Hongwu 24th year, and Hongwu 26th year in Table 3 below, it can be concluded that the statistics of the population of Hongwu 26th year is comparatively more reasonable. Therefore, Volume 26 of Yongzheng’s “Shanxi tongzhi” (The General Records of Shanxi) adopted this data. According to Volume 26 of Yongzheng’s “Shanxi Tongzhi” Shanxi had a population of 3,912,000 in 1491 (Hongzhi 4th year), 3,526,000 in 1522 (Jiajing 1st year), 4,087,000 in 1542 (Jiajing 21st year), and 4,503,000 in 1578 (Wanli 6th year). From Hongwu 26th year to Hongzhi 4th year, Shanxi had an annual population growth rate of 5.4‰, comparable with that of northern China in the same period. Though there were fluctuations in the population of Shanxi, the annual growth rate remained at a fairly low level. That does not appear to be the norm. The number of li recorded in da ming yi tongzhi (Comprehensive Geography of the Great Ming) reflected a general proportion of the population in various

49

Population of Prefectures in the Hongwu Period Table 3

Prefecture

The registered and actual population of Shanxi Province in Hongwu 24th year

Xi’an

Fengxiang Hanzhong Pingliang Gong Lintao Qing Yan’an Total Chang Yang

No. of li in 1192 211 Tianshun period Percentage(%) 51.2 9.1 Registered 118.5 21.0 population Actual 135.8 24.0 population

53

125

221

46

123. 359

2330

2.3 5.3

5.4 17.0

9.5 22

2.0 4.6

5.3 15.4 8.0 35.7

100 231.7

6.0

19.5

25.2

5.2

9.2 40.9

265.4

Source: Estimated from “Daming Yitongzhi”

places in the early Ming Dynasty, based on which it is possible to calculate the population of various prefectures of Shanxi Province in Hongwu 24th year. For the data in Table 3, the following points need to be noted. First, the Hanzhong fu had only 53,000 registered inhabitants. According to Volume 113 of “Ming Taizu Shilu” (Veritable Records of Taizu, Ming Emperor), in the month of July, Hongwu 10th year, “Cheng bu” (Deputy Magistrate) of Lueyang, Xixiang, Shiquan, Xunyang counties were cut off because the area was too small and the people too few. Also, according to Volume 82 of Ming Yingzong Shilu (Veritable Records of Emperor Yingzong of the Ming), in the month of July, Zhengtong 6th year in Shiquan county, “there were only 56 households in a li.” All these indicated that Hanzhong fu in the Hongwu period was indeed sparsely populated. Up until the Chenghua period, the government settled 80,000 displaced people in Hanzhong area. In addition, Volume 33 of Shanxi tongzhi, edited in the Jiajing period, recorded that the population of Hanzhong fu was up to 190,000 in the early Jiajing period. This number corresponds to the number of displaced people that were resettled. Second, Pingliang and Qingyang fu had similar numbers of li in the Tianshun period meaning their population should be comparable. However, Pingliang had 11 counties while Qingyang had only 5. It is inconceivable that two prefectures shared the same number of li even though they had such a big difference in the number of counties. An assessment of Volume 1–13 of Jiajing’s Pingliang fu Records indicated that the aggregate population of Chengguo, Lingtai, Huating, and Longde 4 counties was 98,000 in the Hongwu period. Based on the number of li in each prefecture, it can be estimated that the population of Pingliang fu was only 125,000 inhabitants. It is hard to imagine that there were

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only 27,000 people in other counties of Pingliang. A detailed assessment shows that the population of Qingyang fu was over-estimated, given that the prefecture had only 5 counties. In terms of the number of li, it is inconceivable that Qingliang fu, with only 5 li, would have approximately the same population as Pingliang fu that had 11 counties. So, the adjusted population of Qingyang fu is 80,000, while that of Pingliang fu is about 170,000. Thirdly, the average person per household in Shanxi during Hongwu 26th year was up to 7.8, meaning the gender ratio was estimated at 150. The adjusted actual population of each prefecture is indicated in Table 3. 4

Huguang Province

In the Ming Dynasty, Huguang buzheng shisi (province) included Hunan and Hubei provinces both present-day and in the Qing Dynasty. According to Table 1, Hongwu 24th year, it had 740,000 households and a population of 4,090.000 with an average of 5.5 persons per household. Hence, the population analysis per prefecture is as follows: 4.1 Changde Fu According to Hukou, Volume 6 of Changde fu Records in the Jiajing period, Changde fu had 29,277 households and a population of 128,895 in the Hongwu 24th year. The aggregated population of all counties was the same as the population in the prefecture. That means the average person per household, which was 4.4, was in line with the standard, especially because it certainly includes the female population. The number of registered inhabitants was equal to that of the actual population. According to Volume 44 “Geographer Records” of “Ming Shi” (The History of Ming), Lizhou and its three counties, Anxiang, Shimen, Cili, which were under the jurisdiction of Changde fu, were incorporated into Yuezhou fu. Subsequently, the population of Changde fu rose to 243,000 because of the addition of the four localities. 4.2 Yuezhou Fu According to “Hukou” , Volume 7 of Yuezhou fu Records edited in the Longqing period, Yuezhou fu had a total of 70,867 households and a population of 282,224 population including an average of 4 persons per household in the Hongwu period. The population data of Anxiang county was the same as that of Hongwu 24th year in Volume 13 of “Min Guo” (Republic of China)’s Draft of Anxiang County Records. So, the data in Yuezhou fu appears to be the number of Hongwu 24th year.

Population of Prefectures in the Hongwu Period

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Pingjiang county had 1,547 households, but the population was only 19,265. It appears that “Yuezhou fu Records” edited in the Longqing period might have mistaken “sixty thousand” for “ten thousand.” In his works, Zhang Guoxiong (1995:143) cited “Yuezhou Fu Records” edited in the Hongzhi period claiming that “Pingjiang county recorded 69,265 persons”.8 If so, the population of Yuezhou fu in the Hongwu period ought to be 332,000. Therefore, the average number of persons per household in Yuezhou fu ought to be 4.7. This would make the total number of registered inhabitants equal to the actual population. As mentioned above, Lizhou, together with its counties—Anxiang, Shimen, and Cili—belonged to the Changde fu prior to Hongwu 30th year and were incorporated into Yuezhou fu thereafter. Apparently, the Lizhou population registration was completed before it was incorporated into Yuezhou fu. That explains why Yuezhou fu had only 218,000 inhabitants in Hongwu 24th year. 4.3 Changsha Fu According to the county-specific population data recorded in Volume 3 “Geography Records” of Jiajing Changsha Fu Records, Changsha fu comprised of 86,684 households and a population of 497,279 inhabitants. However, the total population was 599,100, a number that failed to match the aggregated county population. The average person per household ratio was 5.7; therefore, the gender ratio was estimated to be abnormal. Given that discrepancy, the number was not adopted. If the gender ratio of the registered population is assumed to be 130, then the adjusted actual population should be 537000. 4.4 Baoqing Fu According to Volume 3 of Longqing’s “Baoqing Fu Records” (Baoqing Fu Records), Baoqing fu had 20,584 households and a population of 134,918, including an average of 6.6 persons per household. Such a significant number of persons per household makes one doubt the gender ratio. Fortunately, the gender-specific population was 78,100 males and 56,818 females, with a gender ratio of 137. Adjusted according to a gender ratio of 110, the actual population of Baoqing fu ought to be 148,000 in Hongwu 24th year. 4.5 Yongzhou Fu According to “Hukou”, Volume 3 of “Yongzhou Fu Records” (Yongzhou Records) published in Hongwu 26th year, the number of households in Yongzhou in Hongwu 15th year was 73,005, and the population was 411,616 inhabitants, including 5.6 persons per household on average. An analysis of Volume 1 of 8 Zhang, G. (1995). The migrants of Hunan and Hubei Provinces during the Ming and Qing dynasties. Shaanxi: Shaanxi People’s Education Press.(Original volume rank unknown).

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Hongzhi “Yongzhou Fu Zhi,” Kangxi “Yongzhou Fu Zhi,” and Daoguang “Yongzhou Fu Zhi” indicates that the data is inaccurate. The three records all show that Yongzhou Prefecture, in Hongwu 24th year, comprised 24,996 households and 113,590 inhabitants with an average of 4.5 persons per household. There was county-specific data, and the aggregated number of all counties was the total population. However, the number was 4 times that recorded in “Hongwu Zhi” (Hongwu Records). According to the article entitled “Guilin fu of Guangxi” in “Geography Records”, Volume 45 of “The History of Ming Dynasty”, Quanzhou and Guanyang county, a county under its jurisdiction, were both under the control of Yongzhou fu, Huguang Province before August of Hongwu 27th year. They were incorporated into Guilin, Guangxi after the revolt9 of the Yao ethnic people was suppressed. When Hongwu compiled Yongzhou Fu Zhi in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year), the administrative changes had not yet been completed. With the exception of Quanzhou and Guanyang county, Yongan and other six counties of Yongzhou fu, in 1382 (Hongwu 15th year), had a total of 44,698 households, a population of 243,791 with an average of 5.5 persons per household. However, by Hongwu 24th year, that is nine years after, the population had decreased by 53%. During the Hongwu period, the Yao ethnic people uprising in the southern Hunan area began an uprising that brought about unrest in the area even though there were no large-scale casualties. So, it is not appropriate to associate the decrease in population with the uprising of the minority people. Counties, specifically, Jianghua county, witnessed up to 88% decrease in population followed by Yongming (Jiangyong county today), 78%; Ningyuan county, 64%; Daozhou county, 46%; and Dong’an county, 8%. Judging from the location of the five counties, it can be concluded that the the farther south the counties lay, the more out of the way they were and the more their population decreased. Further north to Lingling county, the administrative headquarters of Yongzhou fu, the population remained the same, and there was even an increase in the population of Qiyang county that lay further north. The population reduction in Yongzhou Prefecture has been significantly persistent, shrinking from south to north. This is also consistent with the proportion of Yao ethnic people. For example, in the 1990s, in the southernmost autonomous county of Jianghua Yao, the Yao population accounted for half of the county’s population. In Jiangyong county (Yongming county) in the north, the Yao and Miao population accounted for 11%, and further north, Shuangpai 9 Volume 243 of “The Veritable Records of Taizu, Ming Emperor,” Article Jiashen in November, the Hongwu 28th year.

Population of Prefectures in the Hongwu Period

53

(part of Daozhou in the Ming Dynasty) and Xintian (part of Ningyuan county in the early Ming Dynasty) there were only 5000–6000 Yao people.10 Over the past 600 years that followed the Hongwu period, there has been a continuous sinification of the minority population. In the early years of the Ming Dynasty, the population proportion of the Yao nationality in Jianghua county was much higher than it is today, and the same could be said about other counties. From Hongwu 15th year to 24th year, the population of Jianghua county reduced by 88%, and the reduction seemed to be mostly the Yao population. Therefore, the sharp decrease in the Yongzhou fu population in Hongwu 24th year could only be understood from the perspective of statistical caliber change. That means the Yao population and other minority people registered in Hongwu 15th year were excluded in Hongwu 24th year. The key to this change is that the focus of the census in Hongwu 24th year had changed to “no loss of original amount.” As Yao people were not liable for corvee service, they were not relevant in the census. Note: As indicated on Table 1, the 183,000 inhabitants of Quanzhou and its Guanyang county incorporated to Guilin, Guangxi Province, since Hongwu 26th year is recorded in Yongzhou fu in Hongwu 26th year. 4.6 Hengzhou Fu During the Hongwu period, Hengzhou fu had jurisdiction over ten prefectures and counties. According to several chorographies including Volume 8 of “Hengshan County Zhi” edited in the Guangxu period, Volume 5 of “Anren County Zhi” edited in the Tongzhi period, Volume 6 of “Changning County Zhi” edited in the Tongzhi period, and Volume 2 of “Leiyang County Zhi” edited in the Daoguang period, the four counties had a population data of Hongwu 24th year. There were over 32,000 people in Hengshan, Anren, and Leiyang counties, respectively. Only Changning County comprised of 1,356 households and had a population of 7,699 persons. In the Yuan Dynasty, there were 18,000 households in Changning County and a population of 69,000 inhabitants. However, there was only one-tenth of that number in Hongwu 24th year. Moreover, according to Da Ming Yitong Zhi (Comprehensive Georgraphy of the Great Ming), there were only 7 li in Chang Ning county, while the other two counties had 21 li and 28 li, respectively. Therefore, the population in Changning county did not appear to be correct. Volume 5 of Anren County Records indicated that the population of Changning county in the early Ming Dynasty decreased after the mountainous bandit rebellion during the Hongwu period and the suppression of the government in Hongwu 29th year. According to “Guan Zhi” (Official 10

Hunan Provincial Atlas (1993). Changsha: Hunan Map Publishing House.

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System), Volume 1 of Yongzhou Fu Zhi, edited in the Hongzhi period, several suo were set up in 1396 (Hongwu 29th year), including Pipa thousand hu suo, Jianghua thousand hu suo, and Jintian thousand hu suo. Anren county had a population of 100,000 while Changning had 285,000, 2.9 times the population of Anren county during the Jiaqing period of Qing Dynasty. Until the 1953 census, Anren had a population of 172,000, while Changning county had 421,000, 2.4 times the population of Anren.11 It is presumed that by Hongwu 24th year, Changning county should have had a population of 33,000, that is, the average population of the other three counties. Given that the aggregated population of the ten counties in Hengzhou fu was 330,000, it seems logical to conclude that the minority population was included in the count. With regard to the number of li, Hengzhou fu in the Tianshun period had a total of 262.5 li while Hengshan and the other three counties had 84 li, accounting for 32% of the total number of li. In the above-mentioned source, the four counties had a total population of 106,000. Based on this proportion, the population of Hengzhou fu ought to have been 330,000 in Hongwu 24th year. According to Volume 12 of Huguang Provincial Map and Records edited in the Jiajing period, in Hongwu 24th year, the population of the four counties, which accounted for 36% of the total population in Hengzhou fu, was 300,000. Compared with the northern Hunan provinces, the person per household ratio in the counties of Hengyang fu tended to be relatively large, reflecting the fact that the quality of the population survey was lower than that in the northern region. The populations of Hengyang Prefecture were estimated from indirect sources whose accuracy was doubtful. Therefore, the projected population was tentatively considered to be both the registered population and the actual population. 4.7 Chenzhou Fu The counties of Chenzhou fu were located to the north of the Nanling Mountain, while the only place in the Yuan Dynasty that bore similarities with Chenzhou fu was Daozhou lu. Daozhou in Hongwu 9th year was under the jurisdiction of Yongzhou fu. In the Yuan Dynasty, Chenzhou lu comprised 61,259 households while Daozhou lu comprised 78,018 households, while Yongzhou Lu comprised 55666 households. The number of households in Daozhou accounted for 58.4% of the total number of households in Daozhou 11

The population data of 1953 is from the Department of Demography, National Bureau of Statistics (Eds.) (1988). China’s Population yearbook. Beijing: China Zhanwang Publishing house. (No other detail provided).

Population of Prefectures in the Hongwu Period

55

and Yongzhou. For its part, the number of households in Chenzhou accounted for 78.5% of the number in Daozhou. Based on this ratio, it is evident that the population of Chenzhou was 46% that of Yongzhou. We compared the population of Chenzhou Prefecture and that of Yongzhou Prefecture before the Yao people uprising and found that if Yongzhou Prefecture had a population of over 240,000, then Chenzhou should have had a population of about 110,000. Chenzhou area was also affected by the uprising of the Yao people. The Veritable Records of Ming Emperor Taizu, recorded that in Hongwu 29th year, “Hu Mian took military troops to Chenzhou and Guizhou to suppress the rebellions.” Local Records recorded that, “In the Hongwu period, there were plundering every now and then, so three bai hu from Chenzhou suo were sent to guard Hankou, Yanzhu and Xinkeng Forts.” Unlike Yongzhou, Chenzhou established only three new forts after the suppression of the Yao people uprising. Its previous military force was also weak, with only one suo of qianhu (thousand hu).12 There were not many people engaged in the uprising, which meant that the Yao ethnic minority did not have a large population. This is why a comparison is made between the population of Chenzhou and that of Yongzhou. 4.8 Chenzhou and Jingzhou The number of li in Chenzhou and Jingzhou in the Tianshun period was 168 and 87 miles, respectively. This was basically the same number as in the record in Huguang Provincial Maps and Records. The consistent number of li throughout Tianshun and Jiajing period suggests that this may equally be the number of li in the Hongwu period. For example, Chenzhou fu, which was part of Hengzhou fu, had an average of 220 households per li in Hongwu 24th year with a population of about 180,000, while Jingzhou had a population of about 100,000. In short, in the southern region of Huguang province, the population was about 2.08 million. 4.9 Huangzhou Fu, Xiangyang Fu, and Mianyang Prefecture According to the “Official System and Population,” Volume 3 of Huangzhou Fu Records in the Hongzhi period, in Hongwu 24th year, Huangzhou Fu had 94,952 households with a population of 642,160 inhabitants. The county-level data generally corresponded to the prefecture-level data. Given that the person per household ratio was as high as 6.8, there is a possibility the female population is under registered. The gender ratio of the registered civilian population was estimated to be 150, and the adjusted actual population was about 740,000. 12 Volume 7 Military Records of Guidong County Gazetteer of Republic of China.

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The statistics in Hukou, Volume 1 of Xiangyang County Records edited in the Tianshun period maintain that in Hongwu 24th year, the whole prefecture had 15,199 households, a population of 85,909 inhabitants, including 5.7 persons per household. This data appears close to the standard given that the actual population was identical to registered population. According to Mianyang County Records edited in the Jiajing period, in Hongwu 24th year, Mianyang County had 7,572 households, a population of 47,410 inhabitants, while Jingling County had 4,702 households and a population of 23,619 inhabitants. The prefecture had a total of 12,274 households, 71029 inhabitants, including 5.8 persons per household. There was 34,612 males and 36,317 females Mianyang Prefecture, with a gender ratio of only 95. It should be noted that in the Hongwu period, there were few areas with a gender ratio below 100. 4.10 De’an Fu According to Volume 2 of Zhengde’s De’an Fu Records, in Hongwu 24th year, De’an Prefecture had 8,087 households and a population of 59,701, including an average of 7.4 persons per household. County-specific population data indicated that apart from Anlu County, which had a close-to-normal number of person per household, the other 5 counties seemed to have extra-large family sizes. In addition, Yunmeng and Xiaogan, in the south, had 8.3–8.4 persons per household, while in Suizhou and Yingshan, in the north, had 6.7 persons per household. Anlu County was a “fuguo county” that had its capital at the same geographical location as that of the prefecture, so the implementation of the ordinance ought to be more stringent than in other counties. It is, therefore, possible that the gender ratio of the registered population of De’an fu could be up to 160. With an adjusted gender ratio of 110, the actual population was about 70, 000. 4.11 Wuchang Fu Wuchang Prefecture had a total of 10 counties. According to Hongwu 24th year, 7 counties, including Tongshan, Tongcheng, Xianning, Daye, Puxi, Xingguo, Jiayu, had a total of 27,278 households and a population of 173,12113 including 13 According to Volume 4 of Kangxi’s Tongshan County Gazetteer, Volume 5 of Shunzhi’s Tongcheng County gazetteer, Volume 4 of Tongzhi’s Xianning County Gazetteer, Volume 2 of Tongzhi’s Daye County Gazetteer, Volume 2 of Tongzhi’s Puxi County Gazetteer, Volume 3 of Jiajing’s Xingguo Prefecture Gazetteer, and Volume 1 of Zhengtong’s Jiayu County Gazetteer.

Population of Prefectures in the Hongwu Period

57

6.3 persons per household and 25,000, on average, in each county. Following this scale, it is logical to estimate that Wuchang, including all the ten counties, had at least 250,000 inhabitants. However, the most populous two counties, Wuchang and Jiangxia, were not included in the count, meaning this number me have been underestimated. Volume 1 of “Huguang Provincial Maps and Records,” edited in the Jiajing period, had a record of the county-level population data of Wuchang Prefecture with Jiangxia county, Wuchuang county, and Chongyang county accounting for 36.4% of the total population. The other 7 counties, including Tongshan made up the remaining 63.6%. If that proportion was true in Hongwu 24th year, then Wuchang Prefecture had an estimated 262,000 populations. The estimate could also be done based on the number of li. In the Tianshun period, the number of li in Jiangxia, Wuchang, and Chongyang accounted for 42.7% of the total number. If this number is viewed as representing the proportion of the population in the Hongwu period, then the total population of Wuchang Prefecture in Hongwu 24th year ought to be about 302,000. Estimates could also be done based on the number of persons per li. Given the population data for the 7 counties, including Tong Shan in the Hongwu 24th year, if the numbers of li in the Tianshun period were the same as the number in the Hongwu period, then there were 184 households per li with an average of 6.2 persons per household. Wuchang Prefecture, it is claimed, had a total of 265 li in the Tianshun period. According to Volume 1 of Jiajing “Huguang Provincial Maps and Records”, Wuchang Prefecture continued to have 254 li in the early Jiajing period, which means there was no change in Wuchang Prefecture in the Ming Dynasty. Assuming that there were 265 li in Wuchang Prefecture in Hongwu 24th year with an average of 184 households per li and an average of 6.2 persons per household, the total population of the entire prefecture would have been 322,000. Based on the three above methods, the registered population of Wuchang fu in Hongwu 24th year can be estimated to be roughly 250,000–330,000 inhabitants. Here, we set it at 300,000, which should reflect the exact population. The average number of persons per households in the six counties of Wuchang fu was up to 6.2. In addition, the estimated gender ratio of the registered population could be up to 130, so the adjusted actual population ought to be about 320,000. 4.12 Hanyang Fu No record of the population of the Hanyang fu during the reign of Hongwu has been found. Hanyang fu had jurisdiction over Hanyang county and Hanchuan

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county, so based on the average population of surrounding counties of 25,000, Hanyang Prefecture may have had a total population of 50,000. 4.13 Jingzhou Fu In Hongwu 24th year, Jingzhou fu had jurisdiction over 15 counties, but only one account exists of its population. According to “hukou,” Volume 13 of Jingmen Fu Records edited in the Qianong period, the population of Jingzhou fu was 61,686 in Hongwu 24th year. The population of the rest of the years is unknown. According to Volume 1 of Huguang Provincial Maps and Records edited in the Jiajing period, Jingmen Zhou (Prefecture) in 1472 (Chenghua 8th year) had 56,735 persons, accounting 16.9% of the total population. Da Ming Yitong Zhi recorded 63 li in Jingmen zhou, accounting for 17.4% of the total. Assuming that its population proportion in Hongwu 24th year was 17%, Jingzhou Prefecture should have had a population of about 354,000. 4.14 An’lu Fu In the Hongwu period, An’lu Prefecture had jurisdiction over itself and Jingshan county. In the Tianshun period, there were a total of 42 li, which accounted for 11.6% of the li in Jingzhou Prefecture. Based on this data, in Hongwu 24th year, An’lu zhou presumably had about 40,000 people. Alter­ natively, assuming the number of li in the two places was 66.7% of the li in Jingmen Prefecture, there would have been 41,000 in An’lu Prefecture. All in all, in Hongwu 24th year, the registered population in the north of Huguang province was about 1,772,000. 4.15 Summary With the exception of Quanzhou and Guanyang county that were under its jurisdiction, the total population of Huguang Province in Hongwu 24th year was 3,792,000, a total of 298,000 inhabitants fewer than the 4,090,000 recorded in Table 1. From Hongwu 15th year to Hongwu 24th year, the change in the population statistics of Yongzhou Prefecture led to a reduction of about 130,000 inhabitants. “Shizhouwei”, as well as some of the Guizhou district governors and xuanwei si Division, had been included in the jurisdiction of the Huguang Province. Therefore, their population was added to the total population of Huguang Province. Also included in their population were Yongshun military and civilian “xuanwei si” Division in the western Hunan, Baojing military and civilian “xuanwei si” Division, and ethnic minority populations in the western mountainous area Yuezhou Prefecture. The difference between the sum of the county population data and the total population Huguang Province is the ethnic minority population in these areas.

Population of Prefectures in the Hongwu Period

5

59

Fujian

According to Table 1, the population of Fujian in 1381 (Hongwu 14th year) was 3.84 million, but only 3.30 million in 1391. Even though that number became 3.92 million in 1393, the number of households remained about the same, around 810 000 to 820,000. A breakdown of the status of individual prefectures is as follows: 5.1 Tingzhou Fu and Shaowu Fu According to “Food and Currency,” Vol. 4 of Tingzhou Records edited in the Jiajing period (1522–1566), Tingzhou prefecture had 60,033 households, 290,977 people accounting for 4.8 people per household. These numbers, however, do not match the totality of the population numbers of all the counties. A closer look reveals that this is because the population number of Ninghua county was, as a matter of fact, from 1522 (Jiajing 1st year). That means the correct number for Ninghua county ought to have been 4.8 people per household, rather than 3.6. According to Household, Vol. 7 of Shaowu Records edited in the Jiajing period (1522–1566), in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), the four counties in Shaowu prefecture had 56,682 households, 235,710 inhabitants, and, therefore, a houseperson ratio at 4.2. 5.2 Fuzhou Fu According to Household, Vol. 3 of Funing Zhouzhi edited in the Jiajing period (1522–1566), in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), Funing had 43,094 households and 112,580 inhabitants, meaning there were 2.6 inhabitants per household. The relatively low number of people per household in Funing may have been due to inconsistencies in the measuring criteria. If we assume a house-person ratio at 4.5, the population of Funing would then be about 194,000 inhabitants. The noteworthy point is that in 1391, the number of households and the total population of Funing were not separately recorded, given that the county was considered part of Fuzhou prefecture. According to Vol. 7 of Fuzhou Records edited in the Wanli period (1522–1566). Fuzhou prefecture, in Hongwu period (1368–1398), had 94,514 households, 285,265 inhabitants, and therefore, only three inhabitants per household. In the case of Funing, if we assume the house-person ratio to be 4.5, then the population of Fuzhou would be around 425,000. With an average annual growth rate of 4‰, the total population of Fuzhou prefecture in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) ought to have been about 440,000.

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5.3 Jianning Fu and Xinghua Fu According to Vol. 12 of Jianning Records edited in the Jiajing period (1522–1566), in Hongwu 14th year, Jianning prefecture had 140,089 households and 537,024 inhabitants, meaning the number of inhabitants per household was 3.8. The number of inhabitants per household in only two counties, Ouning and Songxi, falls within the reasonable range. In comparison, the number of inhabitants per household in the remaining five counties (around 3.5 only) falls out of the reasonable range. If we assume a house-person ratio at 4.5, then the population of these five counties would be about 503,000, taking the total of the seven counties to around 667,000. That would mean the entire population of 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) would then be around 690,000. As recorded in “Household,” Vol. 10 of Xinghua Records edited in the Hongzhi period (1488–1505), in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), there were 64,241 households in the three counties of Putian, Xianyou, and Xinghua. It is noteworthy that the prefectural borderlines of Xinghua were the same as in the Yuan Dynasty (1271–1368), during which 67,739 households and 353,000 inhabitants were documented to have populated the region. So, taking those figures into account, it is possible to assume that the house-person ratio would have been five and that the total number of inhabitants of Xinghua in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) would have been about 32 million. 5.4 Yanping Fu According to Food and Currency, Vol. 5 of Yanping Records edited in the Jiajing period (1522–1566), during the Yuan Dynasty (1271–1368), Yanping prefecture had 89,825 households and 435,869 inhabitants. No statistics are found with regard to the population status in the Hongwu period (1368–1398). The only available record shows that in Zhengtong 7th year (1442), there were 77,627 households and 280,508 inhabitants living in the area. However, the Yanping prefectural population can be estimated based on the county data. According to Vol. 3 of Youxi Records edited in the Chongzhen period (1628–1644), in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), Youxi had 22,182 households and 70,317 inhabitants accounting for only 3.2 inhabitants per household. If we assume that a standard house-person ratio was five, then the county would have had about 110,910 inhabitants. According to Fangdu, Vol. 2 of Shaxian Records edited in the Jiajing period (1522–1566), there were 36,439 households and 187,468 inhabitants in the county, meaning there were 5.1 inhabitants per household. In addition, as recorded in “Food and Currency and Household,” Vol. 2 of Jiangle Records edited in the Hongzhi period (1488–1505), the county had 18,742 households and 68,444 inhabitants, accounting for 3.7 inhabitants per household. If we assume a house-person ratio of five, then the total

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population of the entire county would be around 93,710 inhabitants. That means the total population of the three counties would be 392,088 inhabitants, including 77,363 households. In 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), apart from the aforementioned three counties, there were also Nanping and Shunchang. During the 1953 census registration, it was noted that these two counties accounted for 41% of the population of Yanping prefecture. However, because Yong’an and Datian were administratively separated from Youxi and Shaxian counties in the mid-Ming, Nanping and Shuangchang then accounted for only 30% of the population of the whole seven counties. If we assume that in the Hongwu period (1368–1398), these two counties also accounted for 30% of the whole prefectural population, leaving Youxi, Shaxi, and Jiangle with 70% of the prefectural population, then the total prefectural population would be around 560,000. The population statistics of each prefecture in Fujian, which can be found in Vol. 15–16 of BaMin Tongzhi (The General Records of Eight Min), show that the three counties under Yanping, i.e. Youxi, Shaxian, and Jiangle, had 356 tu.14 That number accounted for 68.9% of the whole prefectural population at the time, which is quite close to our above estimation of these three counties accounting for 70% of the prefectural population. 5.5 Quanzhou Fu The data of Quanzhou is more complicated than that of the other prefectures. According to BaMin Tongzhi, during the Hongzhi period (1488–1505), there were only 135 tu in Jingjiang, the metropolitan county of Quanzhou and 20 of these lived in or near the inner city of the prefectural capital. If each tu contained 180 households, Quanzhou would have had only 3,600 households and about 18,000 inhabitants. Because of the sea trade restrictions (the haijin or sea ban) in early Ming, many tradesmen including a large number of Arabs, left Quanzhou. Therefore, the county quickly lost its status as a trading port, and its population declined to the level of a regular prefectural capital. Considering all the above conditions, we speculate that the number 262 recorded in Min Daji was, actually, the number of tu of Jingjiang during the Hongwu period (1368–1398). In Ba Min Tongzhi, the tu number of the four counties of Nanan, Dehua, Yongchun, and Anxi were all the results of following the record of “25 tu for the several counties”. No separate number has been found just for the three 14

According to Daming Yitongzhi (Comrprehensive Georgraphy of the Ming Dynasty) edited in the Tianshun period (1457–1464), these three counties had 339 li making it possible to speculate that the statistics in Ba Min Tongzhi were from before the Tianshun period and probably were or close to the concept of li in the Hongwu period (1368–1398).

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counties of Jinjiang, Tongan, and Hui’an. However, we can speculate, based on the above discussion about the case of Jingjiang, that the tu numbers of these three counties would be reflective of the population decline in the early Ming period. Nevertheless, unlike Quanzhou, whose conditions were special due to its status, the decline in population declines would have been different and would have varied from county to county, thereby making it difficult to estimate the prefectural population based on county data. According to Vol. 1 of Anxi Records edited in the Jiajing period (1522–1566), in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), Anxi had 1,980 households and 9,016 inhabitants, thereby accounting for a house-person ratio 4.6. According to “Farm Tax,” Vol. 6 of Yongchun Zhouzhi edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796), Yongchun had 4,041 households and 21,077 inhabitants with an average of 5.2 inhabitants per household, while Dehua county had 2,227 households and 17,900 inhabitants with an average 8 inhabitants per household. Altogether the three counties had 8,248 households, 47,993 inhabitants and a house-person ratio of 5.8. It is recorded in Ba Min Tongzhi that during the Hongzhi period (1488–1505), these three counties had 39 tu accounting for 12.9% of the total 302 tu in the entire prefecture. Because of the previously mentioned population change in Jingjiang, the pace of the county’s tu numbers decline ought to be faster than that of the other counties. Consequently, it can be assumed that the tu numbers of Anxi, Yongchun, and Dehua accounted for less than 12.9% of the total of Quanzhou prefecture. If we assume that the percentage was 9, then in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), the prefecture would have had some 90,000 households and 530,000 inhabitants. 5.6 Zhangzhou Fu In the Hongwu period (1368–1398), three of the five counties of Zhangzhou prefecture have specific population records: In “Tax and Corvee”, Vol. 3 of Longyan Zhouzhi edited in the Daoguang period (1782–1850), it is recorded that in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), Longyan had 13,331 households and 81,844 inhabitants accounting for 6.1 inhabitants per household. According to “Tax and Corvee,” Vol. 7 of Zhangpu Records edited in the Kangxi period (1662–1722), the corresponding numbers for Zhangpu county are 15,356, 98,999, and 6.4 respectively, and, according to “Household, Food and Currency,” Changtai Records edited in the Jiajing period (1522–1566), the numbers for Changtai county were 5,622 and 18,399 (noted under the category of ding). Based on these numbers, it is worthy to note that Changtai county would have had 3.3 ding per household. If we take this ding as a reference of the male population, the household-person ratio would be 6.3 based on a presumed sex ratio of 110. Therefore, the entire population of Changtai county ought to be 35,419, and the three counties altogether

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ought to have 34,309 households and 216,262 inhabitants. Records in Ba Min Tongzhi show that these three counties had 217 tu in the Hongwu period (1368–1398), accounting for 49.1% of the total tu number in the prefecture.15 At this ratio, the entire Zhangzhou prefecture should have had 69,734 households and 439,557 inhabitants. 5.7 Summary In summary, in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), Fujian prefecture had about 3.701 million inhabitants, a number slightly fewer than the number in both Hongwu 14th year (1381) and the 26th year (1393) but which shows an increase of 400,000 inhabitants in the 24th year (see Table 1). 6

Zhejiang

According to Gongfu Records, Vol. 17 of Zhejiang Tongzhi (The General Records of Zhejiang) edited in the Jiajing period (1522–1566), in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), there were 2,138,225 households and 10,487,567 inhabitants in Zhejiang. That means the household-person ratio was 5. These are also the numbers for Hongwu 26th year (1393) (see Table 1). Unfortunately, “Zhejiang Tongzhi” contains no specific account of the population of individual prefectures during the Hongwu period (1368–1398). The sources of the current data are the following: Household, Vol. 7 of Hangzhou Records edited in the Kangxi period (1662–1722), Food and Currency, Vol. 9 of Yanzhou Records edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796), Household, Farm Tax, Vol. 14 of Shaoxing Records edited in the Kangxi period (1662–1722), Household, Vol. 10 of Jiaxing Records edited in the Kangxi period (1662–1722), Economy and Administration, and Household, Vol. 39 of Huzhou Records edited in the Tongzhi period (1862–1874), Household, Vol. 1 of Taizhou Records edited in the Kangxi period (1662–1722), Food and Currency, and Household, Vol. 5 of Wenzhou Records edited in the Wanli period (1573–1620), and Household, Vol. 4 of Ningbo Junzhi in the Chenghua period (1465–1487). However, given that the household-person ratios calculated on the basis of these data all seem abnormally low, we again use the baseline household-person ratio of five to estimate the population of each

15

According to Daming Yitongzhi (Comprehensive Georgraphys of the Ming Dynasty) edited in the Tianshun period (1457–1464), these three counties had 221 li, a number also smaller than the number in BaMin Tongzhi. So we can speculate that the number in BaMin Tongzhi were from earlier than the Tianshun period.

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prefecture except Jinhua and Chuzhou since these two prefectures require special analysis. According to the report of Zuo Buzhengshi (Left Exchequer) Huang Ze, which was recorded in the entry of November Zhengtong 6th year (1441) in Vol. 85 of Ming Yingzong Shilu (Veritable Records of Emperor Yingzong of the Ming), in Jinhua prefecture: “During the Hongwu period (1368–1398), there were some 256,000 households in the seven counties of Jinhua.” If we assume a household-person ratio to be five, then the number of inhabitants in Jinhua would be around 128,000. According to Vol. 11 of Pujiang Records edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), Vol. 2 of Lanxi Records edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), Vol. 1 of Yiwu Records edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820) and Vol. 1 of Wuyi Records edited in the Zhengde period (1506–1521), the four counties of Pujiang, Lanxi, Yiwu, and Dezheng had altogether 108,469 households and 546,294 inhabitants meaning the average inhabitants per household was five. These four counties accounted for 42.3% of the total number of households, which suggests that the total prefectural population was around 128,9000. It can be seen that the results of the two methods of calculation are significantly close. Among the eight counties of Chuzhou prefecture, only the number of households and inhabitants of Longquan in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) are recorded. In Household, Vol. 4 of Longquan Records edited in the Shunzhi period (1643–1661), in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), the county had 26,560 households and 126,443 inhabitants, which means there were 4.8 inhabitants per household. According to Daming Yitongzhi (Comprehensive Geography of the Ming Dynasty) edited in the Tianshun period (1457–1464), Longquan had 166 li accounting for up to 17.3 % of the Chuzhou population. If this ratio was close to the one in 1391, then Chuzhou should have had a population of 731,000 inhabitants. By extension, that means the 11 prefectures of Zhejiang would have had 10.966 million inhabitants in 1391. See Appendix 1 for the numbers of each prefecture. 7

Guangdong

Guangdong population statistics were recorded in Vol. 17–59 of Guangdong Tongzhi (The General Records of Guangdong) edited in the Wanli period (1573–1620). However, we have discovered that the house-person ratios based

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Population of Prefectures in the Hongwu Period

on these documented numbers fell short of the baseline leading us to speculate that the actual population was bigger and to make the following adjustment (see Table 4): Table 4

Prefectural household and population in Guangzhou in Hongwu 24th year

Prefecture Household Person

Household- Adjustment (1) Adjustment (2) (actual populaperson (registered tion, thousand) population)

Guangzhou 210,995 Shaozhou 18,900 Nanxiong 8,909 Huizhou 23,180 Chaozhou 80,979 Zhaoqing 89,111 Gaozhou 21,951 Lianzhou 11,819 Leizhou 45,327 Qiongzhou 68,522 Total 579,693

2.9 4.2 7.6 4.7 3.7 4.7 3.1 6.4 5.0 4.2 3.9

60,8451 80,026 67,731 108,692 296,784 415,793 67,581 75,335 225,612 291,030 2,237,035

90,7279 80,026 67,731 108,692 348,210 415,793 94,389 75,335 225,612 291,030 2,614,097

1,168 103 87 140 448 535 122 97 291 375 3,366

Source: Vol. 17–59 of Guangdong Tongzhi edited in the Wanli period (1573–1620)

Compared with the numbers of 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) (see Table 1), the number of households and inhabitants as outlined in Table 4 are less by 27,548 and 344,684, respectively, an indication that the prefectural records were unreliable. For instance, Guangzhou prefecture, which had the largest numbers of households and population, had a questionable household-person ratio of 2.9. If we assume the ratio to be 4.3, then the population of Guangzhou should be larger than the current number by nearly 300,000 inhabitants. We can infer from the respective numbers of the male and the female population following the result of the census conducted in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) that the prefectural records only accounted for the taxed population. This would then explain why the recorded household-person ratios of Guangzhou, Chaozhou, and Gaozhou prefectures were abnormally low. After adjusting the household-person ratios of these prefectures, we estimate that the population

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of Guangdong in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) was 261.4 million; therefore, 32,000 inhabitants more than the recorded number in Ming Taizu Shilu (Veritable Records of Emperor Taizu of the Ming). The population figure of Guangzhou, after adjustment, appears reliable because it is very close to the population figure of Guangdong minus that of all the other Guangdong prefectures. Also, we can confirm that the household-person ratio of 2.9, as recorded in Guangdong Tongzhi edited in the Wanli period (1573–1620), was only the ratio of male residents in an average household. Based on this, there is a female ratio per household is 1.4, and there is an unusually high male-female ratio of 207 if we assume that each Guangdong household had around 4.3 individuals. However, if we assume that the male-female ratio was the normal 110, then we can estimate that, in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), the actual population of Guangzhou was 1.168 million, whereas the actual population of Guangdong ought to be 3.366 million. This assumption explains the adjustments made in Table 4. It needs to be pointed out that the numbers are our estimations. Therefore, we present them as approximations. 8

Guangxi

We found that the statistics of Guangxi households and population in Wealth and Tax, Vol. 17 of Guangxi Tongzhi (The General Records of Guangxi) edited in the Wanli period (1573–1620) were the same as in Houhu Zhi. However, the year numbers were noted differently: Hongwu 1st year (1368) for the former and 26th year (1393) for the latter. In addition, the numbers in the Guangxi Tongzhi are incomplete even though it contains records of individual prefectures. Detailed analysis is as follows: 8.1 Liuzhou Fu, Qingyuan Fu, Wuzhou Fu, and Taiping Fu The Guangxi Tongzhi records show that Liuzhou prefecture had 35,963 households and 231,926 inhabitants in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), meaning the household-person ratio was 6.4. We can estimate that the male-female ratio at the time was around 140 and that the entire population was around 259,000. Records also show that Qingyuan prefecture had 17,272 households and 82,417 inhabitants, accounting for a household-person ratio of 4.8 in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year). This ratio, which meets our baseline, suggests that the registered number was the actual population number.

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According to the Guangxi Tongzhi, Wuzhou prefecture in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) had 43,409 households. However, the Tongzhi contains no specific number for the entire prefectural population. The household number is the same as documented in Household and Tax, Vol. 8 of Wuzhou Fuzhi (Wuzhou Fu Records) edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796), and it is the same as in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year). In addition, it is noted in the Fuzhi that Wuzhou had 248,538 inhabitants in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year). This number seems to have been somehow left out in the Guangxi Tongzhi. Therefore, after adjustment, the household-person ratio of Wuzhou ought to be 5.7, the actual population around 2.68 million. The Tongzhi also had no specific population record for Taiping prefecture during the Hongwu period (1368–1398), noting that the prefecture was “guochu shikao” (missing from the early times). However, according to Household, Vol. 1 of Taiping Fuzhi edited in the Wanli period (1573–1620), there were 4,859 households and some 49,000 (?) inhabitants in Taiping. Given that the numbers were significant small, we did not see any need to make any adjustments. 8.2 Guilin Fu Household, Vol. 3 of Yongzhou Fuzhi (Yongzhou Records) contains the population data of Quanzhou along with that of Guanyang county, which, in Hongwu 14th year (1381), was under the former’s jurisdiction. In fact, the numbers of children and adults, and males and females were specified: The “adult males” and the “adult females” were recorded as 59,244 and 51,424 respectively, while the “male children” and “female children” population numbers were 36,870 and 20,287 respectively. The male-female ratios of the above pairs were 115 and 182. If the ratio is adjusted to 110, the whole population of Quanzhou and Guanyang would be around 183,000. Records show that during the Tianshun period (1457–1464), the combined total number of li for Quanzhou, Guanyang, and Yangshuo was 110, accounting for 32.5% of the total 344 li of the entire Guilin prefecture. Based on the information, it can be estimated that the whole prefectural population was around 703,000. After subtracting the population of Quanzhou and Guanyang, two counties that belonged to Yongzhou prefecture in Hongwu 26th year (1393), we can estimate that the prefectural population was around 520,000. 8.3 Nanning Fu Guangxi Tongzhi, edited in the Wanli period (1573–1620), contains no account of the population of Nanning during the Hongwu period (1368–1398).

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According to Household, Vol. 2 of Nanning Fuzhi edited in the Jiajing period (1522–1566), Hengzhou had 1,270 households and 10,094 inhabitants in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year). Considering that during the Tianshun period (1457–1464), Hengzhou had 15 li, which comprised 19.2% of the 78 li of the entire Nanning, it can be estimated that the prefecture had about 53,000 inhabitants in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year). 8.4 Xunzhou Fu, Pingle Fu, and Siming Fu During the Tianshun period (1457–1464), Xunzhou, Pingle, and Siming took up 8.3% (96 li), 1.3% (15 li), and 0.5% (6 li) of the entire population of Guangxi province. However, because the total provincial population remains unknown, there is insufficient information to make an estimate of the population of these three individual prefectures. However, through an expedient reference to the statistics of the nearby and smaller Nanning prefecture, we estimate that the three prefectures (Xunzhou, Pingle, and Siming) had about 65,000, 10,000, and 24,000 inhabitants, respectively. Taking these numbers into account, we estimate that Guangxi, including Quanzhou and Guanyang county, had about 1.493 million inhabitants in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), a figure significantly close to the 1.483 million inhabitants recorded in Guangxi Tongzhi edited in the Wanli period (1573–1620). However, the latter number was for early Hongwu. It has to be pointed out that the estimation also does not include the population of unregistered ethnic minorities living across the Guangxi prefectures, especially in parts of the west. The size of such a population was considerable. 8.5 Other Regions In Hongwu 26th year (1393), seven regions in western Guangxi, i.e., Sien prefecture, Sichengzhou, Tianzhou prefecture, Zhenan prefecture, Silingzhou, and Longzhou and Jiangzhou, were populated almost entirely by ethnic minority groups. The li-jia system in Daming Yitongzhi (Topographic Treaties of the Ming Dynasty), edited in the Tianshun period (1457–1464), however, did not include these regions. In fact, we have found no historical records of the population in these regions. The 1953 census shows that these regions had 214.3 million inhabitants accounting for 14.4% of the population of Guangxi province. This leads us to estimate that the population in Hongwu 26th year (1393) would have been around 278,000. After dividing this number according to the proportions of each region and using seven as the denominator, we have ended up with population estimates for each region (See Appendix 1). In particular, we

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note that the total area of three regions, Longzhou, Jiangzhou, and Silingzhou, could amount to the area of a county (probably a smaller one) or a zhangguansi. Therefore, the population of these three regions can be estimated to be around 3,000, 4,000 and 3,000 inhabitants respectively. It is worth noticing that, according to Ming Taizu Shilu (Veritable Records of Emperor Taizu of the Ming), each zhangguansi in the 21 zhou, including Guzhou, had around 3,800 inhabitants. We do not believe that this is a coincidence, rather, this means that our estimations are close to the real numbers. In addition, we know that, from Hongwu 26th year (1393) to 1953, the population of these regions increased from 278,000 to 2114,000 representing an average annual growth rate of 3.7%—a rate also reflected in our estimations. 9

Sichuan

So far, we have not found any official account of the prefectural population in Sichuan. So, we have decided to make a rough estimation of the prefectural population in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) by referring to the li ratio of each prefecture as recorded in Daming Yitongzhi (Topographic Treaties of the Ming Dynasty). According to Vol. 1 of Pengzhou Zhouzhi, three counties under Shunqing prefecture, namely Pengzhou, Yingshan, Yilong, had altogether 1,708 households and 18,142 inhabitants, meaning there were 10.6 inhabitants per household. It is also known that these three counties had 15 li in the early years of the Tianshun period (1457–1464). Consequently, if we assume that this number did not change during the Hongwu period (1368–1398), that would make 114 households per li and 151,000 households in the 1,324 li of the entire province. Based on these figures, the total number of individuals per household would be 10.6. This estimate is remarkably close to the 1.568 million in Table 1, which is the population figure of Sichuan in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year). This number is likely to be the number of registered and taxed Han population. Daming Yitongzhi (Topographic Treaties of the Ming Dynasty), edited in the Tianshun period (1457–1464), contains the numbers of li of the following ten prefectures: Chengdu, Baoning, Shunqing, Kuizhou, Chongqing, Xuzhou, Tongchuan, Meizhou, Jiading, and Luzhou. Based on the li ratio of each prefecture to the whole provincial population, we have made the following estimations about the registered population in these ten prefectures:

70 Table 5

Chapter 3 Registered prefectural population in Sichuan in Hongwu 24th year

zhangguansi (administrative units) number

zhangguansi population (100,000) and unregistered population

Prefecture

li number in Tianshun period

Ratio (%)

Estimated registered population (100,000)

Chengdu Baoning Shunqing Kuizhou Chongqing Xuzhou Tongchuan Meizhou Jiading Luzhou Total Yazhou Yongning xuanfusi Youyang xuanfusi Shizhu xuanfusi Mahu Wumeng Dongchuan Wusa Zhenxiong Total

230 60 111 67 380 204 65 35 72 100 1,324 12 7

17.1 4.5 8.2 5.0 28.2 15.1 4.8 2.6 5.3 7.4 100

27.3 7.1 13.2 8.0 45.1 24.2 7.7 4.2 8.5 11.9 157.2 1.4 0.8

2

0.8

10

1.1

3

1.5

3

0.4

1

0.4

8 1 1 1 1 44

1.0 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 5.2

5

1.5 2.2 2.2 2.2 2.2 13.0

11

Sources: Vol. 63–73 Daming Yitongzhi (Comprehensive Geography of the Ming Dynasty) edited in the Tianshun period (1457–1464). The li numbers of Yongning, Youyang, Shizhu, and the Wuhu five prefectures of Mahu, Zhenxiong, Wumeng, Wusa, and Dongchuan are from Liang Fangzhong’s (2008, p. 308) Zhongguo lidai hukou, tiandi, tianfu tongji (Statistics on Chinese Household Registries, Farmland and Land Tax Through the Ages). Lizhou (see Appendix 1) was reduced from an anfusi to a qianhusuo directly governed by Sichuan dousi

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The li numbers of nine prefectures, Yazhou, Yongning, Youyang, Shizhu, Mahu, Wumeng, Dongchuan, Wusa, and Zhenxiong, can be found in Dushi Fangyu Jiyao (Essence of Historical Geography)16 written by Gu Zuyu’s (1631–1692 or 1624–1680) the Qing Dynasty geographer. While the numbers were not specifically from the Tianshun period (1457–1464), evidence suggests that the conditions of that period were almost exactly as depicted by Gu, especially with regard to ethnic minority areas. So, even though there is a lack of official data about Tianshun, it is possible to make an estimation based on the statistics provided in Gu’s book. That explains why here, we have used the li numbers of the ethnic minority areas in the book to represent the li numbers in these regions during the Tianshun period (1457–1464). Based on our knowledge that Chengdu and the other nine prefectures with recorded data had 1,187 inhabitants per li, we are able to estimate the registered population of Yazhou and the remaining eight prefectures and si (see Table 5). We will mention in the next chapter in our discussion of the Guizhou statistics that each zhangguansi had about 3,800 inhabitants and that this figure provides clues to the total inhabitants in a zhangguansi in the prefectures and si in Sichuan. Considering that Youyang and Shizhu were under the jurisdiction of Chongqing wei, we have included their population by adding a further 38,000 inhabitants from these two li-jia and zhangguansi to the Chongqing number. It needs to be pointed out that, in regions where there were no zhangguansi (administrative government), a considerable number of ethnic minorities went unregistered. Again, using the same calculation method discussed in the next chapter, we estimate that the west of Guiyang, including Bijie and the other wei regions, had about 22,000 unregistered inhabitants. Similarly, an estimate can be made of the population of Wumeng and the other four prefectures, as detailed in Appendix 1. 16 Translator’s note: The book covers a wide range of issues in the pre-Ming times, particularly topography and its impact on military strategies. The author, Gu, uses the administrative division of the late Ming and early Qing.

Chapter 4

The Military Population and the Population of National Minorities in the Ming Dynasty 1

The Northeastern Region

Liaodong Dusi 1.1 In February of 1371 (Hongwu 4th year), the former Mongol-Yuan (the remaining power of the former Yuan Dynasty in the Ming Dynasty) general Liu Yi hauled down the flag with thousands of his troops to the Ming imperial court. The court then set up the Liaodong Military Commission in the town of Deliying (present-day Wafangdian city in Liaoning province). The increasing number of the former Mongol-Yuan soldiers who surrendered increased the population of wei-suo. Up until 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), there had been 17 wei (garrison) in Liaodong. However, the number later increased to 20 wei in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year) and 23 wei in 1395 (Hongwu 28th year).1 If we compare the number of soldiers respectively in all Liaodong wei-suo as recorded in the “Book on Army Provisions,” Vol. 23 of The Liaodong Chronicle and the “Military Management,” Vol. 2 of The Liao Chronicle, it is clear that each wei was organized according to a standard 5,600 soldiers. In addition, the Ming government stipulated that military personnel take their family dependents to the frontiers where they were to station. Based on the fact that each service could take an average of 2.54 family dependents,2 it can be concluded that there were about 396,000 inhabitants (servicemen and their family dependents) in Liaodong military wei during 1391. In 1387 (Hongwu 11th year), the subprefectures and counties of Liaodong were canceled; some local residents were transferred to the soldier register of the military wei, and others were governed by the military wei. All the wei in

1 Bi Gong. “Geography”, Vol. 1 of The Liaodong Chronicle; “Geography”, Vol. 41 of The Ming History; “The Book on Change and Development”, Vol. 1 of The Quanliao Chronicle. 2 According to Vol. 91 of Mingtaizu Shilu (p. 1599), in the autumn (July in the lunar calendar) of the 7th year of the Hongwu period, the jianshi commander Tuoliebo in Guangxi huwei convened his former Mongol-Yuan soldiers (about 1,360 people) who took their family dependents (about 3,460 people).On average, one serviceman took 2.54 dependents. 5600*5*3.54 = 99120.

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Liaodong opened “wei schools” for children with military household registration and “social schools”3 for children with civilian household registration. In “Geography: Customs” of Vol. 1 of The Liaodong Records, it reads: “a new nation had come into being where people from different places gathered. And soon, the subprefectures and counties were changed into military wei where Han people accounted for 70 percent and Koreans, aboriginals, and the submissive nüzhen ethnic tribes accounted for 30 percent.” The aboriginals here mainly referred to the Mongol-Yuan generals and soldiers. According to Vol. 181 of Mingtaizu Shilu, in the lunar month of March of 1387 (Hongwu 20th year), Koreans sent back “358 refugees who came from 45 households of the Naiduolibudai tribe in the Liaoshen area” under guard to the Ming Dynasty. These refugees in Korea were aboriginals in Liaodong. What exactly was the population of “aboriginals” in Liaodong? According to Vols. 182 to 184 of Mingtaizu Shilu, in 1387, Nahachu, the Mongol-Yuan general, with his troops of 200,000 surrendered to the Ming Dynasty, and the majority of them were sent to Daning dusi and Liaodong dusi now located in the north of Hebei province and the Inner Mongolian Prairie. The population of the five wei in Liaodong wei-suo, organized under the leadership of Nahachu, was about 100,000 inhabitants.4 If the total population of Koreans and the submissive nüzhen ethnic tribes accounted for 10 percent of the population of Liaodong and the “aboriginals” 20 percent, then there were about 500,000 inhabitants in the Liaodong area. Of this number, if 400,000 inhabitants were registered as the military wei population, then the remaining 100,000 inhabitants should have been “daiguan” (appended population) of military wei transferred from civilian population registration and accounting for 20 percent of the local population. 1.2 Ethnic Minorities to the North of Liaodong According to the “Military Book” of The Ming History, the Ming government established 384 jimi (containment and conciliation) wei and 24 jimi suo under Nurgan dusi. Without any references available, if we suppose the average population of each wei was 1,000 to 2,000 inhabitants, then there were about 500,000 inhabitants under the jurisdiction of Nurgan dusi.

3 “Establishment Records”, Vol. 2 of The Quanliao Chronicle. 4 Cao, S. (1997). The Ming Period. In The History of Chinese Migration (Vol. 5) (pp. 279–282). Fuzhou: Fujian People’s Press.

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Mongolia

2.1 The Remaining Troops of the Northern Yuan Regime Defeated by the Ming forces, the Yuan imperial court retreated to the Mongolian Plateau and established the Northern Yuan Regime to continue its regime. In the Mongolian legends, it was said that there had been 400,000 Mongolian households in the Yuan Dynasty, and 60,000 of them came back to the Mongolian Plateau after their defeat by the Ming forces.5 Some historical records did prove that this estimate of 60,000 households was correct. In fact, the remaining troops of the Northern Yuan Regime, though disintegrated, could not be underestimated by Emperor Zhu Yuanzhang. In 1387 (Hongwu 20th year), when Nahachu and his 200,000 soldiers surrendered to the Ming Dynasty, Tögüs Temür, the successor of the former Mongul-Yuan emperor, led his 100,000 tribesmen to rove as nomads around the Greater Khingan Mountains and Bei’er Lake. In the winter of 1388 (Hongwu 21st year), the Ming forces defeated Tögüs and strangled him to death; his troops escaped and scattered over the Mongolian Prairie.6 Despite the repeated clean-out and wipe-out by the Ming forces that lasted till 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), there were still 100,000 to 200,000 people, remnants of the Mongolian troops of the Northern Yuan Regime, living in these areas. 2.2 The Three Wei in Uriankhai Having campaigned over the years around the Greater Khingan Mountains, Bei’er Lake, Suhuajiang River Basin, and Huang River during the Hongwu period, the Ming forces had unavoidable contacts with the Mongolians from the three tribes of Uriankhai. In 1389 (Hongwu 22nd year), the Ming government set up three jimi wei in Uriankhai precisely at Toyan, Taining, and Fuyu. In the mid-Ming Dynasty, the rising Tartar-Mongol swept the three wei with its 30,000 soldiers. This shows that there were less than 30,000 soldiers in Uriankhai Mongol, a region that remained less prosperous at the time with a population under 100,000 inhabitants. 2.3 Other Mongol Tribes In the early years of the Ming Dynasty, the Mongolian Horqin tribe inhabited the Hulunbei’er prairie in the west of the Greater Khingan Mountains. The 5 Sanang, C. (1981). Mongol Origin and Development (annotated newly-translated version). Hohhot: Inner Mongolia People’s Press. 6 See the headword “The 21st year of the Hongwu Period” (1388) in “Biographic Sketches of Emperors 4, Taizu 4”, The Ming History.

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tribesmen were not offsprings of the Central Mongol tribes; instead, they were descendants of Genghis Khan. It was in the late Ming Dynasty that the Horqin tribe began to rise and move down to the south. The Mongol population of the Horqin tribe was probably about several hundred or thousand people. Along the northern borderline of the Ming Dynasty (present-day Inner Mongolia) lived Tartar-Mongol tribes whose rise began in the mid-Ming Dynasty. In the early years of the Ming Dynasty, there were only 10,000 to 20,000 tribesmen. While the Northern Yuan Regime was still powerful during the Hongwu period, the Oirat-Mongol tribe stayed inactive in the northwest of the Mongolian Plateau (present-day State of Mongolia and Russia). After the Northern Yuan Regime was annihilated by the Ming forces, the Oirat-Mongol began to prosper. A comparative analysis of the population of other tribes indicates that the population of the Oirat-Mongol, in the Hongwu period, was no more than 100,000 inhabitants. Chagatai Khanate was the princedom of Chagatai, the second son of Genghis Khan. It was located in today’s northern and southern Tianshan mountains of Xinjiang and extended to countries including Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan. In the first year of the Yuan Dynasty, Chagatai Khanate was split into the eastern and western parts. The main territory of the eastern part was present-day Xinjiang and Kazakhstan, and its population, so far, has remained unknown. In Chapter 4 of this book, the estimated population of Hami was about 30,000 to 40,000 inhabitants. We can extrapolate that the population of Xinjiang was about 300,000 inhabitants Roughly speaking, there were about 360,000 Mongolians in the Northern Yuan Mongol and the Mongolian Plateau in 1391. The population of national minorities in Mongolia and under the reign of Mongolia was probably 660,000 inhabitants if we consider the 300,000 Mongolians and other national minorities in Xinjiang. Such an estimation takes into consideration only the tribal population while the Mongolian population, registered in the military wei of the Ming Dynasty, is not included. In 1619 (Wanlin 47th year), according to Zhang Jingshi, the imperial envoy, the Mongolians living along the Ming Dynasty and the Mongol borders were fewer than 500,000.7 This also demonstrates that our estimation of the Mongolian population on the prairie (360,000) in 1391 is reasonable.

7 See the headword “November, Jiyou year/17th year of the Wanli Period” in Vol. 599 of Mingshenzong Shilu, p. 11269. Taipei: The Research Institute of History and Language of the Central Academy, 1962.

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The Northern Border Wei

3.1 Beiping Xingdusi In August of 1395 (Hongwu 28th year), when the Ming government finished relocating 200,000 members of the Mongol Nahachu tribe, it set up Daning wei to administer Ningchen county in present-day Chifeng city Inner Mongolia. In September, the Daning wei was further divided into Left wei, Right wei, and Central wei, and, later, Front wei and Back wei were added. The sudden appearance of four wei under one wei and within two months could not be only attributed to the hasty decision of the government but also to the fact that the increasing number of soldiers of the Nahachu tribe who came and surrendered increased the number of soldiers in the area. The following year, the name of Daning was changed to Beiping xindusi. For more details on this fact, see Vol. 185 of Mingtaizu Shilu. During the Hongwu period, there were 25 to 26 wei and several thousand-household suo under the jurisdiction of Beiping xindusi. The total number of soldiers in Beiping xindusi was about 150,000. The military wei not only included Mongolians but also servicemen recruited from inland areas and a limited number of their dependents. If each serviceman took two dependents, then the total population of these military wei was about 450,000 people. If we suppose that 15 percent of the population were local people, then their population was 80,000 inhabitants. 3.2 Shanxi Xindusi The territories under the administration of Shanxi xindusi were not quite a systematic whole; therefore, we have to discuss them from three parts: Wangquan and other wei, Datong fu, and Yongsheng and other wei. 3.2.1 Wanquan and Other Wei According to the “Records of Geography” and the “Military Book” of The Ming History, there were seven wei and one suo in the Wanquan area in the Hongwu period. Zhonghe suo was set up late in 1397 (Hongwu 30th year). The total population of the seven wei was supposed to be 118,000 (servicemen and their dependents) in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year). We may extrapolate that the daiguan population was about 30,000 in Liaodong where daiguan (appended population) accounted for 20 percent of the local population. However, this is not a fact. The number of soldiers stationed in Wanquan wei and other wei exceeded the regular registered number. According to the “Military Book 3,” Vol. 91 of The Ming History, “In the frontier fort town of Xuanfu were stationed about 100,000 officers and soldiers.” Mid-Ming Dynasty

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documents also proved this fact.8 In this area, the population of the military wei, which swelt more than the regular registration, cannot be used in our extrapolation of its civic population. In 1391, there were 300,000 service members and dependents in Wanquan and other wei; the total population was 330,000 with the addition of the daiguan population. 3.2.2 Datong Region, Yongsheng, and Other Wei In 1371 (Hongwu 4th year), the Ming government set up Datong dusi in the north of Shanxi, then changed its name into Shanxi xingzhihui shisi with Datong as its capital city. Most counties were located along both sides of the Sanggan River, especially the south bank. In contrast, the military wei was located along the northern bank of the Sanggan River with the northwest part that extended to the Mongol Prairie outside the Great Wall. This was the typical feature of frontier wei. According to the “Records of Geography” of The Ming History, “There were 26 Front wei (under the administration of Datong fu) in February of the lunar calendar, 1393 and later, there were 14 wei.” In fact, documents have proved that there were only 14 wei with 235,000 servicemen and their dependents. The population of the four wei (Dongsheng, Zhengshuo, Dingbian, and Zhenglu) was stable and accounted for 28.6% of all the 14 wei. Based on this percentage, the population (servicemen and their dependents, daiguan civilian population) of Datong fu was 168,000, and the population of Yongsheng and other wei was 67,000. In Appendix Table 1, the daiguan civilian population in wei-suo was counted as part of the civilian population, while the military population stationed in Datong fu was included in its total population. 3.3 Shaanxi Dusi Shaanxi dusi was more complicated because its military wei belonged to frontier wei, part of which was under the administration of the wei-suo in inland areas. The wei-suo in the inland areas overlapped with administrative prefecture territories and counties while the frontier wei stood alone, and no prefecture or county was set up here.

8 Pan, H. (1987). Yikan Xuanfu Xinjunshu. In Ming Jingshi Wenbian (Vol. 197) (pp. 2039–2041). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company.

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3.3.1 The Five Wei in Ningxia In the early years of the Hongwu period, the Ming government “abandoned the administration of Ningxia and moved its inhabitants to Shaanxi. In 1376, however, five wei was established in Ningxia.”9 According to Vol. 3 of New Records of Ningxia, there still lived a large number of tumin (local aboriginals) after other residents moved to Shaanxi. In the mid-Ming Dynasty, the population of tumin increased considerably as a result of reproduction and because the people from out of Ming territory came to surrender. According to the “Records of Geography,” Ningxia wei only governed one thousand-household suo. Unfortunately, details of other wei were unknown. According to the standard 4-wei establishment, there were 67,000 inhabitants (22,000 servicemen taking their dependents) in Ningxia. If 20 percent of this total population were local aboriginals, then the population of local aboriginals who were daiguan in the military wei was about 17,000. They were relocated to Lingzhou and other places. In fact, according to the above record, Ningxia wei administered four li consisting of the civilian population. If every li had 200 households, then there were 800 households with over 4,000 inhabitants. If the four wei had the same civilian population figure, then their total population was 16,000. This draws close to the above estimation. 3.3.2 Suide Wei Suide wei was established in the Hongwu period located in present-day Suide county in Shaanxi province. Surrounded by several prefectures and counties, it was indeed an inland area wei. However, its location at the border turned it into a defense wei. Yang Yiqing mentioned that the civilian population in the city was only tens of households, and most of them were servicemen in the wei-suo.10 After Yulin wei was established in the mid-Ming Dynasty, Suide wei was moved to Yulin where it became one of the four wei in Yansui town, completely detached from other prefectures and counties. Its local civilian population was under the jurisdiction of Yan’an fu. In Appendix Table 1, the military population of Suide wei and Yan’an wei was included in the population of Yan’an fu.

9

Wang, Y. (n.d.). Tunyushu. In The Compilation of Ming Jinshi wenbian (Vol. 69) (p. 579). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. 10 Yang, Y. (1987). On the Report of the Relocation of Suide wei to Yulin City. In The Compilation of Ming Jinshi Wenbian (Vol. 118) (p. 1119). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company.

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3.3.3 Taozhou Wei and Minzhou Wei The frontier wei under Shaanxi dusi also included Taozhou wei and Minzhou wei to which the closest wei was Hezhou. According to the standard quota of registered military population, there were 17,000 soldiers in the three wei. According to the “Military Books” of The Ming History, these soldiers had been local servicemen of the Yuan Dynasty. Their population was about 59,000 inhabitants if each serviceman was allowed 2.54 dependents. There were also local aboriginals that were added to the registration of wei-suo in Minzhou. Details can be found in the report of Xia Yuanji, Minister of Revenue, in leap lunar month July of 1368 (Hongxi 1st year), Vol. 5 of Mingxuanzong Shilu. Due to the unknown percentage of local aboriginals among the total local population, we can only base our estimates on the figures in Liaodong. If the daiguan civilian population accounted for 20%, then they were about 15,000. There were also several tubin (local aboriginal soldiers) who were, indeed, militiamen. Based on this analysis, Minzhou had the same population as Taozhou, namely about 8,000 civilians and 20,000 servicemen. In fact, the population of Minzhou was twice that of Taozhou in the mid-Qing Dynasty. Then we should increase the civilian population of Minzhou in 1391 to 20,000 people. This way, the civilian population of Minzhou was equal to its military population. The aforementioned difference could have been due to the omission of the population of local aboriginal soldiers. The record in the “Military Books” of The Ming History showed that at least 16 wei in Shaanxi dusi were not frontier wei. According to the standard organizational population, the population of the 16 wei’ was supposed to be 269,000 inhabitants (90,000 servicemen and their dependents) according to the standard registered population. 3.4 Shaanxi Xindusi There were nine wei under the administration of Shaanxi xindusi in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year). Ma Shunping has proven that the average household number of each military wei, established in the Hongwu period, was between 5,400 to 7,200, while the total number of households of the five wei in Ganzhou was only 14,444.11 This makes us assume that the Front wei and the Back wei of Ganzhou established in 1396 (Hongwu 29th year), were divided from three 11 Ma, S. (2011). A New Study on The Population of the Dusi Wei-suo in the Ming Dynasty: An Evaluation of Fang Zhizhong’s Two Groups of the Population Data on Shaanxi Xingdusi in the Ming Dynasty. Journal of Suzhou University of Science and Technology (Social Science), (4), 49–53.

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other wei. The average household number of the other wei was 2.3 people. We list the population of the nine wei established before and in 1391 in Appendix Table 1. The population of Zhuanglang wei and Linhe wei (Zhengfan wei in 1397 [Hongwu 30th year]) with no household record can be calculated based on the standard organizational population and the average 2.3 people per household. Then the total military population of the nine wei was 138,000. According to the “Records of Geography,” Liangzhou tuwei was set up in 1374 (Hongwu 7th year) prior to the setting up of Liangzhou wei in 1376. This shows that a considerable number of local aboriginals were recruited during the Hongwu period and the became soldiers in wei-suo. There were civilians in the territories of Shaanxi xingdusi although it had no prefectures or counties. For instance, when referring to the army farming issue, Liang Cai mentioned that the local people were recruited and asked to make tax payments in grain or rice to provide for the military wei.12 After the local aboriginals were recruited by the military wei during the early years of the Ming Dynasty, the remaining local people were administered by the military wei. The civilian population may include the former Mongol-Yuan soldiers submitted to the Ming imperial court. Those who came to surrender to the Ming government were relocated to the borders or the inner borderline areas. According to Vol. 216 of Mingtaizu Shilu, in the lunar month February of 1392 (Hongwu 25th year), there were over 1,700 households registered in Liangzhou wei who paid tax in grain or rice. Their total population would have been only 8,500 if each household had 5 people. The civilian population of the 9 wei in Shaanxi xingdusi was about 77,000, which did not include national minorities who migrated from Chinese Xiyu areas (western regions) and those who came to surrender to the Ming government. 3.5 The Xinjiang Region The Ming Dynasty only set up three wei (Anding, Arui, and Quxian) outside the Jiayuguan Pass in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year). The three wei were located in today’s Qiemo, Ruoqiang, and Lup Nur in Xinjiang. Other wei near the Jiayuguan Pass were set up from the later Hongwu period to the Yongle period; their population, however, was under the administration of the Ming government. Hami wei was an exception. It had been the fief of the Yuang imperial clan and was subjected to the Ming Dynasty till 1405 (Yongle 4th year). The 12 Liang, C. (n.d.). Huiyi Wanglu Junliang ji Neifu Shouna Shu (Conferring on the Submitted Reports by Wanglu on the Collection of Military Provisions and of Provisions for the Imperial Household Department), In The Compilation of Ming Jingshi Wenbian (Vol. 103) (pp. 921–927). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company.

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wei of the following year was set up in Hami. According to related records, the population of the other six wei around Hami was only about hundreds or thousands. In 1482 (Chenghua 18th year), Hami wei collaborated with other two wei and recovered all Hami territories that the forces in the Hami headquarter increased to 8,000 soldiers. Accordingly, the population of the six wei outside Jiayuguan Pass was at most 30,000 to 40,000 inhabitants same as that of Hami wei. If the population in Xinjiang was about 300,000, there remained 230,000 inhabitants scattered in the vast Yilibali area of Xinjiang besides the 70,000 inhabitants in Hami and other wei. 4

The Southwest Region

Sichuan Dusi 4.1 Western Sichuan was a close neighbor of Tibet. In addition to the Tibetans, other national minorities lived in western Sichuan. To reinforce its control over this region, the Ming government set up several military wei, which functioned as frontier defense wei. In 1379 (Hongwu 20th year), Songzhou wei was set up in the northwest of Sichuan under the administration of Sichuan dusi. According to Vol. 15 of A General Record of Sichuan, Songpan wei governed 21 civilian li with a population of about 21,000 inhabitants, given that each li had 200 households. These figures only included registered civilians that excluded the unregistered population of national minorities. With only one thousand-household suo, Songjia wei had only a small military population. According to the “Records of Geography” of The Ming History, the national minorities under the administration of Songpai wei were incorporated into the records of zhangguansi and Anfu si. There were altogether 16 zhangguansi and 5 anfusi in Songpan wei, 13 of which were set up in 1381 and 3 of which were established in the Xuande and Zhengtong periods. The national minority population administered by zhangguansi was generally considered as having duly registered in the official documents. Up until the mid-Ming Dynasty, there was one li in one zhangguansi. Accordingly, the national minority population was about 13,000 in the 13 zhangguansi during the Hongwu period. Other national minorities had a later entry into household registration. According to Vol. 237 of Mingtaizu Shilu, in March of the lunar calendar, in 1395 (Hongwu 28th year), the cavalry and infantry from Shaanxi and Sichuan dusi went on a punitive expedition in xifan (Chinese western barbaric areas) and captured 1,670 people. A total of 509 households were “compiled into the household registration system, and they paid their taxes.” These “barbarians”

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were relocated to southwestern Shaanxi and northwestern Sichuan. The relocated people in Sichuan mainly lived in Songpan wei. The 509 households could not be divided into 21 li even if all of them were relocated in Songpan wei because the population of Songjiang wei also consisted of other people from different places. In 1389 (Hongwu 22nd year), Longzhou became Longzhou Thousandhousehold suo under the administration of Sichuan dusi. In 1432 (Xuande 7th year), it was changed to Longzhou Xuanfu si directly under the administration of Sichuan buzhengsi. This is testimony of the growing population of its local civilians. As evident on the map, zhangguansi under Songpan wei was located in the neighboring area of Longzhou and had the same area as Longzhou. In this sense, the population of Longzhou Thousand-household suo in 1391 amounted to that of Songpan wei. In the south of Songpan wei was Diexi governing military and civilian thousand-household suo and two leading zhangguansi incorporating a 2,000 national minority population. This shows that the frontier wei in Sichuan had already had direct control over its population of national minorities. In 1388 (Hongwu 21st year), the Liufan Zhaotao Department in Tianquan was governed by Sichuan dusi and its area was 3.8 times that of Diexi suo. Based on the available limited data, we assume that the civilian population under its administration was also 3.8 times that of Diexi suo. The southeastern area of Sichuan was also a settlement for national minorities under the administration of Sichuan buzhengsi. Their population was supposed to be included in the total population of Sichuan buzhengsi. 4.2 Sichuan Xingdusi Sichuan xingdusi was located in the southwest Sichuan, and it had jurisdiction over 5 wei, 8 suo, and 4 zhangguansi. Most of its military wei were established from 1388 (Hognwu 21st year) to 1392 (Hongwu 25th year) and, respectively, belonged to Sichuan and Yunnan. In 1393 (Hongwu 26th year), they belonged to Sichuan dusi when its local prefectures, subprefectures, and counties were canceled. Therefore, Sichuan xingdusi functioned as a frontier wei. On the map of Sichuan of late 1393, there was no Sichuan xingdusi. For convenience, we continue to refer to this area as Sichuan xingdusi. The four zhangguansi under the governance of Sichuan xingdusi could, in effect, implement the administrative power over the population of the local minority nationalities. Take Jianchang wei as example; according to the “Biography of Sichuan Minority Hereditary Headmen” in The Ming History, the former Yuan generals who had surrendered to the Ming government were appointed Commander of Jiancha wei in 1382 (Hongwu 15th year). This

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indicates that Jianchang wei was set up just like Jimi wei. In 1391, Jiachang wei, Suzhou wei, and Huichuan suo were set all up and “about 5,000 soldiers in Jing wei and Shaanxi were dispatched to station there”. Meanwhile, Yanjin wei was added soon. Till then, the Chinese Han servicemen had full control of this area. The 15,000 soldiers of the two wei and one suo slightly exceeded the standard military population of similar units because some soldiers had been part of the Mongol-Yuan force and were subjected to the mandatory management of wei-suo local aboriginals. According to the standard troop configuration, there were 37,000 soldiers in the five wei and eight suo under the jurisdiction of Sichuan xingdusi, and their total population was up to about 111,000. In Vol. 15 of A General Record of Sichuan, households under the jurisdiction of Sichuan xingdusi totaled 67 li. If calculated based on 200 households per li, then there were at least 67,000 registered civilians. The 67 li might not be the statistics during the Hongwu period, but it is not entirely different from the record of that period. 4.3 Guizhou Dusi 4.3.1 Military Wei population During the Hongwu period, Guizhou was not a province but a dusi division. According to the “Military Book,” Vol. 90 of The Ming History, during the Hongwu period, there were eighteen wei and one suo under the jurisdiction of Guizhou dusi. In addition to the two wei—Guizhou and Guiqian, there were six wei to the west of Guiyang—Weiqing, Pingba, Puding, Anzhuang, Annan, and Pu’an, known as “Upper Six Wei.” To the east of Guiyang were six wei— Longli, Xintian, Pingyue, Qingping, Xinglong, and Duyun—known as “Lower Six Wei.” In the northwest corner of Guiyang were “West four wei”—Wursa, Bijie, Chishui, and Yongning. However, Wusa and Yongning were located in Sichuan and were thus excluded from Guizhou.13 Under Huguang dusi, the six wei—Zhenyuan, Pingxi, Qinglang, Pianqiao, Wukai, Jiuxi—were called “Six Side Wei.” Jiuxi wei was located in Cili, Hunan, and the other five wei were located in Guizhou. The “Upper Six Wei” were in charge of seven zhangguansi, while the “Lower Six Wei” were in charge of 18 zhangguansi. In eastern Guiyang, the function of the military wei as border guards was more obvious. In the region of the “Six Side Wei,” the function of the military wei as border guards was performed in other ways. Take the place of Liping Fu as an 13

Although Pushi suo and most part of Chishui wei were located in today’s Sichuan province, the territory under their jurisdiction indeed did not belong to any administrative region of Sicuan. Therefore, we still consider the territory under the jurisdiction of Chishui wei as Guizhou.

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example, Wukai wei was set up here in 1413, and there were almost sixteen thousand-household suo under its control. In addition, Tonggu wei was set up in 1397 (Hongwu 30th year). Liping fu was later set up and placed inside Weicheng (the city that was the headquarters of the wei) after the establishment of Guizhou buzhengsi in 1413 (Yongle 11th year). There was no civilian prefecture or county in Liping fu, but the dozens of thousands of households densely distributed there constituted the main body of local Han Chinese except for the local Tusi (minority hereditary headmen). It should be noted that before the establishment of Liping fu, these local Tusi had been administered by wei. According to the Military Book, Vol. 90 of The Ming History and Vols. 1 and 17 of Guizhou Tujing Xinshi, there were 129 thousand-household suo under the control of Guizhou dusi and in Guizhou before 1391 (Hongwu 26th year). Equally, there were 118 thousand household suo, excluding 11, in Sichuan. In terms of standard troop size, there were possibly 130,000 soldiers with about 390 000 dependents. Although some local natives in Guizhou joined the local military wei, which was called Tujun (local army), they acted as militia. Details of the actions will not be described here. 4.3.2 The Population of Zhangguan (Xuanwei) Si In 1413 (Yongle 11th year), Guizhou buzhengsi was established to govern eight fu, one prefecture, one county, and one xuanweisi. According to Vol. 74 of Mingtaizu Shilu, in June of the lunar calendar in 1372 (Hongwu 5th year), zhangguansi, under Sinan xuanweisi of Sichuan, was governed based on two systems: one that governed Huguang, belonging to Huguang buzhengsi, and the other which governed Chenzhou wei belonging to Huguang dusi. That means, the zhangguansi, which was governed by the military wei, did not break away from the buzhengsi system. As recorded in Vol. 187 of Mingtaizu Shilu, in November of 1387 (Hongwu 20th year), Zhou Ji, commander of the military and civil affairs department of Pu’an wei, reported that the 12 zhangguansi in Guzhou governed 9,217 households, and the autumn grain collected from them was 8,929 dan (stones). Pingyue wei and Duyun anfusi reported that 8,343 households were administered by their zhangguansi and the annual grain collection was 699 dan (stones). These figures were recorded in the Household Ministry. Therefore, it can be inferred that the population, taxes, and grain collection of zhangguansi under the military wei were actually regulated under the administration of the Household Ministry. The military wei that administered zhangguansi performed two functions: govern the army and manage civil affairs. In Chapter 3, I pointed out that there was a gap of 300,000 people between the total population of Huguang buzhengsi, and that added up by

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the population of each county in 1391. This gap should be the population of national minorities living in west Hunan, Guizhou, and other regions administered by Huguang. According to the data cited above, there were 12 zhangguansi in Guzhou, each with an average population of 3,840 inhabitants. In “Records of Geography,” Vol. 46 of The Ming History, maintain that there were 11 zhangguansi in Zhipingyue wei and Duyun fu, and each zhangguansi in Pingyue and Duyun had an average population of 3,792 inhabitants. This shows that the population of each zhangguansi was roughly the same. By adding the population of the 23 zhangguansi, we obtain an average population of 3,820 inhabitants for each zhangguansi. This can serve as a reference for our later estimation of the population of other zhangguansi. Vol. 137 of Mingtaizu Shilu maintains that in February of 1413, Xia Yuanji and other officials discussed the possibility of setting up eight fu in Sizhou and Sinan located on the eastern part of Guizhou; six fu were set up with the regions under the control of the original Upper Six Wei and Lower Six Wei excluded from the list. In this record, Sizhou had jurisdiction over twenty-two zhangguansi and Sinan over seventeen zhangguansi. Based on data indicating that the annual population under the jurisdiction of zhangguansi was 3,820 inhabitants, we can conclude that the total population of ethnic minorities under the jurisdiction of Huguang buzhengsi was 150,000 inhabitants. Therefore, the population of ethnic minorities in eastern Guizhou who registered in the civil registry of Huguang was about 196,000. In Appendix Table 1, these people are listed under Sizhou and Sinan’s headings. 4.3.3 Unregistered Population According to “Geographical Records,” Vol. 46 of The Ming History, by the late Ming Dynasty, there were seventy-six zhangguansi, nine prefectures, and fourteen counties in Guizhou (excluding Banzhou) with prefectures and counties mainly governing the Han population. Suppose that the population of ethnic minorities under the jurisdiction of a county was equal to the population of a zhangguansi, then the population of ethnic minorities under the jurisdiction of a prefecture was equal to the population of two zhangguansi. It should be noted that there were 108 zhangguansi and county-level units. In 1391, even though these 108 zhangguansi units did not fully exist, there must have been corresponding population within their borders. In 1393, we assume that each zhangguansi had 3,820 inhabitants, then the total population was 415,000. Of course, this figure included the population of 196,000 in all zhangguansi of eastern Guizhou. In the Geographical Records of The Ming History, some regions in western Guizhou merely functioned as weisuo and had neither prefecture, county, nor

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zhangguansi. For example, Bijie, Chishui, Wusa, Weiqing, Pingba, Anzhuang, An’nan, Pu’an, and other regions under the control of wei as well as Guizhou xuanweisi (excluding Guiyang military and civil fu). However, the absence of prefectures, counties, and zhangguansi does not amount to the absence of minority populations in this area. If considered as part of the administrative system of the Qing Dynasty, this area would be equivalent to Dading fu, Xingyi fu (excluding the counties of Zhenfeng and Ceheng), Pu’an ting and the counties of Anping (Ping Ba), and Qingzheng in Anshun fu during the Jiaqing period of the Qing Dynasty. In fact, only Fuquan county in Pingyue prefecture during the Jiaqing period of the Qing Dynasty belonged to the old region of Pingyue wei of the Ming Dynasty; the other three counties in Pingyue prefecture had been in Bozhou during the Ming Dynasty. Therefore, we tend to consider Pingyue in the Qing Dynasty as Bozhou in the Ming Dynasty. Thus, in our estimation, we exclude Pingyue and Bozhou. According to Daqing Yitong Zhi (Comprehensive Geography of the Great Qing) compiled in the Jiaqing period, the total population of Bijie and seven other wei, in 1392, was equivalent to about 23.4% of the total population of Guizhou (excluding Zunyi fu and Pingyue prefecture) in the same period. If we subtract Pingyue wei from the 410,000 military population of Guizhou during the Hongwu period, there were 390,000 people left. With the addition of 415,000 people in zhangguansi and unregistered population outside western Guizhou, the total population was 805,000. According to Vols. 1–17 of Guizhou Tujing Xinzhi compiled in the Hongzhi period, Bijie and other seven wei had 41 suo whose military population was about 138,000, accounting for about 17.1% (13.8/80.5) of the population of Guizhou (excluding Banzhou and Pingyue); there is a 6.2% difference compared to the percentage in 1820. This indicates that there were indeed a large number of unnaturalized minority people in the areas of Bijie and other seven wei and xuanweisi in Guizhou. In 1820, the population of Bijie, other seven wei, and xuanweisi areas in Guizhou accounted for 28% of the population of Guizhou (excluding Zunyi and Pingyue); in 1953, it rose to 35%.14 However, during the 19th and 20th centuries, the population of Bijie, seven other wei, and xuanwushi areas in Guizhou could not have grown faster than that of other areas in Guizhou. This suggests that from the Hongwu period to 1953, the population of Bijie and seven other wei areas gradually input into the national household register. If the total population of Bijie, seven other wei, and xuanweisi areas in Guizhou accounted for 14 Cao, S. (2001). The Ming Period. In The History of Chinese Population (Vol. 5). Shanghai: Fudan University Press. The calculation here made reference to the figures in Table 需要 修改.

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35% of the total population of Guizhou (excluding Bozhou and Pingyue) during the Hongwu period, then we can deduce that the unregistered population in Bijie, seven other wei, and xuanweisi areas in Guizhou was 218,000.15 All Zhangguansi in xuanweisi areas of Guizhou were located in the eastern region that was later named Guiyang Fu. The unregistered population was mainly distributed in the western part of xuanweisi in Guizhou as well as in areas under the jurisdiction of Bijie and seven other wei. The western part of xuanweisi in Guizhou was quite vast—about half of the area of Bijie and seven other wei. Accordingly, the 218,000 unregistered population can be divided into 12 units of wei, each with an unregistered population of 18,000. In fact, Weiqing and Pingba were so close to Guiyang and occupied such a small area that we could ignore their population. For the other 10 wei units, each had about 22,000 unregistered people. In 1393, Bozhou xuanweisi (present-day Zunyi city) was transferred to Guizhou dusi. In 1394, it was transferred to Sichuan buzhengsi. Citing relevant documents, Mr. Tan Qixiang maintains that in 1600 (Wanli 28th year), the leaders of the Rebel Party in the Ping-Bo Battle were captured and executed, and 126,000 inhabitants of Bozhou surrendered. The number of these people amounts to one-tenth or two-tenths of the pre-war population.16 This data is exaggerated given that if people who died or migrated accounted for 90% of Bozhou inhabitants, then the population of Bozhou, before the Ping-Bo Battle, could have been 1.26 million, which is inappropriate. On the contrary, if the people who died or migrated accounted for 80% of the population, the original population could have been 630,000. With an average annual growth rate of 4‰, the population of Bozhou was about 270,000 in 1391 with the use of regression analysis. Relatively speaking, Bozhou was much closer to areas where Han people were densely populated than other parts of Guizhou, meaning that the Han population was probably denser than in other parts of Guizhou. As cited above, according to the information collected in 1413 (Yongle 11th year), there were 22 and 17 zhangguansi in Sinan and Sizhou, respectively. Although these zhangguansi were not set up in the Hongwu period, there were inhabitants in these areas during this period; they were indigenous people, not immigrants. As a result, Sinan had 25 zhuangguansi, and Sizhou still had 17 while the total population of Guizhou was 1,423,000 inhabitants. 15 Suppose the unregistered population of Bijie, other seven wei and xuanwushi areas in Guizhou were X. Then (13.8 + X)/(80.5 + X) = 0.35, X = 218,000. 16 Tan, Q.(1987). A research on the hereditary headmen “Yangbao” in Bozhou. In The Changshui Collection (Book 1) (pp. 287–288). Beijing: People’s Press.

88 Table 6

Chapter 4 The population distribution of Guizhou in 1391. Population counting unit: 1,000 people

wei-suo

zhi-suo

Affliliation

Guizhou xuanweisi Guiyang military-civic fu Guizhou wei Guizhou front wei Weiqing wei Pingba wei Anzhuang wei Annan wei Pu’an wei Bijie wei Chishui wei Puding wei Xinglong wei Qingping wei Duyun wei Pingyue wei Xintian wei Longli wei Pingxi wei Tongren fu Shiqian fu Qinglang wei Zhengyuan wei Pianqiao wei Wukai wei Huangping suo Bozhou xuanweisi Sinan xuanweisi Sizhou xuanweisi Total

Guiyang Guiyang Guiyang Guiyang Qingzheng Pingba Zhengning Qinglong Panxian Bijie Bijie Anshun Huangping Qingping Duyun Fuquan Guiding Longli Yupinpin Tongren Shiqian Cenggong Zhengyuan Shibing Liping Huangping Zunyi Sinan Cenggong 　

Sichuan buzhengsi Sichuan buzhengsi Guizhou dusi Guizhou dusi Guizhou dusi Guizhou dusi Guizhou dusi Guizhou dusi Guizhou dusi Guizhou dusi Guizhou dusi Guizhou dusi Guizhou dusi Guizhou dusi Guizhou dusi Guizhou dusi Guizhou dusi Guizhou dusi Huguang dusi Huguang dusi Huguang dusi Huguang dusi Huguang dusi Huguang dusi Huguang dusi Huguang dusi Guizhou dusi Huguang buzhengsi Huguang buzhengsi 　

Thousandhousehold suo 　 5 5 2 5 6 5 5 5 8 5 6 5 5 5 5 5 5 　 5 5 5 16 1 　 　 118

Note: (1) The Guiyang Military-civic fu was separated from Guizhou xuanweisi in 1476. Both Tongren fu and Shiqian fu had been part of Sizhou xuanweisi and were set up and separated from it in 1413 (Chenghua 12th year). It is not clear to which region Sizhou xuanweisi was affiliated; it was possibly under the control of Huguang buzhengsi. In addition, Guizhou xuanweisi belonged

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zhangguansi

　 0 0 0 0 1 　 0 0 6 0 2 7 2 5 2 0 　 0 0 0 0 0 　 　 25

Prefecture + country + zhangguansi 0+0+7 3 + 2 + 16 0 0+0+0 0+0+0 0+0+0 0+0+0 0+0+0 0+0+0 0+0+0 0+0+0 3+0+6 0+0+0 0+0+0 2+1+8 1+3+2 0+0+5 0+0+1 0+0+0 0+1+5 0+1+3 0+0+0 0+2+3 0+0+0 0 + 1 + 13 0+0+0 1+4+0 0 + 3 + 22 0 + 0 + 17 10 + 18 + 76

Zhangguansi unit

7 24 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 12 0 0 13 7 5 1 6 4 0 5 14 0 25 17 140

population

Miliatry registry

113 92 0 0 0 0 22 22 22 22 22 68 0 0 50 27 19 4 0 23 15 0 19 0 54 0 270 96 65 1025

0 0 17 17 7 17 20 17 17 17 26 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 0 0 17 17 17 53 3 0 0 0 398

to Sichuan buzhengsi; Wusa wei and Yongning wei were located in Sichuan, while Jiuxi wei was in Hunan. Therefore, these regions are not considered in our estimation. (2) The italicized figures were either not or only partially the calculation result based on the unit of zhangguansi.

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According to Table 6, among all the military wei of Guizhou dusi, at least five wei—Xinglong, Qingping, Pingxi, Qinglang, and Pianqiao—did not have a zhangguansi and neither did they have jurisdiction over a prefecture or county. In fact, the precincts of these five military wei were significantly small, with one military wei almost a present-day county. They were also densely distributed along the present-day Xiangqian Railway. Obviously, these five military wei had the important responsibility of securing the Xiangqian transportation line. On the contrary, controlling the minority population was not their main task. 4.4 Yunnan 4.4.1 The Military Population In September of 1381 (Hongwu 14th year), Zhu Yuanzhang ordered Fu Youde, Lan Yu, and Mu Ying to lead an expedition to Yunnan. In February of the following year, Yunnan was subdued, and military wei were set up. Gu Cheng (1989) provided a detailed explanation of the nature of the border wei in Yunnan during the Hongwu period. He maintained, “As a geographical unit, wei-suo in Yunnan were unique in that they not only governed the general wei areas and populations, but also directly administered some prefectures and counties … Because the prefectures and counties under the jurisdiction of wei were affiliated to different institutions, their land and population could not be included in the registers of Yunnan buzhengsi and those of the Ministry of Household Affairs.”17 The number of wei-suo in Yunnan has changed from time to time since the early Ming Dynasty. Up until 1393, there were 16 military wei, 3 yu (imperial guard), and 8 qianhusuo (thousand-household suo). According to Vol. 16 of A General Record of Yunnanedited during the Yongzheng period, each yu governed 2 suo, which amounted to 94 qianhusuo. In view of the standard organizational system, there should have been nearly 105,000 soldiers and a total population of 316,000, including family dependents. By the mid-and late-Ming Dynasty, like it was customary nationwide, there were only 60,000 soldiers in the military wei of Yunnan, a decrease of almost half in the number of soldiers. 4.4.2 The Population of Li-Jia Liang Fangzhong added up the number of li of all counties recorded in Daming Yitongzhi (Topographic Treatise of the Ming Dynasty) and found that there were

17 Gu, C. (1989). The territory administrative system of the Ming empire. Historical Studies. (3).

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559 li in Yunnan. We found that there were 626 li belonging to areas whose number of li was not accounted for in Daming Yitongzhi by adding up the number of li recorded in Dushi Fangyu Jiyyao (Essentials of Historical Geography). According to Table 1, the population of Yunnan in 1391 was 350,000. There were 559 li, and each li had 125.2 households, a number which is consistent with the li-jia standard in the early Ming Dynasty. In addition to 110 households per li, there were 15 jiling households (widowers, widows, orphans, and other people without a provider). There is also a second kind of algorithm. Under the headword “The 1st Month of the 26th year of Hongwu” in Vol. 218 of Mingtaizu Shilu is a record of Muying’s merits in conquering Yunnan during 1382. The record maintains that “108 fu, zhou, counties, xuanweisi, and zhangguansi were then recovered to govern over 74,600 households.” Therefore, there is an additional 4,600 households compared with those in Table 1, and they can be further divided into 37 li. After adding the 37 li and the number of li from Dushi Fangyu Jijiao, the total population of the 626 li is 391,000. 4.4.3 The Population of Zhangguansi According to the “Records of Geography,” Vol. 46 of The Ming History, there were 4 divisions under the jurisdiction of Yongning. They were located in the Tibetan region outside Yunnan, and are not considered in our estimation. Yuanjiang military and civic fu governed Fenghua prefecture, formerly Yuanlopidian zhangguansi and consisted of 8 li (according to Daming Yitongzhi). Therefore, it is no longer counted as zhangguansi. The military and civic xuanwei shisi in Cheli governed most areas of Pu’er fu in the Qing Dynasty (excluding Weiyuan). These areas amount to four counties in present-day Xishuangbanna. Therefore, we counted them as four zhangguansi. Geographically speaking, a zhangguansi was about the size of a county, meaning there were 28 zhangguansi in Yunnan. In Daming Yitongzhi, Fenghua prefecture under Yuanjiang, also known as the Yuanluo Bidian zhangguansi, was realigned into 8 li with a total population of 5,000 inhabitants, which was larger than the population of 3800 people per zhangguansi in Guizhou. This may also be one of the reasons for the smaller number of zhanggunsi in Yunnan. Based on these figures, the 28 zhangguansi had a total population of 140,000. There would be 792,000 people in the whole Yunnan province if the population of Jiangjun wei, li-jia, and zhangguansi were added up. However, such estimation did not exclude the areas governed by Bangladesh and Myanmar (present-day Lincang and Shuangjiang counties), Gangya si (present-day Yingjiang County), and Longchuan fu (present-day Ruili County and Longchuan area) with no li-jia, wei-suo, and even zhangguansi and considered as the blank areas in population estimation.

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4.4.4 Validation and Extrapolation In this section, the 1776–1820 population growth in each fu is used to extrapolate the population in 1393. When the sum of the three population types (the population of Jiangjun wei, li-jia, and zhangguansi) in 1393 is greater than the extrapolation number, the former is considered as a valid estimation. However, when the sum of the three types of population in 1393 is smaller than the extrapolation number, the latter is considered a valid estimation. The only exception is Dali fu, whose population needs special consideration. For those areas governed by Bangladesh and Myanmar, Gangya si, and Longchuan fu without the three types of population, we directly adopt the regression statistics from the annual average growth between 1776 and 1820. In Yunnan fu, for example, there were no ethnic minorities, meaning the inhabitants of li-jia and military wei constituted the entire population. Based on the number of li and military wei, we find that the population of Yunnan fu was 132,000 in 1393 and 1,011,000 in 1776. From 1393 to 1776, the average annual population growth rate was 5.3‰, and from 1776 to 1820, it was 6.3‰. If we use 6.3‰ as a regression figure, then the population of Yunnan Province in 1393 was only 91,000 inhabitants. In Table 7, the number 132,000 was adopted instead of 91,000. In Chengjiang fu, where there also lived no ethnic minorities, the population of li-jia was only 10,000 inhabitants in 1393, and no population was subject to the administration of military wei. In 1776, the population of Chengjiang fu was 430,000 and the average annual population growth rate was 9.8‰ from 1393 to 1776. However, from 1776 to 1820, the average annual population growth rate was only 6.2‰. This leads to the suspicion that the population in 1393 was considerably underestimated. Considering the average annual population growth rate of 6.2‰ as the regression figure, we calculate that the population of Chengjiang fu in 1393 was as high as 40,000. In Table 7, 40,000 was adopted instead of 10,000. According to the 1953data, the population of Chengjiang fu was about one-third that of Yunnan fu, while in the 1393 data that was based on the sum of the three types of population, the population of Chengjiang fu was only one-thirteenth that of Yunnan fu. It is obvious that the population of Chengjiang fu in 1393 was underestimated. In Dali fu, the ethnic minorities, mainly Bai, lived in Dali, Eryuan, and Yunlong counties and accounted for 41.6% of the population of Dali fu. Earlier, they had accepted the Chinese culture and become subjects of the Central Plain imperial court. Compared with areas where the Han population lived, the administration of the Qing Dynasty in this region made no alterations. In 1393, the population of li-jia and wei-suo in Dali fu was 126,000; in 1776, it was 746,000 with an average annual population growth rate of 4.7‰ from 1776 to 1820. Taking this growth rate as a regression figure, the population was only

93

The Military Population and the Population Table 7

Yunnan population per fu in 1391. Population counting unit: thousand li

Military wei

Administrative Region

li

Yunnan fu Qujing fu Xundian fu Lin’an fu Chengjiang fu Guangxi fu Guangnan fu Yuanjiang fu Chuxiong fu Zhele diansi* Yao’an fu Wuding fu Jingdong fu* Dali fu Heqing fu Lijiang fu Menghua fu Shunning fu Mengding fu areas governed by Bangladesh and Myanmar * Dahou si Jinchi si* Mangshi si* Zhengkang zhou* Wandian zhou* Gangya si* Nan diansi* Longchuan fu* Cheli si Weiyuan zhou Total

79 34 7 63 16 31 8 16 34 5 8 23 8 140 53 29 30 2

49 21 4 39 10 19 5 10 21 0 5 14 5 88 33 18 19 1 0 0

25 20 0 5 0 0 0 0 5 0 0 0 5 10 0 0 5 0 0 0

83 66 0 17 0 0 0 0 17 0 0 0 17 33 0 0 17 0 0 0

4 24

3 15 0 3 3 0 0 0 0 3 391

0 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 80

0 17 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 264

zhangguansi

Total

Population Thousand- Population Zhangguansi Population (1) household suo

4 4

4 626

9

1 1

1

1

1 7 1 1 1 4 28

0 0 0 45 0 0 0 5 0 5 0 0 0 5 0 0 0 0 5 0 5 35 5 0 5 0 5 0 20 0 140

(2) (3)

132 91 87 31 4 5 101 111 10 40 19 7 5 33 15 17 38 31 5 3 5 9 14 10 22 78 126 75 33 40 18 78 36 19 1 7 5 12 0 5

132 87 5 111 40 19 33 17 38 5 9 14 78 126 40 78 36 7 12 5

8 4 8 67 13 67 5 2 5 3 0 3 8 1 8 0 2 2 5 1 5 0 3 3 20 42 42 3 8 8 792 778 1048

Note: First, Lin’an fu included Lin’an fu and Kaihua fu of the Qing Dynasty; Zhele diansi included Zhengyuan county; Mengding fu included Menglian county. Dahou si was Yun country; Jinchi si was the northern area of Yongchang fu and Tengyue ting of the Qing Dynasty; Cheli si was part of Pu’er fu of the Qing Dynasty excluding Weiyuan zhou. The administrative regions with * belonged to Luchuan area. Second, under the total population, (1) means the addition of the population of li, military wei, and zhangguansi; (2) means the population extrapolated according to the annual average population growth rate from 1776 to 1820; (3) is the finalized population verified through (1) and (2).

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75,000 in 1393. In Table 7, the sum of the three types of population in 1393 was directly used to calculate the population in 1393. The calculation of the total population per fu in 1393 makes it possible to determine the population per fu at each standard point in time by separately extrapolating the standard annual average growth rate between 1393–1776. Details are shown in Table 7. Calculated based on the administrative divisions in 1393, the population of Yunnan in 1393 was 1,048,000 inhabitants, nearly 256,000 more than the sum of the population of li-jia, military wei, and zhangguansi. The figures in Table 6 show the population of each fu in 1580, 1630, 1650, and 1680 calculated according to the average annual population growth rate from 1393 to 1776. Up until 1580, the population of Yunnan was 2.617 million, and the average annual population growth rate from 1393 to 1580 was 4.9‰. 4.5 Huguang According to the “Records of Geography” of The Ming History, there were 1 Shizhou wei, 4 xuanfusi, 9 anfusi, 13 zhangguansi, 5 manyi (barbaric people) guansi, and 2 zhangguansi governed directly by wei. Therefore, there were 15 zhangguansi and then 20 si after including manyi guansi. If Anfu si, which governed zhangguansi, is treated as a zhangguansi, then we have 29 zhangguansi; if xuanfusi, which included zhangguansi, is treated as 2 zhangguansi at the same time it is treated as 1 zhangguansi, then we have 36 zhangguansi in total. Guzhou in Guizhou can be considered an example here. If each si governed 3,820 inhabitants, then the ethnic minority population under the management of Shizhou wei ought to be 138,000. According to the “Records of Geography” and “Military Book” of The Ming History, there were 3 tuzhou (local prefecture) and 6 zhangguansi under the jurisdiction of Yongshun Military and Civic xuanweisi, and 2 zhangguansi under the jurisdiction of Baojing Military and Civic xuanweisi. If the population of each tuzhou amounted to that of 1 zhangguansi, then the population of Yongshun and Baojing could have been as high as 35,000 and 8,000, respectively. In 1391, in the neighboring area of the west of Changde fu, Shizhou, and Yongshun, there were two wei—Jiuxi and Yongding—and 4 thousandhousehold suo including Dayong, one of which has been set up as a wei in 1376 (Hongwu 9th year) and changed into a suo in 1398 (Hongwu 31st year). Sangzhi anfusi, under the management of wei, governed 2 zhangguansi. Based on the calculation in the above example, the population of ethnic minorities governed by Sangzhi anfusi was probably 8000 inhabitants. In Table 1, these ethnic minorities are included in the military household population. The total ethnic minority population in the above four regions of western Hunan was about 192,000. Together with the 196,000 inhabitants in the eastern

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part of Guizhou, the total ethnic minority population in the eastern part of Guizhou, western Hunan, and southwestern Hubei was 388,000, exceeding the difference of 298,000 between the total population of Hubei and the provincial population in 1391. Such a gap is due to the error made in our estimation of the population of each zhangguansi in the western part of Hunan and the eastern part of Guizhou. 4.6 Guangdong According to the records in Vol. 41, Vol. 52, Vol. 150, and Vol. 162 of Ming Taizong Shilu, about 70,000 inhabitants from Qiongzhou and other regions in Guangdong province moved from the mountains and became registered residents from 1405 (Yongle 3rd year) to 1415 (Yongle 13th year). The number of non-submissive civilians in Qiongzhou during the Hongwu period may have reached 200,000. Similarly, according to the records of Ming Shishu, the “mountain people” in Xinyi county, Gaoyao county, Deqing sub-prefecture, and other places of Gaozhou prefecture went down from the mountains and transformed themselves into submissive registered civilians from 1406 (Yongle 4th year) to 1439 (Zhengtong 4th year); their total number reached 14,000. In fact, it is impossible to naturalize all the Yao people of Gaozhou, Zhaoqing, and other sub-prefectures. According to Vol. 167 of The Record of Ming Yingzong Shilu, in the lunar month June of 1448 (Zhengtong 13th year), Liu Xin, JianchaYushi of the Qing army in Guangdong, mentioned that naturalized Yao people in Gaozhou and Zhaoqing, who were intimidated and induced by Yao bandits in Xinyi, attacked and robbed other people around. If we make a conservative estimate based on such a background, then there were at least 10,000 unregistered Yao households (about 50,000 Yao people) in the two prefectures of Gaozhou and Zhaoqing during the Hongwu period. In Appendix Table 1, it is perceptible that 200,000, 30,000, and 20,000 people were added respectively to the civic population of Qiongzhou, Zhaoqing, and Gaozhou. In mid-  and late-Ming Dynasty, there were also a significant number of unregistered “mountain people” in the mountainous areas of northern Huizhou and Chaozhou in Guangdong. There is no way to estimate their population because they were still uncivilized people outside the control of the government despite the fact that they were non-Yao people. 5

Tibet and Taiwan

It is quite difficult to estimate the exact population of Tibet. In fact, until modern times, there has never been a census or any survey resembling a census in Tibet. According to Ge Jianxiong (1991), based on figures from the Yuan and

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Qing Dynasties, the population of the Tibetan Plateau during the Ming period could not have exceeded 700,000 or 800,000.18 For his part, Wang Ke (1994) has a different view. He believed that the total population was 1.23 million in the Titan areas according to the census conducted there by Kublai Khan during the 13th century and, based on the census conducted during the Yongzheng and Qianlong periods of the Qing Dynasty, that the population was about 1.34 million. However, these figures did not include the Tibetan population outside Tibet.19 In this book, Ge Jianxiong (1991)’s version is adopted. According to a survey conducted by the Dutch in the mid-17th century, the population of Taiwanese aborigines inhabiting in the mountains of Dutch-ruled regions was about 40,000 to 60,000, but there were no statistics regarding the population of the areas out of the Dutch jurisdiction. It can be estimated that the aboriginal population of the whole Taiwan Island was about 100,000 at that time. If the population of the aborigines on the Taiwan Island had grown slowly or had had a zero growth from the second half of the 14th century to the middle of the 17th century, the population of Taiwan in 1393 (Hongwu 36th year) might also have been 100,000 or even less. 18 Ge, J. (1991). The Development History of China’s Population. Fuzhou: Fujian People’s Press. 19 Wang, K. (1994). A study of Tibetan population. In C. Fu (Ed.), The History of Lhasa (p. 153). Beijing: China Social Science Publishing House.

Chapter 5

The Population Growth and Distribution in the Ming Dynasty 1

Research Methodology

This chapter identifies the patterns of population change in various regions from 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) to the mid-late Ming Dynasty drawing on the household data of the mid-late Ming Dynasty recorded in various local records and those of certain regions in 1491 (Hongzhi 4th year) and 1578 (Wanli 6th year) recorded in Daming Huidian. The methodology adopted in this chapter takes into account the following five principles: First, the population of a certain region in the mid-Ming Dynasty is generally larger than that of 1391 if nothing occurred to justify in alternate number. That means anomalous data ought to be excluded. Second, regions with similar social backgrounds and natural conditions have similar population growth. Therefore, the population growth rate of these regions reflects the regular growth rate pattern of other regions. Based on this assumption, we make reasonable estimations of the population growth rates in neighboring areas. Third, the population growth rates calculated according to reliable population data in the mid and late Ming Dynasty are mainly civilians, meaning the figures exclude the military wei population overflow. Therefore, the average annual growth rate from 1391 to 1580 (Wanli 8th year) can be calculated based on the entire population of civilians, military servicemen, and their dependents. Fourth, the population growth rate in the north during the Ming Dynasty was closely related to the population density in the early Ming Dynasty. The more sparsely populated an area was in the early Ming Dynasty, the faster was its population growth rate or vice versa. Such a pattern is applicable in the south, albeit with an abundance caution. Fifth, due to insufficient population data for most regions in the south during the Ming Dynasty, the population of the mid-late Ming Dynasty must be calculated based on the population growth rate from 1391 to the mid-Qing Dynasty. In other words, the hypothesized population growth rates should be tested in a unified administrative framework by matching the data of both the

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Ming and Qing dynasties. The rationale for this hypothesis can be found in my elaboration on Diagram 2 in Chapter 2. Considering the average annual population growth rate from 1493 (Hongwu 26th year) to 1580 to be identical to that from 1580 to 1630 (Chongzhen 3rd year), I worked out the population of each Fu in 1630. It should be pointed out that the adjustment of the population growth rates of some regions from 1580 to 1630 was due to the influence of the plague of the Wanli period. 2

Changes in the Military Population

In our re-examination of the regional population data, we must consider the change in the military personnel of a particular region. Therefore, it is not justifiable to adopt the standard practice of treating 5,600 people as one wei and supposing that each serviceman had two dependents. This is because from the early years of the Ming Dynasty, it was very common for the military wei to have insufficient personnel, so the population of servicemen was on the decrease. However, after the servicemen settled down, got married, and had children, each military household came to have five persons on average, and the military population tended to grow. In addition, a large number of people followed the servicemen to live near wei-suo due to various reasons, thereby becoming “sheren” (housemen) and “jiayu” (family supporters). In a special way, they were considered a part of the military population. According to “Military Records,” Vol. 90 of The History of the Ming Dynasty, the dusi and wei-suo systems were established nationwide in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year). By then, there were 329 internal, and external wei and 65 imperial thousand-household suo where there were 1,915,000 servicemen, and the total population of servicemen and their dependents was about 5,746,000. The military population in Table 1 of the Appendix is larger than the above number because it includes the military population under the administrative jurisdiction. After the mid-Ming period, there was a general shortage of military personnel in wei-suo. During the Zhengde period (1506–1521), the Flag Army in wei-suo had 896,000 soldiers1 nationwide, accounting for 46.8% of the Flag Army quota set in 1393. The loss of soldiers did not only include those who had died on the battlefields along the northern borderline but also the decreasing

1 Zhang, J. (2005). A Study on Wei-suo and Military Household in the Ming Dynasty. Beijing: Thread-Binding Books Publishing House.

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servicemen in different wei-suo. According to Gao Shouxian,2 the number of soldiers per wei in Beijing was 3,296, accounting for 58.9% of the soldier quota set during the Hongwu period. The case of Hainan wei in Qiongzhou fu, however, appears extreme. According to “Military Defense,” Vol. 7 of Records of Qiongzhou Fu compiled during the Wanli period, 11 internal and external suo were set up in Hainan wei with 15,926 as the quota of the Flag Army. However, as a matter of fact, there were only 2,882 Flag Army soldiers during the Wanli period, accounting for 18.1% of its quota set during the early years of the Ming Dynasty. Therefore, in the absence of a specific number of military wei in each region, I estimate that the military population of all military wei in 1580 accounted for 45% of the quota set during the Hongwu period; every household had five persons, and the military population of each wei was about 12,000. In 1501 (Hongzhi 14th year), the Ministry of War found that there were 880,000 additional “sheren” in all wei-su. This means there was at least one additional “sheren” per household. Zhang Jinkui (2007) considers this figure inadequate and cites more sources to support his findings. That notwithstanding, the population of each military wei was up to 170,000 in 1580 even if I suppose every household had two additional “sheren.” This means the military population under the household registration system was essentially stable from 1393 to 1580. In Table 1 of the Appendix, the military population was calculated according to the above inferences. The transfer, establishment, and cancellation of wei-suo will be discussed separately. Zhang Jinkui (2007) elaborates on the relationship between the military households and prefectures and counties where they were stationed. If there were many military households in a wei-suo, they were included in the household register of the local prefectures and counties. If a military household had land property there, some family members could be temporarily registered as part of the local population. The surplus military population was under the administrative jurisdiction of other prefectures and counties.3 This way, the population of those prefectures and counties with more wei-suo generally grew faster than other areas due to the overflow effect of the military population in wei-suo. In Liaodong, Shanxi xingdusi, other areas with a predominantly military population, and those whose population data was not available, the average

2 Gao, S. (2014). The Population History of Beijing. Beijing: China Renmin University Press. 3 Zhang, J. (2005). A Study on Wei-suo and Military Household in the Ming Dynasty. Beijing: Thread-Binding Books Publishing House.

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annual population growth rates I use for my estimation includes both military and civilian populations. 3

Population Growth in the North

3.1 Henan To fully understand the population change in the Ming Dynasty, it is very important to analyze regions individually rather than treat them as a whole. Due to the absence of standard population statistics about the south after the Hongwu period, this section mainly focuses on the population growth in the north. According to Vol. 11 of A General Record of Henan compiled during the Kangxi period, the total population of Henan was 2.57 million in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), 2.69 million in 1412 (Yongle 10th year), 4.77 million in 1482 (Chenghua 18th year), 5.12 million in 1521 (Zhengde 16th year), and 5.02 million in 1552 (Jiajing 31st year). However, after the Zhengde period, the number of registered households in Henan began to decline. Although it did increase during the Jiajing period, it was generally on the decrease compared to the figures during the Chenghua period. Unfortunately, these statistics are inconsistent with the actual population change. Therefore, Ping-ti Ho’s comparison of the population in the Jiajing period with that of the Hongwu period seemed inappropriate. The population of each Henan fu in specific years of the Hongwu, Yongle, Chenghua and Jiajing periods is listed in Table 8 as follows: Table 8

Population of Henan Fu during the Ming Dynasty. Population counting unit: 1000 people

Fu

Kaifeng Henan Zhangde Weihui Huaiqing Subtotal Nanyang Runing

1391 Original

Revision

1,183 529 132 101 197 2,142 117 183

1,277 570 132 109 205 2,293 134 210

1412

Total

1482

Female

1552

714 272 122 80 154 1,342 93 176

2,039 781 341 196 422 3,779 388 529

Male 1,134 524 144 162 280 2,244 110 209

2,047 738 320 203 435 3,743 322 447

1,332 466 207 122 281 2,408 229 272

Population Growth and Distribution in the Ming Dynasty Table 8

Population of Henan Fu during the Ming Dynasty (cont.)

Fu

Subtotal Ruzhou Total

101

1391 Original

Revision

300 129 2,571

344 140 2,777

1412

Total

1482

Female

1552

501

269

2,909

1,611

917 338 5,034

Male 319 131 2,694

769 253 4,765

Note: The population of Kaifeng in 1552 included the population of Guide fu, which had already been separated from Kaifeng. Due to the unavailability of space, this table only shows the population in a specific year. In 1391, Ruzhou was indeed under the administrative jurisdiction of Nanyang fu. Source: Vol. 3–11 of The General Records of Henan compiled in the Chenghua period, and Vol. 11 of The General Records of Henan compiled in the Kangxi period

According to Table 8, the average household size in Henan in 1412 was 7.4 persons, while in 1482, it was 8.9 persons. This indicates an increase from the average household size of 6.9 persons in 1391. After the Hongwu period, there was a major omission in the statistics of Henan population resulting in a lower household number and an omission of population figures. The male and female population of Ruzhou in 1482 was unclear, while the gender ratio in the remaining seven fu was 181. Besides, the female population was seriously underestimated. If I take 110 as the standard gender ratio, then the population of Henan in 1482 was 5.86 million. Equally, the average number of persons per household in Henan buzhengsi during the Hongwu period was 6.9. Based on this calculation, we estimate that the gender ratio was 130 and the actual population of Henan in 1391 was 2.77 million, and its annual growth rate in 1482 was 8.3‰. The population figures of Henan in 1482 were obtained following a census conducted in the whole province. The census was a response to the Ming official Yuan Jie’s decision to investigate and rearrange liumin (displaced people).4 That means the massive investigation of the liumin population was conducted at the same time as or earlier than the provincial census. Unlike in the past, the enumeration of women was largely neglected during the process.

4 Cao, S. (1997). The Ming Period. In The Emigration History of China (Vol. 5) (pp. 376–401). Fuzhou: Fujian People’s Press.

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3.1.1 Kaifeng Fu The figures indicating that the population of Kaifeng fu in 1412 was less than the population in 1391 were unreasonable. If not for the wars and great famine, any reduction in the registered population could be interpreted as the result of an unreliable census or a statistical system error. With the exclusion of the figures of the Yongle period, the average annual population growth rate of Kaifeng fu from 1391 to 1482 was 6‰. If I consider 110 as the standard gender ratio, then the population of Kaifeng fu in 1482 was 2.53 million with an average annual growth rate, at the same period, of about 7.9‰. Such a high population growth rate may have included registered liumin. The issue of liumin in Kaifeng fu during the mid-Ming Dynasty mainly occurred in the southeastern area of Chenzhou. liumin, regarded as displaced people because they were not included in the local household registration for a long time, were mostly descendants of those who had moved to Kaifeng during the Hongwu period. The population growth rate of Kaifeng after 1482 was similar to that of Henan fu. If I consider 6‰ as a standard growth rate, then the civilian population of Kaifeng in 1580 (Wanli 8th year) was 4,547,000. The additional 88,000 stable military population brought the total population of 4,635,000. Based on the total population of Kaifeng, we deduce that its average annual population growth rate from 1391 to 1580 was 6.4‰. 3.1.2 Henan Province Henan Province was not taken into consideration in the rearrangement of liumin during the Chenghua period. Therefore, the registered population of Henan Province during the Chenghua period was low, with an average annual growth rate of 3.7‰ that had remained the same from the Hongwu period. Given that the gender ratio of Henan’s population was as high as 171 in the Chenghua period, I have adjusted it to 110, which has brought the total population to 890,000. That means the average population growth rate of Henan was 5.3‰ from 1391 to 1580. According to A General Record of Henan compiled during the Kangxi period, the population of Henan province in 1521 was 934,000, while the average annual growth rate of its registered population from 1580 to this time was 6‰. The significant reduction in the population up to the Jiajing period cast doubts on the validity of the total population figures. Therefore, assuming that the average annual growth rate was 6‰, the civilian population of Henan fu from 1521 to 1580 was 1,329,000 or 1,379,000 if we include the military population. 3.1.3 Zhangde Fu During the Yongle period, the population of Zhangde fu exceeded the population figures during the Hongwu period. From 1391 to 1412, its average annual

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population growth rate was 4.2‰, and from 1412 to 1580, the average annual growth rate rose to 11.5‰. It is difficult to understand why the population of Zhangde increased so quickly while Zhangde was neither an emigrant destination in Yongle nor an area with more liumin during the mid-Ming period. There are two possibilities for this scenario: the population figures in 1391 might have been significantly low, or the population figures in 1580 might have been significantly high. The number of li during the Tianshun period can be used to test the above figures. According to Table 1 of the Appendix, the population of Zhangde fu in 1391 accounts for 5% of the provincial population, while the number of li in the Tianshun period accounts for 10%. Because of this mismatch, there is a need to adjust the household numbers of the Hongwu period. Like Henan fu, Zhangde fu did not witness any migration during the mid-Ming Dynasty; therefore, its population grew at the same rate as the population of Henan fu. If I consider 5.3‰ as the standard growth rate, the population of Zhangde fu would be 395,000—a figure which includes the female population omitted in 1482. This also means the population of Zhangde fu was 244,000 in 1391. Based on the same growth rate, the civilian population of Zhangde fu in 1580 would be 663,000, and its total population would be 676,000. 3.1.4 Weihui Fu The population of Weihui fu in 1412 was 1.6 times the population in 1391, and the average annual growth rate of the registered population was as high as 23‰. From the Yongle period to the Chenghua period, however, its average annual growth rate fell sharply to 3.2‰—a fall that leads to suspicion the figures during the Yongle period were an overestimation. However, the population of Weihui fu in 1391 accounted for 4% of the provincial population, while the number of li in the reign of Tianshun accounted for 8% of the provincial li. This suggests the population during the Hongwu period was unestimated. In the case of Zhangde fu, considering the average annual growth rate was 5.3‰, then a regression calculation would put the population of Weihui fu in 1391 at approximately 144,000. If I use the same growth rate for estimation, then the civilian population of Weihui fu in 1580 was 391,000, and its total population, 404,000. 3.1.5 Huaiqing Fu Like in Weihui fu, the population of Huaiqing fu in 1412 was surprisingly high. From 1391 to 1412, and then to 1482, the average annual population growth rate was 17‰ and 6.3‰ respectively. It is my belief that while the population of Huaiqing fu in 1412 may be accurate, the population in 1391 may be underestimation. This is because the population of Huaiqing fu in 1391 accounted for 8% of the provincial population, while the number of li during the reign

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of Tianshun accounted for 11.3% of the provincial li. Assuming the average annual growth rate was 6.3‰, a regression calculation based on the data in 1412 would mean the population of Huaiqing fu was 245,000 in 1391. If the same assumption holds and the female population, which was omitted in in 1842, is included, then the civilian population of Huaiqing fu was about 993,000 in 1580, and its total population was 1.01 million. 3.1.6 Nanyang Fu and Runing Fu We choose not to discuss the population of these two fu, given that it was less during the Yongle period than during the Hongwu period. From the Hongwu period to 1482, the population of Nanyang fu increased to 322,000, and the average annual growth rate was as high as 11.3‰. The most surprising element, however, was the gender ratio of the population during the Chenghua period; there were only 90,000 women in a population of 320,000, meaning the gender ratio was extremely high at 246. If adjusted according to the standard 110 gender ratio, the population of Nanyang fu in 1482 would be 437,000. From 1291 to 1412, the average annual growth rate of the registered population of Runing fu was 6.2‰, while its average annual growth rate from 1412 to 1482 was as high as 11‰. Such growth rate is the same as that of Nanyang fu during the same period, therefore, it should not be viewed as a coincidence. Similarly, the population of Runing fu in 1482 would be 519,000 based on my calculation on the standard gender ratio ratio of 110. Informed by these calculations, we assume the population of both Nanyang and Runing fu was 956,000. Some may think it reasonable that the gender ratio is high in emigrant areas hence it is unnecessary to adjust the population data. However, Nanyang fu was the main resettlement area of liumin (floating population) during the Chenghua period. The total liumin population of both Nanyang and Runing fu was 60,384 in 1476 (Chenghua 12th year).5 The majority of these liumin included in the household registration were migrants from the Hongwu and Yongle periods. Their gender ratio was generally stable as they had settled there for years, then got married and had children. It was the migrants who arrived in the mid-Ming Dynasty that were, for the most part, single. However, according to my knowledge of liumin rearrangement, those who had settled for a short time and who had not acquired any land or tomb were generally not given citizenship. If I subtract 302,000 emigrants from the total population of Nanyang and Runing fu, say 956,000 in 1482, the remaining population would be 654,000.

5 Cao, S. (1997). The Ming Period. In The Emigration History of China (Vol. 5) (p. 387). Fuzhou: Fujian People’s Press.

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Therefore, the average annual growth rate would be 7.1‰ given the population from 1391 to 1580 was 344,000 inhabitants. Ruzhou, however, is not included in this calculation. If I calculate based on a 7.1‰ average annual growth rate, then the civilian population of Nanyang fu and Runing fu would be 874,000 and 1,038,000, respectively, from 1482 to 1580. 3.1.7 Ruzhou From 1391 to 1482, the average annual growth rate of the registered population of Ruzhou was 7.4‰. According to A General Record of Henan compiled during the Kangxi period, the population of Ruzhou was 300,000 in 1502, and its average annual growth rate from 1482 to 1502 (Hongzhi 15th year) was 8.6‰. However, the average annual growth rate of the registered population from the Hongzhi period to the Jiajing period was only 2.3‰, a result of statistical deviation during the Jiajing period. If I based my estimation on the average annual growth rate of 8.6‰, then the population of Ruzhou in 1580 would be at approximately 585,000. It should be noted that the population of Ruzhou is included in the data of Nanyang fu in Table 1 of the Appendix. According to Vol. 1 of Recordsof Ruzhou compiled during the Zhengde period, the local population of liumin was large. In 1475 and 1476, Yiyang County and Baofeng County were set up under Ruzhou under a liumin rearrangement framework. In 1393, the civilian and military population of Henan Province was 3,283,000, and in 1580, it was 10,667,000. That means over 187 years, the average annual population growth rate was 6.3‰. 3.2 Shandong The household data at several time points of the Ming Dynasty can be found in the “Household Population,” Vol. 8 of The General Records of Shangdong. From 1391 to 1492 (Hongzhi 5th year), the average annual population growth rate of Shandong was only 2.6‰, and it reached 6‰ from 1492 to 1512 (Zhengde 7th year). The average population growth rate was similar to that of Beiping and Henan during the same period. The low population growth rate over the century after 1391 was due to the massive decline in the population of Dengzhou fu and Laizhou fu. 3.2.1 Dengzhou Fu and Laizhou Fu The population of Dengzhou fu in 1391 was 805,000, whereas in 1526 (Jiajing 5th year), it was only 447,000—a reduction of nearly half. The population of Laizhou fu was 760,000 in 1391 and increased to 881,000 in 1526, with an average annual growth rate of 1.1‰.

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Generally speaking, the household population data during the Jiajing period were unreliable. However, according to related records about the mid-Ming Dynasty, land abandonment and population outflow in Dengzhou and Laizhou were severe during the Hongzhi period. According to the description of He Tang, a senior official and renowned politician, “these areas, that stretched as far as one could see, were full of barren fields and were, thus, sparsely populated.” Wang Shizhen also said that “over dozens of li, the places were uninhabited and even not attractive for the Japanese pirates.”6 Their descriptions justify the lower household data of Dengzhou fu in 1526, making it difficult to deny the accuracy. In my previous studies, I accepted the household number of Dengzhou in 1526; however, in my comparison of the household data of both Dengzhou fu and Laizhou fu during the Ming Dynasty and the Qing Dynasty, when their population growth rates were really low, then their population growth during the late Ming and early Qing dynasties seemed surprisingly high. Let’s take Dengzhou fu as an example; if it had an average annual population growth rate of 2‰ from 1393 to 1630, then the average annual population growth rate would be as high as 15.2‰ from 1631 to 1680, meaning the 1526 data is unrealistic. In 1393, two wei were set up in Dengzhou fu; one wei and two suo were set up in Laizhou fu. In 1398 (Hongwu 31st year), four wei and one suo was set up in Dengzhou fu, and four more suo were set up in the Chenghua period. In 1398, one wei was set up in Laizhou fu, to which were added two suo in the Hongzhi period. Based on my estimation principle outlined in the previous section, the military population of Dengzhou fu increased from 37,000 in 1393 to 88,000 in 1580, while the military population of Laizhou fu increased from 20,000 in 1393 to 28,000 in 1580. We utilize 3‰ as the average annual growth rate of the civilian population from 1391 to 1580 to 1630, then add the military population. The population of Dengzhou fu in 1580 was 1,588,000. In 1820, the population of Dengzhou fu was 3,415,000, with an average annual growth rate of 3.2‰ from 1580 to 1820. Supposing the population of Laizhou fu grew at the same rate as that of Dengzhou fu, then the population of Laizhou fu was 1,561,000 in 1580 and 3,374,000 in 1820. Its average annual growth rate was 3.4‰ from 1580 to 1820.

6 Wang, S. (n.d.). Yi Fangwo Shangchuan Zhongchen (Suggestions submitted to Zhongchen on Combatting Japanese Pirates). In Ming Jingshi Wenbian (Vol. 332).

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3.2.2 Qingzhou Fu According to Vol. 7 of Records of Qingzhou Fu compiled in the Jiajing period, the population of Qingzhou fu was 1,690,000 in 1391 and 1,528,000 in 1552. The decrease indicates that the data was inaccurate. According to the “Military Book” of The History of the Ming Dynasty, there were four wei and one suo in Qingzhou during the reign of Hongwu. According to Vol. 11 of Records of Qingzhou Fu compiled during the Jiangjing period, in addition to Andong wei in the coastal Rizhao County and Zhucheng suo in Zhucheng, two of the other three remaining wei remained were later moved to Dezhou during the Yongle period—a demonstration that the coastal defense was more important in the eastern regions. However, the population reduction caused by the invasion of the Japanese pirates became less in the western regions. The loss of population in Qingzhou during the early and mid-Ming Dynasty may have been caused by natural disasters. According to Vol. 188 of Ming-taizu Shilu, in the first lunar month of 1388 (Hongwu 21st year), drought and locusts caused starvation in 215,000 households, and the household number that obtained relief was the same as in the Hongwu period. In the mid-Ming Dynasty, people in Qingzhou fu continued to flee, and according to Ming-yingzong Shilu, in April of the lunar calendar of 1447 (Zhengtong 12th year), 13,000 households fled from Zhucheng county, where they had to survive by eating grass seeds and barks of trees. If I take Laizhou fu as an example and employ 3‰ as the average annual population growth rate of Qingzhou fu from 1391 to 1580, the population of Qingzhou fu, excluding one military wei transferred to Tianjin, would be 3,337,000. 3.2.3 Dongchang Fu According to the “Household Population,” Vol. 8 of Records of Dongchang Fu compiled during the Xiafeng period—itself a citation from the records compiled during the Wanli period, the household population of Liaocheng County in 1391 was mistakenly listed as the household population of Dongchang fu. Accordingly, there were 424,000 inhabitants in Dongchang fu during the Tianshun period and 579,000 during the Zhengde era (1506–1521). Dongchang fu reached 200,000,7 and its average annual population growth rate was 11.6‰ and 5.8‰, respectively, during the Tianshun and Zhengde periods. The population growth from the Hongwu period to the Tianshun period 7 Cao, S. (1997). The Ming Period. In The Emigration History of China (Vol. 5) (p. 166). Fuzhou: Fujian People’s Press.

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was related to the rapid urban expansion of Linqing. Given that the city was one of the five major transport wharfs along the canal, it appears reasonable for it to have a population of 100,000 during the Tianshun period. Despite the urban growth of Linqing, the population of Dongchang fu grew at an average annual rate of about 6‰. During the late Ming Dynasty, the average annual growth rate of Dongchang fu was 5.8‰, and its population was 831,000 in 1580. 3.2.4 Yanzhou Fu The population of Yanzhou fu was about 920,000 in 1391, and it increased to 1,702,000 in 1526. Over the 135 years, its population grew at an average annual rate of 4.5‰—a slightly lower rate than in northern China during the same period. That means at this rate, the population of Yanzhou fu was about 2,466,000 in 1580. 3.2.5 Jinan Fu The registered population of Jinan fu increased from 970,000 in 1391 to 2,103,000 in 1526 (Jiajing 5th year), with an average annual growth rate of 5.7‰. This figure was the same as the average annual growth rate for most regions of northern China. The civilian and military population of Shandong Province was 6,039,000 in 1393 and 13,066,000 in 1580. Over the 187 years, the average annual growth rate was 4.2‰. 3.3 Beiping In this section, the population during the Hongwu period is, once again, used as the reference point. However, Beiping buzhengsi was renamed Jingshi, and Beiping City became Beijing after the capital city of the Ming Dynasty was moved during the Yongle period. For the sake of convenience, I use Beiping buzhengsi, though I occasionally adopt its new names, including Shuntian fu and Beijing city. In this section, the data of 1491 (Hongzhi 4th year) and 1578 (Wanli 6th year) are cited from Daming Huidian compiled during the Wanli period and equally available in “The Book of Geography,” Vol. 40 of The History of The Ming Dynasty. It should be noted that no further mention of this information is made in the following paragraphs. 3.3.1 Beiping (Shuntian) Fu The population of Shuntian fu during the Ming Dynasty consisted of the civilian and military populations. The military population was composed of two parts, the population of the military wei whose headquarters were in Shuntian

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fu and that of the military wei with headquarters in Beijing city. After the capital was moved during the Yongle period, there were 15 military wei stationed in Shuntian fu. In 1435 (Xuande 10th year), there were 72 military wei in Beijing, with a quota of 403,000 soldiers. According to Gao Shouxian (2014), many wei transferred to Beiping were actually relocated, and led to a serious shortage of soldiers; the actual number of soldiers per wei was 3,296.8 Then the total number of soldiers was only 254,000, and the military population was 761,000 which even included soldiers’ family members. One third of the population, i.e., about 254,000 inhabitants, were stationed in Shuntian fu. If I re-estimate based on the standard 3,500 soldiers per wei, the actual number of soldiers stationed in Shuntian fu was only 158,000. The total number of soldiers and their families in the Shuntian fu but outside of Beijing City was approximately 412,000. It should be noted that the transfer of military wei from Nanjing to Beijing was not considered relocation. According to Gao Shouxian’s research, the military wei population in the Shuntian fu remained at around 250,000 inhabitants until 1629 (Chongzhen 2nd year). However, by 1491, the family size of the military population was close to normal. If there were five persons per household, then the population was up to 1.25 million,9 meaning from 1412 to this time, the average annual growth rate of the military population was also 6.5‰. In 1580, the military population of Shuntian fu remained constant at 1.25 million and the overflow population was counted as part of the civilian population. According to Vol. 3 of Records of Shuntian Fu and Daming Huidian compiled during the Wanli period, the civilian population of Shundian fu in 1391, 1412, and 1491 was 345,000, 260,000, and 669,000, respectively. The dramatic population reduction in 1412 was due to the Jingnan war.10 From 1412 to 1491, the average annual growth rate of the civilian population of Shuntian fu was 12‰. In contrast, from 1391 to 1491, the average annual growth rate of the civilian population was 6.6‰, almost the same as the growth rate of its military population. Using this population growth rate as the standard for further estimation would mean the civilian population of Shuntian fu, in 1580, was approximately 1,201,000. Accordingly, up until 1580, the military and civilian population of Shuntian fu totaled 2,451,000. With an additional one million people in the city of 8 Gao, S. (2014). The Population History of Beijing. Beijing: China Renmin University Press. 9 Gao, S. (2014). The Population History of Beijing. Beijing: China Renmin University Press. 10 Translator note: “Jingnan” means “dispel a disaster or appease an uprising.” Lasting for three years from 1399 to 1402, the war was waged by Zhudi, the fourth son of Ming-taizu, against his nephew Emperor Janwen.

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Beijing, its total population reached 3,451,000. The estimated urban population of Beijing can also be found in other sections of the book. 3.3.2 Yongping Fu In Chapter 3 of this book, the estimated civilian population of Yongping fu in 1391 was about 76,000, and its military population was 34,000. After the Jingnan war, the population of Yongping fu significantly depleted, causing the government to initiate migration. According to Vol. 1 of Records of Yongping Fu compiled during the Hongzhi period, there were 190 lishe (villages) in the six prefectures and counties of Yongping fu; the civilian tun (villages) accounted for approximately 35% of all lishe. If every li had 110 households and 130 households for the local indigenous population, the total households of migrants and the local population were 24,000 families, and their population was 117,000. We suppose this is the data for 1412 (Yongle 10th year). In 1491 (Hongzhi 4th year), the population of Yongping fu was 229,000; in 1578 (Wanli 6th year) it was 256,000. From 1412 to 1481 and then to 1578, the average annual growth rate of Yongping fu was 9.3‰ and 1.3‰, respectively. The rapid population growth before 1491 was related to the recession of the northern borderline after the Yongle period. After the retreat of Daining Dusi to the southward defense fortress during the Yongle period, Yongping fu became an important borderline for the Ming regime against the Mongolian forces outside its territory. The influx of servicemen and the change in the household registration of additional military sheren could have significantly increased the population of Yongping fu. The low population growth of Yongping fu after 1491 was the result of distorted or inaccurate household data during the Wanli period. Suppose I base my further estimation on the average annual growth rate of the civil population of Baoding Fu, i.e., 5.1‰, then the population of Yongping fu in 1580 was approximately 360,000. In Yongping fu, Yongping wei and Shanhai wei were set up during the Hongwu period, and three additional wei were set up during the Yongle period. Their total military population was 84,000. In 1580, the total population of Yongping fu was 444,000. 3.3.3 Baoding Fu According to the “Household Population,” Vol. 6 of Records of Baoding Jun, the population of Baoding fu increased from 319,000 to 351,000 from 1377 to 1391, with an average annual growth rate of 6.9‰. Up until 1412, its population was 382,000, with an average annual growth rate of 4‰. In 1491, its population was 582,000 and the average annual growth rate from 1391 to this time was 5.1‰. Therefore, based on this rate, the population of Baoding fu was 915,000 in 1580.

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During the Yongle period, Baoding fu took over Daning dusi, which retreated southward from the northern defense fortress and set up four new wei in Baoding. No wei-suo was transferred from Daning dusi to Baoding fu. The four new wei, however, could not recruit people from the civilian population of Baoding fu; rather, they had to reorganize the population of Daning dusi that had been cancelled. Therefore, the new population of these four wei could be treated as migrants with a population of approximately 67,000. If its average annual growth rate was 5.1‰ from 1410 to 1580, the descendants of these migrants could have reached 159,000 people, meaning both the migrant population and the local population was 1,074,000. The average annual population growth rate of Baoding fu from 1393 to 1580 was 5.6‰. 3.3.4 Hejian Fu In 1491, the civilian population of Hejian fu was 379,000. Therefore, considering Daming fu as an example, the average annual population growth rate in the late Ming Dynasty was 6.5‰, and its civilian population in 1580 was 675,000. During the Yongle period, there were four wei in Tianjin, and its military population was 67,000. From 1410 (Yongle 8th year) to 1580, the descendants of the military population totaled 202,000 inhabitants. The total population of Hejian fu was 877,000, and the population of the Tianjin city in the late Ming Dynasty was about 100,000. That means the total population of Hejian fu was 977,000 in 1580. 3.3.5 Zhending Fu In Chapter 3 of this book, I have proved that the population of Zhending fu in 1391 was about 700,000. During the Jingnan war, a large number of people in the eastern area of Zhending fu died, and the mortality rate accounted for 60% of the total fu population. After the war, the population of Zhending was replenished by migrants, who only accounted for about 35% of the post-war total population. The population of Zhending fu in 1412 was, therefore, thought to have been about 430,000.11 In 1491, the population of Zhending fu was 598,000, and its average annual growth rate from 1412 to 1491 was about 4.2‰. In 1578 (Wanli 6th year), the population of Zhending fu increased to 1,094,000, and its annual population growth rate, from 1491 to this time, was 7‰.

11 Cao, S. (1997). The Ming Period. In The Emigration History of China (Vol. 5) (p. 356). Fuzhou: Fujian People’s Press.

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3.3.6 Shunde Fu In Chapter 3 of this book, I have proved that the civilian population of Shunde fu was about 150,000 in 1391. The Jingnan war saw a significant loss of population in Shunde fu. Therefore, based on the 60% population loss, I can estimate the population of the entire fu was only 60,000 in 1412. After the war, the government organized a massive migration, and in 1491, the population of Shunde fu was 182,000, and its average annual population growth rate from 1412 to this time was 5.3‰, similar to that of Baoding fu. Up until 1578, the population of Shunde fu increased to 282,000, and its average annual growth rate, from 1491 to this time, remained at 5‰. We can, therefore, conclude that the population statistics of Shunde fu in 1578 are fairly accurate. 3.3.7 Daming Fu In Chapter 3 of this book, I calculated the population of Daming fu to be 300,00 inhabitants based on the population of neighboring regions and by converting the number of li during the Hongwu period. After the Jingnan war when Hongwu period migrants were dispelled or moved away, a kind of re-migration occurred. In 1491, the population of Daiming fu was 575,000, and its average annual population growth rate, from 1391 to this time, was 6.5‰. Generally speaking, after the Hongwu period, the number of li no longer correlated with the actual population. However, for Daming fu, the number of li grew from 318 in 1391 to 579 in 1502, meaning the annual growth rate was 5.4‰—approximately the average annual population growth rate of Daming fu. At this rate, the civilian population of Daming fu, from 1491 to 1578, was 929,000. 3.3.8 Guangping Fu The registered population of Guangping fu in 1491 was 213,000. According to Vol. 6 of Records of Guangping Fu compiled during the Jiajing period, Guangping fu had a population of 195,000 in the Chenghua period. Supposing the figure represented the population in 1476, that would mean the average annual population growth rate from 1476 to 1491 was 5.9‰. Accordingly, the population of Guangping fu in 1580 was 360,000. 3.3.9 Yanqing and Bao’an Prefectures Before 1567 (Lonqing 1st year), Yanqing Prefecture was called Longqing prefecture. Yanqing prefecture and Bao’an prefectures were established due to the Yongle period immigration. In 1578, Yanqing Prefecture had 2,755 households and 19,267 inhabitants; Bao’an prefecture had 772 households and 6,445 inhabitants that have not been accounted for in Table 1 of the Appendix.

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In general, the total civilian and military population of Beiping province was 2,937,000 in 1393 and 8,611,000 in 1580, and the average annual population growth rate, over the 187 years, was 5.8‰. 3.4 Shaanxi and Shanxi According to Daming Huidian compiled during the Wanli period, the average annual population growth rate in Shaanxi was 5.4‰ from 1391 to 1491—a growth rate identical to that in the north. From 1491 to 1578, the average annual population growth rate in Shaanxi fell to 1.6‰. Therefore, the for 1578 is not quite accurate. Like Nanyang fu and Runing fu in Henan province, Hanzhong fu was also the area receiving migrants in the early Ming Dynasty. Therefore, I suppose that its population growth rate was lower than that of Nanyang and Runing during the early Ming Dynasty but higher than that of these two fu during the mid-Ming Dynasty. It had the same population growth rate as that of Ruzhou, say 8.2‰. In the late Ming Dynasty, Xi’an, Fengxiang, and other fu were hit by earthquakes. According to Vol. 430 of Ming-shizong Shilu, earthquakes occurred in Shanxi, Shaanxi, and Henan on Jan. 23, 1556 (Jiajing 34th year), incidents during which “over 830,000 officials, servicemen, and civilians were reported to have died,” while the actual number of casualties might have been over one million people. The epicenter of the earthquakes was at the borderline of the three provinces. Xi’an fu incurred the most devastating losses given its population growth rate, at 4.5‰, was the lowest. On the other hand, the population growth rate of Fengxia fu was 5‰, and that of Yan’an fu and Qingyang fu was the same at 5.8‰. In fact, we do have full knowledge of the population growth rate of each fu in Shaanxi province during the Ming Dynasty, let alone that of its western fu. Interestingly, in the process of matching the provincial population of the Ming Dynasty with that of the Qing Dynasty, I found that the average annual population growth rate of Qingyang was 5.8‰ from 1393 to 1820, that of Pingliang fu and Gongchang fu was each 6.5‰, and that of Lintao fu was 8.1‰, an indication population growth rates increased steadily from east to west. If this was the population growth rate of each fu in Shaanxi province during the Ming Dynasty, I could work out the population of each fu in 1580. Please see Table 1 of the Appendix for more details. From 1393 to 1580, the average annual population growth rate of the entire Shaanxi province was 5.4‰. This phenomenon leads us to hypothesize that areas that did not experience the great drought, war, and plague of the late Ming Dynasty had a regional population growth rate in the Ming Dynasty that was inversely proportionate to the regional population density in the early Ming Dynasty. In other words,

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the higher the population density in the early Ming Dynasty, the lower the population growth rate in the Ming Dynasty, or vice versa. We will have the opportunity to test this hypothesis in the following sections. During the Hongwu and Yongle periods, Shanxi was the largest migrant area in northern China. However, Datong fu in northern Shanxi was not only where military wei were stationed but also the area for migrants. I suppose that the average annual growth rate of the civilian and military population of Datong fu was 6‰, that of the neighboring Taiyuan was 4‰, and that of other fu was 3.4‰—the same as that of the south from where the migrants came. In the case of Shaanxi and Shanxi, as well as other regions with similar general estimates, the civilian and military populations were combined. 3.5 Northern Jingshi (Southern Zhili) After the capital city was moved to Beiping during the Yongle period, Jingshi was renamed Southern Zhili, but the area under its jurisdiction remained unchanged. The household number of most fu and prefectures in Southern Zhili witnessed a gradual decline during the Ming Dynasty. Interestingly, only a few regions of Southern Zhili to the north of the Yangtze River did not experience such a decline. Their household census and statistical system were very sound. It should be noted that the household data of Jingshi area was obtained mostly from Daming Huidian, compiled during the Wanli period. 3.5.1 Xuzhou Fu The population of Xuzhou fu in 1391, 1412, and 1482 was 181,000, 354,000, and 346,000, respectively. From the Hongwu period to the Hongzhi period, the average annual population growth rate of Xuzhou fu was 6.9‰. In his description of the normal situation in Fengyang, Xuzhou, Dengzhou, and Laizhou, He Tang notes: “these regions were full of barren fields as far as one can see” and “they were sparsely populated due to long-time desolation.” His description is inconsistent with the on-record high population growth rate. Also, it does not account for the low population growth rate of Dengzhou fu and Laizhou fu. The average annual growth rate of the civilian population of Xuzhou from 1393 to 1578 can be set at 6.9‰. The total population of Xuzhou was 788,000 in 1578, and then the actual average annual growth rate of its total population was 6.6‰. According to Table 37, this calculation is consistent with the data of the Qing Dynasty. Similarly, the average annual population growth rate of Yangzhou fu and Huai’an fu at the same period can be set at 6‰. 3.5.2 Fengyang Fu The population of Fengyang fu was 427,000, 931,000, and 1,202,000 in 1391, 1412, and 1578, respectively, and the average annual growth rate during the two time

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periods was 8.0‰ and 3.0‰. In 1391, there were eight wei and one suo under the jurisdiction of Zhongdu Liushousi (Central Capital Retention Division) of Fengyang fu, an area with a large military population. I had thought that the high growth rate of Fengyang fu before the Hongzhi period might have been related to the overflow of the military wei population because the population growth rate of 8‰ was too high to be true for any region. However, I learned later from the single case of Xuzhou that its population growth rate in the early Ming Dynasty might actually be the civilian population growth rate of the Ming Dynasty. Using this assumption as a basis for further calculation, we believe the total population of Fengyang fu in 1578 was 2,082,000, and its average annual growth rate was 6.5‰. 3.5.3 Chuzhou The population of Chuzhou increased from 27,000 in 1391 to 50,000 in 1491, with an average annual growth rate of 6.3‰ for the civilian population. This was a further indication of the rapid population growth in sparsely populated areas. Considering the average annual population growth rate of its population in the Ming Dynasty was 5‰, then its population in 1580 was 112,000. 3.5.4 Luzhou Fu The household number of Luzhou fu in 1391, 1491, and 1578 was 49,000, 37,000, and 47,000, respectively; meanwhile, the population was 367,000, 487,000, and 623,000, respectively. The household number of Luzhou fu did not increase over time, but its increase was quite systematic—it had balanced and steady average annual growth rates of 2.7‰ and 3‰. In previous studies, I used these two rates; unfortunately, the results of my calculation were inconsistent with the data of Qing Dynasty, where the average annual population growth rate from 1630 to 1680 was as high as 20‰. Therefore, I believe it is appropriate to use 5.6‰ as the average annual population growth rate. 3.5.5 Anqing Fu From 1393 to 1491, the population of Anqing fu increased from 423,000 to 617,000, with an average population growth rate of 3.7‰. According to Vol. 4 of Recordsof Zhili Anqing Jun compiled during the Tianshun period, the population of Anqing fu was 402,000 in 1391, and the average annual population growth rate was 4.1‰ in 1491. In previous studies, I used the average annual population growth rate of 4.1‰ to estimate the population from 1391 to 1580 and extrapolated this data to other fu in the Southern Zhili, which lack reliable household data. When I match this set of data with statistics of the Qing Dynasty and calculate based on the rate of 4.1‰, it seems unreasonable that the average annual population growth rate from 1630 to 1680 would be as high

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as 16‰. If I consider the population growth rate to be 6‰, the results are presented in Table 37 and Table 1 of the Appendix. 3.5.6 Hezhou Although Hezhou was located in the north of the Yangtze River, it is relatively densely populated due to its proximity to Nanjing. If I set the city’s average annual population growth rate at 4.4‰, which is slightly higher than that of other fu in the Jiangnan area, my calculation would be consistent with the data of the Qing Dynasty. 3.6 Summary Up to now, we have obtained the data on the average annual population growth rate of the 31 northern fu and prefectures12 during the Ming Dynasty. Some of these data came directly from documents, and others were estimated according to various documentary sources. With the inclusion of Nanchang fu, there are altogether 32 fu and prefectures as mentioned below. The result is that the Pearson correlation coefficient for the population density and the average

Diagram 3

Relationship between population density and average annual population growth rate for the 32 fu in the early Ming Dynasty

12 They included Beiping, Baoding, Zhending, Shunde, Guangping, Daming, Jinan, Dong­ chang, Yanzhou, Laizhou, Dengzhou, Xi’an, Fengxiang, Hanzhong, Pingliang, Gongchang, Lintao, Qingyang, Yan’an, Kaifeng, Henan, Huaiqing, Nanyang, Runing, Xuzhou, Huai’an, Yangzhou, Fengyang, Chuzhou, Luzhou, and Anqing.

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annual population growth rate of these regions in the early Ming Dynasty is −0.545—a moderate negative correlation. In the regression equation, the coefficient of determination (R2 = 0.297), i.e., 29.7% of the variation (variance) in the average annual population growth rate, can be explained by population density. This shows that the correlation between the population density and population growth rate is not significantly strong. In the north, where the population density was relatively high, the average annual population growth rate was relatively low. See Diagram 3 for more details. 4

The Population Growth in the South

In the south, I estimate, albeit with caution, the average annual population growth rate of different regions using the method of regional comparison and matching my data with the population of the Qing Dynasty. 4.1 Southern Jingshi (Southern Zhili) One issue that needed to be resolved was to determine the population growth rate of the regions in the south of the Yangtze River under the jurisdiction of Southern Zhili in the mid and late Ming Dynasty? In the absence of any information, I consider the fifth principle explained at the beginning of this chapter and work out the average annual population growth rate of each fu in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) and 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). Based on my calculation, the population growth rates were 3.8‰ for Changzhou, 2.8‰ for Suzhou, 2.7‰ for Zhenjiang, 2.3‰ for Yingtian, and 1.8‰ for Songjiang. The low population growth rate was due to the fact that Jiangnan suffered major droughts, a massacre by Qing soldiers, and plagues in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. Therefore, it appears appropriate to set the average annual population growth rate of each Jiangnan fu in the Ming Dynasty at 3.8‰, i.e., the average annual population growth rate of Changzhou fu. The only exception to the Ming-Qing population data matching was Chizhou fu, whose average annual population growth rate during the Ming Dynasty is set at 6‰, the same as that of the neighboring Anqing fu to the north of the river. During the Hongwu period, 42 wei were stationed in Nanjing; 35 wei and one suo were transferred to Beijing during the Yongle period, i.e., a total of—a total of 591,000, including 197,000 soldiers. Although records showed that a limited number of soldiers who had been arranged to move to Beijing later remained in Nanjing, it is justifiable to consider that, in the long run, each soldier likely took three dependents to Beijing. That means six wei and four suo remained in Nanjing, comprising a military population of 114,000.

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To sum up, the civilian and military population of Jingshi in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year) was 12,561,000, and in 1580 (Wanli 8th year), it was 29,474,000, and its average annual population growth rate was 4.6‰. 4.2 Fujian and Zhejiang 4.2.1 Tingzhou Fu The household number of each county in 1391, 1491 (Hongzhi 5th year), and 1522 (Jiajing 1st year) is recorded in the “Food and Money,” Vol. 4 of Records of Tingzhou Fu compiled during the Jiajing period. Its household number after 1391 declined year by year. It is not rare to see that the population registration was changed to “ding” registration and the population data of each county was inaccurate. However, Guihua and Yongding counties were newly established in Tingzhou fu during the Chenghua period (1465–1487). The household investigation conducted for the establishment of the new counties was similar to a census. Such a practice persisted until the Hongzhi period, thereby providing some evidence for our discussion of the population growth rate of this area. In 1471 (Chenghua 7th year), Qingliu and other counties were separated and became Guihua County. According to the “Food and money,” Vol. 4 of Records of Tingzhou Fu compiled during the Jiajing period, the household number of Guihua county in 1492 (Hongzhi 5th year) was 5,157, and its population was 32,152; the average number of family members per household was 6.2. In 1492, the household number increased to 5,588, while the population increased to 34,016 even though the average number of family members per household remained at 6.1. Meanwhile, the average annual growth rate of the household population in Guihua county was 4‰ and 2.8‰ over the 20 years. Guihua county was located in the far mountainous areas, and it was not established to relieve the population growth pressure; rather, its establishment was an administrative measure taken by the government to pacify the people of the area. Therefore, it appears appropriate to set the average annual population growth rate over the 20 years at 3‰ to 4‰. Yongding county is another case worth noting. According to the “Geography” of The History of the Ming Dynasty, Shanghang county was separated and renamed Yongding County in 1481 (Chenghua 17th year). According to the “Food and money,” Vol. 4 of Records of Tingzhou Fu compiled during the Jiajing period, the household number of Yongding County in 1482 (chenghua 18th year) was 2,256, and its population was 11,129, i.e., with 4.9 persons per household. In 1492, the household number increased to 2,427, and its population was 16,335, meaning there were 6.7 persons per household. Over the ten years, the average annual growth rate of households remained only at 0.7‰, while the

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average annual growth rate of the population was 3.9‰. That makes the population growth rate of Yongding county similar to that of Guihua county. 4.2.2 Jianning Fu, Shaowu Fu, and Yanping Fu According to Vol. 212 of Ming-taizu Shilu, in May of the lunar calendar in 1439 (Yongle 17th year), the governor of Jian’an county, Jianning fu, reported that Jianning, Shaowu and Yanping had suffered several epidemics since 1408 (Yongle 5th year), and that more than 174,600 inhabitants had died. According to Vol. 52 of A General Record of Fujian compiled during the Daoguang period, Zhang Zhun of Jian’an county also reported in 1439 (Yongle 17th year) that Jianning and Yanping had suffered repeated epidemics since 1408 leading to the death of 774,600 inhabitants. According to Vol. 82 of Ming-taizu Shilu, Jianchang and Fuzhou in Jiangxi, Jianning, Shaowu, and other fu in Fujiang were hit by the epidemic in January of the lunar calendar in 1411 (Yongle 8th year), causing the death, between 1408 (Yongle 5th year) and 1409 (Yongle 6th year), of 78,400 inhabitants. According to Vol. 111 of the book, in December of the lunar calendar in 1411, the epidemic in Shaowu, Fujian Province “killed more than 12,000 families.” It maintained, in Vol. 136, that from 1408 to 1409, over 4,480 households died of epidemics in Guangze and Taining counties of Shaowu fu. Unfortunately, it appears impossible to obtain consistent data from various records. Therefore, I follow the fifth principle introduced at the beginning of this chapter to match the population of the Ming Dynasty with that of the Qing Dynasty to make the data justifiable. If the number of deaths in the three fu in 1419 (Yongle 17th year) amounted to 175,000, then the population of the Ming Dynasty can hardly be matched with that of the Qing Dynasty. If we suppose the number of deaths in the fu in 1420 (Yongle 18th year) was 775,000 and the deaths in each fu were calculated based on its population percentage, then it would be possible to work out the remaining population of each fu. Taking Shaowu fu as an example, if the average annual growth rate was 5.5%, then the population of Shaowu fu in 1408 was approximately 267,000. If we consider that 126,000 people died during the Yongle period epidemics, then its remaining population was 141,000. If the average annual growth rate was 5.5‰, that would mean its population from 1420 to 1580 was 339,000. Therefore, the average annual population growth rate of the Ming Dynasty in Jianning and Yanping fu was 3.4‰. 4.2.3 Fuzhou Fu, Quanzhou Fu and Zhangzhou Fu In order to match the data of the Qing Dynasty, the average annual population growth rate of the three fu in the Ming Dynasty is set at 5.5‰. See Table 1 of the Appendix for details of the population of each fu in Fujian province.

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4.3 Jiangxi According to the “Household Population,” Vol. 7 of Records of Nanchang Fu compiled during the Wanli period, the population of Nanchang fu rose to 2.5 million in 1572 (Longqing 6th year), with an average annual population growth rate of 4.5‰ from 1391. The population of Jing’an, Wuning, and Ningzhou counties was 141,000 in 1391, 255,000 in 1522 (Jiajing 1st year), and its average annual population growth rate was also 4.5‰. It is quite difficult to extrapolate from this data to determine the figures in other fu. Following the fifth principle mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, it is possible to determine that the average annual population growth rate from 1392 to 1776 (Qianong 11th year) was 6.2‰ in Jiujiang fu, 3.4‰ in Nankang fu, and 2.6‰ in Nanchang fu. In the early Ming Dynasty, Jiujiang fu received the largest number of migrants in Jiangxi province,13 and its population growth rate was similar to that of the Jingxiang region. Nanchang fu had a high death toll because it was besieged by Qing forces, while Nankang fu, because it experienced less war and migration, may represent the general situation of the north-central regions of Jiangxi province. Ganzhou fu and Nan’an fu had vast land but a sparse population. Therefore, it may be appropriate to set their population growth rate at 4‰. From 1580 to 1820, their average annual population growth rates were 6.5‰ and 6.4‰, respectively,—a result of the massive migration during the Qing Dynasty. 4.4 Huguang After comparing the household number of each province in 1472 (Chenghua 8th year) with that in 1391, I find that only the population of De’an fu, Huang­ zhou fu, and Yongzhou fu grew from 1391 to 1472. 4.4.1 De’an Fu According to Vol. 2 of Records of De’an Fu compiled during the Zhengde period, the population of De’an in 1391 was 60,000 and 77,021 in 1432 (Xuande 7th year), and the average annual population growth rate was 6.1‰. In the early Ming Dynasty, a large number of migrants moved into De’an causing an even faster population growth. However, this growth is considered low if we attempt to match the population data of the Ming to that of Qing dynasties. 4.4.2 Huangzhou Fu According to the “Official System: Household Population,” Vol. 3 of Records of Huangzhou Fu compiled during the Hongzhi period, there were 95,000 13 Cao, S. (2011). The Emigration in Waxieba: Legend or A Fact? Xueshujie, (9), 35–52.

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households and 642,000 inhabitants in Huangzhou fu in 1391, and there were 6.8 persons on average per household. According to Vol. 4 of Huguang Tujing Zhishu, there were 78,000 households and 751,000 inhabitants in 1472 (Zhengde 7th year) and 74,000 households and 798,000 inhabitants in 1512, with an average number of 10.8 persons per household. The high average number of family members per household indicates the records of household population were inaccurate due to a significant omission of the female population during the Ming Dynasty. If the sex ratio was 200, then it should be corrected to 110, meaning the actual population was 10,820,000. If I use the civilian population of Huangzhou fu in 1391, say 740,000, as a standard figure, then the population growth rate was 3.1‰ from 1391 to 1471 and 3.2‰ from 1472 to 1513. Such growth rates were a little low if we attempted to match the population data of both the Ming to that of Qing dynasties. 4.4.3 Wuchang Fu According to Chapter 3 of the book, the population of Wuchang fu in 1391 was 300,000. According to Huguang Tujing Zhishu compiled during the Jiajing period, the population of Wuchang fu was about 405,000 in 1472 (Chenghua 8th year) and 474,000 in 1512—figures that amounted to the total population of all counties in Wuchang fu. The average annual population growth rate was 3.7‰ from 1391 to 1471 and 3.9‰ from 1472 to 1512. Such growth rate was also low when compared with the data of the Qing Dynasty. 4.4.4 Xiangyang Fu In 1476 (Chenghua 12th year), Yuan Jie received orders and headed to the Jingxiang region to resolve the liumin issue, which involved various areas around Xiangyang fu. According to the report of local officials, the liumin population, which had settled in different places, was 920,000.14 During the Hongzhi and Zhengde years, the resettlement of liumin continued, and from 1472 to 1512, the average annual growth rates of the registered population of Xiangyang, Yuyang, De’an, and Changde fu reached 20.7‰, 28.5‰, 9.2‰ and 9.3‰ respectively, much higher than that of other regions. Though far from Xiangyang fu, Changde fu was also a key area of the Hongwu Migration. The situation in northern Huguang was more complicated. Let’s suppose that the average annual population growth rate of Xiangyang fu (including Yunyang) was 20‰ between 1393 and 1512, and 6‰ between 1512 and 1580; that would mean its average annual population growth rate over the 187 years 14 Cao, S. (1997). The Ming Period. In The Emigration History of China (Vol. 5) (pp. 376–393). Fuzhou: Fujian People’s Press.

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was 14.9‰. According to the above data, the average annual population growth rate of De’an fu in the mid-Ming Dynasty was only 9.2‰, and at this rate, its population in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties cannot be matched. The average annual population growth rate for De’an fu can be set at 12‰, 11‰ for Mianyang prefecture, and 6.5‰ for other places. According to Diagram 3, the population growth rate of Huangzhou fu, where there were only 37 people per square kilometers should have been lower. However, during the early Ming Dynasty, Huangzhou fu was not only a place from where people moved out but also a place for migrants to settle. The population growth rate was generally faster in those places which received a large number of migrants. Therefore, it is appropriate to set the average annual population growth rate of Huangzhou fu in the Ming Dynasty at 6.5‰. In the south of Huangguang, Changde fu and Changsha fu were the major areas in the Hongwu Migration. The average annual population growth rate of Changde fu from 1393 to 1512 can be set at 9.3‰, and 6‰ from 1512 to 1630. Then, its average annual population growth rate was 8.1‰ from 1393 to 1580. In view of the migration scale, the average annual population growth rate for Changsha fu during the same period can be set at 7.5‰ and 6‰ for Yuezhou fu and Baoqing fu. For other fu in Hunan, the average annual population growth rate can be set between 4‰ and 6‰ according to the population density of each fu in the early Ming Dynasty. The population of those places with a low population density grew faster, or vice versa. 4.5 Sichuan According to the “Household and Population,” Vol. 1 of A General Record of Sichuan compiled during the Wanli period, there were 216,000 households and 1,467,000 inhabitants at the beginning of the Ming Dynasty. This figure was actually the number of households and population in Houhu Zhi in 1393. During the Hongzhi period, the household number in Sichuan increased to 254,000 and the population to 2,598,000, with an average annual growth rate of 5.2‰. In the early Ming Dynasty, the Sichuan region received a large number of migrants to the extent it is generally believed the people of Sichuan came from Huguang. According to A General Record of Sichuan compiled during the Wanli period, there were 263,000 military-civilian households and 3,102,000 inhabitants in 1578 (Wanli 6th year) in Sichuan. The average annual population growth rate from 1391 to this date was 4.0‰. These figures are suggestive of the significant importance attached by government to the household survey of such province, which was reconstructed through Hongwu Migration. However, the data for 1578 still had large omissions. Over time, the household-population ratio

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increased from 6.8 in the Hongwu period to 10.2 in the Hongzhi period and then to 11.8 in 1578. If the sex ratio of the registered population in 1578 was set at 200 and then adjusted to 110, the actual population of Sichuan was approximately 3,958,000; its average annual population growth rate between 1391 to 1578 was 5.3‰. For the minority areas such as Wusa, Wumeng, Dongchuan, Mahu, and Zhenxiong, the average annual population growth rate during the Ming Dynasty can be set between 1‰ and 3‰. 4.6 Guangdong and Guangxi Suppose I use a standard average annual population growth rate of 4‰ to measure the population in 1580 (Wanli 8th year). In that case, the population of Guangdong, due to lack of data, can hardly match that of the Qing Dynasty. For example, the population of Qiongzhou fu (Hainan Island) in 1580 would have exceeded its population during the mid-Ming Dynasty. In fact, no reason could be found to explain the massive deaths in Qiongzhou fu from the Ming Dynasty to the Qing Dynasty. Therefore, if the average annual population growth rate of Huizhou is considered to be 4‰, such a rate would be as high as 27‰ in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties; If I use 8‰ as my estimation, then the average annual population growth rate would be 7.7‰ in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. Without any given reason, the population growth rate during the Ming Dynasty was the same as or similar to that of the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. Accordingly, the average annual population growth rate of Guangdong during the Ming Dynasty was about 4.1‰. The population growth rate of each fu in Guangxi from 1580 to 1630 was consistent with the growth rate from 1393 to 1580. Please see Table 6 of the Appendix for details. 5

The Provincial Population and Its Changes during the Ming Dynasty

Based on the data in Table 1 of the Appendix, the provincial and regional population and the average annual growth rates during the Ming Dynasty were outlined in Table 9. It should be noted that most population changes in the frontier areas are obtained based on the fifth principle mentioned at the beginning of this chapter; therefore, the specific process is not elaborated here. In 1393 (Hongwu 26th year), there were approximately 74.65 million inhabitants in the Ming Empire and non-Han areas. They included the civilian population, the military population of wei-suo, the military population under the jurisdiction of wei-suo, the population of zhangguansi in the minority areas,

124 Table 9

Chapter 5 Provincial and regional population of the Ming Dynasty. Population Counting Unit: 1,000 people

Region

1393

1580

Civilians Military Total wei Beiping Shangdong Shaanxi Henan Shanxi South Jingshi North Jingshi Jiangxi South Huguang North Huguang Fujian Zhejiang Guangdong Guangxi Sichuan Guizhou Yunnan Liaodong Dusi Nuergan Dusi Mongolian tribes Beiping Xingdusi Wanquan & Dongshen Shaanxi Dusi Shaanxi Xingdusi Aduan & other wei Yilibali and others Sichuan Dusi Sichuan Xingdusi Tibet Dongfan (Taiwan) Total

2,617 5,828 2,658 2,964 4,410 8,185 3,143 8,034 2,306 1,850 3,701 10,957 3,616 1588 1,748 1,025 784 104 500 360 80 38

319 214 340 319 316 841 392 130 201 184 294 280 224 152 240 398 264 396 0 0 450 367

45 77 70 230 78 67 800 100 67,963

107 138 0 0 12 111 0 0 6,689

2,936 6,042 2,998 3,283 4,726 9,026 3,535 8164 2,507 2,034 3,995 11237 3,840 1740 1,988 1,423 1,048 500 500 360 530 405

1630

1393–1630

Population Population Annual growth rate (‰) 8,611 13,066 8,266 10,667 9,950 18,567 10,907 16,129 7,701 9,239 7,686 20,952 8,303 3,492 5,151 2,377 2,617 2,500 1055 766 50 752

11,715 16,101 10,923 14,609 12,171 22,537 14,753 19,382 10,548 14,832 9,458 24,751 10,484 4,207 6,665 2,735 3,378 3,844 1,288 908 50 805

5.9 4.1 5.5 6.3 4.0 3.9 6.0 3.7 6.1 8.4 3.6 3.3 4.2 3.7 5.1 2.8 5.0 8.6 4.0 4.0

152 708 215 955 70 0 230 636 90 159 178 314 800 800 100 100 74,652 172,476

1,080 1,435 0 835 184 365 917 100 221,060

8.3 8.0

Source: Table 1 of the Appendix and Table 6

2.9

5.5 3.0 3.0 0.0 0.0 4.6

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and other non-Han population that was not under the jurisdiction of the Ming Empire. The number of servicemen in wei-suo and the military population under its jurisdiction reached 6.69 million, accounting for 9% of the total population. By 1630, the total population of China was approximately 221.06 million; meanwhile, the average annual growth rate of China’s population, from 1393 to 1630, was 4.6‰. Among the 17 branches of the 15 buzhengsi, the population of Beiping, Shaanxi, Henan, northern Jingshi, northern Huguang, and Sichuan grew faster than the national average population. In the border areas, the population of the northeast and northwest regions also grew faster than the national average population. As China’s population reached its peak, the northern area was hit by rare droughts and locust plagues. Southern China was also affected by epidemics when northern China was once again hit by plagues. Meanwhile, the military forces of the Qing and Ming dynasties confronted each other in Liaodong, while Zhang Xianzhong and Li Zicheng rose against the imperial court. Finally, the Qing troops broke through the defenses and entered inland areas of China, triggering revolts and massacres. Wu Sangui surrendered to the Qing Dynasty but rebelled again. The Ming Empire fell under natural disasters, plagues, uprisings, and national wars. These led to a significant decline in the population of China. The demographic history of the Qing Dynasty unfolded in a new political environment created by the Manchus. 6

The Population Distribution in the Ming Dynasty

The Map of China’s Administrative Divisions in 1391 6.1 A map of China’s administrative divisions in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year) is indispensable for this book. In Vol. 7 of The Historical Atlas of China edited by Tan Qichang, there are two standard dates—1433 (Xuande 8th year) and 1582 (Wanli 10th year), while only the fu and regional maps in 1582 were available. Most of the provincial and fu boundaries discussed in this chapter are similar to those in the Xuande and Wanli periods, but some still differ significantly. The vectorization of the provincial maps in 1582 by Man Zhimin and Hou Yangfang considerably facilitated my mapping of China’s administrative divisions in 1393 in this chapter. Map 1—China’s Administrative Divisions in 1393—is revised and drawn on the basis of Hou Yangfang’s map of China’s Administrative Divisions in 1582. The demarcation of the provincial, fu, and regional boundaries in 1393 can be found in the Chinese version of this book. Based on this work, I draw the regional maps and then measure the area of each region.

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In addition to the civilian population, each region has military population. Therefore, the total population is the sum of the civilian and military populations. The so-called “civilian population” generally refers to those people who were accounted for in the fu, prefectural, and county registers. However, “civilian population” in this book has a broader meaning in some areas. For example, the imperial population in the capital was not included in the prefectural or country registers, and some ethnic minority populations were not included in the government registers. Strictly speaking, “civilian population” is used in this study in contrast with the “military population” that refers to the general population minus the military population. This study adopts fu as a standard statistical unit. Therefore, the population of the capital city is listed under the name of Fuguo fu ( fu where the capital city of the Dynasty or of a province is located), i.e., the population of the city of Nanjing is listed under Yingtian fu and that of the city of Beijing under Shuntian fu. The population of the overlapping areas of the military wei and fu is either listed under fu or under military wei. For example the population of Datong fu in Shanxi included that of wei-suo in Shanxi Dusi and also the civilian population under its control. 6.2 The Population Distribution in 1393 According to Table 1 of the Appendix and Map 2, the most densely populated area of China in 1393 was the Jiangnan region which included the five Fu of Jingshi (Southern Zhili)—Yingtian, Suzhou, Songjiang, Changzhou, and Zhenjiang, with an average number of 110 to 290 inhabitants per square kilometer—and the six fu of Zhejiang—Hangzhou, Huzhou, Shaoxing, Ningbo and Jinhua in Zhejiang, with an average number of 130 to 200 inhabitants per square kilometer. The average number of inhabitants per square kilometer in Jiaxing fu was as high as 506. Although the population grew more rapidly in the north during the Ming Dynasty, the Jiangnan region remained the most densely populated in China until the late Ming Dynasty. Shandong was the most densely populated region in the north. The population density of Qingzhou, Dengzhou, and Laizhou was around 50 inhabitants per square kilometer. In the south of Shanxi, the population density of Pingyang, Lu’an, Fenzhou, and Zezhou was around 50 inhabitants. These seven fu were the main areas in northern China from which people moved out in the early Ming Dynasty.15 15

For more information on the population migration during the early Ming Dynasty, please see Cao, S. (1997). The Ming Period. In The Emigration History of China (Vol. 5). Fuzhou: Fujian People’s Press.

Map 1

China’s population density in 1393 (26th year of Hongwu)

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Fuzhou, Ji’an, and Ruizhou in central Jiangxi province and Raozhou in the northeast of Jiangxi were the key areas from which people moved out. In 1391, the average number of inhabitants per square kilometer in these areas was 100, which seems to have been overestimated compared to the number of li during the Tianshun period. In 1391, the population density of the inland areas was low. The average population density was about 10 inhabitants or less than 10 inhabitants per square kilometer. Yongping fu in Beiping buzhengsi was such a sparsely populated region. If it were not for the large number of military wei, Beiping fu could have been a sparsely populated area. Dongchang fu in Shandong was also a low-density area. Beiping, Yongping, and Dongchang were the well-known areas in the north that received the migrant population. The population density of all other areas in Shaanxi was low except for Xi’an fu and Fengxiang fu in Guanzhong region. Hanzhong fu was the most sparsely populated area which was home to a large number of liumin in the midMing Dynasty. Xiangyang fu in the north of Hubei province was located to the east of Hanzhong fu, and in the mid-Ming Dynasty its west part was separated and renamed Yunyang fu, which neighbored Hanzhong fu. In 1391, the average number of people per square kilometer in Xiangyang fu was only 2.7 inhabitants—a situation that provided ample room for migrants to move in. To the north of Xiangyang fu were Nanpang and Runing in Henan province, that had an average number of 7 to 8 inhabitants per square kilometer and equally a well-known area into which migrants moved during the Ming Dynasty. To the east of Xiangyang was De’an, which became a destination for migrants from Huangzhou because it had only 5 inhabitants per square kilometer. With the population density of 37 inhabitants, Huangzhou received a large number of migrants from Waxieba, Raozhou, in Jiangxi, even though a significant number of its inhabitants moved to De’an and Sichuan. That explains why the older generations of Sichuan people often say, “Macheng and Xiaogan are our hometown.” To the south of Xiangyang were Jingzhou fu and Anlu fu located in the heart of the Jianghan Plain. Jianghan Plain evolved from the Yunmeng Marsh in the pre-Qin period. As sediments from the Yangtze and Han rivers gathered, the Han River Delta expanded, and Yunmeng Marsh shrunk and disintegrated into a cluster of small lakes in the Tang and Song dynasties. From the Hongwu period onwards, a large number of migrants from Nanchang fu and Ji’an fu in Jiangxi moved into this area and started large-scale agricultural activities because the population density of Jingzhou was only 10.4 inhabitants in 1393.

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Changde fu and Changsha fu in the south of Huguang were the main destinations for migrants from Jiangxi in the late Yuan and early Ming dynasties. Although migrants from Jiangxi also moved into Baoqing, more moved into Changde fu and Changsha fu, other areas in the south and west of Hunan were neither densely populated nor influenced by the great Hongwu Migration. The Shizhou wei region in the north of Huguang was part of the area where people of Tujia nation settled. Just like the mountainous areas of the western Hunan, this region was a main migration area in the Qing Dynasty. Because they were sparsely populated, most fu in Sichuan received a large number of migrants from Huguang in the early Ming Dynasty. The sparsely populated areas of Guangdong were Shaozhou, Lianzhou, and Huizhou. Huizhou was sparsely populated because a large number of inhabitants in its mountainous northern area were not accounted for in the government registers. In the mid to late Ming Dynasty, Heping, Changning, and Yong’an counties were newly established and the population under government control increased significantly. The same was true of neighboring Chaozhou fu where Raoping, Huilai, Zhen Ping, Dapu, and Pingyuan counties were newly established in the mid to late Ming Dynasty. In other words, the sparse population during the Hongwu period was a false phenomenon due to the unregistered population. 6.3 The Population Distribution in 1580 Table 1 of the Appendix shows the administrative divisions in 1393 rather than those in 1580. For example, Fuzhou fu, though its subordinate Funing fu was upgraded to a prefecture under the direct jurisdiction of Fujian buzhengsi, continued to be treated as one administrative division with Funing during the calculation, in 1580, of the population distribution and population density. The map, however, is drawn based on the respective population proportion of the two fu in 1393 and their population distribution; their population density is the same. In 1580, the southern part of the northern border of the Ming Dynasty shrank largely due to the southward withdrawal of Beiping and Shanxi xingdusi, and the increasing number of administrative divisions along the northern defensive line. For example, in order to deal with the threat from the Mongols, the number of wei-suo was increased in the territories of Shaanxi Dusi and Shaanxi xingdusi. In addition, as a result of migration, the sparsely-populated fu of Beiping and Dongchang in 1393 become populated, and other fu, including Huaiqing and Guide were more densely populated. This can be seen more clearly on the population density map of 1580.

Map 2

China’s population distribution in 1580 (Wanli 8th year)

Map 3

China’s population density in 1580 (Wanli 8th year)

Chapter 6

The Rapid Population Decline between the Ming and Qing Dynasties Since 1627 (Qianqi 7th year), northern China had been plagued by a long period of droughts. By 1643 (Chongzhen 17th year), the drought-stricken areas had expanded to many regions in the south. The droughts not only led to poor crop harvest and massive deaths, but they also triggered a rebellion by peasants and border servicemen in Shaanxi province, which further degenerated to peasant wars. The number of deaths in wars was enormous. Besides, the decade-long drought also caused a widespread bubonic plague epidemic and massive deaths. At the beginning of the Qing Dynasty, the imperial court was determined to wipe out the peasant army and local resistance. Therefore, it was not uncommon to witness a large-scale massacre or the slaughter of city dwellers. To overthrow the Qing court, Wu Sangui, a surrendered general of the Ming court, launched the so-called Jiayin Rebellion lasting for four years from 1674 (Kangxi 13th year) to 1678 (Kangxi 17th year), which caused massive deaths in the war-afflicted areas. After the Qing Dynasty established its regime, to prevent the maritime anti-Qing resistance, the “relocation of the border” was implemented, and inhabitants within the proximity of 30 to 60 li alongside the southeast coastal border were forced to abandon their homes and move inland. People could hardly acquire food and clothes on their way, so many died midway, and few could return to their old homes after the relocation. This chapter utilizes a data-based approach to calculate the range and magnitude of the three variables: drought, plague epidemic, and war at the end of the Ming Dynasty. Then the relative number of deaths in each province is estimated. Based on several more reliable sources, I calculate the number of deaths in certain regions and predict the deaths in other areas.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004688933_007

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133

Droughts, Wars, and Plagues

1.1 Droughts Droughts are graded and distributed based mainly from the Chinese Atlas of 500 years of Drought and Flood Distribution.1 In the atlas, five levels of precipitation are used according to local records, namely Level 1-flood, Level 2-partial flood, Level 3-normal, Level 4-partial drought, and Level 5-drought. For example, the so-called Level 5-drought refers to drought lasting several months or across seasons or severe drought over a wide area. According to the authors’ description, during the spring and summer droughts, the land was so “bare people ate the roots and bark of trees; … Droughts in summer and autumn brought about crop failures; … If droughts happened in summer, a famine will loom ahead.” Also, there were records on the Jiangnan droughts. In the atlas, there were 120 sites on the map, each representing one to two fu in the Ming Dynasty. With regard to the grading of precipitation levels at each site, the atlas displays the distribution of droughts and flood levels over the years. In this paper, however, we focus on droughts that fall within Level 5. Informed by the provincial maps of 1582 (Wanli 10th year) in “The Ming period,” Vol. 7 of The Historical Atlas of China edited by Tan Qixiang,2 I overlap the maps of the drought-stricken areas from 1627 to 1643 to create a map with different levels of drought distribution level during 18 years. The darker the color of the province-level administrative regions, the more years they experienced droughts and the more severe the disasters they suffered. See Map 4 for details. The color shades in Map 4 are the number of droughts over the 18 years. The major droughts of the late Ming period mainly happened in the four years between 1638 (Chongzhe 11th year) and 1641 (Chongzhen 14th year); therefore, I make consecutive droughts over the four years the marker of core drought areas. It is clear that Shanxi was the worst hit during the 18 years, and all fu-level administrative regions experienced droughts lasting over five years with the exception of the droughts in Pingyang, Datong, and Taiyuan, that lasted eight or nine years. The next severe drought occurred in Shaanxi where all fu (except for Hanzhong) experienced over four years of drought. In Henan, only Runing had a less severe drought that lasted for two years while all other fu were 1 Academy of Meteorological Sciences of Bureau of Meteorological Sciences (Eds.) (1981). Chinese Atlas of 500 years of Drought and Flood Distribution. Beijing: SinoMaps Press. 2 In “The Ming Period,” Vol. 7 of The Historical Atlas of China edited by Tan Qixiang, there were no complete provincial maps of China in 1582. I am hereby thankful for Houyang who provided me this electronic version.

Map 4

Drought distribution in China 1627–1643

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135

hit by disasters lasting four or more years. The four northern fu—Shuntian, Baoding, Zhending, and Hezhang—had droughts lasting for four years while the droughts in the four southern provinces—Yongping, Shunde, Guangping, and Daming—lasted three years. The droughts in southern Yingtian fu and Songjiang fu lasted four and five years, respectively. 1.2 Droughts and Wars In 1627 (Tianqi 7th year), droughts struck northern China, with the most devastating occurring in Xi’an fu and Yan’an fu in Shaanxi and the southern part of Pingyang fu in Shanxi. In the wake of the drought, Zheng Yanfu and other people from Chengchen County rushed to the county office and killed the magistrate, kicking off the peasant uprising of the late Ming Dynasty. In 1628 (Chongzhen 1st year), the drought had ravaged most of the areas hit by the drought of 1621. In addition, the drought-stricken areas expanded to Fengxiang fu, Gongchang fu, Yan’an fu, Yulin wei, Taiyuan fu, Datong fu, Zhending fu of Northern Zhili, Hejian fu, Baoding fu, and Xuanfu Town in Shaanxi Province. Wang Jiayin from Fugu county, Gao Yingxiang from Ansai county, and Wang Zuogua from Qingjian county in Yan’an fu started a rebellion. At the same time, the army, famished, mutinied in Guyuan, Jiezhou, and Yulin wei. These uprisings and mutinies mainly took place in the drought-stricken areas between 1627 and 1628. Because of the effects of the droughts, Xi’an fu and Yan’an fu in Shaanxi were incapable of providing rations for the 200,000-peasant army. In 1630 (Chongzhen 3rd year), the main force of the peasant troops entered central and southern Shanxi as the climate was favorable. It was not until 1633 that the peasant army was forced to enter Henan, Hunan, and Guangzhou due to severe droughts in the south-central part of Shanxi. Between 1634 (Chongzhen 7th year) and 1635 (Chongzhen 8th year), disasters were no longer severe except in areas of southern Shanxi, so the main force of the peasant army returned from Henan to Shaanxi. However, due to food pressure, they had to rush to the southern Zhili territory (present-day Anhui province) and return to Shaanxi after obtaining enough crops. Then, as severe droughts occurred in Xi’an fu and Yan’an fu in 1636 (Chongzhen 9th year), the 400,000-peasant army marched back to Anhui up to the opposite side of Nanjing. After that, they withdrew to the mountains bordering Shaanxi, Henan, Hunan, and Guangzhou. As the epidemic broke out in northern China between 1637 (Chongzhen 10th year) and 1638 (Chongzhen 11th year), the peasant army remained active outside the affected areas. However, after repeated failures in Henan, Anhui, and Huguang, the peasant army surrendered to the Ming court and hid in the

Map 5

The relationship between droughts and peasant wars of the late Ming Dynasty

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mountains bordering Shaanxi, Henan, and Huguang. By 1639 (Chognzhen 12th year) and 1640 (Chognzhen 13th year), the northern disaster area had expanded to five provinces, namely Shaanxi, Shanxi, Henan, Zhili, and Shandong, and extended southwards to most areas of southern Zhili. As a result, the peasant army rose again in rebellion. Although the northern drought-stricken areas had reduced to the east of the Yellow River by 1641 (Chongzhen 14th year), north China continued to be entirely hit by the drought. Even northern Zhejiang, southern Zhili, western Jiangxi, Hunan, Guizhou, and parts of Sichuan were affected by droughts. As a result, the peasant army moved from the mountainous areas bordering Shaanxi, Henan, and Hunan provinces and entered the new drought-stricken regions. Numerous hungry people joined the peasant army, rapidly increasing its size to 2 million. Zhang Xianzhong led his troops to fight around Huguang, Anhui, and Sichuan, while Li Zicheng and his troops broke into Beijing and overthrew the reign of the Ming Dynasty. In short, the drought led to food shortages, which triggered peasant uprisings and rebellions. As food became scarce in the affected areas, the peasant army entered the non-affected areas to collect food. Inhabitants in these areas, organized by the government, and government troops, resisted the peasant army. After 1641, wars were primarily waged in the new disaster areas. However, the peasant armies were so powerful that any resistance seemed ineffective. 1.3 Droughts, Wars, and Plagues From 1633 (Chongzhen 6th year), there were epidemics in some places of Shanxi. In Zechu fu, “a devastating epidemic broke out in the summer in Gaoping, Yangcheng, and Qinshui,”3 but the extent of the epidemic was unknown. In Pingyang fu, “a major drought occurred in Linfen, Taiping, Puxian, Linjin, Anyi, Xizhou, Fenxi, Puzhou, and Yonghe. In Yuanqu, a major epidemic broke out. These fu were located close to each other.”4 The epidemic seemed to be relevant to the drought, even though their relevance remains unclear. The warfare caused the spread of epidemics. For example, in Qingyuan County, “in the 4th lunar month of 1632 (Chognzhen 5th year), roving bandits entered the East Pass and burned down hundreds of houses thereby ravaging villages and leaving hundreds of families in isolated towns. In the following year, the shortage of crops caused prices to skyrocket. As a result, the plague

3 “Inauspicious Signs,” Vol. 57 of Records of Zezhou Fu compiled during the Yongzheng period. 4 “Pingyang Fu Section. Records of Pingyang Fu III”, Vol. 330 of The Integration of Ancient and Modern Books. Job Manual. pp. 10749–10750.

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struck again, killing countless people.”5 In Liaozhou, “The year of 1632 saw the influx of bandits into towns as corpses piled as high as hills. Hundreds of families were slaughtered. In 1633 (Chongzhen 6th year), a pandemic broke out again.”6 The cause of the pandemic was the same as that in Qinyuan county, but the symptoms were strange. Therefore, there was doubt as to the very nature of the pandemic. The epidemic also affected the counties under the jurisdiction of Taiyuan fu. “In the 6th year of Chongzhen, Pingding fu was in turmoil given that its villages were burnt down and over 8,000 households fled. The stragglers in Leping county took control of the town, killing and injuring more than thirty inhabitants. Thereafter, the plague killed more than half of its population.”7 Judging by the mortality rate, this epidemic was probably a virulent infection or a plague. In the sources mentioned above, it was stated that in Xing county, the western part of Taiyuan fu, “in 1654 and 1635, bandits and robbers in Xing county killed and injured inhabitants as the situation continued to depreciate. The plague was so widespread that people got sick in the morning and died soon at night. Almost whole families died overnight, and the city was empty because the people fled in fear.” Based on the statement “people infected with the epidemic died within one day,” it can be deduced that the epidemic was a pneumatic plague. After 1637 (Chongzhen 10th year), a plague also began to break out in Datong fu. In this year, “the plague was an epidemic. The cattle of You-wei (right wei) also suffered from it. The year 1641 (Chongzhen 14th year) witnessed the outbreak of a new plague for which no one dared to express condolences or engage in any mourning, followed by a ravaging year-long famine. Another plague occurred again in 1643 (Chongzhen 17th year).” By 1651 (Shunzhi 8th year), “with the spread of the plague, many people and animals died.”8 The epidemic was so severe that condolences and mourning became rare. Certainly, it was caused by a virulent transmission of diseases, probably smallpox, given that a zoonosis disease is commonly transmitted among people and cows.

5 “Inauspicious Signs,” Vol. 9 of Records of Qinyuan County. In Vol. 1 of Records of Qinzhou compiled in the Kangxi period, there were similar records confirming its citation from Records of Qinyuan, certainly the early version of Records of Qinyuan or Records of Qinyuan County. 6 “Inauspicious Signs,” Vol. 7 of The Chronicle of Liaozhou compiled during the Kangxi period. 7 “Taiyuan Fu Section. Records of Taiyuan Fu,” Vol. 350 of The Integration of Ancient and Modern Books. Job Manual. p. 10520. 8 “Inauspicious Signs,” Vol. 11 of Records of Shuoping Fu compiled during the Yongzheng period.

Map 6

The plagues of the Chongzhen period

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In Hunyuan of Datong, “in 1642 (Chongzhen 16th year), a severe epidemic occurred in Hunyuan causing the death of entire households.”9 In Lingqiu, “in 1643, the epidemic was so devastating to the extent it killed over half of the population died.”10 The high mortality rate revealed by both sources can testify to the severity of the plague. It is also clear that the plague spread to the areas adjacent to Datong fu and Hebei during the Chongzhen period. According to the “Events,” Vol. 15 of Recordsof Lu’an Fu, in 1644 (Shunzhi 17th year), “a ravaging epidemic occurred in the autumn. The sick people first had a nucleus in the armpit and between the femur and then died after vomiting light blood. Medicine turned out to be ineffective. Friends and relatives did not dare to express their condolences or appear at the funeral. Therefore, families were unable to bury their deceased loved ones.” The records were clear that patients’ clinical symptoms included swollen lymph in the groin and axillae. The fact that patients “died after vomiting light blood” indicated that the glandular plague had transformed into a pneumonic plague. This suggests that the plague had spread from central or northern Shanxi to the southern region. In conclusion, the plague broke out in several central and northern Shanxi regions for over ten years, from 1633 to 1644, with the plague symptoms most accurately documented in the records of Taiyuan fu, Datong fu, and Lu’an fu. In terms of the time order of the epidemic transmission, Xing county in the western part of Taiyuan fu was probably the original site of the epidemic, followed by Datong fu and then Lu’an fu. For more details, please see my research on this subject.11 1.4 The Entry of the Qing Army: Sieges and Massacres When the Qing troops broke through the defense fortress and entered inland areas, many local people, organized by the remaining subjects of the Ming Dynasty and the gentry, resisted.12 Wars broke out as the Qing troops entered cities and city dwellers started their defense. As the Qing troops took over cities, they began the slaughtering. The most notorious cases were the “Ten Days in Yangzhou” and “the Three Massacres in Jiading.” In Jiangnan, there

9

“Datong Fu Section. Records of Datong Fu,” Vol. 350 of The Integration of Ancient and Modern Books. Job Manual. p. 10922. 10 “Inauspicious Signs,” Vol. 11 of Records of Lingqiu County compiled during the Kangxi period. 11 Cao, S. & Li, Y. (2006). The Plague: War and Peace: China’s Environmental and Social Changes (1230–1960). Jinan: Shandong Pictorial Publishing House. 12 Cao, S. The Qing Period. In The History of Chinese Population (Vol. 6) (pp. 18–51). Shanghai: Fudan University Press. Additional information can be found from the cited sources.

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were also massacres in Jiangyin, Kunshan, Taicang,13 Zhoushan, Jiaxing, and Jinhua. Massacres did not happen in Huizhou because all resistance had been given up. In Jiangxi, there were massacres in Jiujiang,14 Nanchang, Hukou,15 Ganzhou, and Xinfeng. In Poyang County of Raozhou, I saw a copy of The Genealogy of the Shi Clan, whose preface depicted the massacre orchestrated by Qing soldiers. This reveals that in the context of Literary Inquisition in the Qing Dynasty, massacres in many places were not recorded in the official and local histories. Furthermore, those recorded in the genealogies were remarkably few, making it impossible to obtain the actual number of deaths. As a counter-example, Duchang county did not resist, and the county magistrate, Pan, tried to keep the city dwellers from being slaughtered by offering the Qing soldiers grain, money, and wine. Nevertheless, it is said that the town was “intact with more than 100,000 inhabitants,”16 and the slaughters, it appears, did occur in not only the city of the county but also the whole county. In Ganzhou, massacres by Qing soldiers also extended to the suburban areas around the fu capital city. For example, in the village of Zhangshui in Gan County, “people who survived from the massacres was less than 10%.” In Nanchang, Qing soldiers besieged the city and forced hundreds of thousands of villagers around the provincial capital city to dig ditches; “more than 100,000 locals died.” The same situation happened in Ji’an, Fuzhou, and Guangxin, just to name a few. The Qing soldiers set off from Ganzhou, passed through Nanling, and went down to Guangzhou. Their massacres on the way (especially in Nanxiong and Qingyuan17) and Guangzhou can be found in historical records. Chaozhou and Xinhui also experienced massacres and sieges; the long-time siege was tantamount to a slaughter. Fuzhou, the capital of Fujian province, and the surrounding towns of Haikou and Zhendong also experienced similar sieges and massacres. The siege of Funing fu lasted seven months, causing the entire city to run out of 13 Qian, D. (n.d.). Official Recordings of Hou Huangliang’s Allegiance. In Collected Essays of Qianyantang (Vol. 22). In Supplements for Siku Quanshu (Vol. 1438), 636–639. 14 Liu, K. (n.d.). Exemplary Women in History. In A General Record of Jiangxi compiled in the Guangxu period (Vol. 102). In Wenyuange Siku Quanshu (Vol. 516), 387–388. 15 Li, C. (1996). Military Achievements: The Document of the·National Dynasty (Qing). In Records of Shi Zhongshan (Vol. 10) (p. 121). Nanchang: Jiangxi People’s Press. 16 Tang, L. (1997). The Records of Pan Yihou’s Protection of People in His Territory. In Neixingzhai Wenji. (Vol. 14). In Series of Indexes to Siku Quanshu (Vol. 199) (p. 382). Jinan: Qilu Press. 17 Biography of Zhu Xuexi. In Records of Guangzhou Fu (Vol. 127). In Local Chronicles of China: Records of Guangdong Fu and Counties (Vol. 3) (p. 252).

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food and leading to countless deaths. Only one-third of the 270,000 inhabitants in Putian, Xinghua fu—including the townspeople who had entered the city—survived the slaughter. Historical records also contain accounts of the massacre in Xianyou of Xinhua fu18and the siege of Zhangzhou city that lasted ten months and where “all inhabitants in the city died of hunger.”19 In 1645 (Shunzhi 2nd year), Li Zicheng was killed by the Tongshan militia in Hubei. The rest of his 200,000-peasant army was stationed in Pingjiang and Liuyang, where “countless men, women, and children were killed.” According to some sources, “more than half of the inhabitants in Hunan died,” or “more than half of its inhabitants starved to death,” even though it is believed that the description may be overstating the fact. According to the “Calamity: Military Disasters,” Vol. 37 of Records of Changsha Fu compiled in the Qianlong period, Changsha and Baoqing were particularly ravaged. In the “Military Prepara­ tion XI: Military Affairs III,” Vol. 88 of A General Record of Hunan compiled in the Guangxu period, in Xiangtan area, “hundreds of thousands of men and women were killed, and countless inhabitants froze and starved to death in the snow”. In 1649 (Shunzhi 6th year), the Qing army slaughtered in Xiangtan, while “100,000 households in Tancheng and neighboring counties were all destroyed.” The 100,000 households refer to the population of Xiangtan County. In Shanxi, massacres took place in the cities of Datong, Shuozhou, and Hunyuan as well as Taigu, Yuncheng, Qinzhou, Lu’an, and Zezhou. In addition, in Shaanxi, there was the so-called “the slaughter of Pucheng.” Meanwhile, in Baihe County, for example, in 1646 (Shunzhi 3rd year), “bandits like Liu Erhu massacred city dwellers to the extent only a few survived, and the city was left in ruins.”20 In Hunan, Zhang Xianzhong invaded Changde in 1643 (Shunzhi 16th year), killing “killed tens of thousands of people on his way.” In 1645 (Shunzhi 2nd year), in Li Prefecture, “people were plundered, and there was no sign of human habitation over a hundred li.” Li Zicheng, “with 300,000 soldiers, returned from Liuyang to the north, killing and plundering all way and leaving behind an over 300-li stretch of burning fire. They plundered in the northwest of Li Zhou, including more than a hundred li of land burned and looted by the bandits. Meanwhile, piles of naked dead men and women piled on the roads and in the woods of the mountains with their hair disheveled and bodies covered 18 Tang, L. (n.d.). Epitaph of the County Magistrate Wu Zhongsheng. In Collected Works of Neixingzhai (Vol. 29). In Series of Indexes to Siku Quanshu (Vol. 199), 558–559. 19 Haiwai Sanren. (1980). The Document of Rongcheng. In The Document of Qing Dynasty’s History (Vol. 1) (p. 8). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. 20 “Miscellany”, Vol. 13 of The Records of Baihe County.

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in blood.” In the winter of 1647 (Shunzhi 4th year), “the soldiers repeatedly slaughtered in Liuyang as they left and returned leaving Liuyang people with no place to hide.” The defeated General Ma Jinzhong of the Ming Dynasty and his followers gathered hundreds of thousands of people, and “united with the forces in Ning, Yi, Xiangtan counties. After taking over Changsha with dynamic fight-retreat strategies and controlling the Xiangtan area, they burned and plundered areas covering over 46 li in three months. A total of 100,000 people were killed, and countless people died of hunger in the frozen snow. Hungry people from Jiangxi also gathered there, and, eventually, they died.”21 This shows that Changde and Changsha were the main battlefields and accounted for the most deaths in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. In Hubei, the wars of the late Ming Dynasty led to massive deaths. According to the records, in 1635 (Shunzhi 8th year), “bandits plundered Macheng, and their troops arrived soon; Generals Lei and Ma fought against them in Yinshanfan but died there. From then, the bandits ravaged the city repeatedly in groups but never took over the entire city. Nevertheless, houses were ravaged and looted, and countless people were captured and killed. The bandits killed and looted in an area covering more than three hundred li, covering the areas over 15 li from the martial-arts ground to the Guanyin Slope of Yingshan, stretching to southeast Yunmeng, Xiaogan, and northeast Yingshan, Suizhou. In the spring of 1636, Zhang Xianzhong burned and destroyed the houses in Taihu, Qihuang, and Feng Xiangqiao. Zhu Sheng and Deng Yuncheng led one thousand villagers to fight back. However, the bandits stationed at Biayang Mountain killed almost 600,000 inhabitants.”22 In addition to the bandits’ “dens” (stations) in Yunyang and Xiangyang under the leadership of Zhang Xianzhong, De’an, Huangzhou, and Hanyang also became the main battlefields. In the southwest, the entire population of Sichuan province was slaughtered. Zhang Xianzhong’s massacre of Shu (Sichuan) was an indisputable fact. If we divide Sichuan into three parts, less than 5% of the indigenous population remained in the eastern part of Sichuan, about 10 to 15% in central Sichuan, and less than 10% in the Chengdu Plain, western Sichuan. Given the post-war recruitment of indigenous people, the remaining indigenous population was probably only 10% of the pre-war population.23 21 “Military Preparation XI: Military Affairs III.” Vol. 88 of A General Record of Hunan compiled in the Guangxu period. Supplements of Siku Quanshu, Vol. 663, p. 463. 22 “Biography of Ji Kou’s Adventures,” Vol. 2 of A General Record of Hubei (Improved Version). Supplements for Siku Quanshu. Vol. 660, p. 683. 23 Cao, S. (1997). Qing Dynasty and The Republic of China Period (1912–1949). In The History of Chinese Migration (Vol. 6) (pp. 74–77). Fuzhou: Fujian People’s Publishing House.

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In Yunnan, Li Dingguo broke into the capital city of Lin’an fu and “slaughtered the whole city where more than 200,000 corpses piled all over the streets.”24 Meanwhile, other records maintain that “corpses are strewn over an area of over 20 li”25 and according to the records, “straggling bandits slaughtered” in Qujing fu.26 1.5 The Three-Clan Rebellion In 1674 (Kangxi 13th year), Wu Sangui, Prince of Pingxi in Yunnan, Geng Jingzhong, Prince of Jingnan in Fujian, and Shang Kexi, Prince of Pingnan in Guangdong, rebelled against the Qing Dynasty. This is called “The Three-clan Rebellion.” Wu Sangui’s entry into Guizhou went successfully without any major resistance in Hunan. It was only in the areas around Pingjiang and Liuyang in the eastern part of Hunan that Wu met resistance from the local bandits called pengkou (bummers), a group of displaced people from Fujian and Guangdong. After Geng Jingzhong declared his rebellion against the Qing Dynasty, his followers began to ravage places as far as Wenzhou and Taizhou in Zhejiang to the east, Guangxin, Jianchang, and Raozhou of Jiangxi to the west, and Jinhua and Quzhou, Zhejiang, to the center. In Nanfeng County of Jianchang fu, their “burning and killing lasted for three days, and the county was left in ruins accompanied with corpses.” In Nancheng county, “the lootings and killings were brutal, and then the epidemic befell,” leaving the entire county in ruins. It is unknown whether the pandemic in the Kangxi period and the pandemic of the Yongle period resulted from a common disease. In Guangxin fu, “countless inhabitants were killed in an area over a hundred li” and “eight or nine out of ten civilians died, and their fields were reduced to weed.” In fact, the area had already been in ruins during the Shunzhi period, and the Three-clan Rebellion added to more deaths. According to Vol. 5 of Records of Quzhou Fu compiled in the Kangxi period, the impact of the Three-clan Rebellion on Zhejiang was felt in seven counties, namely, Jiangshan, Changshan, and Kaihua in Quzhou, Yunhe and Longquan in Chuzhou, and Yongjia and Rui’an in Wenzhou. The Taizhou area was most significantly affected by wars. In Xianju, for example, “six out of ten people were killed by bandits,” and Jinhua fu and Ningbo fu were also affected by wars. 24 “Eminent Eunuchs,” Vol. 19 of A General Record of Yunnan compiled in the Yongzheng period. Wenyuange Siku Quanshu, Vol. 569, p. 663. 25 “Eminent Eunuchs,” Vol. 479 of Daqing Yitong Zhi (Comprehensive Georgraphy of the Great Qing). Supplements for Siku Quanshu, Vol. 623, p. 663. 26 “Faithful Subjects and Officials,” Vol. 21 of A General Record of Yunnan compiled in the Yongzheng period. Wenyuange Siku Quanshu, Vol. 570, p. 127.

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The Three-clan Rebellion also affected Sichuan and Shaanxi, where considerably high deaths due to the impact of war were recorded. The harm of this rebellion was so immense that any comment and evaluation could fail to capture its monstrosity. 2

The Deaths in Northern China

In this section, the data on population deaths is analyzed province by province. The year 1630 (Zhongzhen 3rd year) is considered the standard point of time before the disaster. In the north, in Hubei and Jiangnan, population losses during the Ming and Qing dynasties mainly occurred between 1630 and 1650 (Shunzhi 7th year), so I use 1650 as the standard point of time after the disaster. In Hunan, Jiangxi, south-central Zhejiang, and Fujian provinces, population losses during the Ming and Qing dynasties mainly occurred between 1640 (Chongzhen 13th year) and 1680 (Kangxi 19th year), so I use 1680 as the standard point of time for the post-disaster or post-war period. I have adopted the administrative divisions in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year) as a way to maintain consistency in the administrative regions. In other words, this section aims to establish a data link between the Ming and Qing dynasties—which I have not done in previous studies. The mid-Qing population covered in this study is drawn from the relevant chapters of The History of the Chinese Population, which can also be found in the relevant chapters of this book. From 1580 (Wanli 8th year) to 1630, the main factor affecting the population growth in northern China was the plague epidemic that began in 1580. In contrast to the Chongzhen period, the plague epidemic lasted longer in the Wanli period. Still, most of the affected areas were not hit by large-scale droughts afterward, let alone wars.27 As a result, the impact of this massive plague epidemic on the population is not significantly represented in the data. In this section, I still use the average annual population growth rate from 1393 to 1580 to measure the population of each fu from 1580 to 1630. Compared with the Chongzhen period epidemic, the plague in the Wanli period was less severe and caused less population loss. I assumed that it would have taken 10 to 20 years of natural population growth for the plague-stricken areas to make up for their population loss. However, such an estimation turned out inaccurate. Given enough time, the population loss caused by the plague could be quickly made up while the population growth rate continued to 27 Cao, S. & Li, Y. (2006). The Plague: War and Peace: China’s Environmental and Social Changes (1230–1960). Jinan: Shandong Pictorial Publishing House.

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remain stable. In addition to Shuntian fu, where a mega-city such as Beijing was located, the population growth rate of other regions before 1580 was the same as that of 1581–1630. 2.1 Northern Zhili The most reliable data on the household population of the Qing Dynasty is the number of fu in each province recorded in Jiaqing Yitongzhi. However, in the case of Shuntian fu, the population recorded in Jiaqing Yitongzhi was considerably lower than the total population of all counties in 1781 (Qianlong 46th year) recorded in Vol. 145 of The Rixia Old News. Then I thought that the data from Jiaqing Yitongzhi might be inaccurate and adopted that of 1781 in The History of Chinese Population. However, if I use the data of all counties recorded in The Rixia Old News as a starting point and the 1953 census data as an ending point, the average annual population growth rates in Liangxiang, Shunyi, and Pinggu counties from 1781 to 1953 would be 8.2‰, 8.1‰ and 11.3‰ respectively, which are too high and suggest that the 1781 data were low. In Yongqing, Baodi, and Dacheng counties, however, the population in 1781 actually exceeded that in 1953, suggesting that the 1781 data were too high. If I exclude these anomalous population figures and do not take Beijing city into consideration, the average annual population growth rate of Shuntian fu (including Zunhua Prefecture) from 1781 to 1953 was 4.3‰. Such a rate is quite reasonable and shows that the adjusted population figure of 3.86 million in 1781 is relatively reliable. Han Guanghui set the urban population of Beijing in 1781 at 987,000,28 and then the population of Shuntian fu (including Beijing City) in that year was 4,847,000. From 1580 to 1780, the average annual population growth rate was 1.7‰. Table 1 shows that the average annual population growth rate of Shuntian fu was 9‰ from 1393 to 1580. Its normal average annual growth rate was about 6.6‰ if the rapid development of Beijing was not taken into consideration. Here, I use 6.6‰ to calculate population growth after 1580. Similarly, I use 1680 (Kangxi 19th year) as the standard point of time to calculate the population of Shuntian fu in the early Qing Dynasty, and then 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) as the standard point of time to calculate the population in the mid-Qing Dynasty. The average annual population growth rates from 1680 to 1776, then from 1776 to 1820 were 5.5‰ and 4‰, respectively, while the population was 2.756 million and 4.666 million, respectively. Accordingly, the population in 1650 is estimated to be 2,338,000. The 20-year period from 1630 to 1650 included four years of severe droughts, plagues, and wars, leading 28 Han, G. (1996). The Historical Demographic Geography of Bejing. Beijing: Peking University Press.

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to a net reduction in the population of Shuntian fu of about 2,457,000 (if I subtract 2,338,000 from 4,795,000).29 After 1644 (Chongzhen 17th year), nearly 343,000 Manchus entered Beijing, resulting in a net population reduction of at least 2.8 million inhabitants in Shuntian fu. Plagues in Beijing and Tianjin were well documented as massive population deaths were also associated with plagues.30 2.1.1 Baoding Fu According to Jiaqing Yitongzhi, the population of Baoding fu was 3,152,000 in 1820. I can use its population growth rate of 4‰ for regression analysis going back to 1776 and then 5.5‰ going back to 1680. The data are shown in Table 6. I adopt the same method, especially the population growth rate of the mid-Ming Dynasty, to calculate the population of other fu in Zhili from 1580 to 1630. Based on the 1820 population recorded in Jiaqing Yitongzhi, I use 5.5‰ and 4‰ as the population growth rates from 1680–1776 and from 1776 to 1820 to calculate the population figures at these two points of time. The specific data are shown in Table 6. The crux of the matter is to determine whether the data of 1820 are reliable. If we compare them with the 1953 census data, there would be a need to further explain the growth rates that are too high or too low. For example, the average annual population growth rate of Hejian fu (part of Hejian fu in the Ming Dynasty) in the Qing Dynasty was 4.9‰ over the 133 years while that of Tianjin fu (part of Tianjin fu in the Ming Dynasty) in the Qing Dynasty was as high as 8.2‰ during the same period. However, if we exclude the population of Tianjin city, the average annual growth rate of Tianjin fu would be only 2.6‰. Accordingly, the average annual growth rate of Tianjin fu was only 3.9 in the 133 years. In short, in North China, which was not entirely industrialized and urbanized, the population growth rate fluctuated around 4‰ after the mid-Qing period, while in the early Qing Dynasty, it should have been higher than this figure. This is why the average annual population growth rate from 1680 to 1776 is set at 5.5‰ in this book. In other words, in the early Qing Dynasty, the average annual population growth rate of northern Zhili fu was approximately the same as that of the middle and late Ming Dynasty, but it slowed down afterward. However, due to the rapid growth of the urban

29 Cao, S. (1997). Qing Dynasty and The Republic of China Period (1912–1949). In The History of Chinese Migration (Vol. 6) (p. 35). Fuzhou: Fujian People’s Publishing House. 30 Cao, S. & Li, Y. (2006). The Plague: War and Peace: China’s Environmental and Social Changes (1230–1960). Jinan: Shandong Pictorial Publishing House.

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population in Tianjin, the average annual population growth rate of Hejian fu (including Tianjin fu) in the early Qing Dynasty can be set at 10‰. The data of each fu in the Beiping (Northern Zhili) region are treated the same way, so a detailed description of the process is omitted here (For details, see Table 6). In general, in the 20 years from 1630 to 1650, there was a net decrease in the population of Beiping fu, Baoding fu, Hejian fu, Guangping fu, and Daming fu. The population of these five fu plus Manchu migrants reduced by 3.911 million, i.e., 33.3% of the total population in 1630. However, during the 20 years of the Ming and Qing dynasties, the population of Zhending fu, Shunde fu, and Yongping fu continued to grow at an average annual rate of 5‰ to 7‰. 2.2 Henan Based on the example of northern Zhili, I estimate that the average annual population growth rate from 1680 to 1776 was about 1‰ higher than the population growth rate from 1776 to 1820. That means Table 6 contains the population of each fu in Henan in 1680. The population of Henan was 14.609 million in 1630 and 12.84 million in 1650, meaning there was a net decrease of 1.769 million or a decrease rate of 12.1%. Therefore, with the exception Weihui fu, Nanyang fu, and Runing fu, which witnessed population growth, the population loss of Henan was 2,981,000 inhabitants. As far as each fu is concerned, over the first 20 years of regime change between the Ming and Qing dynasties, the population of Kaifeng fu reduced by 1.548 million, i.e., a 24.2-percent reduction rate. During the late Ming Dynasty wars, Kaifeng, the capital of Henan province, suffered three sieges by the peasant army from Shaanxi province. Although the city was not invaded, the siege, which involved a significantly large number of soldiers on both sides, protracted. That led to the destruction of the area around Kaifeng. The peasant army finally flooded Kaifeng by breaching the Yellow River dam, a severe man-made disaster that caused massive deaths in Kaifeng. Huaiqing fu was located in the narrow area between Henan and Shanxi, and the peasant armies from Shanxi and Shaanxi often came to Huaiqing, causing a net population loss as high as 44.6%. By contrast, the net population loss of Changde fu was 36.7%, but the reason was unknown. Henan fu was the main area for the activities of the peasant army, who came back and forth between Henan and Shaanxi. From 1630 to 1650, the population of Henan fu fell by 637,000, a decrease rate of 34.2%. In comparison, Nanyang and Runing witnessed relatively minor population loss and no net reduction in population. This was not only due to these two fu being in the far reach of the late Ming drought but also due to less intense wars. As a matter of fact, both were not the main battlefields in the late Ming period.

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From 1630 to 1650, the average annual population growth rate of Weihui fu was regular, at was 4.6‰. Indeed, the peasant army of Shaanxi entered from Zhangde the Taihang Mountains in the north of Weihui fu in 1633 (Chongzhen 6th year) and stopped there for a brief period. Thus, Weihui was probably the least war-torn area in Henan province in the late Ming Dynasty.31 2.3 Shanxi In 1630, the total population of Shanxi was 12,171,000, but by 1650 there were only 6,975,000 inhabitants left. Such net decrease in population happened in all fu. Their net population decline was 5,196,000, a 36.7% decrease rate. The four fu—Zezhou, Luzhou, Liaozhou, and Qinzhou in south-eastern Jin—suffered the greatest population loss, followed by Pingyang fu in south-western Jin, then Fenzhou fu. During the 20 years, the average annual population growth rate of Taiyuan fu remained 3.2‰, which was normal but slightly lower than the pre-war rate of 3.8‰. According to my estimation, about 46% of the population of Datong died. In reality, however, the mortality rate of Datong was much higher because the area of Datong fu, used in my calculation, was much more extensive. In addition to droughts and plagues, wars against the Qing Dynasty in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties were a major cause of deaths among the local population. 2.4 Shaanxi Table 6 shows that the population growth rates of Qingyang fu, Pingliang fu, Gongchang fu, and Lintao fu from 1393 to 1820 remained between 5‰ and 8‰. These four fu were under the jurisdiction of Gansu Province during the Qing Dynasty. Between 1630 and 1650, the population of the four fu that belonged to Shaanxi in the Qing Dynasty decreased by 4,028,000 inhabitants, i.e., 53% of the 1630 population. As far as individual fu was concerned, the net population reduction in Hanzhong fu was about 92%. However, in Yan’an fu, Xi’an fu, and Fengxiang fu, it was about half. Such a massive population decline was mainly due to calamities and wars. In the late Ming Dynasty, the confrontation between the peasant army and government forces primarily occurred in these four fu. 2.5 Shandong In Table 6, only the population of Qingzhou fu and Jinan fu did not increase. In contrast, it decreased by 739,000 inhabitants from 1630 to 1650. In the late 31 Cao, S. (2019). Crops and Soldiers: The Relations of Droughts and Peasant Wars in the Late Ming Dynasty (Shi Lin). Vol. 2.

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Ming Dynasty, both Qingzhou and Jinan were infested with plagues that were equally the leading cause of numerous deaths in the two fu. 2.6 Shaanxi Dusi and Shaanxi Xingdusi According to Chapter 4 of this book, the population of Minzhou wei grew rapidly. That explains why the population growth rate in the Ming Dynasty was set at 8‰, and that of Taozhou at 6‰. In Table 6, for areas that did not experience any major disasters, epidemics, and wars in the late Ming Dynasty, their population in 1650 is calculated according to the population growth rate of the Ming Dynasty and based on the 1630 data. In this section, I discuss the population growth in the Ming Dynasty by matching it with that of the Qing Dynasty. For instance, Ningxia’s population was known to have been 84,000 in 1393 and 1,533,000 in 1776. That means the average annual population growth rate during the 383 years was 7.6‰. Using the administrative division of the Qing Dynasty as the standard, the average annual population growth rate of Ganzhou, Liangzhou, and Xining fu remained between 7‰ and 8.5‰ from 1393 to 1820. The high population growth in the Shaanxi dusi and Shaanxi xingdusi regions was mainly caused by migration. In addition to the population of the military wei, the civilian population included a large number of soldiers from the former Yuan Dynasty. Besides, many Hui people migrated there and mainly settled in the eastern and western parts of Shaanxi xingdusi and Ningxia area under the jurisdiction of Shaanxi dusi.32 Therefore, it may be appropriate for me to set the average annual population growth rate of most of these areas at 8‰ to 9‰. 2.7 The Xinjiang Region In Table 6, the population remained unchanged from the early Ming Dynasty to the mid-Qing Dynasty in the three wei of Aduan. In the Urumqi region, its lowest population growth in the Qing Dynasty was in 1680 due to the warfare by the rebellious Junggar Tribes. The southern part of Xinjiang was not affected by the war, and its population grew steadily even in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. 2.8 The Northern Border Region The northern border area included the Mongolian tribes, Beiping Xingdusi, Wanquan Dusi, and Dongsheng wei during the Hongwu period. Unfortunately,

32 Cao, S. (1997). The Ming Period. In The History of Chinese Migration (Vol. 5) (pp. 454–461). Fuzhou: Fujian People’s Publishing House.

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the population data for this vast area was absent in any record in the mid-Qing period. Therefore, in this section, I set the average annual population growth rate from 1580 to 1680 from 1680 to 1775 at 2‰, and then tentatively set the average annual population growth rate from 1776 to 1820 at 4‰. The details of the population of each region for each period are shown in Table 6. 3

The Deaths of the Southern Population

3.1 Southern Zhili In the area north of the Yangtze River or north China, the average annual population growth rate from 1680 to 1776 was supposed to be 1‰ higher than from 1776 to 1820. Accordingly, during the Ding Revolution of the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, Xuzhou and Huai’an experienced various degrees of net population decrease. The massacre by the Qing soldiers, known as the “Ten Days in Yangzhou,” resulted in the death of 800,000 inhabitants in and around Yangzhou. After the war, Yangzhou city, the center of the canal transport and salt industry, rose rapidly and quickly recovered its population. To work out the 730,000-inhabitant net decrease in the population of Yangzhou between 1630 and 1650, I should set its average annual population growth rate from 1650 to 1776 at 9.5‰. If the standard point of time before the disaster is set 1643, the population decrease could be even more significant. Even if I set the average annual population growth rate of Huai’an fu, which was adjacent to Yangzhou fu, at 4.2‰ from 1650 to 1776, its net population decrease could still be 658,000 inhabitants. The population of the four fu—Yingtian (Jiangning fu in the Qing Dynasty), Zhenjiang, Suzhou, and Songjiang in Jiangnan—declined drastically. A total of 50% of the population of Yingtian and Songjiang died, so there is no record in historical documents. It may be argued that the high population loss of Yingtian fu in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties was due to its high average annual population growth rate—6.4‰—from 1776 to 1820. Even if we use the average annual growth rate of 4‰ for regression analysis going back from 1820, the population of Yingtian fu in 1650 would still have been 2,896,000 inhabitants, a net reduction of 44.1% of its 1630 population. Undoubtedly, with Nanjing as its capital city, there must have been a significant population reduction in Yingtian fu. During the 20 years, the population of Changzhou fu declined slightly due to the massacres in Jiangyin. As a result, the net population of Zhenjiang fu decreased by 526,000 inhabitants, a reduction almost equaling 38.1% of its population in 1630 that is unaccounted for in historical records.

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3.1.1 Anhui Bounded by the Yangtze River, Anhui was also divided into two parts, Jiangnan and Jiangbei. Jiangnan included Fengyang, Luzhou, Anqing, Chuzhou, and Hezhou. Apart from Hezhou, which had a small area, the average annual population growth rate of the other four fu and prefectures from 1776 to 1820 was around 5‰. Therefore, we will assume that the average annual population growth rate of the four fu and prefectures from 1650 to 1776 was slightly higher, i.e., by 1‰, as shown in Table 6. Except for Hezhou, the population of the other four fu and prefectures in Jiangbei increased from 1630 to 1650; their average annual population growth rate was 6.7‰, similar to that of the Ming Dynasty. The impact of the late Ming wars was utterly invisible as a careful comparison of Map 4, and Map 5 indicates the mortality rate was high uniquely in areas ravaged by wars and multiple droughts, or vice versa. The area in the north of the Yangtze River in Anhui conspicuously falls into the latter category. The high mortality in Hezhou, Taiping, Ningguo, and Guangde may be related to massive deaths in their neighboring Yingtian fu. Assuming 3.8‰ to be the average annual population growth rate of all fu (Chizhou fu in the south of the Yangtze River), we can match their population with that of the Qing Dynasty. The average annual population growth rate of Chizhou in the Ming Dynasty was 6‰, the same as that of Anqing. In the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, this region experienced no major wars nor disasters, so its population grew naturally. The only exception was Guangde fu, whose net population decrease was nearly 500,000 at the end of the Ming Dynasty, accounting for 70% of its original population. The reasons for such decline are yet to be known. 3.2 Huguang During the Qing Dynasty, the administrative divisions of southern Huguang changed considerably. Guoyang prefecture was separated from Hengshou fu; Yuanzhou fu, Huangzhou ting, and Qianzhou ting were separated from Chenzhou fu; Baojing fu xuanweisi was split into Yongsui ting and Fenghuang ting; Lizhou fu was separated from the western part of Yuezhou fu; while Yongshun xuanweisi and Sangzhi county of the old Yuezhou fu were combined into Yongshun fu. To maintain consistency with the administrative divisions of the early Ming period, Yongzhou fu in Table 6 includes Quanzhou Prefecture and Guanyang County, and Changde fu includes Lizhou Prefecture. In Table 6, the population of Hengzhou fu decreased by 63% from 1630 to 1650, while the population of the three fu—Changsha, Changde, and Yuezhou—decreased by nearly half.

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The administrative divisions of northern Huguang during the Qing Dynasty changed considerably compared to those of the Ming Dynasty. Hanyang fu in the Qing Dynasty was no longer the same as Hanchuan county in the early Ming Dynasty, but still included Xiaogan of De’an fu, Huangpi of Huangzhou fu, and the entire Mianyang fu of the mid-Ming Dynasty; Shizhouwei was renamed Shizhou fu, but its Wufeng city and Hefeng city were split into Yichang fu which was part of Jingzhou fu. Except for Anlu fu, including Zhongxiang and Jingshan, Jingmen fu was also part of Jingzhou fu in the early Ming period. In addition, Wuchang fu remained the same while Xiangyang fu and Yunyang fu were separated from Xiangyang fu of the early Ming Dynasty. As far as each fu is concerned, the net population reduction was over 80% in Xiangyang fu, nearly 50% in Huangzhou fu, and over 40% in De’an fu. Other details are available in Table 6. In terms of the influence of warfare in the late Ming, Xiangyang (including Yunyang fu) and Huangzhou fu were the two main peasant army bases, and De’an fu was halfway between Xiangyang and Huangzhou. Inevitably, the most significant population loss occurred in this stretch of vast areas. 3.3 Zhejiang The administrative divisions of Zhejiang at the fu level remained unchanged during the Ming and Qing dynasties. From 1393 to 1820, the average annual population growth rate of Yanzhou fu was 3.3‰ while that of Shaoxing was 3.2‰, and below 3‰ in all the other fu. During the chaos in the Ming and Qing dynasties, Yanzhou fu, located in the mountainous region of western Zhejiang, was not largely affected by wars, disasters, and epidemics. Therefore, 3.3‰ is considered the average annual population growth rate of all fu of Zhejiang in the Ming Dynasty. In addition, the population of Shaoxing fu increased rather than decreased during the decade-long regime change between the Ming and Qing dynasties. It was the same situation in Yanzhou fu. As noted above, the Qing troops entered Zhejiang, with their most atrocious act being the massacre in Jiaxing and Jinhua. Unfortunately, records available in the existing documentation are unclear, meaning the number of deaths may be far beyond our estimation. Therefore, I set 1644 in Table 6 as the standard point of time for this period and equally use it to estimate the population of Jiangxi and Fujian provinces. According to Table 6, the net population decrease of Chuzhou fu was 69% (obtained by comparing the population of 1644 with that of 1680). In addition to the influence of the “Three-clan Rebellion,” the decrease was also related to frequent rebellions of miners and diankou (bummers) in this region during the late Ming Dynasty. Therefore, in the early years of the Qing Dynasty, this region received a large number of migrants from the Tingzhou region

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of Fujian province. As a result, the population of Jinhua fu was reduced by about 58% due to massacres committed by Qing soldiers coupled with rebellions and killings by diankou in the mountainous areas. The situation was the same in Chuzhou fu. In comparison, Quzhou was the main battlefield of the “Three-clan Rebellion,” and its net population decrease was 33.8%. Jiaxing fu, in northern Zhejiang, merits special attention in this discussion. According to Table 6, the net population decline of Jiaxing fu from 1644 to 1680 was 59%, similar to that of Jinhua fu. Massacres by the Qing soldiers after they entered inland areas were the main reason for the decline. 3.4 Jiangxi According to Table 6, the most significant population loss in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties was in Yuanzhou, where nearly two-thirds of its inhabitants died. The area was devastated by the great drought at the end of the Ming Dynasty and the invasion by Zhang Xianzhong’s troops. Many displaced people from Fujian and Guangdong moved here from the late Ming to the early Qing dynasties. There were equally significant population losses in Raozhou fu, Fuzhou fu, and Ji’an fu, where the net population reduction was over 50%. Massacres by the Qing soldiers and the “Three-clan Rebellion” were mainly responsible for such massive population losses. In addition, large-scale deaths in Guangxin fu and Jianchang fu were also attributed to the “Three-clan Rebellion.” The net population reduction in Ruizhou fu was over 40% and was primarily due to the “Three-clan Rebellion.” The Fujian migrants in the western Ganxi region mainly took control of Yuanzhou fu, with Xinchang and Shanggao of Ruizhou fu serving as outposts in the east; the migrants also plundered in Liuyang and Liling in the west. In fact, they conquered Xinchang three times, then defeated Shanggao. The scale of the wars, which lasted for a long time, was enormous. Located in the middle of Jiangxi province and the middle reach area of Gan River, Linjiang fu was the transportation hub in Jiangxi. It was also the gateway for Zhang Xianzhong to enter Yuanzhou and Ji’an and later for the Qing troops to move southwards from northern Gan to southern Gan. The explains why there was a net reduction of over 30% in the local population. During the Qing Dynasty, migrants from Fujian and Guangdong provinces in southern Gan accounted for 30% of the local population. Therefore, it is appropriate to set the average annual population growth rates in the two periods of the mid-Qing Dynasty at 8‰ and 12‰, respectively. During the regime change between the Ming and Qing dynasties, Ganzhou was besieged and slaughtered, and the river valleys of the counties, including Xingguo, Yudu, and

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Ganxian, were deserted after the wars. As a result, a large number of “Hakka” migrants from Fujian and Guangdong provinces moved into the area, leading to rapid population growth in the post-war period. In the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, the population of Jiujiang fu continued to grow despite the massacres by the Qing soldiers. It may have been partly due to the less brutal warfare in Jiujiang or partly due to the underestimated population growth rate during the Ming Dynasty. 3.5 Fujian In 1393, the population of Zhangzhou fu was 473,000, accounting for 84% of the population of Quanzhou fu. Both Zhangzhou fu and Quanzhou fu were located in the same administrative region, but Zhangzhou fu’s population in 1953 was only 62.8% that of Quanzhou fu. However, in Jiaqing Yitongzhi, the population of Zhangzhou fu was 1.4 times that of Quanzhou fu, which is indeed inaccurate and, therefore, not credible. Assuming we maintained the population of Zhangzhou fu in 1820 at 84% that of Quanzhou fu, then its population would be 2,463,000 inhabitants. According to Table 6, in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, the population of Xinghua fu decreased by 67%, followed by that of three fu—Zhangzhou, Quanzhou, and Fuzhou, all of which had a population decrease of over 30%. In addition to wars between the Qing soldiers and the regime of Zheng Chenggong, the relocation of the border inhabitants was also a significant contributing factor to population death. Tingzhou fu, which was not affected by the relocation and wars at all, can be used to make the comparison. Its population grew significantly during the twenty-year regime change between the Ming and Qing dynasties. 3.6 Guangdong and Guangxi No data on Guangdong and Guangxi were available. Therefore, in estimating the population growth rate during the Ming Dynasty in Chapter 4 of this book, I assumed that the population growth rates of all fu in Guangdong were essentially the same. Therefore, it is impossible to measure the population losses in the late Ming Dynasty. While the population of Guilin fu was as high as 570,000 inhabitants in the early Ming Dynasty, by 1820, the population in the same area had increased to only 731,000 inhabitants. Based on the growth rate, I extrapolate the population of Guilin fu and estimate it was as high as 1,396,000 inhabitants in 1630, but only 346,000 inhabitants in 1650, a net reduction of up to 1,050,000 inhabitants. For now, the reasons for this reduction are unknown. However, Pingle fu is the opposite case because its population growth rate remained high from

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the early Ming Dynasty to the mid-Qing period. This was due to its location in Guangxi province that received the largest number of migrants, and to the intense clashes between the locals and the Hakka. 3.7 Sichuan and the Western Sichuan Border Area Here, I assume that the population growth rates of Wusa fu and four other fu, between 1650 and 1775, were the same as those between 1776 and 1829. Due to the large number of migrants, I assume that the average annual population growth rate of all fu in Sichuan (except for Yazhou) was 40‰ in the same period. For its part, Yazhou had an average annual population growth rate of 20‰. Therefore, we can see that the total population of Sichuan in 1650 was 744,000 inhabitants. After deducting Wusa fu and four other fu, it was only 431,000 inhabitants, and by 1680, it was 503,000 inhabitants. In 1630, the population of the same region was 6,445,000 inhabitants, a net decrease of about 6 million inhabitants. Droughts, plagues, and the massacre in Sichuan by Zhang Xianzhong at the end of the Ming Dynasty led to the death of 6 million inhabitants. 3.8 Guizhou and Yunnan I use the average annual population growth rate of each fu or wei in Guizhou from 1393 to 1776 to calculate the population of each fu or wei in 1580, 1630, 1650, and 1680. The average annual population growth rate of most fu or wei was between 2.5‰ and 4.4‰ while the average annual population growth rate of Bijie, Chishui, Pingyue, and Pingxi was no more than 1.8‰, while that of Oingyue was even as low as 0.5‰. The average annual population growth rate of Weiqing in the western suburbs of Guiyang was 5.8‰ due to the urban influence of Guiyang. The population of Yunnan kept growing during the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. Details are shown in Table 5. 4

Summary

Using provincial or capital-level administrative regions as standard units, here, I show population changes of the late Ming and early Qing dynasties in Table 10. During the 20 years between 1630 and 1650, China’s population fell from 221.06 million to 185.81 million, a decrease of 35.25 million inhabitants or 15.9%. By 1680, the population of Zhejiang, Jiangxi, and Fujian provinces continued to decline due to the “Three-clan Rebellion” and other wars, while the population of other provinces continued to grow. The national population

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reached 187.2 million in that year, an increase of 1.39 million inhabitants compared to the population in 1650. Since such calculation does not indicate the scale of population deaths, Table 10 sets the value of “net population decline,” which refers to the addition of the net population declines. By 1650, there was a net decrease of approximately 48.55 million inhabitants, accounting for 21.9% of the national population in 1630. By 1680 after the end of the “Three-clan Rebellion,” there was still a net decrease of 58.62 million inhabitants, accounting for 26.4% of the total population in 1630 compared with 1630. As far as individual fu are concerned, the net population decline and the net decline rate of each fu in the whole country are shown in Maps 7 and 8, respectively. It should be noted that these two maps cover both the population changes from 1630–1650 and from 1650 to 1680. In general, during the half-century from 1630–1680, the areas with a high mortality rate include those spanning from Liaodong, northern China to Sichuan, then from Sichuan to the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River, and also the coast of Zhejiang and Fujian. On the other hand, Huaibei region, Shandong, and southern Henan, which belonged to the capital Jingshi, suffered relatively small population losses. However, their rate of mortality has been offset or partly offset by their population growth. It is on this basis that the Qing Dynasty started its population changes. Table 10

Population changes of each province in the late Ming and early Qing Dynasties. Population counting unit: 1000 people

Region

Population

　

1630

Beijing Shandong Shaanxi Henan Shanxi South Jingshi North Jingshi Jiangxi South Huguang

11715 16101 10923 14609 12171 22537 14753 19382 10548

Population changes

1650 8471 17179 7922 12840 6975 15356 14676 20408 7466

1680 10246 19568 9460 15581 7872 17278 17608 11310 8861

1630–50 −3244 1078 −3001 −1769 −5196 −7181 −77 1026 −3082

Net population decrease 1630–80 1650 −1469 3467 −1463 972 −4299 −5259 2855 −8072 −1687

−3901 −739 −4028 −2981 −5352 −7234 −1456 −3899

1680 −2938 −294 −3459 −1477 −4753 −5871 −362 −8345 −2977

158 Table 10

Chapter 6 Population changes of each province in the late Ming and early Qing Dynasties (cont.)

Region

Population

　

1630

North Huguang 14832 Fujian 9458 Zhejiang 24751 Guangdong 10484 Guangxi 4207 Sichuan 6665 Guizhou 2735 Yunnan 3378 Liangdong Dusi 3844 Nuergan Dusi 1288 Mongolia 908 Beiping Xingdusi 50 Wanquan and 750 other wei Dongshengand 55 other wei Shaanxi Dusi 1080 Shaanxi Xingdusi 1435 Xinjiang 835 Sichuan Dusi 184 Sichuan Xingdusi 365 Tibet 917 Taiwan 100 Total 221060

Population changes

1650

1680

1630–50

Net population decrease 1630–80 1650

7602 10044 25919 11563 3964 744 3129 3745 232 908 945 50 759

9803 8069 15175 13411 4719 842 3842 4384 300 1023 1003 55 857

−7230 586 1168 1079 −243 −5921 394 367 −3612 −380 37 0 9

−5029 −1389 −9576 2927 512 −5823 1107 1006 −3544 −265 95 5 107

57

61

2

6

1229 1584 149 1482 1897 47 434 519 −401 71 81 −113 572 626 207 936 1035 19 134 134 34 185812 187204 −35248

504 462 −316 −103 261 118 34 −33856

Data source: See Appendix Table 5

1680

−7230 −8

−5029 −1867 −9941

−1385 −6083 −44

−1147 −6029 −48

−3613 −380

−3544 −365

−104 −112

−73 −103

−48548

−58622

Map 7

Net population decline in the late Ming and early Qing Dynasties

Map 8

Net population decline rate in the late Ming and early Qing Dynasties

Chapter 7

The Population of the Four Southern Provinces in the Mid-Qing Dynasty In our estimation of the population in the mid-Qing Dynasty, we mainly used the prefectural data from Jiaqing Yitong Zhi while consulting data from other sources. This book only provides a detailed analysis of the areas whose figures appear problematic. We estimate the population numbers of 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) based on the 1820 data from Jiaqing Yitong Zhi while referencing population growths obtained from the recorded county figures of concerned areas. In cases of no usable county records, we refer to the regional population ratios. Among all the provincial numbers in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, those of Zhejiang province are the most credible. In contrast, Jiangsu data is much more complicated, with the numbers of “ren-ding” (civilian population) in some areas referring solely to the numbers of adult males. Given that this is not the case in all areas, there is a need to identify these areas in our calculation. As for the Anhui data, the “tun-ding” (military population) number is suspiciously small. Fortunately, we have recovered the missing data from Wan Sheng Ji Lue, where we determine the missing data is that of the descendants of the military population of the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644). Finally, for Jiangxi province, we obtained our results by cross-checking the figures from Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, and the household records of Jiangxi Tongzhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908). 1

Zhejiang

The figures for the Zhejiang prefectures in 1820, as recorded in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, are largely reliable. Therefore, there is no need for correction. Rather, this section will focus on estimating the average annual growth rates of the population around 1820. 1.1 Jiaxing Fu Vol. 20 of Jiaxing Fu Records edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908) contains the population records between 1769 (Qianlong 34th year) and 1838 (Daoguang 18th year). Within these four years, the average annual population

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growth rate was 3.4‰. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Jiaxing fu had 516,000 households, 2.805 million inhabitants, which makes an annual average population growth rate of 3.8‰ from 1769 to 1820. The rate increased 4.8‰ from 1789 (Qianlong 54th year), meaning the average annual population growth rate of Jiaxing in the mid-Qing Dynasty ought to be around 4‰. This leads us to estimate that, in 1776, the population of Jiaxing was around 2.353 million. 1.2 Yanzhou Fu According to Vol. 9 of Yanzhou Records edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in 1754 (Qianlong 19th year), Yanzhou fu had 149,000 households and 739,000 inhabitants meaning there were five people per household. However, in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, the statistics are different as the number of households increases to 227,000 with 146.1 inhabitants and 6.4 people per household. This suggests the annual average population growth rate from 1754 to 1820 was as high as 10.4‰. With regard to individual counties, Chun’an had 51,000 households, 337,000 inhabitants, and a person-household ratio of 6.6. But the records only include the numbers for “nan-ding” (male adults), “fu-kou” (female adults), and “xiao-kou” (underage children), but no “nan-xiao-ding” (underage male children). If we leave out the number of “xiao-kou” from that of the total population of Chun’an county, the person-per-household ratio would be 4.6, about the same as the ratio of Sui’an and Jiande counties, but still higher than the ratio of the other three counties. This means, apart from Chun’an county, the records of the other five counties probably include only the numbers of adult males and females, while completely excluding the statistics of underage males and females. This means we need to reinterpret the record indicating that the “shi-zairen-ding” (actual population) was 375,000 and the “nan-fu da-xiao ren-ding” (both male and female adults and the underage population) was 739,000 in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. Because the former number was about half of the latter, we can estimate that the former number only included the male population, an indication that the recorded population data of Yanzhou was, in fact, solely the population of adult males and females. If we add in the number for “nan xiao ding” (underage male children), the person-per-household ratio of Chun’an would increase to at least eight. Such a ratio can become the reference for the person-per-household ratio of the entire prefecture. With this, it can be estimated that the total population of Yanzhou in 1754 (Qianlong 19th year) was around 1.192 million. This would mean the annual average population growth rate from 1754 to 1820 was 3.1‰ and the population of Yanzhou in 1776 (Qianlong 41th year) around 1.276 million.

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1.3 Hangzhou Fu According to Vol. 57 of Hangzhou Records edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949), in Qianlong 49th year (1784), Hangzhou had altogether 446,000 households, 2.075 million inhabitants, and a person-per-household ratio of 4.7. However, according to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, there were 508,000 households, 3.197 million inhabitants, and a person-to-household ratio of 6.3. This means the average annual growth rate of the population from 1784–1820 was 12.1‰. In terms of the individual counties, the population of Fuyang was 137,000; however, according to Vol. 6 of Fuyang Xian Zhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), the county had more than 400,000 inhabitants before the Taiping Heavenly War (1851–1864). Thus, we can conclude that the population statistics from Vol. 57 of Hangzhou Fu Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949) were unreliable, given that they were much less than the actual numbers. The Hangzhou Fu Zhi also contained records of individual counties in the Jiaqing (1796–1820), Daoguang (1821–1850), and Xianfeng (1851–1861) periods. Although there were fluctuations in the average annual growth rate of the population from 1784 (Qianlong 49th year) to the Jiaqing and Daoguang periods, the number remained around 4‰ and did not exceed 5.8‰. Therefore, we believe that, before 1820, the average annual population growth rate was around 4‰, which means we can now estimate the population of Hangzhou in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) to be around 2.682 million. 1.4 Shaoxing Fu According to Vol. 13 of Shaoxing Fu Zhi, edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796), in 1791 (Qianlong 56th year), Shaoxing, with a total of 609,000 households and 4.024 million inhabitants in its eight counties, had an average of 6.6 people per household. The ratio for the four counties in the west of Shaoxing, namely Shanyin, Kuaiji, Xiaoshan, and Zhuji, was 7.8, while the ratio for the four counties in the east, namely Yuyao, Shangyu, Shengxian, and Xinchang, was 4.7. However, the county records show that the persons-per-household ratio of Kuaji was only 4.3, and for the nearby three counties, on average, 8.4, which means the actual number of households in Kuaji was 62,000 and the number of inhabitants, 520,000, a significantly larger number than the recorded 253,000. This leads us to speculate that the recorded numbers for Shanyin, Xiaoshan, and Zhuji only included the male population. Applying the same method, we calculated the person-per-household ratios of Yuyao and Shangyu and found that at 4.7 and 3.1, respectively, they were considerably low. Using the data of Shengxian and Xinchang, which showed a ratio of 6, as a reference, we can estimate that the population of the two counties was around 951,000, more than the recorded 300,000.

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Similarly, when we calculate the population of the eight counties of Shaoxing, we divide them into two parts, the eastern distric, and the western district. The results show that the county district population ratio in 1791 was very close to that in the 1953 census. In 1791, the population of Shaoxing was around 457.9 million; then according to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, it became 539.2 million in 1820. That means the average annual population growth rate would be around 5.7‰, thereby suggesting that the prefectural population of Shaoxing in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) was around 4.205 million. 1.5 Ningbo Fu According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, the population of Ningbo fu (prefecture) was 2.355 million. However, the number declined to only 2.264 million in 1953 as a result of the Taiping Heavenly War (1851–1864). According to Vol. 3 of Yinxian Tongzhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949), in Qianlong 51st year (1786), Yinxian county had 125,000 households, 608,000 inhabitants, and a person-per-household ratio of 4.9, which falls within the reasonable range. According to the 1953 census, the population of Yinxian and Ningbo city was about 701,000, accounting for 31% of the total population of the whole province. Since modern times, the level of urbanization in Ningbo city has improved rapidly, thereby increasing its proportion when compared with the rest of the prefecture. However, Ningbo fu was the most affected region in the area by the Taiping Heavenly War (1851–1864). The population loss was so severe that the opening of the trade ports, which would normally have boosted the population growth, was not enough to restore the person-per-household ratio to the level before the Rebellion. If we assume that Yinxian still accounted for 31% of the whole provincial population, the total population of Ningbo fu (prefecture) would then be around 1963,000 in 1786 (Qianlong 51st year). This means the average annual population growth rate of Ningbo from 1786–1820 was about 5.4‰, and the population in Qianlong 41st year (1776) was about 1.861 million. 1.6 Chuzhou Fu According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, the population statistics of Chuzhou fu (prefecture) were within the reasonable range given that it had 227,000 households, 115,000 inhabitants, and 5.1 people per household. These numbers can be tested against the county data. According to Vol. 11 of Chuzhou Fu Zhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in 1795 (Qianlong 60th year), Lishui county had 23,000 households and 174,000 inhabitants with a person-per-household ratio of 7.7 while Yunhe county had 14,000 households, 51,000 inhabitants and a person-per-household ratio of 3.6 indicating an abnormally low

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person-per-household ratio. If we assume that, in 1820, the ratio was 4.5, then the population of Yunhe would be around 6.3 million. In Qianlong 41st year (1776), Qingtian county had 15,000 households and 90,000 inhabitants with a person-per-household ratio of 6. For its part, Jingning county had 9,000 households, 39,000 inhabitants, and a person-per-household ratio of 4.6. From 1776 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Jingning county was around 4.9‰. Considering that the Jingning population was largely unaffected by the Taiping Heavenly War (1851–1864), that growth rate can be considered the natural growth rate of the population in the county. If we assume an average annual growth rate of 5‰, we can then estimate that, in 1795 (Qianlong 60th year), Qingtian and Jingning had 142,000 inhabitants, and 379,000 inhabitants together with Lishui and Yunhe. Given that, in 1953, the population of the four counties of Lishui, Qingtian, Yunhe, Jingning accounted for 40% of the total population of the whole province, we can conclude that the population of the whole Chuzhou fu was around 948,000. Based on the population growth rate of Jingning, we then know that the prefectural population would be around 862,000 in Qianlong 41st year (1776) and 1.074 million in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year). These numbers are quite close to those recorded in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. 1.7 Quzhou Fu According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, Quzhou fu (prefecture) had 167,000 households and 152,000 inhabitants, apparently incorrect figures. This is because if we assume the person-per-household ratio was 5.6, as was the case with all Zhejiang prefectures except Quzhou fu, we can estimate that the population of Quzhou, in that year, would be around 934,000. With a person-per-household ratio of 5, the population would be 834,000. Another way to calculate the population of Quzhou is based on the information recorded in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi stating that the total population of Zhejiang was 27.441 million, 989,000 less the 26.442 million that we came up with by adding the population of all individual prefectures. If we assume that the gap is because the Quzhou population data was incomplete, we can then estimate the prefectural population would be around 1.141 million by adding 989,000 and 152,000, the latter being the population of Quzhou in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. At a person-per-household ratio of 5, the household number would be 228,000. According to Vol. 4 of Kaihua County Records edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796), in 1795 (Qianlong 60th year), Kaihua county had 25,000 households and 36,000 “kou.” We notice that the recorded “kou” here did not refer to the number of people. In Vol. 5 of Kaihua County Records edited in

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Guangxu 11th year (1885), Kaihua had 30,000 households and 134,000 “hu,” indicating a person-per-household ratio of 4.5. These figures were really what “hu” and “kou” mean. In 1953, Kaihua had a population of 138,000, accounting for 11.9% of the prefectural population. Using this proportion as a reference, we can conclude that, in 1795 (Qianglong 60th year), Quzhou had about 214,000 inhabitants. This means from 1795 to 1820, the average annual growth rate of households was 2.5‰. From this data, we can estimate that, in Qianlong 41st year (1776), Quzhou had 204,000 households and 1.02 million inhabitants, assuming a person-per-household ratio of 5. 1.8 Jinghua Fu According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Jinghua fu (prefecture) had 568,000 households and 2.55 million inhabitants, meaning there were 4.5 people per household, a reasonable number. In terms of the individual counties, only Yiwu’s numbers need further examination. According to Vol. 1 of Yiwu County Records edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), in 1785 (Qianlong 50th year), Yiwu had 58,000 households and 514,000 inhabitants, meaning there was a person-per-household ratio as high as 8.8. With this data, it is difficult to determine whether the problem is with the household number or the population number. It is known that, in 1953, Yiwu accounted for 12.2% of the population of Jinhua. Considering this ratio, the population of Jinghua in 1785 would be 4.213 million, a number significantly higher than that of 1820. However, if we assume the average annual growth rate from 1785 to 1820 was 5‰, Yiwu would have 69,000 households in 1820, accounting for 12.2% of the total households that year. The result of this calculation aligns with the statistics of the 1953 census. Therefore, we can conclude that the number of households, rather than the population figures, was correct in Yiwu County Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). With an average annual growth rate of 5‰, the population of Jinghua in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) would then be 2.048 million. 1.9 Other Prefectures Due to a lack of data, we cannot conduct a detailed analysis of the population statistics of the three prefectures of Huzhou, Wenzhou (including Yuhuanting), and Taizhou. Therefore, tentatively, we assume that the relevant records in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi are accurate. So, assuming an average annual rate of 4‰–5‰, we arrive at the following estimations regarding the prefectural population of Zhejiang in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) (See Appendix 6).

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1.10 Summary It was recorded in Qingchao Wenxian Tongkao that in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the total population of Zhejiang province, which stood at 19.365 million inhabitants, was lower than our estimate (See Appendix 6) by 2.941 million. The records of Hubu Qing Ce show that the population of Zhejiang in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) was 27,411, a figure consistent with the total population number (the number of “kou”) of Zhejiang in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. In fact, Jiaqing Yitong Zhi recorded a wei-suo population of 59,000 even though the number is not available in Hubu Qing Ce. 2

Jiangsu

During the Qing Dynasty (1636–1912), Jiangsu was divided into Jiangning buzhengsi and Jiangsu buzhengsi. Jiangning buzhengsi included Jiangning fu that used to be called Yingtian fu in the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644), and the prefectures north to the Yangtze River, with Nanjing as its capital. Jiangsu buzhengsi, meanwhile, apart from Jiangning fu, consisted of all the prefectures south of the Yangtze rivers with Suzhou as the capital. Compared with Zhejiang, the population data of Jiangsu is much questionable, leaving much room for analysis and adjustment. Here is a breakdown of the demographics of individual prefectures. 2.1 Jiangning Fu In 1820, Jiaqing Yitong Zhi only recorded the population of Jiangning fu, which was only 1.874 million inhabitants. According to Vol. 14 of Jiangning Fu Zhi, in 1809 (Jiaqing 14th year), there were 2.411 million “min-ding-nan” (adult males) and 205,000 “jun-ding-nan” (military males) across the counties (See Table 11). The totality of the “min-ding-nan” population was only 2.07 million, 340,000 less than the 2.41 million recorded in Vol. 14 of Jiangning Fu Zhi. If we add these 340,000 people to the population of Jiangpu and Liuhe while considering Shangyuan and Jiangning as the metropolitan counties of Nanjing, we can come up with county-prefecture population proportions that are significantly close to those in the 1953 census. This means what was noted as “ding-nan” in Jiangning in 1809 was not a tax unit; rather it was a population unit. After comparing the respective records in Jiangning Fu Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, Da Qing Hui Dian edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), and Hubu Qing Ce, we find that Jiangning buzhengsi used another expression for people, “ren-kou” when documenting the

168 Table 11

Chapter 7 Jiangning population figures from 1809–1953

County

1809

1953

min-ding-nan jun-ding-nan sum (male civilian (male army population) population) Shangyuan 592,486 Jiangning 707,849 Jurong 336,968 Lishui 159,186 Gaochuan 156,535 Jiangpu 48,601 Liuhe 69,667 sum 2,071,292

16,289 62,611 821 0 0 18,346 106,708 204,775

Proportion Totality of proportion (%) population (%)

608,775 26.7 770,460 33.9 337,789 14.8 159,186 7.0 156,535 6.9 66,947 2.9 176,375 7.7 2,276,067 100.0

1,091,575 535,717 335,547 222,478 276,994 146,626 436,383 3,045,320

35.8 17.6 11.0 7.3 9.1 4.8 14.3 100.0

Sources: Vol. 14 of Jiangning Fu Zhi, Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Renkou Tongji Ziliao Huibian (1949–1985) (A Collection of Population Census of People’s Republic of China (1949–1985)). Beijing: Zhongguo Caizheng Jingji Chubanshe (China Financial & Economics Publishing House), 1988

population. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, the total population of Jiangsu in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) was 26.458 million, including 16.03 million from Jiangsu buzhengsi. It is noteworthy that “ren-ding,” in that book, equals “ren-kou” in the records. The following calculation will illustrate that the remaining 10.428 million was the adult male (ding-nan) population of Jiangning buzhengsi. According to Da Qing Hui Dian (Ming Collected Statutes) edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), the total population of Jiangsu was 37.844 million in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year). That number, minus the population of Jiangsu buzhengsi, would be the population of Jiangning buzhengsi. That means the population figure is 21.814 million, which is 2.09 times the corresponding number documented in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. In the same way, we find that, according to Hubu Qing Ce, the population figure of Jiangning buzhengsi in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), which is 23.48 million, is, indeed, 2.25 times the corresponding number documented in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. Therefore, we can conclude that both the “kou” in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi and the “ding-nan” in Jiangning Fu Zhi, edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820) do not refer to a part, and not the entire population. A possible explanation as to why, in Jiangning buzhengsi, the adult male population (under “nan-ding”) is 2.13 times the entire population recorded

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in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi is that the sum of the local population across Jiangsu in Xiangfeng 1st year (1851) was close to the totality of the Jiangsu population, which was 44.33 million, recorded in Hubu Qing Ce. This ratio means for each adult male; there was 0.8 adult female and 0.33 underage children. If we assume that a family had two adult males, this would mean a family had 1.6 women and 0.66 underage children. Hence a reasonable person-per-household ratio of 4.26. Therefore, we can conclude that, here, “ding-nan” means males of all ages, rather than adult men only. As demonstrated previously, the population sex ratio can be used to estimate the population. If we assume a male-female ratio of 110, in 1809, Jiangning fu would have 4.994 million people. In addition, According to Jiangning Fu Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), in 1775 (Qianlong 40th year), there were 1,889,286 adult males (min-ding-nan) and 175,089 military males ( jun-ding), suggesting that until 1809, the average annual growth rate of adult males was 7.2‰, military males 4.6‰. At a rate of 4.6‰, by 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the population of Jiangning fu would have reached 5.25 million. Based on the same presumption that “ding-nan” in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi actually referred to the male population, we can estimate that the total population would be 357,000, assuming a male-female ratio of 110. The 205,000 military male population missing from the record became 411,000 by Jiaqing 25th year (1820), bringing the total of the civilian and military population to 3,988,000, a figure that is 1,264,000 less than the corresponding number in Jiangning Fu Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). We suspect that after deducting the military population, the remaining 853,000 was the population of Nanjing city. The dispersion of the 2,616,000 adult males (nan-ding), recorded in Jiangning Fu Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820) at the county level, which also included the adult male population of Nanjing city, was consistent with the dispersion in the 1953 census. These figures, therefore, confirm our suspicion. 2.2 Yangzhou Fu According to Vol. 20 of Yangzhou Fu Zhi in 1808 (Jiaqing 13th year), in 1770 (Qianlong 40th year), there were 2,421,000 inhabitants in Yangzhou, and, in 1808, 3,474,000. However, in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, the population was only 3,268,000, a number that is 200,000 inhabitants less than the 1808 number. If we assume that from 1770 to 1808 and from 1770 to 1820, the average annual growth rate of Yangzhou’s population was 9.5‰ and 6‰, respectively, we can determine that the 1820 number was a correction of the 1808 number. If we assume a ding-per-household rate at 2.13, the population in 1775 (Qianlong 40th year 1775), 1803 (Jiaqing 8th year), and 1820 (Jiaqing 20th year) would, respectively, be around 51.57 million, 7.4 million, and 69.661 million—

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the latter two figures being much more than the 5.904 million in 1953. While Yangzhou fu was not affected by the Taiping Heavenly War (1851–1864), it was affected by the recession of the salt and the canal economy, which led to a significant reduction of the population in the western urban areas, including Yangzhou and Yizheng. In terms of the county data of 1808 (Jiaqing 13th year), it will be imperative to further scrutinize the data of Taizhou and Dongtai (including Dafeng area). In 1808, the two counties accounted for as much as 35% of the total county population, and that proportion became 33.4% in the 1953 census, a considerably close figure. However, if we assume a ding-per-household ratio of 2.13, the total population of the two counties would be 258.8 million in 1808 and 197.4 million in 1953, which translates to a significant decrease instead of an increase. Therefore, we suspect that the recorded ding numbers of Taizhou and Dongtai in 1808 were, in fact, the numbers of the whole population. Assuming that was the case, in 1808, the population of the two counties would be 1.215 million in 1808 and 1.974 million in 1953, a reasonable indication of an average annual growth rate of 3.4‰ within the 145 years. In conclusion, after we multiplied the ding population of the counties, except Taizhou and Dongtai, in 1808 by 2.13, we obtained an adjusted version of the totality of the population of these two counties. That number, plus the population figures of Taizhou and Dongtai counties, gives a total population figure of 6.016 inhabitants. With an average annual growth rate of 6‰, in 1820, the total population would be 6.113 million. Based on the data from 1770, at an average annual growth rate of 6‰, in 1820, the total population figure ought to be 6.95 million. As our estimate, we have considered the average of these two figures, which is 6.529 million, as our final estimate.1 2.3 Tongzhou and Haimen Under the jurisdiction of Tongzhou, there were three counties Taixing, Nantong, and Rugao. According to Vol. 4 of Tongzhou Zhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in 1775 (Qianlong 40th year), the population of these three counties was 591,000, including Taixing county that had only 89,251 ding, a number that became 1,051,742in the 1953 census. In 1775 (Qianlong 40th year), Taixing accounted for 15.1% of the entire fu population. However, this proportion became 25.5% in 1933 and 24.2% in 1953, respectively. If we adjust the Taixing number from 89,251 to 189,251, the proportion would then increase to 1 As to the population of the Yangzhou prefecture in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the recorded figure was 6,663,000. Our adjusted result is close to it; therefore, we keep the original figure in the appendix.

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27.4%bringing the total population in the three counties under Tongzhou in 1775 (Qianlong 40th year) to 691,000. According to Vol. 2 of Rugao Xian Xu Zhi, in 1850 (Daoguang 30th year), Rugao county had 1.137 million inhabitants and 1.172 million in Tongzhi 4th year (1865), which means the average annual population growth rate was 1.9‰ between 1850 and 1865. According to Vol. 4 of Rugao Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949), the “shi-zai-nan-ding” (actual male ding) in 1910 (Xuantong 2nd year) was 770,000. The gender ratio was further explained: “in the urban areas, there are generally three males and two females, the female record has been omitted,” leading us to conclude that the whole county population would be about 1.28 million with an average annual growth rate of 2‰ since 1865. At this rate, it can also be inferred that the population of Rugao county in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) was about 1.07 million. After adjustment, in 1775 (Qianlong 40th year), Rugao county accounted for 34.6% of the total Tongzhou population. In 1933, it accounted for 38.2%.2 Therefore, in 1933, the population of Tongzhou in 1820 ought to be 2.801 million. However, the records of Jiaqing Yitong Zhi show that the population was only 983,000. That year, we understand that there was one ding in every 2.8 people (ren-kou), which means in 1775 (Qianlong 40th year), Tongzhou would have had 1.934 million inhabitants. This would make the average annual population growth rate 8.3‰ from 1770 to 1820. This rate is unreasonably high even though it also indicates an unusually low increase rate after the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). It should be noted that these figures are unsatisfactory. Vol. 11 of Haimen Ting Tu Zhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908) contains records of the male and female population (nan-nv-ding-kou) in the 14 years from 1770 (Qianlong 35th year) to 1891 (Guangxu 17th year). Given that the number of male and female ding population before Qianlong 60th year was extremely small, we have decided not to consider it in our calculation. The average growth rate between the five years (4 periods) from Qianlong 60th year to Daoguang 12th year was too high and unreliable. From 1847 (Daoguang 27th year) to 1869 (Tongzhi 8th year), the male and female ding population increased from 783,000 to 847,000, accounting for an average annual growth rate of 3.4‰. Based on this rate, we can deduce that, back in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the male and female ding population of Haimen ting would have been about 720,000. However, in the records of Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, the “ding-kou” figure of Haimen ting was only 240,000. Therefore, it can be determined that 240,000 “ding-kou” referred only to “nan-ding”, just a portion of the population. The 2 All of the 1933 data is from Hu, H. (1935). The Distribution of Population in China With Statistics and Maps[J]. Acta Geographica Sinica, 1935, 2(2), 33–74.

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gap between the “nan-ding” and the actual population of the county is about 3 times the former; therefore, the recorded “nan-ding” was likely the adult males, excluding the underage male population. With an average annual growth rate of 4‰, back in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the actual population of the Haimen ting would be about 570,000. 2.4 Haizhou Fu The “ding-kou” number of Haizhou in 1820, as recorded in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, is only half of the number in Vol. 15 of Haizhou Zhili Zhou Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), which indicates that Jiangning buzhengsi only reported the male ding population. If we assume that, excluding the male population, the rest of the population was female, the sex ratio would then be 107. According to Haizhou Zhili Zhou Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), from 1775 (Qianlong 40th year) to 1804 (Jiaqing 9th year), the average annual growth rate of the male population in the two counties of Ganyu and Muyang was 3.9‰. In addition, in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), Haizhou had a total of about 1.03 million inhabitants. It is estimated that the population of Haizhou in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) was about 1.226 million, accounting for an average annual population growth rate of 5.7‰ until 1953. 2.5 Xuzhou Fu and Huaian Fu Xuzhou fu (prefecture) only had population records for two counties, Suqian and Pizhou. If we assume that all the data was from 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), then the population of the two counties would be 910,000. However, records in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi indicate that Xuzhou fu had 184 million “ding.” Of course, this data is unrealistic, considering we know Suqian and Pizhou accounted for half of the population. In 1953, Suqian and Pizhou (including half of Xinyi county) accounted for 27% of the total population of the whole prefecture. Given this ratio, in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), Xuzhou would have had 3.37 million inhabitants indicating an average annual population growth rate of 3.7‰ till 1953. If we assume an average annual growth rate of 3‰, back in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the population would have been 29.54 million. Considering that the population composition of Huai’nan was close to that of Xuzhou and assuming the same growth rate, we can deduce that the population of Huai’an was 3 million in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) and 2.63 million in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). 2.6 Suzhou Fu and Other Prefectures Considering that Vol. 13 of Suzhou Fu Zhi, edited in the Tongzhi period (1862–1874), has both records of “ren-ding” and nan-ding and nv-kou, we can

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determine that the population figures in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi are not under the “ren-kou” category. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Suzhou had 5.915 million inhabitants. From 1810 to 1830, the average annual growth rate of the male ding in Suzhou was 3.3‰, which leads us to estimate that in 1776, the population of Suzhou was 5.111 million. Based on this approach, it is possible to determine the population figures of other prefectures (See Appendix 6). Unfortunately, due to a lack of data at the county level, we can only estimate the population of Songjiang fu based on the information of Suzhou. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the population of Songjiang was 2.642 million, and by estimation, we understand that in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), Songjiang had 2.277 million inhabitants. 2.7 Summary According to Vol. 19 of Qingchao Wenxian Tongkao, in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the total population of Jiangsu province was 28.808 million, less than the estimation in this section by 3,179 million. However, according to Hubu Qing Ce, the population of Jiangsu in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) was 39.51 million, a figure that is more than the recorded figure in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi (26.458 million) by 13.052 million, and that is close to the 39.207 million estimated in this section. Therefore, we can conclude that the population figures in Qingchao Wenxian Tongkao and Jiaqing Yitong Zhi do not account for the whole population, only the male or part of the male population. 3

Anhui

Apart from Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, the prefecture population of Anhui can also be found in Zhu Yunjin’s Wansheng Zhi Lue edited in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year) and which contains records of “tu-zhu nan-fu da-xiao min-tun ren-ding” (the local male, female, underage male, and underage female population) in 1819 (Jiaqing 24th year). As noted in my Qing Dynasty, Vol. 5 of Chinese Population History (Fudan University Press, 2001), records of Hubu Qing Ce show that in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), Anhui province had 35.066 million inhabitants, which is more than the estimate I made after adjusting the figures in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi by 2.998 million. Presumably, the difference is caused by the non-inclusion of the military population. In fact, Jiaqing Yitong Zhi had two figures for the provincial population—34.101 million recorded under the provincial totality, and 28.354 million, the sum of all the prefectural population. According to Wansheng Zhi Lue, the sum of all the county population was 33.816 million,

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which included the people listed under the “tun” (military) households. This sum is larger than the totality recorded in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, making it obvious that the figure in Wansheng Zhi Lue included the military population, hence, a more reliable source than Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. Therefore, we estimate the population of Anhui province in 1820 based on data from Wansheng Zhi Lue. It is worth mentioning that the average annual growth rate of the population in the middle of the Qing Dynasty, which we came up with by analyzing the population data obtained from the local histories or gazetteers, has laid the foundation for our restoration of the population data at the prefectural level in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). It must be pointed out that the local histories or gazetteers, like Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, also did not include the “tun” data. Therefore, this section only calculates the population growth rates instead of the actual population. 3.1 Ningguo Fu According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, Ningguo fu had 3.433 million inhabitants in 1820, but the data included no household figures. However, according to Vol. 18 of Ningguo Fu Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), in 1805 (Jiaqing 10th year), Xuancheng county had 242,000 households, 1.017 million inhabitants with an average of 4.2 people per household. It also mentioned that Xuancheng county accounted for 43.1% of households and 33.9% of the population of the entire prefecture. The household percentage is relatively the same as in the 1953 census, indicating that the recorded Xuancheng household figure was relatively accurate even though the number of inhabitants could be lower. Using the person-per-household ratio of the other counties as a reference, we can determine that Xuancheng population was around 1.3 million. The recorded population figures of Xuancheng in Wansheng Zhi Lue is 1.331 million—an indication that our adjustment is correct. Using the same method, we also adjusted the population of Nanling county in 1779 (Qianlong 44th year) as recorded in Vol. 18 of Ningguo Fu Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). We highly suspect that the recorded household figures for the three counties of Ningguo, Taiping, and Jingde in Ningguo Fu Zhi were fabrications, given that they were far from consistent. However, we also note that these figures are close to the recorded population figures in Wansheng Zhi Lue edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). By adding all the county figures (including the figures of Xuancheng and Nanning after adjustment), we can determine that the population of Ningguo fu in 1805 (Jiaqing 10th year) and 1779 (Qianlong 44th year) was 3.169 million and 2.656 million respectively. This indicates that the average annual growth rate of the population in these two periods was 6.8‰ and 5.3‰, respectively.

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3.2 Guangde Fu The recorded population of Guangde fu in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi was 551,000. However, according to Vol. 15 of Guangde Zhou Zhi in the Qianlong period (1736–1796) and Vol. 16 of Guangde Zhou Zhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in 1790 (Qianglong 58th year) and 1820, Guangde county had 285,000 and 305,000 inhabitants, respectively. It should be noted that under the jurisdiction of Guangde fu, there were Guangde county and Jianping county. The records of Guangde Zhou Zhi in the Qianlong period (1736–1796) and the Guangxu period (1875–1908) indicate that, in 1879 (Guangxu 5th year), Jianping county accounted for 38.3% of the population of Guangde fu, and 39.9% in 1953. We understand that with an average population ratio of 39%, the total population of Guangde fu was around 466,000 in 1790 and 500,000 in 1820, thereby indicating an average annual population growth rate from 1790 to 1820 5.6‰. 3.3 Taiping Fu According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Taiping fu had 1.479 million inhabitants. However, only the data of Fanchang county, among the three counties under Taiping, appears to have been used. According to Vol. 5 of Fanchang Xian Zhi edited in the Daoguang period (1821–1850), in Qianlong 60th year (1795), Fanchang had 53,162 households and 302,541 “ding,” that is, 5.6 “ding” per household, meaning that the “ding” in the record referred to the inhabitants. The book also contains the figures of households and inhabitants in 1813 (Jiaqing 18th year) and 1825 (Daoguang 5th year) based on which determine that from 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) to 1825 (Daoguang 5th year), the average annual population growth rate was only 1.4‰. This leaves doubts as to the credibility of the data. If we assume that the population of Fanchang county in 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) was accurate and that the percentages of the three counties under Taiping with regard to the population of the entire prefecture, was relatively the same as in the 1953 census, then the total population of Taiping in 1795 would be 1.301 million. Then, from 1795 to 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the average annual population growth rate of Taiping would be 5.1‰. 3.4 Hezhou Fu According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Hezhou fu had 428,000 inhabitants. In contrast, it was recorded in Vol. 7 of Zhili Hezhou Zhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in 1809 (Jiaqing 16th year) that, Hezhou had 268,000 inhabitants. This figure probably excluded the population of the mountain areas. It was also mentioned in the records that, in 1755 (Qianlong 20th year),

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there were 70,000 households and 275,000 inhabitants in Hezhou, meaning there were 3.9 people per household. If we use our baseline and assume a person-per-household rate of 5, the population would then be around 350,000. If we use Sizhou as a reference and set the person-per-household rate at 4.3, the population would then be around 301,000. Consequently, the average annual growth rates of the population from 1755 to 1820 would then be around 3.1‰ and 5.4‰, respectively. 3.5 Sizhou Fu It is likely that Vol. 5 of Sizhou Zhi edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796) only accounted for the population Sizhou county, excluding the three counties under its jurisdiction. According to the records, in 1777 (Qianlong 42nd year), Sizhou had 136,000 households and 588,000 inhabitants, that is, 4.3 people per household. Using the 1953 census as a reference, we can assume that Sizhou county (including Sizhou county and Sihong county) accounted for 45% of the population of the entire prefecture. Based on this, we can estimate that in 1777, the population of Sizhou was around 1.307 million. Meanwhile, the recorded population of the prefecture in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi was 1.569 million. This means the average annual population growth rate during the 43 years was 4.3‰. 3.6 Summary To sum up, except for Huizhou fu, we can set the average annual population growth rate of the five Ningguo prefectures and the other Anhui prefectures from 1776 to 1820 at 5‰. We set the rate of Huizhou at 3‰ because the region was relatively small but densely populated, and a considerable proportion of the population traveled to other regions for trade and business. See Appendix 6 for the complete data. According to Vol. 19 of Qingchao Wenxian Tongkao, in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the total population of Anhui province was 27.567 million, a figure that is 4.223 million less than the estimated 31.79 million in this section. Meanwhile, the records of Hubu Qing Ce show that the population of Anhui province in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) was 35.065 million, that is, 965,000 less than the 34.1 million documented in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, and 4.142 million less than our estimation of 39.207 million in this section. 4

Jiangxi

Vol. 47 of Jiangxi Tongzhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908) contains records of the county population of Jiangxi in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year), 1802

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(Jiaqing 7th year), 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) and 1869 (Tongzhi 8th year). The analysis of this section is mainly based on the data from 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) and 1821 (Daoguang 1st year) and with reference to the records of 1802 (Jiaqing 7th year). Jiaqing Yitong Zhi contained both the figures of people and households; however, the household figures only accounted for prefectural areas, excluding wei-suo (garrison) districts. After presenting five years of data, Jiangxi Tongzhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908) also included the figures of both civilian and the military households and the population of individual prefectures, and clearly pointed out that the army population, before the Tongzhi period (1862–1874), were unaccounted for: “this book does not include more than half of the army population from the Qianlong period (1736–1796) to the Xianfeng period (1851–1861).” The book also mentioned that the data in the book was “only based on the records from 1869 (Tongzhi 8th year)” and, therefore, cannot be used for analysis. Considering that the army households and population in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) are unaccounted for, we mostly rely on the civilian data when calculating the prefectural population growth. Thereafter, we add the army household and population figures in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi to obtain the prefectural figures. That leads us to estimate the total population of 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) and 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), based on which we estimate the prefectural population in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), using the average annual growth rate. 4.1 Nanchang Fu According to Vol. 47 of Jiangxi Tongzhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year), Nanchang had 518,000 households and 2.351 million inhabitants with an average of 4.5 people per household. However, in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), the records indicate 712,000 households, 4.631 million inhabitants, and an average of 6.5 people per household, while in the Jiaqing Yitong Zhi records indicate 718,000 households, 4.676 million inhabitants, and 6.5 persons per household. If we add the military population to the current data from 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), we obtain numbers that are very close to those in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. It is worth mentioning that the person-per-household ratio of Nanchang appeared unreasonable given that it is abnormally high. First, the ratio of Xinjian county in 1821 was as high as 14, but only 3.4 for Jinxian county. Second, from 1782 to 1821, in the eight counties under Nanchang fu, the natural growth rate of the new two counties, Nanchang and Xinjian, looked significantly high, thereby considerably raising the natural growth rate of the whole fu. Furthermore, the growth rates of these two counties stagnated from

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1821 (Daoguang 1st year) to 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), with the records failing to explain the stagnation. A possible explanation and adjustment can be made with reference to the data of 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) and the 1953 census. First, the comparison of the 1391 and 1953 data reveals the proportions of the population of at least six counties, Nanchang, Xinjian, Fengcheng, Jinxian, Jingan, and Wuning, against the whole fu did not fluctuate much, even with over five centuries of development and changes. Within these five centuries, there was the siege of Nanchang at the turn of the dynasties from Ming to Qing and the Taiping Heavenly War (1851–1864). However, after a long period of peace and recuperation, the trend of regional population change appears to be the same. Second, compared with the data of 1391 and 1953, the data of Xinjian county in 1782 shows the most significant divergence. In 1782, Xinjian county accounted for 22% of the whole prefectural population, but the proportion increased to 34% in 182, to 36% in 1821. The unusually high increase indicates that the Xinjian data is not entirely reliable. Therefore, the population data of Nanchang in the mid-Qing Dynasty can be adjusted as follows: if we set the person-per-household rate of Xinjian in 1802 (Jiaqing 7th year) at 5.5, the total population number of Nanchang fu would drop to 3.052 million. By the same principle, we modified the Xinjian population data in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), causing it to drop to 3.579 million. After the adjustment, we find that the population of the whole province in these two years was much smaller than previously documented, while, of the entire province, only proportions of the population of Nanchang, Xinjian and, Fengcheng counties were closer to data recorded in 1953. In 1782 and 1821, Yining accounted for 7.4% and 6% of the total prefectural population, much lower than the 10% in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) and the 16.3% in 1953. This means most of the Hakka people and migrants from Hubei and Nanfeng, who moved to Yining fu in the early Qing Dynasty, were not counted in. According to our estimation, the migrant population accounted for about 20% of the total population, meaning that the whole population of Yinning in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) was around 300,000. The average annual population growth rate of the six prefectures and counties, including Yining, but excluding Nanchang and Xinjian, would then be 5.6‰ from 1782 to 1802, 2.5‰ from 1802 to 1821, and 4.1‰ from 1782 to 1821. After including the unaccounted-for population of Yining, we determine that the civilian population of Nanchang would be around 3.702 million. Furthermore, with the addition of the 53,000-army population recorded in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, Nanchang would have a total population of 3.702 million. At an average annual population growth rate of 4.1‰,

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we estimate that, in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the total population of Nanchang was around 3.136 million. 4.2 Nankang Fu According to Vol. 47 of Jiangxi Tongzhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875– 1908), Nankang had 161,000 households and 748,000 inhabitants, which makes 4.6 people per household. The household and population figures are considerably close to the ones recorded in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, meaning that these two books used similar systems of calculation. However, in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), these three figures became 207,000, 1.284 million, and 6.2 respectively, which seems incredible. As for the county data, the figures of Jianchang county (now Yongxiu county) are most obviously wrong: According to the recorded figures, from 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) to 1802 (Jiaqing 7th year), the average annual population growth rate of Jianchang was as high as 24‰, and, by 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), the rate was 14‰—still extremely high. However, in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), the recorded figure of inhabitants dropped by more than half. Therefore, we suspect that all the data about the county, after the Qianlong period (1736–1796), comprised of the person-per-household ratios of 1782 (Qianlong 47th year), 1802 (Jiaqing 7th year), and 1821 (Daoguang 1st year) and it was 4.1, 5.5 and, 6.2 respectively. If we assume that the person-per-household ratios of 1821 (Daoguang 1st year) and 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) were the same, the whole prefectural population would be around 951,000 inhabitants in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year). This means from 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) to 1821, the average annual growth rate of the population was 6.2‰. After adding the army population, we estimate that the population of Nankang fu in 1821 was around 967,000 and 732,000 in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). 4.3 Jiujiang Fu According to Vol. 47 of Jiangxi Tongzhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in 1781 (Qianlong 46th year), Jiujiang fu had 169,000 households, 889,000 inhabitants, and an average of 5.3 people per household. However, in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), the data was 212,000 households, 1.057 million inhabitants, and an average of 5 people per household. It was recorded in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi that Jiujiang fu had 224,000 households, 1.235 inhabitants, and 5.5 people per household. After we add the army population to the population numbers in Vol. 47 of Jiangxi Tongzhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), we can come up with results that are close to the recorded figures in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. Even so, the number of inhabitants recorded in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi is

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still unusually big. While the number of army households in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi was only 12,246, the recorded number of inhabitants was 170,770. The unusually high person-per-household ratio of the army population in Jiujiang was caused by the lack of complete data of the households in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. From 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) to 1802 (Jiaqing 7th year) and to 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), the average annual population growth rates of Jiujiang were 6.7‰ and 1.6‰ respectively. The slowing down of the population growth, as indicated by the statistics, was caused by relatively fast growth in household numbers but very slow population growth in Hukou county in 1821. The person-per-household ratio of Hukou county in 1802 was 5.2. At this ratio, we can determine that the whole population in the prefecture was around 1.128 million, translating to an average annual population growth from 1782 to 1821 of 5.8‰. After accounting for the army population, we can determine that in Daoguang 1st year (1821), Jiujiang fu had 1.299 million people, and in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), it had 999,000 people. 4.4 Ruizhou Fu According to Vol. 47 of Jiangxi Tongzhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year), Ruizhou fu had 158,000 households, 755,000 inhabitants, and an average of 4.8 people per household. These figures, in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), became 189,000, 1.017 million, and 5.4 respectively. With regard to the county level, in 1782, Shanggao county only had 4.1 people per household and a population of slightly over 1/3 that of Xinchang county. However, the records also show that, in 1953, the population of Shanggao slightly surpassed that of Xinchang. In 1802 (Jiaqing 7th year), Shanggao had 49,000 households, 244,000 inhabitants, and an average of 5 people per household, while Xinchang county had 58,000 households, 264,000 inhabitants, an average of 4.6 people per household. Considering that the discrepancies in terms of the numbers of households are not significant, it is likely that the documentation mistakes of the Qianlong period (1736–1796) were corrected by then. However, records show that the population of Shanggao in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year) and 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) was less than 100,000. It is, therefore, likely that the error from the Qianlong period (1736–1796) was repeated here. If we adjust the numbers according to the proportional relationship between the population of Jiaqing and Xinchang in 1802 (Jiaqing 7th year), we can determine that the population of Shanggao county in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) was 209,000, and, in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), it was 259,000. Records show that in Qianlong 47th year (1782), Gao’an county had 4.9 people per household, but in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year) it had 6.5. The growth is too rapid to be believable. Therefore, in our calculation, we assume that the person-per-household rate was still 4.9 in 1821.

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According to Xinchang Xian Zhi, edited in the Tongzhi period (1862–1874), there were 49,000 original inhabitants in 1785 (Qianlong 55th year), including 241,000 women. Records from 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) contain numbers that are significantly close to those documented in Vol. 47 of Jiangxi Tongzhi, edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908). Therefore, in 1782, Ruizhou had altogether a population of 884,000 inhabitants, and in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), it had a population of 1.026 million inhabitants. This means from 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) to 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), the average annual growth rate of the civilian population was 3.8‰. We also know that in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the army population of Ruizhou fu was 13,000. This number, plus the civilian population, makes a total of 1.03 million, a figure extremely close to the 1.031 million recorded in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. Assuming that the average annual growth rate was 3.8‰, we then can estimate that in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the population of Ruizhou fu was 879,000. 4.5 Raozhou Fu According to Vol. 47 of Jiangxi Tongzhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year), Raozhou fu had 290,000 households, 1.44 million people, and an average of 5 people per household while in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), it had 323,000 households, 1.777 million inhabitants and an average of 5.5 per household. The numbers from 1821 are the same as in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, so after adding the military population, we can determine that in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), Raozhou fu had 1.431 million inhabitants. 4.6 Guangxin Fu According to Vol. 47 of Jiangxi Tongzhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year), Guangxin had 61,000 households, 1.067 million inhabitants, and an average of 4.1 people per household. However, in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), the records indicate 375,000 households, 1.451 million inhabitants, and an average of 3.9 persons per household. As for the person-per-household rate, while six other counties had reasonable numbers, Shangrao and an average of only 1.7. In 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) and 1953, Shangrao accounted for about 25% of the population of Guangxin fu, but only 17% in 1782. At a rate of 25%, we can determine that in 1782, the population of Shangrao county was around 295,000, the whole prefecture 1,180,000. As the recorded population numbers of four counties of Shangrao, namely Shangyao, Guangfeng, Geyang, and Hengfeng, were either incredibly low or high and did not seem reliable, we consider the data of three counties, namely Yushan, Guixi, and Qianshan, the average annual population growth rates are 5.9‰ and 6.7‰. Assuming a growth rate of 6‰, we can determine that in

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1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), Guangxin had 1.472 million civilians, and together with the army population, a total of 1.485 million inhabitants while in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the population was 1.141 million. The recorded total population of Guangxin in 1820 was about 14.58 million in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, a figure that is considerably close to the above estimate. 4.7 Yuanzhou Fu According to Vol. 47 of Jiangxi Tongzhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year), Yuanzhou fu had 132,000 households, 615,000 inhabitants, and an average of 4.7 people per household while in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), it had 164,000 households, 769,000 inhabitants and an average of 4.7 people per household. At the county level, records show that, in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year), the person-per-household ratio of Fenyi and Pingxiang was only 3.7, while that of Wanzai county was as high as 7.3. We know that in 1953, Wanzai county accounted for 16.5% of the total population of the four counties, and in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year), the county accounted for 18.3% of the total households and 28.7% of the total population. Therefore, it is clear that the number of households in Wanzai in 1782 was accurate, while the number of inhabitants was incorrect. Another clue is, we know that in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), Yichun had an average of 4.2 people per household, while Wanzai had as many as 7 people per household on average. If we assume a person-per-household ratio of 5, the total population of Yuanzhou fu would then be around 705,000. From 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) to 1821, the average annual population growth rate would then be 3.5‰. Therefore, adding the army population would bring the total population of Yuanzhou fu in 1821 to about 722,000. At this growth rate, we can estimate that back in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the population was about 619,000. 4.8 Linjiang Fu According to Vol. 47 of Jiangxi Tongzhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in Qianlong 47th year, Linjiang fu had 218,000 households, 1.113 million inhabitants, and an average of 5.1 people per household. However, in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), the statistics changed to 253,000 households, 1.271 million inhabitants, and an average of 5 people per household. With regard to counties, Qingjiang County, from 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) to 1821, had an average annual population growth rate as high as 8.5‰ while the rates of three counties, Xingan,3 Xinyu, and Xiajiang, only had 1.7‰, 1.1‰ and 3 Translator’s note: Written as 新淦, now as 新干.

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0.9‰ respectively. Records show that, in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), the household numbers of the aforementioned three counties grew slightly, while that of Qingjiang shrank by 70,000 to 349,000, meaning a lower but reliable person-per-household ratio of 5. Therefore, it seems the mistakes in the data of Qingjiang county in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year) were corrected. If we assume an average person-per-household ratio of 4.4, the population of Qingjiang county in 1821 would be 329,000, and the total civilian population of entire prefecture would be 1.194 million, which translates to an average annual population growth rate of 1.8‰ from 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) to 1821. Together with the army population, the total Qingjiang prefectural population would be 1.202 million, and at an annual growth rate of 1.8‰, we estimate that in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the Qingjiang prefectural population was 1.108 million. 4.9 Ji’an Fu According to Vol. 47 of Jiangxi Tongzhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year), Ji’an fu had 576,000 households, 2.508 million inhabitants, and an average of 4.3 people per household. However, in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), the number of households increased to 622,000, the population increased to 2.877 million, and the person-to-household average rose to 4.6. In 1782 (Qianlong 47th year), the person-per-household ratio among 8 of the 10 counties under Ji’an fu was around 5. Of the 8 counties, Jishui had the lowest ratio of 2.5, while Wan’an had the second-lowest ratio of 3. We know that in 1953, Jishui accounted for 11.4% of the total prefectural population, while Wan’an accounted for 6.5%. If we assume a person-per-household ratio of 5, then we can estimate that the population of Jishui was around 260,000, thereby accounting for about 10% of the whole prefectural population—a ratio close to that in the 1953 census. By applying the same adjustment principle, we can estimate that Wan’an had about 11% of the whole prefectural population. The problem with Wan’an county data likely lies in the unreasonably high “hu” (household) number, not the population number. It is also evident that the proportion of the Ji’an population against the adjusted prefectural number was 7%—a ratio significantly close to the one in the 1953 census. Therefore, we determine that the population of Ji’an in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) was about 2.66 million. In 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), the number of people in Wan’an County was only 100,000, almost half of the 205,000 in 1802, even though the actual number ought to surpass that of 1802. If we assume that the population was 230,000, the prefectural civilian population would be around 3.007 million, meaning the annual population growth ratio from 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) to

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1821 (Daoguang 1st year) was 3.2‰. If the army population is calculated, then the Ji’an prefectural population in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year) would have been around 3.104 million and 2.684 million in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). 4.10 Jianchang Fu According to Vol. 47 of Jiangxi Tongzhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year), Jianchang fu had 256,000 households, 1.164 million inhabitants, and an average of 4.5 people per household meanwhile 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), it had 281,000 households, 1.469 million inhabitants and an average of 5.2 people per household. At the county level, it appears that after the Qianlong period (1736–1796), the population data of Guangchang county was a fabrication. Therefore, with the exception Guangchang, we find that from 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) to 1802 (Jiaqing 7th year), the average annual population growth rate of Jianchang was 4.1‰, and from 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) to 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), it was 2.9‰. This is a reasonable growth rate in comparison with that of nearby prefectures, including Ji’an, Fuzhou, and Ningdu. At this ratio, we can determine that in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), Jianchang fu had about 1.2956 million civilians. If the army population is included, the whole prefectural population would be around 1.314 million, meaning that back in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the prefectural population would have been about 1.157 million. 4.11 Fǔzhou Fu According to Vol. 47 of Jiangxi Tongzhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year), Fǔzhou fu had 362,000 households, 1.459 million inhabitants, and an average of 4 people per household whereas in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), the numbers rose to 369,000 households, 1.521 million inhabitants, and an average of 4.1 people per household. It needs to be pointed out that, for unknown reasons, the proportion of either the household proportion and population figures Fǔzhou, when compared with the total prefectural figures in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year), do not correspond with the 1953 census figures. In addition, the 1391 household and population figures of Fǔzhou are missing leaving us with no subjects to compare and correct the data. In 1802 (Jiaqing 7th year), Fuzhou had 367,000 households, 1.502 million inhabitants, and an average of 4.1 people per household. From 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) to 1802 (Jiaqing 7th year), the average annual population growth rate of Fǔzhou was 1.5‰. However, it appears that after 1802 (Jiaqing 7th year), the household and population figures of Fuzhou remained, suspiciously, unchanged. Based on a 1.5‰ annual growth rate, we can estimate

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that in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), Fǔzhou had 1.554 million civilians. If the army population is added to this number, the whole prefecture would have 1.577 million inhabitants, and in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), 1.476 million. 4.12 Nan’an Fu According to Vol. 47 of Jiangxi Tongzhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year), Nan’an prefecture had 136,000 households, 552,000 inhabitants, and an average of 4 people per household. In 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), the figures increased to 145,000 households, 619,000 inhabitants, and an average of 4.3 people per household. The data seems to be extremely problematic. In the aforementioned two years, in Dayu county, the person-per-household number was less than 3; in Nankang, it was only 3–4; in Chongyi, it was 6–7; while in Shangyou, it was as high as 9–11. Generally, we presume that if the person-per-household rate deviates from the baseline too much, that means the data is unreliable. The fact that throughout Qianlong period (1736–1796), the household and the population figures of Dayu and Nankang almost did not change attests to this presumption. Compared with the records of the 1953 census, it would appear that the figures of both households and inhabitants in these counties were groundless fabrications. Unfortunately, in this section, we had no justifiable grounds to correct the data of these counties, so we tentatively adopted the data from 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) for our discussion. Relatively speaking, only the household numbers of Shangyou and Chongyi are useable for our discussion of the population growth in these areas. From 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) to 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), the two counties’ average annual population growth rate was 3.7‰. In 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the civilian population of Nan’an was about 671,000. If the military population was included, then the prefectural population would be around 673,000. Based on an annual growth rate of 3.7%, we determine that in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), Nan’an had about 569,000 people. 4.13 Ningdu Fu According to Vol. 47 of Jiangxi Tongzhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year), Ningdu fu had 128,000 households, 820,000 inhabitants, and an average of 6.4 people per household while in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), the number of households increased to 130,000, the number of inhabitants rose to 825,000, and the average number of people per household was 6.4. At the county level, the person-per-household ratios of the three counties under Ningdu fu were 4, 9, and 12. Considering that the gaps between them were unreasonably significant, we deem that it is impossible to

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determine the credibility of the data based solely on the household and population numbers. Comparing the numbers from 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) with those in the 1953 census, we find that the household numbers were vastly different while the population numbers were close. Records show that in 1802 (Jiaqing 7th year), Ningdu had 132,000 households and 832,000 inhabitants, indicating considerably minimal population growth. The data suggests that in 1802 (Jiaqing 7th year), the number of households increased in Ningdu county while the number of inhabitants decreased. It is worthy to note that the numbers appear unreasonable. If we exclude the figures of Ningdu county, we find that from 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) to 1802 (Jiaqing 7th year), the annual average population growth of two counties grew by 1.6‰, a rate similar to that of Fǔzhou. At this rate, we can estimate that in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), Ningdu had about 868,000 households and 878,000 civilians. The inclusion of the military population brings the total prefectural population to 878,000. Back in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the population was around 818,000. 4.14 Ganzhou Fu According to Vol. 47 of Jiangxi Tongzhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in Qianlong 47th year (1782), Ganzhou fu had 361,000 households, 2.042 million inhabitants, and an average of 5.7 people per household while in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), the number of households rose to 392,000, the number of inhabitants became 2.415 million, and the average number of people per household was 6.2. We can infer from the data of Ganzhou in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) that, in addition to Huichang county, which had a person-per-household ratio of 8.5, the other three counties of Zhuandu, Xinfeng, and Dingnan also had abnormally high person-per-household ratios. In contrast, the ratios of the remaining counties appear normal. We can identify the problem with the Ganzhou data after comparing the population proportion of the county with that of the entire prefecture as recorded in the 1953 census. In 1782 (Qianlong 47th year), Huichang county accounted for 17.3% of the households in Gangzhou fu and 11.6% of the total population. In the 1953 census, Huichang accounted for 9.7% of the prefectural population; therefore, we can determine that the number of households was more reliable population figures. The same is true with the data of Xinfeng. In contrast to the figures of Huichang and Xinfeng, the population proportions of the three counties of Ganxian, Xindu, and Xingguo constituted a significantly higher proportion of Ganzhou fu in 1953 than in 1782. This is because, under Ganzhou fu, these three counties received the majority of immigrants

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from Fujian and Guangdong provinces. Due to the delay in household registration, for an exceptionally long time, these immigrants were not registered locally. In addition, immigrants continued arriving in these counties during the Jiaqing period (1796–1820) and the Daoguang period (1782–1850). All this might have contributed to the low recorded numbers. Setting the person-per-household ratio of Huichang and Xinfen at our baseline, we estimate that in 1782, the population of Ganzhou was less than the recorded number by 225,000, and in 1821 by 439,000. The average annual growth rates of these two counties within the two periods would then be 2.1‰ and 2.3‰, respectively. However, because a significant number of immigrants in Ganxian, Xindu, and Xinggu were unaccounted for, the population proportions of these three counties as opposed to the entire prefectural population in 1782 were, in fact,,, less than those in 1953 by 15%. We estimate about 300,000 immigrants and their descendants are missing from the records.4 After 1782, the immigration flow continued. Therefore, we would not adjust the numbers of inhabitants of Ganzhou in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) and Daoguang period (1821–1850) and just adopt the average annual growth rate of 4.3‰ in this period. With the military population (tunhu) calculated, the total Ganzhou prefectural population would be around 2.513 million in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year) and 2.071 million in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year). 4.15 Summary According to Vol. 19 of “Hu-kou,” Qingchao Wenxian Tongkao, Jiangxi province in 1782 (Qianlong 41st year) had 16.849 million inhabitants, which is 1.971 million less than the number listed in Appendix 6. In the meantime, according to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), Jiangxi province had a total of 23.652 million inhabitants, more than the number listed in Appendix 6 by 1.306 million. Furthermore, the records in Hubu Qing Ce indicate that in 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), the total population of Jiangxi province was 23.729 million, a figure significantly close to the number recorded in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. As for the prefectural figures, the example of Nanchang shows that the records in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi were far from accurate. In fact, the actual number for this one single prefecture could be smaller than the recorded number by as much as 1.04 million. We also find that the significant deviation of the 4 In my previous work, Vol. 6 of The History of Immigration in China, I mentioned that the population of Hakka immigrants in the three counties was 230,000. The problem with that figure is that, in that book, I considered the household figures from the Qianlong period (1736–1796) as the number of the entire immigrant population. That means the immigrant population was, in fact, underestimated.

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population numbers of such prefectures and regions as Nankang, Yuanzhou, Linjiang prefectures, and Jianchang town, by our estimations, could be the result of inaccuracies in the numbers of counties including Jianchang, Wanzai, Qingjiang, and Guangchang under their jurisdiction. Thus, the inaccuracy of Jiangxi population statistics was mainly due to inaccuracies in the regional statistics. After taking out these inferences, we find that while the statistics at the prefectural level in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi are not devoid of problems, they are generally reliable.

Chapter 8

The Population of the Prefectures in Sichuan Province in the Mid-Qing Dynasty G. William Skinner (1991) proves in his research that the nine volumes of Sichuan Tong Sheng Min Shu Ce in The First Historical Archives of China contain many statistical errors, including arbitrary fabrications of county-level data and other problems, all of which contrast with the population data of the 20th century. Skinner believes that by comparison, the data in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820) are more credible and were obtained based on reliable surveys.1 In his research, Wang Di (1993) agrees with Skinner’s observations and comes up with the average annual population growth rate by comparing the population figures in 1812 (Jiaqing 17 year) with those in 1910 (the end of the Qing Dynasty). Wang Di believes that the population survey conducted during the Xuantong period (1909–1911) was the most reliable during the Qing Dynasty (1636–1912).2 Based on Wang’s calculation, the average annual growth rates of Sichuan’s population between 1812 and 1910 and from 1910 to 1953 was 7.6‰ and 8.6‰, respectively.3 Liu Cheng-yun (1998) has conducted detailed research on Qianlong Liushi Nianfen Sichuan Tongsheng Minshu Ce (referred to as Qianlong Min Shu Ce below) conserved in the Institute of History and Language, Academia Sinica, Taiwan China.4 The collection was compiled based on the same methodology 1 Skinner, G.W. (1991). Zhongguo Fengjian Shehui Wanqi Chengshi Yanjiu: Shi Jianya Moshi (A Study of the City in Late Feudalist China: G. William Skinner’s Model). Changchun: Jilin jiaoyu chubanshe. 2 The statistics of Xuantong 2nd year (1910) is from Wang, S. (1932–1933). Minzheng Bu Hukou Diaocha Ji Ge Jia Guji (Household Registers of Ministry of Civil Affairs and Estimates of Population). Shehui Kexue Zazhi (Social Science Journal) (compliation of selected articles). Unless stated otherwise, the statistics from the Xuantong period (1909–1911) are from this book. 3 Wang, D. (1993). Kua Chu Fengbi De Shijie: Changjiang Shangyou Quyu Shehui Yanjiu (1644–1911) (Regional Social Study of the Upper Stream of the Yangtze River). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. 4 Liu, C. (1988). Qing Qianlong Chao Sichuan Renkou Ziliao Jiantao: Shi Yu Suo Cang Qianlong Liu Shi Nian Fen Sichuan Tong Sheng Min Shu Ce De Ji Dian Guancha. In Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica (Eds.), Zhongguo Jinshi Jiazu Yu Shehui Xueshu Yantaohui Lunwenji. p. 301–328.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004688933_009

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and process employed in assembling the nine-volume Sichuan Tong Sheng Min Shu Ce studied by Skinner (1991). Based on his research, Liu makes the following observations: First, the volume compiled in 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) contains relatively fewer errors suggesting that the survey and report was reliable. Second, as indicated by the person-per-household ratios and the sex ratios in the volume, the data from 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) were more reliable than those from the Daoguang period (1821–1850). Third, the suggested average annual population growth rates from 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) to 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year) and from 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) to 1822 (Daoguang 2nd year) are “too high, falling out of the commonly accepted range of annual population growth rates of a traditional agricultural society.” This section is mainly based on the data from Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, the local histories or gazetteers, and a cross-checking with the data from the abovementioned Sichuan Tong Sheng Min Shu Ce and with those from Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. The data in the local histories or gazetteers can be divided into two systems. First, the completed household records and the population figures of the individual counties are found in Vol. 56 of Sichuan Tong Zhi, edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). The book listed the number of households in the county and the respective male and female population figures as well as the total population. It is noteworthy that the lack of significant discrepancy in the total figures and the sum of the respective parts is no proof that the sources of the data are reliable. Second, the recorded number of households and population in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year) in the majority of Fu Zhi and Xian Zhi were smaller than the corresponding numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi, a suggestion that one of these two sets of records was erroneous. An indicator of errors in the figures of Sichuan Tongzhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820) can be found in the larger population figures of 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year) compared with the figures of 1953 census. This is because, in areas that had not been severely damaged by the Taiping Heavenly War (1851–1864), the population during the Jiaqing period (1796–1820) should have been smaller than the population in 1953. An indicator of errors in the population figures of local histories or gazetteers is an abnormally small population figures from the Jiaqing period (1796–1820) compared with the 1953 figures, a suggestion of an abnormally high annual growth rate from the Jiaqing period to 1953. 1

Chongqing Fu (Prefecture)

According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Chongqing prefecture had 958,000 households and 3.018 million inhabitants, much more than the 690,000 households and 2.366 million inhabitants recorded in Vol. 65 of Sichuan Tong Zhi. In

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contrast, according to Qianlong Min Shu Ce Chongqing fu had 340,000 households and 1.333 million inhabitants, only 49.2 % and 56.4% respectively of the population statistics recorded in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). The numbers obtained from the county records (xian zhi), but for those that were copied from Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), are incredibly smaller than the numbers documented in Sichuan Tong Zhi. In short, the statistics from these four sources do not match. There were 14 counties under Chongqing fu, but only six have been discussed here. For instance, according to Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), Qijiang county had 35,000 households and 108,000 inhabitants. From 1812 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Qijiang county was 11.9‰, which is quite high, indicating that the population in 1812 could not have been bigger. However, the corresponding numbers from the other two sources are even smaller. The numbers of Jiangbeiting show the same tendency. There is no need for detailed discussion here. Dingyuan county: According to Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), in 1812, Dingyuan county had 54,000 households and 169,000 inhabitants. By 1953, the county’s average annual population growth rate was 6.8‰. According to Qianlong Min Shu Ce, the county had 20,000 households and 83,000 inhabitants, less than half of the 1812 population figures. Bishan county: According to Vol. 2 of Bishan Xian Zhi, in 1812, there were 24,000 “shizai chengliang huahu” (actual households paying tax in grain) and 61,000 rending. Qianlong Min Shu Ce recorded 22,000 households and 72,000 ding, figures close to those recorded in Xian Zhi, suggesting Qianlong Min Shu Ce and Bishan Xian Zhi used the same “rending” system. In terms of the number of households, the average annual population growth rate from 1795 to 1812 was 6.6‰, close to 6.7‰ from 1812 to 1953. Fuzhou (written as 涪州): According to Vol. 6 of Fuzhou Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949), in 1785 (Qianlong 50th year), Fuzhou had 58,000 “hu” and 130,000 “ding,” an average of 2.2 ding per household. In contrast, the hu and ding figures in Qianlong Min Shu Ce were 53,000, 155,000 respectively, and the average ding per household was 2.9. Although the data are slightly different, it appears that Qianlong Min Shu Ce and Fuzhou Zhi were based on the same system. According to Sichuan Tong Zhi, Fuzhou, including Wulong county, had 57,000 households and 261,000 inhabitants, an average person per household of 4.6, and a male-female ratio of 108. From the comparison, we can know that the “ding” and “dingkou” figures recorded in Fuzhou Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949) and Qianlong Minshu Ce did not represent persons. If we assume that the person-per-household ratios were the same, we can estimate, using the figures from Fuzhou Zhi as reference, that the population

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in 1785 (Qianlong 50th year) was 269,000, and, using the figures from Qianlong Min Shu Ce as reference, that the population in 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) was 242,000. Therefore, from 1785 to 1953 and from 1795 to 1953, the average annual growth rates of the population was 6.5‰ and 7.6‰, respectively. According to Sichuan Tong Zhi, the rate from 1812 to 1953 was 8‰. This leads us to the conclusion that the average annual population growth rate of Fuzhou from the mid-Qing Dynasty to 1953 was around 7‰. Yongchuan county: Vol. 4 of Yongchuan Xian Zhi edited in 1894 (Guangxu 20th year)contains records of “lianghu” (households who pay the land tax in crops), “huahu” (tax-paying household), and “yanhu” (individuals in a household)—the last category referring to the entire population. According to the survey results, within the 77,000 yanhu, 191,000 were male ding and 111,000 female ding. Supposing that the rational sex ratio was 110, we can determine that in 1893 (Guangxu 19th year), Yongchuan county had a population of 364,000, an average of person per household of 4.7 and that the average annual population growth rate from 1893 to 1953 was 5.3‰. According to Qianlong Min Shu Ce, Yongchuan county had 16,000 households and 68,000 inhabitants, most of whom were “lianghu.” With the exception of urban Chongqing, in 1953, Chongqing fu had a population of 8.333 million. With an average annual population growth rate of 7‰, in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), Chongqing fu would have, with reference to Fuzhou, had a population of 3.493 million. Assuming the growth rate was 8‰, in 1782 (Qianlong 47th year), the population of Chongqing fu was 2.46 million. By adjusting the person-per-household ratio of the population figures Chongqing fu to five, as documented in Sichuan Tongzhi (The General Records of Sichuan), we determine that the population of the prefecture in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year) was 3.451 million, figures that are consistent with our estimates above. This also shows that the recorded population number in Qianlong Min Shu Ce was only half of the actual population, suggesting that the record excluded the other half that was not “lianghu.” 2

Luzhou

According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Luzhou had 148,000 households and 446,000 inhabitants, figures that are consistent with the records of Vol. 65 of Sichuan Tongzhi (The General Records of Sichuan). If we assume a personper-household ratio of five, the population would be 742,000, meaning the average population growth rate by 1953 would have been 8.3‰. According to Qianlong Min Shu Ce, Luzhou had 86,000 households and 307,000 inhabitants, only half of the actual population.

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In terms of the individual counties, while Sichuan Tongzhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820) indicated that the capital of Luzhou had 18,000 households and 43,000 inhabitants, Qianlong Minshu Ce indicated that the number of households was only 8,000 and the population was 18,000 inhabitants, less than half the figures in Sichuan Tong Zhi. According to Luzhou Jiu Xing Xiangzhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in 1810 (Jiaqing 15th year), the totality of “chengliang huahu” (the households paying tax in grains) and “wei chengliang huahu” (the households not paying tax in grains) was 8,000 households and 26,000 inhabitants respectively—only 44.4% and 59.2% of the corresponding numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi. Therefore, Luzhou Jiu Xing Xiang Zhi also did not count in the whole population. The same issue was evident in the records of Vol. 4 of Naxi Xianzhi, edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). According to Vol. 5 of Luzhou Zhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in 1758 (Qianlong 23rd year), “xin jiu chengliang huahu,” namely new and old households paying tax on grains, in the capital of Luzhou had 9,000 households and 40,000 inhabitants. The household and population numbers in 1811 (Jiaqing 16th year) were 49,000 and 146,000, respectively, consistent with the figures in Sichuan Tong Zhi. In addition, the first figure was categorized under “hu” (household) rather than under “chengliang huahu.” In 1882 (Guangxu 8th year), the household and population figures were 108,000 and 520,000, respectively—an average of 4.7 people per household. From 1811 to 1882, the average annual growth rate of households was 11.5‰ while from 1882 to 1953, it was 10.9‰, meaning, by comparison, that the number of households in the then capital of Luzhou in 1811 (Jiaqing 16th year) should have been reliable. If we assume that the person-per-household ratio was 4.7, we can adjust the population of Luzhou in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year) to 229,000. The high population of Luzhou was related to the development of modern Luzhou city. In 1953, Luzhou city had as high as 290,000 inhabitants. Even after excluding Luzhou city, the average annual population growth rate of Luzhou from 1812 to 1953 was still as high as 9.8‰. In short, we set the population of the capital of Luzhou in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) at 254,000, and the average annual population growth rate of the counties under Luzhou fu from 1812 to 1953 at 7‰. Therefore, the population of Luzhou in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) should have been around 735,000. As for the growth after 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), we determine that the annual population growth rate of the headquarters of Luzhou, at 11%, was still higher than that of the other regions. We, therefore, set the population of the capital of Luzhou at 157,000 in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) (1776). Given that the annual growth rate was 8‰, the population of the other counties under Luzhou would have been 339,000, and the total population of Luzhou would have been 496,000.

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Xuyong Ting

According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Xuyong ting had 70,000 households and 203,000 inhabitants. It was recorded in Vol. 65 of Sichuan Tong Zhi that Xuyong ting had 52,000 households and 164,000 inhabitants—both numbers being lower than the corresponding numbers recorded in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. Assuming that the person-per-household ratio was 5, we determine that the population of Xuyong ting was 261,000 in 1812, and that from 1812 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate was 7.2‰. Assuming the same person-per-household ratio and based on the data from Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, the average annual population growth rate would have been 5.3‰ by 1953. Meanwhile, according to Qianlong Min Shu Ce, Xuyong ting had 32,000 households and 117,000 inhabitants, with an average person per household of 5. If we assume the person-per-household ratio was five, then the population would be 160,000, much less than the recorded numbers from the above two sources. If we assume an annual growth rate of 7.2% and 8%, respectively, then the population of Xuyong ting in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) and 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) would have been 282,000 and 199,000 respectively. 4

Shunqing Fu

According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, Shunqing prefecture had 313,000 households and 2.055 million inhabitants, an average of 6.6 people per household—much more than the respective 244,000 and 1.539 million documented in Sichuan Tong Zhi. However, according to Qianlong Min Shu Ce, Shunqing fu only had 151,000 households and 807,000 inhabitants,5 only 61.9% and 52.5% of the respective figures accounted for in Sichuan Tong Zhi. The sex ratio of Shunqing fu in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year) appears unreasonable. If we assume a ratio of 110, then the population would be 1.615 million. From 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year) to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Shunqing fu was 7.8‰. The documented population numbers in the local records of counties including Yuechi, Nanchong, Xichong, and Yingshan were significantly lower than the corresponding numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi. Only the number of households of Linshui county in 1811 (Jiaqing 16th year) recorded in Vol. 2 of Linshui Xian Zhi edited in the Daoguang period (1821–1850) was larger than the 5 Qianlong Min Shu Ce counted Quxian county and Dazhu county under Shunqing prefecture; however, according to Qing Shi Gao: Di Li Zhi, both should be under Suiding prefecture. This book also considers them as counties under Shunqing prefecture.

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corresponding number in Sichuan Tong Zhi. However, the number of inhabitants was much smaller. At an average annual growth rate of 7.8‰, the population of Shunqing fu in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) would be around 1.718 million. Assuming that the average annual growth rate was 8‰, we determine that back in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the population would have been 1.21 million. 5

Tongchuan Fu

According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Tongchuan fu had 409,000 households and 1.802 million inhabitants, far more than the respective 311,000 and 1.35 million recorded in Sichuan Tong Zhi. In Qianlong Min Shu Ce. In other words, these two numbers were only 171,000 and 705,000, i.e., 54.8% and 52.2% of the recorded numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi, respectively. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, the figures of the person-per-household ratio were credible, overall, for the entire county except for Pengxi county, which had a low population ratio. The sex ratios at the county level were generally reasonable too. The average annual population growth rate in Tongchuan fu, excluding Yanting county, from 1812 to 1953 was as high as 11.5‰. If we assume that the person-per-household ratio was 5, the rate would decline to 10.5‰. By comparison, the numbers from Qianlong Min Shu Ce were incredible. Assuming the average annual growth rate was 10‰, the population of Tongchuan fu in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) and in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) would have been 1.802 million and 1.163 million, respectively. 6

Zizhou

According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Zizhou had 187,000 households and 954,000 inhabitants, much more than the 141,000 and 694,000 recorded in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). However, in Qianlong Min Shu Ce, the recorded number of household, was only 89,000, and the population was 375,000, that is, 63% and 54% respectively of the recorded numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi. The population numbers at the county level around 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year) recorded in Vol. 7 of Zizhou Zhili Zhou Zhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908) were mostly lower than the numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi. It should be noted that these numbers are identical with the scenario in Shunqing fu. We suspect that records of Zizhou Zhili Zhou Zhi only included the households

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that paid tax with grain. In 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), the counties under Zizhou, with the exclusion of Neijiang county, had 35,000 households and 178,000 inhabitants. The numbers were larger than the 28,000 and 134,000 recorded in Sichuan Tong Zhi, leading to the speculation that recorded “kou” number of Neijiang referred rather to the entire population of Neijiang. With reference to the data of Neijiang, by 1953, the average annual growth rate of the population was 10.1‰. If we assume the rate was 10‰, based on the statistics of 1953, we determine that in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the population of Zizhou was about 959,000, almost the same as the recorded number in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. Based on this rate, we can estimate that the population in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) was 619,000. Using Zizhou as an example, we can deduce that the population statistics of Sichuan in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi were not completely wrong. In addition, the numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi, which Skinner (1991) regarded as relatively accurate, were significantly lower than the actual numbers. 7

Baoning Fu

According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Baoning had 288,000 households, and 963,000 inhabitants, more than the 212,000 households and 804,000 inhabitants recorded in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). In Qianlong Min Shu Ce, however, the number of households was 126,000, and there were 534,000 inhabitants representing, respectively, 59.3% and 66.5% of the recorded numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). From 1812 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of the counties under Baoning fu was as high as 12.3‰. Suppose we assume that the person-per-household ratio was 5, we can determine that the population of Baoning fu in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820) was 1.06 million, and the average annual growth rate of the population in 1953 was 10.3‰. The number of households and population were the same in Langzhong Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949) “from 1796 (Jiaqing 1st year) on” and in Sichuan Tong Zhi. The former (Langzhong Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949)) also contains the households and population in the last year of the Guangxu period (1875–1908). From 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year) to the last year of the Guangxu period (1875–1908), the average annual growth rate of the population of Langzhong county was 12.7‰. As for the other counties, there is no credible data worthy of discussion. In 1910, the number of households and population in Baoning fu was 696,000 and 3.904 million, respectively. From 1910 to 1953, the average annual

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population growth rate of Baoding fu was only 3.3‰. We suspect that the data of Baoning fu in the last year of the Guangxu period (1875–1908) were higher than the actual numbers and therefore have not considered them in our calculation. Assuming that the person-per-household ratio was 5 for Baoning fu in 1812, the population that year would have been 1.06 million. By 1953, the average annual growth rate of the county population would have been 10.3‰. Assuming that the average annual growth rate of the population from the mid-Qing Dynasty to 1953 was 10‰, we can, therefore, deduce that the population in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) was 1.197 million, and in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), it was 773,000. In short, the above studies show that regarding the numbers of households of the seven prefectures in central Sichuan, including Chongqing, the records of Vol. 65 of Sichuan Tong Zhi were basically reliable. As for the six prefectures excluding Zizhou, their population numbers should be five times the corresponding household numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi. In other words, the errors with the statistics of Sichuan Tong Zhi result from the unbelievably low person-per-household ratios. The statistics of Jiaqing Yitong Zhi in the region show no pattern determining whether they were either too high or too low. Meanwhile, the numbers in Qianlong Min Shu Ce were about half the numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi. 8

Youyang Zhou

According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Youyang zhou had 159,000 households and 462,000 inhabitants. If we assume that the person-per-household ratio was 5, then the population was 800,000. In Vol. 65 of Sichuan, Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), the household and population numbers were 118,000 and 368,000, respectively. Assuming that the person-per-household ratio was 5, then the population would only be 590,000. In Qianlong Minshu Ce, meanwhile, the number of households was 69,000, and the population was 257,000 inhabitants. That means the household number was only 58.3% compared to the number in Sichuan Tongzhi. It was recorded in Vol. 6 of Youyang Zhou Zhi edited in the Tongzhi period (1862–1874) that in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), there were 32,000 “chengliang huahu” (households paying tax in grains) and 54,000 ding. According to Sichuan Tongzhi, Youyang had 34,000 households and 121,000 inhabitants. That means the number of households from these two sources were close, while the numbers of ding or inhabitants failed to match. According to Youyang Zhouzhi, in 1858 (Xianfeng 8th year), “chengliang huahu” had 12,000 households and 120,000 dingkou. It also contained a record indicating the number of “hu” in

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the “chengliang huahu” record. Based on the current standards, the “hu” should be counted as several households (due to the expansion of the families). In 1861 (in Xianfeng 11th year), tuanlian (militia) was organized and a headcount was conducted to register a total of 71,000 households in the prefecture, including 328,000 inhabitants with a sex ratio as high as 143. With reference to the sex ratio of 109, which was the ratio for the “lianghu” population in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), we determine that the population of Youyang then was slightly larger than in 1812 (Jiaqing 1812). Thus, we determine that in 1861 (Xianfeng 11th year), during the establishment of militants, the officials were aiming to restore the households and population of the mid-Qing Dynasty. With reference to the corrected 1812 data, we determine that the average annual population growth rate by 1953 was 6.5‰. In 1910 (Xuantong 2nd year), the respective numbers for households and population in Youyang were 25,000 and 1,028,000, amounting to an average annual growth rate of 8.2‰ by 1953. Therefore, if we assume an average annual growth rate of 7‰, we can determine that in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the population was 622,000 and that at a rate of 7.5‰, in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the population was 448,000. 9

Suiding Fu

With reference to the corrected 1812 data, we determine that the average annual population growth rate by 1953 was 6.5‰. In 1910 (Xuantong 2nd year), the respective numbers for households and population in Youyang were 25,000 and 1,028,000 people, meaning the average annual growth rate by 1953 was 8.2‰. Therefore, if we assume an average annual growth rate of 7‰, we can calculate that in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the population was 622,000, and with an average annual growth rate of 7.5‰, the population was 448,000 in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). In Vol. 3 of Xinning Xian Zhi edited in the Tongzhi period (1862–1874), in 1733 (Yongzheng 11th year), the “indigenous and in-flow migrant” (tuzhu liuyu) amounted to about 10,000 households and 55,000 inhabitants, of which only 3,000 households were “lianghu” (households who pay the land tax in crops). Qianlong Min Shu Ce recorded that Xining county had 19,000 households and 62,000 inhabitants who were supposed to be the entire population. However, at only 3.3, the person-per-household ratio was abnormally low. If we assume a ratio of 5, then the population ought to be 94,000. From 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) to 1953, the average annual population growth rate would then be 7.7 ‰. From 1733 to 1795, the rate would be 8.7‰. Contrary to expectation, it appears the population survey in Xining county since the Yongzheng period (1723–1735) was reliable.

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According to Vol. 11 of Daxian Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949), in 1739 (Qianlong 4th year) and 1794 (Qianlong 59th year), there were respectively 11,345 and 11,347 “chengliang huahu” (the households paying tax in grains), and in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), 37,997 “chengliang huahu” and 64,910 “huamin” (inhabitants). The average person-per-household ratio would be less than two. The record also mentions that the “commonly known chengliang huahu equals to lianghu, and kedianzhe (in-flow migrant tenants) is also known as huahu.” Therefore, “chengliang huahu” contained both “changliang” and “huahu,” which covered the entire population. In 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), the number of “chengliang huahu” certianly increased, thereby suggesting a significant difference between the year’s “chengliang huahu” and those of 1739 (Qianlong 4th year) and 1794 (Qianlong 59th year). According to Vol. 3 of Dazhu Xian Zhi, in 1811 (Jiaqing 16th year), there were 22,795 households and 102,741 ding—figures that are consistent with the records in Qianlong Min Shu Ce but only 64.9% and 52.9% of the figures in Sichuan Tong Zhi. It was mentioned in Dazhu Xian Zhi that in “hukou qingce” (household registration book) in mid-Guangxu period (1875–1908), there were 101,685 “yanhu,” 192,285 male ding, and 132,182 female kou, that is, a total of 324,476 inhabitants. We deduce here that the number of “hu” was questionably close to the number of either kou or ding in Qianlong Min Shu Ce and Dazhu Xian Zhi. As a result, we discarded the data. If we adjust the sex ratio of the population to 110 during the Guangxu period (1875–1908), the population would then be 367,000. Also, if we consider the “mid-Guangxu period” to be the year 1890 (Guangxu 16th year), based on the 191,000 kou documented in Sichuan Tong Zhi, we determine that from 1812 to 1890, the average annual growth rate of the population was 8.4‰, and then by 1953, it remained 8.4‰. We consider these numbers reasonable. With an average annual growth rate of 8.4‰, in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the population of Suiding fu ought to be 1.083 million, and with an average annual growth rate of 10‰, in 1774 (Qianlong 41st year), the population ought to be 699,000. 10

Taiping Ting

According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Taiping ting had 26,000 households and 82,000 inhabitants—figures consistent with the statistics in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). In Qianlong Min Shu Ce, however, the number of households was 13,000 while the number of inhabitants was 53,000, that is, only 50.2% and 64.7% of the statistics of Sichuan Tong Zhi. If we assume that the average person per household was 5, then the average annual

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population growth rate from 1812 to 1953 was 8.2‰. With an average annual growth rate of 8‰, in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), Taiping ting had about 140,000 inhabitants, and at a rate of 9‰, in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the population would have been about 96,000. 11

Kuizhou Fu

According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Kuizhou had 26,100 households, 86,100 inhabitants, and an average person per household of 4.6. However, in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), the record indicated that Kuizhou had 186,000 households, 662,000 households, and an average person per household of 3.6. According to Qianlong Min Shu Ce, the household and population numbers were 103,000 and 429,000. The population number was 64.8% compared to the numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820) and 49.8% when compared to the numbers in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. After the comparison, we find that the population figures in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi were more reliable. If we assume that the average person per household was 5, then in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), Kuizhou fu had a population of 1.303 million, and by 1953, the average annual growth rate of the population was 7.9‰. If we assume that the average annual growth rate was 8‰, we can estimate, based on the number in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), that in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the population was 918,000 inhabitants. 12

Zhongzhou and Shizhut Ting

According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Zhongzhou had 173,000 households, 497,000 inhabitants, and an average person per household of 2.9. However, according to Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), Zhongzhou had 131,000 households, 409,000 inhabitants, and an average person per household of 3.1, while in Qianlong Min Shu Ce the figures were 81,000 households, 309,000 inhabitants, and an average person per household of 3.8. If we assume that the average person per household was 5, in 1812, the population of Zhongzhou was about 653,000, and by 1953, the average annual population growth rate was 8.4‰. In 1820, the population was 865,000 inhabitants, and by 1953, the average population growth rate was 6.8‰. After comparing these numbers, we determine that the 1812 numbers were more credible. Vol. 3 of Dianjiang Xian Zhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908) and Vol. 2 of Shizhu Ting Xin Zhi edited in the Daoguang period (1821–1850) contain

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numbers of the households and the population 1811 (in Jiaqing 16th year), both of which were lower than the numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). The number of households in Vol. 7 of Zhongzhou Zhili Zhou Zhi edited in the Tongzhi period (1862–1874), however, was slightly lower than the corresponding number in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), while the number of inhabitants was slightly higher. Assuming that the average person per household was 5, in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), the population was 102,000, and by 1953 the average annual growth rate was 8.2‰—figures that were similar to the situation in Zhongzhou. Considering the average annual growth rate was 8.4‰, we determine based on the 1953 numbers that in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), Zhongzhou had 698,000 inhabitants, and that, with an average annual growth rate of 9‰, in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the population was 473,000 inhabitants. Similarly, with an average annual growth rate of 8.2‰, in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the population of Shizhu ting would have been 108,000 compared to 75,000 in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) given an annual population growth rate of 8.5‰. In short, within the five prefectural administrative districts in western Sichuan, the household numbers of at least four recorded in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820) are assumed to be reliable. In other words, the problems with the statistics of Sichuan Tong Zhi were caused by unbelievably low person-per-household ratios. No patterns are discernable regarding the statistics of Jiaqing Yitong Zhi for the region. In fact, the figures were either too high or too low. Meanwhile, the figures in Qianlong Min Shu Ce were about half of those in Sichuan Tong Zhi. 13

Mianzhou

According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Mianzhou had 210,000 households, 1.104 million inhabitants with an average person per household of 5.3; therefore, by 1953, the average annual population growth rate was only 3.1‰. According to Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), Mianzhou had 157,000 households, 772,000 inhabitants with an average person per household of 4.9. By 1953 therefore, the average annual population growth rate was only 5.5‰. Relatively speaking, it seems that the data from Sichuan Tong Zhi are more reasonable. The records of Qianlong Min Shu Ce indicating that Mianzhou had 96,000 households and 347,000 inhabitants, did not include Luojiang county, and therefore were incomplete. In addition, it is noteworthy that the person-per-household ratios of Mianzhou recorded in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi and Sichuan Tong Zhi were close to our standard baseline

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that was completely different from the standard baseline for the regions in central and eastern Sichuan. From 1812 to 1953, the average annual population growth rates of most counties in Mianzhou was about 5‰ with the exception of Zitong county that, had a rate as high as 7.3‰ due to the abnormally high sex ratio of 144 in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year) resulting from incomplete female population data. After adjusting the figures, the average annual growth rate ought to be 6.4‰. In 1959, Luojiang county became part of Mianyang, Deyang, Anyang counties—a merge that was probably caused by the small population or economic underdevelopment of Luojiang county. Therefore, it is not surprising that the average annual population growth rate of Luojiang County from 1812 to 1953 was lower, only 4.1‰. According to Vol. 8 of Mianzhou Zhi edited in the Tongzhi period (1862–1874), in 1771 (Qianlong 35th year), Mianzhou was absorbed by and came under the jurisdiction of Luojiang county. However, in 1802 (Jiaqing 7th year), Mianzhou resumed its old administrative system. Luojiang was then re-established with 12,000 households, 54,000 inhabitants, and an average person-per-household of 4.7. The capital of Mianzhou had 16,000 households and 75,000 inhabitants, with an average of 4.7 inhabitants per household. It should be noted that this account of the household and population situation of Mianzhou was from 1771 (Qianlong 36th year). From 1771 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Luojiang county was 6.6‰. At this rate, the population of Luojiang county in 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) ought to be 64,000, and the population of the entire Mianzhou fu ought to be 411,000. Therefore, from 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Mianzhou was 8.9‰. Based on the data from Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), if we assume that the average annual growth rate was 5.5‰, we can determine that in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the population of Mianzhou was 806,000, while in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) the population was 633,000. 14

Chengdu Fu

According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Chengdu fu had 1.707 million households, 5.484 million inhabitants with an average person per household ratio of 3.2 while according to Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), there were 1.167 million households, 3.837 million inhabitants with an average person per household ratio of 3.3. Meanwhile, according to Qianlong Min Shu Ce, Chengdu only had 449,000 households and 1.624 million

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inhabitants—only half of the figures documented in Sichuan Tong Zhi. If we adjusted the person-per-household rate to five in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), Chengdu would then have 5.835 million inhabitants, close to the 5.902 million in 1953. The population in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi was also close to the population in 1953—which is questionable. On the contrary, if the person-per-household ratio is adjusted, from 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year) to 1953, the average annual population growth rate would be 3‰, and from 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) to 1953, it would be 8.2‰. The records of the household and population of Chengdu fu in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820) show a deviation from the pattern obtained from the figures of the aforementioned 13 prefectural districts the 1953 data. However, these data require further investigation by studying the county-level data. Vol. 2 of Chengdu Xian Zhi, edited in the Tongzhi period (1862–1874), contains records of the Eight Banners moving to Sichuan. From 1667 (Kangxi 6th year) to 1871 (Tongzhi 10th year), the average annual growth rate of the Manchurian and Mongolian Eight Banners was 4‰ with regard to the household numbers and 4.4‰ with regard to the number of inhabitants. The average person-per-household ratio was about 3. The relatively low ratio was caused by the fact that the majority of the in-flowing Eight Banners in 1667 (Kangxi 6th year) were young soldiers having small families, and in 1871 (Tongzhi 10th year), by the restriction on the occupational choices of the Eight Banners and their descendants. According to Vol. 2 of Shuangliu Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949), in 1795 (Qianlong 60th year), Shuangliu county had 30,000 households, 94,000 inhabitants, and an average person per household of 3.1. However, according to Qianlong Min Shu Ce, Shuangliu county had 23,000 households, 76,000 inhabitants, and an average person per household of 3.3— much smaller than the statistics in Shuangliu Xian Zhi. According to Vol. 2 of Shuangliu Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949), in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), Shuangliu county had 32,000 households, 97,000 inhabitants, and an average person per household of 3.1. However, in Qianlong Min Shu Ce, Shuangliu county had 67,000 households, 182,000 inhabitants, and an average person per household of 2.7. The overall population succeeded the 175,000 inhabitants in 1953. According to Shuangliu Xianzhi, from 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) to 1953, the average annual population growth rate was 5.3‰; from 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) to 1953, and from 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year) to 1953, it was 4.2‰. Both ratios are reasonable. Only the figures of Sichuan Tongzhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820) exceeded the 1953 numbers, which was clearly unreasonable.

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In addition, the recorded numbers of households and population in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year) in Shuangliu Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949) were only half of the numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). The repeated appearance of a 50% gap leads to my speculation that the numbers from Sichuan Tong Zhi were fabricated based on the data from Qianlong Min Shu Ce or the county references. As for the county-level data, a significant proportion of the population outside of “chengliang huahu” (the households paying tax in grains) in central and eastern Sichuan remained unaccounted for. It is likely that the editors of Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820) fabricated the figures of the inhabitants in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year) based on the assumption that the proportion of “chengliang huahu” against “wei chengliang huahu” (the households not paying tax in grains) in the regions was 1:1. The editors of Sichuan Tong Zhi, edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), probably were not aware that the local records and the records in Qianlong Min Shu Ce were accurate for some of the counties under Chengdu fu. Therefore, when the editors of Sichuan Tongzhi doubled these accurate numbers, they came up with an abnormally high number of inhabitants that even surpassed the 1953 figures. According to Vol. 2 of Xindu Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949), in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), Xindu county had 21,000 households, 84,000 inhabitants, and an average of person per household of 3.9, that is, only 47% of the numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). Based on the figures recorded in Xindu Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949), by 1953, the average annual population growth rate was 3.2‰. Furthermore, based on the figures in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), from 1812 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate was −2.1‰. After comparing with the numbers in Xindu Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949) in 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) and those from Qianlong Min Shu Ce, we determine that the figures from the latter source were more credible given that the average annual growth rate was 5.6‰. From the above, it is clear that the exaggeration of households and population data of Xindu county in local records started in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). According to Vol. 3 of Shifang Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949), in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), Shifang county had 49,000 huahu (households), 148,000 inhabitants with an average person per household of 3. However, in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), the number of inhabitants was 175,000 resulting in an incredible average person per household of only 2.4. Meanwhile, according to Qianlong Min Shu Ce,

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Shifang county had 27,000 households, 81,000 inhabitants with an average person per household of 3, that is, only 46.1% of the figures in Sichuan Tong Zhi. It appears the figures in Sichuan Tong Zhi were fabricated based on the data of Qianlong Min Shu Ce, which indicated that from 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) to 1953, the average annual population growth rate was 7‰—which was credible. The rate was only 2.4‰ from 1812 to 1953 based on the data from Sichuan Tong Zhi. According to Vol. 3 of Xinfan Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949), in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), Xinfan county had 12,000 households and 33,000 inhabitants, that is, only 15% of the figures in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). From 1953 (Jiaqing 17th year) to 1953, the average annual population growth rate was as high as 9.7‰, according to Xinfan Xian Zhi. The high rate was caused by the inclusion of part of the population of Chengdu county in the 1953 population figures of Xinxian county following the adjustment of the administrative districts. According to Sichuan Tong Zhi, the rate was −3.8‰, which was unreliable. The records of Qianlong Minshu Ce show that Xinfan had 26,000 households and 91,000 inhabitants, with an average person per household of 3.5. By 1953, the average annual growth rate of the population of Xinfan county was only 2.2‰. Therefore, we determine that the numbers in Xinfan Xian Zhi were lower than the actual numbers, while in Qianlong Min Shu Ce higher. This book does not conduct a detailed analysis of the household and population data in Peng Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949), Hanzhou Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), Chongning Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949), Xinjin Xian Zhi edited in the Daoguang period (1821–1850), Wenjiang Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949), and Jintang Xian Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). Therefore, from the above discussion, the following conclusions can be reached regarding the four counties as well Shuangliu, Xindu Xinfan, and Shifang counties: Except for Jintang county, the data in Qianlong Min Shu Ce were relatively more accurate for all the 10 counties (namely Shuangliu, Chengdou, Xindou, Xinfan, Pengxian, Hanzhou, Chongning, Xinjin, and Wenjiang). The local records for the four counties of Shuangliu, Pengxian, Hanzhou, and Chongning were, generally, more reliable. However, the data from Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820) was reliable for only Jintang county. In Qianlong Minshu Ce, the nine counties, including Shuangliu, had a total of 801,000 inhabitants in 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) 1873,000 in 1953, with an annual population growth rate from 1795 to 1953 of 5.4‰. However, according to Qianlong Min Shu Ce, the total population of Chengdu fu was 1.624 million,

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and by 1953, the average annual growth rate of the population was as high as 8.4‰. After a close investigation, we found that of the 16 counties of Chengdu fu, nine including Shuangliu, Chengdou, Xindou, Xinfan, Pengxian, Hanzhou, Chongning, Xinjin, and Wenjiang, had the lowest average population annual growth rates from 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year) to 1953. It should be noted that counties including Jianzhou, Jintang, and Chongqing that had high average population annual growth rates were not listed among them. For example, based on the figures in Sichuan Tongzhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), which doubled the numbers from Qianlong Min Shu Ce. Even then, by 1953, the growth rate of Jianzhou was still as high as 10.5‰. Therefore, we can conclude that the population numbers in Qianlong Min Shu Ce were significantly smaller than the actual numbers. This is also the case with Jiantang and Chongqing counties. Thus, we speculate that the growth rates of the nine counties, including Shuangliu can represent the overall growth rate level in Chengdu fu. This speculation is also supported by our findings in the local records, which indicate that the four counties, including Shuangliu had 448,000 inhabitants in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), 1 million in 1953 with an average annual population growth rate of 5.7‰. Jianzhou was located in the southeast of Chengdu fu. The vast area of Jianzhou suggests that, compared with the areas near Chengdu prefectural city, Jianzhou had more land and, therefore, could harbor more people. This explains why it experienced higher population growth. The condition of Chongqing fu was roughly the same. With an average annual growth rate of 5.5‰, in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the regions, with the exception of Jianzhou, Chongqing (written as 崇庆), and Jintang counties under Chengdu fu, had a population of 1.79 million. If we assume that the average annual growth rate was 8‰, we can determine that in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the population of Jianzhou and Chongqing was about 538,000. With an average annual rate of 7.5‰, the population of Jiantang county in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) was 237,000. That means the total population of Chengdu fu in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) ought to be about 2.565 million. Between the late Qianlong and Jiaqing periods, the large-scale in-flow migration to Sichuan ended, and the growth rate of the population declined to the natural level. The natural rate of population growth remained relatively high for some time after the arrival of migrants. With reference to the situation in the surrounding prefectures, we understand that from 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) to 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), the average annual population growth rate was 8‰, making it possible to determine that in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the population was 1.806 million.

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207

Qiongzhou

There were three counties under the jurisdiction of Qiongzhou, namely Qiongzhoucapital, Pujiang and Dayi. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Qiongzhou had 112,000 households, 612,000 inhabitants, and an average person per household of 5.5. However, in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), there were 88,000 households, 470,000 inhabitants with 5.3 persons per household, while in Qianlong Min Shu Ce the figures were 63,000 households, 279,000 inhabitants, and 4.4 persons per household. According to Vol. 17 of Qiongzhou Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), in 1795 (Qianlong 60th year), the capital of Qiongzhou had 136,000 inhabitants, and in 1805 (Jiaqing 10th year) it had 144,000 inhabitants meaning the annual average growth rate of the population was 6.1‰. According to Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), in 1812, the capital of Qiongzhou had 155,000 inhabitants—a number that seems to have been made to correspond with the 1795 numbers. In Qianlong Min Shu Ce, the population was only 101,000, which was much smaller than the number documented in Qiongzhou Zhi and therefore unreasonable. From 1812 to 1953, the average annual growth rate of the population of the capital of Qiongzhou was 7.1‰. According to Vol. 17 of Qiongzhou Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), Dayi had 66,000 households and 168,000 inhabitants with an unbelievably low sex ratio of only 53. In Sichuan Tong Zhi, the household and population numbers were 28,000 and 175,000, and by 1953, the average annual population growth rate was 4.1‰. According to Qianlong Min Shu Ce, Dayi county had 20,000 households and 103,000 inhabitants. Therefore, from 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Dayi was 7‰. That means, at this rate, in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), Dayi county had 116,000 inhabitants. According to Vol. 17 of Qiongzhou Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796– 1820), in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), Pujiang county had 19,000 households and 94,000 inhabitants. By 1953, the average annual population growth rate was 2.5‰. Based on these numbers recorded in Qianlong Min Shu Ce, in 1795 (Qianlong 60th year), the population was 75,000, and by 1953, the average annual population growth rate was 3.7‰—seemingly more reasonable than the rate recorded in Qiongzhou Zhi. According to Sichuan Tong Zhi, edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), the population in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year) was larger than that of 1953 and therefore discarded. It can be concluded based on the data in Qianlong Min Shu Ce that Dayi and Pujiang figures were relatively reasonable, and the population of the capital of Qiongzhou was relatively lower. However, by replacing them

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with the corresponding figures in Qiongzhou Zhi, we determine that in 1795 (Qianlong 60th year), Qiongzhou had 314,000 inhabitants, and in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), the three counties had a total of 364,000 inhabitants. That means the average annual population growth rate during the 17 years was 8.8‰. At this rate, we determine that in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the population of Qiongzhou was 266,000, and in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the population was 390,000 inhabitants. 16

Long’an Fu

Under its jurisdiction, Long’an fu had four counties: Pingwu, Jiangyou, Shiquan, and Changming. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Long’an fu had 130,000 households and 833,000 inhabitants—a questionable number, given that it was significantly higher than the 651,000 inhabitants in 1953. However, based on the record of Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), Long’an had 92,000 households, 579,000 inhabitants, and by 1953, the average annual population growth rate was only 0.8‰. Meanwhile, according to Qianlong Min Shu Ce, Long’an had 48,000 households and 280,000 inhabitants, only half of the number recorded in Sichuan Tong Zhi. Based on the figures in Qianlong Min Shu Ce, the average annual growth rate of the population was 5.3‰ by 1953. The household and population numbers of Pingwu, Shiquan, and Zhangming counties “after 1796 (Jiaqing 1st year)” in Vol. 3 of Long’an Fu Zhi edited in the Daoguang period (1821–1850) were the same as in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). Unlike the county-level sex ratios of the other regions in Sichuan Tong Zhi, the sex ratio of Jiangyou county, as indicated by the records of Sichuan Tong Zhi, was reasonable. However, the number of the total population of the county seems extremely unreasonable. The population numbers of the county after the mid-Jiaqing period, as documented in Vol. 9 of Jiangyou Xian Zhi and Vol. 3 of Shiquan Xian Zhi, both edited in the Daoguang period (1821–1850), surpassed that of 1953, while the numbers in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year) in Vol. 8 of Zhangming Zhi edited in the Tongzhi period (1862–1874) approached the figures of 1953, meaning they were all incredible. As far as Long’an fu is concerned, the numbers in Qianlong Min Shu Ce were 48.4% of those in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). This further proves that Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796– 1820), may have considered the originally registered population as only part of the total population. Based on the above discussion, we estimate that Long’gan fu had a total of 280,000 inhabitants, and by 1953, the average annual

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population growth rate was 5.3‰. According to Vol. 8 of Zhangming Zhi edited in the Tongzhi period (1862–1874), from 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) to 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), the average annual population growth rate of Zhangming county was 6‰. Based on these figures, in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the population of Long’an fu ought to be about 251,000, and in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) was 326,000. 17

Meizhou

Under Meizhou prefecture there werefour counties: Meizhou, Danling, Pengshan, and Qingshen. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Meizhou prefecture had 151,000 households and 764,000 inhabitants. In the records of Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), Meizhou had 107,000 households and 551,000 inhabitants. However, in Qianlong Min Shu Ce, the records indicated that there were 72,000 households and 289,000 inhabitants. In 1953, Meizhou had a population of 855,000, and given that the figures in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi were too close to those in 1953, they are questionable. The average annual population growth rate from 1812 to 1953 was 3.1‰—too low to be considered. In contrast, we retain the rate from 1795 to 1953, which was 6.9‰. At the county level, the data in Sichuan Tong Zhi shows significant discrepancies among the counties in terms of the average annual population growth: by 1953, the growth rate of Meizhou was as high as 7‰, while that of Qingshen was almost 0, and that of Danling was −2.2‰. According to Danling Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949), in 1799 (Jiaqing 4th year), Dalling had 5,000 households, 44,000 inhabitants, and by 1953 the average annual growth rate of the population was 5.1‰, rather than negative. The numbers of households and population were 15,000 and 65,000 respectively in Qianlong Min Shu Ce, meaning that the average annual growth rate of the population was 2.4‰, which was more credible. According to Vol. 7 of Qingshen Xian Zhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in 1811 (Jiaqing 16th year), Dalling had 17,000 households, 73,000 inhabitants, and by 1953, the average annual population growth rate was 4.2‰, instead of zero. Meanwhile, according to Qianlong Min Shu Ce, there were 15,000 households and a population of 65,000 suggesting that the figures were based on the same source as those in Qingshen Xian Zhi. From 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) to 1811 (Jiaqing 16th year), the average annual population growth rate was 6.6‰. According to Vol. 3 of Pengshan Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949), in 1799 (Jiaqing 4th year), Pengshan had 17,000 households and 77,000 inhabitants. The same record also shows that the number of inhabitants

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in 1811 (Jiaqing 16th year) exceeded the number in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), and it was close to the 1953 level. Based on the population figures in 1799 (Jiaqing 4th year), we determine that by 1953, the average annual population growth rate was 5.8‰. According to Vol. 6 of Meizhou Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), in 1799 (Jiaqing 4th year), the capital of Mezhou had 29,000 households and 109,000 inhabitants with an average person per household of only 3.7, relatively low. Compared with the numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), the number of households was slightly lower, while the population was much lower. Based on the numbers in Meizhou Zhi, by 1953, the average annual population growth rate was 9.1‰, that is, incredibly high. Meanwhile, according to Qianlong Min Shu Ce, Meizhou had 28,000 households, 99,000 inhabitants, and an average person per household of 3.5. From 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) to 1953, the average annual population growth rate would have been 9.5 ‰, equally incredibly high. If we replace the population figures of the capital of Meizhou from Qianlong Minshu Ce with the figures in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820) and slighly increase the population of Pengshan county, we can estimate that in 1795 (Qianlong 60th year), the population of Meizhou was about 360,000 inhabitants and that by 1953, the average annual population growth rate was 5.5‰. Based on the above discussion, we understand that the annual average population growth rate of Qingshen county from 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) to 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year) was 6.6‰, and we can estimate that in 1776, the population of Meizhou was 318,000, while in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), it was 424,000. 18

Jiading Fu

According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Jiading fu had 439,000 households and 2.065 million inhabitants, whereas in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), the records indicated that the number of households was 307,000 and the population was 1.525 million. As for Qianlong Min Shu, there were 174,000 households and 818,000 inhabitants. The figures in Qianlong Min Shu Ce were only about half the figures in Sichuan Tong Zhi, as demonstrated by the above discussion on the situations in central and eastern Sichuan. In 1953, the population of Jiading fu was 2.81 million. From 1820 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate was 2.3‰; from 1812 to 1953, it was 4.3‰; and from 1795 to 1953, it was 7.8‰. It is difficult to tell which one of these numbers is more reliable.

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At the county level, according to Sichuan Tonghi (The General Records of Sichuan), the population numbers of the three counties of Emei, Hongya, and Jiajiang surpassed those in 1953; however, the corresponding numbers in Qianlong Min Shu Ce were only about 50% the numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi. Considering that by 1953 the average annual population growth rate was 2.8‰, 2.5‰, and 3.7‰, it is apparent that the figures in Qianlong Minshu Ce were more reliable. In addition, according to Sichuan Tong Zhi, within the 141-year period, the average annual population growth rate of Rongxian was as high as 10.2‰, while the rates of the other counties only ranged between 4‰ and 7‰. As can be observed from the example of the three counties including Emei, in some of the areas of rapid population growth, the mistakenly doubled population numbers of 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) and 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year) in Sichuan Tong Zhi were still lower than the 1953 numbers, a suggestion that population growth makes it hard for researchers to notice mistakes. With regards to regions where the growth was insignificant, the doubling could even cause the population numbers in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year) to become larger than those of 1953, making the mistake more apparent. According to Vol. 2 of Weiyuan Xianzhi (Weiyuan Records) edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), Weiyuan county had 36,000 households and 154,000 inhabitants. In 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), there were 46,000 households and 161,000 individuals, according to Sichuan Tong Zhi. Meanwhile, according to Qianlong Min Shu Ce, the number of households was 16,000 while the population was 76,000—only half the figures in 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year). If we base our calculation on the figures in Qianlong Min Shu Ce, then from 1795 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate was 10.8‰, that is, too high. In contrast, given that the growth rate between 1812 and 1953was 6.8‰, we deduce that the figures numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi for Wiyuan county were correct, while those in Qianlong Min Shu Ce were wrong. Based on the data in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796– 1820), from 1812 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Rongxian was as high as 10.2‰. It is probable that the high growth rate was related to the development of the well salt industry in the region. As a result of the development of the well salt industry and regional urbanization, in 1939, Gongjing region of Rongxian county and Ziliujing region of Fushun county were merged and formed Zigong city. In 1953, the population of Rongxian county included half the population of Zigong city. However, according to Qianlong Min Shu Ce, Rongxian county had 23,000 households and 103,000 inhabitants, only 55.7% of the numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi. In other words, from 1795 to 1953, the population of Rongxian county grew at an incredible rate of 12.9‰.

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Relatively speaking, the data from Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820) were more accurate regarding Rongxian. Even for the counties under the same prefecture, the credibility of the data from a particular source varied: sometimes the correct data were from Qianlong Min Shu Ce and sometimes from Sichuan Tong Zhi. According to Qianlong Minshu Ce, in 1795 (Qianlong 60th year), Jiaqing fu had a total of 818,000 inhabitants. If we assume that the population figures of Weiyuan and Rongxian counties in Sichuan Tong Zhi rather than those in Qianlong Min Shu Ce were correct, then we can deduce that the prefectural population was 956,000, and by 1953, the average annual population growth rate was 6.8‰. At this rate, the population of Jiading fu was 840,000 in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) and 1.132 million in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year). 19

Xuzhou Fu

According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Xuzhou fu had 517,000 households and 1.736 million inhabitants. However, according to Sichuan Tong Zhi, there were 394,000 households and 1.415 million inhabitants while the records of Qianlong Min Shu Ce indicated that the number of households was 221,000, and the population was 881,000—only about half of the numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi. In 1953, the population of the prefecture was 3.92 million, whereas the average annual population growth rate was 6.1‰ from 1820 to 1953, 7.3‰ from 1812 to 1953, and 9.4‰ from 1795 to 1953. It is hard to determine which set of the abovementioned numbers was more credible? According to Sichuan Tong Zhi, edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), within the 141-year period, the population of Leiboting showed negative growth caused by population changes in the ethnic minority regions. Given that the extent of the changes was not significant, we chose not to discuss them here. On the contrary, Gaoxian and Xingwen counties witnessed zero population growth and warrant further discussion. According to Vol. 13 of Xingwen Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949), from 1730 (Yongzheng 8th year) to 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), the “cezai huahu” (registered households) gradually increased by 31,000, only 40% of the recorded number in Sichuan Tong Zhi. Furthermore, by 1887 (Guangxu 13th year), there was an additional 2,000 “cezai huahu” (registered households), 11,000 “you yanhu” (additional households), and 49,000 inhabitants. From 1887 to 1953, the average annual growth rate of “yanhu” in Xingwen county was 7.5‰, and from 1812 to 1953, the “huahu” population of Xingwen county had an average annual growth rate of 6.7‰. Thus, we can conclude that in the above-mentioned record “yanhu” and “huahu”

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were essentially the same. Not only that, but the population growth rate of Xingwen county also indicates that the population figures in Sichuan Tong Zhi for Xingwen, Gaoxian, and Leiboting in Sichuan Tong Zhi were all fabricated. According to Vol. 7 of Qingfu Zhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), from 1782 (Qianlong 47th year) to 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), the “baobu chengliang huahu” (reported households paying tax in grains) had 15,000 households and a total population of males and females of 66,000. Here, “chengliang huahu” refers to the whole population, but the number only accounted for 69% of the number in Sichuan Tong Zhi. The numbers of households and population in Qianlong Min Shu Ce were 11,000 and 56,000, respectively, slightly lower than the numbers in the local records. According to the county records, from 1812 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate was 6.3‰, while in Qianlong Min Shu Ce, the number was 6.7‰. Relatively speaking, the data from the county records and Qianlong Min Shu Ce were more credible than those from Sichuan Tong Zhi. The recorded numbers of several counties, including Yibin, Fushun, and Longchang in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), were much lower than the actual numbers. From 1812 to 1953, the fastest population growth among the counties under Xuzhou was in Yibin, Fushun, and Longchang where the average annual growth rates were 11.2‰, 11.6‰, and 9.9‰ respectively. The high growth rates can be explained by the substantial urbanization of Yibin since the modern times and the urbanization of and development of the salt industry in Zigong that led to a significant increase in the population of Fushun and Longchang. Nevertheless, it was unlikely to maintain such rapid growth for such a long period. In addition, in Qianlong Min Shu Ce, the population numbers of most of the counties were only half of those in Sichuan Tong Zhi. Therefore, if we base our calculation on the population figures in Qianlong Min Shu Ce, the resulting rates will only be higher. Here again, we have encountered the same problem as during our discussion of the population of Rongxian county under Jiading fu. Vol. 5 of Fushun Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949) contained the population numbers of Fushun county in 1767 (Qianlong 32nd year), 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), 1810 (Jiaqing 15th year), and 1815 (Jiaqing 20th year): 123,000, 133,000, 178,000 and 216,000 respectively. On the basis of these numbers, plus the 160,000 recorded in Qianlong Minshu Ce, the average annual growth rate of each period was about 9‰ by 1810 (Jiaqing 15th year). This means that the numbers from Fushun Xian Zhi, edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949), and Qianlong Minshu Ce were based on the same sources that were also the sources of the numbers in the Yongzheng period (1723–1735). The records failed to take the entire population into account, which is why in

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the records of 1767 (Qianlong 32nd year), the term “tuzhu” (indigenous population) was utilized. In 1815 (Jiaqing 20th year), it appears that there was a sudden rapid growth in the population of Fushun county. After a detailed analysis, we found that this number was from Sichuan Tongzhi, edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). It is noteworthy that the Tongzhi was complied in 1816 (Jiaqing 21st year). The majority of the population data were from 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), while some were from 1815 (Jiaqing 20th year). The editors of Sichuan Tong Zhi probably realized that the numbers before did not cover the entire population, considering that they used the numbers of 1815 (Jiaqing 20th year) instead of 1810 (Jiaqing 15th year). However, because there was a significant number of “floating migrants from other provinces,” they started to take into account the immigrants in 1815 (Jiaqing 20th year). However, the total in-flow population was not accounted for. This would then explain why the number of inhabitants for Fushun county in 1815 (Jiaqing 20th year) remained low. How to determine the real population growth rate of Xuzhou fu? According to Vol. 8 of Xuzhou Fuzhi (Xuzhou Fu Records), Xuzhou had a total of 490,000 households, 2.738 million inhabitants, and an average person per household of 5.6. It was also indicated that in 1910 (Xuantong 2nd year), the numbers of households and inhabitants were 3.049 million and 3.92 million, respectively. If we assume that the household and population numbers of Xuzhou fu during the Guangxu period (1875–1908) were from 1893 (Guangxu 19th year), that is, two years before the compilation of Xuzhou Fuzhi in 1895 (Guangxu 21st year), we can deduce that the average annual growth rate of Xuzhou was 6.3‰ from 1893 (Guangxu 19th year) to 1910 (Xuantong 2nd year), to 5.9‰ 1953, and 6‰ from 1893 to 1953. In short, from the late Qing Dynasty to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Xuzhou fu remained roughly stable at about 6‰. Given this rate, we determine that in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the population of Xuzhou was 1.769 million, very close to the 1.736 million documented in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. If we set 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) as our starting point based on the situation of Jiading fu, and assume an average annual population growth rate of 7‰, we determine that back in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the population was 1.301 million. In conclusion, after comparing the statistics of the seven western Sichuan prefectures, including Meizhou and Chengdu, and those of central and eastern Sichuan, we reach the following conclusions: First, Qianlong Minshu Ce took into account the entire population. Second, if we consider that the records in Qianlong Min Shu Ce were incomplete and double the recorded figures, we will arrive at numbers that either exceed those of 1953 or lead to an extremely low rate of population growth from 1812 to 1953.

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Yazhou Fu

This section considers the six prefectures of Yazhou, Ningyuan, Maozhou, Maogongting, Lifanting, and Songpanting as the border regions of west Sichuan. The regions, which were populated by the majority of Sichuan’s ethnic minority groups, were the transitional zone between Sichuan Basin and Qinghai-Tibet Plateau, populated by the majority of Sichuan’s ethnic minority groups. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Yazhou fu had 155,000 households and 857,000 inhabitants. However, according to Sichuan Tong Zhi, edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), there were 158,000 households and 829,000 inhabitants, meaning that the figures were calculated on the same basis as in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. However, in Qianlong Min Shu Ce, the number of households was 69,000, and the population was 315,000, with the data of Dajianlu (today’s Kangding) missing. In other words, the population numbers of Yazhou fu, with the exclusion of the population of Dajianlu in Qianlong Min Shu Ce, was only half of the figures in Sichuan Tong Zhi. At the county level, it appears that from 1812 to 1953, the population of Ya’an county hardly changed. The household and population numbers of Ya’an county in 1815 (Jiaqing 20th year) in Vol. 2 of Ya’an Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949) were exactly the same as in Sichuan Tong Zhi. However, records show that the population in 1894 (Guangxu 20th year) significantly surpassed that of 1953. The population number of Yingjing county from Vol. 6 of Yingjing Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949) was also higher than the 1953 number. According to “Hukou,” Vol. 5 of Mingshan Xian Zhi, in 1844, the population was 44,000; in 1854, it was 73,000; and in 1865, it was 103,000—same as in Sichuan Tong Zhi but some 50 years late. Apparently, these numbers were questionable. According to Vol. 2 of Tianquan Zhou Zhi edited in the Xianfeng period (1851–1861), in 1811 (Jiaqing 16th year), there were 14,000 households and 68,000 inhabitants, much less than the recorded numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi. Considering that these numbers were true, then the average annual population growth rate over 142 years would be 4.3‰. In the 20th century, Baoxing county was established under Tianquan fu, and part of Baoxing was set up as Kangding county, known, at the time, as Daojianlu ting. Therefore, the average annual population growth rate of the prefecture over the 142 years ought to be higher. After taking into consideration the population of Dajianlu, we estimate that within the 141-year period, the annual population growth rate was 5.6 ‰. According to Vol. 2 of Tianquan Zhou Zhi edited in the Xianfeng period (1851–1861), in 1795 (Qianlong 60th year), there were 8,000 households and 32,000 inhabitants, that is, only 72% of the corresponding numbers in Qianlong

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Min Shu Ce. As demonstrated by the previous examples, whenever the figures of 1795 (Qianlong 60th year) in the local records were lower than the corresponding figures in Qianlong Min Shu Ce and whenever the figures in Qianlong Min Shu Ce appeared reasonable, we used them, thereby discarding the figures in the local records. According to Qianlong Min Shu Ce, the six counties under Yazhou fu, with the exception of Djianlu, had a total of 69,000 households and 315,000 inhabitants. After excluding the population of Dajianlu, the totality from Sichuan Tong Zhi ought to have been 115,000 households and 600,000 inhabitants. The household and population numbers from Qianlong Min Shu Ce were 60.3% and 52.3% of the corresponding numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi. Our previous conclusion regarding the fabrication of the population numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi also applies to this case. With reference to the cases of Tianquan and Mingshan counties, if we assume an average annual growth rate of 5‰, in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the population of Yazhou fu would be around 626,000, and at a rate of 5.5‰, in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the population would be around 492,000. 21

Ningyuan Fu

According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Ningyuan fu had 206,000 households and 1.266 million inhabitants. In Vol. 65 of Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), the household and population numbers were 236,000 and 1.288 million. However, according to Qianlong Min Shu Ce, Ningyuan had 75,000 households and 380,000 inhabitants, about the same numbers as in Sichuan Tong Zhi. In the records of Vol. 3 of Mianning Xian Zhi edited in the Xianfeng period (1851–1861), from 1775 (Qianglong 40th year) to 1810 (Jiaqing 15th year), the county had an increase of 17,000 households and 68,000 inhabitants, and to 1821 (Daoguang 1st year), an increase of 20,000 households and 114,000 inhabitants—questionably close to the 1953 level. Also problematic are the records in Vol. 9 of Huili Zhou Zhi edited in the Tongzhi period (1862–1874), indicating that from 1814 (Jiaqing 19th year), the numbers significantly surpassed those of 1953. According to Sichuan Tong Zhi, Huili fu only had 17,000 households and 90,000 inhabitants, thereby making the 4‰ average annual population growth rate from 1812 to 1953 reasonable. According to Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), apart from the two weisuo (inspection stations) of Dechang and Yanzhong, the five stations of Xichang, Mianning, Yanyuan, Huili, Huexi, and Miyi weisuo

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continued to witness population growth by 1953. The population was 2.069 million in 1953, and from 1812 to 1953, the average annual growth rate n was 3.4‰. Apart from these eight county-level units, the population of “Jianchang zhen xia ge tusi” (the individual tusi under the jurisdiction of Jianchang town) needs closer investigation. Although each tusi had its own district, these districts were located in different parts within the borders of the seven county-level units. In 1812, the tusi under Jianchang town had a total 90,000 households. If we assume that the average person per household was 5, we can estimate that the population was around 452,000. The main question that remains to be answered is, were they Han people or ethnic minorities? According to Vol. 65 of Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), in his report to the court in 1814 (Jiaqing 19th year), Sichuan Governor Changmin mentioned the purpose and scope of the population survey: The survey was intended not only to determine the conditions of the Han population in regions of ethnic minorities, but also to register the ethnic minority population willing to be ruled by the officials appointed by the court. The survey registered a total of 88,000 households and 425,000 inhabitants. Compared with the previously cited numbers, there was a difference of 2,000 households and 27,000 inhabitants. Therefore, we understand that “Jianchang zhen xia ge tusi” in Sichuan Tong Zhi referred to the Han population, rather than to the ethnic minorities. At the county level, according to Sichuan Tong Zhi, 452,000 Han and ethnic minorities lived within the 6 county-level districts other than Changde and Yanzhong. They had 82,000 households, a population of 398,000, while the remaining 8,000 households and 54,000 inhabitants were probably dispersed in the two weisuo of Dechang and Yanzhong. Miyi weisuo was populated by only ethnic minorities. Therefore, the 54,000 inhabitants were supposedly spread out in Dechang, Yanzhng and Miyi. In 1812, the registered population of the three weisu was 253,000, and in 1953, it was 275,000—having witnessed very little growth. After excluding these three weisuo, the average annual growth rate of the population was 5.3‰ from 1812 to 1953, from which we can estimate that in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the population was 812,000, and in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) it was 1.025 million. 22

Maozhou, Lifan Ting, Maogong Ting and Songpan Ting

Maozhou, Lifan ting (also known as Zagu ting), Maogong ting, and Songpan ting, located in northwestern Sichuan, were populated by ethnic minorities,

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including the Tibetans. Because the administrative district was too big, we will only discuss the data at the prefectural level. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, Maogong ting had 7,000 households, about the same number as in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). The number of inhabitants is unknown. If we assume that the average person per household was 5, then from 1812 to 1953, the 5.6‰ average annual population growth rate was roughly reasonable. Qianlong Min Shu Ce contained no records of the population situation of Maogongting and; therefore will not be discussed here. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, the population of Maozhou and Lifan (Zagu) was 399,000 and 261,000, respectively. These numbers are unreasonable given that they are significantly higher than both the numbers in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi and 1953 numbers. The record of Vol. 3 of Maozhou Zhi edited in the Daoguang period (1821–1850) shows a male and female population of 111,000, less than half of the number in Sichuan Tong Zhi, but close to the 114,000 in Qianlong Min Shu Ce. However, this number was significantly larger than the 69,000 in 1953, and, therefore, not credible. The numbers in Vol. 1 of Lifanting Zhi edited in the Tongzhi period (1862–1874) were also questionably larger than the corresponding numbers in 1953. Only the numbers of Songpanting in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi were lower than the numbers in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi where the number of inhabitants was 79,000. For its part, Vol. 2 of Songpan Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949) indicated that since 1796 (Jiaqing 1st year), Songpan ting had a population of 52,000. However, in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), in addition to the abovementioned 52,000, it also mentioned a total of 71,000 “fanmin” (ethnic minority people). Based on these numbers, therefore, by 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Songpan ting was 5.4‰. According to Qianlong Min Shu Ce, Songpan ting had only 4,625 households and 19,367 inhabitants, numbers which were incredibly low and, therefore, unreliable. In areas where the ethnic minority population was concentrated, the records of Qianlong Min Shu Ce were incomplete. In fact, they were considerably low to the extent that some were ignored entirely. Our comprehensive analysis shows that from 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) to 1812 (Jiaqing 17th year), and to 1953, the population of Maozhou and Lifanting had a low growth of 2‰, while the population was slightly smaller than that of 1953. Assuming an average annual growth rate of 5.6‰ and 5.4‰ respectively, we can determine that in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), Maogongting had a population of 39,000 and Songpanting had a population of 75,000, and in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the numbers were 31,000 and 59,000 respectively.

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219

Summary

As demonstrated by Appendix 6, in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the population of Sichuan was 16.504 million. According to Sichuan Tong Zhi, edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), Sichuan fu had 21.658 million inhabitants in 1812. The records of Jiaqing Yitong Zhi show that the population was 28.02 million. This section estimates that in that year, the population was 23.388 million, close to the number in Sichuan Tong Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820) and far from the number in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. However, this result does not attest to the reliability of the population figures in Sichuan Tong Zhi, edited in the Jiaqing period (1796–1820). Due to systematic problems in the statistics, the population figures of several prefectures were either incredibly high or low. After our adjustment, we estimate that from 1776 to 1820, from 1820 to 1910, and from 1910 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Sichuan was largely consistent and regular. Appendix 6 presents the population of each prefecture in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) and 1880 (Guangxu 6th year). The population figures of individual prefectures during the Xuantong period (1909–1911) were reliable. Only those in the western border regions inhabited by ethnic minorities were questionable. After our adjustment, we find that the actual numbers were slightly higher than the registered figures. The numbers for Baoning fu in eastern Sichuan were higher than our estimates, but only to a minor extent, so they were included in Appendix 6.

Chapter 9

Population by Prefecture in Northern China in the Mid-Qing Dynasty 1

Zhili

There is a serious problem in the population data in Zhili prefectures in recoded in Jiaqing yitong zhi. Therefore, an attempt is made to coordinate the population data of various local chorographies. 1.1 Shuntian Fu Volume 145 of Ri Xia Jiuwen Kao (An Extended Chorography of Beijing) recorded the population of Shuntian prefecture by county, but it excluded the urban population of Beijing in 1781 (Qianlong 46th year). Han Guanghui (1996) and Gao Shouxian (2014) had a detailed discussion1 about the urban population of Beijing in Qing Dynasty. Since Wanping county was incorporated into Beijing in 1952, the population of Wanping was excluded from the comparison between the population of Qing and that in 1953. In 1781, Shun Tianfu had a population of 3.755 million while in 1953, it was 56.74 million with an average annual growth rate of 2.4‰. In the 23 counties under the jurisdiction of the Shun Tian Fu, both Wen’an County and Baoding County (incorporated into Wen’an County in 1949) had, exactly the same population of 1.45 million. By comparison and contrast, we determine that the figures of Wen’an County were erroneous. Assuming that the population growth rate was 3‰, the two counties in 1781would have had a population of at least 129,000. That means the registered population was 100,000 inhabitants less than the actual population. From 1781 to 1953, the three counties of Liangxiang and Shunyi, and Pinggu had an annual population growth rate of 8 to 11 percent. If the average annual population growth rate of the three counties was 3‰, then the actual population increase in 1781 was 250,000. In these 23 counties, the population of the three counties of Yongqing, Baodi, and Dacheng was, in fact, more than the population in 1953. This is 1 Han, G. (1996). The History, Population and Geography of Beijing. Beijing: Peiking University Press; Gao, S. (2014). The History of Beijing Population. Beijing: China Renmin University Press.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004688933_010

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nothing normal nor possible. If we assume that the same 3‰ average annual population growth rate was true in 1781 (Qianlong 46th year), the total population of the three counties, including Yongqing would only be 434,000. However, the registers contained over 530,000 more inhabitants. The population data of some other counties in 1781 are also doubtful. For example, the average annual population growth rate of Daxing County in 172 years was only 1.6‰. The decline of the population may have resulted from the urban district readjustment or its adjacency to the capital city Beijing. The population growth rate of the three counties of Dongan, Wuqing, Gu’an was also low. Assuming the average annual population growth rate was 3‰, the total population of the three counties would have been only 597,000 in 1781. However, according to population registers, there were 250,000 more inhabitants. After correcting the errors in the population figures of the above-mentioned ten counties, Shuntian fu (excluding Beijing city) had only a population of 3,325,000 inhabitants in 1781. If this figure is deducted from the base population figure of 160,000 in Wanping county, we are left with an average annual growth rate of 3.4‰ for Shun Tianfu from 1781 to 1953. However, Jiaqing yitong Zhi recorded only 530,000 households and 2,934,000 inhabitants—a significant decline from the figures of 1781. Therefore, the population in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) had been greatly underestimated. No population records of counties in Shun Tian Fu in 1820 have been found, so there is no way to judge how mistakes have occurred. Assuming that the annual average growth rate of 3.4‰ was reasonable, the total population of Shuntian fu in 1820 should be about 3.86 million. It would have a total population of 4.86 million, including 1 million urban inhabitants in Beijing at that time. Regarding the urban population of Beijing, Han Guanghui (1996) calculated that in 1781, the population of Beijing (including inner city, outer city, and 4 suburbs) totaled 987,000 inhabitants. Given that Gao Shouxian (2014) agreed with Han’s opinion, the population of Shuntian fu (including Beijing city) in 1781 had a total population of 4.037 million. If we assume that the average annual growth rate was 3.4‰, then Shuntian fu had a population of 4.235 million in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). Up until 1910 (Xuantong 2nd year), Jingshi (including the inner city, the outer city, the 4 Banners, the Internal Affairs Department, and the 4 suburbs) had 336,000 households, about 1.8 million inhabitants, and an average annual growth rate of 4.7‰. The census of Beijing urban population in 1910 was credible given that it was very detailed with well, structured, and highly categorized information. According to Han Guanghui, the survey conducted by the

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old Beijing Municipal Public Security Bureau in 1948 recorded a population of 2.006 million. The annual average population growth rate from 1910 to 1948 was 2.8‰. From the time Beijing became the capital of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the urban population developed rapidly. In 1953, Beijing had a population of 2,760.800 inhabitants. 1.2 Yongping Fu Volume 45 of Yongping Fu Zhi, edited in the Guangxu period recorded 257,000 households and 1432,000 inhabitants in 1773 (Qianlong 38th year). Up until 1953, Yongping Prefecture had an average population growth rate of 4.1‰. In terms of the data by counties in 1773, Lu long County had an average of 8.8 persons per household. If we adjust the average to 5 persons per household, then we can claim that Lu long County had an average annual population growth rate of 5.6‰ from 1773 to 1953. During the same period, the average annual population growth rate of Qian’an County was 6.4‰. In the 1930s, Qinglong county was established north of the Great Wall in the territory belonging to the counties of Qian’an and Funing. If the population of this area had been counted in, then the average annual population growth rate of Qian’an county would have been higher. The population in Linyu county declined rather than increased probably because, since modern times, people have dispersed as the military and transportation status of Shanhaiguan has declined. The reason could also be that the new Qinglong County itself has absorbed a large number of people from Funing and Linyu. Therefore, the population figures of Yongping prefecture in 1773 (Qianlong 38th year) are not adjusted. In 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), Yongping prefecture had a population of about 1.45 million. Jiaqing Yitong Zhi recorded that Yongping prefecture in 1820 had only 112,000 households and a population of 671,000 inhabitants, no more than half the inhabitants of Yongping fu in 1773. This is completely wrong because if we assume the average annual growth rate to be 4.1‰, then Yongping prefecture, in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), had a population of 1.376 million. 1.3 Zunhua Zhou Volume 21 of Zhili Zunhua Zhou Zhi edited in the Guangxu period recorded 27,000 households and 132,000 inhabitants in 1792 (Qianlong 57th year) with an average of 4.9 persons per household—figures that remain unrealistic even though they correspond to the standard pattern. Jiaqing Yitong Zhi recorded 110,000 households and 702,000 inhabitants, with an average of 6.4 persons per household. The population data of Zunhua in 1792 (Qianlong 57th year), indeed, consisted of tax units.

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Zunhua zhou (prefecture) recorded 167,000 households in 1910. Assuming that the average person per household was 6.4, then the prefecture should have a population of 10.69 million.2 The average population growth rate from 1820 till 1953 was 4.6‰. In 1953, Zunhua fu had a population as high as 2.309 million, including 693,000 inhabitants in Tangshan city, an important industrial city in the North. With the population of Tangshan city excluded, Zunhua fu had a population of only 1,616,000. From 1910 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate was 9.7‰, still too high. Of course, the rise of Tangshan city may have promoted the economic development and population agglomeration of the surrounding area. From 1820 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate in Zunhua was 6.3‰. However, if we assume that the average annual growth rate was 7‰, then Zunhua zhou in 1778 (Qianlong 41st year) had a population of about 540,000. 1.4 Xuanhua Fu Xuanhua fu was the army (wei) was stationed in the Ming Dynasty, and there was a very small civilian population that was administered by the military. The Qing Dynasty changed weisuo to a sub-prefecture (zhou) and county. Volume 10 of Xuanhua FuZhi (Xuanhua Fu Records) recorded 112,000 households and 475,000 inhabitants in 1757 (Qianlong 22nd year). In terms of population data by county, except for Huailai, Xining, Huaian, Weizhou, Wei County, the other six counties had a way too low average number of persons per household. All counties, except Xuanhua county, had an exceptionally high gender ratio, with the female population seriously underreported. This significant deviation of the average number of persons per household and the gender ratio indicates that the census conducted during this period is unreliable given the considerably large number of unreported inhabitants. Jiaqing Yitong Zhi recorded 162,000 households and 839,000 persons with an average of 5.2 persons per household in Xuanhua in 1820. From 1757 to 1820, the annual average population growth rate of Xuanhua was 9.1‰. The number was 7‰ from 1820 to 1953, which, an indication that the population in 1757 was smaller than it should have been. If the average number of persons per household is adjusted to 5, then Xuanhua fu would have a population of 560,000in 1757, with an annual average population growth rate of 6.4‰ till 1820, and 6.8‰ till 1953. Based on the data of 1757, assuming the average annual growth rate was 6.4‰, Xuanhua fu had a population of 632,000 in 1778 (Qianlong 41st year). 2 The data of 1910 was quoted from Han, G. (1996). Geography of Beijing Historic Population.

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1.5 Koubeisan Ting According to Volume 5 of Koubeisan Ting Zhi edited in the Qianlong period, Zhangjiakou and Dushikou had a total of 9000 households and 45,000 inhabitants, assuming there was an average of 5 persons per household. However, the situation in Duron Noor is more complicated. The same record described the streetscape and the range of Xinghua town and Xinsheng ying. Judging from the flock of business people and the booming market, there could easily have been ten thousand inhabitants in the two places. Including the herdsmen, the population in Qianlong 23rd year may have reached 80,000. In 1953, Koubeisan Ting had a population of 253,000 with an average annual growth rate of about 5.9 ‰ over the past 200 years. However, if we assume the average annual growth rate increased to 6‰, then Koubeisan ting had about 90,000 inhabitants in Qianlong 41st year and about 117,000 in Jiaqing 25th year. Unfortunately, Jiaqing Yitong Zhi had no population record of Koubeisan ting. 1.6 Chengde Fu Given that the Summer Resort was built in Jehol in the Kangxi period, Jehol became an important political and cultural center of the Qing Dynasty. By the end of the Guangxu period, Chaoyang fu and Chifeng Zhili zhou (prefecture) were separated from Chengde Prefecture. Volume 23 of Chengdu fu zhi, edited in 1887 (Guangxu 13th year) recorded the population figures of Chengde fu by county before the separation of Chaoyang fu and Chifeng zhou. In 1782 (Qianlong 47th year), there were 110,000 households and 557,000 inhabitants, with an average of 5.1 persons per household. In 1827 (Daoguang 7th year) there were 145,000 households and 784,000 persons with an average of 5.4. persons per household. The population data of Daoguang’ 7th year matched what was recorded in Jiaqing Yitongzhi, and indication that was the number of Jiaqing 25th year. In 1782, Luanping County had 5,000 households and 107,000 inhabitants. In 1820, the number of households rose to 7,000, but the population declined to 46,000. In 1953, Luanping county had a population of 159,000 with an annual average population growth rate of 2.4‰ from 1782 to 1953. The average growth rate from 1820 to 1953 was as high as 9.4‰, but none of the data is reliable. If we assume, based on the figures of neighboring counties, that the annual population growth rate was 7‰ from 1820 to 1953, then Luanping County would have a population of 63,000 in 1820 and 48,000 in 1782. From Qianlong 47th year to Jiaqing 25th year, the population of Chifeng county increased from 22,000 to 113,000 because of the influx of immigrants. In 1953, Chifeng county had about 300,000 inhabitants with an average annual growth rate of 7.4‰ since 1820.

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In 1783 (Qianlong 47th year), Chaoyang county had 15,000 households and 61,000 inhabitants, with an average of 4 persons per household. In 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), it had 32,000 households and 77,000 inhabitants, with an average of 2.4 persons per household. If we assume that the average person per household was 5, then were 159,000 people in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), and the annual growth rate was as high as 25.5‰ between 1782 and 1953. In 1953, Chaoyang county (including Chaoyang county and Beipiao county) had a population of up to 925,000, with a 13.3‰ average annual growth rate since 1820. The ongoing immigration led to the establishment of new counties. For instance, Chaoyang fu (prefecture) was set up by the end of the Guangxu period. This was the same scenario in Fengning county and Jianchang county. From 1783 to 1820, the population of Pingquan county increased from 154,000 to 158,000 even though it had fewer households. From 1783 to 1953, Pingquan county had an average annual population growth rate of 8.6‰ meaning, with this growth rate, Pingquan county must have had at least 214,000 persons in 1820. After adjusting the population data of Luanping county, Pingquan county, and Chaoyang county, the population of Chengde fu (prefecture) must have increased by 155,000 inhabitants in 1820. The total population of Chengde fu reached 939,000 in the same year. In 1953, Chengde fu had a population of 5,970,000 and an average population growth rate as high as 14‰ during 1820–1953. Immigrants largely contributed to the population increase of Chengde. After the adjustment, the total number of persons in Chengde fu decreased by 59,000 to 498,000 in Qianlong 47th year (1783). The Qianlong period witnessed the highest rate of immigration in Chengde fu. Assuming the average annual population growth rate was 10‰ retrospectively, there would be a population of about 495,000 people in Qianlong 41st year. 1.7 Baoding Fu Taking Shulu county, for example, is one of the counties with population records data edited in the Qianlong, Jiaqing, Tongzhi, and Guangxu period. After the adjustment of the gender ratio, Baoding fu had a population of 240,000 in 1796 (Jiaqing first year),240,000, and 316,000 in 1871 (Tongzhi 10th year), and its average annual population growth rate of 3.6‰ during 1796–1871 was quite close to that of the rest of North China. From 1871 to 1953, the annual average population growth rate of Shulu County was only 1.7‰. From 1796 to 1953, the annual average growth rate of Shulu county was 2.6‰. That means Shulu county had a very slow population growth for a century and a half, probably because its population had immigrated.

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According to Volume 3 of Dingxing Xian Zhi, Dingxing county had 22,000 households and 94,000 inhabitants in 1778 (Qianlong 43rd year). In the Daoguang period, Dingxing county had a population as high as 166,000 inhabitants. However, it is impossible to determine the population of specific years because the page in the original book is illegible. Assuming that it was 1850 (Daoguang 30th year), then Dingxing county had an average annual population growth rate as high as 7.9‰ during 1778–1850. In the same book, it is recorded that Dingxing County had 24,000 households and 123,000 inhabitants in 1873 (Tongzhi 12th year), meaning the population significantly declined compared with that of the Daoguang period. The population in 1883 (Guangxu 9th year) was only 124,000. The average annual population growth rate of Dingxing county from 1850–1953 was 5.9‰. This growth rate remains unreliable even though it is higher than that of Shulu county. The average annual growth rate of these two counties from the mid-Qing Dynasty to 1953 was only about 4‰. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, Baoding fu had a population of 1.705 million in 1820 with an average annual population growth rate that remained 6.3‰ till 1953. In comparison, I would rather adopt the speculations based on the data of the two counties. That’s to say, Baoding fu had 3,918,000 inhabitants in 1953, probably 2,304,000 in 1820, and 1,932,000 in 1777 (Qianlong 41st year). 1.8 Tianjin Fu Jiaqing Yitong Zhi recorded 370,000 households and 1,601,000 inhabitants in Tianjin, with an average 4.3 persons per household. In 1953, the population of Tianjin fu reached 4,745,000, and its average annual population growth rate was as high as 8.2‰ during 1820–1953. The high population growth of Tianjin fu was the direct result of the urban development of Tianjin. Excluding the urban population of Tianjin, Tianjin fu had only 2,051,000 inhabitants in 1953 with an average annual population growth rate of only 1.9‰ since 1820. According to Volume 6 of Qingxian Zhi edited in the Republic of China, Qingxian had 60,000 households and 260,000 inhabitants in 1802 (Jiaqing 2nd year) with an average number of 4.3 persons per household and a gender ratio of 106. This data is identical to what was recorded about Tianjin in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, meaning the two figures are of the same type. However, the problem does not lie here. The population figure of Qingxian was 206,000 in 1953, much less than the population figures in 1802 (Jiaqing 7th year). Accordingly, the population figures of Tianjin fu in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) must be overestimated. According to Volume 2 of Qingyun County Zhi, in 1808 (Jiaqing 13th year), Qingyun county had 13,000 households and 65,000 inhabitants with an average of 5 persons per household—figures that conform to the standards. However, Qingyun county had a population of 180,000 in 1953. Within nearly a century and a half, the average annual growth rate of Qingyun county was as high as

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7‰, meaning the population growth of Qingyun county sharply contrasted with the population decline in Qingxian county. In the absence of further information, the population records of Tianjin in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) have not been revised. Assuming that the average annual growth rate was 4‰, then Tianjin fu had a population of about 1.343 million in 1777 (Qianlong 41st year). 1.9 Hejian Fu Among all counties of Hejian fu, there is only data of Jingzhou county available for analysis. Volume 3 of Jingxian Zhi, edited in the Republic of China recorded that Jingzhou had 40,000 households, a male population of 94,000, and a total registered population of 180,000. From 1742 to 1953, the average annual growth rate of the population of Jingxian was 3.2‰, which was similar to that of northern China under normal situations. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, there were 315,000 households and 1,616,000 inhabitants in Hejian fu in 1820 with an average of 5.1 persons per household. In 1953, Hejian fu had a population of 3,091,000 inhabitants and the average annual population growth rate over 133 years was 4.9‰. Though the rate was higher than that of Jingzhou, it was still within a reasonable range. Based on this rate of population growth, Hejian fu would have had a population of 1,303,000 in Qianlong 41st year. 1.10 Jizhou Prefecture According to Volume 2 of Ji Xian Zhi, edited in the Republic of China, Jizhou had 48,000 households and 129,000 inhabitants with an average of 2.7 persons per household in 1745 (Qianlong 10th year). Up until 1953, the population of Jizhou had grown by 3.4‰ annually. Volume II of Xinhe Xian Zhi, edited in the Republic of China recorded that Xinhe had 31,000 households and 69,000 inhabitants in 1790 (Qianlong 55th year), with an average annual population growth rate of 2.3‰ up until 1953. Volume 4 of Jizhou Zhi edited in the Qianlong period recorded that Zaoqiang had 31,000 households and 156,000 inhabitants with an average of 5 persons per household in Qianlong 10th year. It should be noted that the population grew by an average annual growth rate of 2.5‰ up until 1953 while Volume 4 of Jizhou Zhi edited in the Qianlong period recorded that Nangong county had 63,000 households and 113,000 inhabitants with an average of 1.8 persons per household in 1745 (Qianlong 10th year). It had grown by 4.4‰, on average annually, up until 1953. On aggregate, from 1745 to 1953, the population of the 5 counties in Jizhou had grown on average by 3.9‰, similar to the growth rate of most areas in northern China.

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That is to say, the population of Jizhou by county was not undercounted like in other areas in Qianlong 10th year. Therefore, the data could be seen as a representation of the real population. Even though rare, it is possible given that a similar situation had been existed in Jingzhou. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, Jizhou had a population of 1,289,218 in 1820 (Qiaqing 25th year), a figure higher than that of 1953, which is obviously wrong. If we assume that the annual population growth rate was 3.9‰, then Jizhou had a population of 632,000 in Qianlong 41st year and 750,000 in Jiaqing 25th year. 1.11 Zhaozhou Prefecture Jiaqing Yitong Zhi recorded a population of 767,000 in Zhaozhou in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) and 1,153,000 in 1953 with an average annual population growth rate of 3.1‰. If we assume that there was a higher average annual population growth rate of 3.5‰ from 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) to 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) in Zhaozhou, then the population of Zhaozhou would have been about 658,000 in Qianlong 41st year. 1.12 Daming Fu As recorded in Volume 7 of Changyuan County Zhi edited in Jiaqing 15th year, there were 259,000 inhabitants in Daming fu in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) with an average annual population growth rate of 2.6‰ up until 1953. As for Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, there were 1,965,000 inhabitants in Daming fu in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) with an average annual population growth rate of 2.3‰ up until 1953. Taking the record of Jiaqing Yitong Zhi as the benchmark, with a 3‰ average annual population growth rate, Daming fu had a population of 1,722,000 in 1776. 1.13 Other Places Of all the fu (prefectures) and zhou (prefectures) in Zhili, there was no specific data about Yizhou, Dingzhou, Shenzhou and Zhengding fu, Shunde fu, and Guangping fu. Therefore, we estimate the data of 1820 based on the data of 1953 with the annual average growth rate of 3.5‰, and the data of 1776 based on the data of 1820 with an annual average growth rate 4‰. Detailed statistics can be found in Appendix Table 6. 1.14 Summary According to the records of Qingchao Wenxian Tongkao (Records of Qing Dynasty), apart from the population of Beijing, Zhili had a population of

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20,567,000 in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). For its part, Hubu Qingce (Records of the Qing Dynasty by the Ministry of Revenue) recorded a population between 2,153,000 and 2,483,000 in Qianlong 45th year and onward. These figures correspond with the figures recorded in Qingchao wenxian Tongkao. That means we have ascertained that the population was 19,841,000 in 1776—much less than the previously mentioned two records. The population in Jiaqing 17th year, as recorded in Hubu Qingce, was as high as 27,990,000, but it suddenly declined to 20,320,000 in Jiaqing 24th year. That notwithstanding, Jiaqing Yitong Zhi maintained the population was 1,964,000. That brings our population figures to 24,041,000—more than the records in Hubu Qingce and Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. The population of Zhili, after that period, was based on the statistics of Jiaqing 24th year. All the above records of Zhili population are inaccurate. 2

Henan

2.1 Weihui Fu According to Volume 18 of Weihui Fu Zhi, there were 311,000 households and 1,733,000 inhabitants with an average of 5.6 persons per household in Weihu fu in 1788 (Qianlong 43rd year). A breakdown of the data indicates that the average number of persons per household in Kaocheng county, Yanjin County, and Fengqiu county was relatively low at 3.5, 3.1, and 4, respectively. Paradoxically, the average annual population growth rate in the three counties from 1788 to 1953 was relatively high at 6‰, 6.5‰, and 7‰, respectively. Huaxian county, with an average number of households as high as 8.9, had the same population as in the year 1953. If we adjust the average number of persons per household to 5, Huaxian county would have a population of only 380,000, a difference of 293,000 compared with the registered number. If we assume that the number of persons per household was 5, then Weihui fu had a population of 1,557,000 in Qianlong 53rd year with an average annual population growth rate of 4.1‰ up until 1953. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, Weihui fu had 350,000 households and 1.52 million persons with an average of 4.3 persons per household. The growth rate of households of 3.7‰ from 1788 (Qianlong 53rd year) to 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) corresponds approximately to the average population growth rate from 1788 to 1953. It is certain that population figures recorded in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi were undervalued. Assuming an average of 5 persons per household, Weihui fu had a population of 1,750,000 in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) and 1,488,000 in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year).

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2.2 Zhangde Fu Volume 11 of Zhangde Fu Zhi, edited in the Qianlong period, recorded that Zhangde fu had 215,000 households and 677,000 inhabitants with 3.1 persons per household on average in 1787 (Qianlong 52nd year). It should be noted that these statistics were relatively low. In this section, we discuss county data. Notably, Linxian, Wu’an, and Linzhang counties had only 1.4, 2, and 2.2 persons per household respectively, while the average annual growth rate of the population up until 1953 was as high as 14.6‰, 11‰, and 7.1‰ respectively. Volume 1 of Linxian County Zhi edited in Republic of China quoted Linxian County Zhi edited in the Qianlong period maintained that according to the census conducted in 1751 (Qianlong 16th year), there were a total of 550 villages, 27,000 households, 122,000 inhabitants with an average of 4.6 persons per household. Assuming that there were, on average, 4.6 persons per household in Linxian in Qianlong 52nd year, the population would have been 144,000 people. However, in Zhangde Fu Zhi edited in the Qianlong period, Linxian county had only a population of 44,000, with 100,000 persons underreported. Despite an average number of persons per households as high as 7.4, Shexian still had an average annual population growth rate as high as 11‰ from 1787 to 1953. It demonstrates that the number of households and the number of persons in Qianlong 52nd year were kept relatively low. If we consider the number of persons per household in 6 counties excluding Shexian, the total population would be 1,055,000. Based on the portion of Shexian in the total population in 1953, Shexian county may have had a population of 94,000, while the population of Zhangde fu may have been about 114.900,000 in the same year. From 1787 to 1953, Zhangde fu had an average annual population growth rate of 4.3‰. According to the record of Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, there were 285,000 households and 137,000 inhabitants, with an average of 4.8 persons per household in Zhangde fu in 1820. From 1787 to 1820, the annual average population growth rate was 5.3‰. Assuming, retrospectively, that this growth rate was valid, then Zhangde Fu had a total population of 1,086,000 in Qianlong 41st year. From Jiaqing 25th year to 1953, the average annual population growth of Zhangde Prefecture was 4.1‰. 2.3 Huaiqing Fu According to Volume 8 of Huaiqing Fu Zhi edited in the Qianlong period, there were 260,000 households and 1,575,000 inhabitants in Huaiqing fu in 1787 (Qianlong 52nd year) with an average of 6.1 persons per household. Due to the impact of natural disasters in 1777 (Guangxu 3rd year), the population of the 4 counties, namely, Henei, Wuzhi, Wenxian, Mengxian was close to that in 1953. However, this was not the same situation for the counties of Xiuwu, Yuan Wu, Yang Wu, and Jiyuan, which had a steady population growth from 1787 to 1953.

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As Xiuwu, Yuanwu, and Yangwu counties were located in eastern Huaiqing Fu, far away from the disaster center in the Guangxu period, they were significantly impacted by the disaster in the Huangxu period. In particular, Yuanwu and Yangwu did not receive any impact. Therefore, the average annual population growth rate of 3.9‰ in Yuanwu and Yangwu counties over the 166 years was taken as the average annual population growth rate of Huaiqing fu before Guangxu third year. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, Huaiqing fu had a population of 1,800,000 in 1820, with an average annual growth rate of 4.1‰ dating back from 1787. It is interesting to find two matchable data. Therefore, accordingly, Huaiqing fu had a population of 1,508,000 in Qianlong 41st year. 2.4 Henan Fu Volume 25 of Henan Fu Zhi claimed that there were 280,000 households and 1.44 million inhabitants with an average of 5.1 persons per household in Henan fu in 1775 (Qianlong 40th year). Upon careful analysis, we determine that the data has obvious errors. For example, Xin’an county had 15,000 households and 78,000 inhabitants in 1775 and 241,000 inhabitants in 1953, with an average annual growth rate as high as 6.4‰ from 1775–1953. This data is doubtful given that Volume 3 of Xin’an County Zhi, edited in the Republic of China, recounts that there was a major disaster in the Guangxu period with bodies everywhere and “the population declined by 60–70 percent.” This quote comes from the same volume of the book “Hou Wen Liang gong Diaries.” According to the population survey of Jiangzhe Yizhen Ju (Charity Bureau), after the disaster in Guangxu 3rd year and after deducting the casualties, there were only 9,000 households and 51,000 inhabitants (an 80% reduction) from 50,000 households and 219,000 inhabitants by the end of the Tongzhi period in 1874. Comparatively speaking, the population data by the end of the Tongzhi period is reliable. Therefore, the average annual population growth rate from 1874 to 1953 was 1.2‰. The natural disaster of the Guangxu period led to the low population growth in this period. If we take the population number at the end of Tongzhi as the base and assume that the average annual growth rate was 4‰, then Xin’an county had a population of 148,000 in Qianlong 40th year. Gongxian County may have had 21,000 households and a population of 61,000, with an average of 6.4 persons per household in 1775. According to Volume 5 of Gongxian Zhi, edited in the Republic of China, many people died in the great disaster in 1877 (Guangxu 3rd year). However, according to the records, Gongxian county had a population of 390,000 in 1953. There is no way Gongxian County could have had an average annual population growth rate of 7.2‰ from 1775 to 1953. Taking Xin’an County as an example, its average annual population growth between 1874 and 1953 was 1.2‰. Therefore,

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assuming that the average annual growth rate was 4‰ back to the year 1775, then Gongxian had a population of 239,000, that is, 178,000 inhabitants more than the registered number. In 1775, Yongning County had 31,000 households and 249,000 inhabitants with an average of 8 persons per household, a population bigger than that of 1953. If we adjust to 5 persons per household, Yongning County would have a population of about 150,000. So, between 1775 and 1953, Yongning county had an average annual population growth rate of up to 2.3‰. In 1775, Mengjin county had 10,000 households and a population of 61,000. Volume 4 of Mengjin County Zhi, edited in the Jiaqing period, takes into account the investigation of Baojia in 1815 (Jiaqing 20th year) in its statistics of 12,000 households and 75,000 inhabitants. Mengjin county had an average annual growth rate of 4.9‰ from 1775 to 1815, which was close to that of 1775 to 1953. After adjustment, Henan fu (Prefecture) had an actual population of 1,595,000 in 1775. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, Henan fu had a population of 1.71 million in Qianlong 25th year with an average annual growth rate of 2.8‰ from 1775 (Qianlong 40th year) to 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year). In 1953, Henan Fu had a population of 3,299,000 with an average annual population growth rate of 4.9‰ from 1820. This growth rate is, compared with that of Mengjin, is obviously overestimated given that Mengjin had not been affected by the great disaster in Guangxu 3rd year. If we assume that the average annual growth rate was 4‰ during 1775–1820, the population in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) would have been about 1.909 million with an average annual growth rate of 4.1‰ during 1820–1953. 2.5 Kaifeng Fu The population data of the Qianlong period recorded in Volume 7 of Qixian County Zhi edited in the Qianlong period was simply derived from adding some figures to those of the previous year. If we assume that the population figures of Qixian in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) were correct, then the average annual population growth rate from 1776 to 1953 would only be 2.6‰, which is way too low. According to Volume 10 of Yanling Xian Zhi edited in the Republic of China, there were 24,000 households and 122,000 inhabitants in 1771 (Qianlong 36th year); 31,000 households and 165,000 inhabitants in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year); and 34,000 households with 189,000 inhabitants in 1807 (Jiaqing 12th year). The abrupt increase of population in Qianlong 41st year could be considered the result of the change of statistical caliber. In 1953, Yanling county had a population of 316,000 and an average annual population growth rate of 3.7‰ from Qianlong’s 41st year. This was unlike from Qianlong 41st year to Jiaqing 12th year, where the number was 4.3‰.

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Volume 2 of Yuxian Zhi, edited in the Republic of China, had a record of of the population data of almost every year from 1744 (Qianlong 9th year) to 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year). However, the figures did not appear to be authentic. Rather, they appeared numbers randomly added to the figures of the previous year. The average annual population growth rate during Qianlong 41st year to 1953 was 6.3‰ while the number of persons in Qianlong 41st year was underestimated. According to the records of Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, Kaifeng fu had a population of 3,428,000 in Jiaqing 25th year with an average annual population growth rate of 3.4‰ during 1820–1953. Judging from the situation of Yanling county, it is probable that Kaifeng fu had an average annual population growth rate of 4‰ during Qianlong 41st year to 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year). That means the population of Kaifeng Fu may have been 2,876,000 in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). 2.6 Nanyang Fu The records of Jiaqing yitong Zhi maintain that Nanyang fu had a population of 2,377,000 in Jiaqing 25th year with an average annual growth rate of 8.2‰ up until 1953. These figures are suggestive of potential problems with the data. According to Volume 4 of Tangxian Zhi, the number of ding seemed to have jumped from Qianlong 38th year to Qianlong 41st year. This means Qianlong 41st year might have been the year that the statistical caliber of ding was changed. Given that the average annual growth rate of ding in Nanyang fu was much higher than that of the central and northern areas of Henan fu, ding can be regarded as the male population. The population of Nanyang fu, adjusted according to a sex ratio of 110, was 4,213,000 in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year). By 1953, the population of Nanyang had grown at an average annual rate of 3.7‰, basically the same as that of the above-mentioned prefectures. If we assume that the average annual population growth rate was 4‰ retrospectively, then Nanyang Fu had a population of 3,534,000 in Qianlong 41st year. 2.7 Runing Fu Volume 8 of Runing Records edited in the Jiaqing period recorded 35,100 households and 1,834,000 inhabitants with an average of 5.2 persons per household. In 1953, the total population of Runing fu was 4,427,000, with an average annual growth rate of 2.5‰ up until 1953. It was recorded in Jiaqing yitong zhi that the population was 1,820.135 million with an average annual population growth rate of 6.2‰ up until 1953. The average annual population growth rate of Runing fu during 1795–1820 was only 2.1‰, meaning that the population in 1795 was overestimated.

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The data of Luoshan county was equally doubtful. In 1795, Luoshan county had a population of 298,000, close to the 307,000 in 1953. The average annual growth rate of the population of Runing fu (Luoshan county excluded) during 1795–1953 was 5.6‰. Based on this rate, the population of Luoshan County could be 114,000 in 1795, a total of 184,000 less than recorded in Runing Fu Zhi. So, Runing fu had an actual population of 1.65 million in 1795, and its average annual population growth rate between 1795 and 1953was 6.3‰. Although the Runing Fu Zhi edited in the Jiaqing period recorded data by county under the names of pai min, hu (household) and nanfu daxiao (number of male and female population), the population statistics may only refer to Xinyang county and Suiping County given that the two counties had an average annual population growth rate of only about 4‰ from 1775 to 1953. Judging from the situation of Nanyang fu, the nanfu daxiao (number of male and female population) could still refer to ding. It is unlikely that in the course of a century and a half, the population of Runing fu grew at such a high rate. Assuming this hypothesis is valid and adopts a sex ratio of 110, a recalculation of the population of the seven counties, other than Xinyang and Suiping, indicates the figure 2,707,000 in Runing fu in Qianlong 60th year with an average annual population growth rate of 3.1‰ up until 1953. Runing fu’s total population was also calculated to be 2,925,000 in Jiaqing 25th year and 2,505,000 in Qianlong 41st year. 2.8 Guangzhou Fu The records of Volume 1 of Guangshan County Zhi edited in the Republic of China indicate that there were 71,000 households and a population of 222,000 inhabitants in 1784 (Qianlong 41st year), with an average of 3.1 persons per household. However, the same record reported 937 yanhu households, including in the inner and outer city at nanguan (South Gate), and a population of 4,039, with an average of 4.3 persons per household. Assuming that there was an average of 4.3 persons per household, then the population was 305,000 in Qianlong 49th year. Guangshan County had a population of 464,000 and an average annual population growth rate of 1.7‰ during 1784–1953. The records of Jiaqing Yitong Zhi indicate that the population was 1,352,000, and 3,099,000 in 1953, with an average annual growth rate of 6.3‰. These figures, it should be noted, do not match the real situation of Guangshan county. There is every indication, judging from the situation of Guangshan county, that the female population was included in the figures of Guangzhou in Jiaqing 25th year. Assuming that, retrospectively, the average annual growth rate was 3‰, then Guangzhou had a population of 2,081,000 in Jiaqing 25th year, and with

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an average annual growth rate of 3.5‰, Guangzhou had a population of 1,784,000 in Qianlong 41st year. 2.9 Other Prefectures So far, no records of a single county in Guide fu, Chenzhou fu, Xuzhou, and Nuzhou in the Qianlong period have been found. So, no analysis could be done. According to Table 6 of the Appendix, between 1820–1953, the average annual population growth rate of the three prefectures was basically the same even though that of Nuzhou was slightly higher. Table 6 of the Appendix shows the population data of the four areas assuming, retrospectively, that the average annual growth rate was 4‰. 2.10 Summary According to Qingchao Wenxian Tongkao (The General Records of The Qing), there were 19,858,000 inhabitants in Henan in Qianlong 41st year. In this section, after our calculation, we found that the population was 23,225,000. Furthermore, Jiaqing Yitong Zhi recorded a population of 23,598,000 in Jiaqing 25th year, but based on our calculation, the number was 27,498,000. There figures of both Qingchao Wenxian Tongkao (The General Records of The Qing) and Jiaqing Yitong Zhi appear to have been underestimated. This may have resulted from the fact that most of the counties of Nanyang, Runing, and Guangzhou in southern Henan Province only registered the male population. 3

Shandong

Compared with the counties of Shanxi and Henan province, much less is known about the population data of the counties in Shandong province. So, we are not that sure about the population of Shandong in the Qing Dynasty. This section comments on Shandong’s average annual population growth rate between 1820 and 1953 and conducts a retrospective study of Shandong population in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). 3.1 Dongchang Fu and Linqing Zhou Linqing Zhili zhou used to be under the jurisdiction of DongChang fu, but it became an independent prefecture-level district in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) with jurisdiction over Wucheng, Xiajin, and Qiuxian county. Volume 8 of Dongchang Records edited in the Jiaqing period indicates that Dongchang fu had 387,000 households and a population of 2,910,000 inhabitants with an

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average number of 7.5 persons per household and a sex ratio of 110. In 1792 (Qianlong 57th year), Dongchang Fu had 271,000 households and a population of 1,556,000 with an average of 5.8 persons per household and a sex ratio of 112. Assuming that the average annual population growth rate was 3‰ during 1771–1792, then Dongchang Fu had a population of 3.1 million. However, there were only 1.556 million, meaning that the difference ought to be regarded as the population of Linqing zhou that was separated from Dongchang fu in Qianlong 41st year. Therefore, that would mean that Linqing zhou had a population of 1.544 million in 1792. The records of Jiaqing Yitong Zhi indicate that Dongchang fu had 334,000 households and a population of 1,697,000, with an average of 5.1 persons per household. The average annual population growth rate from Qianlong 57th year to 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) was 3.1‰. Jiaqing Yitong Zhi recorded that in 1820, Linqing zhou had 206,000 households and a population of 1,084,000 with an average of 5.3 persons per household. Though the figures seem reasonable, they are unreliable given that the population was far less than it was in 1792. The population data of Linqing zhou was overestimated in 1792 as the average number of persons per household of Dongchang fu was exceptionally large in 1771. If we assume that there were an average of 5.8 persons per household instead, then Dongchang Fu had a population of only 2,245,000 in 1771. However, if we assume that the average annual growth rate was 3.1‰, then, excluding the population of Linqing zhou, Dongchang fu had only 1.458 million inhabitants. Therefore, Linqing Zhili zhou, itself had a population of 787,000. From 1771 to 1820, the average annual population growth rate in Linqing Zhou was 6.5‰. The urban development of Linqing Zhou was basically formed before the mid-Qianlong period making it unlikely for Linqing zhou to have such a high population rate in the mid-Qianlong period. Dongchang Fu Zhi, edited in the Jiaqing period, annotated the population data of Qianlong 57th year with “Totals of ten subprefectures and counties and two wei.” The county data also listed the population of Dongchang wei and Linqing wei. wei and suo of the Ming Dynasty were all removed in the early Qing, but their population was registered in an independent system, with some of the figures not even included in the population system of the prefectures or counties. It appears that the population of wei in Dongchang Fu was incorporated in the population of prefectures and counties only in 1792. From this point of view, the population of Linqing Zhou area garrisons in Qianlong 36th year may not have been included in the record. In addition, when Linqing zhou was promoted to Zhili zhou in Qianlong 41st year, there might have been

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registration or data cleansing leading to a significant increase in the population of Linqing zhou. Compared to 1820, Linqing zhou had a smaller population in 1953, resulting in the canal diversion, a decline of the city population, and economic recession. It is indicated in some parts of this book that Linqing had an urban population of at least 200,000 in the Qianlong period. However, the population was only 44,000 in 1953. Throughout the villages along the canal, many agricultural and sideline industries associated with the city, transport, and commerce declined with the decline of canal transport. From 1820 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of the Dongchang fu was only 2.1‰. Since the canal was diverted in the late Qing, Dongchang fu, especially the capital city of Liaocheng, also experienced the same decline and depression as Linqing zhou. If we consider the population in 1792 (Qianlong 57th year) as the basis point and 3‰, retrospectively, as the average annual population growth rate, then Dongchang Fu had a population of 1,418,000 in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). Also, if we consider the population of Jiaqing 25th year as the basis point, and 3‰, retrospectively, as the average annual population growth rate, then Linqing zhou had a population of 946,000 in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). 3.2 Jining Zhou According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, the population of Jining zhou in 1820 was 889,000. In 1953, Jining had a population of 1.425 million and an average annual population growth rate of 3.5‰ from 1820, which is quite normal. In this book, I have proven that Jining had a population of 160,000 in the Qianlong period. In 1953, Jining had an urban population of 86,000 due to the decline of the usefulness of the canal. With an average annual growth rate of 3.5‰, Jining Zhou may have had a population of 763,000 in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). 3.3 Laizhou Fu According to Volume 5 of Jimo Xian Zhi edited in the Tongzhi period, Jimo and the 4 wei of Aoshan, Dasong, Xiongya, and Fushan had a total of 104,000 households and a population of 174,000 inhabitants with an average of 1.7 persons per household in 1763 (Qianlong 28th year). It appears as if just the male population was considered. If we assume that there was an average of 5 persons per household, then Jimo had an actual population of 521,000. Between 1763–1953, Jimo county (including Jidong county) had a population of 887,000 in 1953 with an average annual population growth of 2.5‰. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, Laizhou Fu in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) had a population of 3,374,000 with an average annual growth rate as high as 4.3‰

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up until 1953. This growth rate was a bit too high, possibly because of the rise of Qingdao City and Weifang City from the contemporary time. In 1953, Qingdao had a population of up to 917,000 inhabitants while Weifang had 149,000. Excluding the urban population of Qingdao, Laizhou Fu had an average annual population growth rate of 3‰ between 1820 and 1953. Accordingly, Laizhou Fu had 2,928,000 inhabitants in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). 3.4 Dengzhou Fu The records of Jiaqing Yitong Zhi indicate that there were 326,000 households and 1,913,000 inhabitants, with an average of 5.9 persons per household in Dengzhou Fu in 1820. However, in 1953, Dengzhou fu had a population of 5,435,000 with an average annual population growth rate as high as 7.9‰—an indication that the 1820 figures were significantly inadequate. According to Dengzhou Records edited in the Guangxu period, the population data by county in the Xianfeng, Tongzhi, and Guangxu periods was largely too unreliable to warrant any discussion. However, if we assume that just like in Laizhou and other fu, the average annual population growth rate was 3.5‰ between 1820–1953, then Dengzhou Fu had a population of about 3,415,000 in 1820. Based on the same assumption, Laizhou Fu and Dengzhou Fu had a population of 2,893,000 and 2,928,000, respectively, in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). 3.5 Yizhou Fu According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, Yizhou fu had 391,000 households and a population of 2,181,000 with an average of 5.6 persons per household. On the contrary, Dengzhou fu had a population of 6,483,000 in 1953, with an average annual growth rate of 8.2‰, which is too high to be realistic. Volume 2 of Tancheng Xian Zhi maintains the population data of 1763 (Qianlong 28th year), 1773 (Qianlong 38th year), 1783 (Qianlong 48th year), and 1790 (Qianlong 55th year). It should be noted that the demographic statistics of Tancheng declined before 1783 (Qianlong 48th year) to 56,000 households and 273,000 inhabitants with an average of 4.8 persons per household. In 1809 (Jiaqing 14th year), Tancheng had 61,000 households and a population of 291,000 with the same average number of persons per household and an identical sex ratio. The average annual population growth rate between 1783 and 1809 and between 1783 and 1953 remained 3.9‰. In 1947, Linyi County, Tancheng, and Feixian County were carved out to establish Cangshan County. We assume that one-third of the population of Cangshan originated from Tacheng. However, Tancheng accounted for only 23% of the total population in the three counties. That means the population incorporated to that of Cangshan was less than one-third of the total, further

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indicating that the average annual population growth rate between 1783 and 1953 could have been lower. If we assume that the average annual population growth rate was 3.5‰, then Yizhou had a total population of 4.074 million in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) and 3.493 million in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). The record in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi was only about half of the actual population of Yizhou fu, a suggestion that the female population may have been underreported. However, considering a gender ratio of 107 in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) and considering that the population record in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi is the male population, we can calculate that Yizhou fu had a total of 4.07 million people—data which is completely consistent with the calculation based on the data of Yancheng. 3.6 Qingzhou Fu According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, Qingzhou fu had 544,000 households and a population of 3,319,000, an average of 6.1 persons per household, and an average annual population growth of 2.5‰ up until 1953. For its part, Volume 31 of Qingzhou Fu Zhi, edited in the Xianfeng period, recorded the population data of Daoguang 25th year (1845) with a significantly big problem in Shouguang County, which had an exceptionally big figure than the figure of 1953. There were specific data of adult males, adult females, boys, and girls, so it is impossible to have miss-reported the data. However, it is not known how the mistake was made. In 1948, Gaoyuan county and Qingcheng county were incorporated into Gaoqing county. With the data of Shouguang county and Gaoyuan county excluded, the average population growth rate of Qingzhou Prefecture was 2.5‰ from Daoguang 25th year to 1953. That means the adjusted population figures of Qingzhou prefecture in Daoguang 25th year matched the figures of Jiaqing 25th year. If we assume that the average annual growth rate was 2.5‰, then Qingzhou prefecture had a population of about 2,973,000 in Qianlong 41st year. 3.7 Jinan Fu Jiaqing Yitong Zhi maintains that in 1820, Jinan fu had 736,000 households and a population of 4,015,000 with an average of 5.5 persons per household. In 1953, Jinan prefecture had a population of 6.12 million with an average annual population growth rate of 3.2‰ from 1820 till 1953. Volume 15 of Jinan Fu Zhi, edited in the Daoguang period, recorded that there was a total of 743,000 households in all the counties and garrisons of Jinan prefecture in Daoguang 17th year and a population of 4,202,000 with an average of 5.7 persons per household and a sex ratio of 111. From Jiaqing 25th year to Daoguang 17th year, the average annual population growth rate of the Jinan prefecture was 2.7‰. That means

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the population data of Jinan prefecture in the Daoguang period came from the same source of Jiaqing Yitong Zhi. There are many problems in the country-specific data in the local choreography of Dezhou, Changshan county, Pingyuan county, and Zichuan county. So, we shall pause this discussion here. In the absence of more information, the totals recorded in Jinan Fu Zhi edited in the Daoguang period were adopted. If we assume, retrospectively, that the average annual population growth rate was 3‰, then Jinan prefecture had a total of 3,519,000 people in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). 3.8 Summary Due to the lack of information, there are no specific population figures for Tai’an fu, Yanzhou fu, Caozhou fu, and Wuding fu in 1776 that could be confirmed. Even though the average annual growth rate of the population from Jiaqing 25th year to 1953 was generally reasonable, it remains unadjusted. If we assume that the average annual growth rate was 3.5‰, retrospectively, then the population data of the four prefectures in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) can be calculated. Qingchao Wenxian Tongkao records that Shandong Province had a population of 21.497 million in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), and it has been estimated, in this section, to be 27.902 million. According to the unadjusted data, the average annual population growth rate of Shandong was 6.8‰ from Qianlong 41st year to Jiaqing 25th year. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, the population of Shandong province in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) was 28.931 million. It should be noted that in this section, we calculated the population to be 32.326 million. After readjusting the population data of Yizhou Fu and Dengzhou Fu in Jiaqing 25th year, the population growth of Shandong Province appears reasonable. The average annual population growth rate from 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) to 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) was 3.1‰. The average annual population growth rate from 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) to 1953 was 3.2‰. The data in Qingchao Wenxian Tongkao matches that in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, which means the population figures of Yizhou and Dengzhou in Qingchao Wenxian Tongkao were underestimated. 4

Shanxi

Although it was not until 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) that statistics of ding were fully converted into statistics of the population nationwide, Shanxi Province

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had conducted a census (household survey) and population registration according to the new standard since 1764 (Qianlong 29th year). In the early Guangxu period, the central and southern regions of Shanxi Province suffered from a severe drought which resulted in numerous fatalities. Up until 1953, the population of the southwest region of Shanxi had been small, approximately the same in the central Shanxi, slightly more than in the southeast, and significantly more in the north region compared with the figures in the mid-Qing Dynasty. The increase in the population of northern Shanxi province had nothing to do with the Guangxu calamity; rather, it resulted from the significant influx of migrants from inside the Great Wall during the mid-Qing era and the Republic of China. That’s why the population in many areas of Shanxi Province in 1953 was less than the population in 1820. Given that the population growth rate analysis method adopted so far in this book does not apply any longer, we adopt, in this section, the regional population proportion analysis method. 4.1 Xiezhou The county-level population data of Xiezhou in 1764 (Qianlong 29th year) was found in the local choreography. Unfortunately, the totals of Xiezhou were unavailable. A comparison with the population data of Hongwu 24th year is available in Table 12. In 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), the population ratios of counties in Xiezhou corresponded with those in 1953 with a significant discrepancy in household ratios, which means the population data was reasonable while the household data was not reliable. In terms of the data of Qianlong 29th year, the proportion of Pinglou population and three other counties in relation with the total population of Xiezhou fu would decline if the population of Xiezhou itself was included, the proportion of Ruicheng, Anyi, Xiaxian county would be close to that of 1953, while that of Pinglu county would be even more different from that of 1953. It is not reasonable that the population of Pinglu county was smaller in the Qianlong period than in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year). In 1953, when compared with the population in 1764, the population of three counties other than Pinglu, declined as a result of the drought in the early Guangxu years. In 1764, Anyi county had an average of 5.7 persons per household—higher than the 4.4 in Ruicheng and 5.3 in Xiaxian. If the average number of persons per household is adjusted to 5, Anyi county had a population of 145,000 in 1764. So, the totals of Anyi, Ruicheng, and Xiaxian was 409,000. The population of the three counties accounted for 66.4% of the total population of Xiezhou in 1953, so it is estimated that Xiezhou had a total population of 616.000 in 1764.

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County-level number of households and population ratio in Xiezhou in 1391, 1764, and 1953. Unit: Thousand

County

1391

1764

1953

Household Person H ratio P ratio Household Person H ratio P ratio Population Ratio (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) Pinglu 4 Ruichen 4 An’yi 18 Xiaxian 9 Xiezhou 3 Total 38

48 40 62 65 24 239

10.5 10.5 47.4 23.7 7.9 100.0

20.1 16.7 25.9 27.2 10.0 100.0

6 20 29 33

33 91 166 174

6.8 22.7 33.0 37.5

7.1 19.6 35.8 37.5

88

464

100.0

100.0

112 92 110 154 67 535

20.9 17.2 20.6 28.8 12.5 100.0

Source: Data of 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) came from Volume 9 of Shanxi Tongzhi (The General Records of Shanxi) edited in the Wanli period; data of Qianlong years was obtained from Volume 4 of Pinglu Records edited in the Qainlong period, Volume 2 of Ruicheng Records edited in the Republic of China, Volume 4 of Anyi Records edited in the Qianlong period and Volume 4 of Xiaxian Zhi edited in the Guangxu period. The population data of Hongwu 24th year was obtained from Shanxi Tongzhi edited in the Wanli period. It is noteworthy that no further description in detail shall be provided

According to the Jiaqing Yitongzhi (Comprehensive Geography of Jiaqing period), Xiezhou, in 1820, had a total population of 800,000 and an average annual population growth rate of 4.7‰ between 1764 and 1820. The appropriate growth rate indicates that the data recorded in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi was, for the most part, reliable. Based on the population of Qianlong 29th year and assuming that the average annual growth rate was 4.7‰ in Qianlong 41st year, it can be concluded that Xiezhou probably had a total population of 651,000. 4.2 Jiangzhou Volume 3 of Wenxi Records edited in the Qianlong period maintains that a codified register reported 220,000 households and a population of 132,000 with an average of 6 persons per household in Qianlong 28th year. According to Volume 2 of Jishan Records edited in the Tongzhi period, in Qianlong 31st year, the magistrate of Wei Zhi’ai surveyed and recorded the population of Jishan and the Silu to obtain 26,000 households and a total population of 158,000 with an average of 6 persons per household. It appears the population survey process in these two counties took the shape of a census. Jiangzhou had jurisdiction over 6 counties, including Hejin county that had no specific data for the year 1391. Therefore, Hejin county is not included in

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this discussion. In 1391, the total population of the 5 counties, including Wenxi, Jishan, Jiangzhou, Jiangxian, and Yuanqu, was 321,000, including Wenxi and Jishan that had 95,000 and 64,000 inhabitants, respectively, accounting for 29.5% and 20.1% of the total. While in 1953, the two counties accounted for 27.6% and 23.4% of the total population, respectively, quite close to the figures of 1391. However, if the population of Hejin county was included, then the population of Wenxi and Jishan accounted for 41.3% of the total population in 1953. If we assume that Wenxi and Jishan accounted for the same percentage of the total population in the Mid Qianlong period, then Jiangzhou had a total of 701,000 inhabitants in 1765 (Qianlong 30th year) and 1,017,000 inhabitants in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) with an average annual population growth rate of 6.8‰ between 1765 and 1820. Based on the population of Qianlong 30th year and assuming that the average annual population growth was 6.5‰, there would be a total population of 753,000 in Qianlong 41st year. Strictly speaking, the above-mentioned estimation of the totals of Xiezhou and Jiangzhou could only be accomplished with data of the subprefectures and counties in the mid-Qing Dynasty. That means the interpretation of data seemed even more crucial. The high population growth rate in the mid-Qing Dynasty means a comparatively great decline by the end of Ming. This decline could be explained by the fact that Xiezhou and Jiangzhou, situated at the junction of Shanxi (Jin), Shanxi (Shan), and Henan (Yu) Province, were the venue of most activities carried out by the Shanxi (Shan) peasant army that came to Shanxi (Jin) in the Ming Dynasty. Xiezhou and Jiangzhou were also the main battlefield of the peasant army and the military operation base, so the population loss was greater than that in other areas. 4.3 Puzhou Fu According to Volume 3 of Yuxiang Records edited in the Republic of China, in 1772 (Qianlong 37th year), the four fang and three xiang in Puzhou had a total of 19,000 households and 106,000 inhabitants with an average of 5.6 persons per household. According to Volume 1 of Linjin Records edited in the Republic of China, Linjin had 27,000 households and a population of about 150,000 with an average of 5.6 persons per household in 1773 (Qianlong 38th year). It is reasonable to believe that the data of these two counties are the results of the survey conducted in the same year, and it is reasonable to believe that all the counties in Puzhou prefecture were surveyed around Qianlong 37th year albeit with some records missing. Therefore, it is impossible to get the totals of the prefecture by simply adding up the data of counties. A comparison of the population of 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) and 1953 turns out that the proportion of the population of all counties is close to that of 1953.

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In 1953, the population of Yuxiang and Linjin accounted for 29.3% of the total population, while in 1772 (Qianlong 37th year), the two counties had a population of 256,000. Therefore, the total population of Puzhou prefecture was estimated to be 873,000 in Qianlong 37th year. The records of Volume 3 of Ronghe Records edited in the Guangxu period maintain that Ronghe had 18,000 households and a population of 131,000 with an average of 7.4 persons per household in 1764 (Qianlong 29th year). These figures are much more than those of Yuxiang and Linjin, so it is hard to decide which data is more reliable. Likewise, assuming that Ronghe county, in 1953, accounted for the same proportion, namely 15% of the total in the prefecture as in Qianlong 29th year, then Ronghe may have had approximately a population of 870,000. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, Puzhou fu had a population of 1,399,000 in 1820 with an average annual population growth rate of 9.8‰ from 1772 (Qianlong 37th year) till 1820. Compared with the adjacent Xiezhou and Jiangzhou, Puzhou’s population growth rate was significantly higher. Even though Puzhou Fu was also impacted by the great drought in the early years of Guangxu period, the average annual population loss rate of Xiezhou and Jiangzhou between 1820 and 1953 were 2.6‰ and 2.3‰ respectively, while Puzhou registered 6‰. Chapter 15 demonstrated that Xiezhou, Jiangzhou, and Puzhou suffered from the same drought during the Guangxu period, with a slightly heavier casualty in Xiezhou and Jiangzhou than in Puzhou. Therefore, it is certain that the population of Puzhou was overestimated in 1820. Assuming that the average annual population growth was 5‰ and with reference to the situation of Xiezhou and Jiangzhou, it can be concluded that Puzhou prefecture had a population of about 888,000 in Qianlong 41st year, and a population of about 1,109,000 in Jiaqing 25th year—290,000 people fewer than the record in Jiaqing Yitongzhi. From 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) to 1953, the average annual population growth of Puzhou Prefecture was 4.1‰. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, Pingyang prefecture had 257,000 households and a population of 1,398,000 inhabitants, while Puzhou prefecture had 178,000 households and a population of 1,399,000 inhabitants. The number of households differs by as much as 79,000, but the number of persons was almost the same. The mistake might have happened when the numbers were being copied during the transfer process. 4.4 Pingyang Fu According to Volume 4 of Xiangning Records edited in the Republic of China, Xiangning County in 1781 (Qianlong 46th year) had a male population of

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46,000 and a total of 87,000 inhabitants, including the female population. The records in Volume 2 of Linfen Records edited in the Republic of China indicate that in 1778 (Qianlong 43rd year), Linfen county had 46,000 households, 167,000 inhabitants with an average of 3.6 persons per household. Assuming that the average number of persons per household was 5, then Linfen had a population of 229,000. Volume 7 of Taiping Records edited in the Guangxu period maintains that there were 36,000 households and 154,000 inhabitants with an average of 4.3 persons per household in 1775 (Qianlong 40th year). According to the baojia system, Taiping County had 33,000 households and 175,000 inhabitants with an average of 5.4 persons per household in 1825 (Daoguang 5th year). Between 1775–1825, the average annual population growth rate was 2.6‰. Volume 6 of Quwo Records edited in the Republic of China recorded that in 1775 (Qianlong 40th year), there were 41,000 households and a population of 284,000 with an average of 6.9 persons per household. The data of the Jiaqing and Daoguang period are not reliable to be discussed as there are obvious addition to the previous data. A comparison of the population data of the 4 counties in the Qianlong period and 1953 suggests that Xiangning county had 15.4% of the population of the 4 counties in the Qianlong period and 15.5% in 1953—almost the same percentage. In contrast, Linfen County accounted for 29.6% of the total population in the Qianlong period, a percentage that is completely different from the 41.7% in 1953. This difference drove up the proportions of the total population of two of the 4 counties. Linfen county, as the capital of Pingyang fu (prefecture), had an increasing proportion of the population, which had a close bearing with its adjacency to the central city of southern Shanxi (Jin) province. What’s more, the capital city, Linfen, might have received more remedy in the great disaster of early Guangxu years, so with comparatively stable society and a smaller loss of population, it had a larger population in 1953 than that of 1778, while the other three counties had a smaller population in 1953 than that in 1778. In 1953, Xiangning and three other counties accounted for 45.1% of the prefecture’s total population. If they accounted for the same proportion of the total population in the Qianlong period, then the entire prefecture had a population of 1,248,000 inhabitants. Pingyang fu, for its part, had an average annual population growth rate of 2.6‰ between Qianlong 41st and Jiaqing 25th year. 4.5 Xizhou According to Volume 3 of Xizhou Zhi edited in the Qianlong period, Xizhou subprefecture had 5,000 households and 20,000 inhabitants in 1753 (Qianlong

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18th year), a population figure smaller than the 26,000 inhabitants of 1391 (Hongwu 24th year). Though the data was further categorized into adult male and female and male and female children, it remains unreliable. Volume 2 of Xizhou Zhi, edited in the Guangxu period, contained some population statistics of Xizhou from 1796 (Jiaqing 1st year) to 1884 (Guangxu 10th year). In particular, there were 57,000 persons in 1796, 104,000 in 1875, 23,000 in 1877, 27,000 in 1884, and 57,000 in 1953. Xizhou had an average annual population growth rate of 7.6‰ before the drought (1796–1875), 22.3‰ after the drought (1877–1884), and 10.8‰ between 1884–1953. The high population growth rate after the natural disaster was recuperative population growth. However, the population growth rate before the drought was not reliable. In 1953, Xixian County accounted for 39.1‰ of the total population of Xizhou. If the data of Jiaqing first year was reliable, then Xizhou had a population of 145,000. If in 1851 (Daoguang 1st year), the population figure of 71,000 is reliable, then the population of the sub-prefecture was more than 180,000. The total population of Xizhou in Jiaqing 25th year recorded in Jiaqing Yitongzhi was 134,000 even though the data after Jiaqing years might have been inflated. From 1820 to 1953, apart from Xizhou, all prefectures and subprefectures in Shanxi Province had a declining population. If the population figures in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) were correct, then we can confirm that Xizhou suffered less during the great drought in the early years of Guangxu period than other areas in the southeast of Shanxi. As collateral evidence, we’ve shown in the following section that Linxian, Yongning, and Xiangning counties in Fenzhou Prefecture also suffered less from the drought than the other counties. Xizhou was a neighboring prefecture, so it was similarly affected? In the middle of the Qing Dynasty, the average annual growth rate of the population in the south of Pingyang prefecture was about 5‰, and that of Pingyang Prefecture itself was 2.6‰. We attempt to prove that the average annual population growth rate of Fenzhou fu and Taiyuan fu in the north of Pingyang prefecture in the same period was 3.3‰ and 2.9‰, respectively. If we assume that the average annual population growth rate was 3.5‰ in Xizhou and Huozhou, then the two counties had a population of 115,000 and 301,000 respectively in Qianlong 41st year. 4.6 Lu’an Fu, Zezhou, and Qinzhou As far as Lu’an fu is concerned, the only information available that is discussed is that of Changzi county. According to Volume 5 of Changzi Xian Zhi, there were 19,000 households, and the actual indigenous population was 92,000, with an average of 4.7 persons per household in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). The baojia system records show that there were 33,000 households and a

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population of 152,000 inhabitants with an average of 4.5 persons per household in 1815 (Jiaqing 20th year). The average annual growth rate of the population during 1776–1815 was about 13‰ with the high growth rate indicating an extremely small population in 1776. According to Jiaqing Yitongzhi, Lu’an fu had a population of 941,000 in Jiaqing 25th year, including the population of Changzi county that accounted for 16.2% of the total of Lu’an fu. In 1953, Changzi county had a population of 186,000, which accounted for 16.1% of the total population of 1,156,000 in Lu’an. It is not a coincidence to have almost the same proportion given that the records indicate the population of the various parts of the region maintained the same structure, further proving that the data of Lu’an fu in the Jiaqing period was the result of reliable census figures. Due to the influence of the great drought in the early Guangxu period, Changzi county had an average annual population growth rate of 1.5‰ between 1815 and 1953—the same as that of Lu’an fu between 1820 and 1953. Also, in the southeastern region of Shanxi Province, Zezhou fu and Qinzhou had an average annual population growth rate of 1.6‰ and 1.8‰ respectively between 1820–1953. This means the rate was similar among the three regions. In the following section, we demonstrate that between 1820 and 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Pingding zhou was only 2.8‰, while the average annual population growth rate between Qianlong and Jiaqing was 4.4‰. We can then estimate that the average annual population growth rate of Lu’an Fu in the mid-Qing Dynasty was around 4‰. Furthermore, Lu’an fu, in Qianlong 41st year, probably had a population of 789,000 while Zezhou and Qinzhou had a population of 755,000 and 224,000, respectively. 4.7 Taiyuan Fu According to Volume 16 of Taiyuan Records edited in the Qianlong, Taiyuan fu had 284,000 households and a population of 1,575,000 with an average of 4.9 persons per household in 1781 (Qianlong 46th year). The population data of Yuci county was unavailable at the county level record, so we filled in with the record from Volume 6 of Yuci Xian Zhi edited in the Tongzhi period, which outlines there were 50,000 households and a population of 265,000 in Qianlong 13th year. If we assume that the average growth rate was 3‰ up until 1781, then Taiyuan fu had 339,000 households and a population of 1,891,000 with an average of 5.6 persons per household. However, the population data of Qianlong 46th year was problematic. For example, Qixian allegedly had 27,000 households and a population of 41,000 with an average of 1.5 persons per household, while Xugou county and Taigu county had 9 to 10 persons per household. Judging from the proportions of

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their population in the prefecture, there is every indication that the population records were inflated. Lanxian county had an average of 10.5 persons per household, possibly resulting from a reduction in the number of households. The overestimation of the population was offset by the underestimation of the total population, which in 1781(Qianlong 46th year) was said to be about 1.782 million. According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, in 1820, Taiyuan fu had 332,000 households and a population of 2,087,000 with an average of 6.3 persons per household. Assuming that the average number of persons per household was 6, then Taiyuan fu had a population of 1,992,000. The average annual population growth rate from 1781 till 1820 was 2.9‰. That means, retrospectively, the total population of Taiyuan Fu back in Qianlong 41st year was about 1.834 million. 4.8 Fenzhou Fu According to Volume 7 of Fenzhou Fu Zhi, Fenzhou had 192,000 households and a population of 1,278,800 with an average of 6.7 persons per household in 1769 (Qianlong 34th year). The records of Jiaqing Yitong Zhi indicate that there were 232,000 households and a population of 1,807,000 with an average of 7.8 persons per household in 1820. The average annual population growth rate of Fenzhou between 1769–1820 was 6.8‰. If we suppose that the data of 1820 was reliable, then that would mean the data of 1769 was deflated. Volume 7 of Fenzhou Records edited in the Qianlong period contained a record of the number of households and persons in 1769 according to which four counties had an average of 4–6 persons per household. On the contrary, Pingyang county, Pingyao county, and Xiaoyi county had an average of more than 7 persons per household while and Linxian county had 18.5, the highest average number of persons per household. When these counties are viewed as a percentage of the total population of Fenzhou Fu in 1953, we notice that Pingyao county and Shilou county were similar while the other six counties differed significantly. This suggests that the data of 1769 was definitely erroneous. According to Volume 4 of Jiexiu Records edited in the Jiaqing period, in 1766 (Qianlong 31st year), Jiexiu county had 68,000 households and a population of 37,000 with an average of 5.5 persons per household. In 1813 (Jiaqing 18th year), there were 81,000 households and a population of 595,000 with an average of 7.4 persons per household. The average annual growth rate of households between 1766 and 1813 was 3.6‰, and the average annual population growth rate was 8.1‰. While the average annual growth rate of households appears appropriate, the average annual growth rate of the population was too high. Assuming that there was an average of 5.5 persons per household, Jiexiu county may have had a population of 445,000 in Jiaqing 18th year. Furthermore,

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Jiexiu county accounted for 29.6% of the total population of Taiyuan Fu in Qianlong 34th year. Based on these figures, Fenzhou fu, it is estimated, had a population of 1,503,000 in Jiaqing 18th year—fewer than the 1,807,000 recorded in Jiaqing Yitongzhi (Comprehensive Geography of Jiaqing period). In Qianlong 34th year, Linxian, Yongning, and Xiangning county accounted for only 10.2% of the total population, while in 1953, they accounted for 43.3%. Obviously, the population loss of Fenzhou fu in Jiaqing 18th year mainly resulted from the underestimation of 300,000 inhabitants in the three counties of Linxian, Yongning, and Ningxiang. Assuming, retrospectively, that the average annual growth rate was 3.3‰, that would mean about 260,000 persons in the three counties were underreported in 1769 (Qianlong 34th year). That would also mean Fenzhou fu had a total population of about 1,538,000, with the population of Linxian County, Yongning County, and Ningxiang County accounting for 25.4% of the total. The adjustment considerably increased the proportion of the population of the three counties in Qianlong 34th year, but never to the level of 1953. Based on the population proportions of the three counties in 1953, Fenzhou Fu had a population of 2 million in 1769 (Qianlong 34th year)—an obvious impossibility. The huge increase in the population in the three counties, including Linxian, was due to the effects of the severe drought in the Guangxu period. The three counties were located in the Northwest of Fenzhou fu which was barely affected by the drought thereby leading to the rise in their population. According to this estimation and calculation, the average annual population growth of Fenzhou fu during 1769 (Qianlong 34th year) and 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) was 3.3‰, and the population in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) was 1,567,000. 4.9 Pingding Zhou In 1953, there were significant changes in the administrative zoning of Yangquan city which also witnessed the carving out of Xiyang city from Pingding Zhou. In addition, Yangquan, as one of the two big mining areas, had its population growth affected by factors like industrialization. Therefore, the previously employed regional population proportion analysis does not apply here. According to Volume 5 of Pingding Zhou Zhi edited in the Guangxu period, Pingding Zhou had 27,000 households and a population of 122,000 in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). Also, it had 28,000 households and a population of 133,000 in Jiaqing 25th year and 29,000 households and a population of 136,000 in 1850 (Daoguang 30th year). The average annual growth rate of the population in the two periods was 2‰ and 0.7‰, respectively. In the Guangxu period, Xiyang County used to be Leping town of Pingding zhou.

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Volume 5 of Pingding Zhou Zhi edited in the Guangxu period indicates that Leping town had 17,000 households and a population of 72,000 persons in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) and 17,000 households a population of 73,000 in 1785 (Qianlong 50th year). That means the average annual population growth rate over the 10 years was 2.8‰. Volume 3 of Shouyang Records, edited in the Guangxu period, contained population records from 1731 (Yongzheng 9th year) to 1785 (Qianlong 50th year). The population data before Qianlong 36th year was the record of ding. The average annual growth rate of the population during that period was 4.4‰. Based on the data of the three counties, it appears reasonable to set the average annual population growth rate of Pingding zhou at 3‰. According to this growth rate, and beginning by evaluating the population of 640,000 in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) recorded in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, Pingding zhou could have had a population of 561,000 in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). 4.10 Liaozhou The records of Volume 2 of Yushe Records edited in the Guangxu period indicate that there were 10,000 households and a population of 49,000 in 1742 (Qianlong 7th year)—figures which appear unreasonable. However, compared with the records of Hongwu 24th year and that of 1953, only the record of Heshun county were reasonable. In 1953, Yushe county accounted for 28.4% of the total population of the three counties. Therefore, based on this rate, Liaozhou may have had a population of 173,000 in Qianlong 7th year. In Hongwu 24th year, Yushe county accounted for 44.3% of the total population of the three counties, which means, based on this rate, Liaozhou may have had a population of 111,000 in Qianlong 7th year. The figures show a significant gap. Liaozhou had a population of 213,000 in Jiaqing 25th year. Therefore, the average annual population growth rate from Qianlong 7th year to Jiaqing 25th year was 2.7‰ or 8.4‰—a rate that appears more reasonable than the previous one. Assuming that the average annual growth rate was 2.7‰, Liaozhou may have had a population of 190,000 in Qianlong 41st year. 4.11 Daizhou, Yizhou, Baodezhou, and Ningwu Fu According to the population figures in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, there were a total of 73,000 households and 513,000 persons in all 4 counties of Daizhou in 1820. However, in 1953, Daizhou had a population of 748,000. Volume 4 of Daizhou Zhi, edited in the Guangxu period, contains the county-level population in 1880 (Guagxu 6th year). Fanshi county had an average of 11.7 persons per household. In addition, the population of 9,384 should be mistaken with 19,384. If that

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is the case, an adjusted number of 5.7 persons per household on average is more plausible. Wutai county accounted for 20.9% and 27.5% of the total population of the prefecture in 1880 (Guangxu 6th year) and 1953, respectively. This is an indication that the population of Wutai county in Guangxu 6th year was comparatively too low, and the average annual population growth rate between 1880 and 1953 reached 7.3‰. During these two periods, Guoxian accounted for 41.4% and 36.6% of the total population, respectively, thereby indicating a possible bigger population in Guangxu 6th year. Furthermore, the average annual population growth rate of 1.8‰ between 1880 and 1953 also attested to that. It is worthy to note that no adjustment is necessary, given the understatement of the population in Wutai county is offset by the overestimation of the population in Guoxian. Daizhou and Fanshi accounted for the same percentage of the total population in 1880 and 1953 with an average annual growth rate of 2.8‰ between 1880 and 1953—an indication that there was possible population growth. From 1820 to 1880, and then to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Daizhou remained 2‰. Despite the negligible impact of the drought in the Guangxu period, Daizhou still suffered a 4.4% population loss. Therefore, it is reasonable for us to set the population growth rate before Jiaqing period at 3‰. As there was no specific data of Xinzhou, Baode zhou, and Ningwu fu to be analyzed, we have set the average annual population growth rate during the Qianlong and Jiaqing periods at 3‰ based on that the rate of Daizhou. 4.12 Datong Fu, Shuoping Fu and Guisuiliu Ting According to Volume 13 of Datong Fu Zhi, edited in Qianlong 41st year, there were 702,000 persons in Datong fu, all its counties, and Datong Garrison. If the migrant population in Fengzhen ting is included, the population would be 725,000. The records of Jiaqing Yitong Zhi indicated that there were 134,000 households and a population of 765,000 in Datong fu, with an average annual population growth rate of only 1.3‰ between 1776 and 1820. Suppose the data of 1820 didn’t include migrants of Fengzhen, then the average annual growth rate of the population between 1776 and 1820 was only 2‰. In 1953, Datong fu had a population of 2,014,000 with an average annual population growth rate of 7.3‰ from 1820. Jiaqing Yitongzhi recorded that Shuoping fu had a population of 530,000 in 1820 and 755,000 in 1953 with an average annual population growth rate of 2.7‰. According to Jiaqing Yitongzhi, Guishuiliu ting had a population of 121,000 in 1820 and 1,011,000 in 1953, with an average annual population growth

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rate of 16.1‰. The highest average annual population growth rate had a close bearing on the influx of migrants. So, we could estimate and measure the population of these prefectures in Qianlong and Jiaqing periods based on the average annual growth rate of 2‰. Therefore, it can be suggested that Guishuiliu ting and Shuoping fu had a population of 111,000 and 485,000, respectively, in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). 4.13 Summary According to Jiaqing Yitong Zhi, Shanxi province had a population of 14,627,000 in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), but in this section, we conclude that the population was 14,339,000. The difference was the result of a mistake while copying the data of Puzhou fu in Jiaqing Yitongzhi (Comprehensive Geography of Jiaqing period). According to Qingchao Wenxian Tongkao (1787), the population was 12, 503,000, slightly over the 12,278,000 calculated in this section. The difference is because the population figures of some prefectures were overestimated. In sum, compared with other provinces, the population data recorded in Jiaqing Yitong Zhi and Qingchao Wenxian Tongkao was quite reliable.

Chapter 10

The Impact of the Taiping War on the Population In this chapter, I mainly discuss the impact of the Taiping War on the population of different regions. In addition, I analyze the 1910 population of regions affected by the Taiping War, then calculate the population of each fu in the different 1910 (Xuantong 2nd year) provinces as a reference to the overall reconstruction of each fu’s population in that year.1 To be specific, I use the year 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) in this chapter as the standard pre-war point of time and the average annual population growth rate from 1776 to 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) to represent the population growth rate from 1821 to 1851. It is based on these assumptions that I calculate the population in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year). Then, using 1865 (Tongzhi 4th year) as the standard postwar point of time, I can work out the wartime population loss. Also, based on the above data, the population of each fu in 1910 can be calculated according to the population growth rate. Due to limited space, we have simplified the calculation of the 1910 population of each fu in this chapter. 1

Jiangsu

In 1853 (Xianfeng 3rd year), the Taiping army conquered Nanjing and immediately occupied Zhenjiang and Yangzhou. The official troops set up Jiangnan (the northern bank of the Yangtze River) and Jiangbei (the south bank of Yangtze River) battalions surrounding Nanjing. The Taiping army and the official troops in the northern part of Jiangsu Province mainly fought around the defenses put up by the Jiangbei battalion. In 1856 and 1860, the Taiping Amy defeated the Jiangnan battalion twice, their main battlefield being in the hilly area in the east part of Nanjing. After breaking through the Jiangnan batallion, the Taiping army conquered Suzhou and Changzhou and established Sufu 1 The 1910 data was obtained from the collection of the First Historical Archives of China— The Population Inventory in the 2nd year of Xuantong of the Jianghuai Areas Reported by Chengxuan Buzhengshisi in Jiangning and Other Divisions of Jiangnan, abbreviated in our book as The Population Inventory. The data was found in the article “A Household Survey and Population Estimates by the Ministry of Civil Affairs” by Wang Shida and cited in The History of China’s Modern Population by Jiang Tao, Hangzhou: Zhejiang People’s Press, 1993. The data of the 1930s was obtained from Chinese Economy, 20 (20) cited by Hu Huanyong in On the Distribution of China’s Population, Shanghai: East China Normal University Press, 1983.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004688933_011

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province. The southern part of Jiangsu became the strategic battleground for Taiping army and the Qing troops. 1.1 Suzhou Fu According to Vol. 13 of The Record of Suzhou fu compiled during the Tongzhi period, from 1810 (Jiaqing 15th year) to 1830 (Daoguang 10th year), the average annual growth rate of Rending (male population) in Suzhou fu was 3.3‰. According to the above data, the male population of Suzhou fu in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) was estimated to be about 3,657,000 inhabitants. In 1865 (Tongzhi 4th year), the number of Rending in Suzhou fu was 1.288 million men, a decrease of about 65% compared with the number of 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year). The total population of Suzhou fu was 6,543,000 inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), and only 2,290,000 in 1865—a loss of 4,250,000 inhabitants. From 1865 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Suzhou fu was 3.6‰. Given that the 1910 population was accurate, then its average annual population growth rate from 1865 to 1910 was 2.2 ‰. It is hard to explain why the postwar population growth rate was lower than the pre-war population growth rate. Therefore, the population of Suzhou fu in 1910 seems a little low. However, I do not revise it because the difference is insignificant. 1.2 Songjiang Fu In 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), the population of Songjiang fu was about 2,915,000 inhabitants. According to Vol. 4 of The Continued Records of Songjiang fu compiled in the Guangxu period, the number of men and women in Songjiang fu in 1864 was 2.63 million inhabitants, a decrease of 285,000 inhabitants accounted for 9.8% of the pre-war population. 1.3 Taicang Fu Chongming county did not experience any population loss because it was barricaded by the Yangtze River, hence not affected by wars and disasters. According to Vol. 4 of The Record of Jiading County compiled in the Guangxu period, the population loss of Jiading county, compared to Jiaqing period, was nearly 50% during the Taiping War. Zhenyang County (present-day Taicang County) had a population of 200,000 inhabitants in 1797 (Jiaqing 2nd year), about 240,000 in 1851(Xianfeng 1st year), and only 132,000 in 1869. In 1865, the population was estimated to be about 130,000,2 with a population loss rate as high as 46%. According to Jiaqing Yitongzhi (Comprehensive Georgraphy of Jiaqing period), the total population of Taican Zhili prefecture was 1,778,000 2 (Xuantong period). Tax and Corvee. The Records of Zhenyang County in Taicang Prefecture (7).

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inhabitants, and 1851, it was 1,971,000. The total population of counties other than Chongming was 1,310,000 inhabitants, and their mortality rate during wartime was 40% with a total of 524,000 deaths. The population of Taicang county in 1865 was about 1,447,000 inhabitants. This figure is higher than that of 1910 and that of 1933 and 1953. The decrease in the population of Taicang county may have a bearing on the separation of its administrative districts of Jiading and Baoshan counties which were later incorporated into Shanghai, or to the flow of the suburban population into Shanghai. 1.4 Zhenjiang Fu All counties in Zhenjiang Province suffered great losses in the war. According to Vol. 12 of The Revised Records of Dantu County and Vol. 16 of The Records of Liyang County, both compiled in the Guangxu period, the population of Dantu county was 332,000 inhabitants in 1840, and only 108,000 inhabitants in 1867, a decrease of 67.5%. The population of Liyang county in 1840 was about 366,000 inhabitants, and only 40,000 inhabitants in 1867 (Tongzhi 4th year), a decrease of 89%. In total, the population loss of the two counties was 78.9%. Based on the average annual population growth rate of 4‰, the population of Zhenjiang in 1840 (Xianfeng 1st year) was 2,484,000 inhabitants. If its population loss accounted for 79%, then there was a decrease of 1,962,000 inhabitants. 1.5 Changzhou Fu According to Vol. 8 of The Records of Jinkui County of Wuxi compiled in the Guangxu period, the total rending of the two counties of Wuxi and Jinkui (present-day Wuxi City) was 598,000 men in 1830; it was supposed to have been 650,000 men in 1840. However, only 210,000 men were accounted for in 1865, meaning there was a population loss of 67.7%. According to Vol. 4 of The Revised Records of Jiangyin County compiled in the Guangxu period, the population of Jiangyin County was 978,000 inhabitants in 1839 (Daoguang 19th year), and 1,015,000 in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year); it dropped to 102,000 inhabitants in 1864 and, again, rose to 309,000 in 1876, including 177,000 men and 132,000 women. Therefore, the population in 1876 is more reliable than the population in 1864. Based on the above data, there could be about 299,000 inhabitants in 1865, and the population loss rate of Jiangyin county probably reached 70.5% during the war. According to Vol. 4 of The Records of Jingjiang County compiled in the Tongzhi period, the population of Jingjiang county along the north bank of the Yangtze River kept growing since it was not affected by the war. The population of Changzhou fu in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) was about 3,896,000 inhabitants. With the population growth rate of 4‰, the population

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of Changzhou fu could reach 4,409,000 inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year). Given that the population of Jingjiang accounted for one-eighth of the population of the eight counties in Changzhou fu, the other seven counties had a total population of about 3,858,000 inhabitants. If the population loss of Jingjiang county was about 69%, i.e., 2,662,000 inhabitants, the remaining population could be 1,196,000 inhabitants. 1.6 Jiangning Fu The average annual population growth rate of Jiangning fu was 6.5‰ in the middle of the Qing Dynasty. It is appropriate to calculate on the basis of 5.5‰ if the growth rate decreased after the mid-Qing Dynasty. It is already known that the population of Jiangning fu in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) was 5,252,000 inhabitants, and its population reached 6,225,000 in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year). The population loss percentage in Jiangning fu can be estimated based on the situation in Lishui and Gaochun counties. The number of nanding (male population) in these two counties was 374,000 in 1847, and up to 378,000 in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year). Nevertheless, the male population was only 92,000 in 1874 (Tongzhi 13th year) and might have only been 90,000 in 1865, a loss of 76%. As Jiangning fu was the center of the Taiping War, the population loss in its counties, including Liuhe and Jiangpu, did not differ largely. Therefore, the population loss of Jiangning fu during the war was estimated to have been 4,731,000 inhabitants, given that only 1,494,000 inhabitants were left. The average annual population growth rate of Jiangning fu from 1865 to 1910 was merely 2.8‰, even though it was 13.7‰ from 1910 to 1953. It can be seen that the population data obtained through the census initiated by the New Deal of the late Qing Dynasty were underestimated. In fact, the average annual population growth rate of Jiangning fu was 8.1‰. Based on its population in 1865 and an average annual population growth rate of 7‰, I can extrapolate the population of Jiangning fu in 1910 to approximately 2.045 million inhabitants. In fact, the population officially registered in Jiangning fu was 1,775,000 inhabitants, including 1,067,000 men and 707,000 women with a sex ratio of 1.51:1. If the sex ratio is adjusted to 1.1:1, then the population could increase to 2,037,000 inhabitants. The statistics, revised according to the reported registered population, are more reliable than those obtained through the so-called census initiated by the New Deal. 1.7 Yangzhou Fu Yangzhou fu, which was located at the north bank of the Yangtze River, suffered great losses during the Taiping War. Its southwestern counties of Yizheng, Ganquan (incorporated into Jiangdu county in 1912), and Jiangdu were

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significantly affected by the war. According to Vol. 4 of The Records of Ganquan County compiled in the Guangxu period, the number of dingkou (both male and female population) in the county was 666,000 inhabitants in 1809, but decreased to 240,000 inhabitants in 1881. If the pre-war and post-war points of time are respectively set in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) and 1865, the population loss of Ganquan county could be as high as 72.5%. Given that the total population of the aforementioned three counties accounted for three-eighths of that of the eight counties under the jurisdiction of Yangzhou fu, the population loss of Yangzhou fu during the war could be as high as 27%. Based on the above data, Yangzhou fu had a population, in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), of about 7.981 million inhabitants and its war-related deaths were 2.155 million inhabitants. Therefore, the remaining population was 5.826 million inhabitants. Other areas were war-free zones that they suffered no loss at all. The calculation of the population of each fu in pre-war and postwar periods and 1910 is not elaborated here. 1.8 Summary During the Taiping War, altogether 16,789,000 people died in the seven fu of Jiangning, Yangzhou, Zhenjiang, Changzhou, Suzhou, Songjiang, and Taicang. Within the same period, the population of other fu in northern Jiangsu increased by 490,000 inhabitants while the population of the whole province decreased by 16.3 million inhabitants. Its post-war population was about 63.6% of the pre-war population. The average annual growth rate of Jiangsu Province from 1880(Guangxu 6th year) to 1953 was 6.5‰, however, it will drop to 4.6‰ with the exclusion of the population of Shanghai. 2

Zhejiang

The Taiping War lasted for seven years from 1858 when Shi Dakai led the Taiping troops to occupy Jiangshan, Changshan, and Kaihua in Quzhou fu, then to 1864 when the Taiping army was defeated and expelled from Zhejiang by the Qing troops. The war caused large-scale deaths. 2.1 Jiaxing Fu The household number of each county in Jiaxing fu in 1838 and 1873 is recorded in the “Household and Population,” Vol. 20 of The Record of Jiaxing Fu compiled during the Guangxu period. The data of counties such as Jiashan, Pinghu, and Haiyan are obviously fabricated. Jiaxing and Xiushui were fuguo counties of Jiaxing fu (dependent counties located in the city of Jiaxing fu). From 1873

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to 1953, the average annual growth rate of the two counties was 5.9‰—a high growth rate that has a bearing with a large number of postwar migrants. In contrast, Shimen and Tongxiang counties had fewer migrants. Therefore, the average annual population growth rates of the two counties from 1873 to 1953 were 3.8 ‰ and 4.2 ‰, respectively. It can be seen that from the postwar period to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Jiaxing fu was about 4‰, the same as the pre-war growth rate. If I base my regression analysis on this rate, then the population of Jiaxing fu was about 1,091,000 inhabitants in 1865 and 1,306,000 in 1910. According to the discussion in Chapter 3, from 1776 to 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the average annual population growth rate of Jiaxing fu was 4‰. Based on the data of 1838, I can extrapolate the population of Jiaxing in 1858 was about 3.178 million inhabitants. After the war, its population was only 34.3% of the pre-war population, meaning there was a loss of 2.087 million inhabitants and a mortality rate of 65.7%. 2.2 Hangzhou Fu As the strategic center for the confrontation between the Taiping army and the Qing troops, the city of Hangzhou witnessed massive deaths. Records showed that 140,000 inhabitants in the city of Hangzhou were slaughtered,3 and “the enemy attacked from four directions cutting out food supplies to the city. More than 100,000 inhabitants died of starvation within one month.”4 In 1858, the population of Hangzhou fu was 3,721,000 inhabitants. Meanwhile, according to Vol. 57 of The Record of Hangzhou Fu compiled in the Republic of China, the indigenous population of the whole fu in 1585 was 720,000 inhabitants, accounting for only 19.4% of its pre-war population. The Taiping War caused a loss of 3 million inhabitants in Hangzhou fu, taking up 80.6% of its total population. 2.3 Huzhou Fu In 1858 before the Taiping War, the population of Huzhou fu was about 2.989 million inhabitants. According to Ge Qinghua (2002),5 the population loss of the seven counties under the jurisdiction of Huzhou fu during the Taiping War 3 Anonymous author(s). The Records of the Southeast. A Compilation of The Documents of the Taipingtianguo (Book 5), 232. 4 Anonymous author(s). (1983). A Brief Records of Invasions. Selected Historical Materials of the Taipingtianguo in Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Anhui and Henan (p. 191). Nanjing: Jiangsu People’s Publishing House. 5 Ge, Q. (2002). A Study of Population Migration in the Border Area of Jiangsu, Zhejiang and Anhui in Modern China (pp. 33–36). Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press.

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was 2.357 million inhabitants; however, only 632,000 remained after the war, meaning the population loss rate was 78.9%. 2.4 Yanzhou Fu Located in the hills and mountains of western Zhejiang Province, Yanzhou fu (present-day Meicheng Town in the northeast part of Jiande city) was where the Taiping army and the Qing troops were engaged in wars. Dai Pan, governor of Yanzhou Prefecture, wrote, “After the chaos in Yanzhou Prefecture, people were scarcely seen on the streets. In total, Seven out of ten people in, five out of ten people in Tonglu and Shouchang, four out of ten in Chunan and Jiande, and two out of ten in Fenshui survived.” Based on the household population of each county in 1754 recorded in Vol. 9 of The Record of Yanzhou fu compiled in the Guangxu period, I find that the population loss rate of Yanzhou fu during the war was as high as 54%. Based on the statistics of each county recorded in Daming Yitongzhi (Comprehensive Geography of the Great Ming Dynasty) compiled in the Tianshun period, I calculate the population loss rate of Yanzhou fu to be about 58%. In 1858, the population of Yanzhou fu was 1,019,000 inhabitants; however, after the war, it was 469,000, meaning 550,000 inhabitants perished. With 300,000 migrants entering its household registration, the average annual population growth rate of Yanzhou fu from 1865 to 1953 was about 6‰. Accordingly, its population was about 614,000 inhabitants in 1910. 2.5 Quzhou Fu and Jinhua Fu Jinqu Basin was the major pass for the Taiping army to enter and leave Zhejiang and Jiangxi provinces, and its population loss was huge during the war. For example, after the war in Longyou, “less than one-tenth of the inhabitants of the county survived. Three out of ten Kemin [non-locals or migrants] were from Wenchu and the remaining from Guangfeng in Jiangxi.”6 Xi’an and Longyou counties were at the center of the war zone, so they lost at least 70% of their entire population. The mortality rate in the marginal area of Jinqu Basin was a little lower. According to Vol. 1 of The Record of Jiangshan County compiled in the Tongzhi period, the population of Jiangshan county was 55,000 inhabitants in 1859. It remained 184,000 in 1871, meaning there was a decrease of 28%. It is possible to determine, by going back to 1865 using the regression analysis, that the population loss rate of Jiangshan may be up to 30%.

6 Yu, En. (The Republic of China Period). A preface to the continued carving of poetry manuscripts in the Lizhi Study. The Records of Longyou County (Vol. 36) Wenzheng IV.

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The population of Quzhou fu in 1858 was 1,225,000 inhabitants. However, 50% of the population perished, meaning approximately 610,000 inhabitants died while 610,000 survived. The population of Quzhou fu grew at an average annual rate of 7.3‰ from 1865 to 1953, and it reached 1,158,000 inhabitants in 1953. This is not the natural population growth rate because it includes the high growth of the regional population caused by migrants who moved between the Tongzhi and Guangxu periods. Therefore, the population of Quzhou fu, calculated using the regression analysis method and based on an average annual growth rate of 5‰, was 934,000 inhabitants in 1910. The warfare in the territory of Jinhua fu during the Taipingtianguo period was intense, so there must have been more deaths than in Jiangshan county, but fewer deaths than in the entire Quzhou fu. The population of Jinhua fu in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) was 2.55 million inhabitants and 3.082 million in 1858. If 40% of its population perished in the war, then about 1,323,000 inhabitants died, leaving behind a population of about 1,850,000 inhabitants. In 1953, the population of Jinhua fu was 2.95 million, and its average annual population growth rate was 5.3‰ from 1865 to 1953. Based on this given rate and calculating backward using a regression analysis, Jinhua fu had a population of 2.35 million in 1910. 2.6 Chuzhou Fu The population of each county during the Tongzhi and Guangxu periods is well documented in Vol. 11 of RecordChuzhou Prefecture Record compiled during the Tongzhi period. Longquan, Qingtian, and Jingning counties were slightly affected by the war, while Qingyuan was not affected at all. The average annual population growth rates of Longquan and Qingyuan counties during the Tongzhi and Guangxu periods up until 1953 was 5.8‰ and 4.4‰ respectively—hence perceived as natural population growth rates. The household number of Lishui county in 1795 and 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) is listed in Vol. 11 of Chuzhou Prefecture Record compiled in the Guangxu period while the data of 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) are exaggerated. Based on the data of 1795 and the average annual growth rate of 5‰, I extrapolate the population of Lishui County in 1858 was about 239,000 inhabitants; I also work out the average annual population growth rate from 1873 to 1953 to be about 3.7‰. Through a regression analysis, I can learn that the population of Lishui county in 1865 was 104,000 inhabitants, and its population loss during the war was 56.4%. i.e., 135,000 inhabitants. Based on the population figure in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) and the average annual growth rate of 5‰, the population of Chuzhou is estimated to be 1.298 million inhabitants in 1858. The population of Chuzhou fu was 1.339 million

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inhabitants in 1953. Based on the average annual growth rate of 5‰ and going back using the regression analysis method, the population of Chuzhou fu was 863,000 inhabitants in 1865, with a population loss rate of 35%. i.e., 475,000 inhabitants. At the same growth rate, the actual population in 1910 is estimated to be 1.08 million inhabitants. 2.7 Shaoxing Fu According to Vol. 5 of The Record of Xiaoshan County compiled in the Republic of China, the population of Xiaoshan county in 1789 was 687,000 inhabitants. Based on the average annual growth rate of 5.3‰ in the mid-Qing Dynasty, its population was 978,000 inhabitants in 1858. In Vol. 5, the total number of men and women in Xiaoshan county was 414,000 in 1910, and the population was 593,000 inhabitants in 1953, and the average annual population growth rate was 9‰ from 1910 to 1953. However, the data of 1910 seem underestimated because if we move backward using the regression analysis method, based on the 1953 population and an average annual growth rate of 5.3‰, then the population of Xiaoshan in 1865 was 373,000 inhabitants, and there was a 62% population loss or a loss of 605,000 inhabitants. The population of Xiaoshan county in 1953 was 86.3% of the county’s population in 1789. The population of Shaoxing (Shangyin and Huiji counties) in 1953 was 73.1% of its population in 1798, that of Zhuji in 1953 was 60.9% of its population in 1798. In places such as Shaoxing and Zhuji, the population loss rate in the Taiping War may have reached more than 70%. In 1858, the total population of the four counties, including Xianshan was about 4.529 million inhabitants, and its population loss rate was 70%, i.e., 3.17 million inhabitants. Based on the above data, the average annual population growth rate of the four counties in western Shaoxing from 1865 to 1953 was 5‰. According to Vol. 30 of The Record of Shangyu County compiled in the Guangxu period, the population of the eastern part of Shaoxing fu was 142,000 inhabitants in 1869, and 335,000 in 1953, and the average annual growth rate was as high as 10.3‰ from 1869 to 1953. The population of Shangyu county reached 304,000 in 1932, and its average annual growth rate was 4.5‰ up until 1953. Based on this growth rate and projecting backward using the regression analysis method, we deduce the population of Shangyu County was 225,000 inhabitants in 1865, and 484,000 in 1858. The number of inhabitants that perished during the Taiping War was 259,000, i.e., a loss rate of 53.5%. In view of the small population loss in Xinchang county, I set the population loss rate of the four counties in the eastern part of Shaoxing fu at 40%. The total population of the four counties in the eastern part of Shaoxing fu in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) was about 1.648 million inhabitants; about 2.015

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million in 1858, with a population loss of 806,000 inhabitants. In total, the population loss of Shaoxing fu was nearly 3.976 million inhabitants, a loss rate of about 60.8%. 2.8 Ningbo Fu According to Vol. 12 of The Record of Cixi County compiled in the Guangxu period, the population of Cixi was 249,000 inhabitants in 1870, and the average annual population growth rate was 1.2‰ up until 1953. According to Vol. 11 of The Record of Xiangshan County compiled in the Republic of China, the population of Xiangshan was 212,000 inhabitants in 1868, and its average annual growth rate of 2.1‰ up until 1953. From 1830 to 1953, Xiangshan had an average annual population growth rate of 2.8‰—a growth rate that is considered natural given that Xiangshan was not significantly affected during the Taiping War. Yinxian and other counties were considerably affected by the war. As a large number of people died, the post-war population growth rate was high. In 1953, the population of Ningbo fu was 2,264,000 inhabitants. If the postwar average annual growth rate of Ningbo fu was set at 3‰, the population would be 1,739,000 inhabitants in 1865. Meanwhile, the population of Ningbo fu was 2,356,000 inhabitants in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), and its population in 1858 would be 2,742,000 inhabitants if I extrapolate by using 4‰ as the average annual growth rate. Thus, the population loss after the war was one million inhabitants, a loss rate of 36.5%. The average annual population growth rate of Ningbo fu from 1910 to 1953 was 2.5‰—a rate that appears quite reasonable. However, during the period of the Republic of China, a large number of Ningbo people moved to Shanghai. Therefore, it is justifiable that the local population in Ningbo did not grow fast. 2.9 Taizhou Fu According to Vol. 4 of The Record of Linhai County compiled in the Republic of China, Bao-jia registers had the population of Linhai county at 467,000 inhabitants in 1871, with an average annual population growth rate of 1.6‰ up until 1953. According to Vol. 4 of Taizhou Fu Record compiled in the Republic of China, the household number of Xianju county in 1869 was about 176,000 inhabitants, and its average annual population growth rate was 2.4‰ in 1953. Vol. 60 of Taizhou Fu Record compiled in The Republic of China maintains: “Taizhou county was populous but not rich. Its growing population led to insufficient arable land, and hundreds of millions of tenant farmers swarmed into Hangzhou, Jiahu, and Ningbo.” Land-based tension resulted in emigration and a decrease in the average annual population growth rate. Consequently, in 1953, the population of Taizhou fu was 2.638 million inhabitants. A regression

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analysis based on the average annual growth rate of 3‰ put the population of Taizhou in 1865 at 2.026 million inhabitants and 2,774,000 in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year). With an average annual growth rate of 3‰, the population in 1858 was 3,108,000 inhabitants. During the war, Taizhou fu lost 1,082,000 inhabitants, i.e., a loss rate of 34.8%. 2.10 Wenzhou Fu According to Vol. 3 of The Records of Yuhuan Ting, the population of Yuhuan county was 124,385 inhabitants in 1877, and its average annual population growth rate was 3.9‰ in 1953. Yuhuan was hardly affected by the Taiping War, so its average annual population growth rate of 3.9‰ appears to be a natural growth rate. It should be noted that this rate was slightly higher than that of other counties along the east coast of Zhejiang, probably due to the fact that a group of unregistered fishermen on Yuhuan Island were included in the local household registration in 1953. In 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the population of Wenzhou fu was 2,016,000 inhabitants; in 1953, it was 3,273,000. From 1820 to 1953, its average annual population growth rate was 3.6‰. This shows that the deaths in Wenzhou fu during the war were not substantially large, meaning the population had grown at a normal rate over the 100 years. 2.11 Summary The ten provinces of Hangzhou, Jiaxing, Huzhou, Yanzhou, Shaoxing, Ningbo, Dizhou, Quzhou, Jinhua, and Taizhou in Zhejiang Province had a total population of 28.906 million inhabitants before the war. However, only 12.565 million inhabitants remained after the war, meaning there was a population loss of 16.341 million inhabitants, i.e., a reduction rate of 56.5%. 3

Anhui

Anhui was one of the main battlefields where the Taiping army fought with the Qing troops. Almost all fu in Jiangnan and Anqing fu, Luzhou fu, and Fengyang fu in Jiangbei were indeed battlefields. The whole Anhui Province, with the exception of Yingzhou fu in the northwest part of Anhui, was involved in this major war which lasted for eleven years. 3.1 Guangde Zhou Guangde zhou (Prefecture) was located at the border area of Suzhou, Zhejiang, and Anhui provinces. The Taiping army entered and retreated from Zhejiang

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via Guangde Prefecture where battles with the Qing troops were quite intense. In Vol. 16 of f Guangde Prefecture Record compiled in the Guangxu period, the local population that survived the disaster described their experience as follows, “more than half of the residents died  …” during the five years from 1860 to 1864, “crops did not grow and food ran to the point people were eating each other, and then the plague came. The corpses cluttered up, and the roads became thorny because there were no people alive within dozens of miles.” In Vol. 16 of Guangde Prefecture Record compiled in the Guangxu period, there are also records about the indigenous population and the population of Kemin, Guangde Prefecture, in 1850, 1855, 1865, 1869, and 1880 (Guangxu 6th year). It is evident that the population loss rate of Guangde Prefecture during the Taiping War was as high as 93.5%. From 1880 (Guangxu 6th year) to 1953, the average annual population growth rate was 8.7‰. The average annual population growth rate of Guangde Prefecture in the mid-Qing Dynasty was 5.6‰. If I set its average annual growth rate 5‰ from 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) to 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) at 5‰, then the population of Guangde county in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) was about 643,000 inhabitants, with a population loss rate of 93.5%. After the war, the population in Guangde county was about 42,000 inhabitants and its population loss was 601,000 inhabitants. However, considering that the average annual growth rate was 8.7‰, its population must have been about 279,000 inhabitants in 1910. 3.2 Ningguo Fu Deaths in Ningguo county were mainly due to the plague epidemic after the war. According to Vol. 14 of The Records of Ningguo County compiled in the Republic of China, “three out of ten people in Ningguo perished as a result of massacres, and seven out of ten as a result of the plague. Less than one out of ten people who fled to other places returned.” According to the “Food and Money” in The General Records of Ningguo County compiled in the Tongzhi period, Kemin in Ningguo accounted for 76.9% of the total population. According to Wan Zheng Jiyao (The Record of Administrative Affairs in Anhui), the registered population of migrants in Ningguo county was 120,131 inhabitants. In comparison, the indigenous population was only 26,923 inhabitants, accounting for 18.3% of its total population. This population figure is significantly close to the percentage of the post-war indigenous people of Guangde Prefecture. The average annual population growth rate of Ningguo county from 1904 to 1953 was 6.7‰. According to Vol. 7 of The Record of Xuancheng County compiled in the Guangxu period, the population of Xuancheng reached 1.28 million inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), and only 251,000 in 1868. The total population of Xuancheng, including earlier and later residents and farmers cultivating

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on land under the Tuntian system, was 319,000 in 1887 and 588,000 in 1953. The average annual population growth rate of Xuancheng from 1887 to 1953 was 9.3‰. From this high population growth rate, I infer that migrants continued to move to Xuancheng after 1887. According to Wan Zheng Jiyao, the population of locals and residents with temporary household registration in Xuancheng county was 259,000 in 1904, much less than recorded in The Record of Xuancheng County. This is probably due to the policy of Xuancheng that people who came from other places were forbidden to cultivate wasteland, and those who did so would be denied Xuancheng household registration. In fact, farmers who were accounted for in the household registration of Xuancheng county after the Taiping War made up 90% of its local population. Therefore, a regression analysis back to 1868 indicates the percentage of migrants must have been less than 90% at the time. If we take 80% as the percentage of migrants, the population of local residents would be 50,000. The population loss rate of Xuancheng during, therefore, was as high as 96%. Using the same method, I estimate that the population loss rate of Nanling county during the war was about 76.8%. According to Wan Zheng Jiyao, the population of local residents of Jing county were 10 times more than that of “guests” or residents who settled later after the war, so the population loss of local residents was quite small. According to Ge Qinghua’s research citations, the population loss rate in Jingde and Taiping counties was as high as 90%. According to Wan Zheng Jiyao, these two counties’ average annual population growth rate after the war was 6.1‰ and 8.5‰, respectively. The population of Ningguo fu was 3,433,000 inhabitants in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year). Based on the average annual growth rate of 5‰, its population in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) is estimated to be about 4 million inhabitants. In 1953, the population of Ningguo fu was 1,420,000 inhabitants, and the average annual growth rate was 7.6‰ from 1934 to 1953. The data of the counties mentioned above prove that from the post-war year 1904 to 1953, their average annual growth rate was about between 6‰ and 8‰. Using regression analysis based on the average annual growth rate of 7‰, then the population of Ningguo fu was about 768,000 inhabitants in 1865, and the population loss of 3,323,000 inhabitants accounted for 80.8% of the total population. In 1910, the population of Ningguo fu was 1,052,000 inhabitants. 3.3 Chizhou Fu In addition to deaths in the Taiping War, the major plague in 1864 also spread to Chizhou. According to The Record of Important Events: The Memo Compilation on Shidai in the Republic of China, in Shidai county, “the pandemic was prevalent, and corpses could be seen everywhere. In the first lunar month of 1864

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(3rd year of Tongzhi), residents returned to their homes successively, but only one or two out of ten survived.” If we add those childless households, the population loss rate in Shidai county during the war was at least 90%. In 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), the population of Chizhou fu was 2.755 million inhabitants. Based on the average annual growth rate of 5 ‰, we estimate the population of Chizhou fu to be about 3.22 million in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year). If we suppose that the population loss of Chizhou was between that of Guangde and Ningguo, say 85%, that would mean the Chizhou lost 2.74 million inhabitants, with a remaining indigenous population of about 480,000 inhabitants. According to Wan Zheng Jiyao, the jiji (guests or migrants accounted for in the household registration of Chizhou) population accounted for 21.8% of its total population. Therefore, the population of Chizhou in 1865 could be 614,000 inhabitants, and its average annual population growth rate was 5.3‰. From 1934 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Chizhou fu was 6.7‰. Based on this rate and going back to 1865 using a regression analysis, the population of Chizhou fu was 540,000 inhabitants, including a jiji population of 21.8% and an indigenous population of 420,000 inhabitants. Accordingly, the population loss of Chizhou was 2.8 million inhabitants, a loss rate of 87%. Based on this rate, the population of Chizhou fu in 1910 is estimated to be about 729,000 inhabitants. 3.4 Taiping Fu In 1953, the population of Fanchang county accounted for 20.3% of the population of the whole fu. Excluding the high population growth in Wuhu city during the Republic of China, the pre-war population of Fanchang county accounted for 23.3% of the entire fu population. Accordingly, the population of Fanchang county was about 400,000 inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), while it was only 235,000 inhabitants in 1953, accounting for 59% of the pre-war population. Based on my survey, about 30% of the county’s inhabitants were migrants who settled there after the Taiping War. Therefore, the indigenous population was actually only 165,000 inhabitants. In 1934, the population of Fanchang county was 215,000 inhabitants, and its average annual growth rate was 5.1‰ up until 1953. Based on this rate and going back using a regression analysis, the population of Fanchang county was about 100,000 inhabitants in 1865, and its population loss during the war was 300,000 inhabitants, i.e., a loss rate of 75%. From 1934 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Dangtu and Wuhu was 20.3‰, mainly due to the development of Wuhu city. In 1953, the Wuhu city had as many as 242,000 inhabitants, and the average annual population growth rate of Taiping fu was only 2.4‰ after deducting the population of Wuhu. From this point of view, the population loss of Taiping fu can be

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speculated on the basis of that of Fanchang county. The population of Taiping fu was about 1.73 million inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), and the population loss was 1.3 million inhabitants, a loss rate of 75%. After the war, the indigenous population was only about 430,000 inhabitants, meaning the total population of Fanchang county was 540,000 inhabitants. 3.5 Huizhou Fu The population loss of Huizhou during the Taiping War was caused by massacres, famine, and plagues. Hu Zaiwei pointed out in Book II of Huinan Aiyin (The Tragic Voice during the Disasters of Huizhou) that 20% to 30% of the population of Huizhou died from massacres due to war and 60% to 70% from plagues. According to Vol. 13 of The Record of Qimen County compiled in the Tongzhi period, the population of Qimen was 470,000 inhabitants in 1825. Based on the average annual growth rate of 3‰, its population was 510,000 inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year). Only 100,000 inhabitants of the county survived in 1870 and there were 410,000 deaths that accounted for 80% of the pre-war population. In 1953, the population of Qimen county was only 81,000 inhabitants. It is questionable why the population decreased rather than increased after the war. Huizhou fu was densely populated but had limited arable land. People in Huizhou were engaged in business and lived a well-to-do life. This group of people who did business out of the county was included in the local household register while others were not. The population of Qimen in 1870 included the businessmen living outside the county. Since the pre-war population may have also included these businessmen, it is not necessary to re-estimate the population loss rate. According to Vol. 3 of The Record of She County compiled in the Republic of China, the population of She county was 620,000 inhabitants in 1827 and probably 670,000 in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year). Only 316,000 inhabitants survived after the war in 1869, and the population loss was 353,000 inhabitants, accounting for 53% of the pre-war population. In 1953, the population of She county (including Tunxi city) reached 408,000 inhabitants, with an average annual population growth rate from 1869 to 1953 of 3.3‰. According to Vol. 9 of The Four Records of Yi Country compiled in the Guangxu period, the population of Yi county was 246,000 inhabitants in 1801 and probably 290,000 in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year). In 1867, the population was 155,000 inhabitants, with a population loss rate of 46.6%. Similar to the situation in Qimen, the population of Yi county was only 54,000 inhabitants in 1953, and its registered population largely decreased over the 86 years.

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There are two assumptions: First, the population loss rate of Huizhou was about 60%. The population of Huizhou fu was 2.475 million inhabitants in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), and about 2.715 million in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year). Meanwhile, during the war, 1.63 million inhabitants perished, while 1.085 million survived. However, the old area of Huizhou fu had a population of only 949,000 inhabitants in 1953, and the population decreased during the 88 years between the war and 1953. The fact that the population of Huizhou did not increase but decreased suggests Huizhou businessmen were not included in the local household registers. Second, the average annual population growth rate of Huizhou fu from 1934 to 1953 was 3.3‰, a suggestion the permanent residents of Huizhou fu were about 705,000 inhabitants in 1865. Compared with the previous estimation, about 35% of the population moved out of Huizhou fu after the war. The population of Huizhou fu in 1910 reached 1,015,000 inhabitants, exceeding that of 1953. This fact shows that the household survey of Huizhou in 1910 was still conducted according to some local customary declaration practice, which was quite different from the modern census based on the principle of investigating the current residence. The population of Huizhou fu in 1904 was only 829,000 inhabitants, and its sex ratio was 111—a ratio close to the normal standard. The average annual population growth rate from 1904 to 1953 was 2.8‰. By comparison, the data of 1904 is more reliable than that of 1910. A regression analysis of the population based on the average annual growth rate of 3.3‰ from 1953 indicates the population of Huizhou fu in 1910 was about 823,000 inhabitants. 3.6 Anqing Fu During the Taiping War, the Anqing Defense War lasted for eleven years. The population of Anqing was about 6.4 million inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), and 3.218 million in 1953, only accounting for 50.3% of the pre-war (KMT-CPC civil war) population. In addition to those who died in the war, a considerable number of Anqing inhabitants moved to Chizhou, Ningguo, Guangde in Jiangnan and Chuzhou in Jiangbei, and even to southern Jiangsu and Zhejiang. Based on the average annual growth rate of 3.3‰, the population of Anqing fu is estimated to be about 2.165 million inhabitants in 1889. The dominant migrating population in Chizhou was migrants from Anqing. Among the 310,000 migrants received by Chizhou, at least half came from Anqing fu. This means that about 150,000 to 160,000 people moved to Chizhou. With Anqing people who moved to other areas, the number of Anqing migrants in 1889 might reach 400,000. If so, the indigenous population of Anqing in 1889 was about 3 million inhabitants and 2.8 million back in 1865;

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its population loss was 3.6 million inhabitants, accounting for 56% of the total population during the pre-war period. From 1934 to 1953, the population of Anqing fu grew at an average annual rate of 2.1‰. If I make a regression analysis on the basis of this growth rate, the population of Anqing was 2.6 million inhabitants in 1865, similar to the result estimated above. If I make a regression analysis and go back from 1953 with the average annual growth rate of 2.1‰, the population of Anqing fu was 2,849,000 inhabitants in 1910. 3.7 Luzhou Fu Based on the population growth rate of the mid-Qing Dynasty, the population of Luzhou fu is estimated to be about 4.165 million inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) and 4.34 million in 1953, with an average annual population growth rate of 0.4‰. During the Xianfeng period, Luzhou fu (present-day Hefei city) experienced a brutal siege. After the Taiping army occupied Luzhou fu, the Qing troops surrounded and besieged the city. Battles occurred mainly around Luzhou fucheng (prefectural capital) while the Taiping army was confined inside the city, thereby limiting the number of deaths. Let’s suppose that the population growth rate of Luzhou fu after the war was the same as that of Yingzhou fu, say 4.5‰, then the population was about 3 million inhabitants in 1865. Supposing the migrant population of Luzhou after the war was similar to that of Anqing, say about 400,000 people, then the indigenous population of Luzhou was nearly 3.4 million inhabitants. The population loss of Luzhou in the war was, therefore, only about 760,000 inhabitants, accounting for 18.2% of the pre-war population. That would mean the population of Luzhou fu in 1910 was about 3,622,000 inhabitants. 3.8 Yingzhou Fu Yingzhou fu was almost not affected by the war. Its population was 4.67 million inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) and 7.369 million in 1953, and its average annual growth rate was 4.5‰ between 1851 and 1953. The population of Yingzhou fu was 4.964 million inhabitants in 1865 and 6.075 million in 1910. 3.9 Liu’an Zhou The total population of Liu’an zhou (prefecture) was about 1,682,000 inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), but it was only 1,523,000 in 1953. There was no large-scale migration into the prefecture after the Taiping War. Supposing the average annual population growth rate of Liu’an zhou from 1865 to 1953 was the same as that of Yingzhou fu, say 4.5 ‰. That would mean its total population in 1865 was about 1,031,000 inhabitants, and its population loss during the war

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was about 651,000, accounting for 38.7% of the total population. In 1910, the population of Liu’an Prefecture was 1,297,000 inhabitants. 3.10 Fengyang Fu The population of Fengyang fu increased from 5,113,000 inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) to 5,797,000 inhabitants in 1953, with an average annual growth rate of 1.3‰. By comparison, the population loss of Fengyang fu was much less than that of other regions. In the case of Yingzhou fu, if we suppose that its average annual natural growth rate was 4.5‰ from 1953 back to 1865, its population could be 3,444,000 inhabitants, accounting for 67.4% of the pre-war population. That means 1,669,000 inhabitants perished due to the war. Based on the average annual natural growth rate, the population of Fengyang fu was 4,779,000inhabitants in 1910. 3.11 Sizhou, Chuzhou and Hezhou In 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), the population of Sizhou Zhilizhou was 1,842,000 inhabitants, and 2,109,000 in 1953; Similar to that of Fengyang fu, its average annual growth rate was 1.4‰. Supposing that Fengyang fu had an average annual growth rate of 4.5‰, then its population in 1889 was about 1,589,000 inhabitants. According to the Wan Zheng Jiyao (Essentials of the Anhui Government Affairs), about 20% of the population, i.e., 318,000 inhabitants, were non-locals, while the indigenous population was 1,271,000. Regressed at the same rate, the indigenous population was about 1,146,000 inhabitants in 1865; meanwhile, the population loss during the war reached 696,000 inhabitants, accounting for 37.8% of the pre-war population. The records have it that “no more than one out of ten people survived” or “no more than one out of a hundred people survived” after the war in southern Anhui. According to Vol. 2 of The Records of Chuzhou Prefecture compiled in the Guangxi period, “no more than three or four out of ten people survived.” Obviously, there were more survivors in Chuzhou than in the southern Anhui region. In 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), the population of Chuzhou was about 704,000 inhabitants and, in 1953, the population was 628,000 inhabitants— slightly less than the pre-war population. If we assume the population loss was 65%, that would mean the remaining population was about 246,000 inhabitants. According to Wan Zheng Jiyao, in 1904, migrants in Chuzhou accounted for 33.6% of its total population. If we believe the migration ended in 1865, then the actual population of Chuzhou after the war would be 370,000 inhabitants. From 1865 to 1953, the average annual growth rate of Chuzhou was 6‰; therefore, the population of Chuzhou in 1910 was about 486,000 inhabitants. The population of Hezhou was about 502,000 inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) and increased to 696,000 inhabitants in 1953, while the average annual population growth rate was 3.2‰—a rate almost identical to the pre-war

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population growth rate of Anhui. Accordingly, it can be roughly concluded that this region was not ravaged by major wars or replenished by migrants. From the history of the Taiping war, we can find that although the Taiping army passed Hezhou several times, it did not stay there for a long time, and there was no large-scale war in Hezhou. This is probably the fundamental reason Hezhou remained intact. 3.12 Summary In total, the population of Anhui excluding Yingzhou and Hezhou was 32,124,000 inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), and 14,432,000 in 1865 with a net population decrease of 17,782,000 inhabitants that accounted for 55.2% of the pre-war population but almost the same as that of the war zones in Zhejiang. As far as individual regions are concerned, the population loss rate of the six fu in southern Anhui was as high as 81.5%, while that of the northern war zone was 39.4%. The population loss in south Anhui was largely a result of the devastating epidemic during the war. In Guangde, Taiping, Chuzhou, Chizhou, and Ningguo, the high average annual population growth rate from 1865 to 1953 was due to the influx of migrants rather than a natural increase in population. Meanwhile, in other areas, especially in northern Anhui, fewer migrants arrived after the war than in the prewar time. Many people moved to other areas, which led to a rather low local population growth. 4

Fujian

Due to the lack of data, it is not possible to analyze the population loss of Fujian province fu by fu in this section. We can only briefly analyze it as follows: a comparison of the 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) data of each fu with the 1953 data indicates that, except the four fu, including Fanning, Fuzhou, Xinghua, and Quanzhou, the population growth of the other seven fu was negative, an indication that the impact of the Taiping War was strong. In 1953, the population of Shaowu fu accounted only for 43% of the population in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year). In addition, the population of Shaowu fu was 51% that of Zhangzhou fu, 63% that of Jianning fu, 77% that of Yanping fu, 80% that of Longyan fu, 81% that of Tingzhou fu, and 91% that of Yongchun fu. During the Xianfeng period, the Taiping army was active in the northwest Fujian area. The plague was an epidemic that led to the death of a significant number of people. Deaths in northwest Fujian mainly occurred in Shaowu, and then spread to Jianning fu, Yanping fu, and Tingzhou fu, respectively. During the Tongzhi period, Li Shixian, and Wang Haiyang, key leaders of the Taiping army, jointly fought in Fujian and Guangdong with nearly 400,000 soldiers, then entered Fujian from Tingzhou fu several times and went to Zhangzhou via Longyan. The center of

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the war was in Zhangzhou fu, which became the southern base of the remaining Taiping army. Given this scenario, there was a considerable reduction in the population of Zhangzhou fu. However, the reason is unknown yet why the population of Yongchun Prefecture declined even if it was not affected by the Taiping army. If we compare the 1910 data of each fu with the 1953 data, the negative population growth in Jianning, Shaowu, and Yanping appears unjustifiable. The average annual growth rate of 14‰ in Yongchun and Xinghua is also problematic. Excluding the data of these five fu, the average annual population growth rate of the remaining fu from 1910 to 1953 was 2.5‰. Therefore, it is possible to make a simple estimation of the population loss during the war in the six fu and prefectures—Shaowu, Jianning, Tingzhou, Longyan, Yanping, and Zhangzhou. Based on the data of 1953 and an average annual growth rate of 2‰, going back by means of regression analysis indicates the total population of the six fu and prefectures in 1865 was about 4.259 million inhabitants. According to the population growth rate in the mid-Qing Dynasty, the total population of the six fu and prefectures was about 8.747 million inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year)—a decrease of 4.48 million inhabitants. Proof for this analysis can be found in historical sources. Although Yanping fu was not the main battlefield of the Taiping War, there was large-scale destruction and a significantly high number of deaths. According to Vol. 7 of The Records of Shunchang County, after the government troops regained control of the county, only a few men and hundreds of women remained in the city. In the city as well as the countryside, nine out of ten houses were empty, and “seven or eight out of ten people were kemin.” 5

Jiangxi

Jiangxi Province was the main battlefield of the Taiping Uprising. No post-war census was ever conducted in Jiangxi. Therefore, based on the population data of the Republic of China, I calculate the population growth rate7 to determine the population of each fu of Jiangxi in 1865. 7 According to Vol. 47 of The General Records of Jiangxi compiled in the Guangxu period, the population of each county of Jiangxi in 1869 was obtained by slighly revising the 1851 population, but the data are not reliable. The population figures of 1916 and 1931 can be found in Vol. 1, No. 17 of Jingji Xunbao (The Economic Journal) (1933) and the first issue of The Quarterly Journal of Statistics on the Internal Affairs (1936) edited by the Statistical Office of the Ministry of the Interior and published by Guohua Printing House. The unrevised population

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5.1 Nanchang Fu In 1853, the Taiping army attacked Nanchang city and besieged the city for 93 days, even though they finally failed to enter the city. The long duration of the siege, as well as fierce battles caused substantial population losses in the areas around the city of Nanchang. From 1931 to 1953, Nanchang county’s average annual population growth rate was as high as 22.1‰, while that of Xinjian County was −18.2‰. Although Nanchang and Xinjian counties were under the jurisdiction of the same fu, they were separated by Ganjiang River; therefore, they should not be viewed as one county. If we add the population of Nanchang, Xinjian, Fengcheng, and Jinxian in our estimation, the average annual population growth rate over the 22 years could be 6.8‰. Although this rate seemed quite reasonable, the data of each county is apparently unrealistic. Based on the average annual population growth rate of 5‰ and going back by means of regression analysis, we calculate the population of Nanchang fu to be about 1,871,000 inhabitants in 1865, and 2,164,000 in 1910. In 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), the population of Nanchang fu was 4,233,000 inhabitants, and the population loss during the war was 2,368,000 inhabitants, accounting for 55.8% of the pre-war population. Yining, for its part, had a population in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) of 338,000 inhabitants, and deaths in its capital city during the war were 100,000 inhabitants, accounting for 26.6% of the total population. However, the percentage of deaths must have exceeded 50% with the inclusion of the deaths in the countryside. 5.2 Jiujiang Fu In Vol. 24 of Jiujiang Fu Records compiled in the Tongzhi period, more details can be found about the war rather than the comments on the impact of the war upon the whole society. In Vol. 10 of The Records of Hukou County compiled in the Tongzhi period, mostly the deaths caused by cholera during the war were reported. The Taiping army came from the area of Chizhou prefectural capital in south Anhui, while Hukou and its surrounding areas belonged to the same pandemic zone. The population in 1871 reported in Vol. 4 of The Records of Hukou County compiled in the Tongzhi period was much bigger than the population in 1953. In addition, it does not appear reliable. The post-war population recorded in Vol. 3 of The Records of Pengze County, compiled in the same period, was the same as that in 1953, which is also unreliable. However, from 1916 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Pengze County was 3.4‰. Taking data of the sex ratio in 1936 were mostly higher than the normal. In this section, sex ratios are adjusted based on the 105 ratio.

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into account the urban development of Jiujiang after the Republic of China, I determined its average annual population growth rate from 1965 to 1953 was 4‰. Therefore, the population of Jiujiang fu was about 501,000 inhabitants in 1865 and 600,000 in 1910. In 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), the population of Jiujiang fu was about 1,508,000 inhabitants, and the loss was 1,007,000 inhabitants during the war, accounting for 66.8% of the total pre-war population of the whole fu. The percentage of population loss in Jiujiang fu exceeded that of Nanchang. 5.3 Nankang Fu According to Vol. 11 of The Chronical of Nankang Fu compiled in the Tongzhi period, among the four war-afflicted counties in Nankang, Duchang, and Jianchang counties were the most severely affected. In contrast, Anyi county only experienced some trouble in its west, and Xingzi county had no wars on record. From 1928 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Xingzi county was 5.4‰, that of Duchang was 1‰, and the total average rate of the two counties was 2.1‰. Their population in 1928 exceeded that of 1953, which is not reliable. Based on an average annual growth rate of 3‰, the population of Nangkang is estimated to be about 477,000 inhabitants in 1865 and about 546,000 in 1910. Given that the population of Nankang, in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), was 1.1 million inhabitants, it decreased by about 620,000 inhabitants during the Taiping War, with a population loss rate of 56%. 5.4 Ruizhou Fu According to Vol. 6 of Ruizhou Fu Records compiled in the Tongzhi period, the Taiping army led by Shi Dakai conquered the prefectural capital in 1855 and occupied it for nearly two years. In 1861, the war started again. After the war, however, roughly 30 to 40% displaced Ruizhou people returned to their hometown, and it is estimated that two-thirds of the population died in the war. In 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), the population of Ruizhou fu was 1,134,000 inhabitants, including the two-thirds killed in the war. The population loss of Ruizhou was 756,000 inhabitants, and only 378,000 inhabitants survived after the war. Up until 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Ruizhou fu was 5.1‰. Accordingly, the population of Ruizhou fu in 1910 was about 464,000 inhabitants. 5.5 Linjiang Fu According to Vol. 11 of Linjiang Fu Records compiled in the Tongzhi period, the division of the Taiping army led by Shi Dakai burned down Zhangshu Town in

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1855. In 1857, Taiping army and Qing troops were engaged in fierce battles in the areas from Xiajiang to Qingjiang. The siege of Linjiang prefectural capital was one of the most intense and brutal wars in central Jiangxi. The county town of Xingan was occupied three times and regained three times, a sign that the war was fierce. After comparing with the data in 1953, we determine that the data from Vol. 3 of The Records of Xiajiang County, Vol. 4 of The Records of Qingjiang County both compiled in the Tongzhi period, and the data from the Republic of China were not reliable. After revising the data of the Republic of China, I calculated the population of Linjiang fu in 1910 was about 589,000 inhabitants, and the average annual population growth rate, till 1953, was 2.6‰. If the population of Linjiang grew at the same rate from the postwar time to 1910, then it was 524,000 inhabitants in 1865. The actual population of Linjiang in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) was about 1,236,000 inhabitants, meaning up to 802,000 inhabitants may have perished during the war. 5.6 Jianchang Fu According to Vol. 5 of Jiangchan Fu Records compiled in the Tongzhi period, the Taiping army occupied Jianchang prefectural capital in February of 1856, and Jianchang fu was involved in wars. The cities under the jurisdiction of Jianchang prefectural capital were taken over by different forces. Records on long sieges, massacres, captivities, and plagues were not uncommon. According to Vol. 4 of The Records of Nanfeng County compiled in the Republic of China, the population of Nanfeng was 418,000 inhabitants in 1827, and 170,000 inhabitants in 1867. Based on the average annual growth rate of 3‰, the population of Nanfeng County was 461,000 inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year). That means the population loss during the Taiping War was 291,000 inhabitants, a loss ratio of 67%. In 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), the population of Jianchang fu was 1,427,000 inhabitants. Based on the population loss in Nanfeng County, 956,000 inhabitants perished in Jianchang fu, leaving behind only 471,000 inhabitants. From the post-war period to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Jianchang fu was 1.8‰. If its average annual population growth rate of Jianchang fu from the post-war period to 1910 was 3‰, then its population could be 539,000 inhabitants in 1910. 5.7 Yuanzhou Fu Massive number of wars and massacres were recorded in Vol. 5 of The Records of Yuanzhou fu compiled in the Tongzhi period. Examples are omitted here. Given that the population of Yuanzhou was 722,000 inhabitants in 1821, and

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based on the average annual growth rate of 4‰, the population of Yuanzhou fu was 816,000 inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year). Meanwhile, there was a 20% population loss rate, i.e., about 163,000 inhabitants. Based on the post-war population and the average annual growth rate of 5‰, the population of Yuanzhou fu in 1910 was about 817,000 inhabitants. 5.8 Raozhou Fu In 1863, Poyang county experienced a plague. According to Vol. 21 of The Records of Poyang County, “In the early 7th lunar month, Taiping rebels began to retreat. The plague spread in summer among the villages ravaged by the rebels. People died one after another, and only one or two out of ten people survived.” However, those who had no contact with outside invaders were not affected by the epidemic. By comparison, the data of 1936 are more reliable than those of 1928. However, the population of Fuliang and Poyang counties remains problematic. If the two counties are deducted, the annual average population growth rate of Raozhou fu from 1936 to 1953 would be 4.1‰. Based on this rate, the population of Raozhou fu could be 1.238 million inhabitants after the war. In 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), the population of Raozhou fu was about 2.064 million inhabitants, while in 1910, it was 1.522 million inhabitants, and its average annual growth rate of 3.6‰ lasted until 1953. 5.9 Guangxin Fu If Yiyang, Lingshan, and Xing’an counties were excluded from the estimation, the average annual population growth rate of the remaining four counties from 1928 to 1953 would be 4.8‰. If we take into account the deaths and population outflow caused by the Chinese Civil War and industrial and commercial depression in Yiyang and other three counties, the average annual population growth rate from the post-war period to 1953 could be lower. Based on the growth rate of 3‰, the population of Guangxin fu was 1.181 million inhabitants in 1865, and 1.41 million inhabitants in 1910. The average annual population growth rate was 2‰ up until 1953—a rate that appears reliable. In 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), the population of Guangxin fu was about 1,746,000 inhabitants. During the Taiping war, 565,000 inhabitants perished, meaning there was a loss rate of 32.4‰. 5.10 Fuzhou Fu The battles in Fuzhou fu were fierce and lasted for a long time. Numerous records in Vol. 34 of The Records of Fuzhou fu compiled in the Guangxu period showed that there were as many as tens of thousands of deaths.

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From 1928 to 1953, the population of Fuzhou fu decreased from 1,269,000 to 1,077,000 inhabitants. As far as each county is concerned, Yihuang experienced the most significant population decrease, followed by Chongren, Le’an, and Jinxi. The population of Dongxiang increased rather than decreased, and the average annual growth rate of Dongxiang was 0.2‰, while that of Lingchuan was 3.9‰. If such population change is attributed to the Chinese Civil war, it remains unjustifiable why the population decreased rather than increased after the war from 1936 to 1953. However, during this period, the average annual population growth rates of Le’an and Dongxiang were 4.9‰ and 1.4‰, respectively. If Linchuan is factored in, then the average annual population growth rate of the three counties was 3.5‰. Accordingly, the population of Fuzhou fu was about 1,011,000 inhabitants in 1865, 1,192,000 inhabitants in 1910, and 1,628,000 inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year). In 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), the population of Fuzhou fu was about 1,628,000 inhabitants. During the Taiping War, 617,000 people died, meaning there was a loss rate of 37.9%. 5.11 Ji’an Fu Judging from the course of the Taiping War, Ji’an fu was the most severely affected region by the war. During the Chinese Civil War, Ji’an fu was also one of the main battlefields and suffered huge population losses. Therefore, the data of the Republic of China may reflect the population change during this period. However, the biggest problem with the 1936 population figures is that Yongfeng, Yongning, and Lianhua counties had higher population figures than in 1953 when the war in the three counties had already ended. Therefore, a continued population decrease seemed unreasonable. If these three counties are excluded, the average annual population growth rate of Ji’an would be 6.9‰. From 1931 to 1953, the people of counties, except Taihe and Jishui counties, decreased rather than increased, probably due to the war. The average annual population growth rate of Taihe and Jishui counties was 6‰. Based on this rate, the population growth rate of Ji’an fu from 1936 to 1953 was relatively high. The population of Yongning County was 95,000 inhabitants in 1931, and as many as 387,000 inhabitants in 1936; however, it was only 51,000 and 35,000 in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) and 1953, respectively. If we exclude the seemingly overestimated population of Yongning County in 1931, the population of Ji’an fu would be about 2.1 million inhabitants in that year. Going back by regression analysis based on the average annual growth rate of 6‰, the population of Ji’an fu was 1.415 million inhabitants in 1865 and about 1.852 million inhabitants in 1910.

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In 1821, the population of Ji’an fu was about 3.104 million inhabitants. Based on the average annual growth rate of 3.3‰, the population of Ji’an was 3.426 million inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year). In the Taiping War, Ji’an fu lost 2,011,000 inhabitants, accounting for 58.7% of its pre-war population. 5.12 Ganzhou Fu, Nan’an Fu, and Ningdu Fu Vol. 33 of Ganzhou Fu Records compiled in the Tongzhi period details how different counties experienced the Taiping War. Compared with the data of 1953, the population data during the Republican period were not reliable. Let’s suppose that the average annual population growth rate of Ganzhou was 3‰ after the Taiping War up until 1953, then the population of Ganzhou fu was about 1,482,000 inhabitants in 1865 and 1,772,000 in 1910. In 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), Ganzhou fu had a population of about 2,708,000 inhabitants and a population loss during the war of 1.159 million inhabitants, accounting for 42.8% of the pre-war population. By comparison, the population data of Ningzhou fu in 1936 are more reliable. If we exclude Shicheng, which had a decreasing population figure, then the average annual population growth rate of Ningdu Prefecture from 1936 to 1953 was about 3‰. This can be regarded as the general population growth rate of south Jiangxi in the non-war period. In 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), the population of Ningdu was approximately 911,000 inhabitants; in 1965, it was 473,000. The population loss was 438,000 inhabitants, accounting for 48.1% of the pre-war population. In 1910, the population of Ningdu was about 542,000 inhabitants. Using the same methodology, we estimate the population of Nan’an fu to be approximately 784,000 inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), 538,000 in 1965, and 615,000 in 1910. The population loss was 246,000 inhabitants during the war, accounting for 31.4% of the pre-war population. 5.13 Summary Before the Taiping War, the population of Jiangxi was about 24,811,000 inhabitants. During the war, about 12,280,000 inhabitants perished, representing a loss rate of approximately 50.5%. 6

Hubei

In December 1852, the Taiping army set off from Hunan to Wuchang, then took over Hankou, then in October 1853, the army started their westward expedition that led to the occupation of Qizhou and Huangzhou, the defeat (three

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times) of Hanhou and Hanyang, and the taking over of Wuchang. The war was mainly launched in the southeastern area of Hubei and unfolded with a series of extremely brutal “seasaw” battles. In 1854, the army entered Hubei from Anhui and occupied Hankou, Hanyang, and Wuchang. In 1860, the army took a second westward expedition and occupied Huangzhou on March 4, 1861, but did not attack Wuhan. Meanwhile, Xiaogan, Yunmeng, De’an, and Suizhou were reduced to battlefields. Later, the division of the Taiping army led by Li Xiucheng entered from Jiangxi into the areas of southeastern Hubei, including Tongshan, Xianning, Daye, and Wuchang. Obviously, the southeastern areas of Hubei experienced more battles during the Taiping War, and its population loss was, comparatively, the largest. In the “Wubei” (Military Book), Vol. 74 of The General Records of Hubei compiled in the Republic of China; there are detailed accounts on the military training of Tuanlian (militia) and the Taiping War that we can rely on to analyze the impact of the war on the population of each fu. However, the estimation of the population loss in Hubei in this section is quite rough due to the lack of statistics. 6.1 Yuyang Fu In October 1862, the Taiping army of 300,000 soldiers attacked Yuanyang prefectural capital, but they failed seven days and had to retreat. In Zhuxi County, the Taiping army “affected the area within more than 100 li. Then they stationed in Zhuxi for 70 days and attacked other military fortresses.” As a result, more than ten military fortresses were broken through and “hundreds of thousands of men and women inside the fortresses died or were taken captive.” This record is somewhat exaggerated as the total population of more than ten fortresses could not reach hundreds of thousands of inhabitants. Another example is Yunxi County, where the Taiping army attacked the county town of Yunxi for ten days and occupied it, resulting in “tens of thousands of deaths.” Based on these sources, deaths in Yunyang fu were no more than 100,000 inhabitants. The population of Yunyang fu was 1,063,000 inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) and 1,117,000 in 1861. Assuming that 100,000 inhabitants died during the war, I estimate that the population of Yunyang in 1863 was 1,017,000 inhabitants. Its population was 1,798,000 inhabitants in 1953, and its average annual population growth rate from 1865 to this time was 6.4‰. At this growth rate, the population in 1910 was estimated to be 1,367,000 inhabitants. 6.2 Xiangyang Fu When the city of Wuchang was broken through in 1852, the local rebel forces in Xiangyang rose up. They gathered other rebel troops, plundered around, and

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attacked Fancheng. The government and the gentry organized village militia to fight against the rebels. Civilians were organized to strengthen and guard the defenses for self-protection. Compared with Yunyang, the population loss of Xiangyang fu was a maximum of 300,000 inhabitants. 6.3 Jingmen Zhou and Anlu Fu It was said that “Jingmen suffered a great deal due to several wars since the Xianfeng period.” Tuanlian (Militia) training in Jingmen was organized since 1864. In 1864 and 1866, the invasion by the Nian army across Hanshui River was resisted by the militia. The number of deaths is insignificant and has been ignored in our calculation. The situation in Anlu fu was similar. 6.4 Jingzhou Prefecture The intensity of the war within Jingzhou Prefecture was far less than that of the eastern fu. The Taiping army did not have many troops and thus did not stay long, causing little impact upon Jingzhou. The population loss (if any) caused by the local unrest was probably no more than 200,000 people. 6.5 De’an Fu In March of 1854, the Taiping army attacked and occupied Yunmeng and Anlu. According to Vol. 8 of the Records of De’an fu compiled in the Guangxu period, the Taiping army “stayed [in Tunmeng and Anlu] for more than a month, and the neighboring areas fell into great trouble, too.” Later, the Taiping army captured Suizhou, Yingshan, and other fu and counties. Many battles happened between the official army, militia and the Taiping army, and the scales were not large. In August of 1863, “Lan Chengchun, illegitimate Duanwang King, and Ma Ronghe, illegitimate Heavenly General, gathered hundreds of thousands of bandits and fled from Suizhou and Zao to Yingshan, placing their flags everywhere. 100,000 people were captured or killed.” Gathering tens of thousands of people, the militia of Yingshan County set up defenses and fortresses for self-protection. In October of the same year, the Nian troops entered the county. In 1864, Chen Decai invested as fu Prince, led more than one million soldiers and entered Yingshan, but soon was resisted by the militia. The war in De’an fu was intermittent and lasted for a long time, but the scale was not large. The population loss of De’an fu during the wartime was only about 200,000 inhabitants. 6.6 Huangzhou Fu and Others Huangzhou fu in Hubei was the main battlefield of the Taiping army in its eastward expedition and two westward expeditions in which large-scale combats

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were launched against the Qing troops. Without any available data, after comparing with other regions, let’s suppose that population deaths in Huangzhou fu may account for one quarter of its total population. The population of Huangzhou was 4,023,000 inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), and at the population loss rate of 25%, its population decreased by 905,000 inhabitants. After the war, the population of Huangzhou was 2,716,000 inhabitants and it was 4,227,000 in 1953. Its average annual population growth from 1865 until then was 5‰. It is unnecessary to repeat the description of the war in Hanyang fu and Wuchang fu. According to historical documents, the population loss of Hanyang fu might exceed that of Huangzhou fu and others, taking up one-third of the total population. If so, the population of Hanyang fu in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year) was 3.683 million inhabitants. Based on the annual average growth rate of 3.4‰, the population of Hanyang fu could reach 4.092 million inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), and its population loss in the war was 1.364 million; its population was 2.728 million inhabitants after the war. In 1953, the population of Hanyang fu was 4.545 million inhabitants, and its average annual population growth rate since 1865 was 5.8‰. It should be noted that after the Taiping War, about hundreds of thousands of people from the eastern and central areas of Hubei moved to southern Jiangsu, southern Anhui, and western Zhejiang, among which, De’an fu and Huangzhou fu received the largest number of migrants. In the Taiping War, the population loss of De’an was not as big as that of Huangzhou. However, the population of Huangzhou and its absolute quantity of inhabitants were larger. It might be possible that many inhabitants of Huangzhou moved out to other places in the war. Many counties in southern Jiangsu, western Zhejiang, and southern Anhui were almost deserted after the Taiping war. Relatively speaking, De’an fu and Huangzhou fu in Hubei were still densely populated areas. The prewar and post-war population of other fu in Hubei Province, such as Wuchang fu, has been analyzed in Chapter Nine of this book. 6.7 Summary The impact of the Taiping War upon the population of each fu in Hubei Province mainly influenced the southeast area of Hubei, while other areas were less affected by the war. Take Yunyang fu as an example. Compared with the population in 1865, the population in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) did not decrease but increased instead. However, it is still an indisputable fact that the war in 1861 caused the loss of local population. According to my estimation in this section, about 5 million inhabitants in Hubei died during the Taiping War, accounting for 22.5% of the total pre-war

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population and 26.2% of the pre-war population in the war zones. However, such an estimate is fairly rough. More effective methods are desirable to improve the accuracy of these data. The population data of 1910 are estimated according to the average annual population growth from the postwar years up until 1953, and thus more reliable than the data from the New Deal surveys. The populations of Wuchang fu, De’an fu, Anlu fu, Jingmen Prefecture, and Xiangyang fu obtained from the surveys were larger and even much larger than that of 1953. However, the 1910 revised data of Jingzhou fu and Yunyang fu was the same as those from the New Deal surveys. This suggests that some officials in the government was quite responsible in imeplemeting the government’s policy and conducted rigorous New Deal investigations. Unfortunately, such cases were not the majorities in Hubei. 7

Hunan

Hengzhou Fu 7.1 In 1859, Shi Dakai led his troops and broke into southern Hunan, thus igniting wars. During the battle in the tenth lunar month, ten thousand soldiers of the Taiping army were defeated, an outcome which well displayed the strength of the local militia. The population of Lingxian County was nearly 110,000 inhabitants in 1816, and its average annual population growth rate was 5.4‰ between 1795 and 1816. Based on the average annual growth rate of 5‰, the population of Lingxian could be about 130,000 in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year). According to Vol. 11 of The Records of Lingxian County compiled in the Tongzhi period, after the Baojia Menpai registration system was carried out in 1871, the population of the whole Lingxian county was only 117,000 inhabitants, and its population loss was about 13,000 inhabitants in the war, accounting for 10% of the total pre-war population. According to Vol. 3 of The Records of Hengyang County compiled in the Tongzhi period, the population of Hengyang County was 438,000 inhabitants in 1871. According to Vol. 4 of The Records of Qingquan compiled during the same period, the population of Qingquan County was 472,000 inhabitants in 1864. Thus, the total population of both counties was 930,000 in 1864 while it was 843,000 in 1816; their average annual population growth rate from 1816 to 1871 was 1.6‰, similar to that of Lingxian county. Since no record of a major war in the two counties was found, I ascribe the stagnant population growth from this period to the time of turmoil. A large number of young men were

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recruited and joined the Xiang (Hunan) Army to fight against the Taiping army. Among them, deaths of Tuanlian members and recruited militiamen were much higher, which may be one of the major reasons for the stagnant growth of the local population. From the Qianlong period to the Jiaqing period, the average annual population growth rate of Hengzhou fu was about 6‰. Accordingly, the population of Hengyang fu in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) was about 2.754 million inhabitants. From 1910 to 1953, its average annual population growth rate was 4.3‰. If so, the population of Hengzhou fu in 1865 was about 2.225 million inhabitants. Its population loss in the war was 529,000 inhabitants, accounting for 23.8% of the pre-war population. In the cases of Lingxian and Hengyang, not many people died in local wars while a large number of people moved to other regions and died in the battlefields of the Taiping army along the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River. 7.2 Chenzhou In Vol. 4 of Guidong County Records compiled in the Tongzhi period, we can find the record on the population of the Qing Dynasty in different years. From 1795 to 1815, the average annual population growth rate of Chenzhou was 4.1‰. The population of Guidong County was 100,241 inhabitants in 1860, and 100,644 inhabitants plus 36 households of Yao people in 1866. The compilation of registers in 1860 was conducted for the organization of Tuanlian to fight against the Taiping army. The data from the compiled registers are reliable. However, it is unreasonable if the data in 1866 are almost the same as that in 1860. According to Vol. 7 of The Records of Guidong County compiled in the 5th year of Tongzhi (1866), “bandits were active in different areas” after 1852 so the local government organized Tuanlian (militia) to “support Xingning, Lingxian, and Chenzhou which later experienced dozens of battles.” Many Tuanlian members and village militiamen were sent to the battlefields, which led to large-scale deaths. According to Vol. 1 of The Local Records of Chenzhou Zhilizhou compiled in the Guangxu period, troops led by Shi Daikai invaded Chenzhou from west Jiangxi, and “the slaughter by them was the most relentless. Inhabitants who were taken away as captives seldom survived. Villages were burned down, and almost nine out of ten houses were empty.” According to Vol. 7 of The Records of Yizhang County compiled in Republican China, “The county town was occupied, and brutal killings followed.” Deaths were quite huge. Another example is Guiyang County. According to Vol. 11 of The Records of Guiyang County compiled in the Tongzhi period, in 1859, troops led by Shi

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Dakai “robbed, killed, raped and plundered where they arrived. Hundreds of people were killed and tens of thousands were looted.” The population loss was approximately 20,000 inhabitants. From 1910 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Chenzhou was 3.7‰. Based on this standard, the population of Chenzhou fu was about 840,000 inhabitants in 1865. At the same rate and based on the population of 1816, the population of Chenzhou was 1.088 million inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), and its population loss in the Taiping War was about 237,000 inhabitants, a loss rate of 21.8%. 7.3 Guiyang Prefecture In 1852, 1855, and 1859, the battles between the Taiping army and the Qing troops scaled up. However, casualty recorded in the literature was not very high. From 1910 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Guiyang Prefecture was 1.8‰, which was rather low but still reasonable. Based on an annual average growth rate of 2‰, the population of Guiyang Prefecture was about 843,000 inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), and 676,000 in 1865. The population loss in the war was about 170,000 inhabitants, accounting for 20.2% of the total population before the war, which was similar to but slightly lower than the population loss in Chenzhou. 7.4 Yongzhou Fu The Taiping army entered Yongzhou from Quanzhou in 1852, and started small-scale battles which scarcely affected Yongzhou. In 1859, troops led by Shi Dakai began to attack Yongzhou fucheng (prefectural capital), and the battles were fierce. The Taiping troops were defeated and records said that thousands of Taiping soldiers were killed. According to Vol. 2 of The Records of Dong’an County compiled in the Guangxu period, after breaking into the city of Dong’an in 1859, the Taiping army “slaughtered more than a thousand men and women in the city,” a historical record of the most severe and brutal slaughter. In 1816, the population of Dong’an County was 230,000 inhabitants, and it was 273,000 in 1953. Its average annual population growth rate was 1.3‰. This suggests an obvious population loss in Dong’an County. If the population growth rate of Dong’an is the same as that of the whole fu, say 4.5‰, its population would be about 290,000 inhabitants in 1868. According to Vol. 3 of The Records of Dong’an County compiled in the Guangxu period, the population of Dong’an County was 264,000 inhabitants in 1874, and its population loss was at least 26,000 inhabitants. However, as far as the whole fu is concerned, the impact of the Taiping War can be ignored.

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7.5 Baoqing Fu In 1860, about a hundred thousand soldiers of the Taiping troops led by Shi Dakai entered Baoqing fu and were later defeated by the official forces. In the first lunar month of 1861, troops led by Shi Daka entered Baoqing fu again from Jiangxi and besieged Baoqing prefectural capital for three months. They were in turn “attacked, assaulted and killed by civilians and the village gentry.” Bloody as the battles were, their impact on the two counties was still partial. The population of Chengbu County in 1933 was excluded in our estimation because it greatly exceeded that of 1953. The annual average population growth rate of Baoqing fu from 1933 to 1953 was about 9‰. Calculated at this rate, the population of Baoqing was 2.02 million inhabitants in 1865. According to Chapter Four of this book, based on the annual average growth rate of 6‰, the population of Baoqing fu in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) was about 2.184 million inhabitants, and its population loss was 182,000 during the wartime. If the prewar date were set in 1869, deaths would have been much higher. In the middle of the 20th century and before 1953, four counties were set up in Baoqing fu because of their rapid population growth. However, the population data of Baoqing fu obtained from the New Deal surveys were the same as those in 1816, and thus seemed inaccurate. Based on the average annual growth rate of 9‰, the actual population of Baoqing in 1910 was 2.997 million inhabitants. 7.6 Jingzhou Prefecture Between 1860 and 1861, the Taiping army entered Jingzhou Prefecture and moved to other areas after a short stay there. According to Jingzhou Zhilizhou Records compiled in the Guangxu period, the population of Jingzhou was 74,000 inhabitants in 1862. It also said that “since the Xianfeng period, the prefecture experiences wars which led to deaths accounting for half of its population.” The record was not accurate because the number of registered households in 1836 had decreased compared to the previous years. According to Household Population: The Records of Huitong County compiled in the Guangxu period (1818), the number of registered Yanmin (opium addicts) was 100,048 inhabitants. In 1880 (Guangxu 6th year), it was 109,987 inhabitants, and its average annual population growth rate was 1.5‰. It also said in the book that “during the Xianfeng and Tongzhi periods, affected by revolts and disruptions by Miao people from Guizhou, the county town [of Huitong] was occupied twice. It was hard for people to recover their normal life after the warfare.” This indicates a population decrease during the Xianfeng and Tongzhi periods.

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The average annual growth rate of population of Jingzhou Prefecture was 5.8‰ from 1933 to 1953, and it was 0.8‰ from 1910 to 1953. If so, the 1910 figure is probably closer to the actual population. Based on the pre-war average annual population growth rate, the population of Jingzhou was 560,000 inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), and it was about 500,000 in 1865 if we make a regression analysis going back from the population growth rate in 1910. The Taiping War and subsequent social turbulence resulted in the deaths of about 60,000 inhabitants. 7.7 The Four Ting of West Hunan From 1816 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of the four Ting in west Hunan was 6.1‰. This means that the four Ting were not affected by the Taiping War. As a matter of fact, until November of 1861, more than 100,000 Taiping soldiers led by Shi Dakai entered west Hunan but did not stay there for more than a few days and then left. In 1863, the remaining tens of thousands of Taiping solders invaded west Human from Sichuan, and went to Guangxi after they were defeated. Therefore, no major wars happened in Hunan. 7.8 Yongshun Fu If we exclude Sangzhi County, which had an inflated population, the average annual population growth rate of Yongshun fu was 3.5‰ from 1933 to 1953, and 2.3‰ from 1910 to 1933. Based on this average annual growth rate and the regression analysis, the population of Yongshun was estimated to be about 650,000 inhabitants in 1865. It remained almost the same during the Jiaqing period. If we use the average annual growth rate of 3‰ as a standard, the population of Yongshun fu was 783,000 inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), and its population loss was 133,000 inhabitants. 7.9 Yuanzhou Fu and Chenzhou Fu At the end of the Xianfeng period, Shi Dakai’s troops stirred up west Hunan. However, they did not stay there longer and the small-scale wars resulted in fewer deaths. Therefore, the population growth from 1811 to 1953 can be considered a natural population increase. The average annual population growth rates of Yuanzhou fu and Chenzhou fu from 1811 to 1953 were 1.4‰ and 3.1‰ respectively, and they were was 2.2‰ and 2.3‰ respectively from 1910 to 1953. 7.10 Changsha Fu The siege of the Changsha city by the Taiping army in 1852 lasted for more than 80 days. At the time, the Taiping army was so well disciplined as not to disturb

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the local people, and the population loss was low. In the local records, few massacres were mentioned. The population loss during the war was not large, too. From 1861 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Changsha fu was 6‰, and it was 4.8‰ from 1933 to 1953. If we exclude Liuyang County and Chaling County whose population exceeded that of 1953, Changsha fu’s average annual population growth rate from 1933 to 1953 was about 7‰, a quite rapid growth. From the end of the Qing Dynasty to 1953, five counties, such as Zhuzhou were separated from Changsha fu because their population grew quite rapidly that new counties had to be set up. 7.11 Changde Fu and Lizhou Prefecture The war in 1865 had little impact on Changde fu and Lizhou Prefecture. The average annual population growth rate of Lizhou from 1816 to 1953 was 6.5‰. From 1933 to 1953, the sharp decrease in the population of Dayong County may be related to the Chinese Civil War, while the reasons for the decrease of the population of Linli and Nan counties are unknown yet. If we exclude Lin and Nan counties, the average annual population growth rate of Lizhou from 1933 to 1953 was 6.8‰, which is consistent with its population growth rate in 1816. Accordingly, the population of Lizhou in 1910 was about 1,961,000 inhabitants. The average annual population growth rate of Changde fu was 4.5‰ from 1816 to 1953, and 5.9‰ from 1933 to 1953. Based on the average annual growth rate of 5‰, the actual population in 1910 was estimated to be about 1.798 million inhabitants. 7.12 Yuezhou Fu In the Taiping War, Yuezhou fu went through the most brutal battle among all. In 1852, the Taiping army withdrew from Yuezhou City after being defeated by the Qing troops, which restored their control of the city. In 1853, the Taiping army attacked and occupied the city twice. The Taiping War led to the decrease of the population of Baling and Linxiang counties in 1953 in comparison with that in 1816. If we exclude Baling and Linxiang counties, the average annual population growth rate of other counties in Yuezhou fu would be 3.6‰ from 1816 to 1953. This rate is relatively lower than that of Changsha, which indicates that they were also hit by the war but to a lesser degree. From 1910 to 1953, the average annual population growth rate of Yuezhou fu was 2.6‰. Up until 1933, the population decreased rather than increased. The average annual population growth rate from 1933 to 1953 was 8.2‰. The population data of 1910 seem to be inflated. If I use the average annual growth rate of 6‰ and go back from 1953 with a regression analysis, the population of

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Yuezhou fu would be 1.479 million inhabitants in 1910 and 1.13 million in 1865. It is known that the population of Yuezhou fu was 1.953 million inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), and 823,000 people died during the war, accounting for 42.2‰ of its pre-war population. The population loss rate of Yuezhou fu is close to that of Wuchang fu in Hubei Province. 7.13 Summary In Hengzhou fu, Baoqing fu, Yuezhou fu, Chenzhou fu, Yongshun fu of Guiyang Prefecture, and Jingzhou which experienced the war and suffered serious population deaths, their pre-war population totaled about 10.165 million inhabitants while their post-war population was about 8.023 million inhabitants; their population loss was 2.142 million inhabitants, accounting for 21.1% of the pre-war population. 8

Summary

About the Taiping War 8.1 The impact of the Taiping War on the population in Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Anhui, Fujian, Jiangxi, Hubei, and Hunan provinces can be seen from Table 13 below. Table 13 reveals the population change of each province and fu involved in the war. In total, the pre-war population of the 64 fu-level administrative regions of the seven provinces was 155.81 million inhabitants, and their post-war population was 80.04 million. During the war, the population loss was 74.909 million inhabitants, a loss rate of 48.1%. As far as individual fu is concerned, deaths in Jiangning fu, Zhenjiang fu, and Changzhou fu in Jiangsu Province were more than 70% of their respective population. Among all fu of Jiangnan in Anhui, deaths mainly happened in the city of Nanjing. In Zhejiang, deaths in Hangzhou outnumbered those in Huzhou. Usually, battles driven by the goal of occupying central cities were the most intense and fierce ones, which caused overwhelming deaths. The fu-level administrative regions whose deaths were between 50% and 70% of their respective total population included Suzhou fu in Jiangsu, Jiaxing fu, Shaoxing fu, and Yanzhou fu in Zhejiang, Anqing fu and Chuzhou in Anhui. Some of these regions were located near the provincial capitals of Nanjing and Hangzhou, and others were the seat of the province-level capitals or Buzhengsi—such as Anqing prefectural capital and Suzhou prefectural capital. Death rates were also very high in other fu such as Nanchang, Nankang, Jiujiang, Ruizhou, Linjiang, Ji’an and Jianchang in Jiangxi Province, and Shaowu, Jianning and Zhangzhou in fujian Province.

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The Impact of the Taiping War on the Population Table 13

The influence of the Taiping War on the population of Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and other seven provinces. Population counting unit: ten thousand people

Area Jiangsu iangning fu Yangzhou fu Suzhou fu Songjiang fu Zhenjiang fu Changzhou fu Taicang fu Total Zhejiang Hangzhou fu Jiaxing fu Huzhou fu Yanzhou fu Shaoxing fu Ningbo fu Chuzhou fu Quzhou fu Jinhua fu Taizhou fu Total Anhui Guangde fu Ningguo fu Chizhou fu Taiping fu Huizhou fu Anqing fu Luzhou fu Fengyang fu Sizhou zhou Chuzhou zhou Liu’an zhou Total

1851

1865

Net population loss

Net reduction rate

622.5 798.1 654.3 291.5 248.4 440.9 197.1 3252.8

149.4 616.0 229.0 263.0 52.2 119.6 144.7 1573.9

473.1 182.1 425.3 28.5 196.2 321.3 52.4 1678.9

0.760 0.228 0.650 0.098 0.790 0.729 0.266 0.516

372.1 317.8 298.9 101.9 654.4 274.2 129.8 122.5 308.2 310.8 2890.6

72.0 109.1 63.2 46.5 256.8 174.0 86.3 61.0 185.0 202.6 1256.5

300.1 208.7 235.7 55.4 397.6 100.2 43.5 61.5 123.2 108.2 1634.1

0.807 0.657 0.789 0.544 0.608 0.365 0.335 0.502 0.400 0.348 0.565

64.3 400.0 322.0 173.0 271.5 640.0 416.5 511.3 184.2 70.4 168.2 3221.4

4.2 76.8 42.0 43.0 70.5 280.0 340.0 344.4 114.6 24.6 103.1 1443.2

60.1 323.2 280.0 130.0 201.0 360.0 76.5 166.9 69.6 45.8 65.1 1778.2

0.935 0.808 0.870 0.751 0.740 0.563 0.184 0.326 0.378 0.651 0.387 0.552

290 Table 13

Chapter 10 The influence of the Taiping War on the population (cont.)

Area fujian Jianning fu Shaowu fu Tingzhou fu Yanping fu Longyan zhou Zhangzhou fu Total Jiangxi Nanchang fu Nankang fu Jiujiang fu Ruizhou fu Raozhou fu Guangxin fu Yuanzhou fu Linjiang fu Ji’an fu Jianchang fu fuzhou fu Nan’an fu Ningdu zhou Ganzhou fu Total Hubei Hanyang fu Huangzhou fu Wuchang fu De’an fu Jingzhou fu Xiangyang fu Yunyang fu Total Hunan Quzhou fu Baoqing fu Yuezhou fu

1851

1865

Net population loss

Net reduction rate

130.4 66.3 167.4 90.6 37.0 383.0 874.7

64.8 22.8 101.6 54.9 22.2 159.6 425.9

65.6 43.5 65.8 35.7 14.8 223.4 448.8

0.503 0.656 0.393 0.394 0.400 0.583 0.513

423.3 110.0 150.8 113.4 206.4 174.6 81.6 132.6 342.6 142.7 162.8 78.4 91.1 270.8 2481.1

187.1 47.7 50.1 37.8 123.8 118.1 65.3 52.4 141.5 47.1 101.1 53.8 47.3 154.9 1228.0

236.2 62.3 100.7 75.6 82.6 56.5 16.3 80.2 201.1 95.6 61.7 24.6 43.8 115.9 1253.1

0.558 0.566 0.668 0.667 0.400 0.324 0.200 0.605 0.587 0.670 0.379 0.314 0.481 0.428 0.505

409.8 416.8 344.5 151.6 220.0 195.2 106.3 1844.2

272.8 271.6 206.7 131.6 200.8 165.2 111.9 1360.6

137.0 145.2 137.8 20.0 19.2 30.0 −5.6 483.6

0.334 0.348 0.400 0.132 0.087 0.154 −0.053 0.262

275.4 218.4 195.3

222.5 200.2 113.0

52.9 18.2 82.3

0.192 0.083 0.421

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The Impact of the Taiping War on the Population Table 13

The influence of the Taiping War on the population (cont.)

Area

1851

Chenzhou zhou Guiyang zhou Yongshun fu Jingzhou zhou Total

108.8 84.3 78.3 56.0 1016.5

1865 84.0 67.6 65.0 50.0 802.3

Net population loss 24.8 16.7 13.3 6.0 214.2

Net reduction rate 0.228 0.198 0.170 0.107 0.211

8.2 About the National Population Loss While the Taiping army was fighting with the Qing troops in the area around the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River, Du Wenxiu, leader of the Hui people in Yunnan, rose in rebellion against the Qing Dynasty in 1856 and the southwest frontier was involved in a 16-year war. In February of 1862, the Taiping army joined with the Nian Army and their 200,000-soldier forces entered Shaanxi Province from Henan Province. In mid-April, combats happened between the Hui and Han peoples in Weinan due to their conflicts in cutting bamboo forests. The Han militia took the chance to slaughter the Hui people who also fought back. This led to the Northwest Hui-people Revolt. From 1876 to 1880 (Guangxu 6th year), disasters spread across five northern provinces—Shanxi, Henan, Shaanxi, Hebei, and Shangdong—and further affected the northern part of some provinces such as Jiangsu and Anhui. The most severe disasters happened between the Dingchou lunar year of Guangxu (1877) and the Wuyin lunar year of Guangxu (1878), and people referred to them as the “Ding Wu Catastrophe.” Shanxi Province (abbreviated as “Jin”) and Henan Province (abbreviated as “Yu”) were hit most heavily by the disasters and people also referred to the disasters as the “Catastrophe in Jin and Yu.” Shanxi province suffered the biggest population loss and the influence of the disasters on Shanxi was ubiquitous. Records on the severity of the disasters were not rare in the records of the prefectures and counties which had experienced the disasters. In the 30 years from 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) to 1880 (Guangxu 6th year), twelve provinces and regions in China were plunged into war and famine. Due to the reason of space, it may not be possible to elaborate in the book on the impact of the Northwest Hui-people Revolt and the “Ding Wu Catastrophe” on the population of different regions. The following is a general analysis of the impact of the 30-year war and famine on the population of each fu in different provinces and clarify what they brought to the whole China in the 19th century.

Map 9

The population loss during the second half of the 19th century

Map 10

The population loss rate of the second half of the 19th century

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The population loss and the loss rate of each fu in different provinces are shown on maps 9 and 10. As far as individual fu is concerned, in the second half of the 19th century, areas along the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River experienced the greatest population loss, followed by North China and northwest China, and then by Yunnan. Based on the population loss rate, we can see more clearly from the map that a zone with high population loss extended with an angle of 45 degrees from the northwest to Jiangnan. This image tells us clearly that in the second half of the 19th century, wars and natural disasters reduced the northwest to a destitute area and Jiangnan a less developed area. 8.3 Province as a Counting Unit During the 29 years from 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) to 1880 (Guangxu 6th year), each area experienced wars, plagues, and droughts at different points of time and with different durations. Therefore, it is hard to fix a standard point of time setting apart the pre-disaster and post-disaster periods. Roughly speaking, the total number of people who died from wars, plagues and droughts during this period was 116.1 million, accounting for 47.2% of the pre-disaster population of the area. It should be noted that this figure does not include the number of deaths in Zhili and Shandong provinces because we did not obtain the number of deaths of each fu of these two provinces. If we only compare the population data in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) and those in 1880 (Guangxu 6th year), China’s population was 437.323 million inhabitants in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), and was 364.339 million in 1880 (Guangxu 6th year), a net decrease of 72.984 million inhabitants accounting for 16.7% of China’s total population in 1850. The net population loss over the 30 years was still less than the number of deaths from wars, plagues, and catastrophes. Up till now, we can summarize the changes of China’s population as well as of provincial population from 1680 to 1953. For more details, please see Table 14. In 1680, the population in the territory of present-day People’s Republic of China was approximately 184,993,000 inhabitants. Compared with 219,478,000 inhabitants in 1630 shown in Table 9, it decreased by 34,485,000 inhabitants accounting for 15.7% of the population in 1630. From 1680 to 1776, China’s population grew to 311,645,000 inhabitants and the average annual population growth rate was 5.4‰ from 1680 till this time. Up until 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), China’s population grew to 383,287,000 inhabitants and the average annual growth rate was 4.7‰ from 1776 till this time. In 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), China’s population reached 437,323,000 inhabitants and the average annual growth rate was 4.3‰ up until 1820 (Jiaqing 25th

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Province

China’s population change from 1680 to 1953. Population counting unit: 1,000 people

1680

1776

1820

1851

1880

1910

1953

Jiangsu 21313 31790 39207 44593 29496 32355 47497 Anhui 14872 25766 32057 37386 21392 25197 30588 Zhejiang 15702 22306 27335 31139 16029 18490 22825 Jiangxi 12159 18820 22350 24811 13316 14961 16614 Hunan 8850 15055 18752 21812 22512 26320 33226 Hubei 9804 16173 19482 22187 18966 22077 27453 fujian 8216 13779 16545 18407 14167 15471 20735 Guangdong 13344 18445 21405 23859 26447 29461 34470 Guangxi 4921 7662 9461 10962 12592 14535 17884 Yunnan 4713 7949 10360 12675 11645 13468 17628 Guizhou 3865 5670 7476 8794 10254 12047 15237 Sichuan 1368 16504 23388 29387 36461 45633 65108 Zhili 11719 19841 24041 27055 31587 37328 48136 Henan 13718 23225 27642 30771 26218 31087 43240 Shandong 19658 27902 32326 35585 38978 43881 49266 Shanxi 8091 12278 14339 15838 8827 11867 16214 Shaanxi 1772 7946 12139 13269 7020 9545 15834 Gansu 8728 15799 17605 19039 4955 7161 14110 Xinjiang 208 448 1105 1363 1392 2169 4774 Liaoning 300 610 1757 2582 4090 10696 18545 Jilin 40 294 567 1238 2569 5477 11290 Heilongjiang 40 108 168 370 775 1981 11897 Qinghai 254 280 300 314 329 344 1677 Tibet 1036 1140 1190 1231 1270 1312 1374 Inner Mongolia 300 1855 2290 2656 3052 3497 6100 Total 184993 311645 383287 437323 364339 436360 591722 Data source: Appendix 6

year). It was in 1820 that the Qing Dynasty had its largest population. After nearly 30 years of wars, plagues and droughts, China’s population in 1880 (Guangxu 6th year) was only 364,339,000 inhabitants, a decrease of 72,984,000 inhabitants accounting for 16.7% of the population in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year). In terms of population mortality rate, the population loss between 1630 and

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1680 was bigger than that between 1851 and 1880 (Guangxu 6th year). In terms of the number of deaths, the population loss between 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year) and 1880 (Guangxu 6th year) exceeded that between 1630 and 1680. The population in 1910 was close to that in 1851 (Xianfeng 1st year), and reached 436.36 million inhabitants. In 1949, the population was 541.67 million inhabitants, and the average annual population growth rate from 1910 to 1949 was 5.6‰, similar to that of the early Qing Dynasty. In 1953, the population was 591.722 million inhabitants; the average annual growth rate from 1949 to 1953 was 22.3‰. In short, even in the midst of industrialization, urbanization and modernization during the Republic of China, the population still maintained a low growth rate of the traditional era. It is after 1949 that China’s population began to feature a high growth rate which is described as the “population explosion”.

Chapter 11

The Urban Population in the Hongwu Period 1

Concepts and Methods

Due to the inadequacy of data, it is impossible to comprehensively discuss the urban population in the Hongwu period in this chapter; rather, it is feasible to estimate the urban population of some provinces and regions, and then to estimate the total urban population in the Hongwu period accordingly. Cities discussed in this chapter refer to non-military areas of relatively large non-agricultural populations that, in the Ming Dynasty, included the political, industrial and commercial, and military populations. The political population includes administrative personnel, members of the royal family, and various service personnel in government departments. The industrial and commercial population included all professional artisans and merchants, while the military population mainly referred to soldiers of the Garrison. It should be noted that all categories of the population included their dependents. Administrative centers at all levels in China, including the national capital, provincial capitals, prefectural capitals and county centers were not only the political centers but also local economic centers. Given their large political and industrial populations, they are all classified under the category cities. Some counties in remote areas that served as regional political and economic centers are also taken into consideration even though they were not densely populated. In addition to the administrative centers, the larger commercial towns are also discussed in this chapter. Here, we do not stick to William Skinner’s (1995)1 criterion of a population of more than 2,000 because in modern China, a total population of over 2,000 inhabitants in a “central place” out of a country of 400 million people may serve as a basic criterion for cities or not, while in the Ming Dynasty with a total population of only 70 million to 220 million, the standard for defining the urban population was reasonably lower, or even lower than that. In general, a population of 1,000 inhabitants was equal to that of 200 households, which was the size of a shi (city) in Jiangnan in the Ming Dynasty. However, in the literature, we found that there were no liesi or fixed stores and professional merchants in most “shi” in the Ming Dynasty. The market was 1 Skinner, G. (1995). Regional Urbanization in Nineteenth-Century China. The City in Late Imperial China. Taipei: SMC Publishing Inc.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004688933_012

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more of “a morning gathering that is dismissed at noon.” In those “shi,” the main occupations of residents were not commerce-related, so traders would probably have been non-local merchants or peasants from neighboring places. Therefore, this type of “shi” are not viewed as cities. The population of some shi was large enough to reach the scale of zhen (towns). In general, a zhen had more population than a shi (city), while in some regions, a zhen had a population as small as a city. Those sparsely populated zhen are also not viewed as cities. Soldiers also belonged to the non-agricultural population in the Ming Dynasty; however, barracks were apparently not defined as cities. In the Ming Dynasty, a garrison was just one settlement for the non-agricultural population—not the industrial and commercial population. It was until the mid and late Ming Dynasty, when commerce flourished, that a military garrison became more of an industrial and commercial city. That is why we list garrisons separately in our discussion of the urban population in the early Ming Dynasty. This chapter is divided into three parts: the national and provincial capitals, prefectural and county capitals, and industrial and commercial cities and towns. Some county capitals were governed as prefectural capitals, so they are treated as prefectural capitals in this chapter. Likewise, some county or prefectural capitals were governed as the national capital, so they were treated as the national capital accordingly. The capital of the Ming Dynasty was first Nanjing and then Beijing after 1421 (Yongle 19th year). Nanjing was also the prefectural capital of Yingtian fu and the county capital of Jiangjing county, and Shangyuan county, while Beijing was equally the capital of Beiping Prefecture (the capital of Shuntian Prefecture after the relocation of the capital during the reign of Yongle Emperor), Daxingcounty, and Wanping county. However, it should be noted that the discussion in this chapter is not based on the year 1421 (Yongle 19th year). This chapter estimates the urban and rural population based on the data of “li.” However, at different places, li had different appellations, including xiang (rural area), she, fang (urban area), guan (urban area) and xiang (suburban that are part of the city). 2

National Capital

2.1 Nanjing In summary, from a population and an occupational structure perspective, there were 23,463 civilian and military households and approximately

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100,000 inhabitants in Nanjing City in 1371 (Hongwu 4th year). By 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), there were about one million inhabitants in the city and the suburbs including some garrison soldiers and their families that lived elsewhere. That means the urban registered population would probably have been between 700,000 and 800,000. However, the number of inhabitants would have been between 900,000 and 1 million if the floating population, including students of Guozijian (the Imperial College), shift artisans, and merchants are included. The capital was relocated to the north in 1421 (Yongle 19th year), except some yamen of the government, about 135,000 native civilians, artisans, and soldiers from 35 wei and 1 suo were relocated northward. At least 600,000 to 700,000 people moved out of the city and a considerable number of soldiers did not live in the city, that is why Nnajing’s population “more than halved.”2 Because of the relocation of soldiers and artisans, Nanjing lost its status as the political center and thus far fewer shift artisans and non-local merchants worked there. As a result, Nanjing only had an urban registered population between 200,000 and 300,000. During the community reorganization in 1437 (Zhengtong 2nd year), there were only 44 fang (urban area) and 35 xiang (suburban) in Shangyuan county and Jiangning county, respectively, totaling 79. This number was down by three-fourths when compared to the 319 fang and xiang in the Hongwu era. However, in the Hongwu era, fang xiang (urban) in Nanjing City were not compiled from a fixed number of households, making it difficult to estimate the population simply based on the number of fang xiang. In addition, a significant part of the population de-registered themselves to dodge military service after the mid-Ming Dynasty, making the estimation even more impossible. After the relocation of soldiers, apart from the immediate relatives that were relocated with soldiers, a significant number of family members were left behind Which amounted to 40,000 by October, 1451 (Jingtai 2nd year) and 100,000 together with their relatives. According to Volume 209 of Ming Yingzong Shilu (Veritable Records of Emperor Yingzong of Ming), in October of 1451 (Jingtai 2nd year), the government ordered: “For a household of one to five people, they shall move entirely; for a household of over 10 people that has an established industry, half shall move and half stay and operate; for a family of 20 to 30 people, half shall move and half stay, but if most of the household are unwilling to stay, they shall be subjected to further orders,” most of whom would be relocated to the former military station in Beijing or Shuntian. Therefore, the urban population of Nanjing further decreased. 2 Gu, Q. (1987). The full story of xiang and fang, Kezuo zhuiyu (The Story of JingLing). (Vol. 2). (p. 182). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. 64.

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According to Chen Zhongping’s (1998), Nanjing City probably developed after the Zhengde era (1506–1521).3 By evolving from a declining political center to a flourishing commercial and industrial metropolis due to growth in industry and commerce and an influx of people. Judging from its prosperity in the late Ming Dynasty, it is possible its urban population reached half a million. 2.2 Zhongdu4 Between 1369 (Hongwu 2nd year) to 1375 (Hongwu 8th year), Emperor Zhu Yuanzhang commanded the construction of the capital city in Linhao fu, which was on the northern slope of a small mountain that was 20 li west of the future Fengyang fu. The imposing capital was built with a circumference of over 54 li, and it was equipped with 9 gates. It was exquisitely designed, the quintessence of the toils of over one million soldiers and civilians. In 1375 (Hongwu 8th year), construction was suspended and the administrative center of Fengyang fu was relocated here while Linhao became Linhuai county. As indicated in Table 5, Zhongdu became the capital of Fengyang fu, but it only had a small civilian population of 4,000 because it had very few li. However, in terms of population, it could still be considered a large city, given that many soldiers were stationed there. 3

Provincial Capitals

3.1 Materials and Methodology Regarding current materials, our discussion shall be limited to the following provincial capitals in the Ming Dynasty: Beiping, Zhejiang, Fujian, Jiangxi, and Huguang, or Fuzhou, Nanchang, and Jiangxia (Wuchang). This section uses, as the basic materials for analysis, the number of urban fang and xiang and rural li and tu that appeared in local records in the mid and late Ming Dynasty. Fang refers to the urban area, while xiang refers to the suburban area. In a city with a wall, fang refers to the neighborhoods within the wall, while xiang mainly refers to the neighborhoods outside the city wall or the outskirts. From either perspective, xiang is part of the city. However, literatures of urban xiang and fang and rural li and tu in the Hongwu period are unavailable, while the number of fang and li in the mid and late Ming Dynasty is deemed not representative enough of the demographics. Hence, we assume 3 Chen, Z. (1988). Development and Evolvement of Nanjing City in the Ming and Qing Dynasties. The Journal of Chinese Social and Economic History. (Vol. 1), 39–45. 4 Wang, J. (1991). Ming zhong du. Palace Museum Journal, 61–69.

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that urban fang and rural li increased or merged proportionately from the early to the mid and late Ming Dynasty and that this proportion largely reflects the proportion of the urban population to the rural population in the Hongwu era. As detailed below, this assumption is proved by “Huguang Tujing Zhishu” in the Jiajing period as is detailed below. As for a fuguo county whose population was unavailable in the literature, the proportion of li is used for estimation. That means the li proportion of a fuguo county to the total li of a region tantamounts to the proportion of its population to the total population. This way, it is possible to determine the population of a fuguo county. There is no need to use this method to estimate the population of a county capital because the population of a prefectural capital is estimated separately while the population of zhou or a county capital is an estimated aggregate. The garrison military population needs to be accounted for in the estimation of the urban population in the Hongwu period. A scale is used, as previously, to calculate the military population: there were 1,120 soldiers in every qianhusuo and every 5 suo governed by one wei, meaning the total population was 5,600. Assuming that every soldier had two dependents, then there were 16,500 inhabitants for each wei. The population varied accordingly if a wei governed more or less than five suo. In the “urban military population” blank below, most results appear as one-third of the military population. That is because in the mid Ming government, an order was issued requesting that “every three soldiers out of ten guard the city and the other seven engage in farming.” Though, eventually, how many soldiers guarded or farmed varied with the fertility and the importance of the land. Therefore, the ratio that represents the most common situation is used. 3.2 Beiping According to Gao Shouxian (2014), Beiping capital had a military population of about 128,000 and a total population of 169,000, including civilians. According to my latest research, Beijing had a civilian population of about 25,000 and a total population of 153,000 including soldiers. The differences of the two results are minimal enough to be neglected. After the capital was relocated to Beijing in the Yongle period, the urban population of Beijing grew rapidly to about 700,000 in 1425 (Hongxi 1st year), which increased to 900,000 in 1480 (Chenghua 16th year), 1 million in 1621 (Tianqi 1st year), and 1580 (Wanli 8th year).5 5 Gao, S. (2014). Beijing Population History (pp. 227–240). Beijing: China Renmin University Press.

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3.3 Hangzhou See Table 15 for li of Hangzhou, Fuzhou, Nanchang, and Wuchang fu from local records and their supposed populations. Renhe county and Qiantang county were the fuguo counties of Hangzhou. According to Volume 2 of Hangzhou Prefecture Zhi in the Chenghua period, there were 40 urban li in Renhe in the Hongwu period, but the number was reduced by 20% to 32 in the Chenghua period; and there were 354 rural li in Renhe in the Hongwu period, but the number was reduced by 5.9% to 333 in the Chenghua period. For Qiantang County, there were 46 urban li and 114 rural li in the Chenghua period. Therefore, by extension, there should have been 58 urban li and 121 rural li in Qiantang in the Hongwu period based on the same proportion. That amounted to 98 urban li altogether, about 17% of the total li in the Hongwu years. In Table 2, the urban li of the two counties made up 15% of the total li in the Chenghua years—very close to 17%. It was recorded in Daming Yitong Zhi that there were 373 and 161 li in Renhe and Qiantang respectively, that is, 94.7% and 89.9% respectively of the number in the Hongwu period. That means compared with the Hongwu period, the number of li in the Tianshui years had dropped by between 5% and 10%. There were 1.081 million civilians in Hangzhou in Hongwu 24th year. According to Volume 2 of Hangzhou Prefecture Zhi, in the Chenghua period, there were 1,400 li in Hangzhou Prefecture in Hongwu 24th year, including Table 15

Population of Hangzhou, Fuzhou, Nanchang, and Wuchang fu in the Ming Dynasty. Unit: 1,000

Provincial Population Fuguo capital density County

Urban Urban Total Total Number (%) Civilian number of urban percent- population popu- military urban lation popula- popuof li li of Fuguo age lation tion County

Hangzhou 142

394 179 738 126 68 61 1566

Nanchang Fuzhou

51 32

Wuchang Total

18

Renhe Qiantang Nanchang Minxian Hougong Jiangxiang

40 58 57 16 9 15 195

10.2 32.4 7.7 12.7 13.2 24.6 12.5

343 156 473 90 49 70 1181

35 51 37 11 6 17 157

37 0 5 19 0 11 72

72 51 42 30 6 28 229

Source: Volume 2 of Hangzhou Fu Zhi in the Chenghua period; Volume 15–16 of The General Records of Bamin in the Hongzhi period; Volume 5 of Nanchang Prefecture Records in the Wanli period; Volume 1 of Huguang Tujing Zhishu in the Jiajing period. Data of “Population density” comes from Appendix 1.

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Renhe and Qiantang that made up 40.9%. Based on the population proportion, there were 442,000 civilians in the two counties, including the urban population (that is, the urban civilian population of Hangzhou) of 17.1%. Therefore, including the soldiers, the total urban population would have been 88,000. 3.4 Fuzhou It was recorded in “Xiang and Du,” Volume 15 of The General Records of Bamin in the Hongzhi period that xiang referred to the rural area and du, the urban area. However, du and li in Fujian were different from li in other places. In our discussion tu is used for estimation here. There were two fuguo counties in Fuzhou. One was Min County, while the other was Fuguan. In Min County, there were 13 tu in 4 fang. The distance between West Fengchi xiang and the prefectural capital was unavailable, therefore, it is assumed the county was a suburban village and thus can be treated as a tu government. That means, altogether, Min County governed 16 tu. For Houguan County, there were two fang and one xiang bringing the total to 9 tu. There was 139 rural tu and the urban tu, or the urban population, made up 13% of the total population of the two counties. According to Daming Yitong Zhi, in the Tianshun period, there was 80 li in Min County and Houguan—19.1% of the total 481 li of the whole prefecture. Appendix 1 shows that the civilian population of Fuzhou Prefecture was 634,000 in Hongwu 24th year. So, the population of Min county and Houguan ought to have been 121,000, including an urban population of 13% and a civilian population assumed to be 17,000. The military population of 19,000 that exceeded the civilian population brought the total urban population to 36,000. 3.5 Nanchang There were two fuguo counties in Nanchang prefectural capital, Nanchang and Xinjian. According to Daming Yitong Zhi in the Tianshun period, there were 1,566 li in Nanchang Prefecture, of which Nanchang and Xinjin had 696 li, that is, about 44.4% of the total. According to Appendix 1, the civilian population of Nanchang Prefecture was 1.114 million in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) meaning the civilian population of Nanchang and Xinjian counties ought to have been 495,000. According to Volume 5 of Nanchang Prefecture Zhi in the Wanli period, there were 57 urban tu in the two counties, that is, 7.7% of the total litu. Therefore, the civilian population of Nanchang ought to have been 37,000 and would have been 42,000, including the soldiers of one wei. Assuming that the li was the same in the Tianshui and Hongwu period, there would have been 157.6 and 142.3 households for every li in Jiangxi Province and Nanchang fu, respectively in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year). Therefore, there were

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41,000 inhabitants in Nanchang’s 57 urban tu thereby bringing the total population, including the military population, to 46,000. 3.6 Wuchang There were not only records of li but also categorized records of urban and rural li in Huguang Tujing Zhishi in the Jiajing period. It was recorded in Volume 2 that there were 61 li of registered inhabitants in Wuchang county including 15 urban li and 46 rural li. It was recorded in Volume 8 that there were previously 21 li of registered inhabitants in Xiangyang county, but the number rose to 35 in 1504 (Hongzhi 17th year), including 6 urban li and 29 rural li. In what period did the “previously 21 li” in Xiangyang county refer to? Based on the only information available, the year was prior to 1504 (Hongzhi 17th year). According to Daming Yitong Zhi, in the Tianshun period, there were 19 li in Xiangyang county. Also, according to Volume  ## of Xiangyang Fu Zhi (The Records of Xiangyang) in the Wanli period, there were 15 li in Xiangyang county in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year). Therefore, it can be understood that from the Hongwu period to the Tianshun period to the year referred to as “previously” in Huguang Tujing Zhishi, the number of li grew gradually. Until the Hongzhi period, the number of li increased significantly because of the inclusion of the floating population. With these figures, it can be concluded that “previously” in Huguang Tujing Zhishi referred to the time prior to the Hongzhi period but later than the Tianshun period. The above method is used to calculate the urban population of Wuchang. According to Daming Yitong Zhi, in the Tianshun period, there were 265 li in Wuchang Prefecture, including 63 li (38.2%) in Wuchang. According to Volume 1 of Huguang Tujing Zhishu, there were 61 li in Wuchang county, of which there were 15 urban li, accounting for 24.6%. According to Appendix Table 1, the civilian population of Wuchang fu was 240,000 inhabitants in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), so the population of Jiangxia was 23,000 (calculated from 240,000 ×  0.382 × 0.246). Together with the military population, the population ought to have been 44,000. 3.7 Other Provincial Capitals The method below that calculates the population of prefectural capitals is applied to other provincial capitals. The results show that their populations were significantly higher than that of prefectural capitals. Jinan was an exception with a civilian population of only 3,000, only higher than Yanzhou and Dongchang. That is because it was not until the early years of Hongwu that the provincial capital of Shandong moved to Jinan from Qingzhou, thereby accounting for the 23,000 inhabitants of Qingzhou. Apart from Jinan, Chengdu,

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the provincial capital of Sichuan, also had a small population of only 2,000— lower than Chongqing that had a population of 16,000. That results from the wars of the Yuan Dynasty and more importantly, the immigrant influx from East China and its distribution. 4

Prefectural Capitals

The last section shows a close relationship between the population density and the population of the provincial capital, a relationship that should be the same for prefectural capitals and county capitals. That means the more populated they are, the larger the urban population. This section takes as examples capital of Shaoxing Fu, Jiaxing Fu, and Huzhou Fu of Zhejiang and Zhenjiang Fu of South Jiangsu. 4.1 Prefectural Capital Shaoxing, Jiaxing, Huzhou, and Zhenjiang 4.1.1 Shaoxing According to Volume 1 of Shaoxing Records in the Wanli period, the prefectural capital was divided into four quarters; the two western quarters were governed by Shanyin County and further divided into 23 fang, while the two eastern quarters were governed by Kuaiji County and further divided into 16 fang. It is also recorded that the two counties governed 188 and 104 rural tu respectively and that the urban tu was 11.8% of the rural tu. According to Daming Yitong Zhi in the Tianshun period, there were 211 and 131 li in Shanyin and Kuaiji respectively. That means there were as many li in Shanyin in the Wanli period as there were in the Tianshun period, while there were 11 more li in Kuaiji in the Wanli period than in the Tianshun period. It is also known that the li of Shanyin and Kuaiji made up 27.6% of the total li in the prefecture. Therefore, given that the civilian population of Shaoxing fu was 133.5 million in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), the total population of Shanyin and Kuaiji ought to have been about 369,000. Furthermore, assuming that the urban population was 11.8% of the total, then the urban population of Shaoxing fu ought to have been 44,000. If the size of a li in the Hongwu period remained the same as the size of li in the Tianshun period, then there ought to have been 215.7 households for every li in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), meaning the civilian population of Shaoxing fu ought to have been 42,000 with 39 li. This is an indication of the closeness of the results obtained. However, the urban population of Shaoxing fu was surprisingly much larger than that of most prefectures in South Jiangsu and North Zhejiang that had a population of just about 20,000. Therefore, the population size of Shaoxing fu and its county capitals should be considered as an

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exception and, therefore, should not serve as the reference while calculating the population of other prefectural capitals and county capitals. 4.1.2 Jiaxing According to Volume 8 and 11 of Jiaxing Records in the Hongzhi period, there were 383 li in Jiaxing County and 220 li in Xiushui County, very close to the 381 and 232 li in the Tianshun period. Furthermore, the urban li of the two counties totaled 24, accounting for 3.9%, a very low proportion, while in Jiaxing fu, the total li of the two counties accounted for 41.8% of the prefecture in the Tianshun period. Assuming that remained the same in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), the population of the two counties would have been 685,000, and the urban population of the prefecture would have been 27,000 with a 3.9% urban population ratio. If the size of li in the Hongwu period remained the same as in the Tianshun period, then there would have been 223.6 households for every li in Jiaxing fu in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), meaning the population of Jiaxing fu ought to have been 27,000 with 24 li. 4.1.3 Huzhou There were two fuguo counties in Huzhou fu: Wucheng and Guian. According to Volume 4 of Huzhou Records in the Chenghua period, there were 282 li in Wucheng County including 10 urban li and 309 li in Guian County, including 10 urban li. That means the urban li accounted for 3.4% of the total li in fuguo counties, slightly lower than the percentage in Jiaxing. According to Daming Yitong Zhi in the Tianshun period, there were 267 li in Wucheng and 309 li in Gui, hence the assumption that the number of li in the Hongwu period would have been more or less identical. The li of the two counties made up 47.9% of the total li of the prefecture, so their population would have been around 575,000, inhabitants meaning the urban population of the prefecture would have been 20,000. If li size in the Hongwu period remained the same as the Tianshun period, then there would have been 199.7 households for every li in Huzhou fu in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), meaning the population of Huzhou fu ought to have been 20,000 with 20 li. 4.1.4 Zhenjiang According to Volume 1 of Dantu County Zhi in the Wanli period, there were 19 fang and 22 tu in the prefectural capital of Zhenjiang. Half a page of the document is missing, therefore, we assume that there were 252 rural li and,

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307

together with prefectural urban li, a total of 274 li. According to Daming Yitong Zhi, in the Tianshun period, there were 270 li in Dantu County, close to the number recorded in Dantu County Zhi. That means the prefectural urban li made up 8% of the li of fuguo counties. If the li size in the Hongwu period remained the same as that in the Tianshun period, then the li of Dantu County made up 47.7% of the prefecture, meaning the population of Dantu County would have been 260,000 and the urban population of Zhenjiang fu would have been 21,000. Compared with the urban population of Changzhou fu that was 10,000, the urban population of Zhenjiang was significantly larger due to its geographical location. Zhengjiang was at the junction of the Yangtze River and the Grand Canal, making it more appealing to industrial and commercial population. Other Prefectural Capitals 4.2 See Table 16 for the estimated population of 40 other ordinary prefectural capitals of seven provinces, including Beiping, Shandong, Jingshi, Zhejiang, Fujian, Jiangxi, and Huguang. To make the distinction more visible, in addition to dividing Jingshi into north and south, the areas south of the Yangtze River are divided into Southern Jiangsu and Southern Anhui. Generally, according to the local records, the number of li in the mid to late Ming was close to that in the Hongwu years. For instance, according to Hejian Records in the Jiajing period, there were 25 li in Hejian Fu, Beiping, while according to Daming Yitong Zhi, there were 27 in the Tianshun period. This shows that the data was quite close. However, this is not the same case in other places. For example, according to Volume 11 of Qingzhou Records in the Jiajing period, there were 180 li in fuguo county, Yidu, including 13 prefectural urban li that made up 7.2% of the prefecture, and an urban population of 15,000. However, according to Daming Yitong Zhi, in the Tianshun period, there were 267 li in Yidu County. Assuming this figure and the ratio of 7.2% were the same in the Hongwu period, then the urban population of Qingzhou Fu would have been as high as 23,000 inhabitants. The difference probably stemmed from Qingzhou’s special status as the prefectural capital. Like in Qingzhou, the number of li of Hanyang Fu and Huangzhou Fu in the mid to late Ming were different from the number in the Hongwu years. According to Huguang Tujing Zhishu, in the Jiajing period, there were 43 li in Hanyang County, four of which were urban. However, according to Daming Yitong Zhi in the Tianshun period, there were only 26 li. The civilian population of the prefecture was 2,000 based on “Huguang Tujing Zhishu” and 1,000

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based on “Daming Yitong Zhi” respectively. As the results do not differ significantly, they are not subject to adjustment. The data from Daming Yitong Zhi are applied in Appendix 5 for Hanyang and Huangzhou. For De’an Fu that had only 7 li in its fuguo county, we assume as a way of meeting the requirements of an urban city, that it had a population of 1,000, same as that of Hanyang Fu. The scenario for the rest is the identical and has not been detailed here. Shanyang County is Fuguo county of Huai’an Fu. According to Volume 3 of Huan’an Records in the Wanli period, in Shanyang, there were all together 35 tu, including 11 registered tu in the four quarters of the old city and 24 tu in the eight suburban xiang and fang of the new city. Also, there were 80 rural tu based on xiang. According to Daming Yitong Zhi, in the Tianshun period, 101 li (tu) were governed by Shanyang County, less than the total number of the documented urban and rural tu. Generally, the number of li in the late Ming was smaller than that in the Tianshun period. The situation in Shanyang was exceptional probably because tu was compiled in the new city. The new city Huai’an was founded in the wartime late Yuan Dynasty, so it did not have a significantly large population. As a result, its 24 tu were built in the mid to late Ming when the water transport of grain to the capital developed and the population increased. As such, the tu of the new city was not included in the discussion of the ratio of urban li to rural li in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year). The situation in Jiangxi was different. Take Jianchang Fu as an example, according to Daming Yitong Zhi, in the Tianshun period, there were 523 li in Jianchang Prefectre, including 284 in Nancheng County that accounted for 54.3% of the total li. The population of Jianchang Fu was 513,000 in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), so the population of Nancheng County was 278,000. According to Volume 3 of Jianchang Records in the Zhengde period, the urban li of Nancheng accounted for 8.6% of the total number of li, so the civilian population of Jianchang Fu was 24,000. Also according to Volume 3, the population of Nanchang County was 228,000 in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), meaning the urban population of Jianchang Fu was 19,000. In Jiangxi Province, the ratio of the prefectural li to the provincial li was highly related to the ratio of the prefectural population to the provincial population and the prefectural population calculated from the county li was close to that from the county population. Therefore, for Jianchang fu and Linjiang fu whose population calculated from the two methods differ significantly, the discussion sticks to the population calculated from the county population as shown in Appendix 5. Ranked in order of prefectural population density, Zhejiang, with an average of 23,000 inhabitants per prefecture—the largest population per prefecture,

309

The Urban Population in the Hongwu Period Table 16

Urban population of 40 fu (zhou) of nine areas in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year). Population unit: 1,000

Population Zhejiang South Jiangxi South Fujian Shandong North Beiping Huguang Jiangsu Anhui Jiangsu Fu 2 %Urban li/ 3.7 fuguo li % 23 Average civilian population per city 295 Civilian population density per area

2 5.9

7 6.8

3 10.6

5 6.9

2 7.4

1 12.1

5 9.5

13 9.7

15

12

13

10

13

11

2

5

127

49

39

32

40

29

22

11

Notes: The italic part in Appendix 5: Zhejiang governs Jiaxing and Huzhou fus; South Jiangsu governs Changzhou and Zhenjiang fus; South Anhui governs Huizhou, Chizhou, and Ningguo fus; North Jiangsu governs only Huai’an Fu. Jiangxi governs seven prefectures including Ruizhou, Linjiang, Fuzhou, Jianchang, Yuanzhou, Ganzhou, and Nan’an. Fujian governs four prefectures including Jianning, Zhangzhou, Tingzhou, and Shaowu. The data of North Huguang and South Huguang are identical and thus are combined to include include 14 prefectures and zhou namely Huangzhou, De’an, Jingzhou, Xiangyang, Hanyang, Changsha, Yuezhou, Changdu, Baoqing, Hengzhou, Yongzhou, Chenzhou, Chenzhou, and Jingzhou. Beiping governs five prefectures including Baoding, Hejian, Shunde, Guangping, and Yongping. Shandong governs Qingzhou and Yanzhou fu. Provincial capitals are not included in the prefectures, except for Qingzhou, which was the provincial capital of Shandong before Jinan in the early Hongwu years. Source: The italic parts in Appendix 1 and 5

came first in South China. South Jiangsu came second with an average of 15,000 inhabitants per prefecture. The population density of Jiangxi, South Anhui, and Fujian was between 30 and 50, with a prefectural population ranging between 10,000 and 13,000. In North China, Shandong came first with the largest prefectural population, and North Jiangsu came second, followed by Huguang and Beiping. Though the population density of Huguang was only half that of Beiping, the population of its prefectural capital was 1.5 times higher that of Beiping. That is because, in the Hongwu period, Beiping was largely an immigrant destination, which explains the extreme low prefectural population. According to Appendix Table 5, Baoding, the biggest prefectural capital in Beiping

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30 y = 0.1912x + 2.3629 R² = 0.5712

Prefectural capital popula�on

25 20 15 10 5 0

0

20

40

60

80

100

120

140

Density Diagram 4

The relationship between the civilian population and the population density of 36 ordinary prefectural capitals in 1391. Population density in (x)

other than the provincial capital, had a population of only 4,000. Yongping, the smallest prefectural capital, had a civilian population of only 400. Even with the inclusion of the stationed troops, the prefecture’s population barely reached 6,000. According to definition of city in this book, a city should have a minimum population of 1,000. However, a more accurate result may be attained if all provinces are compared without a north-south demarcation. It should be noted that the high population density of Jiaxing fu (497 people) is excluded in Diagram 4 because its inclusion would deform the diagram. Besides, the data of Linjiang fu and Ganzhou fu in Jiangxi as well as the data of Guangping fu in Beiping deviated from the average and have only been included after we found that the ratio of their population to the provincial population differed significantly from the ratio of the number of their li to that of the provincial li. See Diagram 4 for the relationship between the civilian population and the population density of 36 ordinary prefectural capitals. The more densely populated, the more people there are in an ordinary prefectural capital city, and vice versa. So, the prefectural population is highly negatively correlated with the population density. The regression equation is Y = 5.145x − 7.656, R2 = 0.5843, which means 58% of the variance of the population can be explained by the population density. In other words, prefectures with a high population density equally had a larger population.

311

The Urban Population in the Hongwu Period 0.3 0.25 0.2

- 0.367 y = 0.2993x R² = 0.401

0.15 0.1 0.05 0

0

Diagram 5

50

100

150

200

250

The relationship between the urban li and the population density of 35 prefectural capitals

In addition, the population of the 39 ordinary prefectural capitals varies with the ratio of the urban li to the fuguo li. The larger the population, the lower the ratio. So, there is a medium negative correlation between the prefectural population and the urban li, which can be expressed by the equation Y  =  −1.01ln(x)  +  0.1897, R2  =  0.2743. After excluding Jingzhou, Yuezhou, Baoqing, and Hengzhou, whose data are at the left bottom of Diagram 5 and deviate from the curve, the equation is modified to Y = −0.034ln (x) + 0.2108; R2 = 0.4042. See more information in Diagram 5. The population of other prefectural capitals, according to the Diagram 4 equation, does not match the samples and the curve, especially for prefectures in North China and prefectures with a small population: The resulted prefectural population is many times higher than the actual population meaning probably that, besides population density, population size also influences the prefectural population—a phenomenon that is not taken into consideration in Diagram 4. On the contrary, population of the prefectural capital, according to the Diagram 5 equation, matches the samples and the curve. The calculation is as follows: Assume the prefectural population is A1, the prefectural li A2, the population of the fuguo county B1, and the fuguo li B2, the urban population

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C1, and the urban li C2; the ratio of urban li and fuguo li is C2/B2, which can be calculated from Diagram 5. In Chapter 2, it has been proved that there is a high correlation between the proportion of the prefectural li and the provincial li as well as between the proportion of the prefectural population and the provincial population. The conclusion can be applied further: The proportion of the county li to the prefectural li is highly correlated with the proportion of the county population to the prefectural population; the proportion of the urban li to the fuguo li is highly correlated to the proportion of the urban population to the population of the fuguo county. Hence the equation: B1/A1 = B2/A2 = C2/B2 = C1/B1. A1 is presented in Appendix 1. A2 and B2 were available in Daming Yitong Zhi in the Tianshun period, and hence B1 = A1 * B2/A2. For their part, C2/B2, or the proportion of the urban li to the fuguo li, is available as is indicated above, and hence C1 = B1 * C2/B2 = (A1 * B2/A2) * (C2/B2). The proportion of the prefectural urban li by province is listed in Appendix 5, in which the italics are from literature, while the regular fonts are from computation. See Appendix 5 and Map 11 for the civilian population of ordinary prefectural capital in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year). Prefectural capitals having a civilian population of 20,000 people and above are defined as “large prefectural capital,” and those with a population less than 20,000 are defined as “small prefectural capital.” Jinan, Taiyuan, Kaifeng, Xi’an, Wuchang, Chengdu, and Kunming and the provincial capitals of Shandong, Shanxi, Henan, Shaanxi, Huguang Sichuan, and Yunan, are all small prefectures. At that time, Guizhou was not a province, and Guiyang, which later became its provincial capital, apital was just barracks. It is still beyond explanation why Guilin became a “large prefecture.” If the military stationed in the prefectural capital (one-third defended, and two-thirds farmed) and their families were viewed as residents (each soldier brought with him two family members), they would have totaled 5,600 people—the exact size to constitute a garrison. Including the stationed military would mean 15 more “large prefectural capitals”—Kaifeng, Henan, Taiyuan, Huizhou, Fengyang, Raozhou, Jianchang, Ganzhou, Wuchang, Jingzhou, Huangzhou, Ningbo, Zhaoqing, Chengdu, and Yunnan, including a national capital and five provincial capitals. See more information in Appendix 5 and Map 11.

Map 11

The civilian population of ordinary prefectural capitals in 1393

Map 12

The total population of ordinary prefectural capitals in 1393

The Urban Population in the Hongwu Period

315

4.3 Prefectural Capitals as Industrial and Commercial Centers For prefectural capitals that are also industrial and commercial centers, their population size is not based on the proportion of the prefectural li and the population density. Instead, a different approach is adopted in determining their population. 4.3.1 Suzhou According to Hukou, Volume 14 of “Gusu Zhi” by Wang’ao published during the Zhengde period (1506–1521), in Suzhou, the number of households in the early Ming Dynasty remained about the same as at the end of the Yuan Dynasty. In the Ming Dynasty, Suzhou was captured by Zhang Shicheng, thereby leading to the influx of residents. Then it was conquered by the Ming troops without triggering a civilian massacre. That means the population of Suzhou should have multiplied; however, according to the literature, there were fewer than 100,000 households in the Zhengde period. “Fewer than 100,000” should mean between 50,000 and 100,000. If we take the 75,000 as the mean, there would have been a population of 380,000 people in Suzhou during the Zhengde period. So presumably, there would have been 300,000 people (including the military) before the Hongwu emigration wave. During the wave of emigration, the outgoing artisans and the migrating affluent alone accounted for 40% to 50% of the population of Suzhou, meaning the rest of the population, i.e., 45%, ought to have been 165,000—higher than the above figure calculated from the average household per li. According to in Hukou, Volume 10 of Suzhou Prefecture Zhi, the household number of counties of Wu County, the fuguo county of Suzhou, was 245,000 in 1371 (Hongwu 4th year) and 285,000 in 1376 (Hongwu 9th year) respectively, and that of Changzhou County, 356,000 and 381,000 respectively, totaling between 600,000 and 660,000. The total population of the two counties would probably be over 700,000 by 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), including the population of Suzhou city that accounted for 40.4%. Suzhou “is one of the most important cities in the region. It is famous for its prosperity and richness, its dense population, and everything that it takes to make a magnificent city,” according to Matteo Ricci in 1582 (Wanli 10th year).6 Suzhou had a population of 610,000 in 1580 (Wanli 8th year), calculated from the population growth rate. 4.3.2 Taicang According to History of Ming Dynasty: Geographical Zhi, Taicang Wei was established under the reign of the founding emperor of the Ming Dynasty in 6 Ricci, M. (1983). Matteo Ricci’s Notes about China. (p. 338). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company.

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1366 (Wu 1st year), and it became Zhou in 1497 (Hongzhi 10th year). That means by 1393 (Hong 26th year), Taicang ought to have been a wei instead of a zhou or county. Taicang boasted a large population because it was the starting point of rice water transportation from the north as well as an important port for overseas trade in the Yuan Dynasty and the early Ming Dynasty. In the late Yuan Dynasty, Taicang was the battlefield between the warring factions—Fang Guozhen and Zhang Shicheng, and so it suffered population loss. According to Preface of Taichang Zhou Zhi in the Jiajing period (1548), “Fang’s army inflicted a crushing defeat on Zhang’s army by killing five thousand soldiers … At that time, tens of thousands of households in Taicang were reduced to rubble. Fang ordered a retreat … [He] allowed vagrants to resume their work, yet there were still no fewer than ten thousand households in the city.”7 Despite the warfare, surprisingly, there were over 10,000 households in Taicang City. That means there were at least 20,000 households with 100,000 inhabitants in the city at the prime of rice transportation. Afterward, the battle between Zhu Yuanzhang and Zhang Shicheng broke out. According to Zhou Chen, there were 8,986 households in Taichang in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) and only 738 in 1432 (Xuande 7th year).8 Assuming there were 5 people for each one household, then there were 45,000 people in Taichang in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year), and a total of 56,000 if the 11,000 soldiers and their families living in Taicang and Zhenhai wei are included. 4.3.3 Yangzhou The Great Canal coalesced with the Yangtze River in Yangzhou, transforming it into an important commercial city along the canal, “a south-north demarcating gateway.” Yangzhou was a pivotal city, be it for the government officials, tributes, or salt and grain transport. However, the east side of the old city was distant from the canal in the early Ming Dynasty hence it was difficult for Yangzhou to function as a transport and trade station and also difficult to the basic necessities of citizens. In addition, the city was unable to accommodate its increasing population, and as a result, it expanded towards the canal from the east and the south.9 The citizens of Yangzhou were massacred by Qing troops in the late Ming Dynasty, and according to Volume 3 of Mingji Nanlue, there used to be 480,000 people in Yangzhou but zero after the massacre. Based on that information, the population of Yangzhou ought to have 7 Preface of Taicang Zhou Zhi. (Photocopy from Tianyi Pavilion) (Jiajing period). 8 Zhou, C. Yuhang Zaihu Buzhu Gongshu, in Cheng, M. (Ed.), Huangming Wenheng (Vol. 27): Complete Library in Four Branches of Literature (No. 1373). (p. 816). 9 Wang, Z. (1996). Social Changes of Huizhou Merchants and Huaiyang in the Ming and Qing Dynasties. (p. 76). Beijing: Sanlian Bookstore.

The Urban Population in the Hongwu Period

317

been 400,000 people, at least, in the Wanli period and about 100,000 in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year). 4.3.4 Quanzhou Quanzhou was an industrial and commercial city in decline. Quanzhou was instrumental with regard to foreign trade in the Song and Yuan dynasties because it was the biggest foreign trade port and the largest industrial and commercial city in China. However, due to war and the maritime trade ban in the late Yuan and the early Ming dynasties, long-time Arab merchants were forced to withdraw and return to their own country causing the status of Quanzhou to fall drastically. According to Chapter 3, the population of Quanzhou fu was over 530,000 inhabitants in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year). The dense population could explain why there were as many as 262 tu in Jinjiang County, the fuguo county of Quanzhou, in the Hongwu period. However, there were only 20 fang and 135 tu left in Jinjiang in the Hongzhi period. By comparing the number of tu with that of the households of six prefectures including Fuzhou, Funing, Tingzhou, Shaowu, Yanping, and Zhangzhou in Volume 15 and 16 of The General Records of Bamin in the Hongzhi period, we can conclude that there were 161 households for one tu. Assuming that the rural population of Jinjiang corresponded to 130 tu and there were another 132 urban tu, then there ought to be about 21,120 households with 110,000 people in Quanzhou in the Hongwu years, and probably about 150,000 inhabitants including unregistered merchants. Nevertheless, there were only 20 tu with about 16,000 people in Quanzhou in the Hongzhi period, and just over 20,000 inhabitants if the soldiers in the garrison and their families are included. That means Quanzhou could only be a medium-sized prefectural capital in the Hongzhi period. Quanzhou suffered from a plague in 1562 (Jiajing 41st year). According to Volume 15 of Jinjiang County Zhi in the Qianlong period, “seven out of ten people died due to the plague in Quanzhou.” According to the average annual population growth rate of the Ming Dynasty, the population of Quanzhou was about 35,000 inhabitants that year, and down to 11,000 after the plague. Until 1580, the population of Quanzhou was at most 20,000, which, by all standards, was lower than the population of a normal prefectural capital. 5

County Capital

5.1 Materials and Methodology Likewise, it can also be assumed that each county’s urban and rural li either increased or merged proportionately from the early to the middle and late

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Ming Dynasty. The most typical example is, according to Volume 2 of Hangzhou Prefecture Zhi in the Chenghua period, there used to be 4 urban li and a total of 62 xiang li in 16 xiang in Lin’an county, but because they merged, the number “today” has reduced to 3 and 47 respectively. It was also recorded in Daming Yitong Zhi in the Tianshun period that there were 46 li in Lin’an County, suggesting that the 66 li belonged to the Hongwu period, while 47 li belonged to the Tianshun period. Thus, the proportion of the urban li to the total li of the county was 6.4% at both periods, highly consistent with each other. According to Xiangyin County Zhi in the Jiajing period, “The original 35 li in the Hongwu period have been merged to 28 li; the number of fang has also decreased by one-tenth.” According to Huangguang Tujing Zhishu, in the Jiajing period, there were 35 li in Xiangyin County. However, according to Daming Yitong Zhi, there were 39 li. Thus, the 35 li in Huangguang Tujing Zhishu in the Jiajing period belonged to the Hongwu period. From the example of Xiangyin County, we learn that fang was merged along with rural li. Yet there also existed opposite examples where li were not merged but the number of fang increased instead. For example, according to Volume 15 of Huangguang Tujing Zhishu in the Jiajing period, in Ningxiang county of Changshao fu, “There used to be 18 li of registered households; today one new fang has been established, making it 19 altogether.” Nevertheless, within the range of prefectures, assuming the urban li was merged at a similar rate as the rural li, it would be plausible to predict the urban population based on the proportion of urban li to rural li in the Hongwu period. Some counties had no capital in North China. As mentioned above, Yongping was not considered a prefectural capital because of its small population. If prefectures could be without capitals, logically, counties also ought to have been without capitals. For example, in Gucheng county of Hejian fu, “there were no marketplaces” in the early years of the Ming Dynasty. It was not until the Zhengtong period that “two markets were finally created, dwellings increased, and goods and money circulated.”10 Likewise, in Wuqiao County, county capital and markets were only established in Chenghua 2nd year to attract merchants and travelers.11 The urbanization of both counties resulted from the canal economy, without which many counties, including Qingfeng County of Daming fu, would have had no marketplaces and, therefore, no merchant gathering.12 Indeed, there were only 8 li, 11 li, and 25 li in Gucheng, Wuqiao, and Qingfeng counties, respectively in the Tianshun period. Therefore, we set 10 li 10 Gucheng County Zhi (Vol. 1). (The Wanli period). 11 Hejian Prefecture Zhi (Vol. 2). (The Jiajing period). 12 Qingfeng Prefecture Zhi (Vol. 2). (The Jiajing period).

The Urban Population in the Hongwu Period

319

as a low requirement for counties having a capital, while those with less than 10 li considered counties with no capital. This method may lead to accuracies, but it avoids an overestimation of the population of counties with no capital. In South China, the situation was identical. A good example is Hangzhou Prefecture where, according to Volume 2 of Hangzhou Prefecture Zhi in the Chenghua period, there were 11, 7, 5, and 4 urban li in Haining, Yuhang, Fuyang, and Lin’an counties, respectively, but no record of urban li was found in Yuqian, Xincheng, and Changhua counties. After consulting Daming Yitong Zhi in the Tianshun period, we found that there were 9 li, 12 li, and 9 li in the three counties respectively. This numbers conflict with the 21 li, 43 li, and 16 li in Volume 2 of Hangzhou Prefecture Zhi in the Chenghua period instead. That means the number of li dropped significantly from the Hongwu period to the Tianshun period. Interestingly, when the 43 li in Xincheng County plummeted to only 12 li, a new li located in Changding Xiang was created and “governed by the county capital,” meaning that the new li was an urban li. Similarly, a new li (probably was also urban li) was also created in Xianchuanhou Xiang of Yuqian County and named after Qianchuan. That means some counties with a small population probably had no urban li and thus no county capital qualified as a city in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year). 5.2 The Urban Population of Other Ordinary County Capitals With the exception of the six prefectures with abnormal population size including Shaoxing, Huzhou, Jiaxing, Tingzhou, Jianning, and Yangping Yanping, Diagram 6 and the equation Y = 1.5133x − 1.6544, R2 = 0.4318 describe the relationship between the population density of the prefecture and the average county population of 45 prefectures, including Beiping (including 269 counties) with records of urban li. That means 46% of the variance of the county population of these 45 prefectures can be explained by the prefectural population density. That means the more densely populated the region, the more densely populated the county. The 52 prefectures are further divided into 9 provinces or regions, and the average county population of each prefecture, the proportion of urban li, and the population density are listed in the following table. As indicated in the table, the county population is highly related to the population density in Shandong, North Jiangsu, and Beiping in North China. In contrast, the county population is unrelated to the proportion of urban li in South Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Fujian, and Jiangxi. That means the county population is unrelated to the proportion of urban li both in the south and north China. Table 17 describes the relationship between the county population density and the county population of 115 counties of 11 prefectures in North China,

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Chapter 11

Average population of county seat

12 10

y = 1.5133x- 1.6544 R² = 0.4318

8 6 4 2 0

0

1

2

3

-2

Diagram 6

Table 17

Population

4

5

6

Density （ Inx)

The relationship between the population density of 43 prefectures and the average population of 277 counties in Northern China in 1391

The average population of 289 county capitals of 9 regions including Zhejiang in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) (1,000 people) South Zhejiang Jiangxi South Fujian Huguang Shandong North Beiping Jiangsu Anhui Jiangsu

No. of county 8 capitals 2.4 %Proportion of urban li to the total li of the county % Average civil6 ian population of each county Civilian popu- 183 lation density of each region

17

29

7

30 12.0

5.0

5.3

7.5

7

6

4

152

49

39

83

34

8 13.4

73

7.9

6.0

7.5

7

2

3

2

1

32

11

42

32

22

Source: Appendix 3

in the form of an exponential curve, written in the equation Y  0.0265 e 1.2476 x; R2 = 0.7015; That means 70% of the variance of the county population can be explained using population density. Thus, the analysis improves the correlation between the county population density and the county population of North China. The results match the data provided.

321

The Urban Population in the Hongwu Period

Average population of county seat

8 7 6

y = 0.0265e 1.2476x R² = 0.7895

5 4 3 2 1 0

0

Diagram 7

1

2

3

Density （ lnx）

4

5

The relationship between the population density of 12 prefectures and the average population of 151 counties in Northern China in 1391

In Southeast China, besides population density, other factors also played a part in determining the population of county capital. For instance, the population density of Shaoxing Prefecture was 142 inhabitants, while the average population of its six counties (not prefectural capital at the same time) was as large as 14,000 people. County wise, the population of Xiaoshan and Yuyao was between 27,000 and 29,000, while the population of Zhuji, Shangyu, Shengxian, and Xianchang was between 7,000 and 10,000. On the contrary, Huzhou, had an average county population of only 3,000 despite having a population density of 191 inhabitants. Yuqian County, in the west of Hangzhou Prefecture, adjacent to Huzhou, was even a county without a capital. Despite having a population density of only 15, 32, and 38 inhabitants respectively, the average population of the counties of Tingzhou, Yanping, and Jianning prefectures of Fujian reached 8,600, 11,300, and 10,800 inhabitants. Similarly, Jianchang and Fuzhou in Jiangxi Province which was adjacent to Fujian, had an average county population of up to 9,000 despite a population density of only 64 and 118 inhabitants. Tingzhou was important for salt transport to South Jiangxi and, therefore, received a significant number of salt merchants and salt porters in the Song and Yuan dynasties. About 20% of the population of Tingzhou lived in the county capital, possibly because of the flourishing salt business. Likewise, the large population of Yanping and Jianning prefectures resulted from being close

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Average population of county seat 12 10 y = 0.9089e 0.3837x R² = 0.4799

8 6 4 2 0

0

Diagram 8

1

2

3

4

5

6

The relationship between the population density of 31 prefectures and the average population of 126 counties in Northern China in 1391

to Quanzhou, the foreign trade center. Overseas goods were shipped to Yanping and Shaowu from Quanzhou, and then to Jianchang and Fuzhou in Jiangxi, and finally to Nanchang, or to Jianning from Yanping and then to Guangxin of Jiangxi. Domestic goods were also shipped overseas via the Quangzhou trade route. It can be concluded from the foregoing that trade and trade routes had an influence on the county population that was commonly determined by population density. Thus, excluding Shaoxing, Jiaxing, Huzhou, Tingzhou, Jianning, and Yanping, the relationship between population density and county population of 28 prefectures are displayed on the exponential curve in Diagram 8. The equation is written as Y  0.9089e0.3837x; R2 = 0.564, meaning 56% of the variance of the county population can be explained by population density. The model has significantly improved the accuracy of the estimation of the county population of provinces in South China. The results also align with the given population of other counties. The data of the population of other ordinary counties of Diagram 7 and Diagram 8 are shown in Appendix 5. The results, drawn from the given proportion of urban li to the total li, are listed in Appendix 5 in italics to differentiate.

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6

Summary

The provincial urbanization rates are indicated in Table 18. Taking the civilian population as the criterion, the urbanization rate of 13 buzhensi (provinces) was 7.9%. If the military population was included (also excluding inhabitants of the county capital), then the city population reached 8.6% of the total population. In fact, the military population should not have been included in the calculation of the urban population. However, it served as a meaning index in the calculation of the prefectural population given the particularity of Ming’s society. If both urbanization rates are assumed to be over 0.2 and are considered the benchmark, then it is possible to determine that the urbanization Table 18

Province

The urban population and urbanization level of 15 provinces and areas in China in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year). Population unit: 1,000

Total population

Prefectural capital population

Civilian Total

Civilian Total

Beiping 2617 Shangdong 5825 Shaanxi 2658 Henan 2964 Shanxi 4410 South Jingshi 8185 North Jingshi 3143 Jiangxi 8034 South Huguang 2306 North Huguang 1850 Fujian 3701 Zhejiang 10957 Guangdong 3616 Guangxi 1588 Sichuan 1748 Total 63602

2936 40 6042 45 2998 48 3283 46 4726 73 9026 1223 3535 146 8164 197 2507 46 2034 49 3995 258 11237 263 3840 159 1740 46 1988 42 68051 2681

Source: Appendix 5 and Appendix 3

County capital population

179 122 84 256 122 58 107 127 119 172 1299 158 217 63 234 231 91 95 107 70 325 243 293 300 213 91 75 43 103 63 3568 2092

Total urban population

Urbanization rate (%)

Civilian Total Civilian Total 162 301 106 173 245 1381 209 428 141 119 501 563 250 89 105 4773

301 6.2 340 5.2 180 4.0 234 5.8 291 5.6 1457 16.9 280 6.6 465 5.3 186 6.1 177 6.4 568 13.5 593 5.1 304 6.9 118 5.6 166 6.0 5660 7.5

10.3 5.6 6.0 7.1 6.2 16.1 7.9 5.7 7.4 8.7 14.2 5.3 7.9 6.8 8.4 8.3

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levels of Beiping, Sichuan, North Huguang, and Shaanxi were driven by the military and garrison population. Considering that there existed almost no city in the frontier, the urbanization rate of China in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year) was only between 7.3% and 7.9%. According to Diagram 7, the urbanization levels of the civilian population of 15 provinces in China in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year) can be divided into the following four levels: an urbanization rate of between 13% and 17% in South Jingshi and Fujian; an urbanization rate of between 6% and 13% in Guangdong, North Jingshi, Huguang, Beiping, and Henan; and an urbanization rate of below 6% in the rest of the provinces. The high urbanization level of the civilian population of South Jingshi resulted from Nanjing, the national capital, and the flourishing industry and commerce in Suzhou and Taicang. Fujian’s comparatively higher urbanization level resulted from its status as the center of overseas trade in the Yuan Dynasty. From a total population perspective, South Jingshi and Fujian still had the highest urbanization levels in China in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year), where between 14% and 17% of the population lived in the city. On the contrary, the military population largely contributed to the high urban population rate of over 7% in Beiping, North Jingshi, Henan, Huguang, and Guangdong. The urbanization rate of 8.4% in Sichuan is not a reliable figure, given that there were too many administrative departments for a small population. More precisely, the urbanization rate of the civilian population was 7.5% in China in 1391 (Hongwu 24th year) and 8.3% in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year). More generally speaking, the urbanization rate of the population in China was 8% in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year). From an individual prefecture perspective, the urbanization rate was considerably different from one another. See Map 13 for details. Viewed from the level of urbanization of the civilian population, there are huge differences among prefectures of the same province in North China. The urbanization rate of the Beiping buzhensi (province) was only 6.2%, but that of Beiping fu was as high as 14.2%. The urbanization rate of Shandong was 5.2%, but that of Dongchang fu was only 1.3%. In Shaanxi, the urbanization levels of Lintao fu and Qingyang fu were the highest; however, they were due to the small total population rather than the urban population. In Henan, the urbanization rate of Huaiqing and Weihui were 8%, but that of Nanyang and Runing was only 2%. That was because, like Dongchang, Nanyang and Runing also absorbed an influx of immigrants. Similarly, in Jingshi, the urbanization levels of Fengyang fu, Anqing fu, and Chuzhou fu along the north bank of the Yangtze River, were the lowest. In fact, they were only 3% because these localities were immigrant destinations.

Map 13

The prefectural civilian urbanization rate in 1393

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In South China, the situation was identical. In Jingshi, for example, the urbanization rates of Suzhou Prefecture, Suzhou, and Yingtian Prefecture, Nanjing were 15.5% and 58.8%, respectively. However, the urbanization rates of Changzhou and Songjiang were only about 3.3%. The high urbanization rates of the former were due to their large city size. On the contrary, the latter had low urbanization rates because of their large and dense populations. Vice versa, some regions in Guangdong Province and Guangxi Province had high urbanization rates because of their small population and sparse density. Shizhou wei of Huguang had a zero percent urbanization rate. More remotely, in South Huguang, the urbanization rates of Yongshun and Baojing were also zero. For the minority nationality regions there, there is nothing to prove the establishment of administrative units there, not to mention that these areas were a gathering point for the civilian non-agricultural population. The urbanization rate of Quanzhou fu of Fujian was as high as 33%. But over time, the population of Quanzhou city shrank accompanied by a drop in the urbanization rate. In Zhejiang in Hangzhou fu where the provincial capital was located, had the highest urbanization rate. The urbanization rate of Shaoxing fu was close to that of Hangzhou. The border areas of South and West China are considered to get to the stage of “urbanization” when the military population was included. However, this was urbanization in the true sense of the word because the military population was not calculated as part of the urban population even though military personnel lived in the city. Besides, even if the military and garrison population was included, Guizhou and Yunnan still failed to reach the minimum requirement for urbanization.

Map 14

The prefectural urbanization rate in 1393 (Hongwu 26th year)

Chapter 12

The Urban Population in the Late Ming Dynasty 1

Methodology

Calculating the urban population of the late Ming Dynasty (around the year 1580) is tantamount to calculating the urban population of: 1)  the national capital; 2)  provincial capitals, prefectures, and counties; 3)  prefectures and counties as industrial and commercial centers; 4) large and medium cities and towns; and 5) general industrial and commercial cities and towns. The population of the national capital in the late Ming Dynasty has been discussed in the previous chapter, while the population of provincial capitals, prefectures, and counties can be calculated based on the assumption that they have the same population growth rate as their respective administrative district. Illustrative examples are provided below as evidence. However, there are two exceptional cases. First, in Northern Huguang, three prefectures, including Xiangyang, Mianyang, and De’an received many immigrants in the Ming Dynasty that, led to an increase in the population growth rate from 11‰ to 15.7‰. The population of Xiangyang in Wanli 8th year (1580), based on this rate, was estimated to be as high as 183,000, a number which is apparently off the mark. This chapter assumes a population growth rate of 6.5‰, as in most regions of Northern Huguang, in calculating the population of Xiangyang and two other prefectures as well as the counties under their jurisdiction in 1580. Second, for counties established after the Tianshun period (1457–1464), their population, in 1580, is calculated according to the number of li listed in Dushi fangyu jiyao (Essence of Historical Geography) and the population growth rate. Because of their large population figures, new counties were created during the Ming Dynasty. They included Jiashan, Pinghu, and Tongxiang established by Jiaxing fu in Xuande 5th year (1430) each with a population equivalent to the average population of the prefectural county. So, we assume each of these three counties had a population of 9,000. More new counties were established in the Ming Dynasty because they were geographically remote, were sparsely populated, and were characterized by civil unrest. For instance, between 1520 and 1569, there were no more than 20 li in the three newly established counties of Heping, Yong’an (Zijin), and Yongning (Xinfeng) in Huizhou fu, Guangdong Province. The population of these areas would be an overestimation if the population of each county was recorded as 1,000.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004688933_013

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According to the above principle, in 1580, Xiangyang fu had a population of 34,000. However, the population should have increased by 15,000 with the establishment of Yunyang fu in 1477 (Chenghua 13th year). According to Vol. 9 of Huguang Tujing Zhishu (Chorography of Maps of Huguang Region), “Today, four wells do not suffice to sustain thousands of households in Yunyang.” That means 3,000 households can be assumed to contain a population of 15,000 inhabitants. 2

Administrative Center Cities: Provincial Capitals, Prefectural Capitals, and Counties

2.1 Provincial Capitals: Wuchang and Nanchang Taking Wuchang, the capital of Huguang Province, as an example, the city had a population of less than 30,000 in Hongwu 26th year. However, in the mid-Ming Dynasty, it is claimed that the eastward river bank collapsed, closing in on dwellings and threatening the livelihood of “tens of thousands of households.”1 The bank revetment project that began in Chenghua 3rd year (1467) greatly expanded the city to the west. That meant the city was probably home to 20,000 households with a population of 100,000. From Hongwu 26th year (1366) to 1580, the annual population growth rate was 6.6‰, similar to that of Wuchang fu. In other words, in sparsely populated immigrant regions, the city could also witness considerable population growth if its population grew at the same rate as that of the region. For its part, Nanchang, the provincial capital of Jiangxi, had an urban population of 49,000 in 1366 (Hongwu 26th year). If it had an annual growth rate of 4.5‰, its urban population would be 114,000 in 1580. Likewise, Fuzhou would have a population of 180,000, and Xi’an and Kaifeng, 130,000 to 150,000, respectively. Taiyuan had an urban population of merely 66,000, while the population of Ji’nan was as low as 25,000. For the other data, see Appendix Table 5. However, this set of data is beyond verification due to inadequate information. 2.2 The Case of Prefectural Capital: Suzhou In previous studies, I estimated the population of Suzhou prefectural capital in the late Ming Dynasty to be more than half a million. Also, in previous citations, Jingbin Huang estimated the population to be 600,000 based on the 1 Huguang tujing zhishu (Huguang Provincial Maps and Records) (Vol. 1). (The reign of Emperor Jiajing 1522–1566).

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urban area. Suzhou had an urban population of 300,000 in Hongwu 26th year. With an average annual population growth rate of 3.8‰, the figure would have been 610,000 in 1580. In Appendix Table 3, Suzhou fu had a population of 724,000 because of the inclusion of the population of Taichang. In fact, the shift of grain transportation from the sea to the river caused the economy of Taicang city to decline. That means its population could not have exceeded 100,000 in the late Ming Dynasty. In Hongwu 26th year, two garrisons were stationed in Taicang, but in the late Ming Dynasty, the military population dispersed into places other than city centers. Based on the prefecture’s annual population growth rate, the population of general prefectures, excluding national capitals, provincial capitals, and prefectural capitals as industrial and commercial centers, was about 30,000. By contrast, only Beiping, Guangxi, and Sichuan provinces had population figures between 12,000 and 14,000. 2.3 Cases of County Capital: Yuyao and Other Counties As for Shaoxing Fu, according to Xujie’s article “The Construction of the Jiangnan Wall in Yuyao” cited in Vol. 2 of Shaoxing fu zhi (Shaoxing Fu Records) in the Wanli period, Yuyao County “is hundreds of li away from the sea, with tens of thousands of households along the river”, two-thirds of which resided in Jiangnan. Despite the existence of walls in Jiangbei to prevent Japanese aggression, there was a need to build walls around the city of Jiangnan. Based on this, Huang believes that Yuyao County, like Shanghai County, had a population of over 100,000. Such a large number is confusing given that Yuyao was neither an industrial nor commercial center. It has previously been proven that Yuyao in Hongwu 24th year (1367) had a population of 29,000. With an average annual growth rate of 3.3‰, the county should have had a population of about 54,000 or about 11,000 households in 1580. It means that a considerable proportion of its inhabitants in Jiangnan were farmers, not industrialists or businessmen. Assuming Jiangbei and Jiangnan were home to 20,000 households, the former would have had around 6,700 households with a population of 34,000, slightly more than the population in Hongwu 24th year. It can, therefore, be deduced that the urban population growth in Yuyao mainly took place in Jiangnan. Accordingly, the population of Xiaoshan County in 1580 was around 50,000 inhabitants while those counties—Zhuji, Shangyu, Shengxian, and Xinchang—with a population of around 8,000 in Hongwu 24th year had an average population of 15,000 in 1580. This shows that Yuyao and Xiaoshan were large counties in Shaoxing Fu, while Zhuji and others small counties.

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As for Jiaxing Fu, Vol. 11 of Chongde xian zhi (Records of Chongde County), recorded two fires in Wanli 17th and 35th year, in which over 200 and over 500 dwellings were burned down in Chengde County, respectively. As a result, Huang estimates that Chongde, with a population of 10,000 and a maximum of 2,000 households, represented the general size of a small county in Jiangnan. Reference could be found in the book, which describes how in Zhoushan, “6,000 troops and 10,000 citizens held the ground for over ten days before the county was captured” by the Qing army in Shunzhi 8th year (1651).2 The same method is applied to calculate the population of the counties in Wanli 8th year. First, the population of counties without county capital and the newly established counties in this area in Hongwu 24th year is set at 1,000. Then, the population of the county spun off after Hongwu 24th year is set at either the average or half the population of the counties in the same fu. In theory, the later a county was set up, the smaller its population, and vice versa. For example, in Hongwu 24th year, Hanzhong and Lintao, two prefectures in Shaanxi were sparsely populated. They had counties but no seat of government. So, their average population was set at 1,000 in 1580. The figure also applies to the three new counties established by Hanzhong fu. For example, in the mid-Ming Dynasty, Xi’an fu of Shaanxi spun off three counties—Sanshui (Xunyi), Shangnan, and Sanyang. The counties under Xi’an fu, such as Puzhou county3 had an average population of 5,000. Therefore, the population of Sanshui and two other newly established counties were set at 2,500. For instance, in Jiaxing fu, Zhejiang, Jiashan County was carved out in Xuande 5th year (1430) from Jiaxing County with its administrative center established in Wetang Town. Compared with Puyuan and Xinchen, Weitang Town was sure to have a population of 10,000 in 1580. According to the population growth rate, counties under Jiaxing fu had an average population of 9,000 in 1580. Both Pinghu and Tongxiang counties were carved out in the same year, and they both had the same population size. The Jiangxi scenario appears to be a little complicated. For instance, in Jianchang fu, the average population of counties was as large as 18,000, and it was inconceivable that the newly established Luxi County, which was 2 Wengzhou Laomin. (1985). Hai dong yi shi (Vol. 10) (p. 48). Selected historical materials of the late Ming and early Qing Dynasties. Zhejiang Ancient Books Publishing House. 3 A stele of Wanli 21st year (1593) inscribed the words in Wucheng county of Xi’an fu “There are about a thousand households. One or two out of ten engaged in agriculture, eight or nine in trade.” The population of the county is 5,000. Cf. Zhang, P. (2006). Diyu Huanjing Yu Shichang Kongjian–Ming Qing Shaanxi Quyu Shichang De Lishi Dilixue Yanjiu (Geographical environment and market space. A historical geographical research of the market in Shaanxi in the Ming and Qing Dynasties) (pp. 145–146). Beijing: The Commercial Press.

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situated in the remote mountainous area, had a population of 9,000. It would appear more appropriate to set its population at 3,000 like that of Guangxin and Raozhou fu s and at 5,000 in the case of Fuzhou fu’s newly established Dongxiang County. As for Changning and Dingnan, two counties spun off from Ganzhou fu, they belonged to the new counties in the “seat-free county” area, with an average population of only 1,000. When Qingliu and Yongding counties were spun off from Tingzhou fu, Fujian Province, in the Chenghua period (1465–1487), they had a population of 32,000 and 11,000, respectively. Assuming an average annual population growth rate of 4‰ and 3.9‰, their population should have increased to 49,000 and 16,000 respectively in 1580. Assuming the urban population was 8%, the two counties would have had an urban population of 4,000 and 1,000, respectively. Dushi fangyu jiyao recorded 56 li in Qingliu county and 19 li in Yongding, making it 75 li altogether. Zhangzhou fu set up five new counties with a total of 88 li and a total population of 6,000 at most. That is, 1,000 for each of the four, and 2,000 for Haicheng that had the biggest number of li. Therefore, the populations of counties in North China in 1580 are calculated as follows: 4,000 for Beiping and Shaanxi; 6,000 for Henan and Northern South Zhili; 7,000 for Shandong and Shanxi. In South China: 3,000 for Guangdong, 4,000 for Guangxi, 5,000 for Sichuan, 7,000 for Southern Huguang, 8,000 for Northern Huguang, 9,000 for Southern South Zhili, 10,000 for Jiangxi and Fujian, and 12,000 for Zhejiang. There are small differences in population figures between the provincial administrative districts in North China and bigger differences in South China, especially in Guangdong where the average population per county was only 3,000 resulting from the establishment of 20 new counties in the middle and late Ming Dynasty, most of which were in mountainous or sparsely populated areas. Besides, the difference in the population of counties between provincial-and-prefecture level administrative districts is also an interesting topic, which will not be elaborated here. 3

Capitals of Province, Prefecture, and County as Industrial and Commercial Centers

From Hongwu 26th year (1393) to Wanli 8th year (1580), the growth rate of general provincial capitals, prefectures, and county center areas was about the same as that of the urban population. However, the population growth rate of provincial capitals, prefectures, and county center areas considered industrial and commercial hotpots was much higher. As such, Nanjing and Suzhou might be exceptions: the population of Nanjing reduced because the capital

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was relocated while Suzhou had a comparatively large population due to its large population size in the early Ming Dynasty. 3.1 Hangzhou and Guangzhou If Hangzhou City and Guangzhou City were considered as industrial and commercial centers rather than general capital cities, their average annual population growth rate, like that of Tianjin, Huai’an, Yangzhou, and Jiaxing, could be set at 7.4‰. That means in Wanli 8th year, Hangzhou and Guangzhou would have had an urban population of 385,000 and 452,000 respectively. 3.2 Tianjin In Yongle 2nd year, Zhuli made Tianjin the vital crosspoint of marine-river coordinated transportation. Furthermore, he ordered the establishment of “Tianjin Wei” (Defense of the Heavenly Ford), followed by “Tianjin Left Wei” and “Tianjin Right Wei,” as well as the construction of Wei city. The yamen (administration separtment) of three Wei was set up in the city while troops were stationed both in and outside the city. That means Tianjin city ought to be regarded as a prefecture-level city given that three Wei were stationed in one city like Ningxia Five Wei and Ganzhou Three Wei in the Hongwu period. In Yongle 6th year, the government shipped a total of 1.8 million dan (50Kg) of tribute rice to Beijing by water of which over 1 million dan were first unloaded and stocked in Tianjin only to be systematically shipped to Tongzhou and Beijing. Therefore, Tianjin Wei City emerged as a prime north-south grain transit and warehousing point in the Ming Dynasty.4 Tianjin was also an important salt hub in North China, where merchants came to trade salts. When Tianjin Wei was first founded, it was intended to be a key transit point for grain transportation by the Ming Government, but its size remained that of a ordinary city. With three Wei all in one city, the city wall was only nine-li long, just the size of a normal Jiangnan county. There were probably a total of over 50,000 soldiers and dependents in the Three Wei, though most of them were not stationed in the city. According to “He jian Records” cited in Vol. 11 of Tianjin xian zhi in the Qianlong period, there were about 10,000 soldiers defending Tianjin, hence a maximum of 30,000 people in the city and the suburb. The urban population should have been less than that figure. As the development of grain transportation by water increased and commerce boomed, the population of Tianjin continued to grow.

4 Guo, Y. (et al). (1989). The History of the Ancient Cities in Tianjin (p. 222). Tianjin: Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House.

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During the Hongzhi period (1488–1505), Tianjin set up ten marketplaces, five of which were in the city, and the rest were located at the east and north gate along the river. There were always big crowds that hustled and bustled outside the north gate along the south canal. In Wanli 26th year (1598), Tianjin businessman Zhang Zihe teamed up with hundreds of citizens to wage an anti-tax battle against rising store rents. They received the support of thousands of citizens of Lingqing. With these events, it is estimated that there were at least 100,000 inhabitants in Tianjin City, making it equivalent to the scale of Huai’an fu. Suppose the military population was 25,000 together with their dependents in Tianjin Three Wei in Hongwu 26th year, the average annual population growth rate from Hongwu 23th year to Wanli 8th year should be 7.4‰. 3.3 Huai’an Huai’an fu was composed of the new city and the old city. Vol. 3 “City wall and moat” of Huai’an fu zhi (Records of Huai’an Fu) explains, under the article “New city,” that “There are ten thousand households in the city in the late Ming Dynasty.” This was the number of households in the new city. However, according to estimates, the whole city (including the old city and the joint city) was home to at least 20,000 households and a total of 100,000 residents. The population of Huai’an city did not just live in the city in the late Ming Dynasty. The above citation also claimed that in addition to the new city, an abundance of residents lived by the embankment, meaning the population of Huai’an city must have exceeded 100,000 in the late Ming Dynasty. The annual population growth rate from Hongwu 26th year to Wanli 8th year was 7.4‰, higher than the 6‰ of Huai’an fu in the Ming Dynasty. 3.4 Yangzhou According to Vol. 3 of Ming ji nan lue5 (History of Southern Ming), “480,000 ranges in Yangzhou were empty at this moment.” This is to illustrate the devastation caused by the Qing army that massacred residents of the conquered city. The population of Yangzhou, which was 100,000 in Hongwu 26th year, increased to 400,000 in Wanli 8th year, meaning there was an average annual population growth rate of 7.4‰. 3.5 Jiaxing According to the article “Sunzhimen tanpai ji” in Vol. 82 of Jiaxing fu zhi (Records of Jiaxing Fu), during the Guangxu period, Jiaxing fu had a total of 24 fang 5 Ming ji nan lue《明季南略》.

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in and outside the city, including nine which were part of Jiaxing county and that had 6,950 households in early Wanli years. Huang estimates that Jiaxing fu had an urban population of 100,000, including a registered population of 24 fang and migrants. If the data is reliable, then the average annual population growth rate from Hongwu 24th year to Wanli 8th year ought to be about 7‰. Assuming that the average annual growth rate was 7.4‰, the total population ought to be approximately 107,000 in Wanli 8th year. 3.6 Songjiang It is recorded in Vol. 3 of Yun jian ju mu chao by Lian Fan that in Songjiang fu, “In the outskirts live more or less 10 li with no less than 200,000 men and women.” However, Huang believes that this population figures were beyond the scope of the urban area. The average annual population growth rate in Songjiang fu from Hongwu 26th year to 1580 was 3‰. The previous chapter has calculated that Songjiang fu had a population of 20,000 in 1393. Even at a comparatively higher average annual population growth rate of 6.5‰, the urban population would only have been 68,000 in 1580. 3.7 Shanghai Huang infers that Shanghai had an urban population of 100,000 in 1580 based on the number of households ranging from 25,000 to 30,000 in the late Ming Dynasty. 3.8 Yizhen Yizhen, bordered to the south by the Yangtze River and boasting a canal connecting Yangzhou, had always been the pivot of Huainan salt transportation. In the early Hongwu years, the Ming government established, in Guazhou, the Huainan Inspection Authority responsible for salt levies, which was subordinate to Huainan and Huaibei’s two Transportation Departments. Since then, Yizhen city has developed rapidly. According to the records of the Longqing period, “in the county live tens of thousands of households, but only two or three-tenths of which reside in the city.6” In Hongwu 24th year, there were 3,188 households and 16,649 people in Yizhen county. The county had 14 li, two of which were urban li. Based on the ratio, the number of registered urban population was only more than 2,000. Assuming there were 30,000 households with 150,000 people in Yizhen county in the late Ming Dynasty, its urban population would reach 40,000. 6 Yi wen kao. (Longqing period). In Yizhenxian zhi (Vol. 14).

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3.9 Jining According to Vol. ## of Yanzhou Fu Zhi (Records of Yanzhou Fu) in Wanli 1st year, Jiningzhou had jurisdiction over 52 tu, nine of which were in the city. This data was prior to the Wanli period but not in the Hongwu period. The grain transportation to the capital by canal resulted in the rise of Jining. In Wanli 37th year (1609), Jining city had a total of 8,240 ding.”7 The increase of “li (tu)” in Jining City was in line with its population growth. In Chongzhen 16th year, a big fire in Nanguan, the capital of Jijingzhou, burnt down “thousands of dwellings.”8 According to the census conducted in the Qianlong period, Nanguan in the Ming Dynasty, or Nanchen in the Qinglong period, had 5,254 households and an additional 4,917 in the outskirts. The fire in the late Chongzhen period destroyed thousands of houses in Nanguan alone. Fortunately, some of the houses, where an estimated 10,000 households lived, were unaffected. Together with the population of the outskirts, there should have been a total population of 100,000, or 20,000 households in Nanguan. 3.10 Linqing9 Linqing, in the northwest of Shandong Province, which was located at the north mouth of the Huitong River around the middle of the Jiangbei Canal, was the pivot for north-south transportation and westward transportation. It, therefore, developed into an important commercial center. In November of Xuande 10th year (1435), a local government official memorial to the emperor suggested that Linqing county had “no less than thousands of households” and proposed to build a city wall. The city wall was extended, in 1542 (Jiajing 21st year), to surround the city. It was 30 li, thereby making the area five times bigger than the original. The so-called “nearly a million population” of Linqing in the Wanli period might, therefore, be an exaggeration. A comparison of Linqing and Suzhou indicates that both cities were important industrial and commercial cities in the late Ming Dynasty. The city wall of Linqing was about two-thirds that of Suzhou. Does this suggest the population proportion was the same? The only difference is that an abundance of workers and merchants in Suzhou lived outside the city while most of the citizens in Linqing lived within the city. In the Wongwu period, about 300,000 residents lived in Suzhou city, so when the new city wall was constructed during the Jiajing period, the population of Linqing city might have been between 7 Jining zhilizhou zhi (Vol. 5) (The Qianlong period). 8 Yi wen zhi. (The Kangxi period). Jiningzhou zhi (Vol. 9). 9 Xu, T. (1986). The commerce of Lingqing in the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Research on the Socioeconomic History of China, (2).

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150,000, and 200,000 in the Wanli period. Linqing was the second biggest city in North China after Beijing. 3.11 Dezhou Dezhou had become an important storage center along the canal after the Yongle period. The development of grain transportation by water boosted urban commerce and population growth. From the names of marketplaces in Dezhou City, it is possible to tell that the commodities traded were mostly necessities for farmers, meaning they did not include the large variety compared with commodities traded in Linqing city. During the uprisings of Liu Liu and Liu Qi in Zhengde 5th year (1510), Ninghe, Prefect of Dezhou, failed to find enough young men to construct a new wall around the city wall, so he ordered rural residents to move into the city making it possible for, “women to live in the city, and young men to construct the wall in neighborhoods outside of the city gate for defense.”10 Dezhou city surprisingly had enough room to accommodate rural dwellers, an indication that the population was not dense. Based on Linqing city, it can be calculated that Dezhou was home to about 50,000 inhabitants in the late Ming Dynasty. 3.12 Tongzhou11 The opening of the Huitong River by Guo Jingshou in the Yuan Dynasty had shifted grain transportation from Tongzhou to Beijing from land to water. Therefore, Tongzhou city emerged as an important geographical location given that “Hedge was weaved into the city wall” in Tongzhou in the late Yuan Dynasty. In Hongwu 1st year, Xu Da led his army to stabilize Tongzhou and constructed the brick city wall that was 9 li and 13 steps long, three zhang and five chi high, including buttresses, four gates, and the scale comparable to a mid-Ming county in Jiangnan. Hence, Tongzhou became a storage center of great importance to the Ming government. In Zhengtong 14th year, a new city wall with a circumference of 7 li was suggested and then built to protect two warehouses. The total circumference of the new and old city walls of Tongzhou was 13.8 li. Assuming the population density of the new city was similar to that of the old city, Tongzhou might have had an urban population of nearly 100,000, calculated based on Linqing. It should be noted that in Appendix Table 6, the average population of counties has changed as a result of the incorporation of the populations of 10 Dezhou zhi (Vol. 2) (The Qianlong period). 11 Fu, C. (1985). The History of Chinese Canal Cities. Chengdu: Sichuan People’s Publishing House.

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prefectures and counties as industrial and commercial centers into that of counties. 4

Industrial and Commercial Cities and Towns

4.1 Large and Medium Cities and Towns In this section, medium cities were those with a population of over 5,000, and large cities were those with a population of over 10,000. Towns governed by two prefectures in Jiangnan, such as Wuqing town, which was under the jurisdiction of Jiaxing and Huzhou, are split into two to independently calculate their populations. For large towns, this chapter continues to estimate their populations based on historical data. 4.1.1 Yanshen Town, Anping Town, and Jingzhi Town Yanshen town of Qingzhou fu, Shandong Province, was abound in ceramics, coal, and glass and it had a stone city wall built in the Jiajing period. According to “Properties”, Vol. 8 of The General Records of Shandong compiled in the Jiajing period, “Its industrialists and merchants are on a par with those in Jingde Town located on the right of the river.” There were 100,000 residents in Jingde town, meaning there were at least 50,000 people in Yanshen town. According to Vol. 37 of Tushu bian (Collection of books with illustrations), Zhang Huang believed that Anping town (also known as Zhangqiu town) of Yanzhou fu, Shandong Province, had “no fewer than ten thousand households including scholars, farmers, artisans, and merchants.” Compared with Shengze town below, it had a total registered and floating population of at least 28,000. According to Vol. 3 of Zhu cheng xian zhi (Records of Zhucheng County) in the Wanli period, Jingzhi town of Qingzhou fu, Shandong Province, had “four to five thousand households, large enough to constitute a prominent town.” However, this information is not available in Dushi Fangyu Jiyao. What’s more, Vol. 171 of Daqing yitong zhi in the Jiaqing period only mentions it under the article “Jingzhi Town” as “having a soil city wall, with 40 to 50 households, where local magistrates of Laizhou were stationed in Wanli 7th year.” There is no mention of a large town or at least a town in the mid-Qing Dynasty. 4.1.2 Botou Town Vol. 7 “Feng tu zhi” (Natural conditions and social customs) of Hejian fu zhi in the Jiajing period describes the development of its commodity economy brought about by the opening of the canal. Vol. 1 of Renqiu xian zhi in the Wanli period regards Botou as a commodity distribution center with the same

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importance as Tianjin. Botou Town was made Botou city in 1953 with a population of 28,000. The same year, Shengze town had a population of only 24,000, so it could be inferred that the population of Botou town might have reached 30,000 in 1580.12 4.1.3 Hankou Town, Liujiage Town, Zaojiao City, Sha City During the Chenghua period, the realignment of the Han River made Hankou in Hanyang fu a natural harbor that connected the Yangtze River. In addition, four new mills were set up. In Vol. 1 of Xu hankou congtan, Fan Kai wrote that, in the Wanli period, “Hankou has tens of thousands of households,” which is a five-digit scale. Accordingly, it should have a population of 28,000 inhabitants. Liujiage of Hanchuan County, Hanyang fu, had developed into a large town in the mid-Ming Dynasty. In his Liujiage xunjiansi ji, Li Chun claimed the size of the town was 6 li, with “tens of thousands of registered businesses,” yet still carefully recorded a total of 28,000 inhabitants. According to the description of the prosperity of Jingling county of Chengtian fu, or Zaojiao city of Mianyang District in the early Ming Dynasty, “it has nearly 3,000 households including every two households out of ten who are farmers and every eight merchants.”13 Therefore, the population is conservatively estimated to be 20,000. Liu Xianting claimed in Vol. 4 of Guangyang zaji that “Sha City of Jingzhou was extremely prosperous in the late Ming Dynasty. It had 99 lanes corresponding to 99 businesses  … Even today’s Jingshi and Gusu couldn’t 12 According to Vol. 9 of Huazhou zhi in the Longqing period, Liuzi Town, governed by Huazhou of Xi’an Prefecture, Shaanxi Province, “has thousands of blacksmiths,” and was world-famous for making knives, scissors, swords, and axes. Vol. 2 maintains that the town had thousands of households. Assuming it had 5,000 households, its population was 25,000. Vol. 9 also recorded that “At the foot of Nan Mountains stand hundreds of smelteries where thousands gathered to smelt silver, copper, and tin sand.” If there were every 20 workers for each of the 300 smelteries, that would be a total of 6,000 workers. An inclusion of suppliers of iron sand, charcoal, grain, and vegetables, and porters, as well as iron sand elutriators would certainly put the total population over 10,000. However, according to Huazhou zhi, artisans of Liuzi Town overcharged by the government went bankrupt and fled to the Three Bian area (Anbian, Dingbian, and Jingbian in Northwestern Shaanxi). Nevertheless, the iron smeltery cluster at the foot of Nan Mountains that were deemed distinct agricultural sidelines (See Cao Shuji and Jiang Qin: “Southern Zhejiang Rural Industry and Markets during the Qing Dynasty: Evidence Derived from the Iron Smelting Industry in Shicang Village”, Bulletin of IHP (Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica) Volume, Part. 4, Vol. 81, 2010, pp. 833–888), do not qualify the definition of an industrial and commercial town in this section, which may be the reason why both regions are not included in Dushi Fangyu Jiyao. 13 Li, W. (Ming Dynasty). Epitaph of Liu chushi (scholars who had never been an officials). Dami shan fangji (Vol. 87).

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compete with it.” There is little doubt that this is an overstatement. It is certain that Sha city had a population of 25,000 in 1580. 4.1.4 Jingde Town, Zhangshu Town, and Hekou Town During the Chenghua period, Jingde Town was renowned for celadons given that it has flourished and become the official ware of the town. In the Jiajing period, Jingde Town had “a total population of about 100,000,” among which were tens of thousands of hired laborers in the ceramics industry. A conservative estimate of its population would be 100,000 in 1580. According to Wang Shixing, Zhangshu Town, in the Wanli period, was home to “tens of thousands of households, where goods from Jiangxi, Guangdong, and Guangxi provinces are traded and where medicinal materials from the north and south converged. It can, therefore, be considered a prominent town.” It should have a population of 50,000 with an estimated 10,000 households. In the Wanli period, Fei Yuanlu, a local scholar, wrote in Chaocai guan qing ke that “When my family moved to Hekou, there were only two and three households. Now that I am over 70 years, there are hundreds or thousands making this a city or a capital.” There were hundreds or thousands of stores with a population of 5,000. 4.1.5

Shengze Town, Tongli Town, Lili Town, Zhenze Town, Pingwang Town, and Xinhang Town According to Vol. 1 of Wujiang xian zhi (Records of Wujiang County), in the Jiajing period, Shengze Town had only a hundred households. However, Vol. 18 of Xing shi heng yan recorded hundreds and thousands of stores trading silk on both banks of the city river, which is testimony of the professional silk industry in the Wanli and Tianqi periods. According to Vol. 1 of Wujiang xian zhi in the Kangxi period, “Merchants flock and over ten thousand residents live here.” However, a closer look shows those “over ten thousand residents” lived in the region centering on Shengze where there were just 4,000 households including 17,000 residents in Kangxi 9th year (1744).14 Assuming that the non-registered population in the town included servants, manual laborers, and shop assistants made up 40% of the total population, there would have been only approximately 28,000 inhabitants in the city. That means Shengze Town ought to have had a population of 20,000 in 1580. According to Vol. 1 of Wujiang xian zhi in the Jiangjin period, Tongli Town had 2,000 households and a registered population of about 10,000. Vol. 2 of Lili zhi (Recordss of Lili) in the Jiaqing period recorded over 2,000 households and 14 You, H. & Cao, S. (2006). The population of Jiangnan cities since the mid Qing Dynasty. Researches in Chinese Economic History. (3), 124–134.

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“its commodity trade is comparable to that of a city”, meaning its registered population might have reached 10,000. If 40% of the total population was non-registered, then the total population of each town should have been about 17,000. The book also mentions that the three towns of Zhenze, Pingwang, and Xinhang each had over a thousand households. Vol. 1 of Pingwang zhi (Recordss of Pingwang) in the Daodang period recorded that “In the early Ming Dynasty, there are hundreds and thousands of households, and the trade of goods is on a par with a small city.” Yet the town had declined after the Japanese invasion and rose again only after the Wanli period. The three towns each had an average registered population of 5,000 with a 20% non-registered population bringing the total to 6,000. According to Wujiang xian zhi, edited in the Jiajing period, Meiyan had over 500 households, and Bachi and Shuangyang 300 each. For their part, Duncun and Tanqiu each had several hundreds and Yanmu had over 200. However, none but Meiyan could be considered a town by strict standards, neither could counties in Changshu County with over 300 households including Xipu, Xujia, Tangshi, and Guijiang that are not found in Dushi dangyu jiyao. 4.1.6 Meili Town, Fushan Town, Shatou City, and Zhitang City Similar cities and towns can also be found in Changshu county of Suzhou fu. For instance, according to Meili zhi: xu (Recordss of Meili: Preface) in the Jiaqing period, Meili town “became prosperous in the mid Ming Dynasty and people became affluent.” Also, according to Vol. 2 of Changshu xian zhi (Records of Changshu County) in the Jiajing period, “there were about 2,000 households” in the town. Likewise, Fushan town is described as “such a large town as having about 2,000 households” whereas Shatou city and Zhitang city of the same county also had “2,000 households” each. Together with the floating population, the total population of each town may have been 17,000. 4.1.7

Wunijing Town, Fengjing Town, Zhujing Town, Beiqibao Town, Sanlintang Town, and Xinchang Town Based on Songjiang fu zhi (Records of Songjiang Fu) in the Zhengdu period and other local chronicles in the Ming Dynasty, Fan selects the above 6, out of the 27 towns of Songjiang fu as representatives.15 The six towns are all recorded in Dushi fangyu jiyao and the first four are even recorded in Daqing yitong zhi. Without specific population data in any historical reference, it would be

15 Fan, S. (2005). Cities and Towns in Jiangnan: The Transformation of Tradition. Shanghai: Fudan University Publishing House.

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appropriate to assign them a population of 12,000. This also holds true for Shimen and Weitang of Jiaxing fu. 4.1.8

Puyuan Town, Xincheng Town, Wangjiangjing Town, Shendang Town, Shimen Town, and Weitang Town Based on several local Records, Fan believes that Puyuan town and Xinchang town of Jiaxing county, Jiaxing fu, Zhejiang Province, each had “tens of thousands of households.” Based on the above, it is possible to set their population at 28,000 each. If Wangjiangjing town had over 7,000 households with a population of 20,000, then Shimen town, with “thousands of households,” should have a similar registered population. In Appendix Table 4, Shimen and Weitang are both counted as counties with a population of 10,000 each. Including the non-registered floating population could bring the total population to 12,000. For its part, Shendang town had “500 to 600 shops,” with a registered and total population of about 5,000 and 6,000. 4.1.9 Chang’an Town and Xiashi Town Chang’an town and Xiashi town were subordinate to Haining county of Hangzhou fu. It could be inferred that each of them had a population of 12,000, similar to that of Shimen and Weitang towns. 4.1.10

Xinshi Town, Wuqing Town, Nanxun Town, Linghu Town, and Shuanglin Town Xinshi town, governed by Deqing county of Huzhou fu, with its nearly 10,000 households was the capital of Deqing county. Based on the estimates above, its population would be set at 28,000 while the population of other large towns including Wuqing town, Nanxun town, Linghu town, and Shuanglin town, might be the same or close to that of Xinshi. 4.1.11 Foshan Town According to Vol. 129 “Jian zhi” of A General Record of Guangdong in the Daoguang period, the Wudoukou Inspection Department was set up in Foshan town in Jingtai 3rd year of the Ming Dynasty, an illustration of the importance of Foshan. In fact, Foshan was not located at crosspoints, nor did it hold any key pass. Its unique geographical edge was its close proximity to Guangzhou. Judging by this, the establishment of the Inspection Department should not have targeted pirates or mountain people, rather diverse merchants and vendors inhabiting here. During the Zhengtong period, Vol. 6 of Heyuan xianshi jiapu (Xian Family Genealogy) maintains that the town was as densely

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populated as Guangzhou,16 a seeming exaggeration. Compared with Shengze and other towns, Foshan might have had a population of 20,000 inhabitants. 4.2 General Cities and Towns: North Zhili Given that it is impossible to estimate the population of thousands of general cities and towns, a special approach is needed for that purpose. In this section, a database method is applied to achieve this goal. Based on Dushi fangyu jiyao, Xu Panqing has referred to Zhongguo gujin diming dacidian (Dictionary of Chinese Ancient and Present Toponyms) by Zang Lihe, Zhongguo lishi diming dacidian (Dictionary of Chinese Historical Toponyms) by Shi Weile, and Zhongguo lishi ditu ji (Historical Atlas of China) edited by Tan Qixiang to compile a special database which is referred to as Xu Panqing’s Database of Cities and Towns. Excluding those towns with unreliable sources and county towns, there are approximately 1,014 evidenced Ming “towns.” However, there are a total of 1,053, given that an additional 39 cities and towns are unavailable in the books. Apart from specific records of commerce such as “merchants converge,” what else can be applied to determine industrial and commercial cities and towns? According to the definition cited in this book, the designation of “cities” or “towns” is not applied to those villages bearing the name of “cities” or “towns” with a tiny population of only several hundreds of people; those with a large population of over a thousand but with marketplaces that are open only at specific times; or military fortresses or guard posts. This begs the question: with very limited historical data, how is it possible to tell whether or not a town matches the definition of an industrial and commercial city or town? Scholars generally consider “towns” recorded in prefectural “Mountain pass” of Daqing yitong zhi (including Qianlong and Jiaqing versions) as industrial and commercial cities and towns. By comparing Xu Panqing’s Database of Cities and Towns and towns recorded in Daqing yitong zhi, this section finds that some “towns” in the Ming Dynasty remained “towns” in the Qing Dynasty, evidence of the fact that these Ming “towns” were truly industrial and commercial cities and towns. If Ming “towns” are no longer found in Daqing yitong zhi, nor in the local Records of the same period, they are not considered industrial and commercial cities and towns. This approach may filter out potential targets but it keeps the most faithful ones. To sum up, cities and towns that appear twice in three literature match the definition. 16

Luo Yixing. (1985). On the capital of Foshan merchants in Ming and Qing Dynasties. Social Science of Guangdong. (3), (p. 66).

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Apart from recording town names and business conditions, Daqing yitong zhi in the Qianlong period also described “xunsi” (Inspection Department). The inspection department was a public security agency in the county, and it was mainly stationed at mountain passes and busy traffic junctions where merchants often flocked. For example, in Guangzhou and Zhaoqing fu s, all “towns” in the Ming Dynasty were places where inspection departments were stationed in the Qing Dynasty. Daqing yitong zhi edited n the Qianlong period was written in 1778 (Qinglong 43rd year), and the one in the Jiaqing period was written in 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year). The latter is included in the basic database of ancient books for full-text research through which town names mentioned in other geographical section of the book can be retrieved. For instance, in the section of “Jinliang (Bridges)” in Vol. 163 of “Ji’nan fu”, “Liujiaqiao was located at the southwest of West Yan’an town, Qidong count, spanning the Bashui river.” The above “Yan’an town” is not found in Section “Mountain Pass” but it is listed in Dushi fangyu jiyao (Essentials of Historical Geography). The record of Dushi fangyu jiyao makes reference to seven “towns” in Beiping fu, but only Huanghua and Songcheng towns are included in Daqing yitong zhi. Lutai town is also seen in the latter: “Lutai Salt Bureau was established between Yuan 1st and 19th year; Lutaichang and xunsi were also set up in the Ming Dynasty. Xunsi been downsized in the early Qing Dynasty and was reestablished today.” Lutai Town or Lutaichang, related to the salt industry, was highly likely to be an industrial and commercial city or town. Therefore, though not found in the Ming literature Dushi fangyu jiyao (Essentials of Historical Geography), it was listed in this section as a town. In Hejian fu, Dushi fangyu jiyao recorded 28 towns, among which only 13 towns including Huaizhen and Botou are found in Daqing yitong zhi. It remains unsure whether the 13 towns remained towns in the Ming Dynasty. Interestingly, Shangjialin, known as the “tourist destination”; Manhe town, known as the “south-north pivot;” Maoshi town, where “merchants converge;” as well as Liuzhimiao town, where “merchants and travellers gather” in the Qing Dynasty, are not recorded in the Ming Dynasty. Only Botou town, where “merchants crowd around,” is recorded in Dushi fangyu jiyao. No doubt it was the most prosperous town with the largest population in Hejian fu. With the listing of Botou town as a large town, there are 12 general cities and towns left. Similar situation won’t be explained here. Under the article “Gaochuan Town,” Daqing yitong zhi also quotes 10 towns listed in Jinshi: dili zhi and claims that among ten towns, none but Liujie and Huai towns survived, the other eight having been abolished. This means data of a considerable number of towns in Dushi fangyu jiyao are borrowed and those towns may not, in fact, qualify as industrial and commercial cities and towns.

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Daming fu, with the Wei River as an important tributary of the Grand Canal, had a booming commerce. Dushi fangyu jiyao recorded 12 towns, including Xiaotan and Huilong, among which seven towns including Xia tan, Huilong, Ligu, Beigao, Shuangjing, Shakou, and Dagang are documented in Daqing yitong zhi. Vol. 1 “Towns” of Daming fu zhi in the Zhengde period recorded as many as 38 towns (an impressive number), 13 of which had their commercial situation documented. Among the 13 towns, Shuguan Town and Guding Town are found in Daqing yitong zhi but not in Dushi fangyu jiyao. For example, Shuguan was the “gathering place for merchants,” and Guding, “commonly known as Small Chaozhou where merchants flocked.” Besides, Laoan and Xin towns are found in Dushi fangyu jiyao but not in Daqing yitong zhi. Lijiadaokou town, Aijiakou town, Tianshi town, and Dingluan town all had their commerce condition recorded. Despite their absence in Dushi fangyu jiyao and Daqing yitong zhi, they could be added to the database. Wuqiang town was the administrative center of Wuqiang County, so it does not qualify here. Therefore, there should be a total of 15 general commercial towns in Daming fu. Yongping Fu had no towns in the Qing Dynasty but it had two towns in the Ming Dynasty. One of the towns was Lulong Town, where the county seat of Lulong was located. It was a city-free prefectural capital with less than a thousand civilians and large numbers of the military. It was changed to a “town” in the late Ming Dynasty meaning that the civilian population had grown and commercial activities had increased. The other town, located in Funing County, was Qianmin (migrant) Town. The name of the town itself indicates the presence of a large number of immigrants, meaning that it could not be considered a commercial town. The population of the northern towns in the Ming Dynasty can be inferred from North Zhili. Lijiadaokou Town in the Daming fu “is located at the east bank of the Wei River where hundreds of households resided and merchants gathered.” It is estimated that it had a population of about 2000 in some 400 households, or no fewer than 1,000 if there were not that many households. Regarding the strict selection criteria for towns in the Ming Dynasty, the population of each town could be set at 2,000, but this could only be applied to Daming and Hejian fu s along the canal. In other places in North China, the average population of general towns could only be set at 1,000. 4.3 General Cities and Towns: South Zhili Cities and towns in South Zhili are very complicated to discuss. Dushi fangyu jiyao (Essentials of Historical Geography) recorded 19 towns in Yingtian fu, 14 of which are listed in and 36 towns in Suzhou fu, with only 26 listed in Daqing yitong zhi. Some famous towns such as Lili, Qiandun and Zhenru are recorded in the local Records but are not found in Daqing yitong zhi, while some towns

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and inspection departments such as Guangfu, Zhouzhuang and Shengze are recorded in Daqing yitong zhi but are not found in Dushi fangyu jiyao. This inconsistency in denoting towns is also true in Yangzhou Fu. Guazhou, Shaobo, and Hai’an, listed in the Daqing yitong zhi as Inspection Departments, are not included in the section of Cities & Towns in Dushi fangyu jiyao, but are randomly listed in other sections. Fan follows the records in Gusu zhi, in the Zhengde period, to screen the list of towns in Suzhi and other fu s in the Ming Dynasty. Based on this information, Huang recently wrote an article that revisits the topic. This section continues as follows: Wu County had one city and six towns. Daqing yitong zhi in the Qianlong period recorded the three towns of Hengtang, Hengjin, and Mudu, as well as, the Inspection Department of Guangfu Town. Nevertheless, Dushi fangyu jiyao listed none but Mudu Town based on a seemingly higher criteria. “Therefore, even to this day, it remains one of the biggest towns in Wu County.” Changzhou county had five cities and three towns. Except for Xushi Town (also known as Xushu) and Puli Town (Luzhi), the other five cities and one town are not found in Daqing yitong zhi. Only Chenmu Town is listed in Dushi fangyu jiyao (Essentials of Historical Geography). This means that the two books only record three towns and no cities. That means “City” has not been recognized by the authors of the two books as “town.” Kunshan County had four cities and five towns. The five towns including Siqiao, Shipu, Anting, and Penglang were all included in Daqing yitong zhi in the Qianlong period, and Qiuxu in Daqing yitong zhi in the Jiaqing period. Except for Penglang, the other four towns are also listed in Dushi fangyu jiyao. Despite records of the commerce describing Banshanqiao City as “Residents converge and markets open from morning to night,” it is not included in either book. The same is true for the other three cities. Changshu County had nine cities and five towns, among which the capital cities of the county and Changshu town were either inside the county or the administrative center, so they are ruled out in our discussion. Therefore, eight cities and four towns meet the requirement. In Tang City, “there were about three to four households and commercial trading ships (between China and foreign countries).” Although the largest “city” might have had a population of 2,000, generally speaking, a “city” was not a “town.” Fushan, Xupu, Meili, and Qing’an are all found in Daqing yitong zhi, but surprisingly, Fushan, the largest area, is not listed in Dushi fangyu jiyao. Wujiang County had three cities and four towns. Except for the capital city of the county, there were two cities of Jiangnan and Xinhang and four towns, Tongli, Lili, Pingwang, and Zhenze. The above four towns are all included in

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Dushi fangyu jiyao, while Pingwang and Zhenze only appear in the List of Inspection Departments in Daqing yitong zhi. It is clear that their absence is an obvious omission. Jiading County had nine cities and eight towns, including cities inside Taichangzhou. Among the eight towns, six of them including Nanxiang, Luodian, Dachang, Jiangwan, Anting, and Gaoqiao are found in Daqing yitong zhi, while five towns except Gaoqiao are found in Dushi fangyu jiyao, together with Huangdu Town and Gelong town. Taicangzhou had ten cities and four towns. The four towns of Shuangfeng, Shatou, Xin’an, and Xijing are all listed in Daqing yitong zhi, and, except for Xin’an, are equally all listed in Dushi fangyu jiyao. In addition, Huangjing, Xinshi, and Tusong cities are found in Daqing yitong zhi, while both Huangjing and Xinshi are shown as towns while Tusong remains a city. In Dushi fangyu jiyao, both Tusong and Gancao cities are listed as towns. The above discussion leads to the following conclusion: first, most of the “cities” recorded in Gusu zhi in the Zhengdu period, except those with descriptions of commerce, did not meet the requirement of an industrial and commercial city or town. Second, there are different criteria for determining towns in Gusu zhi in the Zhengde period and in Dushi fangyu jiyao (Essentials of Historical Geography). The differences may have resulted from changes in town size at different times, i.e., except for large ones, towns wane and wax alternately. Third, Gusu zhi in the Zhengde period listed 39 towns and cities with commercials records, 28 of which are also recorded in Dushi fangyu jiyao which also holds a record of 37 towns, the same number as in Gusu zhi. Together withFushan and Shengze town, there should be 39 industrial and commercial cities and towns in Suzhi fu in the Ming Dynasty. That means, despite omissions of several large towns of Suzhou fu, Dushi fangyu jiyao has a fairly complete record. This could simplify the discussion of industrial and commercial cities and towns of Songjiang fu. Dushi fangyu jiyao recorded 24 towns governed by Songjiang, 17 of which are found in Daqing yitong zhi. Of the other seven towns, four are seen in the Fan’s list of cities and towns based on local Records. That means, despite certain inconsistencies in the 27 towns listed by Fan and towns recorded in Dushi Fangyu Jiao, the numbers of cities and towns roughly match. The latter recorded 6 large towns and 18 general cities and towns. According to Daqing yitong zhi edited in the reign of Qianlong, Chuanshabao “produced salt and brought together merchants.” In the mid Jiajing period of the Ming Dynasty, “the city wall that had a circumference of 4 li was built and it was equipped with four gates where officers and soldiers were quartered.” Since then, it has become a big town where the Inspection Department of Nanqiang

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was once established.” So, it should be a large town that was omitted in Dushi fangyu jiyao. Therefore, all the cities of Yangzhou, Jiangning, Zhenjiang, Changzhou, Suzhou, and Songjiang prefectures in North Zhili recorded in Dushi fangyu jiyao are accounted for. This statistical caliber only applies to prefectures in northern Jingshi and Zhejiang Provinces. In Yangzhou fu of northern South Zhili, Jiangnan, and Zhejiang, the population of general cities and towns is calculated at 2,000. In Huai’an fu of northern South Zhili, Dushi fangyu jiyao recorded 33 towns, 15 of which are not found in Daqing yitong zhi. According to Vol. 1 of Haizhou zhi in the reign of Longqing, “Haizhou comprised of vast lands abounds with brigands making it possible for ten clustered households to form to form a town,” even though in name only. According to Vol. 1 of Wangjiangxian zhi in the Wanli period, in Anqing fu, seven towns, including Leilang, Yangwan, Xiangcao, Jishui, Sujiazui, Xingou and Daigou had 70 to 80, or up to 100 households. In fall and winter, people arrived by boat to privately sell fishery salt. This was not considered real business. Leigang, Jishui, Yangwan, and Xiangcao are found in Daqing yitong zhi, while Jishui and Yangwan also found in Dushi fangyu jiyao. Apparently, this type of “towns” in Anqing fu do not meet the requirement. If the size of a “town” cannot be determined, then the average population of each town is considered to be 1,000. General Cities and Towns: Zhejiang, Fujian, and Guangdong Provinces Zhejiang Fan Shuzhi has found, from local Records, an abundance of cities and towns in Hangzhou fu, but more cities than towns. There were Linping and Tangxi towns outside the prefectural capital city, Chang’an and Xiashi towns in Haining County, and 18 towns in Yuhang, Lin’an, Xincheng, and Changhua counties, whose names are not enumerated here. Linping City used to be prosperous when the canal ran through it, but after the canal was realigned to go through Tangxi, Tangx boomed and Linping declined. That explains why Dushi fangyu jiyao recorded Tangxi instead of Linping, which is only listed in Daqing yitong zhi. Besides Chang’an and Xiashi, Dushi fangyu jiyao (Essentials of Historical Geography) also recorded 11 general small towns, 8 of which are found in Daqing yitong zhi. However, among the 18 towns of Yuhang and other counties, only 4 of them are found in Dushi fangyu jiyao including 2 that are found in Daqing yitong zhi. This shows that despite the changes that small towns went through, their total number remained stable. A marketplace is needed for a place to boom.

4.4

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In Jiaxing fu, Dushi fangyu jiyao recorded 10 towns excluding Weitang Town and Haining Town as the administrative center of the county and Qing Town whose population is merged with that of Wu Town. Unfortunately, none of the large towns of Jiaxing fu mentioned in the previous section including Wangdian, Xincheng, Puyuan, and Shendang towns, is listed. However, the situation in Huzhou was different. Only 13 towns are recorded in Dushi fangyu jiyao though, 5 large towns, including Xinshi, Nanxun, Wuzhen, Linghu, and Shuanglin are all included. 4.4.1 Fujian Vol. 14–15 of A General Record of Bamin (the Eight Min {Fujian}) in the reign of Emperor Hongzhi facilitates the discussion of “cities” and xu (country fairs) in the prefectures of Fujian. Excluding prefectural capital cities, “cities” that were administrative center of the county and “cities” outside the city gate, five coastal prefectures of Fujian Province had a total of 16 cites with an even larger number of cities in mountainous areas. Most of the 16 coastal cities were trade points as ports, including Niushitou City and Jinggang City in Fuqing County where foreign commercial ships gathered, and Hantou City in Putian County where fish and salt were traded and where merchants converged. The cities in mountainous areas were more of a county fair. They included Jiangkou city and Huitan city in Jianyang County with “gatherings on the 4th and 9th of each month.” The coastal Zhangzhou fu also had mountainous areas with county fairs. For example, Taoyuan City of Zhangping County had “gatherings on 1st and 6th of each month.” For the purpose of this book, no further explanation will be provided here. Dushi fangyu jiyao only recorded two of the five coastal prefectures—Haikou city of Fuzhou fu and Hantou city of Xinghua fu—as “towns,” which means that which means the appellation “towns” does not completely rule out “cities,” rather, it considers large cities as towns. According to A General Record of Bamin, Huangshi Town of Putian county “had over a thousand households, most of which read … Though not a big commercial town for merchants, it boasts of flourishing business and a notable settlement in Putian.” This undoubtedly shows that it was an agricultural settlement. Daqing yitong zhi still listed and recorded it as a city. Likewise, Shijijin City of Funingzhou was renamed Fuxijin City rather than a “town”. Other cities are found in Daqing yitong zhi meaning that “cities” recorded in A General Record of Bamin are not regarded as industrial and commercial cities and towns either. Dushi fangyu jiyao recorded a total of 51 towns, 42 of which are in A General Record of Bamin including only 10 of which are recorded as “towns,” 24 are

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recorded as inspection departments, 1 as a river department, and 2 as pu (post). Apparently, towns recorded in Dushi fangyu jiyao are administrative, residential areas. How is Masha Town, the famous capital of books, recorded in the three writings? According to Vol. 14 “Geography” and Vol. 25 “Food” of A General Record of Bamin, Masha Town, renowned for mimeographing low-end popular books in the Song and Yuan dynasties, was ruined the war by the end of Yuan. However, in a linear distance of 10 kilometers, Chonghuali Book Fair thrived and never declined. Nevertheless, Vol. 10 of Jianning fu zhi in the Jiajing period maintained that, “Chonghuali book fair opens on the 1st and 6th of each month.” Despite its flourishing mimeography, it was just a fair, which explains why Chonghuali Book Fair is not listed as a “town” in Dushi fangyu jiyao. According to Vol. 431 of Daqing yitong zhi, “BookFair Street was located at Chonghuali, 30 li west of Jianyang County where most of the world’s books came from and business travelers converged.” In the Qing Dynasty, Chonghuali Bookstore Street still failed to be named a “town.” Similarly, Vol. ## of Jianjing fu zhi in the Jiajing period claimed that “Masha Street was under the jurisdiction of Yongzhongli.” After the decline of its mimeography, Masha maintained some commercial activities because it was located on a transportation line—which is, currently, still a national highway. That explains why explains why is it listed by Dushi fangyu jiyao as a “town.” Therefore, it is believed that the prefectural towns of Fujian Province recorded in the book are, in fact, industrial and commercial towns. Large “cities” in A General Record of Bamin, including the above-mentioned two towns, as well as Luoyangkou Town and Renshou Town in Yanping Fu were also recorded as “towns” in the book. Unlike Jiangnan and North China, industrial and commercial cities and towns in Fujian were often where inspection departments were stationed. Similarly, places located at traffic intersections with hoards of travelers always become industrial and commercial towns. After deducting the 5 towns not recorded in either A General Record of Bamin or Daqing yitong zhi (Comprehensive Geography of Great Qing Dynasty) and including Chonghuali Book Fair, Fujian Province had a total of 47 towns. Therefore, it would be logical to set the population per town at 2,000. 4.4.2 Guangdong Dushi fangyu jiyao recorded six towns in Guangzhou fu but left out Fushan Town. Just like in Zhaoqing fu, the six towns were all recorded as inspection departments in Daqing yitong zhi. Towns in other prefectures were also places where inspection departments were stationed. This shows that industrial and commercial cities and towns could be found in places where inspection departments of Guangdong Province were located in the late Ming Dynasty.

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4.5 General Cities and Towns: Huguang Dushi fangyu jiyao recorded nine towns in Wuchang fu—Huhuangzhou, Sanjiangkou, Baihu, Wuchang, Paizhou, Yanglou, Huangsangkou, Jinniu, and Huarong. Apart from Sanjiangkou, Wuchang, Paizhou, and Jinniu, Huguang tujing zhishu (“Huguang Provincial Maps and Records”) in the Jiajing period recorded another seven towns—Jinkou, Nianyukou, Shitoukou, Chituji, Jinzijin, Taiping, and Daoshifu. Except for Wuchang and Jinniu, 9 out of a total 11 towns were also inspection department stations. Huguang tujing zhishu recorded a total of 12 inspection departments, of which only 3 department stations including Huhuangzhou, Fuchi, and Huangsangkou were not listed as towns. At the same time, Huhuang and Huangsang were considered towns in Dushi fangyu jiyao, and Fuchi is also recorded as a town in Daqing yitong zhi. Furthermore, except Jinniu, the eight towns recorded in Dushi fangyu jiyao all appear in Daqing yitong zhi. That is to say, despite some inconsistencies between the towns recorded in Dushi fangyu jiyao and those in Huguang tujing zhishu, there appears to be general consensus that Wuhang fu, in the late Ming Dynasty, had nine towns. Neither Dushi fangyu jiyao nor Huguang tujing zhishu (“Huguang Provincial Maps and Records”) recorded Hankou Town in Hanyang Fu, but the latter included the Inspection Department of Hankou Town and four other towns, including the inspection departments of Caidian Town, Xintan Town, and Bairenji which appear as “towns” in the former. In any case, Hankou Town should be indisputably listed as a town. No records were found for Zengshan Town, so it is not included. It should be noted that Hanyang Fu, Vol. 3 of Huguang tujing zhishu details the prosperity of Liujiage Town which is recorded as Liujiage Inspection Department in Daqing yitong zhi. So, it is a significant error that Dushi fangyu jiyao does not list it as a town. Dushi fangyu jiyao recorded 15 towns in Huangzhou Fu, 10 of which were inspection departments in Huguang tujing zhishu. The latter recorded a total of 12 inspection departments, of which 11 are described as “town”, indicating that they are mainly towns in nature. Though Huguang tujing zhishu only recorded seven towns and only four are available in Dushi fangyu jiyao, which is believed to be comparatively more credible and comprehensive. Besides, among the 15 towns recorded in Dushi fangyu jiyao, 3 are not mentioned in Daqing yitong zhi, and 2 are recorded as inspection departments in Huguang tujing zhishu. The other town named Shuangcheng Town has no other record. Therefore, it is determined that Huangzhou Fu has 11 towns. Dushi fangyu jiyao recorded 11 towns in De’an fu, 6 of them including Gaoqiao, Xing’an, Qishan, Taiping, Xiaohexi, and Maxihe are inspection departments or towns in Huguang tujing zhishu. The latter recorded a total of 12 inspection departments and towns, almost the same as the total number recorded

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in Dushi fangyu jiyao. Nevertheless, only 5 of the 11 towns, including Gaoqiao, Xing’an, Qishan, Tangcheng, and Taiping that are in Dushi fangyu jiyao are available in Daqing yitong zhi, while Tangcheng is not included in Huguang tujing zhishu. Therefore, it is determined that De’an fu has 6 towns. Dushi fangyu jiyao recorded 6 towns in Jingzhou fu, 4 of which are inspection departments in Huguang tujing zhishu. Seven towns recorded in the latter are not mentioned in Dushi fangyu jiyao. In addition, among the six towns in Dushi fangyu jiyao, only Yaoqi Town is listed in Daqing yitong zhi. Sha City, the famous industrial and commercial city, is not even found in Dushi fangyu jiayo, rather, it is listed as an inspection department in Huguang tujing zhishu. Therefore, it is determined that Jingzhou fu has four towns. A summary of the relations between towns and inspection departments in Huguang could be drawn without detailing each and every prefecture. The inspection department was an administrative body in charge of regional public security, often established at highly populated passes and intersections. So, towns in Dushi fangyu jiyao only included some inspection departments. Among the inspection departments recorded in Huguang tujing zhishu, only those that meet the requirement of industrial cities and towns are recorded as towns in Dushi fangyu jiyao. 5

Summary

Map 15 shows the distribution of cities and towns across the country in 1580, leading to two conclusions. First, Western China almost had no cities or towns except for Sichuan Province. Second, cities and towns were most densely distributed in Jiangnan, which was incongruent with the prefectural urbanization level at the same period. See Map 16. Map 16 shows that Shuntian, Hejian, Dongchang, Yangzhou, Suzhou, and Hangzhou had the highest urbanization rate in Wanli 8th year, followed by Guangzhou and Chengdu. Political cities centering around Beijing and cities along the Grand Canal, which guaranteed the fiscal supply of Beijing and the Ming Empire, were most densely populated. China’s urbanization rate rose from 8% to 10.4% from Hongwu 26th year (1393) to Wanli 8th year. Thanks to Beijing’s huge urban population, the population of North Zhili was as high as 20% of the total population. Shandong also registered an urbanization rate of nearly 15% due to the rise in the number of industrial and commercial cities. Despite great development in industrial and commercial cities and towns, Southern Jingshi, with its large population, had an urbanization rate of less than 13%, which notably also included the military population.

Map 15

Distribution of prefectural cities and towns in 1580

Map 16

Prefectural urbanization level in 1580

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Province

Provincial urban population and urbanization rate in China in Wanli 8th year. Population unit: 1,000

Total Urban population population County Prefecture Towns Cities

Beiping 8,611 Shandong 13,066 Shaanxi 8,266 Henan 10,667 Shanxi 9,950 Southern Jingshi 18,567 Northern Jingshi 10,907 Jiangxi 16,129 Southern 7,701 Huguang Northern 9,239 Huguang Fujian 7,686 Zhejiang 20,952 Guangdong 8,303 Guangxi 3,952 Sichuan 5,151 Total 159,147

Urbanization Number rate (%) of cities and towns

493 914 197 427 362 396 244 480 297

1,179 169 360 337 254 1,559 790 479 275

92 819 18 32 17 438 92 300 41

1,764 1,902 575 796 633 2,393 1126 1,259 613

20.5 14.6 7.0 7.5 6.4 12.9 10.3 7.8 8.0

36 41 18 32 17 128 92 53 41

333

378

144

855

9.3

43

460 607 215 134 242 5,801

358 811 766 192 279 8,186

94 912 335 1,753 65 1046 25 351 35 556 2,547 16,534

11.9 8.4 12.6 8.9 10.8 10.4

47 70 46 25 35 724

Note: The population of general towns was 2,000 in regions including Hejian Fu and Daming Fu along the Grand Canal in North Zhili, Yangzhou Fu in Northern Jingshi, fus in Southern Jingzhi, Zhejiang, Fujian, and Jiangxi provinces; the rest was set at 1,000. Source: Appendix 4

Chapter 13

The Urban Population in Northern China in the Mid-Qing Dynasty From the middle to the end of the Qing Dynasty to 1949, different regions went through wars, famine, and different levels of industrialization and commercialization. Therefore, a special approach is needed to estimate the urban population at different periods, given that available records serve different purposes. This chapter and the next utilize three approaches to estimate the urban population in the mid-Qing Dynasty, given that unlike for the late Ming Dynasty and 1949, there are nearly no records available upon which to base our analyses. Therefore: 1) With regard to prefectural and county capitals that were in close proximity or were similar to other places described in existing literature, we computed their population based on the total population, transportation mode, and commercial activities of other places. 2)  With regard to the number of cities and towns, we based our estimates on the Qianlong and Jiaqing versions of Daqing yitong zhi and other local Records. Apart from large towns, the population of each town is quantified based on the rank of the region to which it belonged. 3) With regard to the urban population, we estimated the population of counties in the mid-Qing Dynasty based on that population figures of 1919. The prefectural urban population drawn from the above three approaches is called the “empirical population.” Chapter 15 and 16 apply empirical research and mathematical modelling to reconstruct the urban population of counties in China as a way of determining the prefectural urban population. The research also elaborates the regional quantitative relation between the urban population of a prefecture and its total population in 1910. It shows that in a region with no modern industry, commerce, and transportation, the urban population of a prefecture was subject to its total population. In fact, the more populated the prefecture, the larger the urban population. Assuming this was also the case in 1776, the relational model of the urban population of a prefecture and its total population in 1910 can serve as a basis to estimate the prefectural urban population in 1776. This result is called “Model Estimates.” The “revised population” is available when the “empirical population” and the “Model Estimates” are compared and the more logical option is utilized. It should be noted that the 1910 model already takes into consideration the population of towns, so the population of small towns is not included in the

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estimation. However, large and medium cities and towns with highly developed commerce are often excluded in the 1910 model. Therefore, it is necessary to include them using “Model Estimates.” 1

Shandong

Xu Tan (1998) has made significant accomplishments in her research of the commodity economy history in Shandong in the Ming and Qing Dynasties by pursuing relevant materials.1 It is relevant to state that this chapter furthers Xu’s research. 1.1 Empirical Research on the Urban Population 1.1.1 The Capital of Jinan Province Volume 3 of Licheng County Zhi in 1773 (Qianlong 38th year) detailed the number of households in urban and suburban Jinan. In urban Jinan, there were a total of 600 pai, 6,000 households, and 26,000 inhabitants; in areas close to the city wall, there were 612 pai, 6,000 households, but only 23,000 inhabitants. The area near the city wall included “streets outside the four gates and villages near the city wall,” which were also known as the outskirts. Therefore, Jinan ought to have had an urban population of nearly 50,000. 1.1.2 The Capital of Jining According to Volume 2 of Jining Zhou Zhi in the Qianlong period, there were 21,000 households and 100,000 inhabitants midway in the Qianlong Dynasty. Merchant households were probably not taken into account because most merchants did not acquire local citizenship. According to Volume 4 of Jining Zhili Zhou Zhi in the Qianlong period, “over 10,000 households lived here like schools of fish; over 10,000 merchant households converged here following on each other’s heels.” Therefore, the city ought to have had at least 40,000 households and a population of approximately 200,000. 1.1.3 The Capital of Linqing According to Volume 6 of Guantao County Zhi in the Guangxu period, in a document submitted to the emperor, the county applied for well-distributed salt banknotes, claiming that “Joined by two rivers, Linqing was inhabited by diverse communities that amounted to 100,000 residents in the city.” That 1 Xu, T. (1998). Research on Commodity Economy in Shandong in the Ming and Qing Dynasties (pp. 225–244). Beijing: China Social Sciences Press.

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indicates a population of 100,000. That article was written in the early Kangxi years when Linqing’s economy had not fully recovered. The estimated urban population of Linqing, like that of Jining, could be 200,000 in the late Qianlong period, the same as that in the late Ming Dynasty. 1.1.4 The Capital of Tai’an Fu Xu Tan (1998) believes that at least “thousands of households” lived outside the west city gate in the Qianlong period. She puts the population of the capital of Tai’an between four and five thousand households, or about 25,000 inhabitants. 1.1.5 The Capital of Dongchang Fu Two stele inscriptions in the Jiaqing and Daoguang periods indicated that Liaocheng had 363 business establishments in Shanxi and Shaanxi. Because of this, Tan Xu deduced that there were at least 500 commercial stores or more in the city. The above document submitted by Guantao County to apply for salt banknotes in the early Kangxi years also claimed that there were “no fewer than 10,000 residents” in Liaocheng and near its east city gate. So, its population could be set at 50,000. Located at the bank of the Grand Canal, the capital of Dongchang Prefecture was full of freight and merchants from all over the country. 1.1.6 The Capital of Yanzhou Fu Far away from traffic arteries, the capital of Yanzhou Prefecture had an apparently small population. Despite missing some of its parts, a household register of Ziyang County during the Tongzhi and Guangxi periods recorded family members and occupations of 688 households that lived on the 17 streets of Ziyang. These 688 households probably made up one-fourth or one-fifth of the total population. That means there were probably 3,000 households and 15,000 inhabitants in Ziyang. That means back in the Qianlong period, the urban population of Ziyang would have probably only been 12,000. 1.1.7 The Population of Other Prefectural Capitals With reference to Chapter 12 and the prefecture-level urban population in 1910 as outlined in Appendix Table 8, it can be deduced that the population of the capital of Qingzhou Prefecture and that of the capital of Tai’an Prefecture were both 29,000 inhabitants respectively, so their population could be both set at 25,000 in 1776. For its part, the capital city of Wuding had a population of 14,000 in 1910, i.e. half that of the capital of Tai’an, so its population could be set at 12,000 in 1776. The population of the capitals of Caozhou and Dengzhou prefectures was 12,000 respectively in 1910, the same as that of Yanzhou. The

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population of the capitals of Laizhou and Yizhou both reached 55,000 in 1910, so they could be set at 40,000 in 1776. 1.1.8 The Capital of Dong’a County According to Volume 2 of Dong’a County Zhi in the Daoguang period, there were more than 20 streets across Dong’a County. “On the half-a-li-long street near the south city gate lived hundreds of households.” About the same number of inhabitants lived near the southeast city gate—“near the east gate lived more than a hundred households.” The west gate alone “was sparsely populated because it bordered on mountain roads.” That means that there were at least 700 to 800 households living near the city gates of Dong’a County. The households that lived in the city would bring the number to at least 1,500 households, meaning the urban population would have been 7,000. Back in the Qianlong periods, this population figure would have been 6,000. 1.1.9 The Capital of Shanghe County According to Volume 3 of Shanghe County Zhi in the Daoguang period, the capital of Shanghe County, Wuding Prefecture, had a total of 685 households with 3,321 inhabitants living in the city and near the four city gates in the Daoguang period. This small urban population resulted from its underdeveloped economy. For example, the capital only paid 2.35 liang out of a total of 40 liang of commodity tax across the county, even lower than five other marketplaces. Therefore, back in the Qianlong period, its population would probably have been 3,000. 1.1.10 The Capital of Jimo County The records of Volume 5 of Jimo County Zhi in the Tongzhi period indicate that there were 2,078 households and a population of over 10,000 in the capital city and its surroundings near the city gates. Therefore, Jimo County ought to have been a large capital city with a population of 8,000 in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) if the calculation is based on an average annual population rate of 3‰. 1.1.11 The Urban Population of Other Counties According to XuTan (2007), the population of county capitals, including Dezhou, Huangxian, Weixian, Boshan, and Jiaozhou was similar to that of Jimo. How then can the population of county capitals of Shandong prefectures be estimated? In 1910, the urban population of the counties of Laizhou Prefecture reached 41,000; that of the counties of Jinan, Yizhou, Dengzhou, and Caozhou prefectures was between 23,000 and 26,000 each; Qingzhou and Yanzhou had a population between 18,000 and 20,000 each; Tai’an had 15,000

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each; and Dongchang, Linqing, Jining, Wuding and others had between 10,000 to 12,000 inhabitants. The previous paragraphs indicated that in Qingzhou fu, the capitals of Jimo, Jiaozhou, and Boshan counties had an average population of 11,000, so the average population of the county capitals of Qingzhou and Yanzhou fu in 1776 would have been 11,000. As for the capitals of Jinan, Yizhou, Dengzhou, and Caozhou fu, the population figure would have been 13,000. For the capitals of Dongchang, Linqing, Jining, and Wuding prefectures, the population would have been 6,000. See Appendix Table 9 for the urban population of the county capitals in 1910. The rest of the information is not provided here in detail. 1.1.12 Anping Town Anping town, also known as Zhangqiu town, was located at the bank of the canal in Shouzhang county, Yanzhou Prefecture. It was a three-county junction connecting San’e, Yanggu, and Shouzhang counties and transforming the area into the biggest regional commodity center. In Volume 37 of Tushu Bian, Zhang Huang maintains that “scholars, farmers, artisans, and merchants converged and no fewer than ten thousand households lived here.” Basing our estimation on Chapter 12, the total population would have been between 20,000 to 30,000 inhabitants. If the figure remained unchanged in the Qianlong period, then its population would be similar to that of Liaocheng and Tai’an. 1.1.13 Yutai and Other Medium Towns Xu also listed Guting town, Yutai county, as home to “over a thousand households on both banks of the Tiao River;” Echeng town, Yanggu county, as home to “over a thousand households on both banks;” and Luqiao Town, Jining, as where “a dense population lived and merchants converged.” That means there were at least 600 to 800 households living in the above towns, and over a thousand if the floating merchant population was included. That means there were about 5,000 people per town on average. In Changshan County of Jining Prefecture, Zhoucun Town that prospered in the late Qianlong period ought to have been listed as a medium town, despite being unavailable in Daqing Yitong Zhi in the Qianlong period.2 Section “Pass” of Daqing Yitong zhi in the Jiaqing period had some records of towns. In the records of Hebei, Shandong, and Henan provinces, there were some descriptions indicating that a town had a booming commerce where “residents prospered and merchants converged … a land-water center where 2 Xu, T. (2008). On the Commerce of Zhoucun Town in Shandong Province in the Qing Dynasty. Journal of Historical Science, (8), 103–108.

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freight flocked … or … a trading hub.” Therefore, Cong Hanxiang believes that towns with these depictions were truly commercial towns. Daqing Yitong Zhi in the Qianlong period recorded the same information. Towns described in the Jiaqing and Qianlong versions did have some differences, albeit few. Apart from that, the Jiaqing version documented more inspection departments than the Qianlong version. This chapter adopts the Jiaqing version (unless otherwise specified) of Daqing Yitong Zhi to make the year 1776 demarkation line of town development. Inspection departments of some areas were also seen as towns when they were associated with the words “streets”, “lanes” and “towns” in the Jiaqing version. For instance, in Shandong, towns that had their commercial activities recorded included Panshui town, Liubu town, and Yantou town in Jinan fu; Guxian town, Qingshui town, Sinvshui town in Dongchang fu; Nanyang town and Guting town in Jining zhou; Haichangkou town in Laizhou fu; and Tangquan town in Dengzhou fu. There are certain inconsistencies between the records of Daqing Yitong Zhi and local Records. Cong (1995) also points out that the South Guantao town of Dongchang fu had long been a water-land pivot and a conversion and transportation hub for grain in Shandong, but is unavailable in Daqing Yitong Zhi.3 1.1.14 Other Small Towns Xu (2008) believes that the number of small commercial towns in Shandong varied from over ten to one or two. That has caused estimation difficulties. Towns without commercial activities that were recorded in Daqing yitong zhi were probably small towns. A count in the books indicates that Shandong had 83 small towns—a number below Xu’s (2008) estimation given there was less than 1 town for each county. Therefore, the population of each small town is set at 2,000. Inspection department stations in Shandong should have also been small towns. For example, Jinan Prefecture had only 1 inspection department at Longshan Town but it had 19 more towns. Qingzhou fu, likewise, had only 1 inspection department but 20 more towns. Therefore, it is apparent that inspection department stations were equally viewed as towns. For its part, Qingzhou Prefecture had the Guantai Field, saltworks in other words, and in the coastal Wuding fu, areas including Qingzhou had 3 saltworks. Therefore, by this book’s definition, saltworks that brought together salt workers and salt

3 Cong, H. (Ed.). (1995). Modern Village Administration in Hebei, Shandong, and Henan (pp. 119–208). Beijing: China Social Sciences Publishing House.

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merchants should have equally been considered as industrial and commercial towns. 1.2 Empirical Population and Model Estimates Chapter 15 proves that the urban population of a county (Y) in Shandong in 1915 was determined by its total population (X) at a time there were no expectation for the province to modernize transportation. In Shandong Province, this relation is Y = 0.05X + 2.3(R2 = 0.6432) and this equation is applicable to the rest of north China. The converted model, which can be successfully applied to Zhili, Henan, Shanxi, and Shaanxi in North China, is capable of analyzing a wide range of data. Its range of application extends from counties to prefectures, thereby making it possible to establish the relation between the urban population of a prefecture and its total population. As a province only governed a few or a dozen prefectures, the Hebei-Shandong-Henan urban population model and the Shanxi-Shaanxi urban population model have been created, respectively. The two North China models have significant differences with the models of South China, while the Shanxi-Shaanxi model is similar to the Sichuan model. The Hebei-Shandong-Henan model alone is independent. After excluding Jinan, Dengzhou, and Laizhou prefectures, the relation between the urban population of each prefecture in Shandong and the total population in 1910 is calculated using as follows: Y  =  0.0352X  +  36.21 (R2  =  0.7952)—very close to the Hebei-Shandong-Henan model of Y  =  0.0406X  +  22.411 (R2 = 0.826). The empirical population and Model Estimates of Shandong are listed in Table 20. See previous paragraphs on how to calculate the empirical population and the Model Estimates outlined in Table 20. Here, we simply provide details about the models. A comparison of the two sets of data reveals the “difference rate” (absolute values): the greater the difference rate, the less rate of match of the two data. In most Chinese provinces, the empirical population is always larger than the Model Estimates in prefectures where the provincial capital is located, except prefectures where the fuguo county (a county with the capital located in the walled city of its superior) was located. As for ordinary prefectures, Jining and Linqing had the biggest difference rate given that the urban population of both prefectures was 200,000 in 1776 when the canal economy was in its prime but declined after 1910. For its part, based on the modelling, the densely populated Caozhou Prefecture had a consistently large urban population which should have been small instead. Therefore, empirical data was applied in the revised population of Jinan, Jining, Linqing, and Caozhou prefectures, while the model data was applied to the rest of the prefectures. In total, Shandong had an urban population of 1.885 million in 1776.

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Prefectural urban population of Shandong in 1776 (/1,000)

Prefecture

Empirical population

Model estimates

Difference rate (%)

Revised population

Jinan Prefecture Qingzhou Prefecture Dengzhou Prefecture Dongchang Prefecture Laizhou Prefecture Yizhou Prefecture Linqingzhou Jiningzhou Yanzhou Prefecture Caozhou Prefecture Wuding Prefecture Tai’an Prefecture

288 177 144 130 174 155 228 249 94 84 104 87

160 141 138 86 139 159 70 63 115 132 102 111

44.4 20.4 4.1 33.8 20.0 2.7 69.5 74.7 22.6 57.3 1.6 27.4

288 141 138 130 139 159 228 249 115 84 102 111

2

Zhili

2.1 Empirical Research on the Urban Population 2.1.1 Beijing and Tianjin According to Han Guanghui (1996)’s research, Beijing had an urban population of 987,000 in 1781 (Qianlong 46th year).4 Jinmen baojia tushuo (Images and Illustration of baojia in Tianjin) in the Daoguang period recorded a population of nearly 200,000 in the neighborhoods outside the Tianjin’s city wall. Therefore, during the Qianlong period, the unregistered merchant population would have certainly brought the registered urban population of Tianjin to 200,000 at least. The Capital of Baoding Fu 2.1.2 Qingyuanan was the fuguo county of Baoding Prefecture and as recorded in Volume 2 of Qingyuan County Record during the Republic of China, the census indicated there were 10,100 households and 66,000 inhabitants living within the city and its neighborhoods around the four city gates in 1873 (Tongzhi 12th year). Until 1932, the suburban population shrank while the rural population grew. The decrease in the urban population of Baoding was 4 Han, G. (1996). Geohistorical population of Beijing (p. 128). Beijing: Peking University Press.

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because of the demotion of its administrative rank. The provincial capital of Hebei that used to be based in Baoding in the Qing Dynasty was relocated to Tianjin after 1911. Though the Baoding government was then established, it was soon abandoned leaving behind only the Qingyuan government and a police station. Baoding was demoted by two administrative ranks to “almost a county.” Given these events, the urban population of Baoding would probably have been 50,000 during the Qianlong period. 2.1.3 The Capital of Chengde Prefecture In 1778 (Qianlong 43rd year) when Chengde Prefecture was established, its population had already reached half a million. Therefore, Chengde City had naturally emerged as the administrative center. Also, as the summer resort for the Qing court, it thrived for decades. Certainly, its population would be similar to that of an ordinary capital city, that is 40,000 inhabitants. 2.1.4 The Capital of Xuanhua Fu In the Ming Dynasty, soldiers and their families were the major inhabitants in Xuanhua fu, where the military station was located. In the Qing Dynasty, wei was turned into county and Xuanhua fu was created. When the baojia system was still mere formality in most regions, Xuanhua fu had already begun conducting a census. Volume 10 of Xuanhua Fu Zhi had detailed records of the registered households and the population of counties governed by the prefecture. It is said that “Xuanhua county had 7,735 registered households, 9,669 ding, and 12,130 kou living within the city and the neighborhoods outside of the city gates.” Given that the data came from the baojia investigation, ding here should mean a man and kou a woman. The prefecture had a total urban population of 76,000 and a rural population of 475,000 across its 11 counties—that is a total of 551,000 inhabitants. With 38,000 inhabitants, the capital of Xuanhua Prefecture had the largest revised population. Xuanhua Town in the Ming Dynasty was a military stronghold that brought together many garrisons and floating merchants. Its military status weakened after the Qing Dynasty, but it remained important in the trade between China and Mongolia and between China and Russia. The population of Xuanhua town was probably 40,000 in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). 2.1.5 The Population of Other Prefectural Capitals Xuanhua fu had an urban population of 100,000 in 1910, the same population as the capitals of Chengde and Baoding fu. In the paragraphs above, we have determined that the population in the capitals of Xuanhua, Chengdu, and Baoding in 1776 was the same, meaning that the population of counties in 1776

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can be computed based on population of prefectural capitals in 1910. Given that counties including Yongping, Yi, Zunhua, Zhao, Ding, Shen, Ji, Hejian, Guangping, and Daping were either prefectural or district capitals, they should have had a larger population than ordinary counties. However, their population, which was between 4,000 to 21,000 in 1910, fails to indicate any growth between 1776 and 1910. Therefore, the population in 1910 is considered identical to that in 1776. For details, see Table 8. 2.1.6 Chicheng and Nine Other County Capitals Large county capitals including Weizhou (sharing the same capital with Wei county), Xi’ning, and Bao’an had a population of about 10,000 inhabitants, while ordinary county capitals had a population of only 3,000, and large and small counties 6,000 on average. Therefore, excluding population of prefectural capitals, the population of these ten counties was 60,000 in 1776. 2.1.7 The Urban Population of Other Counties Excluding prefectural capitals, county capitals in Xuanhua Prefecture had an average population of 6,000 in 1776, that is, half the population of 1910. That means the average annual population rate was 5.2‰ between these 134 years. In fact, a more appropriate rate would be between 3‰ and 4‰ and the population would have been 1.7 times larger. However, for prefectures including Yizhou, Zhaozhou, Dingzhou, Shenzhou, and Shunde, whose average urban population per county was only between 4,000 and 7,000, their population should be stable from 1776 to 1910 while the population of the remaining prefectures set at 1.7 times higher in 1910 than in 1776. See Appendix Table 7 for more data. 2.1.8 Commercial Towns Volume 40 of A General Record of Jifu that was written in 1778 (Qianlong 43rd year) described “towns” of Shuntian, Yongping, Baoding, Hejian, and Tianjin prefectures, and Volume 41 described “towns” of Zhengding, Shunde, Guangping, Daming, Xuanhua, Jizhou, and Yizhou prefectures. The records were almost the same as those in the Qianlong version of Daqing Yitong Zhi—a version we have adopted, in this section, as the main source of data. A General Record of Jifu described most towns in the format: “(Shuntian fu) Bei’an town was located 50 li southeast of Yongqing County.” Others were described in the format: “Shengfang Town, 70 li northeast of Wenan County, was home to tens of thousands of households. Thousands of ships come and go during trade time.” That means Shengfang town was equivalent to a large town in Shandong Province, while towns without booming commerce are

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considered medium towns. For instance, Manhe Town, Hejian Prefecture is described as “a north-south pivot where merchants converged.” Daqing yitong zhi in the Qianlong period contained no information about inspection departments of Zhili. It was recorded in the Jiaqing version that Caiyu Inspection Department, located in the southeast of Daqing County, was “home to thousands of households and was the capital of Qifu,” making it a seemingly large industrial and commercial town. Unfortunately, this information is not available anywhere in the Qianlong version. Volume 7 of the Qianlong version wrote, with respect to “Zhangqingkou,” that “Standing erect on rivers, it [Zhangqingkou] emerged as the most prosperous go-to hub for ships and merchants in Baoding county.” This expression is the single record about towns in section “Pass,” according to which Zhangqingkou replaces Caiyu as the commercial town. As such, in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), there were 145 towns and 148 countylevel administrative districts in Zhili, meaning there was one town for each county. In Hejian fu and Tianjin fu, however, each county governed nearly three towns on average. That is because areas through which the Grand Canal ran had booming commerce and, therefore, more towns. 2.2 The Empirical Population and Model Estimates Except for Shuntian, Tianjin, Xuanhua, and Baoding, the relationship between the urban population of each county in Zhili and 1910 population was as calculated as Y = 0.044X + 8.31 (R2 = 0.8676)—close to the Hebei-Shandong-Henan model of Y = 0.0406X + 22.411 (R2 = 0.826). See Table 21 for the empirical population and Model Estimates of Zhili. Table 21

Prefectural urban population of Zhili in 1776. Unit: 1,000 people

Prefecture

Empirical population

Model population

Difference rate (%)

Revised population

Shuntian Fu Xuanhua Fu Yongping Fu Baoding Fu Yizhou Zunhuazhou Zhaozhou Dingzhou Shenzhou Jizhou

1179 100 64 145 23 33 39 35 34 38

190 37 72 92 25 33 38 33 29 37

83.9 63.1 11.2 36.3 7.6 1.1 2.6 6.7 14.6 3.9

1179 100 64 145 23 33 39 35 34 38

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Prefectural urban population of Zhili in 1776. Unit: 1,000 people (cont.)

Prefecture

Tianjin Fu Hejian Fu Zhengding Fu Shunde Fu Guangping Fu Daming Fu Chengde Fu Zhangjiakou, Dushikou, and Dolon Nor

Empirical population 239 112 120 72 46 98 91 0

Model population 67 65 84 42 52 83 31 14

Difference rate (%) 71.9 41.8 29.8 42.1 11.9 15.0 65.9

Revised population 239 112 120 72 46 98 91 14

A comparison of the empirical and model urban population in Zhili in 1776, with the exclusion of Shuntian, Xuanhua, and Tianjin prefectures, reveals two sets of significantly different data with regard to Hejian Prefecture, on which the canal had a considerable impact, and Chengde, the summer resort for the Qing court. In other words, Hejian and Chengde were more flourishing in 1776 than in 1910. Apart from Zhangjiakou, Dushikou, and Dolon Nor, empirical data was applied to all prefectures, including Baoding and Shunde, despite an absence of a logical explanation of their significant data differences. The prefectural population was 2.484 million in total. 3

Henan

3.1 Empirical Research on the Urban Population 3.1.1 Kaifeng Biancheng choufang wulan (A Biancheng Organization and Defence Guide) recorded that the urban population of Kaifeng’s nine yu (village) in 1861 (Xianfeng 10th year) was 93,000. Given that the Yellow River flooded through Kaifeng and cut its population in 1841 (Daoguang 21st year), its urban population in 1776 could be set at 100,000, that is about half the population of 1910.5

5 Compilation committee of Records of Kaifeng. (1996). Kaifeng shi Zhi (Records of Kaifeng) (1) (p. 397). Kaifeng: Zhongzhou Ancient Books Publishing House. The book claims that Kaifeng

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3.1.2 The Capital of Henan Prefecture Xu (2003) conjectures that the population of Luoyang was about 75,000, based on the amount of silver that was donated by the merchants from Luzhou and Zezhou of Shanxi towards the construction of Shanxi-Shaanxi Guild Hall in 1756 (Qianlong 21st year). Luoyang was also an important commercial town, and a significant amount of cotton cloth, silks and satins, tobacco, and medicinal materials were transited from there to Shaanxi and Gansu. In the Daoguang period, there were over a thousand shops in the city which continued to expand alongside its urban population.6 3.1.3 The Capital of Guangshan County It was recorded in Volume 1 of Guangshan County Zhi Yuegao (Manuscripts of Records of Guangshan County) in the era of the Republic of China that there were 937 households and 4,039 residents in the east, west, south, and north streets as well as in the south neighborhood outside of the city gate in 1784 (Qianlong 49th year). The Capital of Lushan County 3.1.4 According to Volume 10 of Lushan County Zhi in the Jiaqing period, there were 16 bao, 72 jia, 698 households, and 4,000 inhabitants in Lushan county. 3.1.5 Other Prefectures and Counties It is feasible to set the urban population of Ruzhou and Nanyang prefectures in 1910 at 1.7 times bigger than the population of 1776. Huangchuan, the capital of Guangzhou had a huge population in 1776, presumably resulting from its status as the commercial center bordering Hubei, Anhui, and Henan and as the trade hub of the three provinces. Therefore, it is appropriate to set its population in 1776 at the same level as the population in 1910. As the rest of the prefectural capitals usually had a small population, we determine that their population figures in 1776 and 1710 are identical. For prefectures whose average urban population per county was above 10,000 inhabitants in 1910 including Zhangdu, Runing, and Nanyang but except Guangzhou, we determine that their population in 1776 was also the same as the population in 1910.

had a population of 122,000 in 1751 (Qianlong 16th year), but this is a doubtful figure because it is drawn from an unknown source. 6 Xu, T. (2003). Commerce in Luoyajng in the Mid Qing Dynasty—An investigation centering on inscriptions of Shanshaan Guild Hall, Journal of Tianjin Normal University, (4), 43–47.

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3.1.6 Commercial Towns According to Daqing Yitong Zhi, the inspection department was stationed in Zhuxian Town while Zhuxian Town, Foshan in Guangdong, Hankou in Huguang, and Jingde Town in Jiangxi were named the “four biggest towns in China” in the Qianlong period. Xu (2003) cited the research done by the locals stating that at its prime, Zhuxian Town had an area of 120 square li, that is, 30 square kilometers. Jiang Weitao (2015) studied the relation between the surface area of a town in Jiangnan and its population density by mapping on a scale of 1:100,000 according to the era of the Republic of China. He finds after excluding cities that had too much open ground in the urban area that there were about 6,000 people in every square kilometer in the least populated city in Jiangnan.7 If we assume that Zhujian Town had the same density in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), then it would have had a population of 180,000 people. However, it ceased to flourish, and the urban population plummeted after the Daoguang period because navigation was made difficult when the Jialu River was silted up. Despite that, Zhujian Town was populated enough to be listed as one of the central cities in China around 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). Zhoukou Town of Chenzhou Prefecture is not available in Daqing Yitong Zhi. According to Volume 1 of Shangshui County Zhi in the Qianlong period, “It was a crowd-gathering place, where a criss-cross of streets extended to the border of Huaining, connecting Yongning Marketplace. Home to over 10 li, it was bordered on three sides by rivers. Boats and vehicles converged in this town where tens of thousands of households resided. It was one of the largest cities in Henan Province.” The town had 15 li and an area of nearly four square kilometers, that is, about 22.2% the size of Zhuxian town. Given the population density, it ought to have had a population of around 24,000. Xu Tan (2003) cites Shangshui County Zhi in the Qianlong period maintaining that Zhoujiakou (including Yongning Marketplace) had 3,000 households with 15,000 residents in the early Qianlong years.8 Therefore, it was possible that up until 1776, Zhoukou town had a population of 24,000 inhabitants. Xu Tan (2003) concludes based on the records that there were 1,500 to 2,000 commercial stores across the town by 1838 (Daoguang 18th year). This means Zhoukou

7 Jiang, W. (2015). Estimate of urban population of Jiangnan in the Republic of China period based on topographic maps and GIS. Researches in Chinese Economic History. (4), 39–56. 8 Xu, T. (2003). Zhoukou, an important commercial town in Henan in the Qing Dynasty—A case analysis on commercial towns of Henan during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Journal of Chinese Historical Studies, (1), 131–143.

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Town should have reached its prime in the Daoguang period rather than the Qianlong period. 3.2 Empirical Population and Model Estimates With the exception of Kaifeng fu and Guide fu, the relation between the urban population of a prefecture in Henan and its total population in 1910 was obtained using the formular: Y = 0.0375X + 36.201 (R2 = 0.826)—close to the Hebei-Shandong-Henan model of Y =  0.0406X  +  22.411 (R2  =  0.826). See Table 22 for the empirical population and model estimates. In Zhangde, Weihui, Ruzhou, and Nanyang, the model estimates was almost the same as the empirical population. The result in Kaifeng, Henan, and Guide prefectures differed most significantly because for Kaifeng and Henan, they respectively governed Kaifeng and Luoyang, two of the largest cities in Henan, while Guide governed many important agricultural counties. Xiazhou, whose model estimates were far higher than the empirical, was the only region whose figures were hard to justify. The whole province, meanwhile, had an urban population of 1.524 million in 1776. Table 22

Prefectural urban population of Henan in 1776 (/1,000)

Prefecture

Empirical population

Model estimates

Difference rate (%)

Revised population

Zhangde Prefecture Weihui Prefecture Huaiqing Prefecture Kaifeng Prefecture Henan Prefecture Guide Prefecture Chenzhou Prefecture Xuzhou Ruzhou Xiahzou Runing Prefecture Guangzhou Prefecture Nanyang Prefecture

76 93 78 415 166 57 94 69 57 31 105 96 186

76 92 93 148 97 143 107 77 61 51 133 104 174

0 0.6 19.6 64.4 41.7 150.9 13.9 11.0 6.2 65.2 26.6 8.6 6.7

76 93 78 415 166 57 94 69 57 31 105 96 186

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4

371

Shanxi

4.1 Empirical Research on the Urban Population 4.1.1 Taiyuan It was impossible to find any information related to the urban population of Taiyuan. In the following paragraphs, it is explained that the capital of Datong had a population of 30,000 in the Qianlong period. So, based on this figure, the population of the capital of Taiyuan, which was also the provincial capital of Shanxi, is estimated to have been 50,000 in the Qianlong period. This figure is reasonable given that the population figure was 80,000 in 1910. 4.1.2 The Capital of Datong Fu According to Volume 9 of Datong County Zhi in the Daoguang period, there were 7,054 native households and 35,345 native inhabitants living in the county capital of Datong which was also the prefectural capital of Datong. That means there was an average of 5 people per household—a fairly accurate number. It is believed that the urban population would have been as low as 30,000 in the Qianlong period. 4.1.3 Jiangzhou City In Volume 4 of Zhili Jiangzhou Zhi, it was recorded in the Qianlong period that there were 3,665 households and 13,283 inhabitants in “four fangs across the city.” The capital of Jiangzhou had a population of merely 3,000 in 1910 because of the famine of the Guangxu period. That explains why the population of Puzhou, Jiezhou, and Jiangzhou is each set at 12,000 for the year 1776. 4.1.4 Other Prefectural Capitals The capitals of Pingyang and Zezhou had a population of 11,000 and 14,000 in 1910, respectively, presumably because they suffered less damage in or recovered quickly from the famine. Therefore, we set their population at 12,000 each in 1776. Despite being devastated, Zeping had a smaller population loss because it put great effort into disaster relief. Given that it had a population of 23,000 people in 1910, the population in 1776 ought to be set at 20,000. The same should apply to Lu’an Prefecture that had a population in 1910 of 40,000 with an average annual growth rate of 4‰. That means in 1776, its population would have been 24,000. Fenzhou and Guisui, for their parts, had an urban population of 66,000 and 77,000 in 1910 respectively, so their urban population should be set at 39,000 and 45,000 in 1776 given that they were commercially developed.

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Huozhou was hard hit by the famine leading to a huge population loss. The population of its capital and the average population of its county capitals were 4,000 and 3,000 in 1910 respectively, so we set the two at 5,000 and 4,000 in 1776. The population of Xizhou’s capital and the average population of its county capitals was 1,000 in 1910, but it ought to have remained unchanged in 1776 because of its remoteness. The population ranged from 3,000 to 6,000 people in the capitals of Ningwu, Liaozhou, Baode, and Xinzhou that were remote, and the less damaged Xinzhou, Daizhou and Shuoping prefectures in 1910. Likewise, their population figure should remain the same in 1776. Migration and further development in Inner Mongolia contributed to a large urban population of 77,000 in Guisui in 1910. Although Guisui established its status as a grain transit as early as 1776, it was not as flourished as in 1910. Therefore, its urban population is set at 10,000. 4.1.5 The Capital of Wenxi County According to the census in Volume 3 of Wenxi County Zhi in 1765 (Qianlong 30th year), there were 1,513 households and 7,035 inhabitants in 1763 (Qianlong 28th year). 4.1.6 The Capital of Jishan County According to Volume 2 of Jishan County Zhi in the Tongzhi period, Jishan County of Jiangzhou had a total of 1,542 households and 7,387 inhabitants “within the city,” averaging 4.8 people per household in 1766 (Qianlong 31st year) just like in the capital of Wenxi. 4.1.7 The Capital of Xiangning County According to Volume 4 of Xiangning County Zhi in the Republic of China period, Xiangning County of Pingyang Prefecture had a total of 819 households “in the urban and suburban areas” and 7,799 men “in their adulthood and teens” in 1775 (Qianlong 40th year). The county averaged as many as 9.5 people (excluding women) per household—extremely unreliable figures. The population of the capital of Xiangning County was probably 8,000. 4.1.8 The Capital of Pinglu County It was recorded in Volume 4 of Pinglu County Zhi in the Republic of China period that Pinglu county of Jiezhou had a total of 623 households and 4,169 inhabitants “within the city” in 1764 (Qianlong 29th year). This number appears to have accounted for the ding population rather than the population of both genders.

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4.1.9 The Capital of Qinshuihe Ting Tingshuihe Ting was one of the six Guisui Ting, located to the north of the Outer Great Wall. According to Volume 14 of Qingshuihe Ting Zhi in the Guangxu period, 3,000 people lived on the “street,” meaning this was the size of an ordinary county capital in the north of the Great Wall in Xuanhua Prefecture. 4.1.10 Other County Capitals Located at South Jindong and governed by Pingyang Prefecture, the capitals of Wenxi and three more counties had an average population of 7,000 in the Ming Dynasty. So, the population of the county capitals in Xinzhou and Daizhou is set at 5,000 each. However, the situation of Fenzhou is a little different. The population of each of its county capitals reached 27,000 in 1910, meaning the 1776 population figure should be set at 10,000. The population of the county capitals in prefectures having over 12,000 people would be set at 7,000 albeit with the exclusion of Datong and Guisui. The population of the county capitals of the two and the rest of the prefectures would be set at 2,000. Ordinary Cities and Towns 4.1.11 Shanxi had neither national central cities nor large towns. Daqing yitong zhi listed a total of 10 medium towns in Shanxi. They were Yuncheng and Zhangdian of Jiezhou, Yunzu town of Liaozhou, Yuanwo, Dongyang, Yongkang, and Wanghu towns of Taiyuan Prefecture, Longhua Town of Pingyang fu, Chugou town of Fenzhou, and Mishan town of Zezhu. Yuncheng town “had a busy salt industry for which people gathered, making it the most important place.” Yuncu town “was located 35 li west of Yushe county, and it had more marketplaces than cities and capitals.” Mishan Town, “located 10 li east of Gaoping county, had forts and it was connected to Zezhou and Luzhou. It was densely populated and crowded with merchants.” Though these towns were considered Shandong’s medium towns, we estimate their population to have only been 2,000. 4.2 Empirical Population and Model Estimates With the exception of Taiyuan, Feizhou, and Pingyang Prefectures, the relation between the urban population of a prefecture in Shanxi and its total population was obtained using the formular: Y = 0.0834X − 11.248 (R2 = 0.790)—very different from the Shanxi-Shaanxi model of Y = 0.0735X − 5.45 (R2 = 0.81). Due to the fact that the population was small in 1776, Xizhou and Guisui even had negative urban populations. That explains why the Shanxi-Shaanxi model is applied as outlined in Table 23.

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Table 23

Prefectural urban population in Shanxi in 1776 (/1,000)

Prefecture

Empirical population

Model estimates

Difference rate (%)

Revised population

Jiezhou Jiangzhou Puzhou Fu Pingyang Fu Xizhou Huozhou Zezhou Fu Lu’anzhou Qinzhou Liaozhou Fenzhou Fu Taiyuan Fu Pingding Fu Xinzhou Baodezhou Daizhou Ningwu Fu Datong Fu Shuoping Fu Guisui

42 47 54 84 5 17 42 66 10 10 111 120 34 18 5 28 11 48 15 22

42 50 60 86 3 17 50 53 11 9 110 129 36 18 4 28 10 46 30 3

0 6.2 10.8 2.7 40.0 1.9 19.1 20.4 10.1 14.9 1.1 7.8 5.2 0 26.7 1.3 9.2 3.9 101.3 87.7

42 47 54 84 5 17 42 66 10 10 111 120 34 18 5 28 11 48 15 22

Table 23 shows that there were still significant differences between the empirical population and model estimates in Shuoping and Guisui because they underwent migration and redevelopment. Therefore, the relation between the urban population and the total is not perceptible. As such, to obtain the revised population, the empirical population model is applied To sum up, Shanxi Province had a total urban population of 789,000 in 1776. 5

Shaanxi

Empirical Research on the Urban Population 5.1 5.1.1 Xi’an Xi’an, the provincial capital of Shaanxi, had two fuguo counties, Chang’an and Xianning. According to Volume 10 of Xianning County Zhi, in the Jiaqing period,

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there were 5,512 households and 34,002 inhabitants living in the city and the neighborhoods outside the city gate. On the contrary, the situation of Chang’an county remained unknown. According to Volume 21 of Xi’an Prefecture Zhi, in the Qianlong period, Xianning county and Chang’an had a population of 352,000 and 147,000 in 1778 (Qianlong 43rd year), respectively. So, the population of Chang’an was 41.8% compared to that of Xianning. Based on this proportion, there were 14,000 Chang’an’s residents in the capital of Xi’an Fu, bringing the total urban population of Xi’an to 48,000. In Qianlong 43rd year, the sex ratio of Xianning and Chang’an was 153.1, too high to be reliable given the women population was underestimated. Therefore, we estimate Xian’an had an urban population of 55,000 with a revised sex ratio of 110. Shi Hongshuai (2008) believes that the Manchu population was not taken into account in the calculation. There were 5,000 soldiers in Manchu city in Xi’an, meaning the population would have been 25,000 if the family members of the soldiers were included. Considering the average annual growth rate was 4‰, then in 1776, then the population would have been 42,000 inhabitants. Therefore, Xi’an would have had a non-Manchu population of approximately 97,000 inhabitants—similar to the Shi’s estimate.9 5.1.2 Qianzhou City Qianzhou was promoted to Zhili Zhou in the Yongzheng period. According to Volume 3 of Qianzhou Xinzhi, during the Yongzheng period, there were 1,000 households and 3,000 residents “on the east and west streets of the city;” there were another 9,000 households and 27,000 residents on the outskirts. Yet, instead of being considered actual population figures, “households and inhabitants” were meant to be “taxable units” in Kangxi 60th year. According to Qinjiang zhilue (Essentials of Administration in Shaanxi Province), the population of Qianzhou, in 1823 (Daoguang 3rd year), was 156,000—a reliable figure. At an average annual growth rate of 3‰, there should have been 135,000 residents in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). According to the data of 1721 (Kangxi 60th year), the number of households and residents on the east and west streets of the city made up 10.7% of the total population of Qianzhou. Therefore, Qianzhou would have had an urban population of 14,000 in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). 5.1.3 Other Prefectural Capitals The population of the capitals of Binzhou, Tongzhou, Fuzhou, and Yan’an is set at 14,000 each, the same as that of most prefectural capitals of Shanxi. Based 9

Shi, H. (2008). Research on the Urban Geography of Xi’an in Ming-Qing Times (pp. 406–423). Beijing: China Social Sciences Press.

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on the 1910 figures, the capital of Hanzhong Prefecture should have had a population of 24,000 in 1776, with an average annual growth rate of 4‰. For its part, the population of the capital of Fengxiang Prefecture is considered to be the same as that of Hanzhong Prefecture, while the population of the capital of Suide is set to be 5,000. For the capitals of Xing’an and Shangzhou that witnessed massive immigration, we determine their population to be one-third of that of 1910, i.e., 10,000 and 3,000 respectively. 5.1.4 The Capital of Yaozhou County According to Volume 4 of Xu Yaozhou Zhi, in the Qianlong 27th year, there were 8,039 households across the county and 1,685 households “on the four streets in the city,” meaning the urban population made up 21% of the total population. According to Volume 13 of Xi’an Prefecture Zhi, in the Qianlong period, Yaozhou had a population of 58,000 in 1778 (Qianlong 43rd year). Therefore, the urban population would have been 11,000, assuming it accounted for 20%. Of the 16 counties and zhou governed by Xi’an Fu in 1778 (Qianlong 43rd year), Yaozhou only exceeded Gaoling and Tongguan counties in population size. That means Yaozhou was certainly not a large county population-wise; it should have been small. Despite this fact, it was promoted to a Zhili Zhou in 1725 (Yongzheng 3rd year). The promotion was predominantly because of the large population of the prefecture. The population of the capitals of 13 counties, excluding Lantian county, should be set at 11,000 each in 1776,—a reasonable figure given the population figure was 13,000 in 1910. 5.1.5 The Capital of Lantian County Lantian was an ordinary county in Xi’an Prefecture. According to Volume 6 of Lantian County Zhi, in the Guangxu period, the county had a total population of 4,000, including native people, immigrants, and hired laborers. Immigrants would move to Lantian only in the late Qianlong, Jiaqing, and Daoguang years because it was located at the south border of the Guanzhong Basin and the north border of the mountainous areas of Southern Shaanxi. Therefore, the capital of Lantian county, excluding the immigrant population, should have been 2,000 in 1776. 5.1.6 The Capital of Baishui County According to Zhang Ping (2006), Baishui county of Tongzhou Prefecture had sparse market places, including only 10 stores or so in its bustling commercial district. The limited population means the prefecture could not be a large city. Likewise, the capital of Baihe county, in the early Qing Dynasty, was described as “barren everywhere with no city wall at all.” Only 108 stores turned out to

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donate to the city wall reparation in Jiaqing 1st year.10 Given this scenario, we determine it was hard for the urban population to reach 2,000. But it did reach 3,000 in the late Qing Dynasty when the population of county capitals averaged 6,000. Located east of the Guanzhong Basin, Tongzhou Prefecture was hit hard by the Guangxu Famine. Therefore, the population of its capital could be set at 10,000 in 1776. Based on this figure, the population of other county capitals can be estimated. 5.1.7 The Capital of Fufeng County According to Volume 4 of Fufeng County Zhi, in the Jiaqing period, there were 405 native households with 1,747 inhabitants and 82 immigrant households with 308 people including men, women, old, and young on the baojia list in Fufeng county of Fengxiang Prefecture in 1817 (Jiaqing 22nd year). The population barely reached the minimum number for the county to be considered a city. The population was probably lower in the Qianlong period. Regarding the densely populated Baoji county, the average population of the county capitals of Fengxiang Prefecture is set at 6,000 in 1776. In contrast, it was set at 5,000 in 1910. 5.1.8 The Capital of Anding County According to Volume 4 of Anding County Zhi, the capital of Anding county in Yan’an Prefecture had 631 “native households” with 2,706 inhabitants and 23 immigrant households with 200 people. Therefore, the population of the capital of Anding county might have been 2,000 in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), which is precisely the average population of the county capitals of Yan’an Prefecture in 1910. Therefore, the average population of the county capitals of Yan’an, Yulin, and Guisui is also set at 2,000. 5.1.9 The Capital of Shiquan County According to Volume 5 of Shiyuan County Zhi, in the Daoguang period, there were 1,155 households and 5,815 people in the city of Shiquan county of Xing’an Prefecture. In the county, there were a total of 12,000 households and 74,000 residents. However, according to Qinjiang zhilue, the population was 88,000 in 1823 (Daoguang 3rd year); the actual year is 1820 (Jiaqing 25th year), higher than the 10 Zhang, P. (2006). Diyu Huanjing Yu Shichang Kongjian–Ming Qing Shaanxi Quyu Shichang De Lishi Dilixue Yanjiu (Geographical environment and market space. A historical geographical research of the market in Shaanxi in the Ming and Qing Dynasties) (pp. 157–161). Beijing: The Commercial Press.

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figures recorded in Shiquan County Zhi. Because of over-farming and deforestation, the population of mountainous areas in Southern Shaanxi slumped in the mid-Jiaqing years, so the record of Shiquan County Zhi should be the registered population in the mid or late Daoguang period. Immigrants made up 16.8% of the total population of Fufeng county. However, in Shiquan county, an immigrant center, immigrants probably accounted for half of the urban population. If such was the case, then the capital of Shiquan county ought to have had a population of 3,000 in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). 5.1.10 Other Counties We set the population of county capitals of other prefectures in 1776 the same as that of 1910; for Shangzhou, Xing’an and Hanzhong, however, we set it at half the population of 1910. 5.1.11 Commercial Towns Daqing yitong zhi listed eight medium-sized towns (described as commercial towns) with description of their commerce s including Qindu and Chenlu of Xi’an fu; Zhaodu of Tongzhou fu; Linzhen and Shajia of Yan’an fu; and Lumo, Fenshi, and Haodian of Yan’an fu. Despite the commercial characteristics of Baizhi town of Yan’an fu in Daqing yitong zhi, the book actually maintained that “it used to be where merchants converged,” suggesting that the intense commercial activities of the town are a thing of the past. Zhang Ping (2006) does not include this information given that the county had no more than 100 stores. Similarly, in Huayin county of Tongzhou Prefecture, large towns were characterized as “having markets,” and none of the 216 small towns of Shaanxi had a minimum population of a city. This can be proved by local Records. According to Volume 2 of Fengxiang Prefecture Zhi in the Qianlong period, “Markets opened every day” both on the south street and the east pass of the capital of Fengxiang, and markets of the four towns under its jurisdiction opened on even or odd numbered days. That means they continued to be the “fairs” of South China. This way, the three towns characterized as business towns can only be considered small towns of Shangdong. Hence, we set the population of each town at 2,000 and we choose not to discuss the other 216 smaller towns, which we consider rural fairs, at this juncture. 5.2 Empirical Population and Model Estimates Excluding Xi’an Fu, the relation between the urban population of a prefecture of Shaanxi and its total population is calculated as: Y = 0.066X + 0.7436 (R2 = 0.8387), slightly different from the Shanxi-Shaanxi model of Y = 0.0735X − 

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Urban population of Shaanxi by prefecture in 1776 (/1,000 people)

Prefecture

Empirical population

Model estimates

Difference rate (%)

Revised population

Xi’an fu Tongzhou fu Fuzhou Xing’an fu Shangzhou Hanzhong fu Suidezhou Yulin fu Yan’an fu Fengxiang fu Binzhou Qianzhou

267 106 20 22 11 51 16 32 36 66 16 24

161 105 17 7 6 51 17 29 38 67 15 21

26.0 0.8 14.4 66.6 41.0 0.8 7.4 9.6 4.7 1.1 6.7 14.4

267 106 20 22 11 51 16 32 36 66 16 24

5.4489 (R2  =  0.810). See Table 24 for the empirical population and model estimates. The population of Xing’an Fu and Shangzhou, measured by the model, was small in 1776 when the influx of immigrants began. That is why the two sets of data differ considerably. So, the empirical population is applied to be the revised population of Shaanxi. To sum up, Shaanxi would have had an urban population of 667,000 in 1776. 6

Gansu

Gansu used to be part of Shaanxi Province; however, it was split from Shaanxi and Shaanxi Military Commission and the city of Lanzhou was upgraded to the provincial capital in the early Qing Dynasty. Therefore, it is impossible for Lanzhou city to have had a population as high as 50,000. We perceive it as a prefectural capital, so its population is set at 30,000. 6.1 The Capital of Liangzhou Fu Wuwei county was the fuguo county of Liangzhou Prefecture of Gansu, its capital being the prefectural capital. It was recorded in Volume 1 of Wuwei County Zhi, written in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), that there were 11,627 households

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and 27,537 inhabitants in the city. Therefore, the population of the capital of Liangzhou would have reached 30,000 by 1776. The population of the rest of the prefectural capitals is set at 25,000. 6.2 Jingjing Zhou City According to Volume 3 of Jingjing Zhou Zhi, written in 1746 (Qianlong 11th year), that there were 1,666 households and 13,366 kou living “on three streets” in Jingjing Zhou city of Pingliang Prefecture. “Households” here might refer to “adult males” in the early Qing Dynasty, while “kou” shall indicate the real population size. At an average annual growth rate of 2.5‰, the population probably increased to 14,000 in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). Therefore, the we set the standard population of the capital of Zhou at 12,000. The Capital of Heshui County 6.3 According to Volume 2 of Heshui County Zhi edited in the Qianlong years, there were 282 households “on the east and west streets and passes of the city” in 1761 (Qianlong 26th year) or earlier in Heshui county of Qingyang Prefecture, though the population remained unknown. That year, there were a total of 10,000 households and 55,000 inhabitants in the whole county—meaning there was a reasonable person per household. Given that its households were, indeed, residential, that would mean there would have been over a thousand residents. With the exclusion of administrative cities, Northwest China hardly had any pure commercial cities. The higher a city’s administrative rank was, the more functional was its commerce, and the more its urban population. That is why county-level cities had very low commercial status in Northwest China. 6.4 Other Prefectural Capitals and County Capitals Another reason why county-level cities in Gansu had a small population is the administrative promotion of some large zhou (county-level zhou)-level cities, similar to the situation in Shaanxi. Suzhou, Qinzhou, and Jiezhou were promoted to Zhili zhou. It is appropriate to set the population of the capitals of all Zhili Zhou and zhou at 12,000, and county capitals at an average 1,000. Among Gansu towns listed in Daqing yitong zhi, only Dongzhi town of Qingyang fu had was described as “a thoroughfare where trade flourished.” Mubo town, with a circumference of 6 li, or nearly 0.74 km, most probably had 5,000 residents. It is said that Bi town of Wen county, Jiazhou, had 114 stores, corresponding roughly to a population of 11,000.11 Bi town, also known as 11

See Statistical Tables of Agriculture and Commerce in Chapter 18 of this book for more information.

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Bikou town, was a wharf at the junction of Sichuan and Gansu where ferries entered the Jialing River along the Bailong River to Chongqing. But it is not found in the Qianlong version of Daqing yitong zhi, probably an omission. Its urban population in 1776 is set at 5,000. Due to the warfare in the Tongzhi years, there was a weak relation between the urban population of the prefecture of Gansu and its total population in 1910. Apart from Gongchang Prefecture and Ningxia Prefecture, the relation between the urban population of the remaining prefectures and its total in 1910 is calculated as: Y = 0.0576X + 7.5357 (R2 = 0.649). According to the results, the empirical population is significantly lower than the modelled population. Given that the Shaanxi model arrives at the same result, we apply the empirical population across the board. 7

Xinjiang

Zhang Jianjun (1999) has written articles based on the research conducted vis-à-vis the population of cities in Xinjiang in the Qianlong years.12 He quotes Xiyu dili tushuo (Geographical illustrated account of the Western Regions) that among the eight cities of Southern Xinjiang, Yarkent had a population of 12,000, Kashgar 9,000, Yengisar 8,000, Hotan 4,000, Aksu 3,000, and the rest less than 2,000. The urban population of these eight cities totaled 40,000. If the record is reliable, the urban population of these eight cities could have increased to 42,000. That accounted for 7.1% of the population of South Xinjiang, which was 590,000, in 1776 when the total provincial population was about 860,000. Based on the ratio, the urban population, with the partial exclusion of the military population of Northern Xinjiang, should have been 60,000. 12 Zhang, J. (1999). On the population size of cities of Xinjiang in the Qing Dynasty. Journal of Chinese Historical Geography (4).

Chapter 14

Urban Population in Southern China in the Mid-Qing Dynasty 1

Jiangsu

Empirical Studies on the Urban Population 1.1 1.1.1 Nanjing According to Vol. 8 of Jiangning Xian Zhi edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796), the household number of urban Jiangning county reached 41,000. However, the number of households in the cities under the jurisdiction of Shangyuan county is unknown. According to Vol. 2 of Gu Qiyuan’s (1565–1628) Ke Zuo Zhui Yu, the population of Jiangning district ( fang) accounted for 34.4% of the total population of Jiangning city in terms of the number of hu (household), which allows us to estimate that the household number of the urban Nanjing city during the Qianlong period (1736–1796) was close to 120,000. Then, if we assume that there was an average of 4 people per household, then the population of Nanjing city was around 480,000. The above-cited Vol. 8 of Jiangning Xian Zhi also mentions that “the number of unregistered population in the region is higher than the indigenous population,” which indicates that a significant proportion of the inhabitants were not accounted for in the current number. Based on the analysis in Chapter 7 of this book, we estimate that the urban population of Nanjing was up to 853,000 during the Qianlong period (1736–1796). In addition, we estimate that the population of Nanjing city in 1853 (Xianfeng 3rd year), including the “some 900,000” registered people1 and the unregistered ones, could have exceeded one million. 1.1.2 Suzhou The urban population of Suzhou was up to 500,000 in the late Ming Dynasty. However, because of the pneumonic plague in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, and the war in the early Qing Dynasty, the population of Suzhou city declined to about 200,000. With the development of the silk weaving industry, the printing and dyeing industry, and other handicrafts in the Qing Dynasty (1636–1912), Suzhou quickly restored its status as a central city of handicraft in 1 (The Tongzhi period 1862–1874). Xianfeng San Nian Yilai Bing Shi. Shangyuan Jiangning Liang Xian Zhi (Vol. 18).

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004688933_015

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China. It is estimated that by the middle of the Qing Dynasty, the urban population of Suzhou reached 500,000. 1.1.3 Yangzhou The population of Yangzhou city plummeted after the Yangzhou Massacre (also known as the 10-Day Yangzhou Massacre), which was the mass killings of civilians in Yangzhou by Manchu forces in 1645. The remaining population was so small that Yangzhou could barely be referred to as a city. With the development of the salt economy in the Kangxi period (1662–1722) and the Yongzheng period (1723–1735) of the Qing Dynasty, the population of Yangzhou, which had become the center of the salt economy, increased. During the Qianlong (1736–1795) and Jiaqing (1796–1820) periods, many tradesmen lived among civilians, making the household number of Yangzhou city exceed several hundred thousand at at one point. We estimate that under normal conditions, Yangzhou city would have had about 100,000 households including 450,000 in the urban area. 1.1.4 Huai’an Huai’an prefectural city, located on the border of the line north and south China, was an important city for river regulation (he), river transportation (cao), salt economy (yan), and the garrison (guan). According to existing literature, Huai’an was not damaged severely in the early Qing turmoil, and therefore, its total population did not change significantly. After the garrisons were abolished, the military population became civilian, and Huai’an became more a commercial rather than a military base. The area known as Xihuzui (west lake mouth), which was located in the near-by region outside the city gate of Huai’an, became increasingly prosperous, in fact more prosperous than in the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644). According to findings of Wang Zhenzhong, the prosperity of this new urban region,2 in comparison with the situations in the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644), probably increased the population of Huai’an city to 200,000. 1.1.5 Qingjiangpu In the mid-Ming Dynasty, the Yellow River flooded into Huaibei plain causing low water levels in the branches between Qingjiangpu and Xuzhou and, to the north, in the canals of the south and north of Shandong. To guarantee the transportation of public agricultural produce, the Ming government banned 2 Wang, Z. (1996). Ming Qing Hui Shang Yu Huaiyang Shehui Bianqian (p. 78). Beijing: san lian shu dian.

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the transport of all official, trading, and civilian boats in these river courses. All people traveling between the north and the south by these boats had to change to land transportation at Qingjiangpu or the Wangyingzhen town across the bank. As a result, Qingjiangpu became the center of transportation between the north and the south. It was recorded that in Qiangjiangpu: “Boats and carts were everywhere, many hired by officials. All hustling and bustling. The markets along both sides of the river extended for dozens of miles.” In terms of the size of the city, the residential population probably reached 200,000. Qingjiangpu reached its heyday with the re-establishment of Qinghe as an administrative county in 1761 (Qianlong 26th year).3 1.1.6 Yizheng Like Huai’an, Yizheng did not suffer from the turmoil of the transition between the Ming and Qing dynasties. Therefore, its population level was preserved. In the early Qing Dynasty, Yizheng, functioning as a transport center for salt in the south of Huaihe River, continued to maintain the prosperity of the Ming Dynasty. It was recorded that “in Yizheng, there were no less than tens of thousands of employed workers”4 in the salt transport industry alone. According to Vol. 15 of Yizheng Xian Zhi edited in the Daoguang period (1821–1850), Yizheng had 370,000 registered inhabitants, including a farming population that accounted for “less than 30 or 40 percent while the rest of the population was employed in the salt industry.” Therefore, we can estimate that the workers and urban population were around 243,000. There is no doubt that the regular urban population of Yizheng surpassed 200,000. Back in the Qianlong period (1736–1796), the residential population of urban Yizheng would have been around 150,000. 1.1.7 Zhenjiang Zhenjiang, located in the north end of the Jiangnan Canal, was a north-south exchange hub. It was documented that, in 1858 (Xianfeng 8th year), the population of Zhenjiang was about 330,000, then it dropped to only some 100,000 after Taiping Heavenly War (1851–1864) even though later, the numbers rose year after year to their initial level. Wang Shuhuai questioned the accuracy of these numbers, arguing “it can be estimated that the population was larger before the war.”5 It is clear that the population of Zhenjiang city was larger 3 Huaiyin shi difang zhi Compilation Committee (Ed.). (1995). Huaiyin Shi Zhi (p. 16). Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences. In Qianlong 40th year, Qingjiangpu had a population of 540,000. The source of data is unclear. 4 Li, Tizhai. (1958). Zhenzhou Zhu Zhi Ciwu. Taibei: Zhonghua Congshu Weiyuanhui. 5 Wang, S. (1985). Zhongguo Xiandai Hua De Quyu Yanjiu: Jiangsu Sheng (p. 493). Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica.

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than that of an average prefectural city. We, therefore, estimate that, in the Qianlong period (1736–1796), the population might have reached 150,000. 1.1.8 Other Prefectural Cities The population of such canal cities as Tianjin, Linqing, Jining, Qingjiangpu, Huai’an, Yizheng, and Zhenjiang was about 150,000 to 200,000 each. We know that, in 1910, Xuzhou city had a population of 32,000. Therefore, if we assume that the average annual growth rate was 3.4‰, we can estimate that in 1776, the city had a population of around 20,000. Similiarly, knowing that in 1910 Changzhou and Taicang fu (prefecture) had about 100,000 and 25,000 urban residents respectively, we can calculate that in 1776, the population of the two cities was 63,000 and 16,000 respectively. County Cities under Taizhou and Jiangsu 1.1.9 First, with regard to Taizhou under Yangzhou fu (prefecture), according to Vol. 9 of Taizhou Zhi edited in the Daoguang period (1782–1850), the verified population of “the city itself” (bencheng) in 1775 (Qianlong 40th year) was 11,411 households and about 50,000 residents. We know that in 1910, Taizhou city had a population of 79,000 with an urban population average annual growth rate of 3.4‰ from 1776 to 1910. From the beginning of the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644), just like in Gaoyou county, the urban population of Xinghua county under Yangzhou fu (prefecture) grew significantly due to the rise of the salt industry. In 1910, the average urban population of Gaoyou, Baoying, and Guanyun counties was around 37,000, about half of that of Taizhou. Haimen county had an urban population of 25,000, and the county cities under Xuzhou fu (prefecture) had an average of 17,000 inhabitants. Using the urban population number of Taizhou as the baseline, we can then estimate that in 1776, Tongzhou city had some 50,000 inhabitants, and the counties under Yangzhou fu (prefecture) had an average of 25,000 inhabitants on average. In addition, knowing that the population of the counties under Huai’an was 19,000 on average in 1910, 16,000 under Haimen, and 11,000 under Xuzhou, we can estimate that in 1776, the counties under these three prefectures had about 12,000, 10,000, and 7,000 inhabitants respectively. It is noteworthy that, during the Qing Dynasty (1636–1912), Guanyun was still under Haizhou, not yet an administrative county. Therefore, we can still assume that the size of Haizhou county was the same as that of Yangzhou county. 1.1.10 County Capitals under Wujiang, Jinshan, and Sunan According to Vol. 4 of Wujiang Xian Zhi edited in 1747 (Qianlong 12th year), Wujiang county had a total of 2,000 households and about 10,000 residents.

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If we assume the average annual growth rate was 3.4‰, we can conclude that, by 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the urban population was around 11,000. In 1910, we understand that the counties under Suzhou, Zhenjiang, Songjiang, Taicang, and Jiangning fu (prefectures) had an average of 34,000, 30,000, 27,000, 23,000, and 15,000 inhabitants, respectively, (including the population of the county cities and towns). If we use the number from Wujiang city as a baseline, we deduce that in 1776, the counties under Zhenjiang, Songjiang, Taicang, and Jiangning had about 10,000, 9,000, 7,000, and 5,000 inhabitants, respectively. This estimation can be supported by existing literature. Jinshan was established as an administrative county under Zhujingzhen town in 1726 (Yongzheng 4th year). According to Vol. 3 of Ye Mengzhu’s Yue Shi Bian, in the early Qing Dynasty, Zhujingzhen town already had “tens of thousands of homes,” and by the Qianlong period (1736–1796) the town was “crowded with people and tradesmen and it had an urban atmosphere.” In 1910, as a result of the industrialization of Wuxi and Jiangyin counties, the average population of a county under Changzhou fu (prefecture) reached 46,000. We then can estimate that in 1776, the population of each county was around 11,000. 1.1.11 Commercial Cities and Towns In this section, towns with over 5,000 inhabitants are considered medium, while those with over 10,000 inhabitants are considered large. There were also some “zhen” (town) or “shi” (city) that were relatively less-known and economically inactive, having only a few hundred inhabitants and a population of only about 2,000. In this section, we have left out towns having a population of less than 400 households, considering that these towns were too small. In addition, we have not included Yuecheng, Banshanqiao, Fengqiao, and Shantang as cities or towns of their own, given that they were considered as part of Suzhou city. If we compare A General Record of Jiangnan edited in 1736 (Qianlong 1st year) and Daqing Yitong Zhi edited in 1778 (Qianlong 43rd year) with the other local histories or gazetteers, we can estimate the population and the sizes of the commercial cities and towns in Jiangsu in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year). 1.1.12 Suzhou Fu See Table 25 for the cities and towns listed under Suzhou fu respectively in Jiangnan Tongzhi (The General Records of Jiangnan) edited in the Qianlong period and Daqing Yitong Zhi edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796). According to Jiangnan Tong Zhi edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796), there were seven towns, including the patrol divisions (xunjiansi), in Wuxian county, but Daqing Yitong Zhi edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796) recorded three more towns. The two patrol divisions, Dongshan and Jiaotou,

Urban Population in Southern China in the Mid-Qing Dynasty Table 25

Wuxian Changzhou Yuanhe Kunshan Xinyang Changshu Zhaowen Wujiang Zhenze

387

Cities and towns under Suzhou in the Qianlong period (1736–1796)

Jiangnan Tong Zhi edited in the Qianlong period

Daqing Yitong Zhi edited in the Qianlong period

Hengtang, Mudu, Guangfu, Shexia, Wutaxun, Dongshanxun, Jiaotouxun Xushuguan, Zhouzhuang, Lumu, Tangpu, Jinshu, Huangdaishi, Wumushi, Yinshanshi Luzhi, Weiting, Likou Shipu, Bachengxun, Qiandun, Banshanqiaoshi, Wujiaqiaoshi Penglang Huangsipu, Fushan, Tangshi, Tianzhuang, Liantangshi Meili, Baimaogangxun, Zhitang, Laoxu, Dongjiabangxinshi, Lishi Fenhu, Shengze, Tongli, Lili Zhenze, Pingwang, Meiyan

Jiancun, Hengjin, Wangting Chenmu

Qiuxu, Siqiao

Qing’an, Xupu

Bachi Yanmu

Note on the figures of the cities and towns under Suzhou fu (prefecture): The italicized names in the A General Record of Jiangnan column are not recorded in Daqing Yitong Zhi. Those that appear in the Daqing Yitong Zhi column are also not recorded in Jiangnan Tong Zhi. The same applies to the tables below.

were located in the east and west mountains of the Dongting River. Both were densely populated by people who earned their livelihood working in various trades. Therefore, these two patrol divisions can be counted as city-level towns. We can confirm the existence of four towns under Changzhou county. We did not find records of two towns, Tangpu and Jinshu, which were mentioned in Jiangnan Tong Zhi. This is also true for Wumu and Yinshan cities. According to Fan Shuzhi’s research,6 in Huangdi town, “most of the people in the town lived by growing rice,” and he also mentioned that the women were engaged in handicraft making, so the town had many shops. In short, we count Huangdi as one of the towns.

6 Fan, S. (2005). Jiang Nan Shi Zhen: Chuantong De Biange (pp. 123–151). Shanghai: Fudan daxue Publishing House.

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Yuanhe county only had three towns. According to Vol. 4 of Yuan He Wei Tin Zhi edited in the Daoguang period (1821–1850), in the early years of the Qing Dynasty, there were “hundreds of thousands of houses,” and the region reached its heyday in the Qianlong (1736–1795) and Jiaqing (1796–1820) periods, having “cropland after cropland, thousands of thousands of houses.” Based on the size of Shengze town, we estimate that the population of Weiting town was no less than 20,000. We can confirm the existence of three towns under Changshu county. Fan Shuzhi has cited records of Taishu city from Jiangnan Tong Zhi, maintaining, “In the Qianlong era, although Tangshu was called a city, it was, actually, a town. It was listed at the time among the four big towns of Changshu and Zhaowen. It had the scale of a county-level city.” Therefore, we count it in, but as a middle-scale town because we are not certain it could be categorized as a large town. We can only confirm the existence of two towns under Zhaowen county. Daqing Yitong Zhi shows records of Zhitang. However, Fan Shuzhi noted in his research that the perimeter of the town was about 5 li, and that the town had 3,000 households. Therefore, we can estimate that the town had about 15,000 people. At 575 meters per li, the town occupied a surface area of 0.5 square kilometers. That means the population per square kilometer was as high as 30,000. Nevertheless, Jiang Weitao’s research maintains that in the Republic of China (1912–1949), only four counties, Yixing, Wujin, Liyang, and Wuxi, had a population of or over 30,000 per square kilometer in the Jiangnan region. The population of counties like Chuansha, Danyang, and Jiashan was about 15,000 per square kilometer; for counties like Kunshan, Jiangyin, and Pinghu it was only 5,000 per square kilometer.7 Therefore, the population of Zhitang town appears to be questionably dense. In the following part, we will make estimates, assuming that in these regions there were 10,000 to 15,000 people per square kilometer. According to Jiangnan Tong Zhi edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796) and Qianlong Yitong Zhi, there were five towns, Fenhu, Shengze, Tongli, Lili, and Bachi, under the jurisdiction of Wujiang county. On the other hand, Wujiang Xian Zhi edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796) maintains that in addition to Shengze, Tongli, Lili, and Bachi, there were also two other towns, i.e. Huxu and Zhangliantang, and four cities, i.e. Xinhang, Huangxi, Tuncun, Jiangnan. However, Fenghu town was not included. Records show that Lili town had about 2,500 households, Zhangliantang also had several thousands 7 Jiang, W. (2015). Ji Yu Dixing Tu Ziliao Yu GIS De Minguo Jiangnan Chengshi Renkou Gusuan. Zhongguo Jingji Shi Yanjiu, (4), 39–56.

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of households, and Huangxi had 2,000 households. All were large towns. Meanwhile, Bachi8 city only had 200 households and was recorded in Daqing Yitong Zhi as a town. It, therefore, can be said that Bachi town witnessed significant population growth during the Qianlong period (1736–1796). The household numbers for Jiangnan and Xinhang were both 1,000 meaning they were medium-size towns. Finally, Tuncun had several hundreds of households, which allowed it to be counted as an average-size city or town. In total, therefore, we count these six cities and towns. According to Yan Ge, Volume I of Shenghu Zhi9 edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796), “Nowadays, there are hundreds of thousands of households here, a hundred times more than in the past. It’s as bustling as the Changmen gate districts in Suzhou.” Here, the “hundreds of thousands of households” included the nearby countrysides. However, if we take into account the floating population, we can confidently estimate that the population of Shengze town in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year) was over 30,000. Nevertheless, according to Shenghu Zhi edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796), the whole town covered only an area of one or two li, and according to Shenghu Zhi edited in the Tongzhi period (1862–1874), “the area covered no more than two or three li.” This means that the town covered an area of about 2 square kilometers. If we assume a population of 15,000 per square kilometer, the population would then be around 30,000. According to Vol. 4 of Zhenze Xian Zhi edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796), Zhenze county had about 2,500 households and a population as high as 15,000 if the floating population is included. According to the same source, Meiyan, Tanqiu, and Yanmu cities had respectively 500, 250, and 200 households. The fact that Daqing Yitong Zhi only mentioned Yanmu indicates that the population of Yanmu increased during the Qianlong period (1736–1796). In short, we can confirm the existence of 40 towns from the records of Jiangnan Tong Zhi edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796) and Daqing Yitong Zhi edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796). Now, if we include the six towns from Wujiang Xian Zhi edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796), that would be the total number of 46 towns under Wujiang county. Among these 46 towns, six towns, i.e. Shengze, Weiting, Lili, Zhenze, Zhitang, Huangxi, were large, seven towns, i.e. Luzhi, Zhouzhuang, Tongli, Jiangnan, Luxu, Xinhang, Pingwang, and Tangshi were medium size, and the rest were small. In Appendix 8, the population of the large towns is accounted for based on their calculated totalities, 8 Translator’s note: Bachi (八赤), also known as 八斥. 9 Section Yange in Shenghu Zhi (Shenghu Records).

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with the medium towns having an average of 5,000 inhabitants per town and the small ones an average of 3,000 per town. This calculation is based on the assumption that each town was about 0.33 square kilometers (a li a town) capable of accommodating 3,000 people on average. A comparison of Jiangnan Tong Zhi and Daqing Yitong Zhi indicates that the numbers of towns missing from both records were roughly the same. Therefore, our study of the other cities and towns in Jiangsu province was also largely based on Daqing Yitong Zhi, with reference to Jiangnan Tong Zhi. The comparison is omitted here. For the detailed numbers, see Appendix 8. We assume an average population of 3,000 people per city or town for the small cities and towns under Suzhou and Songjiang fu (prefectures), only an average population of 1,000 for the 40 small cities and towns under Huai’an fu (prefecture), and 2,000 for the cities and towns in the other districts. 1.2 Empirical Population and Model Estimates The equation indicates the relationship between the urban population against the prefectural population in Jiangsu, Anhui, and Zhejiang provinces in 1910: Y = 0.0932X − 0.4729 (R2 = 0.6754). The above equation has already taken into consideration the urban population of Jiangsu, Anhui, and Zhejiang provinces. Therefore, in theory, using this model to estimate the urban population in 1776 can save us from calculating the urban population of the prefectural cities and towns. However, due to the Taiping Heavenly War (1851–1864), the population of the southeastern regions significantly declined as a result of the destruction of many towns and cities. We have decided to adopt a tentative calculation approach to focus on the numbers of towns and cities, not the population. This is because this book sometimes takes 1949 as a starting point of reference in the attempt to restore the urban population of 1910. Only, we understand that by this time, a considerable number of towns and cities had become desolated or were destroyed as a result of the Japanese invasion. The largest difference between the empirically confirmed number and the model estimation concerns the population of Haimenting. Between the late Qing Dynasty and the Republic of China (1912–1949), with the blockage of the northern branch of the Yangtze River near Chongming Island, the Qidong deltaic plain was formed, and a large number of people moved in. This influx led to an increase in the urban population which, in turn, affects our calculation of the total population. Therefore, in our revision of the population data, we have decided to utilize empirically confirmed numbers. By 1910, the Xuzhou fu (prefecture) was still a traditionally agricultural region that had a low proportion of its population involved in industrial and commercial activities. This

Urban Population in Southern China in the Mid-Qing Dynasty Table 26

391

Population of cities and towns in Jiangsu by prefectures in 1776. Unit: /1,000 people

Fu (prefecture)

Empirical population

Model estimates

Difference ratio (%)

Correction

Jiangning Yangzhou Tongzhou Haimenting Haizhou Xuzhou Huai’an Suzhou Songjiang Zhenjiang Changzhou Taichang

883 615 150 10 60 97 285 706 176 171 170 148

367 480 168 53 96 275 245 476 212 164 290 132

58.5 21.9 12.1 426.5 59.7 183.3 14.2 32.6 20.3 3.8 70.5 10.7

883 615 168 53 60 97 285 706 176 171 170 148

explains the large differences between the two columns of data. On the contrary, in Changzhou and Songjiang, and Wuxi and Shanghai, the urban population grew rapidly, hence the significant differences among the data of these regions. In summary, the population of Jiangsu province in 1776 was 3,532,000. 2

Zhejiang

2.1 Empirical Studies on the Urban Population 2.1.1 Hangzhou A detailed documentation of the demographics in the early years of the Qing Dynasty (1636–1912) is missing and what could be found is documentation after the Taiping Heavenly War (1851–1864). Records on the aftermath of the war maintain that the population of Hangzhou was reduced from 600,000 to only 70,000 after the War.10 It, therefore, can be estimated that the urban population of Hangzhou during the Qianlong period (1736–1796) was about 500,000.

10 Xu, Y. (1988). Liang Zhe Shishi Cong Gao (p. 219). Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji Publishing House.

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2.1.2 Jiaxing Prefectural City During the Wanli period (1573–1620) of the Ming Dynasty, the number of households in Jiaxing reached 10,000. Chen Xuewen notes in his research that, according to Dong Shi Jia Pu (Dong’s Genealogy) from 1619 (Wanli 47th year), in the South Lake (nanhu) region, there are “10,000 houses near the lake, one row after another, indeed a grand scene.” The population might have been even larger during the Qianlong period (1736–1796). We estimate that the urban population, at the time, could be around 70,000. However, a significant proportion of the urban population died during the Taiping Heavenly War (1851–1864). In 1928, the urban population of Jiaxing city grew to 100,000 because the industry and commerce sector prospered after the opening of the Shanghai-Hangzhou railway. Ningbo Prefectural Capital 2.1.3 According to Yinxian Zhi: Yu Di Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949), the population of Yinxian county in 1855 was 214,000, which grew to 650,000 in 1912 and to 730,000 in 1928. The same source notes that the total urban population of Ningbo, in 1912, was close to 147,000 and in 1928, it increased to 212,000.11 Therefore, the average annual growth rate of the population in the inner city and nearby area was 23.1‰. If we assume that the average annual population growth rate from 1855 to 1912 was 10‰, we can estimate that the urban population of Ningbo in 1855 was about 83,000. With an average annual growth rate of 4‰, the Ningbo prefectural city probably had about 61,000 inhabitants in 1776. As one of the five treaty ports, Ningbo has witnessed rapid population growth in modern times. Wenzhou Prefectural Capital 2.1.4 Li Guoqi mentions in his research that records from Zhong Guo Kun Yu Xiang Zhi edited in 1906 (Guangxu 32nd year) show that Wenzhou prefectural city had about 80,000 people. Taking into account the impact of the Taiping Heavenly War (1851–1864) and assuming the average annual growth rate 2‰, we can estimate that the population in 1776 was 63,000. 2.1.5 Other Prefectural Capitals By analogy, we set the population of Shaoxing prefectural city in 1776 at 70,000; Huzhou at 60,000; Jinhua, Quzhou, and Taizhou all at 30,000; and Chuzhou and Yanzhou at 20,000. The situation in Taizhou was somewhat special. Considering that Haimen could also be considered as a part of the 11 Li, G. (1985). Zhongguo Xiandai Hua De Quyu Yanjiu: Min Zhe Tai Diqu (p. 440). Taipei: Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica.

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prefectural city, we can determine that the population of Taizhou city was 60,000 inhabitants. 2.1.6 Kaihua County Capital In the middle of the Qing Dynasty, the regions in Zhejiang started to separate their records of the urban and the rural population. Overall, the “ding” in these records, albeit with some exceptions, refers to the tax-paying population inherited from the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644). According Vol. 4 of Kaihua County Zhi edited in 1795 (Qianlong 60th year), in Qianlong 60th year, “the actual hu that paid the taxes” (wanfu shizai hu) was 25,412 and the number of “kou” (mouths) was 36,084 including the “urban population” (shimin renkou) that was 998 kou. We can tell from the regular person-per-household ratio that this “kou” did not certainly refer to the population. Records of Vol. 5 of Kaihua County Zhi edited in the Guangxu period (1875–1908), maintain that in 1885 (Guangxu 11th year), Kaihua county had 29,745 “hu” and 133,519 “kou”, which makes a person-per-household ratio of 4.5. We, therefore, can determine that here the “hu” and “kou” actually referred to the household and the population. A comparison of the household and the population data from the Guangxu period (1875–1908) shows that the “hu” records from the Qianlong period (1736–1796) are credible. Thus, we ascertain that, during the Qianlong period (1736–1796), Kaihua county had 3,000 inhabitants. Also, in 1885 (Guangxu 11th year), the county had 582 urban households (chengshi min) and 2,641 adult and underage people (daxiao ding)—the same figures as in the Qianlong period (1736–1796). 2.1.7 Xianju County Capital According to Vol. 4 of Taizhou Fu Zhi edited in the Republic of China (1912–1949), the population of Xianju county in 1869 (Tongzhi 8th year) was 12,000. Based on these figures, we can estimate that in 1776 (Qianlong 41st year), the population was around 10,000. 2.1.8 Other County Capitals In 1910, the population of the county cities or towns under the jurisdiction of Yanzhou, Chuzhou, and Quzhou was 7,000, 8,000, and 11,000, respectively. The population figure of Quzhou was significantly large, mainly because Jiangshan county town, which was under Quzhou’s jurisdiction, had a population as high as 22,000. According to our estimation, the population of each county under Hangzhou and Wenzhou fu (prefectures) could be set at 14,000. For the counties in Taizhou, Huzhou, and Shaoxing the population could be set at 17,000, 19,000, and 21,000 respectively; and for Jiaxing, Ningbo, and Jinhua at 30,000, 32,000, and 35,000 respectively. As for the regions that experienced severe

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devastation from the Taiping Heavenly War (1851–1864), we cannot use their post-war population data to estimate their population in 1776. We can only use the 1776 data as the post-war population in most of these regions, assuming that the numbers were close. If we consider that the annual growth rate was 3‰ in Jiaxing, Ningbo, Jinhua, and Quzhou, then we can estimate the population of the county cities and towns under these fu (prefectures) in 1776. 2.1.9 Commercial Cities and Towns Like any organic being, the liveliness of a city and town can wax and wane. Fan Shuzhi has discovered that there are discrepancies in the population records after comparing the data of the local histories and gazetteers of Zhejiang cities and towns and Daqing Yitong Zhi edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796). For instance, according to Fan, Fancun city under Hangzhou fu (prefecture) grew into a town in the late Ming Dynasty but later, it shrank to a city. Other examples include Wangdian, Xinfeng, Zhongdai, and Xinhang under Jiaxing. Fan considers the first one as a “huge town” ( ju zhen) and the latter three average-scale towns. In Daqing Yitong Zhi edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796), these four towns are said to be “regions where merchants and tradesmen gather” and can be considered medium-sized cities and towns with a population of about 5,000 people. Wangjiangjing town, which already had some 7,000 households in the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644), was not mentioned in Daqing Yitong Zhi edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796). On the contrary, it was maintained in Vol. 1 of Wen Chuan Zhi Gao that, after the Qianlong period (1736–1796) and the Jiaqing period (1796–1820), the town had tens of thousands of households until it was set on fire by the soldiers during the Xianfeng period (1851–1861). Therefore, we count Wangjiangjing town as a large town with a population of 28,000 people. Similarly, Xincheng, Shimen, Puyuan, Wuqing, and Nanxun Xinshi, and other towns under Huzhou, which had already had tens of or several thousands of households each in the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644), were all counted by Fan as large-sized towns. Therefore, we also set their population at 28,000 each, even though in Daqing Yitong Zhi edited in the Qianlong period (1736–1796), they were considered as average-sized towns. We regard Zhapu, whose “city walls extended more than nine miles and into the land beyond,” as a large town. Considering that Wuqing town was co-administered by Jiaxing and Huzhou fu (prefectures), we count it as half a town for each prefecture. The data of Shuanglin town under Huzhou fu (prefecture) is worthy of a closer investigation. According to Vol. 18 of Shuanglin Zhen Zhi edited in the

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Republic of China (1912–1949), during the Chongzhen period (1628–1644), the town area, that is, the area within the “four gates” (si zha yi nei), was populated by approximately 16,000 inhabitants. The town lost a tenth of its population in the early Qing Dynasty, but the number soon recovered and grew to 21,000. In 1853 (Xianfeng 3rd year), a census was carried out, which tallied the population of Shuanglin at 15,000. Taking into account the population changes and migration, we determine that the most reasonable estimate of the population of Shuanglin town in 1776, is 28,000. For details of the population figures, see Appendix 8. In Ningbo fu (prefecture), Guoqusuo, Qiancangsuo, Longshansuo, and Chuanshansuo, where the inspection division was set up, can be all considered as small towns. All these four garrisons became cities that extended for 3–4 li around them, and which were populated by some 3,000 to 4,000 inhabitants. The city around Changguo garrison covered about 1 square kilometer and had about 10,000 residents. Therefore, it can be considered as a medium town. This means we can conclude that Ningbo had 19 town-level districts, including 13 towns and 6 large salt fields. Notice that counting salt fields as towns is important to ensure the accuracy of our estimation of the population of the southeast coastal areas. 2.2 Empirical Population and Model Estimates Here, by leaving out the statistics of small towns, we apply the same measuring standards that we used when calculating the urban population of Jiangsu province. The relationship between the urban population and the population of the three provinces of Jiangsu, Anhui, and Zhejiang in 1910 can be expressed in the following equation: Y  =  0.0932X  −  0.4729 (R^2  =  0.6754). Luzhou, Yingzhou, and Fengyang fu (prefectures) are not included in the estimates regarding Anhui province. Similarly, Hangzhou fu (prefecture) is also left out in the estimates regarding Zhejiang. The empirically confirmed population and the Model Estimates are listed in Table 27. In Table 27, the biggest differences between the empirically confirmed population and the model estimates are found in the statistics of Yanzhou, Shaoxing, and Quzhou. Our investigation suggests that this is fundamentally caused by the abnormally high population numbers of these three fu (prefectures) in 1776 in comparison with their respective numbers in 1910. Therefore, except for Hangzhou, we used the smaller numbers when correcting the statistics of these prefectures. In summary, the population of Zhejiang in 1776 was 2.783 million.

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Table 27

Population of towns and cities in Zhejiang province by prefectures in 1776. Unit: 1,000 people

Fu (prefecture)

Empirical population

Model estimates

Difference (%)

Correction

Hangzhou Jiaxing Huzhou Yanzhou Shaoxing Ningbo Chuzhou Quzhou Jinhua Wenzhou Taizhou

608 354 236 55 196 178 92 59 193 133 190

249 219 200 118 391 173 80 95 190 154 204

59.0 38.2 15.4 115.2 99.5 2.7 13.2 59.3 1.6 15.5 7.2

608 219 200 55 196 173 80 59 190 133 190

3

Anhui

Due to a lack of any recorded data from 1776, this section adopts an analogical approach to estimate the population of each prefectural city of Anhui province using the 1910 data as the basis for the 1776 urban population. We know that, in 1910, Anqing prefectural city had a population of 138,000. This leads us to estimate that the population in 1776 was 100,000. The population of Yingzhou and Fengyang fu, which was not affected by the Taiping Heavenly War (1851–1864), remained stable. Therefore, we set their population in 1910 as 53,000 and 28,000, respectively. This allowed us to estimate that, in 1776, the population of the two prefectural cities of Yingzhou and Fengyang was 50,000 and 25,000, respectively. For the other prefectural cities, we set the population at 30,000 each. The data at the county level is more complicated due to the large number of county cities and the variations of their sizes. It is assumed that in areas that experienced the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom War (1851–1864), the population of the county cities in 1776 was the same as in 1910, while in areas that were not damaged by the War, such as the aforementioned Yingzhou, as demonstrated in Chapter 10, there was an average annual growth rate of 4.5‰. That

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Urban Population in Southern China in the Mid-Qing Dynasty Table 28

Population of towns and cities in Anhui province by prefectures in 1776. Unit: /1,000 people

Fu (prefecture)

Empirically confirmed population

Model estimates

Difference (%)

Correction

Guangde Ningguo Chizhou Taiping Huizhou Anqing Luzhou Yingzhou Fengyang Sizhou Chuzhou Hezhou Liu’anzhou

43 110 106 83 85 170 138 147 157 83 76 50 66

57 126 114 81 112 183 134 145 155 85 59 54 80

32.7 14.2 7.4 2.5 32.3 7.8 2.6 1.6 1.1 2.0 22.9 8.0 21.1

43 126 114 81 85 183 134 145 155 85 59 54 66

means the population of the county cities grew by 1.8 times over 134 years. As to Fengyang and Luzhou fu (prefectures), which were partially damaged in the War, the average annual population growth rate during the 134 years was 1‰, causing the population to grow 1.14 times. Considering that there was no large-scale industrial and commercial center in Anhui, we can claim that the situations of fu (prefectures) within the province were similar. Without the need to exclude any prefecture with special situations, we know that the relationship between the urban population of the prefectures and the total population of the prefectures within Anhui province in 1910 was highly correlated and can be described in the following equation: Y = 0.0319 X + 43.237 (R^2 = 0.7113). For the model results, see Table 28. Comparing the aforementioned two methods of calculation, the differences in terms of the urban population in the four fu of Guangde, Huizhou, Chuzhou, and Liu’an were the most significant. Therefore, we chose the smaller numbers in order to be correct. In summary, the urban population of Anhui province in 1776 was 1.329 million.

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Jiangxi

4.1 Empirical Studies of the Urban Population 4.1.1 Nanchang In terms of the commercial scale, Nanchang is a much smaller city than Nanjing, Suzhou, and Hangzhou, and this smaller size is also reflected in the population. The war in the early Qing Dynasty caused a large number of deaths in the urban population of Nanchang city. As a result, Wucheng replaced Nanchang as the commodity distribution center of Jiangxi. Ji Ying Zhuan, Vol. 1 of Jiangxi Zhongyi Lu edited in the Tongzhi period (1862–1874), depicted the besiege of Nanchang city by the Taiping army. According to Ji Ying, “the people of the inner city were not severely unsettled by today’s fight, but the tens of thousands of households near the city were wiped.” We can, therefore, assume that about 20,000 households were near the city and that the same number of people lived in the city. This is why we estimate that, at least, 40,000 households and about 200,000 inhabitants lived in the urban areas of Nanchang. We estimate that in the late Qianlong period, the urban population of Nanchang was about 150,000. 4.1.2 Capital Cities of Prefectures and Counties of Guangxin Xiangdu, Vol. 2 of Guangxin Fu Records edited in 1783 (Qianlong 48th year) had a far-reaching complete record of yanhu (household) in the urban and rural areas of the counties under Guangxin fu (prefecture): The prefectural city had 11,000 households and the population was about 50,000 including the population of Yushan county which was as high as 16,000. Together with the migrant population, the county could have had as many as 20,000 inhabitants. The prosperity of Yushan is reflected in the following description: “Outside the western county gates, endless ships and horses passed by and more than a thousand shops were set up. Tradesmen from Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Fujian, and Guangdong all crossed the mountains in Yushan. They hired porters to transport the goods. There was a lot of hustling and bustling.” Before the opening of the five treaty ports, most of the exported goods from Jiangsu and Zhejiang passed through Yushan to Jiangxi, down via Xinjiang River-Boyang River-Gangjiang River, and to Guangdong after crossing Dayuling Mountain. T