The Political Awakening in India 0136848036

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AWAKENING IN INDIA Edited by JOHN R. McLANE

"The English are celebrated for the manifestation

of humanity

and

ad¬

ministering justice.”—Rammohun Roy in 1821 "I regard the British rule as a curse.” —M. K. Gandhi in 1930 "We have realized freedom by peace¬ ful means. . . . India is now free.”— Jawaharlal Nehru in 1947 These comments, taken from three of the many selections in this book, il¬ lustrate the transformation of India from a British colony to an independent nation. Writings by such influential Indians as Roy, Gandhi, Nehru, Rabin¬ dranath Tagore, and "Young Bengal,” among others, provide a step-by-step narrative of the development of the world’s most populous democracy. The contributors’ lively eyewitness accounts demonstrate "the ingenuity and moral vision of Indian politicians” in accom(continued on back flap)

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THE GLOBAL HISTORY SERIES Leften Stavrianos, Northwestern University General Editor

This series aims to present history in global perspective, going be¬ yond national or regional limitations, and dealing with overriding trends and forces. The various collections of original materials span the globe, range from prehistoric times to the present, and include anthropology, economics, political science, and religion, as well as history. John R. McLane, the editor of this volume, is Assistant Professor of History at Northwestern University. Also in the Global History Series

Africa in the Days of Exploration, edited by Roland Oliver and Caroline Oliver, S-123 The Americas on the Eve of Discovery, edited by Harold E. Driver, S-93 Asia on the Eve of Europe’s Expansion, edited by Donald F. Lack and Carol Flaumenhaft, S-125 Christianity in the Non-Western World, edited by Charles W. Forman, S-150 The Decline of Empires, edited by S. N. Eisenstadt, S-154 European Expansion and the Counter-Example of Asia, edited by Joseph R. Levenson, S-170 Man Before History, edited by Creighton Gabel, S-92 The Muslim World on the Eve of Europe’s Expansion, edited by John J. Saunders, S-144 The Political Awakening of Africa, edited by Rupert Emerson and Martin Kilson, S-124 Russia’s Eastward Expansion, edited by George Alexander Lensen, S-94 World Migration in Modern Times, edited by Franklin D. Scott, S-185

THE POLITICAL AWAKENING IN INDIA

EDITED BY JOHN R. McLANE

/®v A SPECTRUM BOOK

Prentice-Hall, Inc. / Englewood Cliffs, N.J.

(c) 1970 by Prentice-Hall, Inc., Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey. A Spectrum Book. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the publisher. C-13-684803-6 P-13-684795-1 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 70-96977. Printed in the United States of America. Current printing (last number): 10 987654321 Prentice-Hall International, Inc. (London) Prentice-Hall of Australia Pty. Ltd. (Sydney) Prentice-Hall of Canada, Ltd. (Toronto) Prentice-Hall of India Private Limited (New Delhi) Prentice-Hall of Japan, Inc. (Tokyo)

CONTENTS

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

1

I/THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS

9

Introduction 1 / Raja Rammohun Roy: Father of Modern India 2 / Ranjit Singh: A Traditional Ruler 3 / Political Views of Young Bengal 4 / The Mughal Emperor During the Indian Mutiny 5 / An Appeal for a United Hindu-Muslim Defense of Religion 6 / Political Consciousness and Communication in Bengal: 1860 7 / Rabindranath Tagore’s Romantic Patriotism of the 1870s 8 / Congress Leaders in 1886 Ask for Military Training and Self-government 9 / Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s Attack on the Congress 10/A Durbar for a Native Chief

9 10 14 19 23

II /NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION

51

Introduction 11 / Patriotic Shivaji Festival 12 / Bepinchandra Pal on the New Patriotism

51 52 57

27 30 36 39 42 48

v

vi / CONTENTS 13/A Popular Journalist Defines “Firinghi”

59

14 /The Beginnings of a Revolutionary Movement in Bengal

61

15 /The Amritsar Massacre

69

16 / Gandhi’s Ultimatum to the Viceroy

74

17 /No-tax Movement in Villages of Gujarat

80

18 /Economic Nationalism: the Swadeshi Movement

86

19 / A Marxist-Nationalist View of the British Economic Impact

93

III /THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM

98

Introduction

98

20 / Lala Lajpat Rai: The Making of a Hindu Nationalist

99

21 / Hindi-Urdu Dispute

105

22 / A Cow-Protection Society

109

23 /The Khilafat and Congress-League Cooperation 24 /The Moplah Rebellion

113 117

25 / The Hindu Mahasabha

124

26 /The Nehru-Jinnah Exchange of 1938

128

27 / Nehru Rejects “Grouping” of Muslim Majority Areas

140

IV /OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING: THE UNTOUCHABLES AND THE LOWER CASTES

146

Introduction 28 / An Attack on High Caste Nationalists

146 146

29 / Gandhi’s Declaration of War on Untouchability

148

30 /Debate on Hindu Temple Entry Bill

152

31 / Untouchables Threaten to Leave Hinduism

154

32 / Kisan Sabhas in Bihar and Gujarat

157

V/OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING: DRAVIDIAN REGIONALISM

161

Introduction 33 / The Early Phase

161 162

CONTENTS / vii 34 /Naicker’s 1938 Presidential Address

164

35 / The Revival of the Dravidian Movement

167

VI / THE COMING OF INDEPENDENCE

171

36 /Direct Action Day in Calcutta

171

37 /Independence and a Dedication to a New India

176

BIBLIOGRAPHY

180

THE POLITICAL AWAKENING IN INDIA

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

The term “political awakening” might seem to imply a previous situation in which politics were either dormant or altogether absent. Of course this was not the case. Pre-British India, like other tradi¬ tional societies, did have politics. But traditional politics were not the popular, agitational politics of twentieth-century India, which involve mass communication, organization of formal parties, ideo¬ logical indoctrination, elections, and civil disobedience. Rather, traditional politics could better be described as “administrative politics,” consisting of discrete, deferential requests to the ruling authority by individual supplicants for favors or for modifications of administrative policies.* The main purpose of this volume is to illustrate the transi¬ tion from administrative politics to agitational politics and to the politics of nation-building prior to independence and partition in 1947. The transitional process varied greatly from region to region and from group to group, but compared to other colonial coun¬ tries, the process in India was smooth rather than disruptive, evolu¬ tionary rather than revolutionary. Political mobilization and the creation of voluntary associations occurred first in Bengal, Bombay, and Madras, where the British presence was oldest and most pervasive. The earliest participants in the new politics came from the higher castes, whose members had been most exposed to Western culture in British commercial com¬ panies, administrative services, and colleges. In terms of social background, there was little to distinguish the early nationalists from the Indians who served the British as partners and subor¬ dinates. Both those who agitated for reforms and those who collab¬ orated with the British were drawn from groups which traditionally * This definition of traditional, “administrative politics” was suggested by Lucian W. Pye, Politics, Personality, and Nation Building: Burma’s Search for Identity (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962), pp. 103-4.

1

2/GENERAL INTRODUCTION enjoyed high status. Both friends and critics of British rule utilized their literary and bureaucratic skills to enter the new administra¬ tive, professional, and political institutions which developed under British colonialism. The fact that members of the Indian National Congress came from the same castes and even the same families as the Indians in the administration, railways, and British com¬ mercial firms served to modify the antagonism felt by nationalists towards colonial institutions. The British provided only a fraction of the services necessary for the functioning of the Raj; Indians willingly supplied the rest, although they were usually subordinate. One of the reasons why the Indian nationalist movement was less violent and radical than other anticolonial movements was that the British used relatively few Europeans to administer India. For example, the British em¬ ployed no more European administrators in India than the French used in Indo-China, although British India’s population was ten times as large. Moreover, relatively few European nonofficials settled in India. Indian support for the British, except among land¬ lords, was rarely organized. But it did exist and it limited the nationalists’ success in recruiting followers. While political mobilization of upper-caste Hindus was often focused against the British, the subsequent organization of Muslims and lower-caste groups was in part an effort to win a larger share of the economic, political, and administrative opportunities from Hindus of the Brahman, Vaidya, Kayasth, Khatri, and other highcastes who had made the earliest adjustment to new colonial op¬ portunities. The differential process of politicization produced strains within Indian society. On the one hand, the relatively suc¬ cessful and prosperous nationalists joined the Indian National Con¬ gress after its founding in 1885 to unite all Indians for the purpose of gaining broad concessions and, eventually, independence from the British. Early Congress leaders sought to generalize problems and to minimize the conflict of interest between community and com¬ munity, class and class, and region and region. Outside the Con¬ gress, on the other hand, caste, communal, and special interest groups put forward particular and sectional claims with the effect of simultaneously bringing larger numbers of people into the polit¬ ical process and accentuating some of the existing lines of division in Indian society. The Muslim League (1906), the Dravidian As¬ sociation (1912), the Hindu Mahasabha (c. 1916), and other sectional organizations fought against portions of the Indian National Con¬ gress’ program. Every society has a plurality of interests, some of which are po-

GENERAL INTRODUCTION / 3 tentially divisive. Few countries, however, are marked by as much diversity as India. Communication between regions was difficult and within each region, each caste and religious group maintained partially separate cultures, which were perpetuated by endogamy. In many cases, these hereditary divisions were reinforced by dif¬ ferences in economic class. In east Bengal and west Punjab, a high proportion of professionals, moneylenders, and landlords were Hindu, whereas the peasantry was largely Muslim. The difficulty of overcoming social fragmentation and making all Indians feel part of a single nation was manifest in the allied problems of language and regionalism. There are more than a dozen linguistic regions, and within each are numerous differences in dialect. The Dravidian languages of the south (Tamil, Telegu, Kannada, and Malayalam) belong to a different family than the Indo-European languages of the north (including, among others, Hindi, Urdu, Bengali, Marathi, and Gujarati). During the nineteenth century English served as the language of communication between regions for the small elite with access to Western education, while Sanskrit, the learned and liturgical lan¬ guage of the Brahmans, provided a pool of ideas, myths, and symbols shared by high-caste Hindus throughout India. Yet during the decades preceding independence, secular nationalists realized that neither English nor Sanskrit was suitable for mass education, without which national integration and true democracy were im¬ possible. English was alien while Sanskrit was difficult and was not, in any case, a language spoken by many people. As literacy in the vernaculars spread and as the cultural domination of the Brahmans weakened, the regional cultures and languages were invigorated. Mass participation in politics meant the involvement of thousands who spoke only their vernacular. In some respects, the differences between regions and languages seemed greater than ever. Serious conflict between regional interests is largely a postindependence phenomenon, but the absence of an all-Indian language presented a formidable obstacle to national integration before 1947. A language conflict with communal overtones developed in north India in the 1860s and continued sporadically for the re¬ mainder of the century. Hindus advocated the elevation of Hindi as an administrative language while Muslim defenders of Urdu in¬ sisted that Urdu should be used to the exclusion of Hindi.* Muslim * Hindi and Urdu are basically similar although Hindi is written in the Devanagri (or Nagri) script, as Sanskrit is, while Urdu is written in the Persian script. Moreover, Hindi contains many Sanskrit words not used by Urdu speakers and Urdu has many words borrowed from Persian.

4 / GENERAL INTRODUCTION opposition to the Congress was drawn from the Muslim groups which resisted the change in the status of Hindi. In south India, a la¬ ter and entirely separate movement based in Madras championed Dravidian culture and languages and challenged the local Brah¬ mans, who led the Congress party in the south, asserting they were agents of the Aryan, Brahmanical, and Sanskritic imperialism of the north. The anti-Brahman and regional appeal of the Dravidian movement was so strong in Madras, where Brahman dominance had been overwhelming, that Dravidian parties defeated the Congress in particular elections both before and after independence. This movement, and the revival of regional cultures in general, com¬ plicated the task of finding a national language, culture, and con¬ sensus. Caste was another potentially divisive issue. But apart from the Brahman-non-Brahman struggle in the south, it rarely caused major political strife. Gandhi and other Congress leaders succeeded in keeping caste out of the central political arena. Gandhi reassured conservative Hindus when he defended the four-fold varna division as a means of avoiding the destructive competition characteristic of Western, industrialized societies. Yet he also championed the right of untouchables to receive humane treatment and to use temples and other public facilities. The emphasis of the Gandhians upon the complementary interests of rich and poor and their failure to press for radical changes in the social structure cost the Congress some support from predominantly low- and middle-caste groups, in¬ cluding the kisan (peasant) movement in Bihar and the untouchable followers of B. R. Ambedkar in western India. But the political leverage of these groups was slight compared to that of landlord and socially conservative elements. Gandhi’s political tactics and social policies seemed to follow the expedient middle course, giving many low-caste people new civil rights and self-respect, and yet not threatening the economic interests of merchants, moneylenders, landlords, or industrialists. The advocacy by Nehru and other leftwing Congress leaders of land reform and a socialist future helped to reconcile impatient intellectuals and radicals to Gandhi’s cautious approach to social problems. The presence of a small socialist wing within the Congress and the constitutional concessions made to the Congress by the Parliamentary Acts of 1909, 1919, and 1935 had the effect of splitting the potential support for a radical alternative to the Congress. The Communist Party of India was organized in 1924 but did not seriously challenge the Congress in popularity before 1947. Despite India’s diversity, the Congress, under Gandhi’s lead, succeeded in holding a large portion of nationalist opinion. In

GENERAL INTRODUCTION / 5 comparison to pre-World War II nationalist movements in China, Vietnam, and Indonesia, India’s had considerable unity. In balance, it was the swaraj, or self-rule movement, and not caste, regional, or class politics, which enlisted the greatest par¬ ticipation and enthusiasm prior to independence. Before World War I the Indian National Congress membership was limited chiefly to a small number of Western-educated men, whose mild tactics were criticized as mendicancy and whose program aimed at the gradual Indianization of the executive, legislative, and admin¬ istrative branches of government, culminating in Dominion status. After the Japanese victories over Russia and the unpopular par¬ tition of Bengal in 1905, many of the extremist nationalists, both within and outside the Congress, repudiated the moderate Congress leadership. In Bengal, Bombay, and the Punjab, student extremists formed secret societies and turned to terrorism. However, assassina¬ tions proved to be no more successful than the platform oratory of the early Congress in winning popular support or concessions from the British. Appeals to British political idealism and sense of decency had failed and bomb-throwing brought repression. By the end of World War I, both platform politics and terrorism were discredited. Nationalists were responsive to the nonviolent alterna¬ tive of civil disobedience offered by M. K. Gandhi. Long before Gandhi returned to India in 1915 from his years in South Africa, educated Indians had been searching for a new cultural identity. This search was conducted on many fronts but generally it was a quest for a restatement of indigenous values and historical traditions in a form of which Indians could be proud. Self-respect and cultural autonomy would seem to be necessary in¬ gredients of nation-building. Raja Rammohun Roy (1772-1833) and the Brahmo Samaj, Swami Dayananda Saraswati (1824-1883) and the Arya Samaj, and Swami Vivekananda (1863-1902) and the Ramakrishna Mission all criticized the caste system and contem¬ porary religious practices as corruptions of an earlier, more rational Indian culture. At the same time they glorified India’s past. Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856-1920) and other nationalists reminded their compatriots who were awed by British power that Indians had a distinguished history of governing themselves and fighting foreign aggressors. The search for cultural identity led to an emphasis upon the active, democratic, and social aspects of Indian tradition (as opposed to the contemplative, authoritarian, and individualistic features). New definitions of Indian values were intended to defend traditional culture against unfavorable comparisons with the West, as well as

6/GENERAL INTRODUCTION to evolve specifically Indian guidelines for modernization. Modern¬ ization does not necessarily mean Westernization. On the contrary, there is evidence that traditional Indian values and institutions, in¬ cluding caste, have served to break down the strength of local, ascriptive ties and strengthen voluntary and wider affiliations, to involve large numbers of persons in democratic politics, and to replace fatalism with considerations of utility and rationality. The Hindu and Muslim reform and revival movements, like modern caste associations, were an integral part of the political awakening in India. Gandhi’s social and political programs were a continua¬ tion of the reform movements of Rammohun Roy, Swami Dayananda, and Swami Vivekananda. Like them, Gandhi taught people that Hindu values and institutions were not basically incompatible with the needs of modern society. In the years following World War I, Gandhi transformed the Indian National Congress into a mass movement with rural sup¬ port by his use of Hindu symbols, his charisma, and his appeal to people’s moral idealism. Gandhi’s sannyasi (holy man) style, fasts, and emphasis on selfless action brought a response from Hindus which previous nationalists had failed to elicit. Part of Gandhi’s genius lay in the mixing of opposition politics with mass participa¬ tion activities, such as civil disobedience and constructive social work, including the elevation of untouchables and work intended to teach the dignity of manual labor. Under Gandhi’s inspiration the Congress could credibly claim that support for it in the freedom struggle would lead to a better life for almost all sections of the population. The greatest single failure of the Hindu leaders of the Congress movement was their inability to convince their Muslim opponents that they belonged to a single Indian nation and that Muslims would be more secure in a united India than in a separate state of Pakistan. Although the Congress always had individual Muslim leaders, per¬ haps the only time it enjoyed wide Muslim support was a brief period during and shortly after World War I when the Congress joined in the Khilafat movement to protest against European en¬ croachments upon the Ottoman Empire. Some influential Muslims regarded the Sultan of Turkey as their Khalif, or spiritual leader, and as the rightful guardian of Mecca and other Islamic holy places. The Khilafat movement ceased to be a cause for which the Congress and the Muslim League could cooperate after Kemal Ataturk abol¬ ished the Khilafat in 1924 and established a Turkish secular state. But the loss of a spiritual leader did not resolve the problem Indian Muslims faced concerning their own identity. Did they owe alle-

GENERAL INTRODUCTION /7 giance to an Indian nation? Or to an international Islamic brother¬ hood? Was it possible to be a good Muslim in a society governed by a non-Islamic state? The causes of the Congress failure to attract a major Muslim following are not to be found in any single issue, period, or party. Instead, they were cumulative and rooted in the behavior of many groups, both Hindu and Muslim. On the Muslim side, the natural insecurity arising from their minority status was compounded by their relative slowness in taking advantage of new educational, economic, and political opportunities. Except in the United Prov¬ inces, Muslims had proportionately less formal education and wealth. In addition, and partly in consequence of their insecurity, an in¬ creasing number of orthodox Muslims insisted that it was im¬ possible to lead a proper Islamic life except under an Islamic state. As independence approached, a majority of educated Muslims sup¬ ported the Muslim League claims that only a separation from India of Muslim-majority areas would provide them with the guarantees of political power and cultural expression which they sought. It is debatable whether the Hindus and Muslims who supported the Congress might have headed off the Pakistan movement by doing more to meet Muslim ambitions and fears. However, it is evident that Congress leaders failed to anticipate the support which developed after 1937 for the Muslim League and the idea that Hindus and Muslims represented separate nations. The Muslim League distrusted Congress assurances of full protection of minority rights in an independent India. Principal Congress and League leaders did not understand one another’s motives. The behavior of politicians like Gandhi and Muhammad Ali Jinnah, though, was more a reflection than a cause of the lack of understanding. The causes were rooted deeply in the vitality and distinctiveness of Islam and Hinduism, in the differential response to British rule, in the bigotry and extremism of sections of the Islamic and Hindu revival movements, and in the British encouragement, mostly unconscious but sometimes deliberate, of communal divisions. In the following selections, no claim is made for comprehensive¬ ness. The complexity and variety of Indian civilization and political processes are proverbial. But the readings were chosen in the hope of including material relevant to problems characteristic of most of the major regions. Many of the selections were also intended to illustrate ways in which Indian social structure and politics impinge on each other. If the readings convey an impression of a divisive society, it is because political involvement generally results from conflict, because Indian society was hierarchal, compartmentalized.

8 / GENERAL INTRODUCTION and fractious, and because political participation, although often inspired by nationalist and anti-British motives, was in many cases a product of competition among groups within Indian society. The difficulty twentieth-century Americans have had integrating their own society should prepare them to understand the problems of nation-building in a far more heterogeneous society. The depth of Indian social and communal divisions must be measured against the ingenuity and moral vision of Indian politicians in developing the mechanisms of nonviolence, parliamentary democracy, and gradualism to adjust and moderate conflict.

I / THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS

INTRODUCTION When the British began to rule India, the country possessed few of the institutions on which most modern nations are built. There was no all-Indian administration, army, parliament, or language. During the nineteenth century, Englishmen and Indians, sometimes in cooperation and sometimes in conflict, introduced many of the institutional foundations of a nation state, including a centralized bureaucracy, legislative councils, and a national political party, as well as modern means of communication, such as the printing press and the railroad. But throughout the nineteenth century, the over¬ whelming majority of Indians remained unaffected by most of the innovations. Indian elite groups whose lives were touched by modernization reacted in diverse ways. Some, like Ranjit Singh, borrowed selectively from Europe in order to consolidate a tradi¬ tional way of life. Some, like Rammohun Roy and the leaders of the Indian National Congress after 1885, tried to speed up the pace of democratization. Others, including the leaders of the Mutiny of 1857, tried to arrest change. There was in the nineteenth century, then, little unity of purpose among Indian elites, who were separated by wide differences in outlook. The British contribution also had mixed effects. The British retarded the geographical, political, and social unification of India by permitting hundreds of “native princes” to continue to rule, by buttressing the prestige and privileges of Indian landlords and chiefs, by withholding political rights from educated Indians, and by preserving the role of India as a producer of agricultural products and raw materials. The readings in this first section are intended to demonstrate the character of forces contributing to and impeding the early development of an Indian nationality. 9

10/THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS

1 / RAJA RAMMOHUN ROY: FATHER OF MODERN INDIA Raja Rammohun Roy has been called the father of modern India. A man of immense talent and learning, he worked for the reform of Hinduism in his later years. Like most influential reformers, he refused to abandon Hinduism. Instead he argued that idolatry, sati (burning of widows), and extreme forms of caste were corruptions of the older, purer Hinduism found in the Vedas. His determina¬ tion to press for reform was strengthened when he saw his sisterin-law forced onto his brother's funeral pyre. While redefining Hinduism, he tended to use Christianity as the norm, in contrast to later reformers who often took pride in the differences between Christianity and Hinduism. In 1828 Rammohun Roy founded the Brahmo Samaj, a monotheistic society which opposed the use of Brahmans as intermediaries between man and god. He was one of the first Indians to make use of the printing press for public controversy. He learned techniques of public debate from British businessmen and missionaries, who came to India in increasing numbers after the Charter Act of 1813 removed restrictions on their entry. In the following letter to an English friend, Rammohun Roy summarizes the story of his life. In the next selection, he ac¬ cuses Christian missionaries of intolerant and unjust abuse of Hinduism. My dear Friend, In conformity with the wish you have frequently expressed, that I should give you an outline of my life, I have now the pleasure to give you the following very brief sketch. My ancestors were Brahmins of a high order, and, from time immemorial, were devoted to the religious duties of their race, down to my fifth progenitor, who about one hundred and forty years ago gave up spiritual exercises for worldly pursuits and aggrandisement. His descendants ever since have followed his ex¬ ample, and, according to the usual fate of courtiers, with various success, sometimes rising to honour and sometimes falling; some¬ times rich and sometimes poor; sometimes excelling in success, sometimes miserable through disappointment. But my maternal ancestors, being of the sacerdotal order by profession as well as by birth, and of a family than which none holds a higher rank in that profession, have up to the present day uniformly adhered to From Jogendra Chunder Ghose, ed., The English Works of Rammohun Roy, I (Calcutta: Oriental Press, 1885), 479-81.

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS / 11

a life of religious observances and devotion, preferring peace and tranquility of mind to the excitements of ambition, and all the allurements of worldly grandeur. In conformity with the usage of my paternal race, and the wish of my father, I studied the Persian and Arabic languages,—these being indispensable to those who attached themselves to the courts of the Mahommedan princes; and agreeably to the usage of my maternal relations, I devoted myself to the study of the Sanscrit and the theological works written in it, which contain the body of Hindoo literature, law and religion. When about the age of sixteen, I composed a manuscript calling in question the validity of the idolatrous system of the Hindoos. This, together with my known sentiments on that subject, having produced a coolness between me and my immediate kindred, I proceeded on my travels, and passed through different countries, chiefly within, but some beyond the bounds of Hindoostan, with a feeling of great aversion to the establishment of the British power in India. When I had reached the age of twenty, my father recalled me, and restored me to his favour; after which I first saw and began to associate with Europeans, and soon after made myself tolerably acquainted with their laws and form of government. Finding them generally more intelligent, more steady and moderate in their con¬ duct, I gave up my prejudice against them, and became inclined in their favour, feeling persuaded that their rule, though a foreign yoke, would lead more speedily and surely to the amelioration of the native inhabitants; and I enjoyed the confidence of several of them even in their public capacity. My continued controversies with the Brahmins on the subject of their idolatry and superstition, and my interference with their custom of burning widows, and other pernicious practices, revived and increased their animosity against me; and through their influence with my family, my father was again obliged to withdraw his countenance openly, though his limited pecuniary support was still continued to me. After my father’s death I opposed the advocates of idolatry with still greater boldness. Availing myself of the art of printing, now established in India, I published various works and pamphlets against their errors, in the native and foreign languages. This raised such a feeling against me, that I was at last deserted by every person except two or three Scotch friends, to whom, and the na¬ tion to which they belong, I always feel grateful. The ground which I took in all my controversies was, not that of opposition to Brahminism, but to a perversion of it; and I en¬ deavoured to show that the idolatry of the Brahmins was contrary

12/THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS to the practice of their ancestors, and the principles of the ancient books and authorities which they profess to revere and obey. Not¬ withstanding the violence of the opposition and resistance to my opinions, several highly respectable persons, both among my own relations and others, began to adopt the same sentiments. I now felt a strong wish to visit Europe, and obtain, by personal observation, a more thorough insight into its manners, customs, religion, and political institutions. I refrained, however, from carry¬ ing this intention into effect until the friends who coincided in my sentiments should be increased in number and strength. My ex¬ pectations having been at length realised, in November, 1830, I embarked for England, as the discussion of the East India Company’s charter was expected to come on, by which the treatment of the natives of India, and its future government would be determined for many years to come, and an appeal to the King in Council, against the abolition of the practice of burning widows, was to be heard before the Privy Council; and his Majesty the Emperor of Delhi had likewise commissioned me to bring before the authorities in England certain encroachments on his rights by the East India Company. I accordingly arrived in England in April, 1831. I hope you will excuse the brevity of this sketch, as I have no leisure at present to enter into particulars, and I remain, &c., Rammohun Roy

Defense of Hincfyism For a period of upwards of fifty years, this country (Bengal) has been in exclusive possession of the English nation; during the first thirty years of which from their word and deed it was universally believed that they would not interfere with the religion of their subjects, and that they truly wished every man to act in such matters according to the dictates of his own conscience. Their possessions in Hindoostan and their political strength have, through the grace of God, gradually increased. But during the last twenty years, a body of English Gentlemen who are called missionaries, have been publicly endeavouring, in several ways, to convert Hindoos and Mussalmans of this country into Christianity. The first way is, that of publishing and distributing among the natives various books, large and small, reviling both religions, and abusing and ridiculing the gods and saints of the former: the second way is, that of standFrom Jogendra Chunder Ghose, ed., The English Works of Rammohun Roy, I (Calcutta: Oriental Press, 1885), 169-71.

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS / 13 ing in front of the doors of the natives or in the public roads to preach the excellency of their own religion and the debasedness of that of others: the third way is, that if any natives of low origin become Christians from the desire of gain or from any other motives, these Gentlemen employ and maintain them, as a necessary en¬ couragement to others to follow their example. It is true that the apostles of Jesus Christ used to preach the superiority of the Christian religion to the natives of different countries. But we must recollect that they were not of the rulers of those countries where they preached. Were the missionaries like¬ wise to preach the Gospel and distribute books in countries not conquered by the English, such as Turkey, Persia, etc. which are much nearer England, they would be esteemed a body of men truly zealous in propagating religion and in following the example of the founders of Christianity. In Bengal, where the English are the sole rulers, and where the mere name of Englishman is sufficient to frighten people, an encroachment upon the rights of her poor timid and humble inhabitants and upon their religion, cannot be viewed in the eyes of God or the Public as a justifiable act. For wise and good men always feel disinclined to hurt those that are of much less strength than themselves, and if such weak creatures be dependent on them and subject to their authority, they can never attempt, even in thought to mortify their feelings. We have been subjected to such insults for about nine centuries, and the cause of such degradation has been, our excess in civiliza¬ tion and abstinence from the slaughter even of animals; as well as our division into castes which has been the source of want of unity among us. It seems almost natural that when one nation succeeds in con¬ quering another, the former, though their religion may be quite ridiculous, laugh at and despise the religion and manners of those that are fallen into their power. For example, Mussalmans, upon their conquest of India, proved highly inimical to the religious exercises of Hindoos. When the generals of Chungezkhan, who denied God and were like wild beasts in their manners, invaded the western part of Hindoostan, they universally mocked at the profession of God and of futurity expressed to them by the natives of India. The savages of Arracan [the upper coast of Burma] on their invasion of the eastern part of Bengal, always attempted to degrade the religion of Hindoos. In ancient days, the Greeks and Romans, who were gross idolaters and immoral in their lives, used to laugh at the religion and conduct of their Jewish subjects, a sect who were devoted to the belief of one God. It is therefore not

14/THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS uncommon if the English missionaries, who are of the conquerors of this country, revile and mock at the religion of its natives. But as the English are celebrated for the manifestation of humanity and for administering justice, and as a great many Gentlemen among them are noticed to have had an aversion to violate equity, it would tend to destroy their acknowledged character, if they follow the example of the former savage conquerors in disturbing the established religion of the country; because to introduce a religion by means of abuse and insult, or by affording the hope of wordly gain, is inconsistent with reason and justice. If by the force of argument they can prove the truth of their own religion and the falsity of that of Hindoos, many would of course embrace their doctrines, and in case they fail to prove this, they should not undergo such useless trouble, nor tease Hindoos any longer by their attempts at conversion. In consideration of the small huts in which Brahmins of learning generally reside, and the simple food, such as vegetables etc. which they are accustomed to eat, and the poverty which obliges them to live upon charity, the missionary Gentlemen may not, I hope, abstain from controversy from contempt of them, for truth and true religion do not always belong to wealth and power, high names, or lofty palaces.

2 / RANJIT SINGH: A TRADITIONAL RULER During the second half of the eighteenth and first half of the nine¬ teenth centuries, Europeans interfered increasingly in Indian politics. What most impressed Indian rulers about the light-skinned Euro¬ peans was their military skill. The Indian rulers who were building states on the ruins of the Mughal Empire employed Europeans to train and lead their armies. Ranjit Singh (1780-1839) was the last and the most impressive of the independent rulers who employed Europeans to further their political ambitions. Ranjit Singh's career and the collapse of his kingdom in the Punjab soon after his death in 1839 suggest the character of political life in the period of state formation between Mughal and British rule. Often the state's strength rested upon the exceptional personality of the ruler and his European-aided army. This was true of Haider Ali's Mysore kingdom, Mahadji Sindia's Maratha state in central India, and Ranjit Singh's in the Punjab. The successor states lacked the ad¬ ministrative and institutional strength necessary for extended sur¬ vival. The extreme deference commanded by a ruler and the European training of the army proved not to be an adequate base from which to resist British expansion. However, it is clear from

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS / 15 the following account of Ranjit Singh's relations with his European officers that he had a sense of nationalism. On the other hand, the tradition of deference and dependence upon an individual ruler suggested in the subsequent account of Ranjit Singh’s funeral was a serious obstacle to later nationalist efforts to build loyalty to and participation in an Indian nation.

Ranjit Singh and His Feringhees A few days after the birth of [Prince] Nau Nihal [Singh] two Euro¬ peans arrived at Lahore. The Maharajah received the feringhees (foreigners) in his usual courteous manner and asked them to be seated beside him on the carpet. Through an interpreter he in¬ quired after their health, from where they had come, what their plans were and whether they had any knowledge of military matters. They explained they were soldiers and had travelled through Con¬ stantinople, Baghdad, Persia, Kandahar, Kabul, Peshawar and At¬ tack to come to Lahore. The Maharajah then asked them about their views on the armies of these countries, the relative merits of French and English as soldiers, the fighting qualities of the Sikhs, etc. He listened to their answers and then asked them if it was their pleasure to stay with him. They replied that they were not looking for service but only meant to pass the hot season at Lahore; then added significantly—they would proceed where their Kismet let them. The Maharajah knew precisely what they wanted. That afternoon he tried to test their military skill by asking them to put one of his battalions through some movements. They refused to submit to the trial. “What your battalions have learnt they have learnt; we are not able to teach them,” they replied, and added, “a shawl once woven, cannot be woven in another fashion.” They asked the Maharajah to give them raw recruits, whom they could teach, and offered to train a battalion free of charge. They had it tactfully conveyed to the Maharajah that they had been colonels in Bonaparte’s army drawing fifty gold mohurs per day. However, as a special concession, they would be willing to accept only “ten gold mohurs each per diem, independent of the keep of their horses and servants.” The Maharajah made no further observation but decided to find out more about the visitors. Their manner of speech con¬ vinced him that they were men of rank and consequence. He asked them to address an application to him in French and send it to Delhi for translation; he also wished to be advised whether it was From Khushwant Singh, Ranjit Singh: Maharajah of the Punjab, 1780-1839 (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1962), pp. 139-42 and 222-24. Reprinted by permission of George Allen and Unwin Ltd.

16 /THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS the sort of language a real Frenchman would write under the circumstances. At Lahore the negotiations were kept up; the Ma¬ harajah started with an offer of Rs 10 [$1.33] per day, the Europeans protesting that they had drawn fifty times as much from Napoleon, whose friendship they had also enjoyed. They showed the Durbar’s agent a tray full of gold coins to prove that they were well off and did not really need employment. At the end of two months Ranjit Singh had satisfied himself that the two were genuine Frenchmen and not English passing for French; that they had in fact been officers in Napoleon’s army and knew a great deal about military matters. Then with his usual generosity he gave them the money they wanted, and even more. Jean Francois Allard was required to train the cavalry. Jean Bap¬ tiste Ventura was instructed to raise battalions of infantry. Allard and Ventura were not the first Europeans to join Ranjit Singh’s service; the first foreigner on the records of the Durbar army was an Englishman called Price, who deserted from Ochterlony’s unit and joined up at Lahore in 1809. Thereafter there was a steady stream of one or two showing up every other month. Most of them were half-castes, being the illegitimate offspring of Englishmen through native women. Some bore famous names, e.g. Van Cortlandt, son of Colonel Van Cortlandt of the 19th Dragoons; Robert Dick, son of Major General Sir Robert Dick of the 42nd Highlanders; Jacob Thomas, son of the famous adventurer, George Thomas; others of similar parentage bore unknown names. The Maharajah was, however, anxious to keep the number of English and Anglo-Indians in his service as low as possible, because he could not rely on their loyalties in the event of a conflict with the Company’s forces. He had also reason to suspect that some of these men had been planted on him so that the English might be kept informed of military movements and the state of preparedness. The only foreigners upon whom he could rely were the French, or those who at one time or another had fought the English. The employment of Allard and Ventura is significant as there¬ after it became the policy of the Durbar (largely Ranjit Singh him¬ self because most of the ministers were opposed to it) to take in as many qualified foreigners as possible. Within a few years there were over fifty of various nationalities—French, English, Italian, Spanish, Greek, American and Eurasian—on the payrolls of the Durbar. Ranjit Singh was liberal in the terms he offered the foreigners. They were given higher wages than Indians of similar rank and

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS / 17 treated with greater consideration than other subordinates. But he never really trusted any of them. By the terms of contract the feringhees undertook for the period of their service to “abstain from eating beef and smoking or shaving” (these practices being forbidden by the Sikh faith) and promised that they “would domesticate themselves in the country by marriage, would never quit service without formal permission from the Maharajah and would engage to fight any nation against whom the Maharajah declared war, even should it be their own.” Ranjit Singh was only partially successful in persuading this flotsam and jetsam of Europe to make permanent homes in the Punjab. Although they showed no reluctance in conforming to the outward practices of the Khalsa and enthusiastically “domesticated” themselves by taking on harems of native women, it did not make them put out roots in the soil or develop loyalty to the master whose salt they ate. When they had made their pile, they left their wives, mistresses and children, frequently unprovided for—and returned to their homelands to lead respectable “Christian” lives. Ranjit Singh looked upon his European officers as highly paid drill-sergeants. Most of his conquests had been made before 1822 by men like Mohkam Chand, Hari Singh Nalwa and Misr Diwan Chand. Even after 1822 the real commanders of the Durbar army were Punjabi officers or the Maharajah’s own sons, Kharak Singh and Sher Singh. Ranjit Singh also took precautions against the foreign officers ganging up against him by never allowing more than one to be in the capital with his troops. The distance at which Ranjit Singh kept his Europeans was evidenced by the protocol observed at Court. Although some of them attained the rank of general and were made governors of important districts, not one was ever allowed the privilege of a seat at formal functions. And there were times when Ranjit let loose his temper on them. The Lahore Akhbar of January 13, 1825, mentions an incident when the Maharajah had requested his French officers to contribute two months of their salary to meet the heavy deficit incurred in the campaign against the Yusufzais. The Frenchmen told the Maharajah’s messenger curtly that they would not give a pice. Ranjit Singh sent for them. When they appeared the Maharajah boiling with anger drew his sword and rising from his seat ran to the officers with the intention of destroying them. But Sardar Himmat Singh and other officers present took the weapon from his hand and caused him to be again seated. Then he gave the French officers gross abuse and again rising and drawing his dagger he flew

18/THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS at them several times until his officers with folded hands begged him to forgive their faults. Such outbursts of rage were rare. But Ranjit Singh’s attitude to his European officers was consistently distrustful. Once when sack¬ ing the German Mevius (self-styled Baron de Mevius) he exploded: “German, French or English, all these European bastards are alike.’’

Ranjit Singh's Funeral During the night the body of the Maharajah lay in state on the floor with oil lamps burning on all sides; and all night the wailing and the lamentation went on. Rajah Dhian Singh, who was more emotional than the rest, announced his intention to burn himself on the Maharajah’s funeral pyre. Kharak Singh and the principal Sardars placed their turbans at his feet to make him change his mind. But nothing would dissuade four ranis and their seven maid¬ servants from their resolve to immolate themselves as Satis. Rani Guddan, daughter of Rajah Sansar Chand of Katotch, thought it the most appropriate occasion to obtain an oath of loyalty to the State. She took Rajah Dhian Singh’s hand, placed it on the breast of the corpse and made him swear never to betray Kharak Singh or his son Nau Nihal Singh, and always to be attentive to the welfare of the State. In the same way she made Kharak Singh swear that he would not be led away by misrepresentations of interested parties against Rajah Dhian Singh. “The torments of hell due for the slaughter of a thousand cows were to be visited on him who should violate this oath.” The next morning, the Maharajah’s body was bathed with the water of the Ganges and placed on a sandalwood bier designed like a ship; its sails were made of silk and brocade. Ministers and courtiers paid their last homage by placing shawls on the bier. The funeral procession left the fort with the four ranis and their maidservants, who were to burn themselves walking immediately behind the cortege. They were dressed in their bridal costumes and jewels. Every now and then they took off a bangle, a necklace or an earring and flung it into the midst of the throng of beggars or gave it to someone in the parties of hymn-singers or the Brahmins chanting mantras. The cortege passed through the narrow streets of the city crammed with mourners and came to the garden at the foot of the massive wall of the fort—not far from the temple marking the site of the martyrdom of Arjun, the fifth Guru of the Sikhs. A newswriter describes the scene that followed in these words:

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS / 19 Having arrived at the funeral pile made of sandalwood, was placed upon it. Rani Guddan sat down by its side and head of the deceased on her lap; while the other ranis slave girls seated themselves around—with every mark of on their countenances.

the corpse placed the with seven satisfaction

The last prayers were said by members of all communities, Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs. Brahmins performed their prayers from the Shastras; Sikh priests recited passages from the Granth Sahib; and Mussalmans accompanied them with their “Ya Allah, Ya Allah." The prayers lasted nearly an hour. At the time fixed by the Brahmins, Koonwar Khurruck Singh set fire to the pile and the ruler of the Punjab with four ranees and seven slave girls was reduced to ashes. A small cloud appeared in the sky over the burning pile and having shed a few drops cleared away. No one saw a hope of relief but in resignation. Rajah Dhian Singh at¬ tempted four times to jump into the burning pile, but was withheld by the multitude. . . . The heart is rent in attempting a description of the distress and lamentations in the palace amongst the ranees and amongst the citizens of every age, sex and religion.

“The consuming of his pile occupied two days," writes Honigberger; “on the third, some of the bones and ashes of each of the bodies were collected in the presence of the Court only, and separately placed in urns." The citizens of Lahore paid their final farewell to the ashes of their monarch and his consorts. Upon the procession leaving the fortress, it traversed the streets and bazaars, the ministers and some of the principal Sardars on foot, with numerous others mounted on their elephants and horses. Thousands of persons were assembled in the streets, bazaars, and on the tops of houses, by whom flowers were thrown upon the palanquin. . . . Upon the arrival of the procession outside Delhi Gate, a final and profuse royal salute was given by the thundering of cannon from the fort and ramparts of the city.

The ashes were conveyed by slow stages to be immersed in the Ganges at Hardwar. All along the 300-mile route people came to pay their homage: princes with expensive shawls and salutes of guns; peasants with flowers and their tears.

3 / POLITICAL VIEWS OF YOUNG BENGAL Hindoo College in Calcutta, founded in 1816, produced a small but vocal band of radicals known sometimes as Young Bengal. They were critical of their own society as well as of British rule. They

20/THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS championed rationalism and science and attacked Hindu super¬ stition. They shocked orthodox Hindus by expressing contempt for Hindu customs. On one occasion young radicals flung beef bones into the homes of vegetarian Hindus; on another they performed a mock conversion to Islam. The following selection is an analysis of Young Bengal's attitude toward British rule in the 1830s and 1840s. Similar charges were repeated during the next one hundred years: that India had formerly been a wealthy and advanced country, that England's political dominance and economic exploitation were harmful, and that someday English oppression would provoke rebellion. Within a decade or two of its existence, the Hindoo College had become the centre, round which gathered the young radicals of Bengal, holding aloft the torch of a social awakening that never wholly petered out. No doubt, this radical section of the youth was but a mere fraction of the total population of Bengal and they too were mainly confined within the limits of the city of Calcutta. Even then the role they played in spreading ideas of rationalism and liberty in Bengal cannot be and should not be under-rated. Here is an authentic description of the then Calcutta by a con¬ temporary. The Rev. J. Long writing from Calcutta on the 15th October 1842 states: Calcutta as regards education, in some respects resembles Cambridge or Oxford. Thousands of youths come and lodge in Calcutta for the purpose of attending school—their parents live perhaps fifty or a hundred miles in the country. Among educated young men a great sphere of usefulness is opened. There is greater activity of mind among natives in Calcutta than in the country. There are five or six thousand educated youths with mind unshackled by prejudice.

These educated youth, with “mind unshackled by prejudice” were fervent patriots from first to last. They had a deep and abiding love for their country, whose past greatness they were eager to re-discover. At the same time they were no narrow nationalists— they drank deep into the fountains of Western Culture, admired the industrial as well as the French Revolutions and tried to take concrete lessons from the American War of Independence. All these formulations are . . . borne out by solid facts. Take for example the letter written by a young Bengalee radical to the Editor of the “Reformer” (a journal run by Prosunna Coomar From Introduction by Goutam Chattopadhyay, ed.. Awakening in Bengal in Early Nineteenth Century (Selected Documents), I (Calcutta: Progressive Publish¬ ers, 1965), xii-xvii. Reprinted by permission of the editor.

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS / 21 Tagore, a friend of Rammohun Roy) in February 1831, from which I propose to quote at some length: It is asked—is India possessed within herself of all those productions of nature which render her independent of foreign resources? Strictly speaking, there is no civilized nation, which does not in some way or other depend upon foreign resources: . . . Therefore to answer this in the affirmative, I must qualify what I said before, by adding that I do not think India has any dependence on foreign resources for those productions of nature which are required for sustenance of life. ... I am not aware of any history which informs us that before the Europeans came to India, she was a barren desert, inhabited only by a few savages, but on the contrary, we know that India has been from the earliest ages a wealthy and populous kingdom. . . . Which¬ ever nation has traded with her, has flourished during the continuance of that trade and at present we find England not the worse for being engaged in it. If, therefore, India, in the time of her independence, was reckoned the grand emporium for all the merchants of Europe, if her inexhaustible stores could glut all the markets with luxuries and if her trade was capable of successively raising to pre-eminence so many great nations, is it groundless assumption to say that India can maintain her sons without the aid of foreign resources? I acknowl¬ edge India in her dependent state is incapable of such efforts but I vow she is more than what at present she appears to be. The second and the third questions, I here place together, for I think the same answer will apply to them both. Does the nation under whose yoke India is, depend upon her resources? Would England with¬ out India dwindle into insignificance? Perhaps England does not depend upon India for her necessaries of life; she would not without the possession of India dwindle into absolute insignificance. Her in¬ ternal powers and her sovereignty over the ocean would remain un¬ injured but the extent of her territorial possessions would certainly dwindle into insignificance, the brightest gem would be torn off from her radiant crown and her glory would suffer at least a partial eclipse. . . . This is the light in which I view the connection between England and India and I think the dependence of European nations upon the latter has been and is to this day, of sufficient importance to justify my saying that it is problematical why India should groan for ages under foreign yoke. . . . When I speak of India being isolated from the rest of the world, I do not mean that she is to cease all com¬ munications with the rest of mankind and as it were shut herself up in a nunnery. All I mean is that without her dependence on England as her conqueror and possessor, her political situation would be more respectable and her inhabitants would be more wealthy and pros¬ perous. The example of America which shews what she was when subject to England and what she has been since her freedom, must naturally lead us to such a conclusion. . . .

22 /THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS This is indeed a revealing letter, for it clearly indicates as to which way the minds of educated young men of Bengal were working then. Moreover, this is no stray write-up in just one issue of a paper. Similar articles and letters to Editors were written by the scores in the years 1830-34 as can easily be seen by going through care¬ fully the pages of “Reformer,” “Enquirer,” “Kaleidoscope,” “Indian Gazette,” “Calcutta Monthly Journal,” “Bengal Chronicle” and so on. The dawn of nationalist consciousness among these radicalised youth of Bengal could also be seen in their sharp protests against all forms of racial discrimination practised by the European overlords, particularly by the arrogant Chhota Sahibs [lesser Europeans] in India. At that time many Bengalees—men of wealth, position and education—used to be invited on various occasions to the Government House in Calcutta but there absolutely different treat¬ ment used to be meted out at the gates by the European officers to Europeans and natives of this country. Many letters and articles were published in the periodicals and newspapers of the ’thirties against this shameful system of discrimination. . . . A remarkable instance of this growing patriotic and nationalist fervour of the young men, emerging from the portals of the Hindoo College, is an article in a Calcutta journal by Kylash Chunder Dutt, a young student of the Hindoo College (and later on a founder member of the Society for the Acquisition of General Knowledge). In this article, Kylash Chunder draws a vivid pen-picture of an imaginary desperate armed struggle between Indian patriots and the oppressive British rulers in Calcutta, a century after his time. Space does not permit me to quote at length from this fascinating article and I shall have to remain satisfied with only these few lines: The people of India and particularly those of the metropolis, had been subject for the last fifty years to every species of subaltern op¬ pression. The dagger and the bowl were dealt out with a merciless hand and neither age, nor sex nor condition could repress the rage of the British barbarians. These events, together with the recollection of the grievances suffered by their ancestors, roused the dormant spirit of the generally considered timid Indian. Finding that every day the offences instead of being extenuated were aggravated, that no redress could be obtained by appeals either to the Lords or Commons, he formed the bold but desperate resolution of hurling Lord Fell Butcher, Viceroy of India from his seat and establishing a government composed of the most patriotic men in the kingdom. . . . With the rapidity of lightning the spirit of Rebellion spread through this once pacific people. It is easy for the historian and the bard to depict in the

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS / 23 most lively colours the excesses committed by the revolutionary parties, but he only can truly judge of their situation who has been a fellowsufferer with those whose families, friends and companions have been butchered in cold blood—who has seen villages and towns laid waste by fire for illumination—who has beheld thousands of human beings compelled to desert their home and country and seek refuge in dens of the earth, in clefts of rocks or in the hollows of trees.

The Rebellion was ultimately crushed and the patriots faced death with unique courage. There is a magnificent description of how an Indian patriot faced death. Just before the executioner’s axe struck off his head, the patriot spoke out in ringing terms to the people gathered there. My friends and countrymen! I have the consolation to die in my native land and tho’ heaven has doomed that I should expire on this scaffold, yet are my last moments cheered by the presence of my friends. I have shed my last blood in defence of my country and though the feeble spark within me is about to leave the frail frame, I hope you will continue to persevere in the course you have so gloriously com¬ menced.

4 / THE MUGHAL EMPEROR DURING THE INDIAN MUTINY The Indian Mutiny began at Meerut on May 10, 1857, when eighty-five sepoys (Indian soldiers) refused to accept cartridges for their guns. Earlier that year the sepoys had discovered that cartridges for the new Enfield rifles had been greased with beef and pork fat, making them contaminating for both Hindus and Muslims. The first act of the mutinous troops at Meerut, after overthrowing their officers, was to march forty miles to Delhi, seize the old imperial city, and proclaim the aging and surprised Mughal Emperor, Muhammad Bahadur Shah, Emperor of India once again. The Emperor had only symbolic power prior to the Mutiny, but his support, reluctant as it was, conferred a certain legitimacy on the mutineers. The Indian Mutiny was the last major effort by traditional political leaders to re-establish their authority and drive out the British. Bahadur Shah, like many other Indian chiefs, was unfit to lead a national rebellion. Under the protection and tutelage of British residents, their administrative and martial capacities tended to atrophy, although the patterns of deference and dependence had

24/THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS been preserved so that, as in the case of Bahadur Shah, the life style of the chiefs degenerated into a parody of the pre-British system in which the chiefs exercised genuine responsibilities. The following selections, translated from a Delhi newspaper, show how the eighty-two-year-old Bahadur Shah, the titular leader of the re¬ volt, spent his time during the Mutiny and suggest some of the reasons why the Mutiny failed. Tuesday, 25th August 1857.—The time between dawn and daylight having been passed in the usual necessary religious observances, the respected of the State (the court physician) was allowed the honour of inspecting the royal pulse. The King then took his seat on the throne in state, and the great and dignified nobles of the realm, being allowed the honour of appearing in the royal presence, dis¬ charged with extreme respect their devoirs and obeisances. His Majesty inspected two orders prepared in the royal secretariat office, the one addressed to Bahadur Ali Khan, Hasan Ali Khan, Durgaprashad, and Bhup Singh, officers of the troops at Peshawur, directing them to make all haste in coming to the royal presence, and to bring a suitable amount of treasure with them, and the other to the prince royal, Mirza Muhammad Kochak, ordering him to distribute the pay of the Nasirabad force. After inspection, these orders were sealed with the special seal, and despatched agreeably to the royal permission. His Majesty then proceeded to bestow con¬ sideration on the following petitions. First.—A petition from Tanawar Ali Khan, son of Muhammad Abdul Ghafar Khan, resident of Mustafabad, otherwise called Rampur, professing fidelity and alle¬ giance, and avowing his intention of coming to the royal presence. Secondly.—A petition from Rajah Nahar Singh, Chief of Ballabhgarh, through Mir Fateh Ali Khan, making professions of heart¬ felt fidelity, allegiance, zeal and goodwill. Thirdly.—A petition from Waris Muhammad Khan of Bhupal, reporting the slaughter of 56 of the accursed English, and enclosing copy of a proclamation issued to the residents of the city and country, to engage in like manner in the destruction of the damnable infidels, and moreover soliciting the honour of a royal missive. Fourthly.—A petition from Kashi Rao Holkar, of Indore, expressive of his devotion and zealous activity in the service of the King; avowing his fixed purpose and determinate resolve to ruin and exterminate the English, clever in all villainy; and forwarding five of the heads of enemies killed. From Selections from the Records of the Government of the Punjab and its Dependencies, New Series, No. VII (Lahore: Punjab Printing Company, Ltd., 1870), pp. 175-77.

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS / 25 Fifthly.—A petition from Muhammad Amir Khan, son of Ghulam Muhammad Khan, son of Abdul Samad Khan, resident of Dojana. Having perused the above petitions, his Majesty decided that answers should be sent, after further consideration. The officers of the army, coming into the royal presence, sub¬ mitted that as Muhammad Bakht Khan, Governor-General Bahadur, had gone with his Majesty’s victorious forces in the direction of Alapur, to fight against the infidel enemy, and was now engaged in active operations against them, it was necessary that reinforcements should be sent to his assistance. On this representation, orders were accordingly issued that a further portion of the troops should be sent in that direction. After this his Majesty retired to his private kingly hall: at noon he partook of the delicacies presented for dinner, after which he enjoyed a siesta. He then went through the prayers appointed for the first of the daily five times, continued occupied in such pas¬ times as those he delights in, and then read the prayers of the second time. Near the close of the day he honoured the respected of the State (the court physician) by allowing him to feel his pulse; after this he condescended to visit the luxuriant garden of Salimgarh for relaxation and pleasure. Returning from Salimgarh, his Majesty retired to his private hall. The officers of the force stationed at Teliwara represented the irregularity of no force being sent to re¬ lieve them. After this he again came into the hall of special audi¬ ence, and held a levee, but retired again shortly, much agitated and displeased. After sunset those in attendance at court were honoured with permission to leave. Wednesday, 26th August 1857.—Having passed the time between dawn and sunrise in the observances suited to that portion of the day, his Majesty allowed the respected of the State (the court physician) to feel his pulse, and then took his seat in state on the throne, the exalted nobles in attendance forming a circle like a halo round the moon. The officers of the army submitted that re¬ inforcements should be sent to the aid of the forces which had gone out to combat with the enemy, and were now engaged in this laudable service. Orders were accordingly issued that the whole army, infantry and cavalry, were to go. After this, the King having inspected the three following orders prepared in the royal secretariat office, they were attested with the seal, and the King gave permission for their being despatched: 1. An order to the officers of the army, directing that the one-half of the forces should proceed to the Najafgarh battery, and the other to the Teliwara battery.

26/THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS 2. An order to Mirza Muhammad Zohur-ud-din Bahadur, re¬ garding his investment with power to forgive offences, and to con¬ sider the army under his orders. 3. An order to Thakur Chaman Singh, to bring some more of his brothers. A petition having been received from Shahzada Muhammad Azim Bahadur, representing his difficulties in consequence of the arrival of the enemies’ forces, and requesting that reinforcements, including artillery, might be sent to his assistance, the king gave orders that a royal missive in reply should be written. After this, the King retired from the court to his private apartments; at noon his Majesty partook of the delicacies presented for dinner, and then retired to take his siesta. Having gone through the prayers of the first of the five times, he occupied himself with such amusements as he is partial to, and then read the prayers of the second time. Near the close of the day, his Majesty, accompanied by all the nobles of the State, went to the Salimgarh garden for recreation and amusement. He returned in the evening, and retired to his private apartments. Thursday, 27th August 1857.—Rising at dawn, and passing some time in the customary religious observances, the King honoured the respected of the State (the court physician) by allowing him to feel his pulse. His Majesty then took his seat in state on the throne, when his illustrious sons, and the exalted nobles of the realm, paid their respects. Baldeo Singh Kundla Kush presented his nazar, when, with excessive kindly condescension, he was honoured with the gift of a pair of shawls as treasurer of the infan¬ try, and he accordingly presented the usual nazar to shew his thankfulness for this honour, which was accepted. The King next examined the six following orders, which had been prepared in the royal secretariat office, and, after inspection, permitted their being attested with the special seal and despatched: 1. An order to Mirza Muhammad Khair Sultan Bahadur, assuring him that he was invested with full powers in regard to arrangements for raising money, and that no representations in this matter from any person whatsoever would be heeded. 2. An order to Mirza Moghal Bahadur, Mirza Khair Sultan Bahadur, the officers of the army, and the members of the court of deliberation, to the effect that money having been twice received from the merchant Ramji Das Gurwalla, he was on no account to be subjected to any further demand. 3. An order to Mirza Abdul Hasan, otherwise Mirza Abdulla Bahadur, in answer to the petition of Amir Khan of Dojana, directing his attendance at court.

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS / 27 4. An order to Kashi Rao Holkar of Indore, directing his atten¬ dance at court. 5. An order to Rajah Nahar Singh, Chief of Ballabhgarh, in¬ timating that a dun horse had been received, and directing him to entertain no fears of being molested by the army. 6. An order through Fateh Ali Khan to Tanawar Ali Khan, son of Abdulla Khan of Rampur, directing his attendance. Some troopers communicated particulars of the success, valour, and enterprise of the troops, and particularly of the Neemuch force; they also communicated the gathering of the peasantry round Najafgarh. Feeling indisposed, his Majesty issued orders for the immediate attendance of the court physician, and retired to his private apartments. At noon, his Majesty ate of the delicacies presented for his dinner, and then took his siesta: after this he discharged the prayers of the second of the five daily times, con¬ tinued engaged in the recreations he is partial to, and then read the prayers appointed for the third time of the day. The court physician, being in attendance, prepared and gave his Majesty a cooling draught. Near the close of the day all who had been in attendance at court were allowed to leave.

5 / AN APPEAL FOR A UNITED HINDUMUSLIM DEFENSE OF RELIGION One of the questions that has divided historians of the Indian Mutiny is to what extent the Mutiny was “national.” Early English historians held that most participants were seeking limited and selfish gains. Against this it has been argued that broad groups of the population felt their religiously sanctioned customs were threatened by Christian missionary activities and Government reforms. Among the reforms which produced a sense of common grievance were the legalization of widow remarriage, the law enabling converts to Christianity to inherit family property, the abolition of sati, and the doctrine of lapse under which the British annexed states on the death of rulers without natural male heirs. Some leaders of the Mutiny attempted to unite Hindus and Muslims by calling for a joint defense of their religions. The following appeal was issued by Maulvi Syed Kutb Shah Sahib in Bareilly in the North-Western Provinces.

Exposition of a Letter Written Regarding the Victory of the Faith All you rajahs are famed for your virtues, noble qualities, and liberality, and are moreover the protectors of your own faith and of

28/THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS the faith of others. Keeping your welfare in view, I humbly submit that God has given you your bodily existence to establish his different religions, and requires you severally to learn the tenets of your own different religious institutions, and you accordingly continue firm in them. God has moreover sent you into the world in your elevated position, and given you dominion and government that you may destroy those who harm your religion. It is incumbent, therefore, on such of you as have the power to kill those who may injure your religion, and on such as have not, to engage heartily in devising means for the same end, and thus protect your faith; for it is written in your Scriptures that martyrdom is preferable to adopting the religion of another. This is exactly what God has said, and what is evident to everybody. The English are people who overthrow all religions. You should understand well the object of destroying the religions of Hindustan; they have for a long time been causing books to be written and circulated throughout the country by the hands of their priests, and, exercising their authority, have brought out numbers of preachers to spread their own tenets: this has been learned from one of their own trusted agents. Consider, then, what systematic contrivances they have adopted to destroy our religions. For instance, first, when a woman became a widow they ordered her to make a second marriage. Secondly, the selfimmolation of wives on the funeral pyres of their deceased husbands was an ancient religious custom; the English had it discontinued, and enacted their own regulations prohibiting it. Thirdly, they told people it was their wish that they (the people) should adopt their faith, promising that if they did so they would be respected by Government; and further required them to attend churches, and hear the tenets preached there. Moreover, they decided and told the rajahs that such only as were born of their wives would inherit the government and property, and that adopted heirs would not be allowed to succeed, although, according to your Scriptures, ten different sorts of heirs are allowed shares in the inheritance. By this contrivance they will rob you of your governments and possessions, as they have already done with Nagpur and Lucknow. Consider now another of their designing plans: they resolved on compelling prisoners, with the forcible exercise of their authority, to eat their bread. Numbers died of starvation, but did not eat it, others ate it, and sacrificed their faith. They now perceived that this expedient did not succeed well, and accordingly determined on From Selections from the Records of the Government of the Punjab and its Dependencies, New Series, No. VII (Lahore: Punjab Printing Company, Ltd., 1870), pp. 173-75.

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS / 29 having bones ground and mixed with flour and sugar, so that people might unsuspectingly eat them in this way. They had, moreover, bones and flesh broken small and mixed with rice, which they caused to be placed in the markets for sale, and tried, besides, every other possible plan to destroy our religions. At last some Bengali, after due reflection, said that if the troops would accede to the wishes of the English in this matter all the Bengalis would also conform to them. The English, hearing this approved of it, and said, “Certainly this is an excellent idea," never imagining they would be themselves exterminated. They accordingly now ordered the Brahmans and others of their army to bite cartridges, in the making up of which fat had been used. The Mussulman soldiers perceived that by this expedient the religion of the Brahmans and Hindus only was in danger, but nevertheless they also refused to bite them. On this the English now resolved on ruining the faith of both, and blew away from guns* all those soldiers who persisted in their refusal. Seeing this excessive tyranny, the soldiery now, in self-preservation, began killing the English, and slew them wherever they were found, and are now considering means for slaying the few still alive here and there. It is now my firm conviction that if these English continue in Hindustan they will kill every one in the country, and will utterly overthrow our religions; but there are some of my countrymen who have joined the English, and are now fighting on their side. I have reflected well on their case also, and have come to the conclusion that the English will not leave your religion to both you and them. You should understand this well. Under these circumstances, I would ask, what course have you decided on to protect your lives and faith? Were your views and mine the same, we might destroy them entirely with a very little trouble; and if we do so, we shall protect our religions and save the country. And as these ideas have been cherished and considered merely from a concern for the protection of the religions and lives of all you Hindus and Mussulmans of this country, this letter is printed for your information. All you Hindus are hereby solemnly adjured, by your faith in the Ganges, Tulsi, and Saligram; and all you Mussulmans, by your belief in God and the Koran, as these English are the common enemy of both, to unite in considering their slaughter extremely expedient, for by this alone will the lives and faith of both be saved. It is expedient, then, that you should coalesce and slay them. The slaughter of kine is regarded by the Hindus as a great insult to their religion. To prevent this a solemn * The British sometimes tied rebellious Indians to the mouths of cannons and then fired.

30/THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS compact and agreement has been entered into by all the Mahomedan chiefs of Hindustan, binding themselves, that if the Hindus will come forward to slay the English, the Mahomedans will from that very day put a stop to the slaughter of cows, and those of them who will not do so will be considered to have abjured the Koran, and such of them as will eat beef will be regarded as though they had eaten pork; but if the Hindus will not gird their loins to kill the English, but will try to save them, they will be as guilty in the sight of God as though they had committed the sins of killing cows and eating flesh. Perhaps the English may, for their own ends, try to assure the Hindus that as the Mussulmans have con¬ sented to give up killing cows from respect for the Hindu religion, they will solemnly engage to do the same, and will ask the Hindus to join them against the Mussulmans; but no sensible man will be gulled by such deceit, for the solemn promises and professions of the English are always deceitful and interested. Once their ends are gained they will infringe their engagements, for deception has ever been habitual with them, and the treachery they have always practised on the people of Hindustan is known to rich and poor. Do not therefore give heed to what they may say. Be well assured you will never have such an opportunity again. We all know that writing a letter is equivalent to an advance half way towards fellowship. I trust you will all write answers approving of what has been proposed herein. This letter has been printed under the direction of Moulavy Syad Kutb Shah Sahib, at the Bahaduri press, in the city of Bareilly.

6 / POLITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS AND COMMUNICATION IN BENGAL: 1860 Indians in the important coastal provinces of Bengal, Bombay, and Madras did not join the Mutiny. However, education, the press, and European racism and economic oppression were arousing a new political consciousness. Both the Mutiny of 1857 and the indigo peasant disturbances in 1859-60 contributed to this awakening in Bengal. During the 1850s the indigo industry in Bengal was de¬ clining under the pressure of inflation, competition from European synthetic dyes, and a new concern among officials, missionaries, and educated Indians for the welfare of the indigo peasants. Most of the indigo was cultivated not on plantations but on land held by Indian peasants. The European planters advanced money to the peasants,

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS / 31 often coercing them to accept the advance, sow the indigo, and de¬ liver the crop. Reverend James Long was one of the sharpest critics of this oppressive system, as well as a perceptive observer of Indian society. He gave the following testimony before the Indigo Commission, which investigated the causes of the distur¬ bances. President (W. S. Seton-Karr). Will you state to the Commission,

what opportunities you have had of ascertaining the feelings and habits of the lower orders, both in districts where indigo is cul¬ tivated and in districts where it is not? Reverend J. Long. I have not lived in indigo districts, though I have visited many; and have received much information on the subject of the indigo . . . system from indigo planters and others; my two main sources of information have been mixing much with natives of all classes, both in Calcutta, and in the villages, some of whose interests are mixed up with indigo cultivation; as also from having been a regular reader for the last sixteen years of the vernacular newspapers and periodicals, which constantly treat of the subject of indigo cultivation. This subject has been forced on my attention in connection with the questions of the education of the masses, and of the creation of a body of intelligent peasantry, in enquiries into the effect of English influence in attaching natives to the Government, and setting a Christian example; Missionary preachers, even in Calcutta, are sometimes met with a remark, “Why do you not tell your countrymen, the indigo planters, to be less oppressive; go, preach to them first.” And I have frequently heard even boys in Missionary schools say, “Why are your Christian countrymen as bad as we are, and yet you say, your religion is better than ours.,, President. In your reading in connection with the vernacular press and your conversation with all classes, have you noticed many facts, which might lead you to think that the lower orders of Bengalees have lately adopted more independent habits of thought? Long. Yes; I have seen it very much of late in connection with the rise of prices, and the increased value of labour, thus enabling the natives to be, to a certain extent, independent of the Europeans; and I believe, it has had much to do with the immediate causes of the opposition to indigo planting; it will not cease here, but will, I believe, have a very important social influence on the mass of the From Report of the Indigo Commission Appointed Under Act XI of i860 (Calcutta, 1860), pp. 153-56.

32 /THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS people, freeing them from a slavish feeling, and showing them that they can in various cases, declare terms to the Europeans. The mutiny has also roused the native mind, and has made the people feel that they have some power. I would mention one illustration of the effect of the rise of prices that is now felt, namely the difficulty experienced for some time in the Kishnaghur district in getting boats at a reasonable rate of hire to come to Calcutta; many boatmen have abandoned this occupation and have devoted them¬ selves to labour, which gives them a higher rate of wages; such as on Railway embankments, which is paid at a very high rate. But my own enquiries and duties have brought two causes prominently to my notice, as conducing to independence of mind among the masses; first, English education, happily spreading in the country among the natives, is giving them a sense of freedom, leavening their minds with a regard to a sense of justice, and im¬ parting to them an English tone of revulsion against oppression. It is also welding the natives of the different Presidencies into one patriotic mass, with a community of feeling on Indian subjects. Thus a native of Calcutta, on a recent visit to Bombay, was enabled to address numbers of Parsees and Guzeraties in English; though they knew nothing of each other’s vernacular. A pamphlet was published by a native in this city, some time ago, in English, and was reprinted by his countrymen in Madras and circulated widely. Madras and Bombay, like Calcutta, have newspapers in English, conducted by natives, and advocating the views of educated natives. This influence is radiating downwards. The substance of those newspapers and pamphlets in English are being communicated orally, or by means of translations to the masses of the people. The vernacular press is rising into great importance, as a genuine exponent of native opinion, and it is to be regretted that the European community pay so little regard to its admonitions and warnings. It is the index of the native mind. In 1853, I visited Delhi, Agra, and Lucknow, and particularly examined the statistics connected with the vernacular press, in the Upper Provinces, and I remember the impression with which I left Delhi, after I had been through its lanes and gullies, exploring the localities of its ver¬ nacular presses. I felt then very strongly, how little the Europeans of Delhi and other cities were aware of the prodigious activity of the vernacular periodical press, and the impression it was evidently producing on the native mind as tested by the avidity with which books, treating on native and political subjects, were purchased. The progress of the vernacular press in Calcutta may be thus shown:

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS / 33 Works printed for sale, were: In 1826 In 1853 In 1857

8,000' 300,000 - Copies 600,000-

Social questions occupy much of the attention of the Vernacular press; thus the controversy on widow marriages gave rise to twentyfive different publications in Bengali. The subjects of early marriage and female education have also been amply discussed. The Agrihorticultural Society of Calcutta has deemed it worth its while to publish a volume on agricultural subjects for the ryots. A native, under the soubriquet of a “Tekchund,” with the wit of a Dickens or a Moliere, has exposed the evils of spirit drinking, female ignorance, and Young-Bengalism, among his countrymen, and his works have met with a large circulation. Next, Bengali newspapers, such as the Bhaskar and Probhakur are circulated widely even as far as the Punjab, for wherever Bengalis go (the Bengali, like the Jew, is a wanderer, and is to be met with in every part of Northern India), they keep up a correspondence with each other in their own language and read their native papers. Thus on a visit to Benares, three years ago, I was in a part, called the Bengali-tolla, in¬ habited almost entirely by Bengalis, who used the Bengali language. Two Bengali newspapers were printed there. These Bengali news¬ papers have mofussil [rural] correspondents, who give them the news of the district, and to each Bengali newspaper is attached a transla¬ tor of English newspapers; hence the native mind is much more familiarized with political movements both in Europe and India, than the Anglo-Indian commonly imagines. I take up the Bhaskar of last Thursday as a specimen of what is ordinarily given in a Bengali newspaper: there is an editorial on the Income Tax, in which the policies of Lord Auckland, Lord William Bentinck, Lord Hardinge, Lord Dalhousie, and Runjeet Sing are reviewed; then an editorial on Lord Clyde’s leaving India; then an article on Sir Charles Trevelyan and on the Raja of Burdwan; then news about China, and about the Indigo Commission; the price currents, Assam steamers, Sir George Clerk, Gwalior, Oude [Oudh], and Lady Canning. A Bengali paper is also published in the remote district of Rungpore; the last number, for instance, contains offers of prizes for vernacular essays; an editorial on the Moslem rule; the Rajah of Kooch Behar’s movements; the Indigo Commission, and an article on gas. The amlas [agents] of the courts, the state of the police, the character of magistrates are contant subjects of criticism in those

34 / THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS papers. I remember reading sixteen years ago, a series of powerful articles in the Bhaskar, exposing with the most caustic wit, the abuses of the courts. Now, to my certain knowledge, indigo planting has been for the last sixteen years the subject of incessant attacks in those native newspapers, and the opinion of those papers filters down to the mass. News is spread among natives through channels which Europeans know little of. Thus at the period of the mutiny, the bazaar had often anticipated the Government, in political informa¬ tion. . . . Another source of ascertaining native opinion, are popular songs; songs have a powerful effect among Bengalis, and are used for religious and other purposes, with great success, justifying the remark of Burke, “give me the making of the ballads of a nation and I will give you the making of the laws.” I beg to submit a pamphlet published in Bengali and widely circulated, called “The oppressions of the indigo planters”; it contains songs which have been sung far and wide among natives and set to music. The drift of some of those songs is the following: that the interest on the planter’s ad¬ vances accumulates for three generations; that though the people sell their pottas (leases) they do not cross the Ganges, i.e. get free from the planter; that when the planter first applies to the ryot to sow indigo, he comes like a beggar, but at last he makes grass to grow on the ryot’s bones; the indigo planters come in like a needle, but go out like a plough share, and are desolating Bengal like flocks of locusts; the King looks on while the subjects are drowned; all is gone; to whom shall we apply but to Almighty God; should we shut our eyes at night, we see the white face before us, and through fear, our lives fly away like a bird; our souls are burning in the strong flames of pain. (Translation and original handed in.) Another source of ascertaining native opinion, are native meetings. The Hindoos are fond of dramatic exhibition or jatras, which abound in wit and ridicule. In these the evils of Kulin polygamy are held up to contempt;* nor do the defects of Europeans escape attention. A friend of mine was present at one of these meetings some two years ago, when the European was brought forward for ridicule with his slang terms of “cursed nigger,” “stupid ass.” Indigo planting is also occasionally the subject of ridicule in these meetings. * Kulin Brahmins were customarily permitted to marry any number of women and collect the marriage contract payment whether or not they ever lived with their brides. Kulin husbands were sought by lower-caste families because of the Kulins’ high status.

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS / 35 I can assure the Commissioners, that no language can depict the burning indignation, with which indigo planting is and has been regarded by the native population. It alarms me seriously for the future peace of India, unless an equitable adjustment of the question is made. Somehow or another a feeling is arising in rural districts and spreading through the country, that the Government and officials wink at a system of oppression on the part of the planters, more ruthless, the natives say, than any in Moslem times. In connection with this the notion has long been established in the N. W. Prov¬ inces but is now spreading in rural districts in Bengal, that the French and Russians are anxious to get a footing in India, and of late natives have repeatedly said, how can we be worse under any foreign Government; they see the Magistrates and Deputy Magis¬ trates, when sent to adjudicate disputes between the ryots and the planters, becoming in various cases the guests of the planter while the case is pending; nor is this feeling against indigo planting confined to the natives of Bengal, or to the lower orders. Various educated natives are aware that the French press has brought for¬ ward the indigo planting system as a blot on English administration. I myself, at the beginning of the mutiny, read a pamphlet published by one of the courtiers of the king of Oude, in which he argues that the indigo planting oppression is as great in Bengal, as any system of oppression that has been alleged to be practiced by the king of Oude; and that if the king of Oude is to be deprived of his kingdom, on account of the oppression practised in his territories, the English Government ought also to be deprived of Bengal, on account of the indigo and other oppressions they wink at. Feelings existing among the people in Bengal, can be orally communicated to the people speaking the Flindi and Maharatta languages, cognate tongues, I found myself while at Benares, that I could make myself soon understood by the Hindi speaking popula¬ tion, in consequence of the affinity of the languages. President.

Do you consider, that the newspapers and pamphlets

to which you allude, have any circulation in the indigo districts, or say, beyond thirty miles from Calcutta?

Of late years they have had; I calculate that though native papers have a limited numerical circulation in the Mofussil [rural districts], yet each paper is probably read by from five to ten natives, and the information in it is orally communicated to a far wider sphere. There are hundreds of Bengali book-hawkers em¬ ployed, who gain their livelihood by selling books, pamphlets, and almanacs, in various districts. I myself have sent a book-hawker Long.

36/THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS out for the sale of useful Bengali works in the Hoogly District, and was surprised at the success he met with. In one case the natives had subscribed for a Barrowari Pooja [religious ceremony], but on my sending them useful works, they appropriated one half of the money collected for the Pooja to the purchase of these works. Mr. Sale. You have stated that a Bengali paper would be read by five or ten persons; should a number of the Bhaskar go into a zemindary cutcherry [estate office], do you not think it would be read by a much larger number? Long. Yes; and in such cases it is the practice of Hindoos to have one person at night to read to a large number; and the power of communicating information orally, is a well paid profession among a class of Hindoos called kathaks. I have been present at an assem¬ bly where three hundred males, and more than one hundred females behind the purdah, were listening to an eloquent discourse in Bengali by a kathak for one hour and a half; and during that time, the attention was so profound, that the dropping of a pice [small coin] could be heard. Nor are the popular songs of Bengalis sung at these assemblies al¬ ways confined to subjects of love and religion, they occasionally touch on politics; for instance, on the appointment of indigo planters as honorary magistrates, strong feelings of indignation were excited among natives, but especially among ryots. A common remark was, je rakhak se hhakhak, the man appointed our protector is our devourer, or, in the language of English-speaking natives, the wolf is appointed the guardian of the flock; this remark was made to me frequently; those feelings found vent in song. I heard one of these songs, condemnatory of planters as magistrates, set to music, and sung with enthusiasm by a band of native singers in the Kishnaghur district.

7 / RABINDRANATH TAGORE'S ROMANTIC PATRIOTISM OF THE 1870s Many decades passed before educated Indians capitalized on the political potential of the lower classes which Rev. James Long had analyzed. During the second half of the nineteenth century, univer¬ sity-educated Indians were rediscovering their Indian past and learning to organize themselves for political purposes. Mobilization of rural and uneducated people was rare before World War I. The Tagore family of Calcutta were pioneers in the movement to awaken national pride and to find outlets for creative activity and self-expression. Dwarkanath (1794-1846) was an entrepreneur

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS / 37 of great wealth and imagination; his son, Debendranath (18171905), was a leading religious reformer; and Debendranath's son, Rabindranath (1861-1941), was a poet, educator, patriot, and in¬ ternationalist. Rabindranath describes some of the romantic, patri¬ otic activities of his family's circle during the 1870s. From an outside point of view many a foreign custom would appear to have gained entry into our family, but at its heart flames a national pride which has never flickered. The genuine regard which my father had for his country never forsook him through all the revolutionary vicissitudes of his life, and this in his descendants has taken shape as a strong patriotic feeling. Love of country was, however, by no means a characteristic of the times of which I am writing. Our educated men then kept at arms’ length both the lan¬ guage and thought of their native land. Nevertheless my elder brothers had always cultivated Bengali literature. When on one occasion some new connection by marriage wrote my father an English letter it was promptly returned to the writer. The Hindu Mela was an annual fair which had been instituted* with the assistance of our house. Babu Nabagopal Mitter was ap¬ pointed its manager. This was perhaps the first attempt at a reverential realisation of India as our motherland. My second brother’s popular national anthem “Bharater Jaya," was composed, then. The singing of songs glorifying the motherland, the recitation of poems of the love of country, the exhibition of indigenous arts and crafts and the encouragement of national talent and skill were the features of this Mela.

My fourth brother, Jyotirindra, was responsible for a political association of which old Rajnarain Bose was the president. It held its sittings in a tumbledown building in an obscure Calcutta lane. Its proceedings were enshrouded in mystery. This mystery was its only claim to be awe-inspiring, for as a matter of fact there was nothing in our deliberations or doings of which government or people need have been afraid. The rest of our family had no idea where we were spending our afternoons. Our front door would be locked, the meeting room in darkness, the watchward a Vedic From Sir Rabindranath Tagore, My Reminiscences (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1917; London: Macmillan & Co. Ltd.), pp. 138-42 and 144-46. Copy¬ right 1917 by the Macmillan Company, renewed 1945 by Subir Tagore. Re¬ printed by permission of the publishers and the Trustees of the Tagore’s Estate. * In 1867.

38 / THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS mantra, our talk in whispers. These alone provided us with enough of a thrill, and we wanted nothing more. Mere child as I was, I also was a member. We surrounded ourselves with such an atmosphere of pure frenzy that we always seemed to be soaring aloft on the wings of our enthusiasm. Of bashfulness, diffidence or fear we had none, our main object being to bask in the heat of our own fevour. Bravery may sometimes have its drawbacks; but it has always maintained a deep hold on the reverence of mankind. In the litera¬ ture of all countries we find an unflagging endeavour to keep alive this reverence. So in whatever state a particular set of men in a particular locality may be, they cannot escape the constant impact of these stimulating shocks. We had to be content with responding to such shocks, as best we could, by letting loose our imagination, coming together, talking tall and singing fervently. There can be no doubt that closing up all outlets and barring all openings to a faculty so deep-seated in the nature of man, and moreover so prized by him, creates an unnatural condition favour¬ able to degenerate activity. It is not enough to keep open only the avenues to clerical employment in any comprehensive scheme of Imperial Government—if no road be left for adventurous daring the soul of man will pine for deliverance, and secret passages still be sought, of which the pathways are tortuous and the end unthink¬ able. I firmly believe that if in those days Government had paraded a frightfulness born of suspicion, then the comedy which the youth¬ ful members of this association had been at might have turned into grim tragedy. The play, however, is over, not a brick of Fort-William in any the worse, and we are now smiling at its memory. My brother Jyotirindra began to busy himself with a national costume for all India, and submitted various designs to the associa¬ tion. The Dhoti was not deemed business-like; trousers were too foreign; so he hit upon a compromise which considerably detracted from the dhoti while failing to improve the trousers. That is to say, the trousers were decorated with the addition of a false dhoti-fold in front and behind. The fearsome thing that resulted from com¬ bining a turban with a Sola-topee our most enthusiastic member would not have had the temerity to call ornamental. No person of ordinary courage could have dared it, but my brother unflinchingly wore the complete suit in broad day-light, passing through the house of an afternoon to the carriage waiting outside, indifferent alike to the stare of relation or friend, door-keeper or coachman. There may be many a brave Indian ready to die for his country, but there are but few, I am sure, who even for the good of the nation would face the public streets in such pan-Indian garb.

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS / 39

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One of the objects of our association was to encourage the manu¬ facture of lucifer matches, and similar small industries. For this purpose each member had to contribute a tenth of his income. Matches had to be made, but matchwood was difficult to get; for though we all know with what fiery energy a bundle of khangras* can be wielded in capable hands, the thing that burns at its touch is not a lamp wick. After many experiments we succeeded in making a boxful of matches. The patriotic enthusiasm which was thus evi¬ denced did not constitute their only value, for the money that was spent in their making might have served to light the family hearth for the space of a year. Another little defect was that these matches could not be got to burn unless there was a light handy to touch them up with. If they could only have inherited some of the patri¬ otic flame of which they were born they might have been marketable even to-day. News came to us that some young student was trying to make a power loom. Off we went to see it. None of us had the knowledge with which to test its practical usefulness, but in our capacity for believing and hoping we were inferior to none. The poor fellow had got into a bit of debt over the cost of his machine which we repaid for him. Then one day we found Braja Babu coming over to our house with a flimsy country towel tied round his head. “Made in our loom!” he shouted as with hands uplifted he executed a war-dance.

8 / CONGRESS LEADERS IN 1886 ASK FOR MILITARY TRAINING AND SELF-GOVERNMENT The first meeting of the Indian National Congress was held in Bombay in December 1885. Seventy-two delegates, including Alan Octavian Hume, the retired civil servant who was instrumental in organizing the Congress, agreed to ask that Indians be given a greater share and voice in governing India. The second Congress, held in Calcutta in December 1886, attracted 434 delegates. Most speakers expressed profuse loyalty and gratefulness to the British. But the Congress was seeking major concessions, as two of the * The dried and stripped centre-vein of a cocoanut leaf gives a long tapering stick of the average thickness of a match stick, and a bundle of these goes to make the common Bengal household broom which in the hands of the housewife is popularly supposed to be useful in keeping the whole household in order from husband downwards. Its effect on a bare back is here alluded to. [Tr.]

40 /THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS speeches at the 1886 Congress suggest. Raja Rampal Singh of Lucknow spoke for a resolution asking that Indian volunteer officers be accepted into the Indian army. Surendranath Banerjea of Calcutta supported a resolution concerning the expansion of the Legislative Councils.

Raja Rampal Singh We are deeply grateful to Government for all the good that it has done us, but we cannot be grateful to it when it is, no matter with what best of intentions, doing us a terrible and irreparable injury. . . . We cannot be grateful to it for degrading our natures, for systematically crushing out of us all martial spirit, for converting a race of soldiers and heroes into a timid flock of quill-driving sheep. Thank God, things have not yet gone quite so far as this. There are some of us yet, everywhere, who would be willing to draw sword, and if needful lay down our lives, for hearth and homes, aye and for the support and maintenance of that Government to which we owe so much. But this is what we are coming to . . . and when we once come to that, then I think that, despite the glories of the Pax Britannica, despite the noble intentions of Great Britain, despite all the good she may have done or tried to do us, the balance will be against her, and India will have to regret rather than rejoice that she has ever had anything to do with England. This may be strong language, but it is the truth; nothing can ever make amends to a Nation for the destruction of its National spirit, and of the capacity to defend itself and the soil from which is springs. Nor is it only we who shall have to regret and suffer for the mis¬ taken policy that our Government is unhappily pursuing in this matter. Look where you will around you in the world, and you will see gigantic armies and armaments. There is trouble in store for the whole civilised world, and sooner or later a tremendous military struggle will commence, in which, assuredly, before it terminates, Great Britain will be involved. Great Britain with all her wealth cannot put one hundred men into the field for every thousand that several Continental Powers can. England herself is isolated, and by her insular position to a certain extent protected, but no friendly sea rolls between Europe and Asia, the landward path to India is known and open; India is not isolated, and it will be India, on whose possession half Great Britain’s wealth and status depends, that From Report of the Second Indian National Congress held at Calcutta on the 27th, 28th, 29th, and 30th of December, 1886. (Calcutta: Indian National Congress, 1887), pp. 93-94 and 98.

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS / 41 will be the scene of any serious attack by any Continental Powers on Great Britain. Then will England regret that, instead of having millions of brave Indians trained to arms to fling back invaders, she has only her scanty legions to oppose to them, and from her timid subjects can only look at most for good wishes—good wishes, truly good things in their way, but poor bulwarks against Berdan rifles and steel ordnance. But on our own account we deprecate the existing policy. High and low we are losing all knowledge of the use of arms, and with this that spirit of self-reliance which enables a man to dare, which makes men brave, which makes them worthy of the name of men. When I was only five years of age my grandfather made me begin to learn all physical exercises in vogue amongst us, and I was trained to the use of all arms and in all martial exercises. But what man now sends his son for such training? What young man nowadays knows anything of these things? Fifty years ago, without desiring warfare, every young man’s heart glowed within him at the thought of some day showing his prowess in a fair field. Now most young men would, I fear, contemplate any such possible contingency with very, let me say, mixed feelings. If men are to be fit for soldiers, fit to fight to any purpose when the time of trial comes, and come it must for every country, then they must be trained in the use of arms, they must from their childhood see their parents, their elders, using arms and participating in those martial exercises which only 35 years ago, in Oudh at least, were part of every gentleman’s occupa¬ tion. And there is another very important point—India is practically being impoverished, to a great extent, by the enormous expense of her standing army. Sooner or later the crushing weight of this (for her resources) enormous expenditure will break down either the country or the Government. Now by a judicious encouragement of Indian Volunteers, it would be possible to reduce very greatly this military expenditure, and yet leave the country far stronger for defensive purposes than it now is. But I might go on for hours. I might dwell on the fact that in the way the Arms Act is now worked in many localities, the people, their herds, their crops, are wholly at the mercy of wild beasts. I might dwell on the insult, the injustice, the violation of the most sacred and solemn pledges by England to India, that are involved in the rules that permit Indian Christians, but do not permit Indian Hindus or Muhammadans, to volunteer. But I have said enough, and indeed being, as we are, all of one mind, too much already I

42/THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS fear on this subject, in which I am deeply interested. I will only now add that we do not ask Government to put arms blindly into all men’s hands, but only to permit under such rules and restrictions as it sees fit, the better and more educated classes of its loyal Indian subjects to qualify themselves to defend, when occasion may re¬ quire, their homes, their country and their Government.

Surendrcmath Banerjea Self-Government is the ordering of nature, the will of Divine Provi¬ dence. Every Nation must be the arbiter of its own destinies—such is the omnipotent fiat inscribed by Nature with her own hands and in her own eternal book. But do we govern ourselves? The answer is no. Are we then living in an unnatural state? Yes, in the same state in which the patient lives under the ministrations of the physician. We are passing through a period of probation and a period of trial under the auspices of one of the most freedom-loving Nations in the world. And we claim that the period of probation may now fairly terminate, that the leading-strings may be taken off, and the child, having emerged into the dawn of mature manhood, may at any rate be partially entrusted with the management of his own affairs. If it were otherwise, the circumstance would imply the gravest slur upon the character of British rule in India; for it would mean that after more than a century of British rule and of English education, we are still unfit to appreciate the principles and to practise the art of Self-Government. But I have no fears on this score. In our own Province, local self-government has been remark¬ ably successful. We have it on the highest authority; for no less a personage than His Honour the Lieutenant-Governor has declared that in Bengal local self-government has on the whole been a suc¬ cess; and I am quite sure similar testimony would be forthcoming in reference to the other Provinces of India. It would indeed be a marvel if it were otherwise. Our Panchayat system is as old as the hills and is graven on the hearts and the instincts of the people. Self-Government is therefore nothing new to the habits or the ways of thought of the people of India.

9 / SAYYID AHMAD KHAN'S ATTACK ON THE CONGRESS Many politically conscious Indians, especially Muslims and wealthy landlords, opposed or ignored the Congress in its early years. Some

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS / 43 feared governmental disapproval. Some disliked majority rule and the democratic threat to aristocratic privilege posed by Congress demands for more elections and for competitive civil service examinations. Others resented Bengali politicians' claims to repre¬ sent the interests of Indians from other regions. The opposition to the Congress was most vocal in the North-Western Provinces and Oudh where it was encouraged by the Government and led by Sayyid Ahmad Khan of the Aluhammadan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh. In the twenty-five years after Sayyid Ahmad's Lucknow speech of December 28th, 1887, the Congress was unable to attract Muslim support comparable to that received from Hindus. Gentlemen, I am not given to speaking on politics, and I do not recollect having ever previously given a political lecture. My atten¬ tion has always been directed towards the education of my brother Mahomedans, for from education I anticipate much benefit for my people, for Hindustan, and for the Government. But at the present time circumstances have arisen which make it necessary for me, I think, to tell my brother Musalmans clearly what my opinions are. . . . The reason why I stand here to address you to-day is because there has grown up in India a political agitation, and it is necessary to determine what action should be taken by the Mahomedan community with regard to it. Although my own thoughts and desires are towards my own community, yet I shall discuss whether or not this agitation is useful for the country and for the other nations who live in it. If it be useful, we must fol¬ low it; but if dangerous for the country or our nation, we must hold aloof. . . . Government has made a Council for making laws affecting the lives, property, and comfort of the people. For this Council she selects from all Provinces those officials who are best acquainted with the administration and the condition of the people, and also some Raises* who, on account of their high social position, are worthy of a seat in that assembly. Some people may ask—Why should they be chosen on account of social position instead of ability? On this, gentlemen, I will say a few words. It is a great misfortune—and I ask your pardon for saying it—that the landed gentry of India have not the trained ability which makes them worthy of occupying those seats. But you must not neglect those From Sir Syed Ahmed on the Present State of Indian Politics, Consisting of Speeches and Letters Reprinted from the '‘Pioneer1’ (Allahabad: Pioneer Press, 1888), pp. 2-4, 9-14, and 17-18. * Men of position and influence.

44/THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS circumstances which compel Government to adopt this policy. It is very necessary that for the Viceroy’s Council the members should be of high social position. I ask you—Would our aristocracy like that a man of low caste or insignificant origin, though he be a B.A. or M.A., and have the requisite ability, should be in a posi¬ tion of authority above them and have power in making the laws that affect their lives and property? Never! Nobody would like it. (Cheers). A seat in the Council of the Viceroy is a position of great honour and prestige. None but a man of good breeding can the Viceroy take as his colleague, treat as his brother, and invite to entertainments at which he may have to dine with Dukes and Earls. Hence no blame can be attached to Government for making these great Raises members of the Council. It is our great misfortune that our Raises are such that they are unable to devise laws useful for the country. . . . Leave this a moment and consider what are the conditions which make the introduction into a country of competitive examinations expedient, and then see whether our own country is ready for it or not. This is no difficult question of political economy. Every one can understand that the first condition for the introduction of competitive examination into a country is that all people in that country, from the highest to the lowest, should belong to one na¬ tion. In such a country no particular difficulties are likely to arise. The second case is that of a country in which there are two nationalities which have become so united as to be practically one nation. England and Scotland are a case in point. In the past many wars were waged between those countries and many acts of bravery were done on both sides, but those times have gone, and they are now like one nation. But this is not the case with our country, which is peopled with different nations. Consider the Hindus alone. The Hindus of our Province, the Bengalis of the East, and the Mahrattas of the Deccan, do not form one nation. If, in your opinion, the peoples of India do form one nation, then no doubt competitive examination may be introduced; but if this be not so, then competitive examination is not suited to the country. The third case is that of a country in which there are different national¬ ities which are on an equal footing as regards the competition, whether they take advantage of it or not. Now, I ask you, have Mahomedans attained to such a position as regards higher English education, which is necessary for higher appointments, as to put them on a level with Hindus or not? Most certainly not. Now, I take Mahomedans and the Hindus of our Province together, and ask whether they are able to compete with the Bengalis or not?

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS / 45 Most certainly not. When this is the case, how can competitive examination be introduced into our country. (Cheers). Think for a moment what would be the result if all appointments were given by competitive examination. Over all races, not only over Mahomedans but over Rajas of high position and the brave Rajputs who have not forgotten the swords of their ancestors, would be placed as ruler a Bengali who at sight of a table knife would crawl under his chair. (Uproarious cheers and laughter). There would remain no part of the country in which we should see at the tables of justice and authority any face except those of Bengalis. I am delighted to see the Bengalis making progress, but the question is—What would be the result on the administration of the country? Do you think that the Rajput and the fiery Pathan, who are not afraid of being hanged or of encountering the swords of the police or the bayonets of the army, could remain in peace under the Bengalis? (Cheers). This would be the outcome of the proposal if accepted. Therefore if any of you—men of good position, Raises, men of the middle classes, men of noble family to whom God has given sentiments of honour—if you accept that the country should groan under the yoke of Bengali rule and its people lick the Bengali shoes, then, in the name of God! jump into the train, sit down, and he off to Madras,* he off to Madras! (Loud cheers and laughter). But if you think that the prosperity and honour of the country would be ruined, then, brothers, sit in your houses, inform Government of your circumstances, and bring your wants to its notice in a calm and courteous manner. The second demand of the National Congress is that the people should elect a section of the Viceroy’s Council. They want to copy the English House of Lords and the House of Commons. The elected members are to be like members of the House of Commons; the appointed members like the House of Lords. Now, let us sup¬ pose the Viceroy’s Council made in this manner. And let us suppose first of all that we have universal suffrage, as in America, and that everybody, chamars\ and all, have votes. And first suppose that all the Mahomedan electors vote for a Mahomedan member and all Hindu electors for a Hindu member, and now count how many votes the Mahomedan member has and how many the Hindu. It is certain the Hindu member will have four times as many because their population is four times as numerous. Therefore we can prove by mathematics that there will be four votes for the Hindu to every one vote for the Mahomedan. And now how can the * The National Congress was then sitting at Madras. -}- A very low caste.

46/THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS Mahomedan guard his interests? It would be like a game of dice, in which one man had four dice and the other only one. In the second place, suppose that the electorate be limited. Some method of qualification must be made; for example, that people with a certain income shall be electors. Now, I ask you, O Mahomedans! Weep at your condition! Have you such wealth that you can com¬ pete with the Hindus? Most certainly not. Suppose, for example, that an income of Rs. 5,000 a year be fixed on, how many Ma¬ homedans will there be? Which party will have the larger number of votes? I put aside the case that by a rare stroke of luck a blessing comes through the roof and some Mahomedan is elected. In the normal case no single Mahomedan will secure a seat in the Viceroy’s Council. The whole Council will consist of Babu So-and-so Mitter, Babu So-and-so Ghose, and Babu So-and-so ChuckerbuttyA (Laugh¬ ter). Again, what will be the result for the Hindus of our Province, though their condition be better than that of the Mahomedans? What will be the result for those Rajputs the swords of whose ancestors are still wet with blood? And what will be the result for the peace of the country? Is there any hope that we and our brave brothers the Rajputs can endure it in silence? Now, we will suppose a third kind of election. Suppose a rule to be made that a suitable number of Mahomedans and a suitable number of Hindus are to be chosen. I am aghast when I think on what grounds this number is likely to be determined. Of necessity proportion to total popula¬ tion will be taken. So there will be one member for us to every four for the Hindus. No other condition can be laid down. Then they will have four votes and we shall have one. Now, I will make a fourth supposition. Leaving aside the question as to the suit¬ ability of members with regard to population, let us suppose that a rule is laid down that half the members are to be Mahomedan and half Hindu, and that the Mahomedans and Hindus are each to elect their own men. Now, I ask you to pardon me for saying something which I say with a sore heart. In the whole nation there is no person who is equal to the Hindus in fitness for the work. I have worked in the Council for four years, and I have always known well that there can be no man more incompetent or worsefitted for the post than myself. (No; No!) And show me the man who, when elected, will leave his business and undertake the ex¬ pense of living in Calcutta and Simla, leaving alone the trouble of the journeys. Tell me who there is of our nation in the Punjab, Oudh, and North-Western Provinces, who will leave his business. * Common Bengali names.

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS / 47 incur these expenses, and attend the Viceroy’s Council for the sake of his countrymen. When this is the condition of your nation, is it expedient for you to take part in this business on the absurd supposition that the demands of the Congress would, if granted, be beneficial for the country? Spurn such foolish notions. It is cer¬ tainly not expedient to adopt this cry—Chalo Madras! * Chalo Madras! without thinking of the consequences. We ought to consider whether Government can entertain [doubts about Muslim loyalty.] Has she any excuse for such suspicions or no? I reply that she certainly has. Think for a moment who you are. What is this nation of ours? We are those who ruled India for six or seven hundred years. (Cheers). From our hands the country was taken by Government into its own. Is it not natural then for Gov¬ ernment to entertain such thoughts? Is Government so foolish as to suppose that in seventy years we have forgotten all our grandeur and our empire? Although, should Government entertain such notions, she is certainly wrong, yet we must remember she has ample excuse. We do not live on fish; nor are we afraid of using a knife and fork lest we should cut our fingers.f (Cheers). Our nation is of the blood of those who made not only Arabia, but Asia and Europe, to tremble. It is our nation which conquered with its sword the whole of India, although its peoples were all of one religion. (Cheers). I say again that if Government entertains suspicions of us it is wrong. But do her the justice to admit that there is a reasonable ground for such suspicions. Can a wise ruler forget what the state of things was so short a time ago? He can never forget it. If then the Mahomedans also join in these monstrous and unreasonable schemes, which are impossible of fulfilment, and which are disastrous for the country and for our nation, what will be the result? If Government be wise and Lord Dufferin be a capable Viceroy, then he will realise that a Mahomedan agitation is not the same as a Bengali agitation, and he will be bound to apply an adequate remedy. If I were Viceroy, and my nation took part in this affair, I would first of all drop down on them, and make them feel their mistake. Our course of action should be such as to convince Government of the wrongness of her suspicions regarding us, if she entertain any. We should cultivate mutual affection. What we want we should ask for as friends. And if any ill-will exist it should be cleansed away. # Be off to Madras. -j- This was a reference to Bengalis.

48 / THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS

10 / A DURBAR FOR A NATIVE CHIEF v From the Mutiny until independence, two-fifths of India was ruled by semi-autonomous “native chiefs.” The British found that politi¬ cally and economically it was wise to maintain indirect rule in the native states. The Mutiny of 1857 in particular had been a convinc¬ ing demonstration of the dangers of depriving the chiefs of their territories and landlords of their estates. Dispossessed aristocrats led the revolt in Oudh and the North-Western Provinces while almost all the major undisturbed chiefs remained loyal. After the Mutiny the Viceroy, Lord Canning, referred to the native states as the “breakwaters in the storm which would have swept over us in one great wave.” The British Government in India stressed its position as successor state to the Mughal Empire through elaborate ceremony modeled on Mughal tradition. And it encouraged its allies, the chiefs and landlords of both the native states and British India, to preserve aristocratic life-styles in order to emphasize their pre¬ eminent status at the top of their local social hierarchies. By re¬ peatedly demonstrating their magnificence and power, the British and the rajas, it was hoped, would establish beyond doubt the relative positions of superior and inferior and would, therefore be able to awe and control the population. Lord Curzon, Viceroy from 1898 to 1905, appreciated perhaps more than any other GovernorGeneral the political uses of pageantry. Here he describes a durbar, or reception, of a native chief. From the days when the East India Company acquired the govern¬ ment of India, and appointed a Governor General, the incumbent of that high office has always been expected to maintain a consider¬ able degree of state, to follow a very strict ceremonial observance, and to entertain on a lavish scale. Such a practice was not only in exact harmony with Indian tradition, which associated sov¬ ereignty with splendour, but it was also demanded by the British population of Bengal, who expected the head of the Government, and the representative of their own Monarch, to deal with the native Rajas and nobles and also with themselves on a footing not merely of equality, but of vantage, and to hold a Court in Calcutta that should more than reproduce (because of the special require¬ ments of the Orient) the etiquette and dignity of the Court at home. •

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From the Marquis Curzon of Kedleston, British Government in India: The Story of the Viceroys and Government Houses (London: Cassell and Co., 1925), pp. 202, 237-39. Reprinted by permission of Curtis Brown Ltd.

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS / 49 If I may look back upon the seasons that I spent in Government House, and the official ceremonies that took place there, I am in¬ clined to think that the most impressive were, not the great parties in which the European Community, official or unofficial, were the main participants, but the Durbar or reception of some great and powerful Indian Chief, who came to pay his respects to, or to be entertained by, the Viceroy. In this ceremony none but the Viceroy’s Staff and the suite of the visiting Prince took part; no strangers were admitted, except perhaps the personal guests of the Viceroy, concealed behind a screen in the corner of the Throne Room. But the ritual was simple and imposing. The Viceroy would enter the room preceded by his Staff and by the officials of the Foreign De¬ partment who were responsible for the arrangements, and would take his stand on the steps of the canopied Throne. On this occa¬ sion Tipu’s howdah* would be replaced by the silver chair of state with the lion-arms, and at its feet would lie the great scarlet and gold embroidered carpet. On either side of the Viceroy in the back¬ ground stood the chobdars with their gold and silver maces, the men with the yak tails in their embossed handles, and the men with the peacock feathers set in gold. From there he looked down the long vista of the Marble Hall with its gleaming white pillars, absolutely empty save for the Body Guard in their magnificent uniforms, standing like statues on either side. In the distance could be heard the music of the band playing upon the great exterior staircase. An intense silence pre¬ vailed, broken at length by the crunch of wheels on the gravel and the horse-hoofs of the Body Guard, as they escorted the carriage containing the Prince to the foot of the steps. At that moment thundered out the guns from the distant Fort, giving to the Chief his due salute. One—two—three—up to the total of seventeen, nine¬ teen or twenty one, the reverberations rang out. Not until the total —carefully counted by the Chief himself—was completed, did the procession, which was being formed on the terrace at the top of the staircase, attempt to move forward. Then he would be seen to advance along the crimson carpet laid outside and to enter the Marble Hall in all his panoply of brocades and jewels, the For¬ eign Secretary leading him by the hand. As they approached at a slow pace along the polished floor, not a sound was heard but the clank clank of the scabbards on the marble. At the stated distances the Prince, who was followed by his retinue, gave the stipulated bows. He then entered the Throne Room, where the Viceroy, ac* Tipu Sultan ruled Mysore until he was defeated and killed by the British in 1799. A howdah is the seat which fits on the back of an elephant.

50/THE NINETEENTH CENTURY FOUNDATIONS OF INDIAN POLITICS cording to the rank of the visitor, either descended from the steps of the Throne to greet him or awaited him on the dais. The guest then took his seat in the nearest of a row of chairs, arranged on the right side, with his nobles and attendants in the order of their rank beyond him. The Viceroy’s Staff took the corresponding seats on the left, with the Foreign Secretary at their head. The Chief then rose, came forward while everyone stood, bowed low and presented the nazar or ceremonial offering of one or more gold mohurs laid upon a white silk handkerchief, which were touched and remitted by the Viceroy. The principal members of his retinue were then successively presented by him. Seats were resumed, and a conversation ensued, on the visit of the Chief, the circumstances of his family, the condition of his State. At the end the Viceroy’s turn for the offer of ritual hospitality came; and from a silver gilt platter, presented to him for the purpose, he took the pan, a small triangular packet containing a composition of the areca nut cut up in small pieces powdered with lime and wrapped in a leaf of the betel (a pepperplant) covered with gold leaf. This he handed to the Chief who accepted it in the hollow of his hand. Next the Viceroy sprinkled a few drops of attar of roses from a gold and silver flagon on the extended handkerchief of the guest. The Foreign Secretary offered the like compliment to the principal Sirdars [sub¬ ordinate chiefs]. The conversation was then resumed for a few moments, at the end of which the Prince arose and retiring back¬ wards, slowly retreated to the threshold of the Throne Room, where the regulation bows were once more exchanged, and he then walked back the full length of the Marble Hall to the outside steps. There once more the sharp order of the officer commanding the escort rang through the air, the clatter of the horse hoofs resounded, the State Carriage, specially sent by the Viceroy for the purpose, was re-entered, and the procession rolled away. The entire performance would occupy from fifteen to twenty minutes. But in its simplicity and dignity of form, it was the most stately of the many functions at the Capital in which the represen¬ tative of the Sovereign was frequently called upon to take part.

I! / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION

INTRODUCTION Indians who studied in English-language schools in the nineteenth century were exposed to knowledge which helped them in the processes of nation-building. The English language itself enabled Indians from different regions to communicate. The early graduates also learned valuable political lessons while reading about the growth of democracy in England, the American war of inde¬ pendence, the French Revolution, and the political unification of Italy. In other ways, however, the English education received in the schools and colleges hindered nation-building. English education tended to anglicize students’ taste and behavior, thereby increas¬ ing the social distance between the educated elite and the rest of the population, a distance which was already formidable because of casteism. The English curriculum left many graduates ill-prepared to enter the wider Indian society. Instead, members of the Englisheducated class formed something like a new caste, living apart from and looking down on their fellow citizens. Many regarded English literature and language, English political institutions, and English concepts of beauty as ideal norms. Implicitly or explicitly, Indian culture was slighted. Many English-educated Indians viewed their own society and heritage with ambivalence or worse. Toward the end of the nineteenth century, a reaction to anglicization spread in the form of the Hindu revival and the extremist movement. Moral guidance was sought within Hindu traditions; relevant historical precedents were found in India’s own past; po¬ litical styles and vocabulary were drawn from local sources. Englisheducated Indians were consciously rejecting the West in name, although often not in substance, while they discovered and glorified their native culture. In this process, cultural nationalism and po¬ litical extremism frequently reinforced each other. The new faith 51

52 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION in indigenous values and institutions strengthened Indian politicans in their conviction that India could and should rule herself. This in turn produced support for direct action against the British. The cultural revival and the growth of political extremism, which often went together, had their greatest impact in nineteenth-century Bengal and Maharashtra although their effects were felt everywhere.

11 / PATRIOTIC SHIVAJI FESTIVAL During the 1890’s Maharashtrian nationalists started an annual Shivaji festival in honor of the great seventeenth-century warrior who led a major revolt against the Mughal Empire and the Sultan of Bijapur, a Muslim ruler in the Deccan. The festival was one of the ingenious methods used by Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856—1920) to spread the nationalist movement to people who previously had re¬ mained aloof from politics. With its use of traditional priests, images, prayers, and historical and religious discussion, the festival appealed to persons who felt ill at ease at gatherings with a more anglicized character. Bal Gangadhar Tilak, who was probably the most popular Indian nationalist in the pre-Gandhian era, published the following article in his Marathi newspaper the Kesari. A jury judged the article to be seditious under provisions of the Indian Penal Code, and Tilak was sentenced to eighteen months in jail. Tilak was the leader of the extremist wing of the Indian National Congress at this time. Like Tilak, many extremists approved the use of violence under certain circumstances. Nationalists sponsored historical festivals to revive traditions of bravery, martial exploits, physical strength, and independence of foreign rule. Speakers at the Shivaji festival took pains to stress the solidarity of all patriots at a time when Maharashtrian nationalists were divided between moderates and extremists and between social reformers and antireformers. It was characteristic of the Hindu revival sweeping India that speakers asserted the superiority of indigenous values over those of Europe, which an earlier generation of nationalists had uncritically admired. Speakers at the Shivaji festival were concerned about one particu¬ lar event in Shivaji’s life. Shivaji had been charged with the treach¬ erous murder of Afzal Khan, the commander of the Bijapur army which was fighting Shivaji and his rebellious Maratha guerrillas in the Deccan hills in 1659. After Afzal Khan’s army surrounded Shivaji’s mountain fortress of Pratapgarh, Shivaji offered to meet Afzal Khan without their armies in order to negotiate the terms of the

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 53 Maratha surrender. When Afzal Khan and Shivaji met alone below the walls of the fort, Shivaji killed Afzal Khan with his concealed dagger and metal tiger claws. Shivaji’s men then defeated the leaderless Bijapur army. The circumstances and ethics of the killing were debated at the 1897 Shivaji festival, as Tilak reported in the following article. Tilak found moral justification for the killing of Afzal Khan in the Bhagavad Gita (Song of the Lord). The Bhagavad Gita is a philosophical discourse by the god Krishna in the epic Mahabharata. In the Gita, Krishna tells the warrior Arjuna that killing in war is permissible as long as it is not done for selfish reasons. Extremist politicians used the same argument to justify terrorism against the British. They also argued that European history contained many instances of violence which Westerners morally condoned. The Shri Shivaji coronation festival . . . was brought to a close last night. The temple of the god Vithal, near the Lakdipul [wooden bridge], was decorated in excellent style for the festival. An image of Shri Shivaji on horseback was installed and around it were arranged pictures of Shri Shivaji Maharaja drawn by dif¬ ferent artists. . . . Professor Jinsiwale on this occasion said that the reason why Shri Shivaji Maharaja should be considered superior to Caesar and Napoleon was that, while the great men of Europe were actuated by ambition alone, like Duryodhana [villainous king in the Mahabharata], the uncommon attributes displayed by our Maharaja were not the blaze of the fire of ambition or discontent, but were the outcome of the terrible irritation at the ruin of his country and religion by foreigners. After the reading of the puran [sacred story] there was a kirtan [celebrating the praises of a god with music and singing] by the pious Matangi Bava [preacher] at night. The verses composed by the Bava himself on the coronation of Shivaji were couched in simple language, and as the Bava had all the accompaniments required for the katha [a legend of the exploits of some god related with music and singing] with him, the katha was very much enjoyed. Veda-Shastra-Sampanna [learned in the Vedas and Shastras] Matangi had specially come here from Satara for this katha. On the morning of the second day there were athletic sports in Vinchurkar’s Wada [yard]. The students of the New English School and the Nutan Marathi Vidyalaya [New Marathi School] and the other schools acquitted themselves creditably in their performance From article in Kesari (June 15, 1897), trans. in India Home Proceedings (Lon¬ don: India Office Records), Public Proceeding No. 356 (May, 1898).

54 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION with Indian clubs and on the malkhamb [a pillar on which the athletes perform their feats]. The students of the New School showed themselves to be proficient in playing kathi [a stick], danpatta [exercise with a fencing stick in one hand and the weapon called “patta” in the other], bothati [a staff of bamboo with a topknot or bunch of cloth]. We hope that the students of other schools will follow their example in this matter. The students attending the various schools as well as the people attending the gymnasia at this place will not find a better occasion than the festival of the anniversary of Shivaji’s birth for exhibiting their skill in manly sports. If the managers of the various schools take concerted action in this matter, it is likely to give special encouragement to physical and manly sports amongst boys. We hope that this suggestion will be duly considered by the Principals of different schools. Well, on the night of the same day a lecture on the subject of “The killing of Afzal Khan” was delivered by Professor Bhanu, under the presi¬ dentship of Mr. Tilak. The Professor ably refuted the charge of “murder” which English historians bring against Shri Shivaji Maharaja. . . . How was it possible for the Maharaja even to imagine that Afzal Khan, who had undertaken an oath either to seize Shivaji and bring him alive or to kill him and bring his head to Bijapur, and who had on his way trodden under foot the goddess of Tuljapur and the Vithoba image of the Pandharpur temple, meant really to treat with him? What treachery did the Maharaja [Shivaji] commit if he went to meet Afzal Khan near the foot of his mountain fort, Pratapgarh, after making every preparation for battle for his own safety? The English historians assert that the Maharaja was the first to thrust in the waghnakhs [a weapon re¬ sembling a tiger’s claw], but we see it stated in two bakhars [mem¬ oirs], one of them written thirty years after the death of the Maharaja and the other about a hundred years after his death, that Afzal Khan was the first to strike Shivaji. Even if we assume that the Maharaja was the first to strike Afzal Khan, what right has any writer to call that man a “murderer” who, while nine years of age, had divine inspiration not to bow down his head in the slightest degree before the Musalman Emperors? If Mazzini of Italy dons a mourn¬ ing dress from his ninth year for the loss of the independence of his country, why should not the Maharaja even at a tender age be stirred to put forth prodigious efforts for protecting the walking and speaking depositories of knowledge [the Brahmans] and the cows which are the living index of our prosperity? How can English writers have the audacity to belaud Clive and Warren Hastings, who were incomparably inferior to the Maharaja and whose careers

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 55 were fraught with foul deeds? Is it not a deliberate outrage to the purity of truth that the pen of the same English writers, whose code of morality refrains from applying the epithet “rebel” in speaking of Washington, calls Shivaji a rebel? The history of Europe cannot show even a single upright man of Shivaji type. History will find fault with Shivaji, but from the point of view of ethics his act does not merit censure. How can the European science of ethics, which has “the greatest good of the greatest number” as its basis or principal axiom, condemn Shivaji for abandoning a minor duty for the purpose of accomplishing the major one? In the Mahabharata a man of this type is called “Buddha” [Sanskrit for enlightened]. The professor concluded his discourse on the original theme with the declaration that even if the Maharaja had com¬ mitted five or fifty more crimes more terrible than those which his¬ torians allege Shivaji committed, he would have been just as ready as at that moment to profoundly prostrate himself a hundred times before the image of the Maharaja. At the conclusion of the lecture Professor Bhanu said: Every Hindu, every Maratha, to whatever party he may belong, must rejoice at this Shivaji festival. We all are striving to regain our lost independence, and this terrible load is to be uplifted by us all in combination. It will never be proper to place obstacles in the way of any person who, with a true mind, follows the path of uplifting this burden in the manner he deems fit. Our mutual dissensions impede our progress greatly. If any one be crushing down the coun¬ try from above cut him off; but do not put impediments in the way of others. Let bygones be bygones; let us forget them and forgive one another for them. Have we not had enough of that strife, which would have the same value in the estimation of great men as a fight among rats and cats? All occasions like the present festival, which tend to unite the whole country, must be welcome. So saying the Professor concluded his speech. Afterwards Professor Jinsiwale said: If no one blames Napoleon for committing two thousand murders in Europe and if Caesar is considered merciful though he needlessly committed slaughters in Gaul many a time, why should so virulent an attack be made on Shri Shivaji Maharaja for killing one or two persons? The people who took part in the French Revo¬ lution denied that they committed murders and maintained that they were only removing thorns from their path. Why should not the same argument be made applicable to Maharashtra? Being inflamed with partisanship, it is not good that we should keep aside our true opinions. It is true that we must swallow our opinions on any occasion when an expression of them might be thought detri-

56 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION mental to the interests of the nation, but no one should permit his real opinions to be permanently trodden under foot. Professor Jinsiwale concluded his speech by expressing a hope that next year there will be greater unity amongst the various parties in Poona on the occasion of this festival. After the conclusion of Professor Jinsiwale’s speech, the Presi¬ dent, Mr. Tilak, commenced his discourse. It was needless to make fresh historical researches in connection with the killing of Afzal Khan. Let us even assume that Shivaji first planned and then executed the murder of Afzal Khan. Was this act of the Maharaja good or bad? This question which has to be considered should not be viewed from the standpoint of the Penal Code or even the Smritis [law books] of Manu or Yajnavalkya, or even the principles of morality laid down in the Western and Eastern ethical systems. The laws which bind society are for common men like yourselves and myself. No one seeks to trace the genealogy of a Rishi [legend¬ ary sage], nor to fasten guilt upon a king. Great men are above the common principles of morality. These principles fail in their scope to reach the pedestal of great men. Did Shivaji commit a sin in killing Afzal Khan? The answer to this question can be found in the Mahabharata itself. Shrimat Krishna’s teaching in the Bhagavad Gita is to kill even our teachers and our kinsmen. No blame at¬ taches to any person if he is doing deeds without being motivated by a desire to reap the fruit of his deeds. Shri Shivaji Maharaja did nothing with a view to fill the small void of his own stomach [from interested motives]. With benevolent intentions he murdered Afzal Khan for the good of others. If thieves enter our house and we have not sufficient strength in our wrists to drive them out, we should shut them up and burn them alive. God has not conferred upon the Mlechhas [a barbarian or foreigner] the grant inscribed on a copperplate of the kingdom of Hindustan. The Maharaja strove to drive them away from the land of his birth; he did not thereby commit the sin of coveting what belonged to others. Do not circumscribe your vision like a frog in a well. Get out of the Penal Code, enter into the extremely high atmosphere of the Bhagavad Gita, and then consider the actions of great men. After making the above observations in connection with the original theme, Mr. Tilak made the following remarks relating to the concluding por¬ tion of Professor Bhanu’s address: A country which cannot unite even on a few occasions should never hope to prosper. Bickerings about religious and social matters are bound to go on until death; but it is most desirable that on one day out of the 365 we should unite at least in respect of one matter. To be one in connection

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 57 with Shivaji does not mean that we are completely to forget our other opinions. For quarrelling there are the other days of course. We should not forget that Rama and Ravana [enemies in the Ramayana] felt no difficulty whatever to meet in the same temple on the occasion of worshipping the god Shankar. After the final lecture, pad [verses] of the Sanmitra Samaj and Maharashtra mela were sung, and this brought the second day’s celebration to a close.

12 / BIPINCHANDRA PAL ON THE NEW PATRIOTISM Bipinchandra Pal’s career (1858—1932) paralleled that of the nation¬ alist movement in that it swung from an anglicized, moderate form to a more extremist position. As a young man, Pal was an active member of the Brahmo Samaj, the reform movement started by Raja Rammohun Roy. However, Pal experienced one of the penalties of belonging to that minority movement when he returned to his ancestral village in eastern Bengal after his father’s death and discovered that, because he was a Brahmo, he would not be permitted to perform the usual obligations of a son for his father’s funeral. He also found that no servant in the village would work for him. His cultural allegiance to the somewhat alien Brahmo Samaj meant partial social isolation. After this experience, Bipin Pal, while remaining in the Brahmo Samaj, developed a new appreciation of orthodox Hindu religious practices. Then the partition of Bengal in 1905 convinced Pal, like many other Bengalis, of the futility of moderate political tactics. In the following article, he describes changes in political attitudes at the beginning of this century. Patriotism is assuming a new shape and meaning among us to-day. There was patriotism of a kind among the educated classes thirty or forty years back. It was, however, in spite of its sincerity and exuberance, such as have left a permanent impression upon the mind and character of the older generations of our political and social leaders,—something positively more outlandish than in¬ digenous, and decidedly more sentimental than real. English litera¬ ture, European and American history, stories of the fights for free¬ dom among Western nations, these were the principal sources of our patriotic inspiration in those days. Pym, Hampden, Mazzini, Garibaldi, Kossuth and Washington were then the models of young India. The annals of the English Rebellion, the American War of From New India, April 8, 1905, published in Bipinchandra Pal, Swadeshi and Swaraj (The Rise of New Patriotism) [Calcutta: Yugayatri Prakashak Ltd., 1954], pp. 17—20. Reprinted by permission of Bipinchandra Pal Institute.

58 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION Independence, the French Revolution—all these furnished us with our ideals of civic freedom. We were then under the spell of Europe, dazzled and bewildered by the glamour of foreign ideals and institu¬ tions, and our supreme ambition was to reproduce Europe in India, and cast and mould Indian thought and life after the fashion of the “civilised West.” In our ardent admiration for Europe our highest patriotic efforts, however, more or less neglected and ignored the actualities of the Indian life and situation. Our patriotism was, therefore, naturally more destructive than constructive. Our methods were more revolu¬ tionary than evolutional. And the necessary result was that our highest patriotic activities, whether in the field of religious, or social or political reconstruction, were without that historic continuity which alone could furnish strength and vitality to them. The very exuberance of this patriotism was bound to bring on a violent reaction, and it came presently in the shape of a strong social and religious revival, which well-nigh killed this patriotism in the country, and retarded the course of progress almost in every direction, bringing the new ideals into ridicule and disrepute. However much one might regret the excesses to which this reac¬ tion went, it would be impossible to deny that it has partially helped the new thought in the country, by bringing it back to the realities of our national life and history. Our old admiration for Europe has thus been largely supplanted now by an ardent love for our own country. This new love is not, as of old, a vague sentiment and a fairy fancy, such as possess our hearts when we are under the spell of a great poem or novel, but something real and true, not merely a subjective attitude but something that yearns for an objective expression and realisation, through acts and symbols, as always happens with all real and true love. T he old patriotism panted for the realities of Europe and America only under an Indian name: not for the realities of India—not its colour and contour, nor its tone and expression, nor it ideals and associations, but only its name was the object of our love then. In the name of India we loved Europe, and therefore, we fed our fancy not upon Indian but European ideals, European arts, Euro¬ pean thought, European culture. We loved the abstraction we called India, but, yes, we hated the thing that it actually was. Our patriot¬ ism was not composed of our love for our own history, our own literature, our own arts and industries, our own customs and the masses of our people, even as they are. Their ignorance and their superstitions, their nakedness and their poverty, their dirt and

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 59 squalor, all these actually repelled us. Our love for our people was something like the pious love of the Christian missionaries for the heathens, for whose salvation they are so anxious. The one great good that the social and religious reactions of the last twenty years have done is to cure us, to a very large extent, of this old, this unreal, this imaginary and abstract patriotism. Love of India now means a loving regard for the very configurations of this continent, a love for its rivers and mountains, for its paddy fields and its arid sandy plains, its towns and villages however un¬ couth or unsanitary these might be, a love for the flora and fauna of India, an affectionate regard for its natural beauties, and even for its wild and ugly exuberance of vegetation, a love for its sweating, swarthy populations, unshod and unclad; a love for the dirt-clothed village urchins, unwashed and unkempt, for the village wives and maidens innocent of culture and civilisation, as culture and civilisa¬ tion are usually understood, a love, as Rabindranath Tagore put it the other day at the Classic Theatre, for the muddy weed¬ entangled village lanes, the moss-covered stinky village ponds, and for the poor, the starved, the malaria-stricken peasant populations of the country, a love for its languages, its literatures, its philos¬ ophies, its religions; a love for its culture and civilization;—this is the characteristic of this new patriotism. And we owe it, it must be said, to a very large extent to the religious and social reactions of the last twenty-five years. It is as yet, this new patriotism-—a very feeble sentiment in the community, it is true. It has yet to be rationalised in some cases, and thus cured of the elements of unreason that dominated to a large extent the reactionary spirit to which it owes its birth. It has yet to be cultivated and deepened in the case of all. We want poets, composers, novelists, men of action and organisers to feed this new love and preach this new cult, and thinkers and systembuilders also to work out this new philosophy of life. We hope we shall have them by and by, and when we have them, and this new ideal is fully revealed, it will usher a new era of hope and joy for the country such as we have not had as yet. The country is waiting for that date.

13 / A POPULAR JOURNALIST DEFINES "FERINGHI" The extremists drew not only upon the lessons of Indian history and ethics; they utilized a wide range of values and customs as weapons against the British, including a disdain of commerce, violence, and mixing of the sexes. Brahmabandhab Upadhyay

60 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION (1861-1907), a Bengali Brahman, was a pioneer in popular extremist journalism. In 1904 he started a cheap Bengali newspaper called Sandhya (evening prayer), which attracted a large readership in Calcutta among shop clerks, tram conductors, and others in the middle- and lower-middle-class. His writing was sarcastic, earthy, and violent. Although his style was exceptional, he expressed sentiments with roots deep in Indian culture when he repeatedly ridiculed the English as greedy materialists, sadistic and arrogant bullies, and degenerate sex-mongers. In the following article, he analyzes the term “feringhi,” a pejorative term meaning foreigner—in this case, Englishman. Punning and word play were traditionally a favorite activity among Sanskrit scholars.

On the Meaning of the Word Feringhi Take first the fi [pronounced fee]; feringhis are men who demand a fee [money] on any and every occasion, who send in bills to their parents (i.e., ask for a fee) for having boarded with them, who in return for a fee, write letters of release to men who have seduced their wives. Take next the firi. There is no nation of feriwalias [hawkers] on earth like the feringhis. It is not that they only go about hawking goods. They will take a fee from you as well as carry about things for sale (do the feriwalla) to you. And if you refuse to pay your fee, and to buy the goods he is hawking (Jeri-ing about, he will make you go backwards and forwards (fera-firi) from death’s door. Take next the Fingi [blue jay]. The world has none to equal them as Fingis or Fingays. They are after everybody. They demand a fee on the slightest provocation; they force themselves upon your privacy to sell goods (like the feriwalla) to you, and then imitating the fingay, they will set themselves after you insolently and will sorely harass you. No matter what kind of bird you may be, if the firingifngay gives you chase, he will not leave you until you are out of breath. The real word in Hindustani is Firangi. After fi, firi, and fingi, there remains rangi. In the first place, their colour [rang] is a shockingly pale white. They may almost be said to have no colour at all, like grass grown under a flower-pot, cut off from exposure to the sun. How then can such men be called rangi [i.e., coloured]? These men, though without colour, are called coloured [rangi] in the same manner that From Sandhya (November 23, 1906), trans. in Bengal Native Newspaper Re¬ ports (London: India Office Records), No. 49 of 1906.

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 61 the fruit pomegranate though it is full of seeds is called be-dana [i.e., devoid of seeds]. The franghis have rang [fun] also in the sense they have a funny way of killing people off, and calling that spreading the light. Under the stress of their funny way of spreading the light, the aborigines of America and Australia have attained to eternal efful¬ gence. Such is their fun [rang]. Then also they are called Firangis, because they make great sport [rang] with their women. Their women, even in the bitterest cold, go to parties with their throats, breasts and arms bare, and these indulge in music and conversation in mixed company. All who have seen this rang [fun] have had their eyes opened. They are rangi [sportive] indeed. They support with their own hands, the feet of their own wives, and those of the wives and daughters of others while alighting from carriages, but they do not support and maintain their aunts, sisters, and brothers’ wives. Was there ever such fun [rang] seen? The last funny [rangi] trait in their character is that while all their wisdom does not go beyond those smoking and cumbrous pieces of machinery, they try to pass themselves off as gurus [pre¬ ceptors] of the keen sighted Aryan [Indian] people. Such a funny inversion of facts never was before in the world.

14 / THE BEGINNINGS OF A REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT IN BENGAL Terrorist societies were organized in almost every province of India after 1905 although they were strongest in Bengal, Bombay, and the Punjab. In Bengal alone, terrorist activities were responsible for killing 82 and wounding 121 persons between 1906 and 1917. Of the more than one thousand persons involved in revolutionary activities in Bengal, most were high caste (Kayastha and Brahman) and were or had recently been students. The following selection is part of a government commission’s analysis of the causes of terrorism and the activities of the secret societies. In order to appreciate correctly the nature and extent of the move¬ ment which within the last ten years has produced a series of violent crimes in Bengal, we must understand the influences which gave birth to that movement and the circumstances in which it was launched. From Sedition Committee: 1918. Report (Calcutta: 1919), pp. 15-21 and 31-34.

Government of India,

62 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION In the year 1902 Barindra Kumar Ghosh, a young Bengali Hindu, who had been born in England in 1880 but had been brought out to India as a child, arrived at Calcutta from Baroda, where he had been living with his brother, Arabinda Ghosh, then Vice-President of the Gaekwar’s College. The brothers are the sons of the late Dr. K. D. Ghosh, a medical officer in the service of the Government. Arabinda had been educated entirely in England, had taken a first class in the Cambridge University Classical Tripos; and passing for the Indian Civil Service, had been rejected at the final examina¬ tion for inability to ride. Barindra’s object in returning to Bengal was, as he subsequently stated, to organize a revolutionary movement with the object of overturning the British Government in India by violent means. This object could only be attained after elaborate effort, of which the first stage would be secret conspiracy. It is probable that he had been attracted by stories of the exploits of secret societies in Europe; and it is certain that with the idea of starting such organizations in Bengal he devoted himself to working among the English-educated class to which he belonged, the bhadralok (respectable people). He found among these a few associations organized for the promotion of physical culture. He succeeded in adding others, and in spreading revolutionary ideas to some small extent; but he was, on the whole, disappointed with the response to his efforts, and returned to Baroda in 1903, convinced that a purely political propaganda would not serve his purpose. The bhadralok of Bengal have been for centuries peaceful and unwarlike, but, through the influence of the great central city of Calcutta, were early in appreciating the advantages of Western learning. They are mainly Hindus and their leading castes were Brahmins, Kayasthas and Vaidyas; but with the spread of English education some other castes too have adopted bhadralok ideals and modes of life. Bhadralok abound in villages as well as in towns, and are thus more interwoven with the landed classes than are the English-literate Indians of other provinces. Wherever they live or settle, they earnestly desire and often provide English education for their sons. The consequence is that a number of Anglo-vernacular schools, largely maintained by private enterprise, have sprung up throughout the towns and villages of Bengal. No other province in India possesses a net-work of rural schools in which English is taught. These schools are due to the enterprise of the bhadralok and to the fact that, as British rule gradually spread from Bengal over Northern India, the scope of employment for English-educated Bengalis spread with it. Originally they predominated in all offices

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 63 and higher grade schools throughout Upper India. They were also, with the Parsees, the first Indians to send their sons to England for education, to qualify for the Bar or to compete for the higher grades of the Civil and Medical services. When, however, similar classes in other provinces also acquired a working knowledge of English, the field for Bengali enterprise gradually shrank. In their own province bhadralok still almost monopolise the clerical and sub¬ ordinate administrative services of Government. They are prom¬ inent in medicine, in teaching, and at the Bar. But, in spite of these advantages, they have felt the shrinkage of foreign employ¬ ment; and as the education which they receive is generally literary and ill-adapted to incline the youthful mind to industrial, com¬ mercial or agricultural pursuits, they have not succeeded in finding fresh outlets for their energies. Their hold on land too has weak¬ ened owing to increasing pressure of population and excessive sub¬ infeudation. Altogether their economic prospects have narrowed, and the increasing numbers who draw fixed incomes have felt the pinch of rising prices. On the other hand, the memories and as¬ sociations of the earlier prosperity, combined with growing contact with Western ideas and standards of comfort, have raised their expectations of the pecuniary remuneration which should reward a laborious and, to their minds, a costly education. Thus as bhadralok learned in English have become more and more nu¬ merous, a growing number have become less and less inclined to accept the conditions of life in which they found themselves on reaching manhood. Bhadralok have always been prominent among the supporters of Indian political movements; and their leaders have watched with careful attention events in the world outside India. The large majority of the people of Bengal are not bhadralok but cultivators, and in the eastern districts mainly Muhammadans; but the cultivators of the province are absorbed in their own pur¬ suits, in litigation, and in religious and caste observances. It was not to them but to his own class that Barindra appealed. When he renewed his efforts in 1904, the thoughts of many members of this class had been stirred by various powerful influences. In 1886 had died the Bengali ascetic Ramakrishna. He was un¬ doubtedly a remarkable and purely religious man. He strongly de¬ fended Hinduism but taught that all religions were true, that all deities were manifestations of the impersonal Supreme, and that Brahmin disdain of low castes was wrong. To him the goddess Kali was the goddess of divine strength, although another of her attributes is destruction. She was his mother and the mother of the universe. If he worshipped through idols, it was because he believed that

64 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION these idols were filled with the presence of the Divinity. He taught social service as the service of humanity. He died in 1886; and after his death his doctrines were preached by some of his disciples, the chief of whom was Narendra Nath Datta, a young bhadralok B.A., subsequently famous as Swami Vivekananda. Narendra Nath Datta became an ascetic and attended the Parliament of Religions in Chi¬ cago as the representative of Hinduism. There he made a great im¬ pression and founded Vedanta* societies for spreading the teaching of the Hindu scriptures (Vedas). He returned to India in 1897 with a small band of followers, and was acclaimed by many educated Hindus as a saviour and prophet of their faith. He organized centres of philanthropic and religious effort under the supervision of a Ramakrishna Mission, and carrying much further the teachings of his master, preached that Vedantism was the future religion of the world, and that, although India was now subject to a foreign Power, she must still be careful to preserve the faith of mankind. She must seek freedom by the aid of the Mother of strength (Sakti). Vivekananda died in 1902; but his writings and teachings survived him, have been popularised by the Ramakrishna Mission and have deeply impressed many educated Hindus. From much evidence before us it is apparent that this influence was perverted by Barindra and his followers in order to create an atmosphere suitable for the execution of their projects. So indeed was the teaching of the Bhagavad Gita or Lord’s song of the Mahabharata epic recited by Sri Krishna, the incarnation of the Preserver of the World, before the great long-ago battle of Kurukshetra. But neither the religious teachings of Vivekananda nor the ex¬ hortations of Sri Krishna in the Bhagavad Gita would have afforded so moving a text to preach from had not the whole world, and especially the Asiatic world, been electrified and amazed by the victories of Japan over Russia [in 1905] at a time when within this country circumstances occasioned by certain Government measures specially favoured the development of Barindra’s plans. Early in the century Lord Curzon, then Viceroy, had introduced a Universities Bill which provoked much controversy and was inter¬ preted by politicians as designed to limit the numbers of Indians educated in English, and thus to retard national advance. In Bengal, where, as we have seen, English education had been largely adopted, opposition was intensely bitter; and while the dispute was in progress, the Government projected a partition of the province. It was the agitation that attended and followed on the latter measure * Abstract Hindu philosophy based on the Upanishads, the last part of the Vedas.

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 65 that brought previous discontent to a climax and afforded a muchdesired opportunity to Barindra and his friends. The provinces of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, with their seventyeight millions of people and their great capital city, were then a single charge under a Lieutenant-Governor. ... A project for dividing the provinces into two charges was vehemently discussed during the last two years of Lord Curzon’s Viceroyalty. The Govern¬ ment of India held that some such arrangement was imperative, but the Calcutta political leaders were strongly opposed to any division of Bengal proper. When the Government pressed this division in the cause of administrative efficiency and convenience, Hindu pol¬ iticians and newspapers preached far and wide that Bengali interests would seriously suffer and Bengali nationality would be divided. Lord Curzon visited the eastern districts. After much consideration he decided that there was no substance in this objection, and that the contemplated division must be made. The partition was an¬ nounced in July 1905 and was carried out in the following October, when the two new provinces of Western Bengal, Bihar and Orissa and Eastern Bengal and Assam started on their short-lived career. The politicians, however, decided not to abandon hope. Through the volume and intensity of a general and thoroughly organized movement, it might still be possible to procure a reversal of the ob¬ noxious measure. An agitation of unparalleled bitterness was started in both provinces and especially in the eastern. It was proclaimed through newspapers, pamphlets and orators that Bengal was a motherland once rich and famous now dismembered: she had been torn in two despite the protests of her children. These must make their voices heard by the British public through a boycott of British goods. They must earnestly set to work to manufacture their own goods. The more violent spirits went further. They contrasted Bengali acceptance of this insult with brilliant valour shown by Japan against one of the proudest of European nations. Had Bengalis no religion, no patriotism? Let them remember their Mother Kali, the goddess of strength! Let them improve their own strength! Let them also think of the great deeds of the Maratha hero Shivaji! Let them retaliate on the foreign Government in the most effective way possible by boycotting foreign goods! Let them make their own goods! The cult of Shivaji was imported from Bombay but took little root, although B. G. Tilak himself visited Calcutta and said at a Shivaji festival that the great Maratha would yet come and lead Indians to glory and prosperity. A song, however, which was ex¬ tracted from a popular Bengali novel, has since become famous as

66 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION “Bande Mataram” (“Hail to thee, Oh Mother!” or as now generally translated, “Hail Motherland!”). The novel had been written many years previously, and the song hitherto had excited no particular emotion, but now gradually it was raised to the rank of a national anthem. The boycott was preached in towns and villages. It was to be carried out by persuasion through the agency of schoolboys and students enlisted for the purpose. For the production of in¬ digenous goods, swadeshi (indigenous) enterprises were hastily started and attracted sympathy from some persons unconnected with politics. The agitation was Hindu and drew its strength from the bhadralok. It was keenly resented by the Muhammadans, who form the majority of the inhabitants of Eastern Bengal; and thus throughout the year 1906-07, Hindu and Muhammadan relations became ex¬ ceedingly strained in that province. The boycott and the consequent picketing of shops by students and schoolboys led inevitably to frequent disturbances. In both Bengals it was frequently asserted and sometimes believed that Government was setting the Muham¬ madans against the Hindus. Educated Hindu feeling reached a remarkable intensity of bitterness. The partition agitation was beginning when Barindra returned to Calcutta in 1904 to reopen his campaign. He was young himself and he addressed his appeal mainly to uncritical and emotional youths already stirred to unwonted depths and enlisted in a popular political cause. It is important to hear from himself an account of his motives and methods. He said before a Magistrate on the 22nd of May 1908 that at Baroda he devoted himself “to the study of history and political literature.” “After being there a year,” he con¬ tinued, I came back to Bengal with the idea of preaching the cause of inde¬ pendence as a political missionary. I moved from district to district, and started gymnasiums. There young men were brought together to learn physical exercises and study politics. I went on preaching the cause of independence for nearly two years. By that time I had been through almost all the districts of Bengal. I got tired of it, and went back to Baroda and studied for a year. I then returned to Bengal, convinced that a purely political propaganda would not do for the country, and that people must be trained up spiritually to face dangers. I had an idea of starting a religious institution. By that time the swadeshi and boycott agitation had begun. I thought of taking men under my own instruction to teach them, and so I began to collect this band which have been arrested. With my friend Abinash Bhattacharji and Bhupendra Nath Datta I started the Jugantar newspaper. We managed it for nearly one and a half years and then gave it over to the present managers. After I gave it up I took again to the re-

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 67 cruiting. I collected together 14 or 15 young men from about the beginning of 1907 till now (1908). I educated the boys in religious books and politics. We are always thinking of a far-off revolution and wish to be ready for it, so we were collecting weapons in small quantities. Altogether I have collected 11 revolvers, 4 rifles and 1 gun. Among other young men who came to be admitted to our circle was Ullaskar Datta. He said that, as he wanted to come among us and be useful, he had learnt the preparation of explosives. He had a small laboratory in his house without his father’s knowledge and he experi¬ mented there. I never saw it. He told me of it. With his help we began preparing explosives in small quantities in the garden-house at 32, Muraripukur Road. In the meantime another friend of ours, Hem Chandra Das, after, I think, selling part of his property, went to Paris to learn mechanics, and, if possible, explosives. When he came back he joined Ullaskar Datta in preparing explosives and bombs. We never believed that political murder will bring independence. We do it because we believe the people want it.

We may therefore safely conclude that the object of Barindra and his associates was to persuade the English-educated youths of Bengal that the British Government was founded on fraud and oppression, that religion and history dictated its removal. Ultimately the British must be expelled from the country. In the meantime by religious, athletic, educational discipline, a fanatical organization must be created which would develop its inspiration by murders of officials, and, as we shall see later, would finance and arm itself largely by the plunder of peaceable Indian folk justified by the most cynical reasoning. . . . At first the persons undertaking to commit outrages in Bengal showed a lack of resolution. . . . More serious incidents, however, soon occurred. There is information to show that in October 1907 there were two plots to blow up the Lieutenant-Governor’s train and on December 6th, 1907, the train in which he was travelling was actually derailed by a bomb near Midnapore, the explosion making a hole 5 feet wide by 5 feet deep. . . . On the 23rd Decem¬ ber 1907, Mr. Allen, formerly District Magistrate at Dacca, was shot in the back. . . . On the 3rd April 1908, seven men armed with knives and pistols entered a house at Sibpur, just outside Calcutta, and by threatening to murder the owner’s infant daughter, secured the surrender of money and ornaments of the value of Rs. 400. . . . On the 11th April 1908, a bomb containing amongst other in¬ gredients picric acid was thrown into the house of the Maire of Chandernagore. It exploded but fortunately no one was injured. Chandernagore is a small French possession on the Hooghly above Calcutta and had been a channel for the illicit importation of arms.

68 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION The Maire had recently got an “ordinaire” passed prohibiting this traffic. . . . On the 30th April at Muzaffarpur (now in Bihar) a bomb was thrown into a carriage in which two ladies, Mrs. and Miss Kennedy, were driving. They both were killed. The outrage occurred outside the house of Mr. Kingsford, the Judge of Muzaffarpur, for whom it was no doubt intended. . . . Upon search being made, a parcel was found which Mr. Kingsford had received but not opened, think¬ ing it contained a book borrowed from him. The parcel did contain a book; but the middle portion of the leaves had been cut away and the volume was thus in effect a box and in the hollow was contained a bomb with a spring to cause its explosion if the book was opened. . . . Meanwhile, on the 2nd May 1908, on evidence obtained in con¬ nection with a previous outrage, searches were made in a garden at Maniktala and elsewhere in Calcutta and bombs, dynamite, cartridges and correspondence seized. Upon this 34 persons were charged with conspiracy, of whom one, Narendra Gosain, became an approver [informer]. Fifteen were ultimately found guilty of conspiracy to wage war against the King-Emperor, including Barindra Kumar Ghosh, already mentioned as one of the most active founders of the criminal revolutionary movement in Bengal, [and] Hem Chandra Das, the manufacturer of the bomb which killed Mrs. and Miss Kennedy. . . . The trial in this case is known as the Alipore conspiracy case. It is convenient to mention by anticipa¬ tion that, pending the trial, the approver Narendra Gosain was shot dead in jail by two revolutionaries also confined, who managed to get arms smuggled in. They were both convicted and executed. Further, on the 10th February 1909, the Public Prosecutor who had acted in the Alipore case and in the case of the murder of the approver was shot dead in Calcutta, while on the 24th January 1910, a Deputy Superintendent of Police was shot dead while leaving the High Court, Calcutta, where he was attending the hearing of the appeal in the Alipore case. The arrests made in the beginning of May 1908 in connection with the Alipore conspiracy for a time removed from the scene between 30 and 40 persons, twelve of whom as shown by their convictions and ultimate sentences in that case were leaders in outrage. Crime, however, continued. . . . On the 2nd June 1908, at Barrah in the Dacca district, there took place a serious dacoity, with murder. The circumstances of this crime presented most of the characteristics by which dacoities or¬ ganized by the revolutionaries were thereafter distinguished. A body of about 50 men armed with rifles, revolvers and daggers and

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 69 wearing masks came in a boat apparently from a considerable dis¬ tance and attacked the house of a native resident. They took away about Rs. 25,000 in cash and about Rs. 837 worth of jewelry. They then retired to their boats which were about 400 yards from the house. The village chaukidar or watchman attempted to stop them. They shot him dead. They then got into their boats, but were pursued by villagers and police on the banks for [70 miles in broad daylight]. At different times they fired on their pursuers and three more men were killed and several wounded. Three persons were put on their trial for this outrage, but the evidence did not sufficiently identify them. . . .

15 / THE AMRITSAR MASSACRE Probably no event during British rule had such a catalytic effect upon Indian political attitudes as the Amritsar massacre of April 13, 1919. General R. E. G. Dyer and his Gurkha and Baluchi troops fired their guns into an unarmed crowd which was meeting peace¬ fully in an Amritsar park called Jallianwalla Bagh. The official estimate of casualties was 379 killed and 1,137 wounded. Dyer’s action and the subsequent defense of Dyer in the House of Lords and the British press, crystalized Indian opposition. Jawaharlal Nehru wrote that the British support for Dyer’s behavior made him realize “then, more vividly than I had ever done before, how brutal and immoral imperialism was and how it had eaten into the souls of the British upper-classes.” The following testimony was heard by the Hunter Commission, which was appointed to investi¬ gate this and related incidents in the Punjab. Dyer’s unrepentant attitude may be explained in part by the murder of three British bank officials five days before the Jallianwalla Bagh massacre. A feature common to many colonial situations is a kind of racial anger which blinds foreign rulers to distinctions between guilt and innocence and between revenge and justice when handling the indigenous population. In the report he made on the 25th August, 1919, to the General Staff, 16th Division, General Dyer says: I fired and continued to fire till the crowd dispersed and I considered that this is the least amount of firing which would produce the necFrom East India (Disturbances in the Punjab, etc.): Report of the Committee Appointed by the Government of India to Investigate the Disturbances in the Punjab, etc. The Firing at the Jallianwalla Bagh, Parliamentary Paper, Cmd. 681 of 1920 (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1920), pp. 112-13 and 132-33. Reprinted by permission of the publisher.

70 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION essary moral and widespread effect it was my duty to produce if I was to justify my action. If more troops had been at hand the casualties would have been greater in proportion. It was no longer a question of merely dispersing the crowd, but one of producing a sufficient moral effect, from a military point of view, not only on those who were present, but more specially throughout the Punjab. There could be no question of undue severity.

Then in the evidence before us. General Dyer said:— Q. I think you had an opportunity to make up your mind while you were marching to decide what was the right course. You came to the conclusion that if there really were a meeting, the right thing for you would be to fire upon them straightaway? A. I had made up my mind. I was only wondering whether I should do it or I should not. Q. No question of having your forces attacked entered your con¬ sideration at all? A. No. The situation was very, very serious. I had made up my mind that I would do all men to death if they were going to continue the meeting. •

*

*

Q. Does it or does it not come to this; you thought that some striking act would be desirable to make people not only in Amritsar but elsewhere to consider their position more correctly? A. Yes. I had to do something very strong. Q. You commenced firing the moment you had got your men in position? A. Yes. Q. The crowd had begun to go away when you continued firing? A. Yes. £>. The crowd were making an effort to go away by some of the entrances at the further end of the Bagh? A. Yes. Q. You put your pickets one to the right and one to the left of the entrance. Towards some places the crowd was getting thicker than other places? A. They did. Q. From time to time you changed your firing and directed it to places where the crowds were thickest? A. That is so. Q. Is that so? A. Yes.

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 71 £). And for the reasons you have explained to us you had made up your mind to open fire at the crowd for having assembled at all? A. Quite right.

Q. When you heard of the contemplated meeting at 12:40 you made up your mind that if the meeting was going to be held you would go and fire? A. When I heard that they were coming and collecting I did not at first believe that they were coming, but if they were coming to defy my authority and really to meet after all I had done that morning, I had made up my mind that I would fire imme¬ diately in order to save the military situation. The time had come now when we should delay no longer. If I had delayed any longer I was liable for court-martial. Q. Supposing the passage wTas sufficient to allow the armoured cars to go in, would you have opened fire with the machine guns? A. I think, probably, yes. Q. In that case the casualties would have been very much higher? A. Yes. Q. And you did not open fire with the machine guns simply by the accident of the armoured cars not being able to get in? A. I have answered you. I have said if they had been there the probability is that I would have opened fire with them. Q. With the machine-guns straight? A. With the machine-guns. Q. I gather generally from what you put in your report that your idea in taking this action was really to strike terror? That is what you say. It was no longer a question of dispersing the crowd, but one of producing a sufficient moral effect. A. If they disobeyed my orders it showed that there was complete defiance of law, that there was something much more serious behind it than I imagined, that therefore these were rebels, and I must not treat them with gloves on. They had come to fight if they defied me, and I was going to give them a lesson. Q. I take it that your idea in taking that action was to strike terror? A. Call it what you like. I was going to punish them. My idea from the military point of view was to make a wide impression. Q. To strike terror not only in the city of Amritsar, but through¬ out the Punjab?

72 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION A. Yes, throughout the Punjab. I wanted to reduce their morale; the morale of the rebels.

A Village is Bombed On 14th April four aeroplanes from Lahore visited Gujranwala. One of them dropped eight bombs and also used its Lewis gun: another only machine-gunned; the third also used machine gun; and the fourth took no action. In all, 10 bombs appear to have been dropped, but two have not been accounted for. The total number of rounds fired by two of the aeroplanes was 980. The total number of casualties was nine killed by the aeroplanes, as given in the Government case. The number of wounded by the police and the aeroplanes are not separately given, but they were in all 27. It appears that Major Carberry, in charge of one of the machines, first went to Gujranwala, and having hovered over it, went to Dulla village. He found there a crowd of 150 people on the road, and, as he says, walking in the direction of Gujranwala. He dropped three bombs on them, and when they ran away in the village, he fired 50 rounds of machine gun into the village. The following extract from Major Carberry’s evidence about the in¬ cident shows that he was trying to produce a moral effect:-— Q. Those bombs you dropped on particular crowds that you saw there? A. Yes. Q. Where were those crowds, in the streets or outside the village? A. They were on the road outside the village. Q. That crowd consisted of how many people? A. I reported 150, I cannot tell you exactly. Q. How many miles was this village from Gujranwala? A. About two miles north-west of Gujranwala. Q. What was this crowd doing? A. They were going towards Gujranwala. Q. How were you able to ascertain that they were coming to Gujranwala? A. They were walking in the direction of Gujranwala. Q. And you dropped three bombs at them? A. Yes. Q. Then you say in your report that you fired machine gun into the village itself? A. Yes. Q. That firing was not at any particular crowd?

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 73 A. It was at the people on whom I dropped the bombs and who ran back to the village. Q. When you first dropped bombs on a party of 150 strong they began to run away into the village? A. Yes. Q. And you fired machine gun into the village also? A. Yes. Q. That was over the houses in the village? A. I suppose some of the shots hit the houses. Q. You say that the people, when they were fired at, began to run away, i.e., after you dropped the bombs they began to dis¬ perse and got into some of the houses. That is what they attempted to do? A. Yes. Q. You fired machine gun into the village and threw bombs on those people who took shelter in the houses, but there were other innocent people in those houses? A. I could not discriminate between innocent and other people who were, I think, doing damage or were going to do damage. Q. You say that on 150 people that were seen there you dropped three bombs, with the result that they dispersed and ran in the village. Was not your object accomplished? Was there any fur¬ ther need of firing machine gun? A. A machine gun was not fired indiscriminately. It was fired on the people who were running away. Q_. You fired machine gun into the village? A. I said the crowd scattered and ran back into the village, and I have said that 50 machine-gun rounds were fired into the village. I fired at the men. Q. When the crowd split up and there could not be on the spot particular people in the village, they must be running away and entering the houses, then you fired machine gun into the village which hit the houses in which there were perefectly inno¬ cent people? A. I was at a height of 200 feet. I could see perfectly well, and I did not see anybody in the village at all who was innocent. Q. What I mean, Captain*, is this. When you threw bombs on them they began to run away. Was not your object really ac¬ complished? A. No. Q. What was the further need of machine-gunning and killing them? Your object was to disperse the crowds that had assembled * Captain Carberry was subsequently promoted to Major.

74 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION and were attempting to proceed to Gnjranwala. The throwing of bombs must have resulted in some casualties. Was there any further need of firing of machine gun? A. Yes, to do more damage. Q. But then the object seemed to be to hit or kill more people in that crowd, although they had begun to disperse and were running after the bombs had been thrown on them? A. I was trying to do this in their own interests. If I killed a few people, they would not gather and come to Gujranwala to do damage. Q- Do I take it then, although by the first throwing of the bombs they began to disperse and run away, you still machine-gunned them in order to prevent the possibility of their reassembling, the idea being to produce a sort of moral effect on them? A. Yes, quite right.

16 / GANDHI'S ULTIMATUM TO THE VICEROY During 1929 Congress leaders grew increasingly impatient with the British failure to commit themselves on India's future status. They demanded that a “round-table conference" be held in London to prepare a plan for granting India dominion status (virtually inde¬ pendence). In the fall of 1929, after a new Labour Government teas elected in England, the Viceroy, Lord Irwin, raised Congress hopes by announcing that dominion status was indeed the British goal. However, on December 23, the day on which part of Irwin's train was blown up by a bomb, Irwin issued a statement which con¬ spicuously failed to commit the Government to dominion status at the forthcoming round-table conference. The Congress retaliated the next week by declaring that complete independence, rather than dominion status, was its immediate goal and by approving a cam¬ paign of civil disobedience. The civil disobedience took the form of Gandhi's 1930 salt march. Before Gandhi set out on March 12 from Ahmedabad on his 240-mile walk, with the declared purpose of illegally manufacturing salt, he wrote the following letter explain¬ ing his motives and intentions to Lord Irwin. Dear Friend,—Before embarking on Civil Disobedience and taking the risk I have dreaded to take all these years, I would fain approach you and find a way out. My personal faith is absolutely clear. I can¬ not intentionally hurt anything that lives, much less fellow human From N. N. Mitra, ed., The Indian Annual Register, January to June 1930 (Calcutta: The Annual Register Office), pp. 96-99.

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 75 beings, even though they may do the greatest wrong to me and mine. While, therefore, I hold the British rule to be a curse, I do not intend to harm a single Englishman or any legitimate interests he may have in India. I must not be misunderstood. Though I hold the British rule in India to be a curse, I do not therefore consider Englishmen in general to be worse than any other people on earth. I have the privilege of claiming many Englishmen as my dearest friends. Indeed, much that I have learnt of the evil of the British rule is due to the writings of frank and courageous English¬ men who have not hesitated to tell the unpalatable truth about that rule. And why do I regard the British rule as a curse? It has im¬ poverished the dumb millions by a system of progressive exploita¬ tion and by a ruinously expensive military and civil administration which the country can never afford. It has reduced us politically to serfdom. It has sapped the foundations of our culture and by a policy of disarmament it has degraded us spiritually. Lacking in¬ ward strength, we have been reduced by all but universal dis¬ armament to a state of cowardly helplessness. In common with many of my countrymen, I had hugged the fond hope that the proposed Round-Table Conference might fur¬ nish a solution. But, when you said plainly you could not give any assurance that you or the British Cabinet would pledge yourselves to support a scheme of full Dominion Status, the Round-Table Conference could not possibly furnish a solution for which vocal India is consciously and the dumb millions are unconsciously, thirsting. Needless to say, there never was any question of Parlia¬ ment’s verdict being anticipated. Instances are not wanting of the British Cabinet, in anticipation of the Parliamentary verdict, having pledged itself to a particular policy. The Delhi interview having miscarried, there was no option for Pandit Motilal Nehru and me but to take steps to carry out the solemn resolution of the Congress, arrived at in Calcutta at its session in 1928. But the resolution of Independence should cause no alarm, if the word “Dominion Status” mentioned in your announcement had been used in its accepted sense. For, has it not been admitted by responsible British statesmen that Dominion Status is virtual Independence? What, however, I fear is, that there never had been any intention of grant¬ ing such Dominion Status to India in the immediate future. But this is all past history. Since the announcement, many events have happened which show unmistakably the trend of British policy. It seems as clear as daylight, that responsible British statesmen do not contemplate any alteration of British policy that might ad-

76 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION versely affect Britain’s commerce with India or require an impartial and close scrutiny of Britain’s transactions with India. If nothing is done to end the process of exploitation, India must be bled with an ever-increasing speed. The Finance Member regards as a settled fact the 18 pence ratio which, by a stroke of the pen, drains India of a few crores.* And, when a serious attempt is being made through a civil form of direct action, to unsettle this fact, among many others, even you cannot help appealing to the wealthy landed classes to help you to crush that attempt in the name of an order that grinds India to atoms. Unless those who work in the name of the nation understand and keep before all concerned the motive that lies behind the craving for Independence, there is every danger of Independence itself coming to us so changed as to be of no value to those toiling voiceless millions for whom it is worth taking. It is for that reason that I have been recently telling the public what Independence should really mean. Let me put before you some of the salient points. The terrific pressure of land revenue which furnishes a large part of the total, must undergo considerable modification in an Independent India. Even the much vaunted permanent settlement benefits a few rich zamindars, not the ryots. The ryot has remained as helpless as ever. He is a mere tenant at will. Not only, then, has the land revenue to be considerably reduced but the whole revenue system has to be so revised as to make the ryot’s good its primary concern. But the British system seems to be designed to crush the very life out of him. Even the salt he must use to live is so taxed as to make the burden all the heaviest on him, because of the heartless impartial¬ ity of its incidence. The tax shows itself still more burdensome on the poor man when it is remembered that salt is the one thing he must eat more than the rich man both individually and col¬ lectively. The drink and drug revenue too is derived from the poor. It saps the foundations both of their health and morals. It is defended under the false plea of individual freedom, but, in reality, is maintained for its own sake. The ingenuity of the authors of the reforms of 1919 transferred this revenue to the so-called responsible part of dyarchy, so as to throw the burden of prohibition on it, thus, from the very beginning, rendering it powerless for good. If the unhappy Minister wipes out this revenue he must starve educa¬ tion, since in the existing circumstances he has no new course of * A crore equals ten million. The reference is to the exchange ratio at which Indian rupees were converted into British pounds when business profits and government payments were sent to England.

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 77 replacing that revenue. If the weight of taxation has crushed the poor from above, the destruction of the central supplementary in¬ dustry, i.e., handspinning, has undermined their capacity for pro¬ ducing wealth. The tale of India’s ruination is not complete without a reference to the liabilities incurred in her name. Sufficient has been recently said about these in the public press. It must be the duty of a free India to subject all liabilities to the strictest investigation and repudiate those that may be adjudged by an impartial tribunal to be unjust and unfair. The iniquities sampled above are maintained in order to carry on the foreign administration, demonstrably the most expensive in the world. Take your own salary. It is over Rs. 21,000 a month, besides many other indirect additions. The British Prime Minister gets £5,000 per year, i.e., over Rs. 5,400 a month at the present rate of exchange. You are getting Rs. 700 per day against India’s average income of less than 2 annas per day. The Prime Minister gets Rs. 180 per day against Great Britain’s average income of nearly Rs. 2 per day. Thus you are getting much over five thousand times India’s average income. The British Prime Minister is getting only ninety times Britain’s average income. On bended knee, I ask you to ponder over this phenomenon. I have taken a personal illustration to drive home the painful truth. I have too great a regard for you as a man to wish to hurt your feelings. I know that you do not need the salary you get. Probably the whole of your salary goes for charity. But a system that provides for such an arrangement deserves to be summarily scrapped. What is true of the Viceregal salary is true generally of the whole administration. A radical cutting down of the revenue therefore depends upon the equally radical reduction in the expenses of the administration. This means a transformation of the scheme of Government. This tranformation is impossible without Independence. Hence, in my opinion, the spontaneous demonstration of the 26th January, in which hundreds of thousands of villagers instinctively participated. To them Independence means deliverance from the killing weight. Not one of the great British political parties is, it seems to me, prepared to give up Indian spoils to which Great Britain helps her¬ self from day to day, often, in spite of the unanimous opposition of Indian opinion. Nevertheless, if India is to live as a nation, if the slow death by starvation of her people is to stop, some remedy must be found for immediate relief. The proposed conference is certainly not the remedy. It is not a matter of carrying conviction by argu¬ ment. The matter resolves itself into one of matching forces.

78 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION Conviction or no conviction, Great Britain would defend her Indian commerce and interests by all forces at her command. India must consequently evolve a force enough to free herself from the embrace of death. It is common cause that, however disorganised, and, for the time being, insignificant it may be, the party of violence is gaining ground and making itself felt. Its end is the same as mine, but I am convinced that it cannot bring the desired relief to dumb millions and the conviction is growing deeper and deeper in me that nothing but unadulterated non-violence can check the organised violence of the British Government. Many think that non-violence is not an active force. My experi¬ ence, limited though it undoubtedly is, shows that non-violence can be an intensely active force. It is my purpose to set in motion that force as well against the organised violent force of the British rule, as the unorganised violent force of the growing party of violence. To sit still would be to give rein to both the forces above mentioned. Having unquestioning and immovable faith in the efficacy of non¬ violence as I know it, it would be sinful on my part to wait any longer. This non-violence will be expressed through civil disobedi¬ ence, for the moment confined to the inmates of the Satyagraha Ashram, but ultimately designed to cover all those who choose to join the movement with its obvious limitations. I know that in embarking on non-violence I shall be running what might fairly be termed a mad risk. But the victories of truth, have never been won without risk, often of the gravest character. Conversion of a nation that has consciously or unconsciously preyed upon another, far more numerous, far more ancient and not less cultural than itself, is worth any amount of risk. I have deliberately used the word conversion. For my ambition is no less than to convert the British people through non-violence and thus make them feel the wrong they have done to India. I do not seek to harm your people. I want to serve them even as I want to serve my own. I believe I have always served them. I served them up to 1919 blindly, but when my eyes were opened and I conceived non-co-operation, the object still was to serve them. I employed the same weapon that I have, in all humility, successfully used against the dearest members of my family. If I have equal love for your people with mine it will not long remain hidden. It will be acknowledged by them even as the members of my family ac¬ knowledged it after they had tried me for several years. If the people join me, as I expect they will, the sufferings they will undergo, un¬ less the British nation sooner retraces its steps, will be enough to melt the stoniest hearts. The plan through Civil Disobedience

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 79 will be to combat such evils as I have sampled out. If we want to sever British connection it is because when such evils are removed, the path becomes easy and the way to friendly negotiation will be open. If the British commerce with India is purified of greed, you will have no difficulty in recognising our Independence. I respectfully invite you then to pave the way for the immediate removal of those evils and thus open a way for a real conference between equals interested only in promoting the common good of mankind through voluntary fellowship and in arranging the terms of mutual help and commerce equally suited to both. You have unnecessarily laid stress upon communal problems that unhappily affect this land. Important though they undoubtedly are for the consideration of any scheme of government, they have little bearing on the greater problems which are above communities and which affect them all equally. But if you cannot see your way to deal with these evils and my letter makes no appeal to your heart, on the 11th day of this month I shall proceed with such co-workers of the Ashram as I can take, to disregard the provisions of the salt laws. I regard this tax to be the most iniquitous of all from the poor man’s stand-point. As the Independence movement is essen¬ tially for the poorest in the land, a beginning will be made with this evil. The wonder is that we have submitted to the cruel monopoly for so long. It is, I know, open to you to frustrate my design by arresting me. I hope there will be tens of thousands ready in a disciplined manner to take up the work after me and in the act of disobeying the Salt Act to lay themselves open to the penalties of a law that should never have disfigured the Statute Book. I have no desire to cause you unnecessary embarrassment, or any at all, so far as I can help. If you think that there is any substance in my letter, and if you will care to discuss matters with me, and if, to that end, you would like me to postpone the publication of this letter, I shall gladly refrain on the receipt of a telegram to that effect soon after this reaches you. You will, however, do me the favour not to deflect me from my course unless you can see your way to conform to the substance of this letter. This letter is not in any way intended as a threat, but is a simple and sacred duty preparatory to civil resistance. Therefore I am having it specially delivered by a young English friend who believes in the Indian cause and is a full believer in non-violence and whom Providence seems to have sent me as it were for the very purpose. I remain. Your sincere Friend, M. K. Gandhi

80 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION

17 / NO-TAX MOVEMENT IN VILLAGES OF GUJARAT The salt march in the spring of 1930 was part of an escalating campaign of mass civil disobedience which, before it was over, tested the British government severely.' Gandhi and more than 60,000 others were arrested, as nationalists resigned their government offices, withheld taxes, and broke numerous laws. For the most part, the campaign was nonviolent, but blood was shed when Congress supporters seized control of Sholapur in Bombay and Peshawar in the North-West Frontier Province, and when terrorists raided police armories in eastern Bengal. One of the most intense nonviolent struggles took place in the Gujarati district of Kaira. Gandhi and his followers had been work¬ ing for years in Kaira and other rural Gujarati districts. The 137 villages of Bardoli taluk in Surat district had been the scene of no-rent movements in 1922 and 1928. During the 1930 agitation, H. N. Brailsford, a British socialist, visited the villages in which peasants were refusing to pay their land revenue and wrote the following account of their remarkable determination. The refusal of taxes represents the climax in Gandhi’s graduated scale of resistance. It would, if it became general, bring British rule to an early end. But from those who practise it, it requires a readi¬ ness to brave material ruin. The Indian Government, when it con¬ fiscates the land or attaches the movable property of a tax-resister, has no nice scruples. It appropriates, many times over, the amount due, and a man who refuses his land-tax must be prepared to lose his all. In Gujarat, land worth from 700 to 1,000 rupees per bigha (one and three-quarter acres) was offered for sale at one or two rupees, and it happened that two new motor pumps used for irrigation, each worth Rs. 5,000, were sold at Rs. 16 and Rs. 65 to cover taxes of these amounts. That thousands of peasants in Gujarat were willing to face these risks is an amazing proof of their determination. Gujarat, for several reasons, was chosen as the pioneer of this formidable but costly method of passive resistance. It stands out, with parts of the Punjab and Bengal, as the most prosperous region of rural India. Most of the peasants own their fields, and, though they are a singularly gentle race, they have something of the self-reliance and stubbornness of the typical yeoman. There is less illiteracy than From H. N. Brailsford, Subject India (London: Victor Gollancz Ltd., 1943; New York: The John Day Company, Inc.), pp. 191-96. Reprinted by permission of Victor Gollancz Ltd. and the John Day Company, Inc.

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 81 elsewhere. Many of these villagers have seen the world, for on the coast they include some castes of hereditary sailors, and others go in large numbers to South Africa, and send home large sums (I heard of £150 in one year) to their families. The land is fertile, and will grow, under irrigation, good cotton, tobacco and sugar, as well as cereals. Though the holdings range only from ten to twenty acres, I was startled by the evidences of prosperity. Instead of the usual mud-huts, here are villages of brick houses, often of two storeys, with their door-posts elaborately carved, while the outer walls are decorated with naive and amusing paintings. Ancient and modern subjects mingle in the most natural way. One house will display the adventures of Krishna: its neighbour will show a railway train. Their cattle are the pride of these farmers, and I had to go to Gujarat to realise what a stately and beautiful animal the Indian bullock can be. But this prosperity is rapidly becoming a memory, for here, too, the catastrophic fall in prices has brought hardship, and an acute sense of grievance. These villages had been for years under the influence of Gandhi and his disciples. In several of them I saw the permanent centres (most of them closed and confiscated) with he had established—here a school for untouchable boys (still open), there a sort of monasteryschool created to help a backward, aboriginal tribe, and again a technical school which taught spinning and weaving. Two years earlier the Bardoli district went through the first Indian experiment in tax-resistance, not from political motives, but as a protest against an excessive assessment: it stood its ground stoutly and won. The assessment was reduced. Finally, Gandhi, everywhere hero and saint, is in this region the intimate neighbour and teacher of the villages. He has often toured through it, preaching to vast, mesmerised crowds, and here he chose to be arrested on his march to the sea. He is devotedly loved, and so, too, is his lieutenant, Vallabhai Patel. I asked a group of forty or fifty villagers why they faced these risks and hardships. The women, as usual, answered first, and voiced this feeling of personal loyalty. “We’ll pay no taxes,” they said, “till Mahatmaji and Vallabhai tell us to pay.” Then the men, slowly collecting their thoughts, voiced their economic grievance: “We won’t pay because the tax is unjust,” and they went on to explain that at present prices they make, as owner-cultivators, less than a day-labourer’s wage. Finally, they added: “We’re doing it to win Swaraj.” What they were doing almost passes belief. Many villages were totally abandoned. I could see through the windows that every stick of property had been removed. In the silent street nothing

82 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION moved till a monkey skipped from a roof across the lane of blinding sunlight. Here and there I met a peasant who had returned for the day to plough his fields, or a priest who guarded his temple. For the rest, the people had moved across the frontier of British India into the territory of independent Baroda. There, close to the boundary, they camped in shelters of matting and palm leaves, the ground cumbered with their chests and their beds, their churns and the great clay-coated baskets that hold their grain. In the hot autumn days life was just tolerable for hardy villagers in these con¬ ditions, but the rains would test their determination. How many people there were in these camps, of which I saw three, I could only guess, perhaps three, perhaps five thousand. Even in Baroda, however, these refugees were not always safe. Their camps had more than once been invaded, and the Gaekwar’s territory violated by armed British-Indian police, under an Indian official, who beat with their lathis, not only their own people but the Gaekwar’s subjects also. The answer to this movement was ruthless, and the English official who directed it strained the forms of law to breaking point. Landtax is payable in two instalments, after the chief harvests, usually in January and May, but the date (since harvests may be late) can be varied. Of this merciful provision of the Code the Commissioner took advantage to anticipate the date of the instalment which became payable in January 1931. He issued his demand notes in October 1930, and already in October the police, in the effort to collect the following year’s tax, began to beat peasants who had duly paid their two instalments for the current year. The date, as the Commissioner told me, was anticipated because it was known that the peasants intended to resist, and it was important to realise the tax before they could sell or remove their crops. He added that a man would not be harassed whose sole reason for non-payment was genuine poverty. In short, it was a method of taking the offensive against villages which had not yet broken the law or challenged the Government: they were known to be disaffected, and the remedy of intimidation was applied. To find purchasers for the confiscated land and buffaloes was not easy. This population was amazingly solid. There are few Muslims in Gujarat, and the Hindus are knit together by close caste organi¬ sation. In the Kaira district most of the peasant-owners are Patidars. This caste, after two members had given way under a merciless beating, and paid their tax three months before it was normally due, held a meeting, and fined them heavily for their weakness: it then announced that anyone who yielded in future would be fined

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 83 Rs. 101 (about £7.15s.). The penalty for a refusal to pay that fine would be the dread fate of an out-caste. In such a society no self-respecting Hindu will buy confiscated land. But in this Kaira district there are low-caste aboriginals, known as Barias, whom the Indian Census classes as a “criminal tribe.” They are landless labourers: they habitually carry murderous bill-hooks, and after a recent outbreak of brigandage were required to report themselves twice a day to the village policeman. Perhaps these troublesome but unfortunate people would buy, if the price were low enough? I am bound to report the Commissioner’s motive, as he stated it to me: he wished to use the occasion to raise these poor people in the social scale. Motives one cannot judge, but effects may be predicted. Should this strategy succeed, it would drive a wedge into this solid Hindu society, and by dividing, ease the task of the ruler. He might get the revenue at the cost of an unending village feud. A strategy such as this may be devised by cold English brains: it deteriorates when hot Indian hands carry it out. The responsible Indian official, the sub-collector (Mamlatdar) of the Borsod Taluka, a University graduate and a person of unusual energy, interpreted it in his own way. He carried the class war into the villages. He went round them, collected the Barias and made them a speech varying but little, which five of these Barias from different villages repeated to me. He told them that now was the time for vengeance, that the Patidars had oppressed them in the past, but that if any of them owed a debt to a Patidar he had only to come into court and de¬ clare himself bankrupt: “I will be there and see you through. If he demands his debt, beat him, cut him in pieces. Beat any man who wears a white [Gandhi] cap.” There followed an invitation to buy their confiscated land for one or two rupees an acre. One witness quoted his advice to burn their houses, and another cited a police sub-inspector to the same effect. I am told (though it occurred after my visit) that some houses were in fact burned. This strategy was reinforced with punitive expeditions by the police to the disaffected villages, often with this official at their head. These police are partly an armed emergency force carrying rifles; the men have no numbers on their uniforms, as I discovered when one of them, without a shadow of right, tried to bar my way along the high road with his fixed bayonet. It is difficult to identify a man who misbehaves. The usual procedure, on entering a village, was to round up the few men who might have remained in it, or had returned to do a day’s labour in the fields. These were beaten indiscriminately, often

84 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION in the official’s presence, and sometimes he used his own stick to further the work of justice. Some serious injuries were inflicted. I saw a man with a dangling, broken arm, and another with his thumb-joint cut to the bone. A woman had a badly bruised and swollen face. I heard of other more serious cases which had gone to a distant hospital. As I went about from village to village, covering, however, only part of the area, forty-five peasants gave me their personal stories of recent beating, and in all but two of these cases I saw their injuries. A few had bruises all over their bodies, some from lathis and some from the butt ends of rifles. Sometimes the motive of the beating was to extract the tax on the spot, and occasionally this method succeeded. But often the victim was not himself a tax-payer. In Bardoli a certain police officer specialised in compelling any chance man he could catch to pay the tax of someone else who was out of reach. The victim would be dismissed with a kick or a blow, and told to collect the money from his neighbour. Often the motive was simply to terrorise. In two cases a man was beaten till he took off his Gandhi cap. In one village, where the police tore down the national flags from the trees and the houses, it may have been this display of the Congress standard which led them to beat eight persons. In one case, a man who had an ugly bruise on his body from a rifle butt, and twelve bruises on his body from the lathi, was told to salute the police seven times. He saluted, and they stopped beating. The reader thinks, perhaps, that I was misled by subtle Indians. Well, the Commissioner was good enough to accompany me to one village: he, too, saw the wounds and bruises, and his cross-question¬ ing did not shake the peasants. He expressed doubts only in one case out of nine—that of a girl whom modesty forbade to show her in¬ juries. Moreover, I met two of these Indian officials, and witnessed their bullying manners. One of them in my presence ordered a most wanton and needless lathi charge against an unoffending crowd of curious spectators which fled at the first command; but still the lathi blows fell. At their invitation I gave my evidence both per¬ sonally and in writing, with names and dates, both to the local officials and to the highest authority at New Delhi. No action was taken on it. Up to a point I could trust my own eyes. I saw for example, at the Borsod Jail, eighteen political prisoners as yet unconvicted, who had to spend their days and nights in a cage, with a front of iron bars like a den in the Zoo, which measured about thirty feet square.

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 85 It was the warder who told me that they are let out, only once a day for three-quarters of an hour, to wash and visit the latrine. One of them, without books or work, had spent six weeks in this cage, and this the warder could not deny. When another prisoner told me that he himself and two others had been beaten in jail in the Mamlatdar’s presence, perhaps I should have rebuked him for traducing one of His Majesty’s officials, but in that House of Mercy I was dumb. [The cage in which the prisoners were kept] was a country “lock¬ up” for unconvicted prisoners. The men and women sentenced for participation in the Congress movement were so numerous—there were at this date approximately 60,000 convictions—that they had to be accommodated largely in improvised prisons. They were classified in three classes, A, B, C, according to the magistrate’s impression of their social standing. This division, odious in itself, was carried out with singular caprice. Three of Gandhi’s sons were sent to prison, each (as one of them told me) in a different class. The theory of the higher authorities, as the late Inspector of Prisons in Bengal explained it to me, was that those sentenced to Class C were of the coolie class, and that the conditions provided for them were those to which this class is accustomed in India. In fact, very few, if any of them, were of this class. I visited the prison at DumDum, near Calcutta, formerly an arsenal. The situation is malarious, and the prison was infested with mosquitoes. The officers in charge (Indians) seemed to me exceptionally reasonable men, who would listen to complaints, and do all in their power to remedy grievances. Under harsh officers life in this overcrowded prison would have been literally unendurable. The prisoners fortunately had each other’s society: there was no solitary confinement. Even so, the con¬ ditions of Class C were shocking. The prisoners were all or nearly all, of the educated class, and most of them spoke English. The majority were of the clerk class, but there were lawyers and doctors among them. The whole place was dirty, shockingly ill-ventilated, and overrun with parasites. The diet was coarse, monotonous and insufficient. No soap was provided, nor oil (which Indians habitually use), nor could such things be obtained from outside. Many pris¬ oners in consequence contracted skin disease. For Class C there were no mosquito nets, though these were provided for Classes A and B. As a result a large proportion of the prisoners had malaria. The hospital was so overcrowded that there were barely six inches between the beds.

86 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION

IS / ECONOMIC NATIONALISM: THE SWADESHI MOVEMENT It was only after many decades of agitating for political reform that nationalist leaders realized the extent to which economics and politics were interdependent. Political authorities made the final decision on the allocation of tax revenues, the location of railroads, the rate of foreign exchange, and public subsidies, credits, and pro¬ tection for Indian industry. Shortly after 1900 the belief became general among nationalists that the British rulers made decisions on these issues with the interests of British businessmen and voters in mind, and at the expense of India's best interests. As nationalist awareness spread that British policy was keeping India unindustrial¬ ized and that economic decisions were based on the assumption that India would export raw materials and import British manufactured goods, the arguments in favor of Indian independence seemed more imperative than ever. The movement to promote industrialization and economic selfsufficiency was known as the swadeshi ('literally, of one's own coun¬ try) movement. It had individual supporters during the second half of the nineteenth century, but after the 1905 partition of Bengal, swadeshi became a general movement for promoting Indian prod¬ ucts and industries. In 1905 in Bengal and elsewhere, British goods were boycotted and thrown onto bonfires, swadeshi clothes were worn, and swadeshi shops and industries were set up. The swadeshi movement also had a cultural side. “National schools" with a spe¬ cifically Indian curriculum were started, Indian languages were favored over English, and a new respect for indigenous values was encouraged. G. K. Gokhale, leader of the moderate wing and presi¬ dent of the 1905 Congress, gave the following speech on swadeshi at Lucknow in February 1907. Not knowing Hindi or Urdu, he spoke in English. Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen,—I propose to speak to you to-day of the economic condition of India and the Swadeshi move¬ ment. One of the most gratifying signs of the present times is the rapid growth of the Swadeshi sentiment all over the country during the last two years. I have said more than once here, but I think the idea bears repetition, that Swadeshism at its highest is not merely an industrial movement, but that it affects the whole life of the From The Swadeshi Movement: A Symposium, 2nd ed. (Madras: G. A. Natesan & Co., n.d.), pp. 9-18 and 27-28.

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 87 nation,—that Swadeshism at its highest is a deep, passionate, fervent, all-embracing love of the motherland, and that this love seeks to show itself, not in one sphere of activity only, but in all: it invades the whole man, and it will not rest until it has raised the whole man. Now the first thing I want to say about this movement is that it has come here to stay. We often have movements which make a little noise for a time and then disappear without leaving any permanent mark behind. I think it safe to say that the Swadeshi movement is not going to be one of that kind, and my own personal conviction is that in this movement we shall ultimately find the true salvation of India. However, Ladies and Gentlemen, I do not wish to speak to you to-day about Swadeshism in general. The more immediate question before us in Swadeshism as applied to the pres¬ ent economic situation of India—its scope and character, the materi¬ als with which it has to work, and the difficulties it has to overcome before it can achieve in any degree the true industrial regeneration of the country. Gentlemen, as Mr. Ranade once pointed out, the industrial domination of one people by another attracts much less attention than the political domination of a foreign people. The industrial domination is less visible and does its work in a more insidious manner. The disadvantages of a political domination lie very much on the surface. We see a foreign race monopolising all power and authority and keeping the people in a state of subjection. These are facts which we observe and feel every day of our lives. Human feelings often matter more to humanity than human interests, and when your feelings are hurt in various directions, as in a state of subjection they are bound to be—I do not mean to throw any unnecessary blame on any one—their thought fills you night and day and makes you think constantly of the fact that you are living under a foreign domination. On the other hand, the industrial domination of one people by another may come in an attractive garb. If, as has been the case with India, this foreign domination comes in the shape of more finished articles—especially articles that administer to the daily wants of a community—you unconsciously welcome the domination, you fall a victim to its temptations and its attractiveness. And it is only when the evil grows beyond certain limits, that your attention is drawn to it. Now this is precisely what has happened in the case of India. As soon as Western education came to be imparted to the people of this country, their first thoughts were directed to their political status. Of course they also thought of their social institutions. Those who are acquainted with the history of the last fifty years, know that the struggle for political

88 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION and social reforms was started almost simultaneously: but I do not wish to go into that on this occasion. What I want to point out is that the thought of the industrial domination of India by England did not really occur to men’s minds at that time. At any rate, it did not occur in that pointed manner in which the thought of political domination did. The result was that the main current of our public activity came to be directed towards the realisation of our political aspirations, and about 22 years ago when the Congress came into existence for the political advancement of the people, the question of this industrial domination, though it had struck a few thoughtful minds, did not receive that consideration at the hands of the leaders of the people that it deserved. However, the industrial problem and its importance are now receiving their due recognition, and to-day at any rate we appear to have gone so far in this direction that there is now the risk of the industrial problem actually throwing into the shade the political problem, which, however, to a great extent lies at the root of the industrial problem. Gentlemen, when we come to this question of India’s industrial domination by England, we come to what may be described as the most deplorable result of British rule in this country. In other matters there are things on the credit side and things on the debit side. Take, for instance, the political and administrative results of British rule. We have here the shutting out of a whole race from positions of real trust and responsibility where powers of initiative can be developed, and this is producing disastrous results on the character of the people. We also see that the forcible disarming of a population is bound to crush the manhood of the nation. In these directions we find that a steady deterioration of the race has set in. But there are compensating advantages, and I am not sure that the balance is not on the latter side. Thus, the introduction of Western education, with its liberalising influence, has been a great blessing to the people. We now understand better the necessity of equal treatment for all; we also see that unless the status of woman is raised, man by himself will not be able to advance very far; and altogether this Western education is doing most noble work in the country. Then the British have established, on the whole, equal justice between Indian and Indian—as between European and Indian, that is a different matter—but between Indian and Indian it is equal, though it is costly, and that is more than can be said of previous rulers. Railways, Telegraphs, Post Offices and other modern appliances of material civilization have also been introduced into India by the present rulers, and it is fair to acknowledge that these things have added greatly to the comforts and conveniences of life

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 89 and are a powerful help to our progress. Lastly, there are the blessings of peace and of order well and firmly established. These are things which must be set against the steady deterioration of which I have already spoken, and I am not prepared to say that the balance is not, on the whole, on the side of the advantages. But when you come to the industrial field, you find that the results have been disastrous. You find very little here on the credit side and nearly all the entries on the debit side. Now this is a serious statement to make, but I think it can be sustained. I would ask you, first, to glance at what India was industrially before the English came into this country. It is true that there is very little direct or statistical evidence on this subject. But the statements made by travellers who came to this country supply a fair indication of how things were, though they do not enable us to establish a conclusion accurately or satisfactorily. We find, for instance, praise of India’s riches in every place; we find also here and there a description of the poverty of the mass of the people. And, on the whole, I think it is fair to say this—that, compared with other countries, India could not have been worse, and very probably she was better off than most other countries, and I think this description may well apply to her right up to the end of Mahomedan rule. India’s reported wealth was the attracting cause of so many inva¬ sions. Large wealth must, therefore, have been accumulated in some hands, and so far as the bulk of the population was concerned, as the land was fertile and the people were industrious and thrifty and, on the whole, free from vices, such as drink, it is fair to con¬ clude that the people must have enjoyed a considerable degree of rude agricultural prosperity. It is not proper to compare the West of to-day, with all its production of machinery and steam, with the India, of 200 years ago. Before steam and machinery were employed in the West, the West too was largely agricultural, and she had then no special advantages for the production of wealth over us. And I believe that, judged by the standards of those days, we could not have been poorer, and very probably we were richer than most Western countries. Then there was the excellence of our productions which attracted the attention of Western nations—the fine muslins and many other things exported from this country showed what a high level of excellence had been reached by our people in industrial production. When the Mahomedan rulers came, they settled in this country, and there was no question of any foreign drain. Things, therefore, must have, on the whole, continued as they had been before their time. Then we come to British rule. Gentlemen, I refer, on this occa-

90 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION sion, to the past only in order that, in the light of it, we might understand the present and derive therefrom guidance and assistance for the future. The early days of the East India Company’s rule were as bad as they could possibly be from the standpoint of India’s industrial system. Deliberate steps were taken by the Company to destroy the industries of the people and to make room for Western manufacturers. This has been acknowledged by English writers themselves. This was England’s policy, not towards India alone, but towards America and Ireland also. America got rid of it by shaking off England’s domination altogether. Ireland struggled to do the same, but did not succeed. India suffered the worst under the operation of the evil policy. The object aimed at by the East India Company was to reduce India to the level of a merely agricultural country producing raw material only, without factories to manu¬ facture the same. This was the first stage in our industrial decay. The second stage began when England forced on us the policy of free trade, of leaving the door wide open to the competition of the whole world. England’s own policy for centuries had been that of Protection, and by that policy she had built up her vast Indus¬ trial system. But about sixty years ago, after Protection had done its work, she decided to give up the old policy and adopt Free Trade, mainly to set right the abuses to which Protection had given rise. England depends on foreign countries for most of her raw materials, and she supplies manufactured articles practically to the whole world. It was, therefore, to the advantage of England that there should be no export or import duties, as one result of such duties was to add to the cost of the articles supplied to foreign countries. But forcing this policy of free trade upon a country circumstanced as India was, was a wholly different thing and was bound to produce results of a most disastrous character. Our things were made with the hand; we did not possess anything like the combination, skill or enterprise of the West. Steam and machinery were unknown in the country. Our industries were, therefore, bound to perish as a result of the shock of this sudden competition to which they were exposed, and as a matter of course the intro¬ duction of Free Trade in this country was followed by the rapid destruction of such small industries as had existed in the country, and the people were steadily pressed back more and more on the one resource of agriculture. I should not have deplored even this destruction of our indigenous manufactures if the Government had assisted us in starting others to take their place. The German economist—List—whose work on Political Economy is the best that

i.e.,

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 91 Indian students can consult, explains how the State can help an oldworld agricultural country, suddenly brought within the circle of the world’s competition, to build up a new system of industries. He says that the destruction of hand-industries is a necessary stage through which an industrially backward country must pass before she can take rank with those which use steam and machinery and advanced scientific processes and appliances in their industrial production. When hand-made goods are exposed to the competition of machine-made goods, it is inevitable that the former should perish. But when this stage is reached, there comes in the duty of the State. The State, by a judicious system of protection, should then ensure conditions under which new infant industries can grow up. And until the new industries can stand on their own legs, it becomes the duty of the State to have a protective wall around. This is what America—already one of the richest nations in the world, and one which will yet reach the foremost place—has done, and the case is the same with France and Germany. The result of England’s policy in India has, however, been to facilitate more and more the imports of foreign commodities, until there is no country on the face of the earth to-day which is so dependent on the foreign producer as India is. At the present moment about 70 percent of our exports are raw material raised from the soil and exported in that condition. If we had the skill, enterprise, capital and organisa¬ tion to manufacture the greater part of this material, there would be many industries flourishing in the country. But the material goes out and comes back in the shape of manufactured commodities, having acquired a much higher price in the process of manufacture. Again, if you look at your imports, you will find that 60 per cent of them are manufactured goods. They are goods which have been made by other people, so that all you have got to do with them is to consume them. If this was all, if the steady rustication of India—her being steadily pushed back on the one resource of agriculture—was all that we had to deplore as the result of the present policy, the situation, bad enough as it would undoubtedly have been, would not have been so critical. But coupled with political domination, this has produced a state of things which can only be described as intolerable.

Our resources then are small, and our difficulties are enormous. It behoves us, therefore, not to throw away any co-operation, from

92 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION whatever quarter it may be forthcoming. Remember that, though there is a certain scope for small village industries, our main reliance now—exposed as we are to the competition of the whole world— must be on production with the aid of steam and machinery. From this standpoint, what are our principal needs to-day? In the first place, there is general ignorance throughout the country about the industrial condition of the world. Very few of us understand where we are, as compared with others, and why we are where we are and why others are where they are. Secondly, our available capital is small, and it is, moreover, timid. Confidence in one another in the spirit of co-operation for industrial purposes is weak, and joint stock enterprise is, therefore, feeble. Thirdly, there is a lack of facilities for higher scientific and technical instruction in the country. Lastly, such new articles as we succeed in manufacturing find themselves exposed at once to the competition of the whole world, and as, in the beginning at any rate, they are bound to be somewhat inferior in quality and probably higher in price, it is difficult for them to make their way in the Indian market. Now as our needs are various, so the Swadeshi cause requires to be served in a variety of ways, and we should be careful not to quarrel with others, simply because they serve the cause in a different way from our own. Thus, whoever tries to spread in the country a correct knowledge of the industrial conditions of the world and points out how we may ourselves advance, is a promoter of the Swadeshi cause. Whoever again contributes capital to be applied to the industrial development of the country must be regarded as a bene¬ factor of the country and a valued supporter of the Swadeshi move¬ ment. Then those who organize funds for sending Indian students to foreign countries for acquiring industrial or scientific education —and in our present state we must, for some time to come, depend upon foreign countries for such education—or those who proceed to foreign countries for such education and try to start new in¬ dustries on their return, or those who promote technical, industrial and scientific education in the country itself—all these are noble workers in the Swadeshi field. These three ways of serving the Swadeshi cause are, however, open to a limited number of persons only. But there is a fourth way, which is open to all of us, and in the case of most, it is, perhaps, the only way in which they can help forward the Swadeshi movement. It is to use ourselves, as far as possible, Swadeshi articles only and to preach to others that they should do the same.

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 93

19 / A MARXIST-NATIONALIST VIEW OF THE BRITISH ECONOMIC IMPACT Marxists and non-Marxists alike deplored the deindustrialization of India during British rule. They knew that before the arrival of the British, Indian handicraft industries, especially textiles, were among the most advanced and extensive in the world. They blamed British capitalism for destroying Indian handicrafts and throwing agriculture and industry out of balance. This widely shared per¬ ception of India's economic history helps to explain the hostility to capitalism and the corresponding respect for socialism which has characterized twentieth-century India. Rajani Palme Dutt wrote the following analysis of the British impact on India's rural economy. Dutt was the son of a Swedish writer and an Indian doctor. He lived most of his life in England where he was a founder and prominent leader of the British Com¬ munist Partyy as well as an advisor to the Indian Communist Party. The understanding of the village system is thus the key to the understanding of India. The classic description of the village system is contained in Capital: Those small and extremely ancient Indian communities, some of which have continued down to this day, are based on possession in common of the land, on the blending of agriculture and handicrafts, and on an unalterable division of labour, which serves, whenever a new community is started, as a plan and scheme ready cut and dried. Occupying areas of from 100 up to several thousand acres, each forms a compact whole producing all that it requires. The chief part of the products is destined for direct use by the community itself, and does not take the form of a commodity. Hence, production here is inde¬ pendent of that division of labour brought about, in Indian society as a whole, by means of the exchange of commodities. It is the surplus alone that becomes a commodity, and a portion of even that, not until it has reached the hands of the State, into whose hands from time immemorial a certain quantity of these products has found its way in the shape of rent in kind. The constitution of these ancient communities varies in different parts of India. In those of the simplest form, the land is tilled in com¬ mon, and the produce divided among the members. At the same time, spinning and weaving are carried on in each family as subsidiary in¬ dustries. Side by side with the masses thus occupied with one and From R. Palme Dutt, India Today (London: Victor Gollancz Ltd., 1940), pp. 95—100. Reprinted by permission of Victor Gollancz Ltd., London.

94 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION the same work, we find the “chief inhabitant,” who is judge, police and tax-gatherer in one; the book-keeper who keeps the accounts of the tillage and registers everything relating thereto; another official, who prosecutes criminals, protects strangers travelling through, and escorts them to the next village; the boundary man, who guards the boundaries against neighbouring communities; the water-overseer, who distributes the water from the common tanks for irrigation; the Brahmin, who conducts the religious services; the schoolmaster, who on the sand teaches the children reading and writing; the calendarBrahmin, or astrologer, who makes known the lucky or unlucky days for seed-time and harvest, and for every other kind of agricultural work; a smith and a carpenter, who make and repair all the agricultural implements; the potter, who makes all the pottery of the village; the barber, the washerman, who washes clothes, the silversmith, here and there the poet, who in some communities replaces the silversmith, in others the schoolmaster. This dozen of individuals is maintained at the expense of the whole community. If the population increases, a new community is founded, on the pattern of the old one, on un¬ occupied land. . . . The simplicity of the organisation for production in these selfsufficing communities that constantly reproduce themselves in the same form, and when accidentally destroyed, spring up again on the spot and with the same name—this simplicity supplies the key to the secret of the unchangeableness of Asiatic societies, an unchangeableness in such striking contrast with the constant dissolution and refounding of Asiatic States, and the never-ceasing changes of dynasty. The structure of the economical elements of society remains untouched by the storm-clouds of the political sky. (Marx, Capital, Vol. I, ch. xiv, sec¬ tion 4)

This is the traditional Indian economy which was shattered in its foundations by the onset of foreign capitalism, represented by British rule. Herein the British conquest differed from every pre¬ vious conquest, in that, while the previous foreign conquerors left untouched the economic basis and eventually grew into its struc¬ ture, the British conquest shattered that basis and remained a foreign force, acting from outside and withdrawing its tribute outside. Herein also the victory of foreign capitalism in India dif¬ fered from the victory of capitalism in Europe, in that the destruc¬ tive process was not accompanied by any corresponding growth of new forces. From this arises the “particular melancholy” attaching to the misery of the Indian under British rule, who finds himself faced with “the loss of his old world, with no gain of a new one.” There cannot remain any doubt but that the misery inflicted by the British on Hindostan is of an essentially different and infinitely more intensive kind than all Hindostan had to suffer before. I do

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 95 not allude to European despotism, planted upon Asiatic despotism, by the British East India Company, forming a more monstrous com¬ bination than any of the divine monsters startling us in the Temple of Salsette. . . . All the civil wars, invasions, revolutions, conquests, famines, strangely complex, rapid and destructive as their successive action in Hindostan may appear, did not go deeper than its surface. England has broken down the whole framework of Indian society, without any symptoms of reconstruction yet appearing. This loss of his old world, with no gain of a new one, imparts a particular kind of melancholy to the present misery of the Hindoo, and separates Hindostan, ruled by Britain, from all its ancient traditions and from the whole of its past history. (Marx, “The British Rule in India,” New York Daily Tribune, June 25, 1853)

The Destructive Role of British Rule in India How this destructive role was accomplished, Marx traced with careful attention, distinguishing between the earlier period of the monopoly of the East IndiajCempahy up to 1813, and the later period, after 1813, when the monopoly was broken and the in¬ vasion of industrial capitalist manufactures overran India and completed the work. “ In the earlier period the initial steps of destruction were ac¬ complished, first, by the Company’s colossal direct plunder (“during the whole course of the eighteenth century, the treasures trans¬ ported from India to England were gained much less by the com¬ paratively insignificant commerce, than by the direct exploitation of that country and by the colossal fortunes extorted and transjmitted to England”); second, by the neglect of irrigation and public works, which had been maintained under previous governments and were now allowed to fall into neglect; third, by the introduc¬ tion of the English landed system, private property in land, with sale and alienation, and the whole English criminal code; and fourth, by the direct prohibition or heavy duties on the import of Indian manufactures, first into England, and later also to Europe. All this, however, did not yet give “the final blow.” That came with the era of nineteenth-century capitalism. The monopoly of the East India Company had been closely associated with the financial oligarchy which finally established its power with the Whig Revolution: The true commencement of the East India Company cannot be dated from a more remote epoch than the year 1702, when the different societies, claiming the monopoly of the East India trade, united to¬ gether in one single company. Till then, the very existence of the original East India Company was repeatedly endangered, once sus-

96 / NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION pended for years under the protectorate of Cromwell, and once threat¬ ened with utter dissolution by Parliamentary interference under the reign of William III. It was under the ascendancy of that Dutch Prince, when the Whigs became the farmers of the revenues of the British Empire, when the Bank of England sprang into life, when the protective system was formally established in England, and the Balance of Power in Europe was definitely settled, that the existence of an East India Company was recognised by Parliament. That era of apparent liberty was in reality the era of monopolies, not created by Royal grants, as in the times of Elizabeth and Charles I, but authorised and nationalised by the sanction of Parliament. (Marx, “The East India Company, Its History and Outcome,” New York Daily Tribune, July 11, 1853)

Against this monopoly the English manufacturing interests, who demanded and secured the exclusion of Indian manufactures, and the other English trading interests, who found themselves excluded from the lucrative Indian trade, carried on ceaseless agitation. This struggle underlay the fall of Fox’s Government in 1783 over the India Bill, which sought to abolish the Courts of Directors and Proprietors of the Company, and the subsequent long-drawn battle of the impeachment of Hastings from 1786 to 1795. But it was not until the completion of the Industrial Revolution had brought English manufacturing capitalism to the forefront that the monopoly was overthrown in 1813 and its final abolition completed in 1833. It was only after 1813, with the invasion of English industrial manufactures, that the decisive wrecking of the Indian economic structure took place. The effects of this wrecking during the first half of the nineteenth century Marx traced with formidable facts. Between 1780 and 1850 the total British exports to India rose from £386,152 to £8,024,000 or from one thirty-second part to one-eighth of British exports; while the cotton manufacture in 1850, for which the Indian market provided one-fourth of the foreign markets, employed one-eighth of the population of Britain and contributed one-twelfth of the whole national revenue. From 1818 to 1836 the export of twist from Great Britain to India rose in the proportion of 1 to 5,200. In 1824 the export of British muslins to India hardly amounted to 6,000,000 yards, while in 1837 it surpassed 64,000,000 yards. But at the same time the population of Dacca decreased from 150,000 inhabitants to 20,000. This decline of Indian towns celebrated for their fabrics was by no means the worst consequence. British steam and science uprooted, over the whole sur¬ face of Hindostan, the union between agricultural and manufacturing industry. (Marx, “The British Rule in India,” New York Daily Tribune, June 10, 1853)

NATIONALISM IN TRANSITION / 97 The English cotton machinery produced an acute effect in India. The Governor-General reported in 1834-5: “The misery hardly finds a parallel in the history of commerce. The bones of the cotton-weavers are bleaching the plains of India.” (Marx, Capital, Vol. I, ch. xv, section 5)

The village system had been built on “the domestic union of agricultural and manufacturing pursuits.” “The handloom and the spinning-wheel were the pivots of the structure of the old Indian society.” But “it was the British intruder who broke up the Indian handloom and destroyed the spinning-wheel.” Thereby Britain pro¬ duced “the greatest, and to speak the truth, the only social revolu¬ tion ever heard of in Asia.” This revolution not only destroyed the old manufacturing towns, driving their population to crowd the villages, but destroyed the balance of economic life in the villages. From this arose the desperate over-pressure on agriculture, which has continued on a cumulative scale right up to the present day. At the same time the merciless extraction of the maximum revenue from the cultivators, without giving any return for necessary ex¬ pansion and works (out of £19,300,000 revenue in 1850-1, only £166,390 or 0.8 per cent was returned as spent on Public Works of any kind), prevented agricultural development. This rent may assume dimensions which seriously threaten the re¬ production of the conditions of labour, of the means of production. It may render an expansion of production more or less impossible, and grind the direct producers down to the physical minimum of means of subsistence. This is particularly the case, when this form is met and exploited by a conquering industrial nation, as India is by the English. (Marx, Capital, Vol. Ill, ch. xlvii, section 3)

Ill / THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM

INTRODUCTION As Indian society became more open and as opportunities in edu¬ cation, administration, and the professions were filled increasingly by competition, without regard to birth, a growing number of educated Hindus and Muslims perceived the competition to be between communities. The British government, which determined the rules under which educated Indians competed, received dif¬ ferent demands from communally minded Hindus and Muslims. Generally speaking, Hindu communalists favored the use of the Hindi language and the Devanagri script for administrative and educational purposes, prohibition of cow slaughter, open competi¬ tion for jobs and education, and majority rule. Muslim com¬ munalists advanced counterdemands: the use of Urdu language with the Persian script, protection for their customs of sacrificing and eating animals, and compensatory education and privileges for the relatively powerless and uneducated Muslim minority. One Muslim wrote in 1893,* “India is like a balance whose two pans are of unequal weight, and to equalize them a compensating weight is required to make the lighter pan equal to the heavier. This com¬ pensating weight will always be a foreign nation; and it is an occasion of congratulation that God has entrusted the British nation with this duty, who are a generous and free people.” This view was characteristic of the followers of Sayyid Ahmad Khan of Aligarh, and while the degree to which the Aligarh group were representative of Indian Muslims as a whole is not known, variants of this view did lead to the formation of the Muslim League in 1906 and the demand for a separate state of Pakistan in 1940. However, almost half a century passed between 1893 and the demand for the partition of India. During that time few people * Haji Muhammad Ismail Khan of Aligarh. 98

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 99 thought in terms of either perpetual British rule or partition. In¬ stead, constitutional protections for the Muslim community were sought in the form of separate Muslim electorates, “weightage” (disproportionate minority representation), and federalism. While the constitutional debates and the competition between Hindu and Muslim elite groups intensified, Hindu and Islamic revival movements heightened the sense of communal identification. Hindu nationalists were trying to arouse a pride in Indian cultural achievements, but the achievements emphasized tended to be ex¬ clusively Hindu. And in glorifying the martial exploits of Hindu warriors—the Rajputs, Shivaji, and Ranjit Singh, who fought “foreigners”—the nationalists were celebrating wars against Mus¬ lims. A similar tightening of religious bonds was taking place among Indian Muslims. Most Muslims had been converts from Hinduism and had retained some caste and Hindu religious practices. During the nineteenth century, Islamic reformers attributed the decline of Muslim political fortunes to a lack of religious orthodoxy and community solidarity. Reformers attempted to unify and purify Indian Islam by returning to what they believed to be the original Arabian faith. In the process, religious syncretism was condemned and distinctions between Muslims and Hindus were magnified. Elite competition and cultural separatism reinforced each other as the date for the British departure approached. In the end, the largely Hindu leadership of the Indian National Congress failed to dispel the anxieties of the Muslim minority about their position in an independent and united India. Hence the existence today of an independent Pakistan alongside India.

20 / LALA LAJPAT RAI: THE MAKING OF A HINDU NATIONALIST The humiliation of continued subjection to a foreign power stimu¬ lated efforts to redefine Hinduism and Islam in forms in which Hindus and Muslims could be proud. Religious revival movements were an integral part of nation-building and the search for self¬ esteem and cultural identity. But insofar as nation-building rested on religion, two, rather than one, nations were being formed. Lala Lajpat Rai was a prominent Punjabi politician who helped lead the Hindu revival. As a member of the Arya Samaj, he par¬ ticipated in the shuddhi campaign to reconvert Muslims and ChrisFrom V. C. Joshi, ed., Lajpat Rai Autobiographical Writings (Delhi: University Publishers, 1965), pp. 76-83. Reprinted by permission of University Publishers.

100 / THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM tians to Hinduism. He supported the cow-protection and Hindi language movements. And he became a leader of the Hindu Mahasabha, the leading Hindu communal organization in India after World War I. Lajpat Rai was best known as a Congress activist and extremist off and on until he died in 1928 as a result of police lathi (heavy stick) blows during a nonviolent demonstration. In addition to being a Hindu revivalist and Congress extremist, Lajpat Rai worked hard for the education and uplift of the lower castes. He was once president of the All-India Trade Union Con¬ gress. His career shows that there is no necessary correlation between social conservatism and Hindu communalism. In the following selection, he explains some of the reasons he became a politician. In attempting to understand Lajpat Rai’s religious identification, it is relevant that his family religious back¬ ground contained ambiguities and tensions that must have influ¬ enced his attitudes toward Hinduism and Islam. His paternal grand¬ father had been a Hindu Aggarwal shopkeeper and his father was a Persian teacher who admired Islam and preferred the company of Muslims. Lajpat’s mother, on the other hand, was born into a Sikh family but followed orthodox Hindu practices. In his auto¬ biography, Lajpat expressed admiration for his mother’s Hinduism and was highly critical of his father’s Islamic preferences.

A Mild Conversion Early in 1897 the Central Provinces were visited by a terrible famine. Thousands were dying of starvation. In Lahore news was being received that the poorhouses and orphanages of the Christian missions were being filled. In particular, children were dying in large number, or were being sold to Christians. These reports moved me deeply and I started a movement for the C.P. orphans. This movement was started under the auspices of the Anarkali Arya Samaj, but soon it spread to the entire Hindu community. A new society was founded at Lahore for the help of Hindu orphans, and Sanatanist [traditionalist] Hindus as well as Brahmo Samajists joined in this endeavour. Several hundred orphans were brought from Jabalpur, Bilaspur and other places, and several orphanages were opened at Lahore and other towns to take care of them. The Lahore Hindu orphanage was started at this time. I remember the day when the first batch of orphans arrived thousands of people had gathered at the Lahore railway station to receive them. Hindu fellow-feeling was at this time very strong in Lahore. . . . Although I had been taught about religion very early in life,

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 101 and I had been hearing religious discourses and reading religious tracts to some extent, I had never been really fond of religious studies and researches. As far as I can recollect I was from the beginning inclined towards action. The books that left a deep impression on my mind early in my life were Qasis-i-Hind, and Firdausi’s Shah Nama. A verse in Gulistan which became fixed in my mind was: I am not such that thou mayst see my back on the day of battle. I am such that my head will be seen lying in blood and dust. My father taught me a good deal of Persian privately. But of all the Persian books I read with him, the two epics, Sikandar Nama and Shah Nama made the greatest appeal to me. Amongst Urdu books, I was particularly fond of Rasum-i-Hind and Qasis-i-Hind. I read again and over again the portions of Maulvi Muhammad Hussain’s Qasis-i-Hind (Part II) which eulogise the valiant deeds of the Rajputs, Ala-ud-din Khilji’s raids on [the Rajput fortress of] Chitor, Humayun’s tribulations, Akbar’s conquests—all these left impressions on my mind as lasting as carving on stone. It was from Maulvi Muhammad Hussain’s Qasis-i-Hind that I first learned to admire Hindu valour, and to be proud of Hindus. I developed quite a passion for Qasis-i-Hind, whose influence on my life has always been very strong. From the day I touched this book I have always been curious to know about the Rajput deeds of valour. When after passing the Mukhtarship examination, I started legal practice, the first book I purchased was Tod’s Annals of Rajasthan. At that time a book on Indian history called Waqiat-iHind used to be taught at Government schools. That book created in me the feeling that Mussalmans had subjected the Hindus to great tyranny. Gradually the respect for Islam that I had acquired from early training began to change into hatred because of study of W aqiat-i-Hind. When I came to Lahore Islam lost its charm for me. The com¬ pany I had in Lahore made my mind turn away from Islam and what is more important, I became attached to Hinduism and Hindus. This attachment was not so much theological or religious, it was nationalistic. . . . As a boy when I knew nothing, I had been brought up in a Sikh environment, and used to hear my grand-mother recite the Japji. But afterwards I came under the influence of Islam and had no

102 /THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM love either for Hinduism or for Sikhism. I looked upon both as bundles of prejudices, superstition and nonsense. The change that afterwards came about in my ideas was not the result of religious or theological teaching but of my nationalistic tendencies. All the religious literature that I had read was pro-Muslim and anti-Hindu. I had some sort of attachment for Islam. But when I read the Qasis-i Hind and Waqiat-i-Hind, a new wave of ideas arose within me which took me farther away from Islam every day. I had no op¬ portunity to study Hinduism and to form an opinion about its virtues nor had I the ability to understand thoroughly problems connected with religion. I did not have the leisure to fathom these profundities; even if I did find time, what could I have studied? I had never learnt Sanskrit and did not know even the alphabet of Hindi. With Gurmukhi [Sikh sacred language] I have no ac¬ quaintance to this day. The whole of my boyhood had been taken up by the study of Urdu, Persian and Arabic. At that time there was no literature in Urdu setting forth the beauties of Hinduism. If there was any it was beyond my access. I had not yet passed the Middle School examination when Qasis-i-Hind and Waqiat-i-Hind created within me a fondness for Hinduism and Hindu history. Qasis-i-Hind often moved me to tears and I began to feel that both my mind and my ears were fascinated by accounts of the valorous deeds of the Rajputs. This feeling became stronger every day till at last it developed into an irresistible passion.

Hindi csnd Hinduism After completing my school education at the age of sixteen I came to Lahore. There I began to attend the Brahmo Samaj meet¬ ings, and that made my mind gradually turn towards Hinduism. I began to be fond of hearing Hindus praised. Although Brahmo literature did not very much glorify Hinduism, its atmosphere was not free from Hindu nationalism. The Brahmos were much en¬ amoured of the English people and English culture, but as com¬ pared with Islam they respected pristine Hinduism. They were votaries of Sanskrit and Hindi, and in the Urdu-Hindi controversy they advocated the cause of Hindi. The Hindi-Urdu controversy taught me my first lesson in Hindu nationalism. My mind took a turn at this time and there was no turning back thereafter. Early training and parental teaching should have enlisted my support on the side of Urdu; that way lay per¬ sonal gain for me, for I had spent years in the study of Persian and was fairly well acquainted with Urdu literature, whilst of Hindi I did not know even the alphabet. But as I became convinced that

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 103 political solidarity demanded the spread of Hindi and Devanagri, I brushed aside all personal considerations and started propaganda for Hindi. . . . At college also I had taken up Persian and Arabic and was studying these with Maulvi Muhammad Hussain Azad. One day, the Maulvi Saheb began to pour ridicule on the partisans of Hindi in the class-room. Ridiculing the position of Bengali advocates of Hindi, he happened to remark that they as “foreigners” had no business to meddle in the affairs of this province. The late Maulvi Saheb was a Shia* by faith, and was always full of praise for Iran. He would say that his very own country was Iran and always yearned for it. When he hit the Bengalis, I retorted without pre¬ meditation that the Bengalis were Indians at any rate and if they had no business to meddle with the affairs of the Punjab what right could the Maulvi Saheb, who claimed to be an Irani, have to interfere? The Maulvi Saheb felt annoyed but the sympathies of the class (with the exception of the Delhi people) were with me, and he had to keep quiet. Because of ill health, and because of my simultaneous law course I did not care much for the arts course and used often to be absent during Persian and Arabic lectures. The Maulvi Saheb now began to “report” me. Accordingly, when I returned from Ambala, the Principal, Mr. Sime, called me and gave me a scolding, with the result that I gave up Persian and Arabic altogether. Guru Duttj~ took me to the Sanskrit Professor, Pandit Bhagwan Das, and announced that he had found a new pupil for him. Very few students used to take up Sanskrit in those days, though in that particular year several students had joined the Sanskrit class. The Pandit asked me how much I knew of Sanskrit. I kept quiet, but Guru Dutt laughingly said: “This is a new convert. Up till now he was a Mussalman, now he has turned Hindu.” The San¬ skrit Pandit laughed and said nothing. Lala Hans RajJ had also started Sanskrit only after joining college and Guru Dutt assured me that in one year I ought to be able to pick up enough of it to get through the Intermediate Examination. I learnt precious little of Sanskrit, but this was the first incident of my life to make me a staunch Hindu, and looking backwards I have never had any regrets over it. * A member of a major Islamic sect, many of whose members live in Iran. •j- Guru Dutt was a close friend of Lajpat’s as well as an active Arya Samajist. He died at the age of 25. I Lala Hans Raj, another college friend, became the leader of the meat-eating and more political wing of the Arya Samaj.

104/THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM

Preparation for Political Work At about this time I happened to come across the English speeches of Babu Surendranath Banerjea.* Amongst those was his speech on Giuseppe Mazzini, which moved me to tears several times as I read it. It made a deep impression on my tender heart and I determined that all my life I would follow the teachings of Mazzini and serve my nation. I made Mazzini my Guru, and so he continues to be to this day. This happened in 1881-82. I had not yet joined the Arya Samaj, and in fact felt no particular attachment for it. Thereafter my work for the law examination began to slacken. My attention turned away from the curriculum. My spirit wanted to fly higher, but poverty and the hardships of my parents made me despair. Often the Penal Code or some other law book might be lying open before me, and I preparing a speech addressing people of a bygone age. . . . I set up as a Mukhtar [legal practitioner] at Jagraon in 1883, and there my political ideas had no opportunity to develop further. But even at that time I used to write for the columns of the Rafiq-iHind. Maulvi Muharram Ali Chishti, the editor of that paper, was also young like myself and always welcomed my contributions. While a student at Lahore I once went to the Chief Court to see a case in which a white man was being tried for having murdered an Indian. The jury acquitted the assassin. Great resentment pre¬ vailed amongst Indians against this decision. I also shared this resentment. But my nationalism was not yet thorough-going. In Arya Samaj lectures I used to applaud the Government. That was in vogue those days. Besides I believed that the English had rescued us from the tyranny of Mussalmans. During 1883-84 my political ideas did not receive any nourishment. Like other people I also read English and Urdu newspapers, and occasionally wrote for the English papers also and talked about them in a casual way, but made no special study of political movement. My energies were directed mainly to passing the Vakilship examination, for I per¬ ceived that my parents had to suffer great hardships because of our slender resources. But I cannot recollect a period when my mind was wholly occupied with law studies to the exclusion of all ideas of national service. . . . During my days at Hissar I studied all sorts of literature. I had one occasion during this period to be under the same roof with a certain Rai Sahib who was regarded amongst the prominent people * Bengali moderate who was President of the Indian National Congress in 1895 and 1902.

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 105 of the province. He had earned a reputation even while he was a student. He was well-known for his patriotism, but was helpless being in Government service. Rai Mul Raj, he was the gentleman I am referring to, had with him a history of the secret societies of Europe in two volumes which he had borrowed from some library. He read out portions of that book to me and I became eager to read the whole book. I read a few pages then and there, but Rai Mul Raj did not permit me to carry the book home with me. I enquired of several booksellers about that book and about a life of Mazzini, but could get them nowhere. At last I wrote to a young Punjabi who was in England at the time, and he sent me both the books—Mazzini’s life and the history of secret societies. I can well recollect how joyous I felt the day I got those books. I read Mazzini’s biography from cover to cover, and I was moved by it far more intensely than I had been several years before by Babu Surendranath Banerjea’s speech about Mazzini. The profound nationalism of the great Italian, his troubles and tribulations, his moral superiority, his broad humanitarian sympathies, enthralled me. I began to translate his Duties of Man into Urdu. When this was finished I sent the manuscript to Lala Nathu Ram, a journalist friend in Lahore, who revised it and published it in his own name.

21 / HINDI-URDU DISPUTE India is a multilingual country. The decision as to which languages would he used in public administration had far-reaching conse¬ quences. Depending on that decision, some linguistic groups could obtain government positions and influence policy more easily than other groups. In the early years of British rule, the East India Com¬ pany continued the Mughal practice of using Persian as an adminis¬ trative language. This gave Persian-speakers, most of whom were Muslim, distinct advantages. But in 1837, Persian was replaced by English and vernacular languages. Muslims subsequently blamed the demotion of Persian for their relative decline in the administra¬ tive services. However, in much of northern India, Urdu, which is written in the Persian script, continued after 1837 to be used as an official language. In the 1860s, small groups of Hindus began to agitate for the elevation of Hindi to official status. Hindi and Urdu are variants From Hamid Ali

Khan,

The Vernacular Controversy: An Account and Criticism of the Equalisation of Nagri and Urdu, as the Character for the Court of the North-West Provinces and Oudh (Lucknow: The Indian Daily

Telegraph Co., Ltd., 1900), pp. 53 and 58-60.

106/THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM of the same language, the main difference being that Hindi is writ¬ ten not in the Persian script, but in the Devanagri (or Nagri) script as Sanskrit is. Moreover, Urdu uses many Persian words, whereas Hindi draws more of its vocabulary from Sanskrit. Prior to the Hindi-Urdu controversy, many Hindus in the Punjab and the North-Western Provinces and Oudh spoke and wrote Urdu. The Hindu revival gave Hindi and Sanskrit a symbolic importance which they had not previously possessed. The following two editorials comment on the decision of the Government of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh in 1900 to raise Hindi to the position of an official language, alongside Urdu. The first editorial expresses a Muslim view of that decision, the second a noncommunal, Hindu view. The Muslim Chronicle, Calcutta, has the following in a leading article on the language controversy:— The question of the abolition of Urdu, is one that affects the most vital interests of the community, and has not to be looked at, at least by the Mahomedans, with the eye of sentiment, as one of Urdu versus Nagri or of Nagri versus Urdu. To what sad strait have the Mussalmans of Bengal been brought by the removal of Persian and the gradual introduction of Bengali as a subordinate court language is too well-known for relation here. Suffice it to say that they have been driven to a position only a little better than that of the serfs and slaves of the land. This condition of a dis¬ advantageous and subordinate position was brought about by the practical banishment, from the use of courts, of Persian and Urdu. The language, literature or vernacular of a people, recognised by the State as the medium of their communication have great po¬ tentiality for refinement and culture. It reflects the adopted and adoptable enlightenment and civilisation of the rulers, permeates the masses, and acts as a slow lever for progress and advancement. Urdu, besides being recognised as the lingua franca of India has been universally acknowledged to possess that advantage and rich¬ ness of phraseology which Nagri sadly and conspicuously lacks. It is preposterous to think that Nagri has or could ever be recognised as a language. Strictly speaking, it is no better than a dialect which is fast dying out, and which is being dragged into life by the weakness of a government whom we were hitherto prepared to credit with a more manly policy. It is a weak government that can identify itself with such a retrograde and shortsighted policy, and is clearly one of the signs of the times which it is well, for British people at home and here, to take note of. The thing is, the adminis-

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 107 tration of India is gradually passing into the hands of people who have managed to disturb the air with the doctrines of Mill and Morley, and who have hypnotised the English rulers by the canorous cries of “liberty” “majority” and “democracy.” If British administrators, hectored and cowed by the agitation mongers, can be made to yield any concession to feed the sickly sentiment of a clannish and caste-ridden community, we can only say that they hardly realise the danger or disaster lurking therein, or in a policy that seeks the ephemeral plaudits of an oversided and overpowering press.

The Bengali (Calcutta), 8th June, 1900, says: Let not the Govern¬ ment Resolution be the apple of discord which evil-minded persons may grasp at, with a view to foment dissensions between Hindus and Mahomedans in Upper India. . . . The Pioneer of Allahabad * says: “There cannot be the slightest doubt that the Hindus not only wish for the complete replacement of the Persian character by the Nagri, but also the abolition of the Urdu language as well, so that every trace of the former supremacy of the Mahomedans may be wiped out.” “And it is the knowledge of this,” says the Allahabad journal, “that has added fuel to the discontent of the Mahomedans with the orders.” In support of this extraordinary statement the Pioneer says, “that one has only to pick up any number of the Hindi news¬ papers, such as Hindustan, the Bharat Jiwean or the Allahabad Samachar, to see this.” We confess we have not had the advantage of reading a single issue of any of these papers; but we have no hesitation in saying that if they at all give expression to the views with which they are credited by the Pioneer they do not express the public opinion of the educated Hindu community of Northern India. The educated Hindu community of Northern India cannot be insensible to the glories of Moslem rule. They cannot but regard with gratitude, even after the lapse of these two hundred years, the noble and statesmanlike policy of Akbar, which even amid the decadence of the Mahomedan Empire in India, was also the policy of his successors. They cannot but view with regret that the modern rulers of India, notwithstanding their boasted civilization and their pompous proclamations are far behind the beneficence which char¬ acterized the policy of the late masters of India. The educated com* The Pioneer was probably the most influential English-owned newspaper in India at that time.

108/THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM mirnity throughout India, and that of Northern India is no ex¬ ception to the rule, are well-read in the history of the past, and they cannot forget the debt they owe to the rulers of the past. The nations of the West, with their short memories and with their commercial instinct strongly developed, may forget the obligations they owe to the civilizations of the past. But we, the representa¬ tives of an ancient order, who owe all that is most valuable in life, to the past, cannot afford to be unmindful of the obligations which we owe to the rulers of the past. And if there are Hindu journalists who commit an outrage against this deep-seated instinct of our community, all that we can say is that they are no faithful exponents of our feelings and their views ought not to be paraded as expres¬ sive of the general sense of the community. To think of obliterating “every trace of the former supremacy of the Mahomedans”—an idea with which we are credited—is only worthy of Bedlam. It is only a mad man who would think of destroying all traces of Mahomedan supremacy in India, in view of the monumental architectural remains at Delhi and Agra, of that enduring me¬ morial of statesmanship which is preserved in the Ain-i-Akbari* and of that still nobler memorial of a beneficent policy, the memory of which no books treasure, but which is graven deep in our hearts, in the affectionate reverence that we feel for the great names in Moslem history of the past and in the genuine love that we cherish for our Mahomedan fellow-subjects of the present day. The Pioneer is apparently bent upon mischief, it acts upon the old Roman principle divide et impera (divide and rule); it tells the Mahomedans that the Hindus want to wipe out all traces of Mahomedan supremacy; and it turns round and tells the Hindus that the Mahomedan opposition is dictated by the feeling of racial superiority—the Mahomedans are indignant “that the alphabet of their former subjects—the Hindus, has been admitted after cen¬ turies of inferiority, to official recognition, if not to an equality of their own.” These are the words of the Pioneer, tactics of this kind will not do, Hindus and Mahomedans are sensible enough to see through them. They will not allow themselves to be set by the ears by the Pioneer. We have had enough of it in the past. We have profited from the lessons of the past. The Pioneer is no friend of the Hindus or of the Mahomedans. Let us beware of its tactics, and let us see to it that in carrying on this controversy, if indeed we must still further carry it on, we Sixteenth-century account of Mughal administration by Abul Fazl.

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 109 do not jeopardize our common interests by introducing into it that spirit of bitterness which may interfere with our joint and united action for the promotion of the common weal.

22 / A COW-PROTECTION SOCIETY Hindu-Muslim riots occurred with increasing frequency during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The riots both re¬ flected and contributed to a growth of communal consciousness and identification. The riots were often precipitated by disputes over the performance of religious ceremonies, such as Muslim sacrifice of cows, or Hindu devotees singing, chanting, or ringing bells dur¬ ing prayer in a mosque. Cow-killing disputes were particularly diffi¬ cult to resolve because Muslims felt obligated to sacrifice cows on the Bakr Id festival and some Hindus looked upon cow-killing as a form of deicide. The cow-killing issue had political overtones. Some Hindus who rescued cattle were asserting that the customs of the Hindu majority should prevail in India; Muslims sometimes sacrificed cows ostentatiously in order to exercise a legal right and to flout their freedom from Sikh or Hindu domination. The fol¬ lowing government description of an unusual gaurakhsha sabha, or cow-protection society, in the North-Western Provinces and Oudh in 1893 suggests that modern techniques of communication and organization were penetrating traditional India.

Organization of the Gaurakhsha Sabha As has been shown in the preceding section of this note, the Cowprotection movement, originally commenced by the Arya Samaj, was joined gradually by the Dharma Sabhas, or orthodox Hindu religious societies, and other Hindu bodies throughout the country. The leaders are mostly Brahmin officials, Schoolmasters or Pleaders, members of the so-called Patriotic Societies, but the main supporters of the movement are the great Hindu trading and banking classes, who are bigoted Hindus, and several prominent Hindu Rajas and nobles have given it their adhesion and support. The rules of the Sabha are designed primarily to prevent cattle from passing, under any circumstances, into the hands of those who will either sacrifice them or slaughter them for food, and to enforce these rules, caste penalties are put in force. A District From D. F. McCracken, “Note on the Agitation Against Cow-Killing” (August 9, 1893), in Public Letters from India and General Letters from Bengal, 1894, I, 19 (London: India Office Records, 1894), pp. 66-67. Reprinted by per¬ mission of the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs.

110 /THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM Magistrate in the N.W.P. has well described the movement:—“The whole of the Hindu population is driven into its arms by the tyranny of caste, and when once the league is established in any place, its grasp is so powerful that every man, woman and child must openly or secretly contribute to its funds, or cease to be a Hindu.” The following are some of the methods of raising funds adopted by the Gaurakhsha Sabhas. A “Chituki,” or pinch equal to one paisa in weight or value of food stuff per member of a household at each meal daily, is set aside. One or more officers of the Sabha are appointed to collect and guard these heaps for a whole village, and when a sufficient amount has been collected, the whole is sold and the proceeds credited to the Sabha. In some places, bankers, traders and others pay 20 per cent of their assessments on account of the Pandri tax as a contribution to the fund; Government serv¬ ants paying income tax voluntarily contribute 1 pie per rupee of their income to this fund: persons having transactions with bankers and money-lenders are invited to give small donations according to their means: collection boxes are placed in the shops of money¬ lenders, traders, liquor-vendors and in public places into which people may drop contributions. Pleaders also make their rich clients contribute. In certain towns, a recognised fee is demanded and paid on all transactions as a contribution to the fund. In others, fees are levied on sales of grain, cotton, oil, lac, cloth, &c., at fixed rates. In others again, fees are levied on cloth going out, and on every cart of grain coming in to the town. In rural districts, a certain proportion of all grain sold is set aside for the benefit of the fund, and fees are levied on ploughs from every cultivator. Contributions too are levied on various ceremonies, such as marriages, adoptions, &c., on entertainments and on festive occasions. The Cow-protection Societies employ paid agents to itinerate and lecture on behalf of the movement and collect subscriptions, and one of them, the Nagpur Society, has organised classes to instruct selected candidates as lecturers. These men expatiate on the glories of the Hindu regime in the past when no kine-slaughter was per¬ mitted, and appeal to Hindus to protect the cow, by distributing pamphlets, leaflets and pictures of the cow with representations of the various gods in every part of its body. Some cartoons represent the cow about to be slaughtered by a butcher, and all the different castes of Hindus standing round and crying out to him to desist. Some represent the cow in her whilom [former] condition calmly

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 111

drinking at a stream to the sound of music, and in her present state in the hands of a butcher. Others depict a cow as worshipped in the past and as in the present time under the butcher’s knife. One of these cow pictures is thus described in detail:— A calf is at her udder, and a woman sits before the calf holding a bowl waiting for her turn. She is labelled—“The Hindu." Behind the cow above her tail is a representation of the God Krishna labelled —“Dharmraj” (Kingdom of Justice)—and in front of the cow, above her head, a man with a drawn sword, labelled—“Kaliyug”—(The Age of Evil, i.e. the present era).

A Hindu explained its meaning, as follows:— The Hindu must only take the cow’s milk after the calf has been satisfied. In the “Dharmraj” of the “Satyug” (The first or Golden Age) no Hindu would kill a cow, but the “Kaliyug” is bent upon killing the cow and exterminating kine. As every man drinks cow’s milk, just as he, as an infant, has drawn milk from his mother, the cow must be regarded as the universal mother, and so is called “Gau Mata.” It is therefore matricide to kill a cow. Nay more, as all the gods dwell in the cow, to kill a cow is to insult every Hindu.

The Officer who obtained this cartoon adds:— The effect of this symbolical teaching on the rustic mind may be readily conceived and to the Hindu the symbol has in everything displaced the symbolised entity. I found Muhammadans everywhere excited because they heard a picture was in circulation representing a Muhammadan, with a drawn sword, sacrificing a cow, and this they considered an insult. The evil that may be wrought by this picture is obvious.

Agents are also employed to outbid butchers at fairs and markets and to detect and bring to book Hindus offending against any of the rules of the Sabha. Hindus generally are forbidden to resort to the Government cattle pounds. In the N.W.P. lately, there was reason to believe that the Gaurakhsha Sabha contemplated the ousting of the jurisdiction of our Criminal Courts, and dealing with criminals, whether convicted by our Courts or not, by imposing penalties to go to the support of the Sabha; enforcing payment by turning the accused out of caste if he did not admit the jurisdiction of the Sabha by paying. Another proposal was to establish rural Civil Courts for Hindus. One of the worst features of the movement is that our Hindu subordinates will not give information.

112/THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM

Sabha Courts The Sabhas constitute themselves tribunals to take cognisance of the offences laid down in their rules, and records of regular trials held under the presidency of the Sabhapati have been found. The following are specimens:—

Gao Maharani (Cow Empress) versus Sita Ram Ahir of Haidi* Charge—Impounding a cow in the Government pound. The cow was sold by auction (from the pound) to one Gangu, a butcher, for Rs. 10. The fact was brought to the notice of the Sabhapati, who sending for Sita Ram, ordered him to buy back the cow, which he did for Rs. 14, and then sent him up for trial before the Sabha. The court was formally held in-’s house in-. Sita Ram pleaded guilty, and was sentenced to Rs. 4-8-0 fine. He refused to pay the fine, and was brought before the Sadar Sabha, and sentenced to 24 days’ outcasting and various religious penalties.

Goo Maharani versus Sheo Lochan Charge—Impounding a cow in the Government pound. Tried by the head Sabhapati. Sentenced to 12 days’ outcasting with the accompanying religious penalties, and to pay a fine of 8 cows. On default to four times the above punishment. Any one abetting his default to pay half the above fine.

Goo Maharani versus Ram Bhavan Charge—Inducing people to act contrary to Sabha’s orders. Sentenced to a fine of Rs. 10, to be paid towards the Gaoshala fund, and 15 days’ outcasting.

The papers of which these are specimens disclose a widespread system of coercion among Hindus of all castes directed towards the establishment of the authority of the Sabha and the boycotting of the Musalmans. The enforcement of contributions is secured by the penalty of outcasting and the threat of religious terrors. All Hindus are thus compelled to join a Sabha where one has been established, and any recusant person, or member who violates the rules of the From C. J. Lyall, “Case for the Consideration of the Advocate General” (n.d.), in Public Letters from India and General Letters from Bengal, 1894, I, 19 (Lon¬ don: India Office Records), pp. 87-88. Reprinted by permission of the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs. * This was an imitation of current British judicial practice. When the Government of India prosecuted, the case was entitled The Queen Empress versus (defendant's name).

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 113 Sabha, is formally tried and punished with money penalties and outcasting as shewn in the above records of cases.

23 / THE KHILAFAT AND CONGRESS-LEAGUE COOPERATION Until 1906, Muslims had no separate all-Indian political organiza¬ tion. Those Muslims who feared Hindu majority rule followed the advice of Sayyid Ahmad Khan and concentrated on the education of Muslims, trusting the British to protect their political interests. This trust weakened in the face of the nationalist movement against the division of Bengal in 1905, and the Muslim League was founded in 1906 to agitate for special safeguards for the Muslim minority in future constitutional changes. From 1906 until partition in 1947, with one brief exception, the leaders of the Muslim League dis¬ agreed with Congress constitutional demands. The one exception came during and immediately after World War I, when pan-Islamic sentiment among Indian Muslims overshadowed fear of majority rule. Indian Muslims were upset that Britain was at war with the Sultan of Turkey, whom many regarded as the Khalif or spiritual leader of all Muslims. They were concerned that the war might lead to the breakup of the Ottoman Empire and the removal of Islamic holy places from Muslim control. In 1916, when Muslim anti-British feelings were strong, the League and the Congress both met at Lucknow and reached an agreement upon a future constitution for India. The League agreed to support the Congress demand for swaraj, or self-rule, in return for Congress acceptance of separate electorates (separate Muslim electoral rolls to vote for Muslim candidates) and weightage (disproportionate minority representa¬ tion in legislative bodies). Muhammad Ali Jinnah, at this time a supporter of the Congress and of Hindu-Muslim unity, presided over the 1916 League session and was the main architect of the Lucknow Pact. Here he speaks to the League about the Khilafat and Hindu-Muslim harmony.

The Question of the Caliphate I should be failing in my duty towards my own people and the Government if I did not at this crisis make it clear that of the many delicate questions there is none that requires a closer attention and From presidential address by M. A. Jinnah to the Muslim League, in India’s Demands: A Collection of the Speeches Delivered on the Platforms of the Indian National Congress and the All-India Muslim League, 1916 (Madras: K. C. Sankarakrishna, 1917), pp. 125 and 132-34. Reprinted by permission of the Embassy of Pakistan, Washington, D.C.

114/THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM study by the Government and the Minister of Great Britain than the question of the Caliphate. The sentiments and feelings and the religious convictions, not only of the Mussalmans of India but of the Mussalmans of the world, are not to be lightly treated. The loyalty of the Muhammadans of India to the Government is no small asset. From the very commencement of the great crisis through which the British Empire has been passing the allegiance of the Mussalmans to the Crown and their loyalty to the Government has remained whole-hearted and unshaken. May I, therefore, urge that the Government should have regard for their dearest and most sacred religious feeling, and under no circumstances interfere with the question of the future of the Caliphate. It should be left entirely to the Mussalmans to acknowledge and accept their own Caliph. I do not desire to dilate on this grave and delicate subject, but much deeper currents underlie this exceptional exhortation of mine, which I have ventured to make in the interests of the Mussal¬ mans and the Government of Great Britain, than it would be expedient at present to discuss on public platform. But the Mussal¬ mans may well claim that their feelings and sentiments relating to their most cherished traditions should receive consideration in the general policy of the Empire, particularly when they coincide with the demands of justice, human pity and international obliga¬ tions. •

•

•

The Test of Fitness Is India fit for freedom? We who are present here to-day know full well that from the Indian standpoint there can be but one answer. Our critics would probably challenge our conviction. Our only reply to them would be to go forward and put the matter to the proof. After all, what is the test of fitness? If we turn to history we find that in the past only such people have been declared to have been fit for freedom who fought for it and attained it. We are living in different times. Peace has its victories and we are fighting and only fight constitutional battles. This peaceful struggle is not, and will not be wanting in the quality of vigour and sacrifice, and we are determined to convince the British Empire that we are fit for the place of a partner within the Empire, and nothing less will satisfy India. But apart from the numerous other considerations that have repeatedly been urged in support of the claims of India to a responsible and representative form of Government, the one that has grown to be of infinitely larger weight and urgency is the living and vigorous spirit of Patriotism and National Self-Conscious-

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 115 ness which is chafing under irksome restraints, and is seeking wider and legitimate outlets for Service and Self-Expression. The strength and volume of this Spirit, this pent-up altruistic feeling and energy of youths can be easily realised by those who have their finger on the pulse of the country. The most significant and hopeful aspect of this spirit is that it has taken its rise from a new-born movement in the direction of National unity which has brought Hindus and Mussalmans together in loving and brotherly service for the com¬ mon cause. Bombay had the good fortune to see the Indian National Congress and the All-India Muslim League meet for the first time in the same city last December. These simultaneous Sessions were brought about with no little labour, anxiety and trouble. I do not wish to go into past controversy but I venture to say that the Session of the All-India Muslim League at Bombay will go down to posterity as peculiarly interesting in its results. The so-called opponents of ours, although for the time being they caused the utmost anxiety and individual risks, which after all do not count in a National Movement, have, I cannot help saying, rendered the greatest service to our cause. Their unjust attitude served only to stiffen the back of the community. The League rose phoenix-like, stronger, more solidified and determined in its ideals and aspira¬ tions, with an added strength of resolution in carrying out its programme. And, today, your historic city of Lucknow, the centre of Mussalman culture and intellect where three years ago the All-India Muslim League laid down our cherished ideal of SelfGovernment under the aegis of the British, is witnessing the simultaneous sessions of the Indian National Congress and the AllIndia Muslim League once more.

The Hindu-Muslim Rapprochement Indeed the person who fails to read in the Hindu-Muslim rapproche¬ ment within the last two years the first great sign of the birth of a United India has little knowledge of the political conditions of a few years ago, and has no business to talk of India.

Future Ideals of the League I need hardly say that the Hindu-Muslim question had hitherto lain as a colossal riddle athwart the numerous unifying forces that make for the evolution of a common Indian Nationality. The new temper that we witness to-day is the measure of the change that has happily come over Hindu-Muslim relations. What this change really signifies can only be judged by a reference to the state of things that obtained only a few years ago when mutual distrust and suspicion

116 /THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM were rampant and communal bigots on either side ruled the roost. Every one of us can easily recall the frame of the Muslim mind and the feeling in which the All-India Muslim League was founded at Dacca. To put it frankly the All-India Muslim League came into existence as an organisation with the main object of safeguarding Muslim interests. The Mussalmans as a community had till then abstained from all manner of political agitation, and they were naturally moved by the loud and insistent demand for constitutional and administrative reforms which Hindu politicians were pressing on the Indian Government. They felt, and rightly, the need of organising themselves for political action lest the impending changes initiated by a liberal Secretary of State* should swamp them al¬ together as a community. This was perhaps the only course open to a community proud of the traditions of its past, yet weak in numbers and lacking the strength that organised political activity alone can give. The main principle on which the First All-India Muslim political organisation was based, was the retention of Mus¬ lim communal individuality, strong and unimpaired in any con¬ stitutional readjustment that might be made in India in the course of its political evolution. The creed has grown and broadened with the growth of political life and thought in the community in its general outlook, and the ideal as regards the future. The All-India Muslim League stands abreast of the Indian National Congress and is ready to participate in any patriotic efforts for the advancement of the country as a whole. In fact this readiness of the educated Muslims only about a decade after they first entered the field of politics to work shoulder to shoulder with the other Indian com¬ munities for the common good of all is to my mind the strongest proof of the value and need of this great Muslim political organisa¬ tion at present. I have been a staunch Congressman throughout my public life and have been no lover of sectarian cries, but it appears to me that the reproach of “separation” sometimes levelled at Mussalmans is singularly inept and wide of the mark when I see this great communal organisation rapidly growing into a powerful factor for the birth of a United India. A minority must above every¬ thing else have a complete sense of security before its broader political sense can be evoked for co-operation and united endeavour in the National tasks. To the Mussalmans of India that security can only come through adequate and effective safeguards as regards their political existence as a community. Whatever my individual opinion may be, I am here to interpret and express the sense of the * Lord John Morley, Secretary of State for India, 1905-1910.

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 117 overwhelming body of Muslim opinion of which the All-India Muslim League is the political organ.

24 / THE MOPLAH REBELLION In 1920, Muslims gave unprecedented support to the Congress after the Sultan of Turkey compromised the Khilafat's territory and powers when the British and other European powers forced him to sign the humiliating Treaty of Sevres. About 18,000 Indian Muslims sold their property and fled to Afghanistan and Central Asia in the belief that it was impossible to be a good Muslim under British rule. Many others joined the Khilafat movement and backed Gandhi and the Congress' first noncooperation movement that year. How¬ ever, the Congress-Muslim alliance did not last long, in part because the Congress and Khilafat leaders were working for different objec¬ tives. One of the events which revealed the fragile nature of the alliance was the Moplah rebellion in Malabar in the summer of 1921. News of the Moplah communal violence and forced conver¬ sions soured Hindu-Muslim relations in other parts of India. Al¬ though the Moplah fanaticism was not typical of Indian Muslims, the underlying congruence of religious and economic divisions was common. In Malabar, as in the Punjab and Bengal, laborers and tenants were often Muslim while landlords, government officials, and professionals were generally Hindu. Economic class divisions tended to reinforce religious differences; religious animosity was sometimes fed by class conflict. When a Muslim tenant was ex¬ ploited by a landlord named Muhammad Husain, he regarded Mu¬ hammad Husain as oppressive. But when a Muslim tenant was exploited by a landlord named Ram Ghose, he was often persuaded that Hindus in general were cruel and grasping. The following is from a Government of Madras analysis of the Moplah rebellion. Malabar lies between the Arabian sea and the western face of the Nilgiri hills and the Mysore table land. Some of the peaks on its eastern boundary rise to a height of over 8,000 feet, the average height reached being about 5,000 feet. It gets the full force of the south-west monsoon. A narrow strip of sandy country stretches along the coast a distance of 150 miles, but inland the surface as¬ cends in range after range of low red laterite hills with paddy flats fringed with coconut gardens winding in and out of their recesses. From Malabar and the Moplahs: A Leaflet Issued by the Madras Publicity Bureau, Parliamentary Paper: East India (Moplah Rebellion), Cmd. 1552 of

1921.

118/THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM and beyond in the long spurs, deep ravines and thick jungles that mark the rise of the ghats [mountains]. The rainfall is very heavy, and vegetable growth extremely luxuriant. The whole district is divided into nine taluks, of which Ernad and Walluvanad taluks in South Malabar have always been the chief seats of Moplah outbreaks. Ernad in particular is peculiar in that the Moplahs outnumber the Hindus. It is the taluk in which the hills reach the greatest elevation; it has the highest proportion of forest, jungle, and uncultivated land, parts being unsurveyed and almost uninhabited. By the 1911 census Malabar had a population of 3,015,119 of whom 953,381 were Muhammadans. Practically all the Muham¬ madans are the people known as “Mappillas” or “Moplahs,” who originally sprang from the union of Arab traders and sailors with Indian women. The trade of the Malabar coast with Mesopotamia and other countries of the west is very ancient and important. One commodity in particular—pepper—has always been highly prized in the West, and having high value in small bulk was capable of bear¬ ing the cost of transit when navigation was dangerous and difficult, and this trade was largely carried on by Arabs. The Zamorins of Calicut, who were the chief potentates of the district before the time of the Portuguese conquest, gave much encouragement to these Arabs for the sake of their seamanship and even encouraged them to make converts from among the low caste Hindus. From the earliest times of which we have knowledge of them their numbers have been growing rapidly, partly by natural increase and partly by con¬ versions. With regard to natural increase, their religion encourages them to have more than one wife when they can afford it, and consequently no Moplah girl remains unmarried. They are also a vigorous and prolific folk. With regard to conversion, they are al¬ ways willing to receive members of the lowest and most untouchable castes as converts, and such converts on becoming Muhammadans are relieved from the social oppression under which they suffer as long as they are Hindus. The faces of the Moplahs on the coast show their partial Arab ancestry, but those in the interior appear to be of almost pure Indian descent. The Moplahs as a rule are frugal, industrious, and enterprising. They excel their Hindu competitors in heavy unskilled manual labour, and also take readily to various crafts which require both strength and skill. In the interior they work on the estates of planters, or of big Nambudiri landlords; they take leases of land, and they do pioneering work in the jungles, making new clearances and levelling plots of land along the beds of streams for the purpose

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 119 of growing paddy. They also take readily to trade, and some of them through trade amass considerable wealth. The great bulk of the trade of Malabar is in their hands. Nevertheless, the great majority of them are poor and almost entirely without any sub¬ stantial property either in land or goods. Their families are large and their customs of inheritance provide for the distribution of property among wives, sons and daughters, so that if in one genera¬ tion a fortunate and enterprising Moplah accumulates a considerable amount of property, it tends to be speedily divided into small fractions among his descendants. Educationally they are very backward; 945 out of each thousand are illiterate, and what education they have is mostly religious. There are small schools attached to almost every mosque, in which the children are taught to repeat by rote passages from the Koran. Government has made special efforts to improve education by in¬ ducing the religious teachers to give some elementary secular instruction in the vernacular as well as the instruction in the Koran; but progress has been very slow, owing to the incompetence of the religious teachers to give the instruction asked for, to religious scruples, and the supreme indifference of the Moplah to secular education. Since 1894, the Moplahs of Ernad and Walluvanad have been officially recognised as an educationally backward class, and special grants have been given for their education, and aided schools have been established apart from the mosques. But the fact that the Moplahs refuse to attend the same schools as the Hindus has caused the progress in this direction also to be slow. In religion the Moplahs are fanatical, looking upon all non-Moslems as Kafirs. They belong to the Sunni sect, and have great reverence for the Sultan of Turkey as Khalif. Most particularly they hold very firmly to the belief that should they die fighting against unbelievers, in the cause of Islam, they will be carried straight to Paradise by Houris, there to have their wounds miraculously healed, and to live in luxury and joy for ever. It can easily be imagined how alluring this prospect must be to the Moplah labouring on the coast, or on another man’s fields, or earning a hard living from a clearing in the jungle, particularly towards the close of the mon¬ soon season with its melancholy downpour. It will be seen, therefore, that there are two sets of causes pre¬ disposing the Moplah to outrage. The religious motive is the more powerful, but there is also the effect of the economic contrast be¬ tween the hard living of the Moplah and the life of the stately houses belonging to the Nambudiri landlords. All the land of Malabar is supposed to belong primarily to chief landlords called

120 / THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM Jenmies, who are mostly Nambudiri Brahmins. By Nambudiri cus¬ tom, only the eldest son may contract a legal marriage, and the prop¬ erty descends from the father to the eldest son. Hence Nambudiri properties are not subject to division, but on the other hand they tend continually to grow wherever there are other properties ad¬ joining them not owned by Nambudiris, for it is the custom of Nambudiris to be eager to buy land, but very unwilling to sell it. Nambudiris let out their lands on 12 year leases called kanams. If the lease is not renewed at the end of 12 years the tenant (kanamdar) has a right to compensation for improvement. Leases are commonly renewed, though sometimes at an enhanced rate, and when the right of a jenmi to transfer a lease to a new tenant is exercised, such action is bitterly resented. The fact that the Nam¬ budiris are generally very easy-going landlords, and the rents they de¬ mand are usually greatly below the full rack rent, causes the refusal to renew a lease on the part of the landlord to be a great blow to the tenant. Hence the fact that Nambudiris are usually so little greedy is itself an occasion for agrarian discontent. This agrarian cause for discontent is not a special grievance of the Moplahs, it equally affects the Nayars and other Hindu castes who supply the great majority of Kanamdars. Before British rule was established, Malabar suffered terribly from Moslem fanaticism, especially at the hands of Tipu [Sultan].* During the period of British rule 35 serious Moplah outbreaks have occurred. Ignorance and educational backwardness have been held to be one contributing cause; these have been combated by the educational policy referred to above; the agrarian factor has been recognised in the Malabar Tenancy Act, 1887, which gave tenants compensation for improvements. But there never has been any doubt that religious fanaticism has been the main and dominant source of outrages, and for this there has been no effective remedy. Special Acts passed in 1854 and 1859, and still in force, provide for disarming Moplahs and for levying fines on villages where outrages occur. The cause of the present Moplah outbreak was the excited state of religious fanaticism which has been aroused among the Moplahs. The non-co-operation and Khilafat agitations had reached Malabar. The doctrines preached were of course (1) that the Government of India is Satanic and that Hindus and Moslems should unite to paralyse it and establish instead some vaguely conceived “Swaraj” under which all classes were to be happy and prosperous; (2) that * Tipu Sultan ruled Mysore from 1782 until he was killed by the British in the conquest of Mysore in 1799.

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 121 the Government was the enemy of Islam and had injured and was continuing to injure the sacred principle of Khilafat; and (3) that nevertheless both the Hindus and Muhammadans should exercise the virtue of non-violence. Care was taken to indoctrinate the religious leaders and teachers of the Moplahs, the Tangals and Moulvies, with this teaching, and although some enlightened Moulvies protested and declared that rebellion against constituted author¬ ity was contrary to religion, there can be little doubt that the first two of the abovementioned three doctrines were accepted by the great body of religious teachers and leaders among the Moplahs, but little regard was paid to the teaching of non-violence. A con¬ ference was held in April 1920 in Manjeri, the capital of Ernad, the very centre of the fanatical zone. It was very largely attended by Moplahs, and many inflammatory speeches were made and a strong resolution on the Khilafat passed, in spite of the efforts of Mrs. Besant,* who secured the support of only a small minority. Again there was a similar conference in April 1921 in Ottapalam in Walluvanad. The well-known speech of Mr. Muhammad Alijin Madras and that at Erode in the adjoining district of Coimbatore, which was given to an audience which included a great number of Moplahs, were well calculated to inflame religious passions still more. There have been many Moplah outbreaks in the past. But the present one is different from all that have preceded it in its wide extent and clear evidence of systematic preparation and organisation. Previous outbreaks have generally been spontaneous and have been occasioned by disputes about religious matters, usually the desire of a recent convert to return to Hinduism. Such outbreaks have been local and spasmodic; they have been ugly affairs because the Moplah rioters only desire to be killed themselves after killing as many non-Moslems as possible; but they have been comparatively little dangerous because of their local and spasmodic character. In fact, whereas the previous outbreaks may be described as homicidal riots the present one can be rightly classified as a rebellion. It has been all the more serious on account of the number of demobilised Moplah recruits to the army who had learnt something of the methods of modern warfare in Mesopotamia.

[After small-scale but organized Moplah violence in August, 1921], the District Magistrate decided to arrest the leaders and * Annie Besant, the Irish Theosophist and Congress supporter. •f- Muhammad Ali was leader of the Khilafat movement.

122 / THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM proceeded against them under the Moplah Outrages Act. He went to Tirurangadi on the early morning of Saturday, 20th August, accompanied by a party of the Leinster Regiment and a party of special police. After he arrived at Tirurangadi certain houses were searched for the men wanted, and then some of the police who were Moplahs were ordered to search a mosque in the town for hidden weapons. They did this barefooted and no non-Moslem entered the mosque, although rumours were subsequently spread in the district, in order to still further excite the Moplahs, to the effect that the sanctity of another mosque, the celebrated Mambram mosque, which is outside Tirurangadi on the other side of the river, and which is regarded as extremely sacred, was outraged and even razed to the ground. This mosque was not even approached. At noon news was brought to the District Magistrate that an armed body of Moplahs, 3,000 strong, was approaching Tirurangadi from the west. The bulk of the force with the District Magistrate went out to meet that crowd and disperse it. There was hand to hand fighting and clash of heavy sticks against bayonets, and then firing, and there were nine casualties and 20 arrests. Meanwhile the detachment which had been left behind was attacked and driven in by large armed bodies of Moplahs, which had arrived from the east, together with the local crowd. The police and the military took up their position in the Sub-Magistrate’s office and drove off their assailants, but Mr. Johnstone, an officer of the Leinsters, and Mr. Rowley, the Assistant Superintendent of Police, were killed. A report from a Hindu source, since confirmed, has arrived, to the effect that they accepted an invitation from the crowd of Moplahs to leave the force in order to confer, and were then treacherously set upon and murdered. The bodies of Mr. Rowley and Mr. John¬ stone and of the head constable were subsequently found lying by the road, terribly mutilated and hacked. This affair was the signal for rebellion throughout the two taluks. Everywhere roads were blocked by the felling of trees, telegraphic lines were cut, and the railway was destroyed in a number of places. The District Magis¬ trate had returned to Calicut in order to prevent the spread of the rebellion northwards, and the machinery of Government was tem¬ porarily reduced to a number of isolated offices and police stations, each of which was attacked by the rebels in detail. There were 34 men of the Leinster Regiment and 20 special police at Malappuram, but these were not strong enough to defend Government offices outside the town. Railway stations, post offices and police stations were attacked, the mobs destroying currency notes, records and stamps.

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 123 As soon as the Government was paralysed in the affected area the Moplahs declared that Swaraj was established, Ali Musaliar was proclaimed Raja, Khilafat flags were flown, and Ernad and Walluvanad declared Khilafat kingdoms. Then the rebels turned their attention to the planters and the Hindus. The nature of their action may be summarised by saying that any European planter who could not escape was murdered, but as a rule Hindus were not murdered. Almost every Hindu house where loot could be ob¬ tained was attacked and plundered; and in a number of cases both men and women were forcibly converted into Muhammadanism and the women appropriated as wives by Moplahs. Cases of outrage on women are credibly reported, but naturally, in the circumstances, detailed and authoritative evidence is lacking.

The later story of the rebellion since is the record of the restora¬ tion of telegraphic, postal, road and railway communications, and the gradual re-establishment of order. One notable event was the arrest, on 3rd September, of Ali Musaliar, who had been pro¬ claimed the Raja of Ernad. But in the peculiar conditions of the country, with its rugged mountains and dense forests, combined with the fanatical character of the people, complete restoration of order is likely to be a slow and difficult business. Meanwhile the sufferings which have been inflicted on the Hindu population are very pitiable. Many prosperous families have had to flee from their homes, leaving everything behind; the first crop of rice, the only important cereal grown, has been looted or destroyed over a large area, and there is little chance of the second crop being sown at all where the rebellion has had its sway. But worst of all, perhaps, is the mental torture produced by the outrages on women and the forcible conversions. For those who have undergone such conversion, it is not merely readmission into the Hindu religion which is required, but also readmission into the castes to which the victims had belonged. And after the unhappy victim has repeated the Moslem creed, the Moplahs regard him as an apostate if he reverts to Hinduism, and they regard it as a religious duty to punish apostasy with death. An appeal has been issued by the District Magistrate for immedi¬ ate help to combat the famine following on the wake of the rebel¬ lion, pending the action which will be taken by Government to safeguard the lives of the distressed inhabitants.

124 / THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM

25 / THE HINDU MAHASABHA The Hindu Mahasabha, the first all-Indian Hindu communal party, was founded during World War I. It glorified Hindu history and culture and resisted Congress concessions to the Muslim League. The popularity of the Mahasabha’s views had the effect of limiting the Congress leaders’ freedom to compromise with the League. The man who assassinated Gandhi in 1948 had been a member of the Mahasabha. The following presidential speech by Vinayak Savarkar was delivered at the 1938 session of the Sabha. Savarkar had begun his career as a communal leader at the age of ten in 1893— at the time of the cow-killing riots. He and his schoolmates had thrown rocks at a village mosque. Subsequently he helped train and shelter Indian terrorists in London and wrote a popular account of the Mutiny called The First Indian War of Independence of 1857. I gratefully acknowledge the confidence you have placed in me in calling upon me to preside over this Twentieth Session of the AllIndia Hindu Mahasabha: I promise you in all sincerity that I will try my best to deserve the trust you have thus placed in me, by exerting in full the limited strength which an individual like me can possess. But you will excuse me if I call upon you in all humility to bear in mind that the only way of justifying yourselves in placing that trust in me can be no other than exerting yourselves in full in striving and fighting heroically to defend and consolidate Hindudom in such wise as to compel Near Future to herald the resurrec¬ tion of a Hindu Nation rising out of the tomb of the Present and grown even greater and mightier and more resplendent than it ever had been in the past in the days of a Chandragupta or a Vikramaditya or the Peshwas at Poona. It is nothing short of a political miracle that we Hindus of this generation are called upon to work out, and no individual howsoever great can accomplish the task unless and until the whole Hindudom rises like one man to dare and to do and to march on unvanquished through the unavoidable valleys of bitter Disappointment and valorous Death—through which alone lies the path to the ultimate triumph of such great causes, of Nations' resurrections. If we quail we are all lost beyond From Vinayak Damodar Savarkar’s Presidential Address to the All-India Hindu Mahasabha, December 28, 1938, in The Indian Annual Register, JulyDecember, 1938, ed., N. N. Mitra (Calcutta: The Annual Register Office, 1939), pp. 316-20.

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 125 redemption: if we but dare we are sure to win; for, even today, we possess the power, the volcanic fire within us. . . . Rouse it con¬ fidently—and it shall burst forth like into the column of the sacri¬ ficial Fire which led the Aryan Patriarchs of our Hindu Race from victory to victory. 2. When I said that it is out of the tomb of the Present that we have to resurrect Hinduism I said it deliberately; so that I may not be guilty of belittling the overwhelming difficulties we have to face today. The Present is indeed a veritable sepulchre into which they have buried our Hindu Nation after crucifying it on the charge of committing the crime of claiming to be a nation by itself. It is needless for me to depict to you, brothers and sisters, who have attended this session, the ghastly picture in details of the dreadful calamities which the Hindus from Peshawar to Rameshwar have to face from day to day. The Session of the Hindu Mahasabha is about the last place today where mere sightseers or job hunters can find anything attractive enough to attend it here. All avenues to power, pelf, popularity lead but elsewhere. To be a Hindu Sanghatanist today is not a paying concern. To be a willing delegate to the Hindu Mahasabha session today is to incur the wrath of powers that be, to invite the dagger of a non-Hindu assassin—some “brother” Abdul Rushid, to be slaughtered by some “brave Mopla patriots,” and what is more poignant and unbearable than even the dagger of a non-Hindu assassin,—to be hunted and ostracized by millions of one’s own Hindu kith and kin for no other fault than of daring to love and defend the Hindu cause and the Hindu people as devotedly and as humanly as the English do the Eng¬ lish Race, as the Germans do the German cause, or the Japanese love the Japanese self, the Moslems do the Moslem religion and community. To raise aloft the Hindu banner has become today an act of high treason in Hindusthan—in the land of the Hindus them¬ selves, to assert one’s self as a Hindu is being dubbed as mean by millions of Hindus themselves. The very fact that under such con¬ ditions you all have gathered together here as delegates to this session of the Hindu Mahasabha and dared to rally round this PanHindu banner proves it to the hilt that you could not have done so unless impelled by an overwhelming sense of duty, fully conscious of and touched to the quick by the unbearable humiliations to which our Hindu race is subjected from day to day and fully pre¬ pared to defy the intolerable demands of the so-called Indian Pa¬ triotism seeking to smother unto death our very existence as Hindus, as a nation unto themselves. 3. I shall not therefore go into any current and detailed grievances

126 / THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM or local questions affecting Hindu interests today but leave them to be dealt with severally in the resolutions and speeches on them to be passed and delivered in this session later on. I shall restrict myself to the two outstanding questions: “What is the root cause that has landed the Hindus in this present predicament striking the life-growth of our Hindu Nation with a sudden atrophy, and the immediate remedy that is sure to rescue the Hindu cause even yet from being lost beyond recovery?” 4. Nevertheless in as much as this address is meant for those millions of Hindus also who still remain outside the pale of the Hindu Mahasabha and who in spite of their devoted allegiance to Hindutva in general are but imperfectly aware of the dangers that beset it today on all sides and wonder therefore why the Hindu Sabhaites should make so much ado about nothing or little things here and there, I feel it incumbent upon me just to denote a few points in passing to acquaint them with the real gravity of the situation at least sufficiently enough to set them athinking and in a mood to realize the import of what I have to say later on during the course of the address. Let us just take the constitution in force today. The British have deliberately deprived the Hindus of the political predominance which was their due as the over¬ whelming majority in India by denying them representation in pro¬ portion to their population on the one hand, and on the other, loaded the Moslems, Christians, Europeans with weightages, pref¬ erences, securities and what not, so as to invest them with political power immeasurably more than what was their due. They broke up the Hindu electorate into watertight compartments with a view to prevent the growth of their political solidarity amongst them¬ selves, why, the very recognition of the Hindus as an electoral unit themselves is altogether and deliberately denied in the electoral scheme of our country. Spacious apartments well furnished and honourably named are reserved for the minorities. The majority, the Hindu, the host, is crowded into the lumber-room, the general electorate, unnamed and unrecognized. With a set purpose to starve out martial qualities in the Hindus, the British Government has been curtailing their recruitment in the army and in the police with the effect that the Moslem minority preponderates in those two vital forces of the nation. In the Punjab and some other provinces measures like the Land Alienation Act seek to crush the Hindus economically while in Bengal an unabashed Act is passed to reserve some sixty per cent of posts for the Moslems in Gov¬ ernment services. In the Moslem states of Hyderabad, Bhopal and others, the religious and racial persecution of the Hindus is carried

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 127 on so relentlessly as to remind one of the days of Aurangzeb and Allauddin. In cities and villages all over India their civil and religious rights are daily trampled under foot to allay the fury of Moslem mobs. The bloody orgies to which the Hindus were sub¬ jected by Moslem fanatics in Malabar and Kohat are enacted on this scale or that even in the presidency towns all over India every now and then. The Frontier Moslem tribes carry out raids and perpetrate unnamable atrocities on the Hindu people there with a set purpose of exterminating the Kafir in that region. Only the Hindu merchants are looted. Only the Hindus are massacred and only the Hindu women and children are kidnapped and held to ransom or converted perforce to Islam. On the top of it all comes in the Pseudo Nationalism of the Congressites who practically con¬ done and explain away these Moslem atrocities by inventing such lying excuses—“There is nothing anti-Hindu in these Moslem raids! It is only economical and sexual starvation of the tribes that goads them on to these crimes. Let us feed those starved souls and they will be good citizens!” But it is curious that these starved poor raiders leave the rich Moslems in the Frontier towns unlooted, find no young Moslem damsels to kidnap, burn no Moslem houses and go about assuring the Moslems by beat of drums that they shall not hurt a hair of any Moslem provided he shelters not a Hindu Kafir! Witness only the latest case in the Dadu District in Sindh. The Moslem raiders attacked an absolutely unoffending archaeo¬ logical party under Mr. Mazumdar. They asked each one—“Are you a Hindu?” If he said “Aye” he was forthwith shot dead. One Hindu pretended to be a Moslem and he was let to go alive and unmolested. This case is only a typical one illustrating thousands of such dreadful happenings all over India and is the order of the day during all Moslem riots and raids from Malabar to Pesha¬ war, from Sindh to Assam and year in and year out. Add to this the activities of the all-India organizations of the Christian mission aries and the Moslem organizations from the Agakahanis, Hasan Nizamis, Peer Motamiyas to the very village Moslem goondas, all seeking and succeeding in converting millions of Hindus to for¬ eign faiths by peaceful or fraudulent or forceful means throughout the length and breadth of India undermining the religious, racial, cultural and political strength of the Hindus. Add again to all this the political activities of the Moslem Leaguers and the Moslem States that have already culminated into open resolutions first to divide India into a Moslem Federation and a Hindu Federation and then to strike down the latter by inviting invasions from out¬ side India by some alien Moslem powers. Such is the present state

128/THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM of the Hindus in Hindusthan, their own land! And yet the worst factors remain to be told. For, even to refer to these calamities to which the Hindus have fallen a prey is damned as a national sin by that new cult which calls itself “Indian Nationalists” and leads at present the Indian National Congress. Offering a blank cheque to the Moslems by one hand they deliver ultimatum to the Hindus by the other. “Get looted but don’t report, get stabbed but don’t shriek, get repressed as Hindus but don’t organize to resist it as Hindus; or else you will be damned as traitors to the cause of our Indian Nationalism!!!” 5. In the face of these facts who else but a fool or a foe can accuse the Hindu Mahasabha of making much ado about nothing or fancying grievances where none exist or dealing only with some superstitious and empty contents of religious or racial slogans? Again, in the face of these facts, what is there that, leaving aside those who continue to be counted amongst Hindus but whose hearts have ceased to respond to their Hinduness or who openly disown any allegiance to Hindudom, we find crores of Hindus all over India every fibre of whose life vibrates with the racial, religious or cultural consciousness of being Hindus, sorely afflicted to see our Hindu race beset by all these calamities and subjected to such unbearable humiliations. On all sides today the anxious question is asked by crores of Hindus—-“How are we to remedy this evil? How is it that we fell? How are we Hindus to rise again as Hindus and recover our position as a Nation great amongst the nations in the world?” This recent searching of heart is one of the most encouraging signs to show that the soul of our Hindu race is roused again from the deadly swoon of self-forgetfulness. It is natural that on its return to self-consciousness it should raise these bewildering questions as to its whereabouts.

26 / THE NEHRU-JINNAH EXCHANGE OF 1938 The years 1937 to 1940 were critical ones in India's political de¬ velopment. As politicians realized that independence was approach¬ ing, old rivalries took on a new urgency. In 1937 the first elections under the 1933 constitution were held; the results were a major triumph for the Congress and a disappointment for the Muslim League. The Congress, which won majorities in five provinces and pluralities in three others, was able to form governments in seven From N. N. Mitra, ed., The Indian Annual Register, January-June 1938 (Cal¬ cutta: The Annual Register Office, 1939), pp. 369-75.

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 129 of the eleven provinces. The Muslim League, on the other hand, won less than 5 per cent of the Muslim vote. The election results strengthened the Congress belief that it had the right to speak for all Indians. Muhammad Ali Jinnah, however, still insisted that the Muslim League represented Muslim interests. The Congress made a serious tactical mistake when it failed to honor its tacit agreement to share political power with the League in the United Provinces after the 1937 elections. Muslim claims of Congress persecution in the U.P. attracted new support for the League in 1938. While the Congress pressed its demands for a rapid transfer of power, Jinnah and other League leaders concentrated on obtaining constitutional protection for the Muslim minority. The 1932 Communal Award had given Muslims separate electorates once again; the League now wanted further safeguards. It is clear from the following exchange of letters that in the spring of 1938 Nehru and Jinnah were far from any compromise or even understanding. This failure to find common ground prepared the way for the League’s demand in 1940 for a separate Muslim state of Pakistan.

Letter from Mr. Nehru to Mr. Jinnah, Dated Calcutta, April 6, 1938 Dear Mr. Jinnah—Your letter of 17th March reached me in the Kumaun Hills where I had gone for a brief holiday. From there I have come to Calcutta. I propose to return to Allahabad today and I shall probably be there for the greater part of April. If it is con¬ venient for you to come there we could meet. Or if it suits you better to go to Lucknow, I shall try to go there. I am glad that you have indicated in your last letter a number of points which you have in mind. The enclosures you have sent mention these and I take it that they represent your viewpoint. I was somewhat surprised to see this list as I had no idea that you wanted to discuss many of these matters with us. Some of these are wholly covered by previous decisions of the Congress, some others are hardly capable of discussion. As far as I can make out from your letter and the enclosures you have sent, you wish to discuss the following matters:— 1. The fourteen points formulated by the Muslim League in 1929. 2. The Congress should withdraw all opposition to the Com¬ munal Award and should not describe it as a negation of national¬ ism. 3. The share of the Muslims in the State services should be definitely fixed in the Constitution by statutory enactment.

130 / THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM 4. Muslim personal law and culture should be guaranteed by statute. 5. The Congress should take in hand the agitation in connection with the Shahidganj Mosque and should use its moral pressure to enable the Muslims to gain possession of the Mosque. 6. The Muslims’ right to call Azan and perform their religious ceremonies should not be fettered in any way. 7. Muslims should have freedom to perform cow-slaughter. 8. Muslim majorities in the provinces, where such majorities exist at present, must not be affected by any territorial re-distribu¬ tion or adjustments. 9. The “Bande Mataram” song should be given up. 10. Muslims want Urdu to be the national language of India and they desire to have statutory guarantees that the use of Urdu shall not be curtailed or damaged. 11. Muslim representation in the local bodies should be gov¬ erned by the principles underlying the Communal Award, that is, separate electorates and population strength. 12. The Tricolour Flag should be changed or alternately, the flag of the Muslim League should be given equal importance. 13. Recognition of the Muslim League as the one authoritative and representative organisation of Indian Muslims. 14. Coalition Ministries. It is further stated that the formula evolved by you and Babu Rajendra Prasad in 1935 does not satisfy the Muslims now and nothing on these lines will satisfy them. It is added that the list given above is not a complete list and it can be augmented by the addition of further “demands.” Not know¬ ing these possible and unlimited additions I can say nothing about them. But I should like to deal with the various matters specifically mentioned and to indicate what the Congress attitude has been in regard to them. But before considering them, the political and economic back¬ ground of the free India we are working for has to be kept in mind, for ultimately that is the controlling factor. Some of these matters do not arise in considering an independent India or take a particu¬ lar shape or have little importance. We can discuss them in terms of Indian independence or in terms of British dominance of India continuing. The Congress naturally thinks in terms of independ¬ ence, though it adjusts itself occasionally to the present transitional and temporary phases. It is thus not interested in amendments to the present Constitution, but aims at its complete removal and its substitution by a Constitution framed by the Indian people through

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 131 a Constituent Assembly. Another matter has assumed an urgent and vital significance and this is the exceedingly critical interna¬ tional situation and the possibility of war. This must affect India greatly and her struggle for freedom. This must therefore be con¬ sidered the governing factor of the situation and almost everything else becomes of secondary importance, for all our efforts and petty arguments will be of little avail if the very foundation is upset. The Congress has clearly and repeatedly laid down its policy in the event of such a crisis and stated that it will be no party to im¬ perialist war. Peace, therefore, and Indian independence is its basic policy. The Congress will very gladly and willingly co-operate with the Muslim League and all other organisations and individuals in the furtherance of this policy. I have carefully looked through the various matters to which you have drawn attention in your letter and its enclosures and I find that there is nothing in them which refers or touches the economic demand of the masses or affects the all-important questions of poverty and unemployment. For all of us in India these are the vital issues and unless some solution is found for them, we function in vain. The question of State serv¬ ices, howsoever important and worthy of consideration it might be, affects a very small number of people. The peasantry, industrial workers, artisans and petty shop-keepers form the vast majority of the population and they are not improved in any way by any of the demands listed above. Their interests should be paramount. Many of the “demands” involve changes of the Constitution which we are not in a position to bring about. Even if some such changes are desirable in themselves, it is not our policy to press for minor constitutional changes. We want to do away completely with the present Constitution and replace it by another for a free India. In the same way, the desire for statutory guarantees involves con¬ stitutional changes which we cannot give effect to. All we can do is to state that in a future constitution for a free India we want certain guarantees to be incorporated. We have done this in regard to religious, cultural, linguistic and other rights of minorities in the Karachi resolution on Fundamental Rights. We would like these Fundamental Rights to be made a part of the Constitution. I now deal with the various matters listed above. 1. Fourteen points, I had thought, were somewhat out of date. Many of their provisions have been given effect to by the Communal Award and in other ways; some others are entirely acceptable to the Congress; yet others require constitutional changes which, as I have mentioned above, are beyond our present competence. Apart from the matters covered by the Communal Award and those involving

132 / THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM change in the Constitution, one or two matters remain which give rise to differences of opinion which are still likely to lead to con¬ siderable argument. 2. The Congress has clearly stated its attitude towards the Com¬ munal Award, and it comes to this that it seeks alternations only on the basis of mutual consent of the parties concerned. I do not understand how anyone can take objection to this attitude and policy. If we are asked to describe the Award as not being anti¬ national, that would be patently false. Even apart from what it gives to various groups, its whole basis and structure are anti-na¬ tional and come in the way of the development of national unity. As you know it gives an overwhelming and wholly undeserving weightage to the European elements in certain parts of India. If we think in terms of independent India, we cannot possibly fit in this Award with it. It is true that under stress of circumstances we have sometimes to accept as a temporary measure something that is on the face of it anti-national. It is also true that in the matters governed by the Communal Award, we can only find a satisfactory and abiding solution by the consent and goodwill of the parties concerned. This is the Congress party. 3. The fixing of the Muslims’ share in the State services by statu¬ tory enactment necessarily involves the fixing of the shares of other groups and communities similarly. This would mean a rigid and compartmental State structure which will impede progress and development. At the same time, it is generally admitted that State appointments should be fairly and adequately distributed so that no community should have cause to complain. It is far better to do this by convention and agreement. The Congress is fully alive to this issue and desires to meet the wishes of various groups in the fullest measure so as to give to all minority communities, as stated in No. 11 of the fourteen points, “an adequate share in all the services of the State and in local self-governing bodies having due regard to the requirements and efficiency.” The State today is be¬ coming more and more technical and demands expert knowledge in its various departments. It is right that, if a community is backward in this technical and expert knowledge, special efforts should be made to give it this education to bring it up to a higher level. I understand that at the Unity Conference held at Allahabad in 1933 or thereabout a mutually satisfactory solution on this ques¬ tion of State services was arrived at. 4. As regards protection of culture, the Congress has decided its willingness to embody this in the fundamental laws of the Constitu-

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 133 tion. It has also declared that it does not wish to interfere in any way with the personal law of any community. 5. I am considerably surprised at the suggestions that the Con¬ gress should take in hand agitation in connection with Shahidganj Mosque. That is a matter to be decided either legally or by mutual agreement. The Congress prefers in all such matters the way of mutual agreement, and its services can always be utilised for this purpose where there is a desire to this effect on the part of the parties concerned. I am glad that the Premier of the Punjab has suggested that this is the only satisfactory way to a solution of the problem. 6. The right to perform religious ceremonies should certainly be guaranteed to all communities. The Congress resolution about this is quite clear. I know nothing about the particular incident relating to the Punjab village which has been referred to. No doubt many instances can be gathered together from various parts of India where petty interferences take place with Hindu, Muslim or Sikh ceremonies. These have to be tactfully dealt with wherever they arise. But the principle is quite clear and should be agreed to. 7. As regards cow slaughter, there has been a great deal of entirely false and unfounded propaganda against the Congress suggesting that the Congress was going to stop it forcibly by legislation. The Congress does not wish to undertake any legislative action in this matter to restrict the established rights of the Muslims. 8. The question of territorial distribution has not arisen in any way. If and when it arises it must be dealt with on the basis of mutual agreement of the parties concerned. 9. Regarding the “Bande Mataram” song, the Working Commit¬ tee issued a long statement in October last to which I would invite your attention. First of all, it has to be remembered that no formal national anthem has been adopted by the Congress at any time. It is true, however, that the “Bande Mataram” song has been inti¬ mately associated with Indian nationalism for more than thirty years and numerous associations of sentiment and sacrifice have gathered round it. Popular songs are not made to order, nor can they be successfully imposed. They grow out of public sentiment. During all these thirty or more years the “Bande Mataram” song was treated as a national song in praise of India. Nor to my knowl¬ edge was any objection taken to it except on political grounds by the Government. When, however, some objections were raised, the Working Committee carefully considered the matter and ultimately decided to recommend that certain stanzas, which contained certain

134 / THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM allegorical references, might not be used on national platforms or occasions. The two stanzas that have been recommended by the Working Committee for use as a national song have not a word or a phrase which can offend anybody from any point of view, and I am surprised that anyone can object to them. They may appeal to some more than to others. Some may prefer another national song: they have full freedom to do so. But to compel large numbers of people to give up what they have long valued and grown attached to is to cause needless hurt to them and injure the national move¬ ment itself. It would be improper for a national organisation to do this. 10. About Urdu and Hindi, I have previously written to you and have also sent you my pamphlet on the question of language. The Congress has declared in favour of guarantees for languages and culture. I want to encourage all the great provincial languages of India at the same time, to make Hindustani, as written both in Nagri and Urdu scripts, the national language. Both scripts should be officially recognised and the choice should be left to the people concerned. In fact, this policy is being pursued by the Congress Ministries. 11. The Congress has long been of the opinion that joint elec¬ torates are preferable to separate electorates from the point of view of national unity and harmonious co-operation between the dif¬ ferent communities. But joint electorates, in order to have real value, must not be imposed on unwilling groups. Hence the Con¬ gress is quite clear that their introduction should depend on their acceptance by the people concerned. This is the policy that is being pursued by the Congress Ministries in regard to local bodies. Re¬ cently, in a Bill dealing with local bodies introduced in the Bombay Assembly, separate electorates were maintained but an option was given to the people concerned to adopt a joint electorate, if they so chose. This principle seems to be in exact accordance with No. 5 of the fourteen points, which lays down that “representation of communal groups shall continue to be by means of separate elec¬ torate as at present, provided that it shall be open to any com¬ munity, at any time, to abandon its separate electorate in favour of joint electorate.” It surprises me that the Muslim League group in the Bombay Assembly should have opposed the Bill with its optional clause although this carried out the very policy of the Muslim League. May I also point out that in the resolution passed by the Muslim League in 1929, at the time it adopted the fourteen points, it was stated that the “Mussalmans will not consent to joint electorates

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 135 unless Sind is actually constituted into a separate province and re¬ forms in fact are introduced in the N.W.F. Province and Baluchi¬ stan on the same footing as in other Provinces.” So far as Baluchi¬ stan is concerned, the Congress is committed to a levelling up of this area in the same way. 12. The National Tricolour Flag was accepted originally in 1929 by the Congress after full and careful consultation with eminent Muslims, Sikhs and other leaders. Obviously, a country and na¬ tional movement must have a national flag representing the nation and all communities in it. No communal flag can represent the nation. If we did not possess a national flag now we would have to evolve one. The present national flag had its colours originally selected in order to represent the various communities, but we did not like to lay stress on this communal aspect of the colours. Artis¬ tically I think the combination of orange, white and green has resulted in a flag which is probably the most beautiful of all na¬ tional flags. For these many years our flag has been used and it has spread to the remotest village and brought hope and courage and a sense of all-India unity to our masses. It has been associated with great sacrifices on the part of our people, including Hindus, Mus¬ lims and Sikhs and, many have suffered lathi blows and imprison¬ ment and even death in defending it from insult or injury. Thus a powerful sentiment has grown up in its favour. On innumerable occasions Maulana Mahomed Ali, Maulana Shaukat Ali and many leaders of the Muslim League today have associated themselves with this flag and emphasised its virtues and significance as a symbol of Indian unity. It has spread outside the Congress ranks and been generally recognised as the flag of the nation. It is difficult to under¬ stand how anyone can reasonably object to it now. Communal flags cannot obviously take its place for that can only mean a host of flags of various communities being used together and thus em¬ phasising our disunity and separateness. Communal flags might be used for religious functions, but they have no place at any national functions or over any public buildings meant for various communi¬ ties. May I add that during the past few months, on several occa¬ sions, the national flag has been insulted by some members or volun¬ teers of the Muslim League? This has pained us greatly but we have deliberately avoided anything in the nature of conflict in order not to add to communal bitterness. We have also issued strict orders, and they have been obeyed, that no interference should take place with the Muslim League flag even though it might be inappropri¬ ately displayed. 13. I do not understand what is meant by our recognition of

136 / THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM the Muslim League as the one and only organisation of Indian Muslims. Obviously the Muslim League is an important communal organisation and we deal with it as such. But we have to deal with all organisations and individuals that come within our ken. We do not determine the measure of importance or distinction they possess. There are a large number, about a hundred thousand, of Muslims on the Congress rolls, many of whom have been our close com¬ panions, in prisons and outside for many years and we value their comradeship highly. There are many organisations which contain Muslims and non-Muslims alike such as the Trade Unions, Peasant Unions, Kisan Sabhas, Debt Committees, Zamindar Associations, Chambers of Commerce, Employers’ Associations, etc. and we have contacts with them. There are special Muslim organisations such as the Jamiat-Ul-Ulema, the Proja Party, the Ahrar and others which claim attention. Inevitably the more important the organisa¬ tion the more the attention paid to it, but this importance does not come from outside recognition, but from inherent strength. And the other organisations, even though they might be younger and smaller, cannot be ignored. 14. I should like to know what is meant by coalition. A Ministry must have a definite political and economic programme and policy. Any other kind of Ministry would be a disjointed and ineffective body, with no clear mind or direction. Given a common political and economic programme and policy, co-operation is easy. You know probably that some such co-operation was sought for and obtained by the Congress in the Frontier Province. In Bombay also repeated attempts were made on behalf of the Congress to obtain this co-operation on the basis of a common programme. The Con¬ gress has gone to the Assemblies with a definite programme and in furtherance of a clear policy. It will always gladly co-operate with other groups whether it is in a majority or a minority in an Assem¬ bly, in furtherance of that programme and policy. On that basis I can conceive of even coalition Ministries being formed. Without that basis the Congress has no interest in a Ministry or in an Assembly. I have dealt, I am afraid at exceeding length, with various points raised in your letter and its enclosures. I am glad that I have had a glimpse into your mind through this correspondence as this en¬ ables me to understand a little better the problems that are before you and perhaps others. I agree entirely that it is the duty of every Indian to bring about harmonious joint effort of all of us for the achievements of India’s freedom and the ending of the poverty of her people. For me, and I take it for most of us, the Congress has

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 137 been a means to that end and not an end in itself. It has been a high privilege for us to work through the Congress because it has drawn to itself the love of millions of our countrymen and through their sacrifices and united effort, taken us a long way to our goal. But much remains to be done and we have all to pull together to that end. Personally, the idea of pacts and the like does not appeal to me, though perhaps they might be necessary occasionally. What seems to me far more important is a more basic understanding of each other, bringing with it the desire and ability to co-operate together. That larger co-operation, if it is to include our millions, must neces¬ sarily be in the interests of these millions. My mind, therefore, is continually occupied with the problems of these unhappy masses of this country and I view all other problems in this light. I should like to view the communal problem also in this perspective, for otherwise it has no great significance for me. You seem to imagine that I wanted you to put forward sugges¬ tions as a petitioner, and then you propose that the Congress should officially communicate with you. Surely you have misunderstood me and done yourself and me an injustice. There is no question of petitioning either by you or by me, but a desire to understand each other and the problem that we have been discussing. I do not un¬ derstand the significance of your wanting an official intimation from the Congress. I did not ask you for an official reply on behalf of the Muslim League. Organisations do not function in this way. It is not a question of prestige for the Congress or for any of us, for we are keener on reaching the goal we have set before us than on small matters of prestige. The Congress is a great enough or¬ ganisation to ignore such petty matters, and if some of us have gained a measure of influence and popularity, we have done so in the shadow of the Congress. You will remember that I took the initiative in writing to you and requesting you to enlighten me as to what your objections were to the Congress policy and what, according to you, were the points in dispute. I had read many of your speeches as reported in the Press, and I found to my regret that they were full of strong at¬ tacks on the Congress which, according to my way of thinking, were not justified. I wanted to remove any misunderstandings, where such existed, and to clear the air. I have found, chiefly in the Urdu Press, the most astounding falsehoods about the Congress. I refer to facts, not to opinion, and facts within my knowledge. Two days ago, here in Calcutta, I saw a circular letter or notice issued by the Secretary of a Muslim

138 / THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM League. This contained a list of the so-called misdeeds of the U.P. Government. I read this with amazement for there was not an iota of truth in most of the charges. I suppose they were garnered from the Urdu Press. Through the Press and platform such charges have been repeated on numerous occasions and communal passions have thus been roused and bitterness created. This has grieved me and I have sought by writing to you and to Nawab Ismail Khan to find a way of checking this deplorable deterioration of our public life, as well as a surer basis for co-operation. That problem still faces us and I hope we shall solve it. I have mentioned earlier in this letter the critical international situation and the terrible sense of impending catastrophe that hangs over the world. My mind is obsessed with this and I want India to realise it and be ready for all consequences, good or ill, that may follow from it. In this period of world crisis all of us, to whatever party or group we might belong and whatever our differences might be, have the primary duty of holding together to protect our people from the perils that might encompass them. Our differences and arguments seem trivial when the future of the world and India hangs in the balance. It is in the hope that all of us will succeed in building up this larger unity in our country that I have written to you and others repeatedly and at length. There is one small matter I should like to mention. The report of my speech at Haripura, as given in your letter and the newspaper articles, is not correct. We have been corresponding for some time and many vague rumours are afloat as to what we have been saying to each other. Anxious enquiries come to me and I have no doubt that similar enquiries are addressed to you also. I think that we might take the public into our confidence now, for this is a public matter on which many are interested. I suggest, therefore, that our correspondence might be released to the Press. I presume you will have no objection. Yours sincerely, Sgd. Jawaharlal Nehru

Letter from Mr. Jinnoh to Mr. Nehru, Dated Bombay, April 12, 1938 Dear Pandit Jawaharlal,—I am in receipt of your letter of the 6th April, 1938. I am extremely obliged to you for informing me that you propose to return to Allahabad and shall probably be there for a greater part of April and suggesting that if it would be convenient for me to come there, we could meet, or if it suits me better to go

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 139 to Lucknow, you will try to go there. I am afraid that it is not possible for me owing to my other engagements, but I shall be in Bombay about the end of April and if it is convenient to you I shall be very glad to meet you. As to the rest of your letter, it has been to me a most painful reading. It seems to me that you cannot even accurately interpret my letter as you very honestly say that your mind is obsessed with the international situation and the sense of impending catastrophe that hangs over the world, so you are thinking in terms entirely divorced from realities which face us in India. I can only express my regret at your turning and twisting of what I wrote to you and putting entirely a wrong complexion upon the position I have placed before you at your request. You have formulated certain points in your letter which you father upon me to begin with as my proposals. I sent you extracts from the press which had recently appeared simply because you repeatedly asserted and appealed to me that you would be grateful if I would refer you to any recent statements made in the press or platform which would help you in understanding matters. Those are some of the matters which are undoubtedly agitating Muslim India, but the question how to meet them and to what extent and by what means and methods is the business, as I have said before, of every true nationalist to solve. Whether constitutional changes are necessary, whether we should do it by agreement or convention and so forth, are matters, I thought, for discussion, but I am extremely sorry to find that you have in your letter already pronounced your judgment and given your decision on a good many of them with a preamble which nega¬ tives any suggestion of discussion which may lead to a settlement as you start by saying, “I was so much surprised to see this list as I have no idea that you wanted to discuss many of these matters with us; some of these are wholly covered by previous decisions of the Congress, some others are hardly capable of discussion” and then you proceed to your conclusions having formulated the points according to your own notions. Your tone and language again display the same arrogance and militant spirit, as if the Congress is the sovereign power, and as an indication, you extend your patronage by saying that obviously the Muslim League is an im¬ portant communal organisation and we deal with it as such as we have to deal with all organisations and individuals that come within our ken. We do not determine the measure of importance and dis¬ tinction they possess and then you mention various other organisa¬ tions. Here I add that in my opinion, unless the Congress recognises the Muslim League on a footing of complete equality and is pre-

140 / THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM pared as such to negotiate for a Hindu-Muslim settlement, we shall have to wait and depend upon our inherent strength which will “determine the measure of importance and distinction it possesses.” Having regard to your mentality, it is really difficult for me to make you understand the position any further. Of course, as I have said before, I do not propose to discuss the various matters referred to by you by means of and through correspondence, as in my opinion, that is not the way to tackle this matter. With regard to your reference to certain falsehoods that have appeared about the Congress in Urdu Press, which you say, have astounded you, and with regard to the circular letter referred to about the misdeeds of the U.P. Government, I can express no opin¬ ion without investigation, but I can give you any number of false¬ hoods that have appeared in the Congress Press and in statements of Congressmen with regard to the All-India Muslim League, some of the leaders and those who are connected with it. Similarly, I can give instances which are deliberately appearing in the Congress Press and speeches of Congressmen which are daily deliberately mis¬ representing and vilifying the Muslim composition of the Bengal, Sind, Punjab and Assam Governments with a view to break those Governments, but that is not the subject matter of our correspond¬ ence and besides no useful purpose will be served in doing so. With regard to your request that our correspondence should be released to the press, I have no objection provided that the cor¬ respondence between me and Mr. Gandhi is also published simul¬ taneously, as we both have referred to him and his correspondence with me in ours. You will please, therefore, obtain the permission of Mahatma Gandhi to that effect or, if you wish, I will write to him informing him that you desire to release the correspondence between us to the press, and I am willing to agree to it provided he agrees that the correspondence between him and myself is also released. Your sincerely, (Sgd.) M. A. Jinnah

27 / NEHRU REJECTS "GROUPING" OF MUSLIM MAJORITY AREAS In August 1942 the Congress launched the “Quit India’* movement, which resulted in massive bloodshed and the wholesale arrest of Congress workers. With Congress leaders in jail, the Muslim League worked during the remainder of the war, without effective Congress

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 141 opposition, to consolidate its hold on Muslims. By 1945 its demand for a separate state of Pakistan had wide backing among Indian Muslims. After the war the new British Labour Government sent a Cabinet Mission to India to discuss England’s withdrawal and India’s future constitution. The Cabinet Mission developed a scheme which was intended to keep India unified and at the same time pro¬ vide Muslims with acceptable safeguards. The scheme envisaged a rather weak central government with responsibility for foreign affairs, defense, and communications. The Provinces would control the remaining administrative matters and would be “grouped” into three Hindu and Muslim majority regions for the purposes of regional cooperation. The two Muslim majority regions of the northwest and northeast would, as a result, have considerable autonomy. The All-India Congress Committee announced its acceptance of this plan but Nehru, by making the following statement on July 10, 1946, indicated that the Congress did not feel bound by its acceptance of grouping. It is likely that Nehru felt that such a decentralized form of government would not solve the HinduMuslim problem and that it would prevent the centralized plan¬ ning necessary for economic development. The Congress President, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, in a 75-minute Press Conference at Congress House, Bombay, on the 10th July dis¬ cussed a number of important questions such as the position of Indians in Ceylon, the Constituent Assembly, the grouping of provinces as contained in the Cabinet Mission’s statement of May 16th, the subjects that will come within the purview of the Union Centre, what the Congress proposes to do in the Constituent As¬ sembly, how the Kashmir Government’s ban against his entry into that State has become an All-India issue between the Indian Na¬ tional Congress and the States’ People’s Conference on the one side and the Political Department of the Government of India and the Kashmir State on the other. This last subject, he said, was likely to affect other matters including the whole question of the States in the Constituent Assembly.

Constituent Assembly Asked to amplify his statement in the A.I.C.C. that the Congress had made no commitment in regard to either the long-term or the From N. N. Mitra, ed., The Indian Annual Register, July-December, 1946 (Calcutta: The Annual Register Office), pp. 145-47.

142 / THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM short-term plan of the Cabinet Mission except to go in to the Constituent Assembly, Pandit Nehru said: As a matter of fact if you read the correspondence that has passed between the Congress President and the Cabinet Mission and the Viceroy you will see in what conditions and circumstances we agreed to go into this Constituent Assembly. The first thing is we have agreed to go into the Constituent Assembly and we have agreed to nothing else. It is true that in going to the Constituent Assembly, inevitably, we have agreed to a certain process of going into it, that is, election of the candidates to the Constituent Assembly. What we do there, we are entirely and absolutely free to determine. We have committed ourselves to no single matter to anybody. Naturally even though one might not agree to commit oneself, there is a certain compulsion of facts which makes one accept this thing or that thing. I do not know what that might be in a particular context. But the nature of compulsion of facts would be not of the British Government’s desires or intents but how to make the Assembly a success and how to avoid its breaking up. That will be certainly a very important consideration. But the British Government does not appear there at all.

When the Congress had stated that the Constituent Assembly was a sovereign body. Pandit Nehru said: The Cabinet Mission’s reply was more or less “Yes,” subject to two considerations: Firstly, proper arrangements for minorities and the other, a treaty between India and England. I wish the Cabinet Mission had stated that both these matters are not controversial. It is obvious that the minorities question has to be settled satisfactorily. It is also obvious that if there is any kind of peaceful changeover in India, it is bound to result in some kind of treaty with Britain. What exactly that treaty will be I can not say. But if the British Government presumes to tell us that they are going to hold anything in India (and not build up) because they do not agree either in regard to the minorities or in regard to the treaty, we shall not accept that position. It will become a causus belli. We shall have no treaty if they seek to impose anything upon us and we shall tear up any treaty they try to impose. If they treat us as equals and come to terms there will be a treaty. But if there is the slightest attempt at imposition, we shall have no treaty. In regard to the minorities, it is our problem and we shall, no doubt, succeed in solving it. We accept no outside interference in it—certainly, not the British Government’s interference in it—and therefore, these two limiting factors to the sovereignty of the Constit¬ uent Assembly are not accepted by us. How to make the job in the Constituent Assembly a success or not is the only limiting factor. It does not make the slightest difference what the Cabinet Mission thinks or does in the matter.

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 143

Grouping Plan Referring to grouping, Pandit Nehru said: The big probability is from any approach to the question, there will be no grouping. Obviously, Section A will decide against grouping. Speaking in betting language, there was four to one chance of the NorthWest Frontier Province deciding against grouping. Then Group B col¬ lapses. It is highly likely that Assam will decide against grouping with Bengal although I would not like to say what the initial decision may be, since it is evenly balanced. But I can say with every assurance and conviction that there is going to be finally no grouping there, because Assam will not tolerate it under any circumstances whatever. Thus you see this grouping business approached from any point of view, does not get on at all.

Pandit Nehru also explained how provincial jealousies would work against grouping. Firstly, he pointed out everybody outside the Muslim League was entirely opposed to grouping. In regard to this matter, the Muslim League stands by itself isolated. Applying that principle you will find in the north-west zone there is a kind of balance more or less even of pro-grouping and anti-grouping. Secondly, entirely for other reasons non-political, non-Congress, non-League, there is a good deal of feeling against grouping with the Punjab both in the North-West Frontier Province and Sind for economic and other reasons. That is to say, even a Muslim Leaguer in Sind dislikes the idea of grouping with the Punjab, be¬ cause he fears that the Punjab will dominate Sind, Punjab being a dominant party in that group and more aggressive and advanced in some ways. Apart from the imposed discipline from the Muslim League, both in the Frontier and in Sind, the people were unani¬ mously against grouping, because both these Provinces are afraid of being swamped by the Punjab.

Provisional National Government Asked when the Provisional National Government would be formed at the Centre, Pandit Nehru said: I cannot just peep into the future and tell what is going to happen. For the moment we are somewhat engaged in the Constituent Assembly elections. But remember this that the Constituent Assembly is not going to put up easily for long with the kind of Caretaker Government that exists today. There is bound to be conflict between them. In fact, the Caretaker Government has no stability; nor is there any possibility of its long continuance, how and when and what shape the new Govern¬ ment will take I cannot say, it will be just entering into phantasy.

144 / THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM When his attention was drawn to the forthcoming meeting of the All-India Muslim League Council at Bombay, Pandit Nehru said: Whatever the Congress does is always intended to create new situa¬ tions. We do not follow other people’s situations. I am glad that the Muslim League has realised that we have created a new situation. We propose to create many further new situations. What we shall do if the League decides to do this or that we will see what the conditions then are and decide accordingly.

Union Centre's Powers Dealing with the powers of the proposed Union Centre, Pandit Nehru said: According to the Cabinet Mission’s proposals there were three or four basic subjects in it, i.e. Defence, Foreign Affairs, Communications and the power to raise finances for these. Obviously, Defence and Communi¬ cations have a large number of industries behind them. So these in¬ dustries inevitably come under the Union Government and they are likely to grow. Defence is such a wide subject that it tends to expand its scope and activities more and more. All that comes under the Union Government. Similarly, External Affairs inevitably include foreign trade policy. You cannot have foreign policy if you divorce foreign trade from it. They include all manner of things which are not put down there, but which can be brought in.

Referring to the question of raising finances for the Union Pandit Nehru said it had to be done by taxation. If anyone suggests that some kind of contribution or doles are going to be given by the Provinces or States, it is bunkum. No Central Government carries on on doles.

He recalled how an attempt to carry on with contributions had ended in a failure in the United States in the early days of the American Confederation. “Inevitably therefore,” he added, any Central Government must raise its finances by taxation. I cannot make a list now, but obviously Customs, including tariffs, is bound to be one. In fact, tariff is connected with foreign trade policy. It may be income-tax will be another. I do not know what else.

Pandit Nehru pointed out that the Central Government must be responsible for foreign markets, loans and such other subjects. It must also obviously control currency and credit. Who is going to do it if not the Centre? You cannot allow each unit or Province to carry on a separate type of credit and foreign policy.

THE GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM / 145 Suppose there is trouble between the Provinces or States or an economic breakdown due to famine conditions, the Centre comes in again, inevitably. However limited the Centre might be you cannot help the Centre having wide powers because the past few years have shown that if there were no central authority, the conditions would have been far worse in India. However the fact that there has been a central authority has not done much good to the country because it has been incompetent. It is obvious, that without the central authority you cannot deal with the problems mentioned above. There must be some over-all power to intervene in grave crisis breakdown of the administration or economic breakdown or famine. The scope of the Centre, even though limited, inevitably grows, because it cannot exist otherwise.

IV / OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING: THE UNTOUCHABLES AND THE LOWER CASTES

INTRODUCTION Indian society was, of course, highly stratified before British rule began. In some respects, though, British rule had the effect of in¬ creasing the social and economic distance between the poor and the rich and between many low castes and the high. But if high-caste groups collected the first benefits of western education and new administrative and commercial opportunities, some low-caste groups no longer accepted the inevitability of their inferiority. As they developed a sense of relative deprivation, they insisted that the British Government and caste Hindus were obligated to help them overcome their backwardness. Few untouchable and low-caste groups possessed the means or political awareness to challenge the pre¬ dominantly high-caste Congress. Yet their complaints of high-caste indifference and discrimination were an embarrassment to national¬ ists who were demanding self-rule on moral and democratic prin¬ ciples.

23 / AN ATTACK ON HIGH-CASTE NATIONALISTS The overwhelming majority of untouchables and members of the lower and middle castes were illiterate and politically inert. On occasion, lower-caste groups, including Namasudras in Bengal, Marathas in Maharashtra, and Nadars in Madras, appealed to the British to protect their interests from the high castes which sup¬ plied the nationalist movement with leaders. Many of them felt that continued British rule offered the best opportunity for sub¬ stantial social reform and that the high-caste nationalists were un¬ likely to promote radical reform once they achieved their goal of independence. The following attack on the nationalists was pub146

OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING / 147 lished in 1917 in Madras where, more than in any other province, Brahmans predominated in the Congress. The opportunity has been afforded, but so far we have failed to take advantage of it. To-day, among the higher castes at any rate, the caste spirit seems to be gaining in vigour and intensity. The educated classes—the higher castes—display a peculiar lack of re¬ sponse to the democratic ideas with which they must have been brought into contact in English schools. If to-day the direct rule of Englishmen ceased in our land, in a few years the nightmare of our past would settle down again, and Providence will have to select a new instrument, a new race of conquerors, for our redemption. It is this consideration that frightens us away from a Home Rule which is not based upon democratic sentiment. Perhaps it is also this consideration which makes the high caste Home Ruler “deter¬ mined to secure Home Rule. . . Let all low caste Indians clearly realize that Home Rule now means High caste rule which spells eternal servitude for the masses of the people in this country. High caste Home Rulers are trying to lure ordinary men into the Home Rule camp by false arguments and eloquent platitudes. What do they say? They ask “Do we not work for reforms which will do the masses good?” Two points must be borne in mind in answering this question. One is that the most urgent problem in this country so far as the masses are concerned, viz., the treatment of the depressed classes— has not yet been given anything like its proper prominence by the Indian press. When one little busybody is shut out from an Indian province all the Home Rule leagues and Congress committees and the Hindu and the New India roar in sympathy. Who sympathises with the down-trodden? How many columns of the New India and the Hindu are devoted to the depressed classes every day? This proves that the people who are most miserable are ignored. Another thing that has to be remembered is that our Home Rulers cry for certain reforms like compulsory education under the inspiration of Western ideals. Our fear is that when the present Government which is the source of this inspiration is removed our Home Rulers will forget this reform. We are justified in entertaining this fear be¬ cause the retention of caste differences by educated Indians is a clear proof that Western ideals of democracy have not deeply per¬ meated them. At present they have only an outer varnish of English From High Roads to Home Rule, No. 1: Home Rule and Caste, Adapted from the Madras Social Reform Advocate (Calicut: The Spectator Press, 1917), pp. 1, 4-6, and 13.

148 / OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING ideals. It may also be said in passing that we have complete trust in the Government’s educational policy and that the chief reason which makes certain politicians cry themselves hoarse about it, is a desire for self-advertisement. As a matter of fact the educated classes, both Brahmin and non-Brahmin, are doing precious little for the down-trodden classes. There is a story in the vernacular about the division of labour that was once arranged between two dhobies. One man was to work; the other was to stand by and sing out “Ah” “hu-u” at each stroke of the other. Have these educated Indians who are working for the advancement of the people entered into some similar agreement with the Christian Missionaries? Some of these Home Rulers are bold enough and rash enough to say that the high castes in India never kept the low castes down. Lest any one should be misled by such falsehoods, the following extracts from the Laws of Manu may be borne in mind. The service of Brahmans alone is declared to be an excellent occupa¬ tion for a Sudra. . . . He (Sudra) was created by the Self-existent to be the slave of a Brahmana. ... A Brahmana may confidently seize the goods of a Sudra. . . . No collections of wealth must be made by a Sudra, though he be able to do it; for a Sudra who has accquired wealth gives pain to a Brahmana (Laws of Manu).

These choice specimens should make it very clear as to what is meant by saying that non-Brahmins were kept down by Brahmanas.

Home Rulers talk big about love to the motherland and of per¬ sonal self-sacrifice. Why don’t they begin with sacrificing the self¬ ish advantages of caste? Let them begin with this sacrifice and the outcry against Home Rule will be hushed in a people’s silent grat¬ itude. And unless this is done their demand for self-rule is a mock¬ ery of democracy: their demand for equality is a denial of social justice; their demand for citizenship is a perpetuation of the slav¬ ery of the masses. They cannot expect others to sacrifice while they who proclaim themselves super-patriots remain stuffed with selfishness.

29 / GANDHI'S DECLARATION OF WAR ON UNTOUCHABILITY After World War I, under the leadership of Gandhi and more radical-minded politicians, the Congress showed increased concern for the problems of the poor. But B. R. Ambedkar, leader and

OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING / 149 spokesman of the untouchables, was bitter at the failure of caste Hindus and the Congress to secure better treatment for untouch¬ ables. Ambedkar demanded in 1932 that untouchables, like Mus¬ lims, be given separate electorates under the new constitution in order that untouchables could elect their own representatives to the legislatures. When Prime Minister Ramsey MacDonald an¬ nounced his Government’s acceptance of Ambedkar’s demand on August 17, 1932 Gandhi objected strongly from his cell in Yeravda Jail, Poona. He argued that separate electorates would “vivesect” Hinduism by permanently dividing untouchables from other Hin¬ dus. And he began a fast unto death in protest. Ambedkar visited the jail to discuss his differences with Gandhi. While Gandhi weak¬ ened and neared death, thousands of caste Hindus took the unprece¬ dented steps of dining with untouchables and admitting them to their temples. Finally Ambedkar compromised and signed the Yeravda Pact in which he accepted reserved seats for untouchables, in place of separate electorates. Six weeks later, Gandhi wrote the following attack on untouchability. We shall be wrong if caste-men regard themselves as patrons dis¬ tributing favours to the Harijans. Whatever is done now by the Caste-Hindus for the Harijans will be but a tardy reparation for the wrongs done to them for generations. If now, they have to be received in their existing state, as they must be received, it is a well-deserved punishment for the past guilt. But there is this certain satisfaction, that the very act of receiving them with open hearts would be a sufficient incentive to cleanliness, and caste-men will, for their own comfort and convenience, provide Harijans with facili¬ ties for keeping themselves clean. It is well to remind ourselves of what wrongs we have heaped upon the devoted heads of the Harijans. Socially, they are lepers. Economically, they are worse than slaves. Religiously, they are denied entrance to the places we miscall houses of God. They are denied the use, on the same terms as the caste-men, of public roads, public wells, public taps, public parks and the like. In some cases, their approach within a measured distance is a social crime, and in some other rare enough cases, their very sight is an offence. They are relegated, for their residence, to the worst quarters of cities or villages, where they practically get no social services. Caste-Hindu lawyers and doctors will not serve them as they do other members of society. Brahmins will not officiate at their religious functions. From N. N. Mitra, ed.. The Indian Annual Register, July-December, 1932 (Calcutta: The Annual Register Office), pp. 263-65.

150 / OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING The wonder is that they are, at all, able to eke out an existence, or that they still remain within the Hindu fold. They are too down¬ trodden to rise in revolt against their suppressors. I have recalled these tragic and shameful facts in order to make the workers vividly realise the implications of the Yeravda Pact. It is only ceaseless effort that can raise their down-trodden fellowbeings from degradation, purify Hinduism, and raise the whole Hindu society and with it the whole of India. Let us not be stunned by this simple recital of the wrongs. If the demonstration during the fast week was a genuine expression of repentance on the part of Caste Hindus, all will be well and every Harijan will soon feel the glow of freedom. But before this much-desired end can be achieved, the message of freedom will have to be carried to the remotest village. Indeed, the work in the villages is far more dif¬ ficult than in the big cities, where it is possible quickly to mobilise public opinion. Now that there is an All-India Anti-Untouchability League, workers should work in co-ordination with that League. And here, I would like to recall what Dr. Ambedkar told me. He said: “Let there be no repetition of the old method when the reformer claimed to know more of the requirements of the victims than the victims themselves,” and added: Tell your workers to ascertain from the representatives of the Harijans what their first need is, and how they would like it to be satisfied. Joint refreshments are good enough by way of demonstration but they may be overdone. There is a flavour of patronage about them. I would not attend them myself. The more dignified procedure would be to invite us to ordinary social functions without any fuss. Even templeentry, necessary as it is, may wait. The crying need is the raising of the economic status and decent behaviour in the daily contact. I must not report here some of the harrowing details given by him from his bitter experience. I felt the force of his remarks. I hope every one of my readers will do likewise. Many suggestions have been sent to me for adoption by the re¬ formers. One is a repetition of what Swami Shraddanandji used to repeat so often, namely, that every Hindu should have in his home a Harijan who would be, for all practical purposes, a member of the family. The second comes from a non-Hindu friend deeply interested in India’s welfare. He says that every well-to-do Hindu should bear the expense of giving, if possible under his own obser¬ vation, higher education to a Harijan young man or girl, so that these, after finishing their education, might work for the uplift of fellow-Harijans. Both the suggestions are worthy of consideration

OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING / 151 and adoption. I would ask all who have fruitful suggestions to make, to pass them on to the newly established League. Correspondents should recognise my limitations. From behind the prison gates, I can only tender advice to the League and the people. I can take no part in the real execution of the plans. They should also recognise that my opinions, based as they must be on insufficient data and often on second-hand information, are liable to revision in the light of new facts and should therefore be received with caution. Though it is now past history, I would devote a paragraph to the objections raised by correspondents and even voiced in suppressed tones in the Press. Referring to the political part of the Pact, they ask what have you gained by it? The Harijans have surely got much more than the Prime Minister gave. Well, that is exactly the gain. My opposition to the decision was that it gave stone instead of bread. This Pact has given bits of bread. I personally would have rejoiced with Dr. Moonje if the Harijans had got all the seats allotted to the Hindus. That would have been the greatest gain to the Caste-Hindus and Hinduism. What was wanted, and what I still want, is their complete merger in CasteHindus and the latter in the former. It is my deliberate opinion, not likely to be altered by any fresh fact that may come to light, that the more the suppressors give to the suppressed the more they gain. They gain, pro tanto, discharge from overdue debts. Unless the Caste-Hindus approach the question in that humble, penitent, religious and right spirit, the remaining part of the Pact will never be observed in the spirit that seemed to pervade Hindu society during the fast week. I would like to tender my congratulations to those Princes who have opened their State-temples to the Harijans and have otherwise proclaimed banishment of Untouchability from their States. If I may say it, they have thereby done some penance in their own behalf and on behalf of their people. I hope that the Hindus resid¬ ing in these States will carry out the terms of these proclamations and so fraternise with them as to make the Harijans feel that they never were the despised out-castes of Hindu humanity. We are too near the scene of the tragedy to realise that this canker of Untouchability has travelled far beyond its prescribed limits, and has sapped the foundations of the whole nation. The touch-me-not spirit pervades the atmosphere. If, therefore, this white ant is touched at its source, I feel sure that we shall soon forget the differences with regard to caste and caste, and religion and religion, and begin to believe that, even as all Hindus are one and indivisible, so are all Hindus, Mussalmans, Sikhs, Parsees,

152 / OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING Jews and Christians, branches of the same parent tree. Though religions are many, Religion is one. That is the lesson I would have us to learn from the campaign against Untouchability. And we will learn it, if we prosecute it in the religious spirit, with a determination that will not be resisted.

30 / DEBATE ON HINDU TEMPLE ENTRY BILL Debates in the provincial and imperial legislatures mirrored the political, religious, linguistic, and class divisions of society as a whole. Although the issues were serious, levity and parliamentary decorum tempered the acrimony of debate. In the following ex¬ change during discussion in the Imperial Legislative Assembly in 1934 of a bill to permit untouchables to use Hindu temples, a Punjabi Muslim enjoys the opportunity of contrasting Islam’s egali¬ tarianism with Hinduism’s social hierarchy, but he refuses to sup¬ port the bill itself. He felt that if on this occasion the majority were permitted to interfere in the religious affairs of a minority, the Muslim community’s religious freedom might in turn be threatened in the future. Sir Muhammad Yakub (Rohilkind and Kumaon Divisions: Mu¬ hammadan Rural): Mr. President, the substance of the Bill which is now before the House has full sympathy of every Mussalman all over the world. As Mussalmans, we must sympathise with the ob¬ ject which the Bill aims at. Islam does not recognise untouchability. There is no bar for any Mussalman, having any status in his life, entering our mosques, the Houses of God. In fact, God will not be worthy of being worshipped if His House is polluted by the entry of any human being or any creation of that God Himself. Sir, Islam does not recognise priesthood. There is no priesthood in Islam, is the saying of our Holy Prophet. Not only does Islam recognise that all Mussalmans have an equal status in society, but even non-Mussalmans were not forbidden from entering the mosque of the Holy Prophet himself. We know that some non-Mussalmans came as guests of our Holy Prophet at Medina and they were al¬ lowed to stay in the mosque of the Holy Prophet as his own guests, and the next morning when they were leaving the mosque, some of them had polluted the mosque and there was a great resentment among the Mussalmans, but the Holy Prophet said, “No. Don’t feel sorry. They were my guests, and I will clean the mosque with From Imperial Legislative Assembly Debates, VIII, August 23, 1934 (New Delhi: Government of India Press, 1934), 205-7.

OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING / 153 my own hands.” Such is the toleration of Islam, and this is the way in which Islam believes in giving equal status to every man¬ kind. Pandit Satyendra Nath Sen (Presidency Division: Non-Mu¬ hammadan Rural): Are we going to be governed by Islamic law from today? Sir Muhammad Yakub: My Honourable friend need not have been so over-zealous. I do not want anybody to observe any law if he does not believe in it. In fact, if a religion imposes such disabilities upon people of the same persuasion then I shall not wonder if the untouchables themselves enter into the universal fraternity of Islam which would immediately give them equal status with the highest among the Mussalmans. And here I invite all the untouchables, from the floor of this House I extend an invitation to them and I ask them to come into the universal fraternity of Islam in which, without passing any Bill like the one which has been introduced by my Honourable friend over there, they will have no disabilities as regards entering any place of worship or mosque. But, Sir, al¬ though my sympathy is whole-heartedly with my Honourable friend, Mr. Ranga Iyer, whom I wish to congratulate upon the great speech which he has delivered this morning, whom I wish to congratulate on the toleration which he has shown, the breadth of vision which he has exhibited and the statesmanlike view which he has taken of the matter,—if there were men like Mr. Ranga Iyer, having such breadth of vision, I think the cleavage between the two commu¬ nities, which is growing wider and wider every day, would have been bridged by this time. Sir, I wish also to congratulate him upon the way in which he has exposed the Congress. While all my sympathy and my moral support is with Mr. Ranga Iyer, I am sorry that my vote in the lobby cannot go with him, because my own idea is, as my Honourable friend, the Raja of Kollengode, has said, that in a mixed House like this it would be a very dangerous thing to pass legislation upon matters touching religion or religious rites of any community in this country. As I said on the occasion when the Sarda Bill was before the House, I want to reiterate the same feelings again on this occasion, and would like to say that it would not be right and it would not be safe for the British Govern¬ ment to support or to make legislation upon any subject touch¬ ing the religion of any community, whether Hindus, Mussalmans, Christians or Parsis, in this country, without the unanimous consent of the community concerned, and as I find that there is an over¬ whelming majority of the Hindus who whether rightly or wrongly, are opposed to this Bill, I do not think it would be right for the

154 / OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING Government to be a party for making a legislation in a matter like this. With these remarks, I resume my seat. Mr. N. R. Gunjal (Bombay Central Division: Non-Muham¬ madan Rural. The Honourable Member spoke in the vernacular.) Mr. C. S. Ranga Iyer (While Mr. Gunjal was speaking in the vernacular.)'. I am quite willing to answer my Honourable friend’s question as to whether I have ever given a single pice to a temple. Sir, a temple in Chittoor, my village, was built by my great grand¬ father. Sir Cowasji Jehangir (Bombay City: Non-Muhammadan Urban): He did not say that. What he said was—have you ever given a torn shirt to an untouchable? (Laughter.) Mr. C. S. Ranga Iyer: I may not have given a torn shirt to an untouchable, but when I joined the non-co-operation movement, I did give away foreign suits to untouchables. Mr. B. Das: You gave untouchable suits to untouchables. (Laugh¬

ter.) Mr. C. S. Ranga Iyer: I gave away swadeshi suits made in foreign

style. (Mr. Gunjal continues in the vernacular.) Mr. C. S. Ranga Iyer: On a point of order, Sir. Will I be entitled to answer in Malayalam? Mr. President (The Honourable Sir Shanmukham Chetty): If the Honourable Member declares that he does not know sufficient English. Mr. C. S. Ranga Iyer: How, Sir, am I to know what is parlia¬ mentary or unparliamentary in what my friend has been saying? I believe the Honourable President is not able to follow a word of what he has been saying, and I believe the Honourable Member is indulging in statements which, as I understand, are not parlia¬ mentary. As we are not in a position to judge, may I suggest that for a moment you, Sir, temporarily vacate the Chair in favour of one who understands the language, like Dr. DeSouza or Sir Cowasji Jehangir. (Laughter.) Mr. President (The Honourable Sir Shanmukham Chetty): The Chair expects the Leader of the House will draw the attention of the Chair when there is anything said which is unparliamentary. (Applause.)

31 / UNTOUCHABLES THREATEN TO LEAVE HINDUISM Nothing that Gandhi and the Congress did after the Poona Pact removed Ambedkar’s bitterness. Having lost the chance to secure separate electorates, Ambedkar seriously considered leading his own

OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING / 155 Mahar community in a mass conversion to another religion. In the following statement, made in 1936, Amhedkar discusses the rela¬ tive advantages of Islam, Christianity, and Sikhism. What apparently deterred the Mahar untouchables from conversion in 1936 was the realization that they would probably lose their reserved seats in the legislatures. In 1936, shortly before his death, Ambedkar and sev¬ eral hundred thousand untouchables did convert to Buddhism. The Hindus cannot afford to be indifferent to the movement of conversion which is gaining ground among the Depressed Classes. It would undoubtedly be the best thing from the standpoint of the Hindus if the Depressed Classes were to be persuaded to drop the idea of conversion. But if that is not possible then the Hindus must concern themselves with the next move which the Depressed Classes will take, because their move is bound to have serious consequences upon the destiny of the Hindus and the destiny of the country. If they cannot be persuaded to stay, the Hindus must help if they cannot lead them to embrace a faith which will be least harmful to the Hindus and to the country. It seems very unlikely that the Depressed Classes will formulate a new religion. Most probably they will embrace one of the existing faiths. At any rate, the Hindus can well proceed on that assumption. The first question is what is the faith that the Depressed Classes are likely to embrace? Obviously the one most advantageous to them. There are three faiths from among which the Depressed Classes can choose. (1) Islam, (2) Christianity, and (3) Sikhism. Comparing these three, Islam seems to give the Depressed Classes all that they need. Financially the resources behind Islam are boundless. Socially the Mohammedans are spread all over India. There are Moham¬ medans in every Province and they can take care of the new con¬ verts from the Depressed Classes and render them all help. Po¬ litically the Depressed Classes will get all the rights which Moham¬ medans are entitled to. Conversion to Islam does not involve loss of such political rights as the right to special representation in the Legislature, right to services, etc. Christianity seems equally attractive. If Indian Christians are too small numerically to provide the financial resources necessary for the conversion of the Depressed Classes, the Christian countries such as America and England will pour in their immense resources if the Depressed Classes show their readiness to embrace ChristianFrom N. N. Mitra, ed.. The Indian Annual Register, July-December, 1936 (Calcutta: The Annual Register Office, 1936), pp. 277-78.

156 / OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING ity. Socially, the Christian Community is numerically too weak to render much support to the converts from the Depressed Classes, but Christianity has Government behind it. Politically, Christianity will give them the same rights which Islam gives. Like the Muslims, Indian Christians are also recognised by the Constitution for special representation in the Legislatures and in the services. Compared to Christianity and Islam, Sikhism has few attrac¬ tions. Being a small community of 40 lakhs, the Sikhs cannot pro¬ vide the finance. Socially, they cannot be of much help to the Depressed Classes. They are confined to the Punjab, and as for the majority of the Depressed Classes, the Sikhs can give them no social support. Politically, Sikhism is at a positive disadvantage as com¬ pared with Islam or Christianity. Outside the Punjab, Sikhs are not recognized for special representation in the Legislature and in the services. The second question is, looking at these three alternative faiths purely from the standpoint of the Hindus, which is the best,— Islam, Christianity or Sikhism? Obviously Sikhism is the best. If the Depressed Classes join Islam or Christianity they not only go out of the Hindu religion, but they also go out of the Hindu cul¬ ture. On the other hand, if they become Sikhs they remain within the Hindu culture. This is by no means a small advantage to the Hindus. What the consequences of conversion will be to the country as a whole is well worth bearing in mind. Conversion to Islam or Chris¬ tianity will denationalise the Depressed Classes. If they go to Islam the number of Muslims will be doubled and the danger of Muslim domination also becomes real. If they go to Christianity, the numeri¬ cal strength of Christians becomes 5 to 6 crores. It will help to strengthen the hold of the British on this country. On the other hand, if they embrace Sikhism they will not only not harm the des¬ tiny of the country, but they will help the destiny of the country. They will not be denationalised. On the contrary, they will be a help in the political advancement of the country. Thus it is in the interest of the country that the Depressed Classes if they are to change their faith, should go over to Sikhism. The third question is if it is in the interest of the Hindus that the Depressed Classes should go over to Sikhism, are the Hindus prepared to make Sikhism as good an alternative to the Depressed Classes as Islam or Christianity is? If they are, then obviously they must try to remove the difficulties which lie in the way of Sikhism as compared with Islam and Christianity. The deficiencies are financial, social and political. The Hindus cannot help Sikhs to

OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING / 157 remove the social difficulty. But they can certainly help the Sikhs to remove the financial and political difficulties. Of these, it is most urgent to remove the political difficulty, because it might become an obstacle in the way of the Sikhs. The solution of the political difficulty is fortunately a very small matter. All that is necessary is to add to the list of Scheduled Castes in each Province other than the Punjab the word “Sikh” as that of a person from the Depressed Classes who becomes a convert to Sikhism will not lose his political rights he would have had if he had remained in a Depressed Class. Under the Communal Award, communities have been given the liberty to agree to any change in the Award and the Government has bound itself to alter the Award in accordance with the agreement. This change can, therefore, easily be brought about if the Hindus so desire by mutual agreement with the Depressed Classes. This does not involve any radical change in the Poona Pact. It does not require any apportionment of seats. The seats assigned to the Depressed Classes under the Poona Pact will remain the same. The only change that will be introduced is that non-Sikh Depressed Classes and the Depressed Classes who have gone to Sikhism will both be free to compete. It merely removes a disability from the Depressed Classes who become Sikh.

32 / KISAN SABHAS IN BIHAR AND GUJARAT The conflicting goals of landlords (zamindars) and leftists within the Congress strained the party’s unity during the 1930s. Jawaharlal Nehru persuaded the Congress in 1930 to pass a resolution saying that Indian poverty was not due to British exploitation alone but also to the Indian social structure. Nehru and the Congress social¬ ists advocated a restructuring of society to make it more egalitarian. In particular they called for the abolition of zamindaris. Outside the Congress, peasants were organized into kisan sabhas (peasant societies). The kisan sabhas, which were particularly strong in Bihar, resisted landlord efforts to collect illegal payments and high rents and agitated for strong tenancy legislation. The ideological contradictions inherent in the broad coalition of interest groups forming the Congress were made apparent when the Congress formed ministries in most provinces after the elections of 1937. Alli¬ ances of Congress leftists and kisan sabha leaders persuaded Con¬ gress ministries to pass new tenancy laws, but landlord pressure during the drafting and later during the application of the laws weakened their effectiveness. The level of agrarian violence rose

158 / OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING during the dispute, with both landlords and peasants charging the other with using dandas (staves). The disillusionment of leaders of the All-India Kisan Sabha with the Congress ministries is shown in the following review of events in Bihar and Gujarat in 1937.

Bihar Kisan Crisis The real struggle of this period has centred round Bihar. There the Ministry had got the wind up because of the threat of Zamindars to go on Satyagraha [against the Tenancy Bill] and wanted to come to terms with them, so as to obviate the years of delay that would otherwise be caused by them through the Legislative Council in which they command a majority and the Governor. But the Kisan Sabha strongly opposed this move, on the ground that the Congress ought to proceed with its proposals and dare the Zamindars, de¬ pending on the loyalty of the Kisans. The Congress Ministry thought otherwise and concluded a pact with Zamindars, watering down its legislative proposals and completely alienating the Kisan Sabha. This has led to an acute struggle between the Kisan Sabha and the Congress, the end of which is not yet visible.

Non-Violence—Their Sheet-Anchor Not being able to justify their tactics before the masses, the local Congress Leaders unearthed the bogey of Kisan Sabha’s propaganda in favour of Kisan’s Danda (lathi) against Zamindars, hooliganism and violence. The Kisan Sabha was charged with having inculcated the idea of violence and created an atmosphere of violence. The fact, of course, was that the Kisan comrades had been obliged to exhort and advise our Kisans during the last three years to be pre¬ pared to show their Dandas to the agents of Zamindars, whenever all peaceful methods and persuasion failed to prevent the hooligan¬ ism of Zamindars or their agents, against their homesteads, the privacy of their homes, the honour of their womenfolk and the life of their children. What with the great expectation of peasants that the advent of Congress Raj would end rents-payments and their bitter disappointment at the unholy agreement between the Con¬ gress Ministry and Zamindars and the special pressure put by Zam¬ indars to collect all their arrears of rent for fear a moratorium might be declared, peasants have had to talk of their “Danda” if their properties were to be alienated and their families driven away from their homesteads. The local Congress leaders took full adFrom “The All India Kisan Movement, 1937,” in The Indian Annual Register, July-December, 1937, ed., N. N. Mitra (Calcutta: The Annual Register Office, 1937), pp. 388-91.

OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING / 159 vantage of all this atmosphere so largely created by the Ministry and blamed the Kisan Sabha for it all and persuaded even Rajendra Prasad to rise against the Kisan Sabha in the name of the Congress creed of non-violence. Swami Sahajanand Saraswati, the General Secretary of the All India Kisan Committee and the Generalissimo of the Bihar Kisans, rationally defended the Kisan Sabha, justified the Kisan’s right to use his “Danda” in self-defence and dared the local Congress committee which banned him. The Working Com¬ mittee of the Provincial Congress Committee passed a resolution, warning all Congressmen who were in the Kisan Sabha not to have anything to do with the (so-called) objectionable methods of the Kisan Sabha. At this stage, Jayaprakash Narayan* came out with his strong defence of the Kisan Sabha and warned the local Con¬ gress that it should not create another 1907 Surat debacle. Prof. N. G. Ranga, the President of the Sabha, has appealed for an im¬ partial and careful examination of the Congress creed of non-vio¬ lence in its use for peasants in their day to day life and raising the whole controversy from the plane of organisational conflict to that of a genuine search for a way out in the interests of the masses. The Bihar Kisans rallied round marvellously to the leadership of the Kisan Sabha. Even when the annual conference was held in one of the Districts from which the Kisan Sabha activities were banned by the local Congress Committee, more than a lakh of peasants flocked to the conference and demonstrated their faith in the leadership of the Sabha.

Struggle in Gujarat Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, the renowned leader of Bardoli Satyagraha campaign and the Gujarat Congress, took a strong prejudice to the Kisan Sabha for he had always felt that only the Congress should be the political and economic organisation for all peasants. He had somehow forgotten that even he had to carry on the 1928 Bardoli Satyagraha campaign under non-Congress auspices, just as genuinely had our Kisan comrades felt the need for the inde¬ pendent Kisan Sabha, the small but enthusiastic band of them have worked under the brilliant leadership of Kamalashankar and ad¬ vice of Indulal Yagnik, had gone forward with their organisational work in Panchmahal, Surat and other Districts. When Swamiji [Sa¬ hajanand Saraswati] visited Gujarat in February 1938, the peasantry responded in all their thousands so enthusiastically to the call of the Kisan Sabha that, despite the studied silence of the Press, the * Jayaprakash Narayan founded the Congress Socialist Party in 1934.

160 / OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING Sirdar felt the impact of the Kisan movement and promptly offered to take up the challenge of the Kisan Sabha. So he banned the Kisan rally and Kisan conference at Vithalnagar. In spite of that, two thousand peasants bravely marched past the National Flag with their own National and Red Flags and ten thousand of them had gathered in their meeting which, of course, had to be carried on without a light for most of the time, in that great city of a million lights. Thus the Kisan Sabha has come to stay in Gujarat also.

V / OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING: DRAVIDIAN REGIONALISM

INTRODUCTION Regionalism, like communalism, hampered nationalist efforts to build a unified India. Regionalism derived its strength from the sense of separate identity found in each of India’s ten major lan¬ guage areas. The spread of literacy in the regional language had the effect of intensifying regional consciousness. Almost every lin¬ guistic region contained groups which regarded the British as less threatening to their interests than the prospect of an independent Congress government. Only in Madras, however, were Hindu regionalists powerful enough to defeat the Congress in elections. In Madras, the South Indian Liberal Federation, better known as the Justice Party, was founded in 1916 by non-Brahman caste Hindus to challenge the dominance of the Brahmans, who constituted be¬ tween 2 and 3 per cent of the population and who led the local Congress Party. Thus in its beginning, the Dravidian movement’s objective was social reform rather than regional separatism, al¬ though the culture of the Brahmans was sometimes ridiculed as Aryan and foreign to the Dravidian language area. After the Jus¬ tice Party won the first provincial elections under the MontaguChelmsford reforms of 1919, its ministers favored non-Brahmans over Brahmans and untouchables in the distribution of government jobs and scholarships. However, the Justice Party failed to enlarge its base and was defeated by the Swarajists in the 1926 elections for reasons suggested in the following analysis. The name used below —Dravida Kazhagam meaning Dravidian Federation—was given to the Justice Party when it was reorganized in 1944. 161

162 / OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING: DRAVIDIAN REGIONALISM

33 / THE EARLY PHASE The Dravida Kazhagam Movement, in both its original and “pro¬ gressive” sections, represents a noteworthy development in the life and thought of South Indian Hinduism. It may not be regarded altogether as a religious movement, for its main concern would be to effect the social liberation of the large population of Tamil speaking non-Brahmins from the traditional dominance of the Brahmin caste. In order to do this, it has been adopting political measures almost from the beginning of its history. Today the Dravida Kazhagam people are repeatedly bringing to bear organ¬ ized pressure as a political party on the government in power to secure the rights of non-Brahmins. They are contesting elections in local civic and State legislatures in Madras with noticeable success. More than all they are consistently carrying on a propaganda for the establishment of the separate State of Dravidastan for the nonBrahmin Dravidians of South India, which would include all those who speak the four Dravidian languages—Tamil, Telugu, Kannada and Malayalam. It is admitted, however, that at present the Move¬ ment is confined to Tamilnad. The Dravida Kazhagam Movement has also a religious pro¬ gramme, in that it is also engaged all the time in an active propa¬ ganda to rid the people of their belief in Puranic Hinduism and to wean them away from religious observances which need the priestly services of the Brahmins. In fact, the activity of the Move¬ ment includes a vigorous drive against religion in general, and Hinduism in particular, as consisting in gross superstitions, devised by crafty Brahmin priests to keep others under their control by exploiting their credulity. While, on the one hand, Dravida Kaz¬ hagam leaders have brought ridicule on the but too-human exploits of the Puranic gods and goddesses and decried all faith in the super¬ natural as irrational, on the other hand, they have pleaded for a high standard of personal and social ethics which will uphold the dignity and equality of men and women. With this intention they have taken a firm stand against caste observances, child marriage, discrimination based on sex, “auspicious times,” enforced widow¬ hood, religious rites associated with marriage, and the like. There is no doubt that the influence of the Movement in emancipating From P. D. Devanandan, The Dravida Kazhagam: A Revolt against Brahminism (Bangalore: Christian Institute for the Study of Religion and Society, 1960), pp. 1-4. Reprinted by permission of the Christian Institute for the Study of Religion and Society.

OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING: DRAV1DIAN REGIONALISM / 163 the ignorant masses among the Tamils from the tyranny of irra¬ tional customs, frequently given the traditional sanction of Brahminical religion, has been far-reaching and salutary. But this is only a part of the story, and that too when it is considered without reference to the total impact of the Movement on the life and thought of South India as primarily a Movement of revolt of the less privileged non-Brahmin against the privileged Brahmin—a dis¬ tinction long supported by religious tradition, resulting in social injustice and economic exploitation.

Early Beginnings The origin of the Dravida Kazhagam Movement is usually traced back to the founding of an organization in Madras in 1910 by Dr. C. Natesa Mudaliar, called the Dravidian Association. The purpose for which this Association was set up was to give an impetus to the study of Dravidian culture by the Dravidians themselves. Orientalists of the nineteenth century had brought to light the treasures of Sanskrit lore. Hindu scholars following in their wake had succeeded in developing a new sense of pride among educated Indians, who were still mostly Brahmins, in their Aryan heritage. But with the beginning of the twentieth century the focus of academic interest shifted, as the ancient classics of Tamil literature were explored and found to be no less remarkable in form and con¬ tent. If these were of Dravidian origin, then the non-Brahmin also had reason to be proud of what in a sense was his peculiar heritage. It was, therefore, not surprising that the Dravidian Association was largely supported by non-Brahmin leaders, many rich landlords and powerful traders. But, not having the advantages of the new educa¬ tion only a few of them were in the professions and in government service; so that civic leadership and political influence passed more and more into Brahmin hands. The original scholarly concern of the Association was given a new turn when political interest became pronounced with the coming into being of the Indian National Congress. The feeling grew among non-Brahmins that their interests were not safeguarded by it, especially as it seemed to come under the control of Brahmins. A number of them, led by Dr. T. M. Nair, consequently left the Congress in 1919. Moreover, there was a grow¬ ing discontent among non-Brahmins that their claims to employ¬ ment in the Government were not sufficiently recognised, especially because Brahmin heads of offices tended to be partial in giving preference to Brahmin candidates in filling vacancies. This fear of Brahmin domination was further exaggerated by the decision of the

164 / OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING: DRAVIDIAN REGIONALISM Government to set up representative assemblies in 1920 to which election was to be on a limited franchise. Led by men like Sir P. Thyagaraya Chetty and Dr. T. M. Nair the South Indian Liberal Federation was formed in [1916], and the Dravidian Association was wound up in consequence. The NonBrahmin Movement was launched. The intention of the South Indian Liberal Federation was to ask for adequate representation in Government service on a communal basis, to oppose the growing domination of Brahmin influence in public life by contesting elec¬ tions to the newly formed legislatures, and to launch a widespread scheme of propaganda through newspapers and magazines to estab¬ lish the rights of non-Brahmins. The South Indian Liberal Federa¬ tion brought into being the Justice Party to fight for “justice for the non-Brahmin.” It successfully contested the elections in 1920 and assumed power as the first elected Government in the then Province of Madras. These were the days when the Nationalist Movement was gaining ground. Gandhiji had already become accepted as the popular leader, and it was to the Congress that people looked up for their hope of deliverance. In the Province of Madras, the Home Rule League led by Annie Besant also commanded considerable respect. The upshot was that the Justice Party came to be regarded as a group of loyalists who favoured the British Raj. The unfortunate fact that the party leaders were wealthy Zamindars, who had little touch with the common folk, even among non-Brahmins, was a serious handicap. The Justice Party was able to stand on its own because it could pay its way. Popular support was given to the Congress and increasingly, the common man was satisfied to leave things in Gandhi’s hands.

34 / NAICKER'S 1938 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS Although out of power after 1926, the Justice Party and antiBrahmanism remained a force in Madras politics. A dynamic leader, E. V. Ramaswami Naicker, started the Self-Respect Movement in 1925 and conducted an effective campaign against the use of Brahman priests and Brahman religion. Subsequently, Naicker visited the Soviet Union in 1931, preached atheism, advocated the violent overthrow of the British government, and served a prison term for sedition in 1933—34. After this, he joined the Justice Party. In 1937 the Congress was elected to office in Madras. The Congress Ministry provided the Justice Party and Naicker with a major issue by trying to make Hindi a compulsory subject in the schools. The

OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING: DRAVIDIAN REGIONALISM / 165 Justice Party led a violent agitation against Hindi which forced C. Rajagopalachari’s Congress Ministry to compromise. In his 1938 presidential speech to the Justice Party convention, Naicker de¬ fended the party against charges of collaboration and opportunism. Let us now consider our present position. Our opponents say that we are reactionaries, that we are job-hunters, that we are persons who have no national feelings, that we belong to the party of zamindars. How are we reactionaries, I ask. Our basic principle in politics is that there should be even-handed justice, equal rights and equal¬ ity of opportunity to all. I ask whether the Congress which is the extreme political party in this country has adopted this principle. If so, how is it that in the Congress today Brahmins have the dominating position and all others only the right to lift up their hands in agreement whenever they are asked to do so? In the political sphere, if Congressmen say that foreigners should be driven out of the country, do we say that they should not be? When Congress says it wants Purna Swaraj [complete freedom] do we say that we want only half Swaraj or quarter Swaraj? If Con¬ gressmen say that the people should not be taxed, do we say that they must be taxed? If Congressmen say that all persons should know how to read and write, do we say that one caste alone should read and it is a crime if others do so? If Congressmen say that there should be no caste differences and that all belong to one com¬ munity, do we say that there should be caste differences? If Con¬ gressmen say that all Hindus can enter temples without any restric¬ tion, do we say that it is wrong? If Congressmen say that members of all castes, religions and sects should have equal rights in regard to administration of Government and that all obstacles in the way should be removed, do we say that it should not be done? In what way then, are we reactionaries? We are accused of clamour for jobs. But have we ever asked that more than the due share should be given to us? During the seventeen years of our regime to which com¬ munity did we refuse its due share, or to which community did we lessen its rightful share? After all, what is wrong in aspiring for Government appointments? The salaries for these appointments are given from the taxes paid by the people, and they carry with them a good deal of power, responsibility and influence which can be utilised to render service to the people. [Mr. Ramaswami Naicker then analysed the meaning of the word “nation” and pointed out its inapplicability to Indian conditions.] From N. N. Mitra, ed.. The Indian Annual Register, July-December, 1938 (Calcutta: The Annual Register Office, 1938), pp. 379-82.

166 / OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING: DRAVIDIAN REGIONALISM As things stand at present, the centrifugal tendencies are greater than the centripetal ones. Burmans raised the cry “Burma for Burmans” and cut themselves off from India. Orissa and Sind had been created new provinces. Andhras want to have a province of their own. Muslims of the North-West Frontier got a new province for themselves. It is strange that the Indian National Congress should give its seal of approval to these fissiparous tendencies and still beat the big drum of “nationalism." If Sindhis, Gujeratis, Bengalees, Andhras, Malayalis, etc., can separate and have their own provinces and there is nothing non¬ national in it, why should the demand of Tamilians, “Tamilnad for Tamilians," be considered to be against “nationalism"? If Tamilians, who cannot tolerate their being exploited by Aryans, ask whether it is just or fair that there should be such exploitation, they are accused of class-hatred, sedition, and treason to the “na¬ tion." The question is: Are we to put on the “nationalist" garb and efface ourselves, or are we to get frightened at the state of things and commit suicide? In the political sphere, people are being exploited in the name of “nationalism,” even as in the religious sphere the promise of “Moksha" is used to delude them. [Referring to criticisms against the Justice Party, Mr. Ramaswami Naicker asked what was it that the Party had done during the seventeen years it had been in office which stood in the way of getting Swaraj, what was the harm they had done to the people, and what was the good they should have done, but which they neglected to do? He challenged anyone to come forward and reply to these questions.] Which was the Party that had worked for the last so many years for the removal of caste distinctions and caste tyrannies? Which was the Party that got for the Depressed Classes the right to walk in the streets where before they were forbidden to walk? Which was the Party that gave communal representation? Which was the Party which spread education among Depressed Classes, provided them with all necessary facilities and conveniences and enabled them to get Government appointments? Was it not the Justice Party? During the regime of the Justice Ministers, the expenditure on education was doubled. In a number of departments, there was appreciable progress during the Justice regime. After they took up office, the Justice Party took steps to reduce salaries of Government servants by about a crore of rupees. They reduced taxation by about 25 per cent. When full power was not in their hands they had less¬ ened taxation and showed satisfactory progress in a number of

OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING: DRAVIDIAN REGIONALISM / 167 departments. What more can anybody do? Look at that picture, and now look at this! The present Congress Ministers who are work¬ ing under full provincial autonomy, have abolished a number of schools, raised school fees, taken away some of the facilities for educational advancement enjoyed by the Depressed Classes, levied new taxes, and raised loans. Within eighteen months they have borrowed 4 half crores. Congress Ministers were now openly saying that they did not have administrative experience. The way in which they pass orders, change them, create new appointments, show communal feeling in the matter of such appointments, was well known to the public. Their co-operation with and support of British Imperialism and their pledge to wreck the constitution stood in glaring contrast. [Referring to the introduction of compulsory Hindi, he asked] why, when the Congress Ministry had been closing down schools on the ground that there was no money, when 93 per cent of the people were not literate in their own mother-tongue, the alien lan¬ guage of Hindi should be compulsorily introduced. Did they promise to the voters at any time that they would introduce Hindi? In spite of the fact that any number of public meetings were held protesting against compulsory Hindi, in spite of the fact that nearly 600 persons, including 75 women, had gone to jail, in spite of the fact that great Tamil scholars had pointed out that Tamil language and culture would be greatly affected by Hindi, still there has been no change in the attitude of Government. I ask, is this democracy? The use of the Criminal Law Amendment Act, which they con¬ demned before they took up office, against those who merely shout “Long live Tamil” and “Down with Hindi” and the heavy sen¬ tences and fines imposed on Anti-Hindi volunteers, the ill-treatment meted out to Anti-Hindi prisoners, all these make us exclaim “Is this democracy?”

35 / THE REVIVAL OF THE DRAVIDIAN MOVEMENT In addition to opposing Hindi as the language of the northern, Aryan imperialists, the Justice Party began in 1938 to demand a separate and independent Dravidian state. One of Naicker’s most important assistants in this new anti-Hindi and Dravidistan agita¬ tion was C. N. Annadurai. After Independence, Annadurai broke with Naicker and formed the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (the Dravidian Progressive Federation), which soon became the spear¬ head of the Dravidian movement. The shift in emphasis in the movement after Annadurai joined it is discussed in the following account.

168 / OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING: DRAVIDIAN REGIONALISM Consequently in December 1938, for the first time, the plea was put forward at the Justice Party Convention that Tamilnad should be made a sovereign independent State “directly under the Secretary of State for India.” Thus began the claim of Dravidastan for Dravidians. And henceforth this demand became another fundamental issue of the whole programme of the Movement. The main argu¬ ment in favour of a separate Dravidastan is that the language and culture of the people of the South are radically different from those of the North. It may be admitted that Aryan influence had greatly changed the form and substance of Dravidian culture through these many centuries, but the essential core of Dravidian culture had continued to remain unaffected. This needed not only to be pre¬ served, but given a new lease of life, now that the Dravidian was coming more and more into his own. Unless there was unhampered freedom for self-development there would be no possibility of a Dravidian renascence. For this a separate State was necessary.

Annadurai Joins the Movement This cultural and political demand of the Movement became more pronounced and articulate with the coming into the Movement of the young leader C. N. Annadurai. He was born in Conjeevaram in 1908 and had his early education there. Unlike E. V. Ramaswami Naicker he was an intellectual. He had been through the discipline of an university education in Madras. He had specialized in Eco¬ nomics, and at one time intended to qualify for the bar but later turned to journalism, for which he had a natural flair. As a mem¬ ber of the Justice Party he became interested in active politics and in labour problems. An ardent supporter of the anti-Hindi move¬ ment, he participated in the Self-Respect Movement demonstra¬ tions. However, he became dissatisfied with the Justice Party leader¬ ship because of their loyalty to the foreign Government. So at the Party convention in Salem in 1944 he urged the leaders to take a more open stand of defiance against the British Raj. He was also responsible for changing the name of the party to Dravida Kazhagam. Both these moves were resented by the wealthier nonBrahmin leaders, though they made a powerful appeal to the masses. In any case it led to the withdrawal from politics of the pillars of the Justice Party, and with them was lost all prospects of financial support. The Movement now had to depend on other means of From P. D. Devanandan, The Dravida Kazhagam: A Revolt against Brahminism. (Bangalore: Christian Institute for the Study of Religion and Society, 1960), pp. 10-13. Reprinted by permission of The Christian Institute for the Study of Religion and Society.

OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING: DRAVIDIAN REGIONALISM / 169 raising funds. Here again Annadurai came to the rescue by suggest¬ ing the possibility of benefit dramatic performances. This proved a success not only financially but also in developing a new Tamil literary style.

The Kazhagam and Cultural Renascence Thus the cultural factor came to be underscored and accepted as an important plank in the day-to-day programme of the Movement. Many young people who joined the party, although they possessed little formal education, were encouraged to produce literature, which was partly propaganda and partly an outlet for artistic ex¬ pression. The literary output of a growing number of gifted young leaders of the Dravida Kazhagam Movement has resulted in nothing short of a cultural revival. It has succeeded in initiating a progres¬ sive movement of “new writing” in Tamil, developing a character¬ istic style of expression and vocabulary. Side by side a serious at¬ tempt was made to revive the Tamil classics. In this enterprise the Movement found eager support in non-Brahmin academic centres like the Pachaiappa’s College, Madras, the Annamalai University and the like. In particular the Dravida Kazhagam Movement popu¬ larized the Kural which was made to be more and more their one final source of authority in ethics. The Kural does not lay much store by religion but it does develop a system of ethics which rivals the Brahminic Dharma Shastra. Moreover, the Dravida Kazhagam Movement set about reviving “pure” Tamil words and avoiding the use of all words of Sanskrit origin. Another outcome was the interest taken in literary research. A great deal of scholarly work was done to evaluate Tamil classics with a view to prove that in origin and style they were purely Dravidian. Where Aryan influence had penetrated, its effect had been invariably to lessen their real value and merit.

The Kazhagam as Economic Revolution Annadurai has spoken and written at length, setting forth a scholarly analysis of the economic situation in South India and suggesting a remedy of its ills. Other Kazhagam leaders limit their contribution to platitudes or emotional references to the plight of the farm-labourer and the industrial worker. Annadurai follows closely the Marxist analysis, to which he makes constant appeal. But there are significant deviations. Annadurai divides society into three classes, not two. Between the bourgeois and the proletariat he conceives of a “middle-class” which is neither capital nor labour, but represents the consumers. These consumers, who have a real

170 / OBSTACLES TO NATION-BUILDING: DRAVIDIAN REGIONALISM stake in the capital-labour relationship, should constitute them¬ selves as a people’s court to judge disputes or to arbitrate. They should side with labour rather than capital, for humanitarian reasons. In effect, this is only what Marx had prescribed as the role for the “communists” in relation to the proletariat. But a far more serious deviation is Annadurai’s theory that eco¬ nomic progress is possible only after social emancipation from the thraldom of the Aryans. He dilates at length on the exploitation of the South by North Indians, but the crux of the problem to him is the Brahmin in South India. Therefore he declines to call the wealthy property owner a capitalist, because he may be wealthy to¬ day but poor tomorrow. But the Brahmin is the real capitalist, because he is a capitalist by birth and the vicissitudes of fortune do not affect his opportunity to exploit. Of course the communists also speak of the “born capitalist,” but that is with reference to inheritance of the property of the father by his children. Anna¬ durai’s contention is not against inheritance, but the privileges of caste which confer on a particular group the right to exploit. There is a confusing of issues here. Brahminism is such a strong obsession with him, that it beclouds what might otherwise have been a sober analysis. However, Annadurai does go on to say what should be done in the economic sphere after Brahminism is rooted out. His pattern of reform is socialistic, with an accelerated system of taxation to prevent undue accumulation of wealth in individual hands, stateownership and control of key industries, etc. But he makes a signifi¬ cant addition, viz., the restriction of the market; this in the context of his fear of North Indians will mean preventing North Indians from using the South as their market. At the time of the partition, it is reported, that Ramaswamy Naicker tried to secure the help of Jinnah so that Dravidastan also might be set up simultaneously. But Jinnah refused assistance as it was none of his concern. The British also ignored the Move¬ ment at the time when negotiations were under way to hand over the Government after partition into Indian hands. This was one reason why the Movement boycotted Independence Day Celebra¬ tions.

VI / THE COMING OF INDEPENDENCE

36 / DIRECT ACTION DAY IN CALCUTTA The Cabinet Mission’s plan to preserve India’s unity by permitting the Muslim majority areas to group themselves into semi-autonomous regional units within a federal union represented the last chance for preventing partition. However, Nehru’s statement that group¬ ing probably would not take place, and a new Muslim League in¬ terest in creating a separate state of Pakistan, shattered the possi¬ bility of compromise. On July 27, 1946, the Council of the Muslim League met and declared that, in view of the Congress attitude, the League was withdrawing its acceptance of the Cabinet Mission’s plan. Moreover, the Council announced that the Muslim League would use “Direct Action” “to achieve Pakistan and assert their [.Muslims’] just right and to vindicate their honour to get rid of the present slavery under the British and contemplated caste Hindu domination.” Jinnah proclaimed August 16th as “Direct Action Day.” Direct Action Day led to the worst communal riot yet seen in British Indian history, although the riots during partition in the next year were even bloodier. The American photographer Margaret Bourke-White wrote the following account of August 16, 1946, and its sequel in Calcutta, where 4000 people were killed. August 16 convinced many who had hoped to keep India united after in¬ dependence that partition was inevitable. Nanda Lai’s little “East Bengal Cabin,” at 36 Harrison Road, was located in one of those potential trouble spots where a by-lane of Muslim shops crossed the Hindu-dominated thoroughfare. Nanda Lai was a Hindu and wore the traditional dhoti, twisted diaperlike From Margaret Bourke-White, Interview with India (London: Phoenix House Ltd., 1950), pp. 28-33. Copyright © 1949 by Margaret Bourke-W'hite. Reprinted by permission of Simon & Schuster, Inc. and Laurence Pollinger Limited.

171

172 /THE COMING OF INDEPENDENCE between his legs. A patch of grizzled hair stood out on his walnutcoloured chest, and a narrow silver amulet gleamed on his thin up¬ per arm. Like many Bengalis, he was fairly well educated and spoke a little English. The “East Bengal Cabin,” with its elongated oven fronting the pavement, looked much like an Asiatic version of a Nedick’s stand. The Hindu clerks of the Minerva Banking Corporation opposite were frequent customers, as were the boarders in the “Happy Home Boarding House” near-by. Although Nanda Lai was in the protec¬ tive shadow of these impressive Hindu establishments, the Muslim quarter began just round the corner in Mirzapore Street, too close for security. On the morning of August 16th, Nanda Lai started his oven and set out his tray of sweetmeats as usual. When his little son came out with the jars of mango pickle and chutney, he commented to the child that the streets looked reassuringly quiet. The sacred cows that roam freely through the thoroughfares of Calcutta were sleeping as usual in the middle of the car tracks, and rose to their feet re¬ luctantly, as they always did, when the first tramcar of the day clanged down Harrison Road. It was the sight of that first tram that confirmed Nanda Lai’s fears that this day was to be unlike all other days. Normally it was so crowded that they bulged from the platform and clung to the doorsteps and back of the car. Today there was hardly a passenger on board. Then things began happening so quickly that Nanda Lai could hardly recall them in sequence. But he did remember quite clearly the seven lorries that came thundering down Harrison Road. Men armed with brickbats and bottles began leaping out of the lorries— Muslim “goondas,” or gangsters, Nanda Lai decided, since they immediately fell to tearing up Hindu shops. Some rushed into the furniture store next to the “Happy Home” and began tossing mat¬ tresses and furniture into the street. Others ran toward the “Bengal Cabin,” but Nanda Lai was fastening up the blinds by now, shout¬ ing to his son to run back into the house, straining to bar the windows and close the door. He could hear a pelting sound beating up the street, the ham¬ mering noise of a hail of stones. He was too busy getting the win¬ dows barred to take much notice of the fact that he was hit in several places and his leg and head were bleeding. He managed to get inside by the time the ruffians reached his shop; he could hear them banging against his door as he double-barred it from the inside; then he raced across the inner courtyard.

THE COMING OF INDEPENDENCE / 173 The court was edged with tenements and closed from the outside by a wall. Nanda Lai could hear goondas climbing the wall, shout¬ ing: “Beat them up! Beat them up!” A head rose over the wall, and then several figures started pulling themselves up into view. But by that time some of Nanda Lai’s numerous relatives, who lived in his flat, had taken up a counter-offensive from the terrace and the invaders were driven back under a shower of flower pots. In the breathing spell offered by this successful move, two of his wife’s uncles ran down and helped Nanda Lai build a barricade at the foot of the stairs which would jam shut the door leading to their flat. Whatever benches and tables they could lay their hands on, they piled against the door and at the foot of the stairs. Nanda Lai snatched three bicycles from the vestibule and jammed them in amidst the furniture. Then they all ran up to the top floor of the flat, where the women of the house were huddled in the upper hallway. Nanda Lai peeped cautiously out of a window. Never had he seen the streets so filled with clawing, surging mobs. In front of the Happy Home, some broken rickshaws had been added to the heap of mattresses, and flames were rising from the pile. When the wind shifted the smoke, Nanda Lai could glimpse figures on the bank steps shaking up pop bottles and hurling them into the crowds—the bottles bursting like hand grenades when they landed. Flames were racing through the dress goods swinging from racks in front of the “Goddess of Plenty” dress shop and through the crowded living quarters behind the rows of shops. Nanda Lai suspected that much of this was the organized work of goondas. In India “goondaism” is a profession; goondas abound in a port city such as Calcutta, where they do a brisk trade in smuggling but may also be hired for strike-breaking or religious outbreaks. Later in the morning Nanda Lai climbed to the roof. Looking down, he saw boys, wearing the green arm-bands of Muslim League volunteers, weaving their way through the crowds and heading toward Ripon College. Drawn in a new direction, the entire mob began pressing down Harrison Road toward the college. Like all Indian colleges, Ripon had long been a crucible of seething politics. With the recent emphasis on Hindu-Muslim differences, the religious fanaticism infecting politics had had explosive effects on the stu¬ dents. The violent fighting at the fortress-like base of the college, one street away, was hidden from Nanda Lai’s view, but he could see a desperate battle in progress on the roof. The skirmish centred about the orange, green, and white tri-colour of the Congress Party, which had been raised on the flagpole by Hindu students

174/THE COMING OF INDEPENDENCE early that morning. Through the struggling knots of youngsters he could catch flashes of green as the opposition beat their way to the pole with their own Muslim League flag. Finally the green banner, with its Islamic star and crescent, shot to the top of the pole, and the muddled shouting of the mob below changed to an articulate roar. “Allah ho Akbar(“God is great”)— the slogan which the Mussulman uses impartially in prayer and in battle—swept through the streets. The streets and by-lanes were throbbing with cries of “Jai Hind ” (“Victory to a united India”) from the Hindus, and “Pakistan zindabad.” (“Long live Pakistan”) from the Muslims. Suddenly this clash of slogans was punctuated by a new staccato sound. A rattle of bullets from the window of an apartment opposite the college brought cold terror to the heart of Nanda Lai. Gunfire is rare in Indian riots. A new frenzy swept the throng and the riot over¬ flowed the bounds of Harrison Road. Through the entire city the terror and arson spread, through the crowded bazaars, the teeming chawls and tenements. During the terrible days that followed, Nanda Lai huddled with his family and relatives in the upper hallway. Sometimes bricks and stones crashed through the windows of the outside rooms. The children cried a great deal; they were hungry as well as terrified. One night Nanda Lai had the opportunity to help in the rescue of nine Hindu college girls. He was astonished that one of his Muslim neighbours approached him on this project. He had com¬ pletely forgotten, he told me, that Mussulmans could be benevolent human beings. The evacuation plan was worked out by the pro¬ prietor of the Gulzar Shawl Repair Company, whose back alley adjoined that of the “East Bengal Cabin.” Disguised as Muslims in the burkas with which orthodox Mohammedan women veil them¬ selves from head to toe, the college girls were smuggled through the Muslim quarter and into a Hindu area. The Shawl Repair Com¬ pany provided the burkas, and Nanda Lai’s help was enlisted in this joint humanitarian project because his courtyard connected Muslim and Hindu streets and furnished the girls with a good refuge to don their disguises. On the fourth day Nanda Lai noted the weapons in the street fighting had grown heavier. Soda-water bottles had given way to iron staves, and unfortunately the neighbourhood had a plentiful supply of rails from the fence surrounding the near-by Shraddhananda Park. Finally, as the skirmish of the iron pikes reached its fiercest, a convoy of three military tanks rolled through and machine-gunned

THE COMING OF INDEPENDENCE / 175 the mobs, and along with them the police made their belated ap¬ pearance. The police had refused to come out without military escort. In the past their loyalty had been to the King and they had quelled demon¬ strations in which their own countrymen, both Hindu and Muslim, were demanding Independence, and now they feared their own people might turn against them. When the militia was at last ordered out—and when Muslim and Hindu leaders finally put aside their own differences and made joint appeals—the riots began dying down. When peace returned to Calcutta on the fifth day, the streets were a rubble of broken bricks and bottles, bloated remains of cows, and charred wrecks of automobiles and victorias rising above the strewn figures of the dead. The human toll had reached six thousand according to official count, and sixteen thousand according to unofficial sources. In this great city, as large as Detroit, vast areas were dark with ruin and black with the wings of vultures that hovered impartially over the Hindu and Muslim dead. Thousands began fleeing Calcutta. For days the bridge over the Hooghly River, one of the longest steel spans in the world, was a one-way current of men, women, children, and domestic animals, headed toward the Howrah railway station. Finding the trains could not carry them all, the people settled down to wait on the concrete floor, dividing themselves automatically into Hindu and Muslim camps. Under the gloomy cavern of the depot the Hindu portion of the human carpet was easily recognizable by its white cows, each encircled lovingly by the family to which it belonged. As each train came in, throngs of people scrambled wildly over the gates, hoping to cling on somehow and be carried to villages where they hoped they would be safe. But fast as the refugees fled, they could not keep ahead of the swiftly spreading tide of disaster. Calcutta was only the beginning of a chain reaction of riot, counter-riot, and reprisal which stormed through India for an entire year. The next link in the chain was the Noakhali area in southeastern Bengal. Here in the uncharted recesses of swampy lowlands and hyacinth-choked bayous I talked with Hindus who had abandoned their villages en masse and fled to the river banks. They had strange tales to tell of forced conversion to Islam, of being compelled to throw the images of their gods into the water and to eat the meat of the sacred cow. One woman wept hysterically as she told me how her home was “polluted” by Muslim goondas, who placed raw meat on the window sills.

176/THE COMING OF INDEPENDENCE Gandhi—though he was far too old to endure such hardship—went to Noakhali and tramped on foot through marshes and jungle trying to restore confidence to the villagers. Trade-unions and peasant organizations threw their weight toward unity. It is sig¬ nificant that throughout the worst of the disruption in Bengal, five million Hindu and Muslim sharecroppers campaigned together in the Tebhaga movement for long-overdue land reforms. Wherever there was constructive leadership toward some goal of social better¬ ment, religious strife dwindled to the vanishing point. But between these small islands of Hindu-Muslim co-operation were the burning villages, the blazing fanaticisms. The sparks of Bengal flew westward to the state of Bihar, where Hindus wreaked merciless vengeance on the Muslim minority. The flames of Bihar fanned out to the Punjab and touched off explosions that dwarfed even the Calcutta riots. Months of violence sharpened the divisions, emphasized Jinnah’s arguments, achieved partition. On August 15, 1947, exactly one day less than a year after Nanda Lai had seen direct action break out on his doorstep, a bleeding Pakistan was carved out of the body of a bleeding India.

37 / INDEPENDENCE AND A DEDICATION TO A NEW INDIA Events moved rapidly after Direct Action Day. An interim govern¬ ment of Indian ministers was sworn in in early September 1946 but the Muslim League initially boycotted it to emphasize the Pakistan demand. Prime Minister Atlee invited Jinnah, Nehru, and other leaders to London in December in a last effort to head off partition, but Jinnah and Nehru failed to reach an agreement. Later in December a Constituent Assembly was convened in New Delhi but the League again stayed away. In consequence of the deadlock, Atlee made the historic announcement on February 20, 1947, in which he set a deadline for the transfer of power and virtually conceded partition to the Muslim League. The transfer of power was later announced for August 15, 1947. Large crowds rejoiced in the streets of New Delhi on the evening before Independence Day as Nehru and other Congress leaders went to Parliament to pledge themselves to build a new and better India. At Parliament House, Nehru made the following speech. Nehru was speaking before peo¬ ple knew where the boundaries between India and Pakistan would be drawn and before the migrations of millions and the killing of hundreds of thousands had reached full force.

THE COMING OF INDEPENDENCE / 177 Mr. President, many years ago we had made a tryst with destiny itself. We had taken a pledge, a vow. Now the time has come to redeem it. But perhaps the pledge has not yet been redeemed fully though stages have been reached in that direction. We have al¬ most attained independence. At such a moment it is only appropriate that we take a new pledge, a new vow to serve India and her people. After a few moments, this Assembly will assume the status of a fully free and independent body, and it will represent an inde¬ pendent and free country. Therefore great responsibilities are to devolve upon it. If we do not realise the importance of our respon¬ sibilities then we shall not be able to discharge our duties fully. Hence it becomes essential for us to take this pledge after fully understanding all its implications. The resolution that I am pre¬ senting before you relates to the pledge. We have finished one phase, and for that rejoicings are going on today. Our hearts are full of joy and some pride and satisfaction. But we know that there is no rejoicing in the whole of the country. There is enough of grief in our hearts. Not far from Delhi, big cities are ablaze and its heat is reaching us here. Our happiness cannot be complete. At this hour we have to face all these things with a brave heart. We are not to raise a hue and cry and get perturbed. When the reins of Government have come to our hands, we have to do things in the right way. Generally, countries wrest their freedom after great bloodshed, tears and toil. Much blood has been spilt in our land, and in a way which is very painful. Notwithstanding that, we have achieved freedom by peaceful methods. We have set a new example before the world. We are free now but along with free¬ dom, come responsibilities and burdens. We have to face them, and overcome them all. Our dream is now about to be translated into reality. The task of wresting freedom and ousting the foreign govern¬ ment was before us till now and that task is now accomplished. But up-rooting the foreign domination is not all. Unless and until each and every Indian breathes the air of feedom and his miseries are banished and his hard lot is improved, our task remains un¬ finished. Therefore a large portion of our task remains to be done, and we shall try to accomplish it. Big problems confront us and at their sight sometimes our heart quivers, but, then again, the thought that in the past we have faced many a big problem and we shall do so again, gives us courage. Shall we be cowed down by these? It is not the individual pride and strength that is comforting, rather it is the pride of the country and the nation, and a confidence in people who have suffered terribly for the cause that makes me feel From India, Constituent Assembly Debates, V, 3-5.

178/THE COMING OF INDEPENDENCE bold to think we shall successfully shoulder the huge burden of hardships, and find a solution of these problems. After all, India is now free. That is well and good. At a time when we are on the threshold of freedom we should remember that India does not be¬ long to any one party or group of people or caste. It does not belong to the followers of any particular religion. It is the country of all, of every religion and creed. We have repeatedly defined the type of freedom we desire. In the first resolution, which I moved earlier, it has been said that our freedom is to be shared equally by every Indian. All Indians shall have equal rights, and each one of them is to partake equally in that freedom. We shall proceed like that, and whosoever tries to be aggressive will be checked by us. If anyone is oppressed we shall stand by his side. If we follow this path then we shall be able to solve big problems, but if we become narrow-minded we shall not be able to solve them. I shall read out in English this resolution which I am now putting before you. Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. A moment comes, which comes but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new, when an age ends, and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance. It is fitting that at this solemn moment we take the pledge of dedication to the service of India and her people and to the still larger cause of humanity. At the dawn of history India started on her unending quest, and trackless centuries are filled with her striving and the grandeur of her successes and her failures. Through good and ill fortune alike she has never lost sight of that quest or forgotten the ideals which gave her strength. We end today a period of ill fortune and India discovers herself again. The achievement we celebrate today is but a step, an opening of opportunity, to the greater triumphs and achievements that await us. Are we brave enough and wise enough to grasp this opportunity and accept the challenge of the future? Freedom and power bring responsibility. That responsibility rests upon this Assembly, a sovereign body representing the sovereign people of India. Before the birth of freedom we have endured all the pains of labour and our hearts are heavy with the memory of this sorrow. Some of those pains continue even now. Nevertheless the past is over and it is the future that beckons to us now. That future is not one of ease or resting but of incessant striving so that we might fulfill the pledges we have so often taken and the

THE COMING OF INDEPENDENCE / 179 one we shall take today. The service of India means the service of the millions who suffer. It means the ending of poverty and igno¬ rance and disease and inequality of opportunity. The ambition of the greatest man of our generation has been to wipe every tear from every eye. That may be beyond us but as long as there are tears and suffering, so long our work will not be over. And so we have to labour and to work and work hard to give reality to our dreams. Those dreams are for India, but they are also for the world, for all the nations and peoples are too closely knit together today for any one of them to imagine that it can live apart. Peace has been said to be indivisible; so is freedom, so is prosperity now, and so also is disaster in this One World that can no longer be split into isolated fragments. To the people of India, whose representatives we are, we make appeal to join us with faith and confidence in this great adventure. This is no time for petty and destructive criticism, no time for illwill or blaming others. We have to build the noble mansion of free India where all her children may dwell.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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BIBLIOGRAPHY / 181 Gandhi, Mohandas K. An Autobiography: The Story of My Experiments with Truth. Boston: Beacon Press, 1957. Hardgrave,

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Prakashan, 1965. Harrison, Selig S. India: The Most Dangerous Decades. Princeton: Prince¬ ton University Press, 1960. Heimsath, Charles H. Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964. Irschick, Eugene F. Politics and Social Conflict in South India: The NonBrahman Movement and Tamil Separatism, 1916-1929. Berkeley: Uni¬ versity of California Press, 1969. Isaacs, Harold. India’s Ex-TJntouchables. New York: John Day, 1964. Karve, D. D., ed.

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Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963. Kling, Blair B. The Blue Mutiny: The Indigo Disturbances in Bengal, 1859-1862. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966. Kopf, David. British Orientalism and the Bengal Renaissance: The Dy¬ namics of Indian Modernization, 1773-1835. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969. Kripalani, Krishna. Rabindranath Tagore: A Biography. London: Oxford University Press, 1962. Lewis, Martin D., ed. Gandhi: Maker of Modern India? Boston: D.C. Heath and Co., 1965. Low, D. A., ed. Soundings in Modern South Asian History. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968. Majumdar, R. C. History of the Freedom Movement in India, 3 Vols. Calcutta: Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay. Mason, Philip, ed. India and Ceylon: Unity and Diversity. London: Ox¬ ford University Press, 1967. McCully, Bruce Tiebout. English Education and the Origins of Indian Nationalism. Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1966. Menon, V. P. Transfer of Power in India. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957. Metcalf, Thomas R. The Aftermath of Revolt: India, 1857-1870. Prince¬ ton: Princeton University Press, 1965. Narayan, R. K. Waiting for the Mahatma. London: Methuen & Co., Ltd., 1955. [novel]

182 / BIBLIOGRAPHY Nehru, Jawaharlal. Toward Freedom. Boston: Beacon Press, 1958. Overstreet, Gene D., and Windmiller, Marshall. Communism in India. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1960. Park, Richard L., and Tinker, Irene, eds. Leadership and Political Institu¬ tions in India. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1959. Philips, C. H., ed. The Evolution of India and Pakistan, 1858-1947: Select Documents. London: Oxford University Press, 1962. Rudolph, Lloyd I., and Rudolph, Suzanne H. The Modernity of Tradi¬ tion: Political Development in India. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967. Sayeed, Khalid B. Pakistan: The Formative Phase, 1857-1948. London: Oxford University Press, 1968. Scott, Paul. The Jewel in the Crown. New York: William Morrow and Co., 1966. [novel] Seal, Anil. The Emergence of Indian Nationalism: Competition and Col¬ laboration in the Later Nineteenth Century. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968. Singh, Khushwant. Train to Pakistan. New York: Grove Press, Inc., 1956. [novel] Smith, Donald Eugene, ed. South Asian Politics and Religion. Princeton: University Press, 1968. Smith, Vincent A. The Oxford History of India, 3rd ed. Edited by Percival Spear. London: Oxford University Press, 1958. Spear, Percival. The Oxford History of Modern India, 1740-1947. London: Oxford University Press, 1965. [This is Part III of V. A. Smith’s The Oxford History of India, 3rd ed. Edited by Percival Spear.] Srinivas, M. N. Social Change in Modern India. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967. Tinker, Hugh. South Asia: A Short History. New York: Frederick A. Praeger, Inc., 1966. Wolpert, Stanley A. Tilak and Gokhale: Revolution and Reform in the Making of Modern India. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962.

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