The Poems of Optatian: Puzzling out the Past in the Time of Constantine the Great [Bilingual ed.] 9781350374379, 9781350374416, 9781350374386, 9781350374393, 1350374377

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The Poems of Optatian

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Also available from Bloomsbury A Late Antique Poetics? The Jeweled Style Revisited edited by Joshua Hartman and Helen Kaufmann Epitomic Writing in Late Antiquity and Beyond: Forms of Unabridged Writing edited by Paolo Felice Sacchi and Marco Formisano Symphosius The Aenigmata by T. J. Leary

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The Poems of Optatian Puzzling out the Past in the Time of Constantine the Great Linda Jones Hall

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BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square, London, WC1B 3DP, UK 1385 Broadway, New York, NY 10018, USA 29 Earlsfort Terrace, Dublin 2, Ireland BLOOMSBURY, BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in Great Britain 2024 Copyright © Linda Jones Hall, 2024 Linda Jones Hall has asserted her right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work. For legal purposes the Acknowledgments on p. xiii constitute an extension of this copyright page. Cover image © William Thomas Hall All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc does not have any control over, or responsibility for, any third-party websites referred to or in this book. All internet addresses given in this book were correct at the time of going to press. The author and publisher regret any inconvenience caused if addresses have changed or sites have ceased to exist, but can accept no responsibility for any such changes. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Hall, Linda Jones, 1941- author. | Porfyrius, P. Optatianus, active 325. Poems. 2024. | Porfyrius, P. Optatianus, active 325. Poems. English. 2024. Title: The poems of Optatian : puzzling out the past in the time of Constantine the Great / Linda Jones Hall. Description: New York : Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2024. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2023028771 (print) | LCCN 2023028772 (ebook) | ISBN 9781350374379 (hardback) | ISBN 9781350374416 (paperback) | ISBN 9781350374386 (pdf) | ISBN 9781350374393 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Porfyrius, P. Optatianus, active 325. Classification: LCC PA6641.P88 A2443 2024 (print) | LCC PA6641.P88 (ebook) | DDC 871/.0108--dc23/eng/20230727 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023028771 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023028772 ISBN:

HB: 978-1-3503-7437-9 ePDF: 978-1-3503-7438-6 eBook: 978-1-3503-7439-3

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Dedicated to the memory of Michael James Zwettler (1940–2010), Associate Professor of Arabic, And to the memory of Charles Luther Babcock (1924–2012) Professor of Classics, The Ohio State University

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Contents List of Figures Preface Acknowledgments Note on Text, Translation, and Abbreviations

x xi xiii xvi

Part One Introduction 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Life of Publilius Optatianus Porfyrius Chronology: Dating the poems Themes of the poems Formats and techniques of the poems The library of Optatian Evaluation of the importance of Optatian

1 7 10 15 21 25

Part Two Letters between Constantine and Optatian [Porfyrius] Epistula Porfyrii Epistula Constantini

27 30

Part Three The Poems of Optatian to Constantine Poem 1: Dedicatory poem Poem 2: Plea for mercy and reference to false accusation Poem 3: Inspiration by the Muses to devise the elaborate designs Poem 4: Poem to mark the twentieth anniversary of Constantine’s reign Poem 5: Foreign victories of Constantine and Crispus; hope for a thirty-year reign Poem 6: Military movements of Constantine’s army in Sarmatia Poem 7: Military victories and peaceful arrangements in Sarmatia Poem 8: Constantine’s descent from Claudius Gothicus and blessing of the Lord

35 37 42 46 47 52 59 64

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Poem 9: Victory palm bestowed by Muses and Apollo on Constantine and his sons Poem 10: Praise for the victories of Crispus; descent from Claudius Gothicus Poem 11: Honor for the victories of Constantine, the gentlest and best ruler Poem 12: Constantine as glory of the world and victor in the East Poems 13A and B: Praise of pious Constantine; two reversible poems Poem 14: Constantine as sole pacifier of the whole world, from Italy to the Nile Poem 15: Eulogy for Constantius, the father of Constantine; mostly Roman references Poem 16: Praises for Constantine in Latin; some Greek; references to Africa Poem 17: Winding verse patterns inspired by Vergil; considered inauthentic Poem 18: World-wide victories of Constantine, as a grandfather Poem 19: Wishes for forty years of rule for Constantine; naval victory led by Crispus Poems 20A and B: Paired shape poems; A, the Senate; B, workings of a water organ

69 73 78 81 85 88 92 95 100 102 107 112

Part Four The Poems of Optatian to Other Recipients Poem 21: Dedication to Bassus; playing with of verses Poem 22: Dedication to Bassus; the winding parts of the poem Poem 23: Warning to Marcus that his spouse is unfaithful Poem 24: A poem addressed to the Holy Trinity; considered inauthentic Poem 25: A proteus poem to be read in multiple combinations Poem 26: A poem of praise; altar shape Poem 27: Poem emulating the shape of panpipes Poem 28: Deaths of young male lovers: Iacchus, Endymion, and Adonis Poem 29: One line, bemoaning being shipwrecked by love Poem 30: Derogatory poem addressed to Quintus

117 120 126 128 132 136 139 141 144 146

Contents

Poem 31: Poem of praise to Constantina, daughter of Constantine; inauthentic Notes Bibliography General Index Index Locorum

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147 149 209 223 229

Figures 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8 3.9 3.10 3.11 3.12 3.13 3.14 3.15 3.16 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7

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Poem 2 Poem 3 Poem 5 Poem 6 Poem 7 Poem 8 Poem 9 Poem 10 Poem 11 Poem 12 Poem 13 Poem 14 Poem 16 Poem 18 Poem 19 Poem 20 Poem 21 Poem 22 Poem 23 Poem 24 Poem 26 Poem 27 Poem 31

41 45 51 58 63 68 72 77 80 84 87 91 99 106 111 116 119 125 127 131 138 140 148

Preface In this book, my emphasis is on the literary intentions of the author Publilius Optatianus Porfyrius. Most critics have seen Optatian’s weaving together of numerous quoted words or phrases as only an effort to display his immense learning and have dismissed it as a type of plagiarism and a sign of a lack of creativity. A closer look at his choices reveals that although Optatian is clearly praising the emperor Constantine on the completion of twenty years of rule and military expansion, he is also subversively quoting from writers whose works decried civil war. My method has been to consider the significance of the quoted passages in the notes to each poem as identified by Giovanni (Iohannes) Polara in his classic 1973 edition of Optatian. Optatian amused himself (chiefly) and his friends by his clever creations. His grid poems communicate with three messages: the outer poem; a second poem which is created by the interwoven verses; and a resultant design meant to highlight an important visual message. Thus, in addition to translating the two resulting poems, I have attempted to explore the implication of the designs. In many cases, I agree with previous interpretations; in others, I hope to have found the key to understanding visual cues not explained until now. Because Optatian chiefly wished to please Constantine, many of the designs were based on imperially issued coins. Other types of poems include a few shape poems, a proteus poem, and miscellaneous experimental compositions. As for the thorny issues of chronology and what these poems can tell us directly about events in the reign of Constantine, I have presented the views of such historians as Timothy D. Barnes, Johannes Wienand, and others. As appropriate, I have offered some suggestions which may concur with or differ from these authors. In the Bibliography I focus on the publications that help us understand Optatian, his work, and his relationship with Constantine. The question of Optatian’s religious identity need not concern us over much. Although some poems are marked by the Christian chi-rho, nearly every poem has classically pagan references to Phoebus and the Muses. Many scholars have amply demonstrated that fourth-century authors combined acknowledgment of inspiration from divine [pagan] sources with an increasing appreciation of Christianity as personified by Constantine. xi

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As in my other writings, especially my history of Roman Berytus, Tyre, and Phoenicia, I have tried to listen to ancient voices in the context of their own time. As entertaining and enlightening as the many recent essays on Optatian are, it seems that some modern critics overlay ancient works with new theories of interpretation to the point that they obscure the intentions of the original author. I especially endeavor to consider what Optatian’s words and designs meant to the readers of his own era.

Acknowledgments Every book I write begins with a debt of gratitude to my dissertation committee at The Ohio State University: Dr. Timothy E. Gregory, (Department of History, emeritus), Dr. Charles L. Babcock (Department of Classics, deceased), and Dr. Michael J. Zwettler (Department of Near Eastern Languages and Cultures, deceased). Dr. Zwettler provided the impetus, inspiration, and funding for my initial research into Optatian’s poetry. Due to his own investigation of the Namara inscription, found in Syria and dated to 324, he felt sure that the poet’s references to Arabs and Persians would illuminate the military and diplomatic policies of Constantine in the area, and so he engaged me to translate the various Latin and Greek texts he had come across. Thus, I became intrigued with Optatian as early as 1991. Dr. Babcock mentored me in Late Latin panegyric, which has proven invaluable to understanding Optatian. Debts are owed to both Dr. Francis Newton of Vanderbilt University for the study of Horace and Medieval Latin and to Dr. J. Ward Jones of the College of William and Mary for the study of Vergil and Cicero. I also studied Latin at the University of South Florida in 1990 under Dr. Anna Lydia Motto, the great scholar on Seneca. The debt to Dr. Timothy E. Gregory is an ongoing one, owed for his unflagging encouragement, particularly in his support of my article on the inscription on the Arch of Constantine which was a gateway to my continuing interest in Constantine. Grateful acknowledgment is made to former students at St. Mary’s College of Maryland who worked with me either as advanced Latin students or research assistants to produce early draft translations of the poems of Optatian. First and foremost, gratitude is expressed to Dr. Brendan McCarthy, Frank McGough, and Dylan Cahn, whose enthusiasm encouraged me to believe other readers would enjoy reading Optatian. Later work was carried out by Jacob Bernhardt and Jesse Christopher Folks. Appreciation is owed to Wendy Watkins at The Ohio State Center for Epigraphical and Palaeographical Studies for her unique and invaluable assistance with inscriptions, bibliography, and documents held by the Center. Librarians at St. Mary’s College of Maryland, especially Katherine Ryner, Associate Director of the Library, and Brenda Rodgers, Interlibrary Loans, xiii

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Acknowledgments

provided immeasurable help, especially during the pandemic. Dr. Celia Rabinowitz, the previous Director of the Library, with her deep knowledge of Early Christian Studies, provided a great sounding board before she left for Keene State University. I am also indebted to Dr. Donna Straley and Patrick Visel, previously Middle East librarians at the Thompson Library, The Ohio State University, for sustained encouragement. Dr. Fred Jenkins, Emeritus Associate Dean for Collections and Operations at the Library, and Professor, Department of Religious Studies, at the University of Dayton, offered congenial and learned counsel based on his massive and penetrating knowledge of Late Latin literature. Grateful acknowledgment is made to Linda Ward, Director of User Support Services of the Office of Information Technology at St. Mary’s College of Maryland, and her able staff who kept my computer updated and working. Thanks are extended to Lucy Myers, Sandra Robbins, and Adrienne Dozier of Kent Hall for their assistance in numerous ways. Sandra (Sandy), who died much too soon, would be thrilled to see this project completed; she prepared graphic files of all the poems and created materials for my conference presentations. I appreciate the support of various Chairs of the History Department for attending conferences and hiring research assistants: L. Tom Stevens, Christine Adams, Gail Savage, Tom Barrett, Charles Holden, Charles Musgrove, and Adriana Brodsky. To the audience members of conferences where I have presented papers on Optatian, thanks are offered for their comments and advice: St Andrews University, 2016; The Oxford Research Centre in the Humanities, 2015; Boston University, 2014; Cardiff University, 2014; Penn State University, 2011; The University of Kentucky, 2008; London, 2006; Bates College, Maine, 2003; and San Francisco State University, 2001. Grateful acknowledgement is made to these editors at the Classical Studies list at Bloomsbury Academic: Alice Wright who found the proposal intriguing and started the process, and Lily Mac Mahon and Zoë Osman who patiently and promptly saw me through the shaping and submission of the manuscript. I also wish to thank the anonymous readers who made many useful suggestions. Many thanks are owed to Merv Honeywood and his staff at RefineCatch Limited for patient and thorough attention to the production process. Grateful acknowledgment is made to Professor Giovanni (Iohannes) Polara for his extremely generous permission to reproduce text, notes, and illustrations from his 1973 edition of Optatian. Professor Polara has been unstinting in assisting scholars who rely on his scholarship on this most intriguing Late Antique poet.

Acknowledgments

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Gratitude is also expressed to these publications for permission to reprint some important passages by these authors: Speculum (Willi Apel), the Numismatic Chronicle (R.W. Burgess), Latomus (Ramsay MacMullen), and Archaeopress (Aliza Steinberg). I am also grateful to these colleagues for help with Greek translations: Benjamin Acosta-Hughes, Paul A. Iversen, and Anthony Kaldellis. Appreciation is owed to these scholars who graciously answered key questions: Clifford Ando, Judith Evans-Grubbs, Jill Harries, Julia Hillner, Scott McGill, John Shean, Ellen Swift, and George Woudhuysen. I have used the online article by J. S. Edwards numerous times to explain the attraction of this enigmatic poet; his article, also in Latomus, reminded me that I had committed to publishing this translation. With my husband, William Thomas Hall, I have made many journeys to fascinating places, especially in the Middle East. For this book, I appreciate his support for such a longlasting project, in particular his assistance with the cover and poem illustrations. To my sons, Lars, Eric, and Jonathan, thanks for the experience of being mater trium liberorum and even more for love, patience, and encouragement.

Note on Text, Translation, and Abbreviations The text is that of Giovanni [Johannes] Polara, 1973. Publilii Optatiani Porfyrii Carmina (2 vols). Turin: G. B. Paravia. The translations are my own, unless attributed to another author. The abbreviations for ancient authors and standard reference works are those found in The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 4th ed., or as cited by Polara 1973. Journal abbreviations are those found in L’Année Philologique.

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Part One

Introduction Publilius Optatianus Porfyrius (sometimes Porphyrius, usually Optatian) was a talented aristocratic poet who was a contemporary of the emperor Constantine. The bits of surviving evidence reveal associations with the senatorial class of Rome and a career of public service in both Greece and the city of Rome itself. His poetry was composed for three reasons: to gain release from exile; to flatter Constantine; and to demonstrate an astounding talent for “embroidering” designs in his compositions. In this work, I have three goals: to present an English translation of every poem ascribed to him, genuine or not; to probe both the designs and the phrasing of the poems for insights into Constantine’s career at the twenty-year mark; and to understand the strategies and goals of the poet as he wrote these complex compositions. Since Giovanni (Iohannes) Polara has spent decades stabilizing the text and studying the manuscripts, I will rely on his versions of the text of the poems, as does virtually every other scholar who studies Optatian.1 Polara’s work supersedes the efforts of Lucian Müller and Elsa Kluge, who offered simpler editions.2 Key ground-breaking historical analysis has been done by Timothy D. Barnes, and perceptive literary analysis was achieved by William Levitan; they really stimulated modern attention to Optatian.3 Recently, other scholars, led mainly by Michael Squire and Johannes Wienand, have fostered deeper analysis of his work.4

1. Life of Publilius Optatianus Porfyrius Ancient evidence about the life of Optatian A few epigraphic fragments and historical references inform us about the life of Optatian. Giovanni Polara constructed a very appealing biography of Optatian 1

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The Poems of Optatian

with birth, exile, and death in North Africa. Unfortunately, Polara relied on a source which major scholars have since rejected.5 Therefore, the chronology offered below depends on the few securely attested testimonia,“ancient witnesses,” as well as some slender clues from the poems.

Honorary inscription in Rome Since Optatian’s name is inscribed with those of other men who were perhaps members of a priestly college engaged in building or embellishing a temple or shrine, one may surmise that he was from a similarly prominent family.6 His name is typical of the upper classes in Late Antiquity, but the tria nomina, “three names,” are now a gentilicum, a cognomen, and a signum (or nickname), rather than the praenomen, nomen, and cognomen of earlier periods. As Alan Cameron and Benet Salway have shown, an individual’s last name was now the “diacritic,” or the distinguishing name which was (almost) always used, supplemented by others (often a gentilicium) which usually indicated membership in a particular family or possession of a particular status. George Woudhuysen, in the context of clarifying another person’s name, states that Publilius is the gentilicum, Optatianus is the diacritic, and Porfyrius is the signum or nickname.7 T. D. Barnes has suggested that perhaps Rufius Volusianus and Publilius Optatianus Porfyrius were relatives. He seems to base this proposal on the appearance of the name Publilius in the name of Publilius Caeionius Caecina Albinus, consularis of Numidia from 364 to 367, who was the son of C. Caeonius Rufus Volusianus, praefectus urbi 364–365, and grandson of the elder praefectus urbi of the same name in 315 who is named below. This is an appealing proposal: however, over 500 Publilii are recorded so perhaps the association is only suggestive.8 T. D. Barnes has assigned a date of either 315 or 320 to this inscription honoring important persons who could be either fathers or sons; Johannes Wienand suggests an even earlier date of 310 or 315, based on the documented prominent status of the other dedicatees., two of whom served as priests of the Sun.9 Barnes hypothesized that Optatian was born in the range of dates from 260 to 275, given the typical ages of someone serving in such an organization.10 The inscription is presented below as preserved in CIL 6.41314: ----------Turraniu[s]

[I] Introduction

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Crepereius Publilius Ceionius Rufius [Iu]n(ius) Anicius [Ma]ecilius - - -]pri[- - -] [- - R0. [gatus - - -?] Optatia[nus - - -?] Volusi. [anus - - -?] Pa[ulinus] [Hilarianus - - -?] [- - -]

By combining the research of scholars like Barnes and Wienand, the list can be expanded to show fuller names and important positions held by each individual. [L.] Turraniu[s] . . . . . . . . . . . . . [Gratianus], praefectus urbi 290/291 Crepereius Ro. . . . . . . . . [Rogatus] pontifex Solis Publilius Optatia. . . . [Optatianus] [C.] Ceionius Rufius Volusi. . . . . .[Volusianus] pontifex Solis; consul 311/314; praefectus urbi 310/311, 313–315 [Iunius] . .u]n. Anicius P. . . . . . . . . . . .[Paulinus] consul 325; praefectus urbi 333 [Maecilius] . .c]ilius . . . . . . . . . . . . . [Hilarianus] corrector Lucaniae et Bruttiorum 315; proconsul Africae 324; consul 332 . . . . .pr. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [cannot be read].11

Robert Chenault observes that Gaius Ceionius Rufius Volusianus, while prefect of the city, was probably in charge of overseeing the construction of the Arch of Constantine. Optatian was thus associating with perhaps the most prominent official in Rome at the time of Constantine’s takeover of power. Chenault observes that this same Rufius Volusianus erected an inscription honoring Constantine in language that echoes or predates the phrasing on the Arch.12 Jaś Elsner points out that the Arch, composed of spolia from monuments dedicated to Trajan, Hadrian, and Marcus Aurelius, was designed to commemorate the new ruler’s victory over Maxentius in 312, his decennalia (ten-year anniversary) in 315, and the restoration of the golden era of the second-century “good emperors.”13

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The Poems of Optatian

Exile: nature of and timing Barnes has proposed that Optatianus was exiled in 315, about the same time that Gaius Ceionius Rufius Volusianus fell out of favor with Constantine. If this supposition is true, it shows how quickly a well-placed person could find his life changed.14 Sometimes exile consisted of only being excluded from court at Rome, Trier, or other regional capitals.15 It is unclear which type of exile Optatian suffered, where he could or could not reside, and how long the sentence lasted. As Washburn has shown, multiple levels of banishment are attested by the precise definitions preserved in the Theodosian Code. According to laws issued by Constantine, a person might have been relatively free to travel in the type of exile labeled Relegatio but not in Deportatio. Exile could range from exclusion from one specific place to confinement to only one place, such as an island.16 It is possible that Optatian’s sentence was exclusion rather than total banishment. After all, he seems to have been on friendly terms with Constantine as early as 312 if we accept that date for the correspondence between himself and the emperor.17 Cicero and Ovid, when exiled from Rome, saw their sentence as a living death, and indeed it seems to have become an actual death sentence in some cases, with loss of property and status.18 Yet the very boldness of the poems of Optatian suggests that he had not suffered the final diminution of status that could be inflicted. For example, in Poem 2, the poet boldly says: Respice me, falso de crimine, maxime rector/ exulis afflictum poena; “O greatest ruler, regard me, afflicted with the punishment of exile, [accused] of a false crime.”

Inscription to Optatian in Greece At some point in his career, Optatian served as proconsul of Achaia, as attested by an inscription on a statue base found in Sparta. The poet’s numerous references to Greece in his poems may well express nostalgia for his time spent there or they may display a rich knowledge of Greek culture that would have fitted him for the appointment. The date of his appointment is uncertain; Barnes proposes several dates, including 317 or even 306, due to the idea that it was unlikely that Optatian would have become a governor after his well-attested service as prefect of the city of Rome in 329 and 333.19 The translators of the inscription (Feissel and Philippidis-Braat) place Optatian’s time as governor from 325 to 329. Chastagnol had noted that provincial governorships preceded appointment to prefect of the city. Also, Groag had argued that the governorship of Achaia was only restored to proconsular rank (as in this inscription) after the defeat of Licinius in 324.20 Indeed, Colin Davenport in 2013

[I] Introduction

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drew attention to the title of the “high priest of the Augusti,” and noted that Benet Salway has argued for Constantine’s preference for the term Augustus over Sebastos as a designation for the emperor because the former was more acceptable to Christians.21 Wienand also notes that many scholars support a date of 326–329 for Optatian’s service in Greece.22 The later dates of either 330 or 334 proposed by the discoverer of the inscription (A. M. Woodward) seem unlikely.23 The language of the statue base reveals the respect and perhaps affection of the provincials: The city offers this [statue] to the benefactor in all things and savior of Lacedaimon, a man of clarissimus rank, Publilius Optatianus, who is similar, in his character and actions, nearly equal to Lycurgus near whose statue this is placed. The expense was guaranteed by Marcus Aurelius Stephanus, high priest of the Augusti [imperial cult], of perfectissimus rank, the leader of the city. Ἡ πόλις / τὸν διὰ πάντων εὐεργέτην καὶ σω/τῆρα τῆς Λακεδαίμονος, τὸν λαμ(πρότατον) ἀνθ(ύπατον), / Πουβλίλ(ιον) Ὀπτατιανόν, Λυκούργῳ κατὰ τὸ ἦθος καὶ τὴν / (5) πρᾶξιν ὁμοιοῦσα ἀπ’ ἴσων, ἔστησεν παρὰ τῷ Λυκούργῳ, / προσδεξαμένου τὸ ἀνάλωμα Μάρ(κου) Αὐρ(ηλίου) Στεφάνου, / τοῦ δια(σημοτάτου) ἀρχιερέως τῶν Αὐγούστων, τοῦ / προστάτου τῆς πόλεως.24

Jerome and the entry in the Chronicon Jerome reports that “in the year 329, Porphyrius is set free from exile, having sent an outstanding volume to Constantine”: (a[nno]. 329: Porphyrius misso ad Constantinum insigni volumine exilio liberatur).25 What are we to make of this evidence about the year in which Optatian was released from exile and then seemingly sent immediately to his post in Rome? The answer may simply be that Jerome has the year wrong or that he conflated the awarding of civic offices with the end of exile. In 380, writing his Latin continuation of the Greek Chronicon of Eusebius of 311, Jerome may have been dependent on sources too far removed from the event.26 Wienand and others propose that Optatian was released in 326, based on arguments put forth by Polara and Bruhat.27

Record of his service as prefect of the city in 329 and 333 His re-connection to Rome is more securely dated; he twice served as praefectus urbi, according to the Chronographer of 354, for two brief periods in the years 329 and 333. Barnes reads these dates as September 7 to October 8, 329 and April

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The Poems of Optatian

7 to May 10, 333.28 In these years, Constantine seemed to give more attention to the Council of Nicaea and the eastern capital of Constantinople than to Rome.

Evidence from the poems about the background of Optatian Although several scholars have argued that Optatian had some sort of African connection, it is a difficult theory to prove due to the universality of high Latin usage.29 Barnes notes the Vergilian-inspired references to that locale and its people: Tyrii, Africa, and Carthago, all in Poem 16. Barnes also points to the flourishing literary culture of North Africa, particularly to the success of Nemesianus in the 280s.30 More persuasively, Baldwin notes the appearance of the family name Optatianus in Romano-African inscriptions and the experimentation by African poets with acrostics and the cento format using the hexameters of Vergil.31 A further search of Latin inscriptions empire-wide does reveal that many elite men with the name Optatianus were commemorated in the province of Africa and in parts of Italy as well. An Optatianus is among several men from the Diocletianic province of Byzcena in Africa who honored Crispus and Constantinus Iunior in an inscription found in Rome, dated to 321. It is not Publilius Optatianus but perhaps a relative from the same gens.32 Optatian does cite the work of such writers as Nemesianus and other African authors, but the poet quoted from a wide range of writers, as explained below. Moreover, the appeal of Vergil was so widespread that positive references to Carthage and Africa may or may not be evidence for Optatian’s origin from Africa; any reader of Vergil would emulate such language, as many have argued elsewhere.33 In Poem 22, the identity of the “Sidonian protector,” Sidonii. . . patroni, is ambiguous; he may not be an African at all but a Roman who held high position in Africa. Two possibilities are C. Annius Anullinus who was proconsul of Africa in 312–313, or L. Amnius Manius Caesonius Nichomachus Anicius Paulinus who served as legatus Carthaginis while his father Anicius Julianus (consul, 322) served as proconsul of Africa.34

Optatian’s end of life Because we hear no more about Optatian after these two periods of public service and “honor” in the Roman sense of holding public office, and because no poems by him survive to celebrate the thirtieth anniversary of Constantine in 335, the general consensus has been that either he was dead or definitely no longer in the public eye by that time.

[I] Introduction

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2. Chronology: Dating the poems Traditional dating of the exchange of letters and the gift of the poems Many scholars have attempted to date the poems of Optatian. Barnes in 1975 argued that he and Constantine exchanged letters in November and December of 312, shortly after the emperor gained control of Rome. Barnes suggested that in 324 Optatian presented Constantine with a book which included Poems 1–16, 18–20, with the doubled 13A and 13B counting as two compositions; this gift led to Optatian’s recall in early 325.35 Wisely, Barnes set five key events in the reign of Constantine to consider in dating the poems of Optatian: 1. March 1, 317: the investiture of Crispus and the younger Constantine as Caesars; 2. Summer 324: defeat of Licinius at Hadrianople, July 3, and at Chrysopolis, September 18; 3. November 8, 324: elevation of Constantius to Caesar; 4. July 25, 325, celebration of Constantine’s vicennalia for a month in Nicomedia; 5. July 25, 326, celebration of Constantine’s vicennalia for a month in Rome; 6. Spring or early summer, 326, execution of Crispus while the court traveled to Rome.36 Several difficulties arise in dating the composition of the poems and their delivery to Constantine. Regnal anniversaries of Constantine and his sons the Caesars are referred to and must be calculated. Known military successes, especially over Licinius, as well as references to Crispus who was executed, must be accounted for in the dating. Also, the ambiguity surrounding the dates that Optatian was in exile and in Greece must be considered.

Revisionist dating proposals Johannes Wienand has spent many years studying the work of Optatian. His latest available chronology appeared in 2017 and revised some of his earlier reconstructions.37 As he works toward a proposed comprehensive German translation and commentary, Wienand has suggested a new timeline for the career of this Roman aristocrat turned apologist and poet. Wienand suggests that an initial letter to Constantine has been lost; thus, in his view, the introductory

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The Poems of Optatian

letter of Constantine praising Optatian’s technique is in response to that hypothetical first letter, and Optatian’s response is really his second letter to Constantine. This hypothesis, which reverses the order of letters found at the beginning of most manuscripts, is fascinating but impossible to substantiate.38 Wienand makes an innovative suggestion that Optatian presented a draft codex of only a few poems (1, 2, 3, 6, 7, 14, 19, and 20) to the emperor and by this means obtained release from exile.39 Wienand notes that Constantine’s Sarmatian victory was celebrated at Sirmium in 322, from November 25 to December 1, so he dates Poem 7 to this period.40 Wienand then argues that because the poem implies Optatian is in exile at the time of composition, the beginning of his exile can be dated to late autumn of 322 or winter of 322/323. This is much later than the date of 315 proposed by Barnes who links the poet’s exile with that of Volusianus, at the hands of the Senate. Wienand had previously accepted Barnes’ theory of joint exile in 315.41 Wienand proposes that Optatian subsequently presented a more elaborate and fuller volume; whether it included the Crispus poems is unclear, but their preservation suggests that at some time they were sent to the emperor. The hypothesis of a second gift volume to Constantine solves the seemingly contradictory description of the poems as written only in black and red ink, but then subsequent references to them as richly ornamented with purple ink. Wienand suggests that the original gift volume may have excluded several poems, such as 8, 10, 16, 21, and 23, which predate the poet’s exile. He also excludes Poem 18 from the presentation book because it was composed after exile. Other poems which were not addressed to Constantine include 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, and 30 and so are unlikely to have been sent to the emperor. Although Poems 11, 12, 13, and 16 are carmina cancellata addressed to Constantine, Wienand thinks they are not sufficiently elaborate to be included in an elegant gift collection. The other poem addressed to Constantine, 15, is not a carmen cancellatum. Poems 17, 22, and 24 are usually excluded from Optatian’s corpus; it is certain that Poem 31 is not his work. Wienand limits this hypothetical gift volume in 326 to only a few elaborate and non-problematic poems (1, 2, 3, 6, 7, 14, 19, and 20).42 As Terence said, quot viri tot sententiae, “however many men there are, just so many opinions exist.” Raymond Van Dam also supports the idea of separate presentations of poems. He hypothesizes that Optatian, using the services of a calligrapher, presented a highly decorated poem to Constantine, perhaps as early as 312. Van Dam also supports the idea of a lost letter and a less attractive volume sent to Constantine when he was in exile. Such a volume would have included the first twenty poems but not Poem 17, which is a later insertion.43

[I] Introduction

9

The manuscript tradition of the poems in the Middle Ages An examination of both the chronology and contents of the surviving manuscripts will illuminate the dating proposals given below. As Giovanni (Iohannes) Polara has noted, the earliest manuscripts containing the poems of Optatian are datable to the eighth or ninth century. This is not an uncommon situation in the preservation of lesser Latin authors but suggests that continued copying and losses of the text complicate both the dating and accuracy of the final versions. In 1971, Polara published a study devoted to this topic: Ricerche sulla tradizione manoscritta di Publilio Optaziano Porfirio. Then two years later he published the standard two-volume study of the poet, with all commentary and paraphrases entirely in Latin, Publilii Optatiani Porfyrii Carmina. In 2004, he published an Italian translation of Optatian, Carmi di Publilio Optaziano Porfirio, which shortens the list of manuscripts somewhat. This list of the manuscripts, with sigla, is given in the 1973 edition. The age of the manuscripts is also indicated, based on the Latin list in the 1973 edition.44 In my commentary on each poem, the manuscripts and variant spellings (according to Polara’s text of 1973) will be listed in the notes to the Latin text. B codex Bernensis 212, ninth century P codex Parisinus Lat. 2421, ninth century E codex. Eporediensis LXX, ninth century T codex Berolinensis Phillippicus 1815, eighth–ninth century R codex Vaticanus Reginensis 733, tenth century J codex Trecensis bibliothecae municipalis 746, sixteenth century Q codex Parisinus 7806, thirteenth–fourteenth century W codex Augustaneus 9 Guelferbytanus, sixteenth century M codex Monacensis Latinus 706a, sixteenth century F codex Bernensis 148, sixteenth–seventeenth century H codex Bruxellensis 10260–63, eleventh century A codex Bernenensis 207, ninth century C codex Parisinus Latinus 8071, tenth–eleventh century G codex Gesoriacensis 189, eleventh century L codex Leidensis M.L.V.O. 15, thirteenth century S codex Sangellensis 397, ninth century N codex Monacensis 19413, tenth–eleventh century D codex Parisinus 8069, tenth–eleventh century V codex Vaticanus Latinus 639, eleventh–twelfth century I codex Leidensis Voss. Misc. 21, fifteenth-seventeenth century p codex deperditus Pithoei j codex deperditus Iureti y apagrahon Iureti

10

The Poems of Optatian

Polara presented this table, next page, to make several points. First, the poems do not appear in the same order in all manuscripts. Second, the most commonly recurring order was 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, Ep.P., Ep.C., 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, etc. Third, Poem 4 appears in only one manuscript. The letters between Constantine and Optatian (Porfyrius) appear in over slightly half of the manuscripts.

Proposed dating of the poems The recurring sequence of poems and letters in manuscripts B, P, E, T, and R seems to offer some clues as to their appearance in a final volume which may not correspond to the actual dates of composition. Wienand suggests that the collection would include Poems 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 20 and both epistles. Based on key references, he would date Poem 8 to 317 or 321 and Poem 10 to 320/321 (Crispus’ victories), Poems 6 and 7 to 323 (Sarmatian victory), Poem 3 to 324/325 (victory over Licinius), and Poems 1, 2, 5, 9, 20 to 325/326 (vicennalia celebrations). The epistles he would date to 319/321.46

Dating of the delivery of the poems When were these poems delivered? Wienand supports the date of July 15, 326 at the conclusion of twenty-year anniversary celebrations (vicennalia perfecta). Kluge had suggested the beginning of the celebrations (vicennalia incipienta) in 325.47 A date prior to the execution of Crispus in 326 seems preferable; the hacking of his name from various inscriptions substantiates that he definitely suffered damnatio memoriae.48

3. Themes of the poems The language of panegyric and imperial virtues The poems that Optatian wrote to celebrate Constantine and his successful reign of twenty years echo the phrasing of panegyric by praising imperial virtues. In fact, the subtitle of his collection of carmina is Panegyricus. The practice of honoring the emperor with a speech of praise goes back to the panegyric to Trajan delivered by Pliny.49 Pliny repeatedly addressed Trajan as Princeps, most strikingly in his opening: “For indeed what is a more permanent and more beautiful gift of the gods, than a prince [who is] chaste, and holy and most similar to the gods?”50 Petra Schierl and Cédric Lämmle also compare the work of

[I] Introduction

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Table of manuscripts and the order in which the poems appear.45 B1

P

p E

15 13 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 3 3 3 3 5 5 5 5 6 6 6 6 7 7 7 7 8 8 8 8 9 9 9 9 20 20 20 Ep.P. Ep.P. Ep.P. Ep.C. Ep.C. Ep.C. 10 10 10 14 11 11 11 11 12 12 12 12 13 13 13 14 15 16

14 15 16

25 21

25 21

14 16 21 25

Qmarg. T

R

J

M

Q

15

2 3 5 6 7 8 9 (20)

10 (11) 12 15 14 16 21

1 2 3 5 6 7 8 9 20 Ep.P. Ep.C. 10 25 12 21

16 15 13 14 11

1 2 3 5 6 7 8 9 20 Ep.P. Ep.C. 10 12 21 25 15 16 13 14 11

1 2 Ep.P. 3 Ep.C. 5 6 6 7 7 8 8 9 16 20 21 14 10 10 12 25 11 12 9 21 20

26 1 15 19 3 2 16 21 12

16

27 23 13

13 14 11 5 2 3

24

W

B2

Ep.P. Ep.C. 1 26

4 18 17 22 26 27 23 25

15 19 3 2

12 11 24 16

14 8 5

22 18 9 10 6

21 27 23 13 5 14 8 22 18 9 10 6 20a 7

7 11 20 20 Ep.P. Ep.C. 25 25

12

The Poems of Optatian

Optatian to imperial panegyric and trace the traditional venues for praising an emperor on a specific occasion.51 Particularly striking are the similarities in language between three of Optatian’s poems (5, 9, 10) and the Panegyric of 321 delivered in Rome by Nazarius, ostensibly for the upcoming quinquennalia of Constantine’s sons Crispus and Constantine II, paired with the celebration of Constantine’s reign of over fifteen years. A close study of Nazarius’ oration reveals not only his imitation of Pliny’s panegyric to Trajan but also many allusions to the writings of Cicero, Seneca, and Vergil.52 Nazarius refers to Constantine as “our prince,” “the greatest prince,” a “divine prince,” and one who is both “most outstanding” and “most kind.”53 Nazarius foresees even more anniversaries for Constantine; vicennia and even tricennia are foretold.54 Optatian celebrates these very anniversaries in three poems. In Poem 5 he has painted the vicennia in his designs (XX) and speaks twice of his wish for tricennia for Constantine.55 Although Poem 9 has no designs for XX, Poem 10 virtually begs for numerous tenth anniversaries multiplied many times over. These similarities raise some questions about Optatian’s whereabouts at that time. In 321, he may have been in Rome to hear the actual oration given or he may have seen the text circulated at Trier or elsewhere.

Geographical regions To be a member of the Roman Empire, even in Late Antiquity, might well mean that writers would attempt to be “citizens of the world” who could “pass” for Roman anywhere.56 For example, Ammianus Marcellinus tells us little more about himself other than he is a “soldier formerly and a Greek,” miles quondam et Graecus (31.16.9) as he reports on military engagements as far apart as Persia and Germany. Furthermore, he set himself the task of writing in Tacitean Latin to be universally read by citizens of the oikoumene, while finding the actual inhabitants of Rome sadly lacking in nearly every respect of culture and refinement.57 It is not surprising that a poet like Publilius Optatianus Porfyrius conceals his origins behind the literary conceits of a court panegyrist. His geographical references can be divided among several categories: Greece, with the inspiration of Apollo and the Muses under various names; Rome, which is usually referred to as Ausonia and the home of the Quirites; and exotic locales in both Europe and the East which have succumbed to the armies of Constantine and his sons. Although geographical allusions are numerous, they reveal nothing of the writer or his community of origin. Universality of power is the organizing topos in these poems. Optatian makes clear that whole world, orbis [terrarum], is the

[I] Introduction

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stage for Constantine’s exploits (Poems 2, 3, 8, 9, 12, 13ab, 14, 15, 16, and 20a). He also refers to the innumeras gentes, “the innumerable tribes or nations” (Poem 12), populi, “peoples” (Poem 13), the mundus, “the world” (Poems 13 and 15), and pars. . .Poli, “part of the Pole” (Poem 11). Greece: The multiple allusions to Greek deities and regions surpass those to other personages and areas. By larding the poems with Hellenophile allusions, Optatian appears cosmopolitan, not regional. Reference to the Muse/s are generalized (Poems 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7. 9, 10, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20ab. 21, 22, 25), as well as specific to Calliope (Poems 2, 3, 4, 10, 19, 21), to Clio (Poems 9, 18, 20ab, 22), to Thalia (Poems 1 and 2), and to the Castalides (Poem 9). Even the term for “Museborn,” Musigenus, is coined (Poem 6). The references to Apollo are numerous but frequently oblique; the name of Phoebus is the most used epithet (Poems 3, 5, 6, 7, 9, 16, 1, 20ab, 21, 26). Other names include Delius from Delos (Poems 3, 18), Pythius from the Pythian priestess at Delphi (Poems 19, 21, 26) and Clarius, derived from Claros, an important oracular site on the coast of Anatolia that was as famous as Delphi and Didyma (Poems 3, 19). Other ways of alluding to Apollo include the adjective Apollineus (Poem 22), and references to his sister Eos, goddess of the dawn (Poems 5, 12, 14, 27). Other Greek deities mentioned include Titan (Poem 5), Tethys (Poem 5), and Hyperion (Poem 11).58 Woodland deities, such as fauns, Pan, nyads, dryads, and satyrs all appear in Poem 27. The imported deities of Attis and Cybele also appear in Poem 27. Optatian refers to many geographical features of Greece, such as the Pegasean spring on Mt. Helicon (Poem 3), Mt. Helicon (Poems 3, 4, 9, 19, 26), Mt. Olympus (Poem 3), Mt. Ida (Poem 27), the island of Paros (Poem 26), Cirrhaea, the port of Delphi (Poem 4), the Pierian spring in Macedonia (Poems 5, 9), the Aonian spring (Poems 17, 20ab), and the Castalian fountain at Delphi (Poems 7, 9, 10, 21). The region of Aonia, either a district of Boeotia or Boeotia itself, figures prominently (Poems 3, 10, 17, 18, 20ab) and gives its names to the Aonides (Poems 3, 9, 22), another term for the Muses. This detailed knowledge of the landscape suggests close contact with Greece, either as a traveler, an official, or a well-read dilettante. Rome: Optatian persists in using Roman mythological references in his poetry. He was, after all, a close colleague of two men who had served as pontifex Solis, “priest of the Sun.”59 Also, such embracing of pagan references was maintained for many years among the literati of Rome.60 Optatian alludes to inspiration from multiple sources: Roman spring deities, the Camenae, who are the equivalent of the Muses, are frequently mentioned (Poems 3, 5, 6, 9, 10, 21, 22, and 26).61 Other Roman divinities are mentioned:

14

The Poems of Optatian

Mars has pride of place (Poems 2, 5, 7, 8, 19, 20ab, and 28); Jupiter is called Tonans, the “Thunderer” (Poems 12, 24). Sol and Janus appear in Poem 18. Bacchus is mentioned also (Poem 27), as is a Lar (Poem 11). Female deities include Venus (Poems 28, 29), Ceres (Poem 12), the Parcae, fates (Poem 2), and Fama (Poem 8). These choices appear very Vergilian as is signaled by the term Musa Maronis (Poem 17). General terms for divinities include deus (Poem 7) and numen (Poems 7, 10, 13ab). Although Poem 16 is one of three bilingual poems Optatian wrote (16, 23, and 19), it also abounds with references to Rome and Italy. The references to Rome seem historical rather than mythical. Roma receives frequent mention (Poems 2, 4, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15, 18, and 19) as do related terms such as Romanus (Poems 11, 15, and 16), Romulus (Poems 7, 18, and 19), Romuleus (Poem 16), and Romulidae (Poem 15). The ancient word for “citizens,” Quirites, is used (Poem 16). Vergilian synonyms for Rome and Italy appear: Latium (Poems 18 and 19), Latiales (Poem 18), and Latinus (Poem 18). Italy as a western land is referenced by Ausonius (Poems 7 and 15), and by its inhabitants Ausonidae (Poem 7). Etruscans are implied by Tusci (Poem 18). The North: References to the North are more robust: omnis ab Arctois plaga finibus horrida Cauro, “from the northern borders, every region shivering with the northwest wind” (Poem 16). Barnes suggests that this poem praises Constantine’s victories in Italy, Africa, and “the horrid North” in 322.62 The North is referenced again in Poem 18: Arctos as “the North or Northern peoples” and Thyle/Thule, famed as the farthest point north.63 Additional allusions to fierce barbarians appear: Getae, “the Goths”; Armenius; Dacia; Franci, “the Franks” (also in Poems 5 and 10); Rhenus, “the Rhine” (also in Poem 5, along with the Rhodanus, “the Rhône”): and Sarmata, “Sarmatia,” in Poems 6, 7, and 18) along with the key locations of Campona, Margum, and Bononia (Poems 6 and 7).64 The Rubicon as the “boundary river between Italy and Gaul” appears as well (Poem 19). The East: Numerous references to the Orient praise Constantine for his defeat of Licinius: Oriens (Poems 5 and 13ab), orbis Eoi, “the world of the dawn” (Poem 14), supplex. . .Syene, “suppliant Syene” [on the Nile] (Poem 14), oris undique rubri litoris, “shores of the Red Sea” (Poem 14), Medus (Poems 5, 14, and 18), Arab (Poems 5 and 14), Indus and India (Poems 5, 14, 18), Nilus as Nileus (Poems 14 and 18), Aethiopes, “Africans” (Poems 5 and 14), and Parthus, “the Parthian” (Poems 5 and 14), Persica confinia,“Persian borders” (Poem 5), supplices Persae, “suppliant Persians” (Poem 14). Additional exotic locales include iuga Nysia referring to “African mountains” (Poem 18). In Poem 19, there are multiple

[I] Introduction

15

Eastern references: Gazza, “treasury of Persia” (?); Blemmyicus, “Nubian nomad”; Myseus, “someone from Mysia, on the coast of Asia Minor”; mare Sigaeum, “the Sigaean sea, opposite Troy”; and Noctifer, “bringer of night, evening star, Venus or Mercury.” The overall theme is the reunification of the empire by the defeat of Eastern enemies (i.e., Licinius). Such universal triumphalism called for world-wide vocabulary of praise and precluded localism. Even the future capital of Constantinople is signaled by references to decus Ponti, soror Roma, “the ornament of the Pontus, a sister Rome” (Poem 18) and altera Roma, a “second Rome” (Poem 5).

4. Formats and techniques of the poems Meter Optatian’s favored meter, dactylic hexameter, is used in the great majority of his compositions (2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8 body, 9, 10 body, 11 body, 12, 14 body, 16, 17, 18, 19 body and some of the intexti, 20 body, 21 body, 22 body, 23 body, 24 body, 25, 27, and 31.) He also uses elegiac couplet in several works: 1, 4, 28, 30, and the first four lines of the intexti of Poem 8. A fuller discussion is found in the introduction to each poem. Varied meters are employed in other poems, especially those written under Greek influence. For example, in Poem 26, every line is an iambic tetrameter, with the variation in line length produced by changing the number of letters in each line.65 In Poem 20, the water organ design is created using both hexameters and iambic dimeters.66 In a few instances, the experimental nature of meter is explored in the interwoven verses while keeping the body in dactylic hexameters. So fittingly, in Poem 22 in which Optatian “played” with his friend in a competitive composition, the first two lines are dactylic hexameter, lines 3–6 are iambic trimeter, lines 7–10 are trochaic dimeter, and lines 11–14 are adonic.67 In some poems, the metrical effects are quite spectacular. In Poem 15, Levitan credits a scholiast for noticing that each of the first five lines has more syllables than the last. Other lines can be read in reverse. Parts of speech are played with as well. Optatian sought dazzling effects and he succeeded.68

16

The Poems of Optatian

The ludic tradition in Greek and Roman writing Even apart from the literary traditions in Greece and Rome which certainly influenced Optatian, there was the idea of “playing” with language, by creating palindromes, acrostics, and gameboard layouts. The most famous palindrome was the reversal of ROMA and AMOR. Thomas Habinek and Nicholas Purcell have observed that ordinary Romans loved wordplay in multiple settings. Lusoriae tabulae (“playful tablets”) follow the pattern of six words of six letters each and are found all over the Roman world.69 A particularly relevant example comes from the third century: PARTHI BRITTO LVDITE (Parthians Briton Play

OCCISI VICTUS ROMANI slain conquered Romans)70

Acrostics were popular and usually were made by reddening or otherwise marking the first letter of each line of poetry. Even Vergil enjoyed the simple pleasure of signing his name by marking out the first two letters of some lines; Publius Vergilius Maro became MA VE PU in the Georgics 1, 427–35.71 Purcell and others have accumulated numerous examples of this sort of simple acrostic which appeared also in Greek.72 But none of these poets approached the complexity of the designs achieved by Optatian. Late Antique poets enjoyed puzzling their readers with enigmata (“riddles”), epigrams (usually in epitaphs), figural poems, and cento poems (“quilts” assembled with bits of quotes from classical authors, especially Vergil).73 The shared education of Latin speakers in authors like Ovid, Vergil, and Catullus assured the composers that their readers and listeners would grasp the allusions and variations on old themes. Several authors have noted the resemblance of some of Optatian’s poems to the gameboards which were laid out in a grid of thirty-six letters by thirty-six letters. Interestingly, Optatian either stops at thirty-five lines down or slightly exceeds that number in the longer poems. But it well may be that the poet was signaling to the reader that he could zigzag through the poem like a player playing latrunculi, “little robbers.” Although it is not clear what moves were allowed on these gameboards, seemingly the rules resembled those of chess, a stylized war game. See the discussion of Poems 6 and 7 for a fuller exploration of these ideas.74

[I] Introduction

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Hellenizing conventions Optatian reveals his immersion in Greek culture which is then transmitted in sophisticated Latin poetry that strongly suggests it was composed by a native speaker of the Roman language. It is unlikely that a native Greek would have held the governorship of Achaia or have become the urban prefect of Rome twice. Thus, the donning of the Greek style is a literary device. Furthermore, although there is literary posturing in crediting his inspiration to Apollo and the Muses, he also forefronts the Christian symbol of the chi-rho which dominated the page of all the poems so marked. But even the use of this symbol is presented in Greek, and not with other, more Latin, symbols such as the cross or the fish. Optatian also mimicked Hellenistic figure poems by writing what we would call “shape poems,” of which the outside perimeter imitates an altar, panpipes, or a water organ. Michael Squire has observed both the imitativeness of this process as well as the unique creativity of the figure poems.75 In other poems, Optatian substituted letters like K for C and signaled that the interwoven verses, although written in the Latin alphabet, were to be read in Greek. Marie Okáčová points out that this communication in both Greek and Latin in three poems (16, 19, and 23) is unique to Optatian. She argues that no one writing before him or concurrently with him used this technique which involved simultaneously seeing the same letters as belonging to two different alphabets.76

Grid poems with intexti designs “Grid poem” is a term coined by Michael Squire, but it is an obvious description of the favored layout in most of Optatian’s poems.77 Such poems are also known as carmina cancellata. The grid Optatian prefers is thirty-five letters across and thirty-five letters down. Michael Squire and Christopher Whitton count ten poems in this regular format, with five additional ones diverting slightly from this arrangement. Sometimes the poems have more lines, sometimes fewer.78 Woven into the text are highlighted letters which form not only a design but also a second poem, called intexti versus, “interwoven verses,” by Optatian himself.79 Squire and Whitton attribute this gridding of the letters, almost like that on a sheet of graph paper, to the influence of the Greek scribes who laid out a stoichedon, a square matrix to keep the letters of an inscription neatly aligned.80 Körfer has suggested gameboards as the inspiration for these designs.81

18

The Poems of Optatian

Houghton, in his study of the Latin Bible, observed that the usual unit for measuring the length of Latin texts was equivalent to one line of hexameter verse, as set by Vergil.82 Thus, it may have seemed appropriate to Optatian to “square up” his design by matching length and width of his text.

Numerical design poems celebrating anniversaries of Constantine’s family The offering of vota, or “vows,” had a long history as favor-seeking prayers on behalf of the emperor, going back to the time of Augustus who had explicitly requested the prayers of the Roman populace for his health.83 According to Res Gestae 9, Augustus records that “the Senate has decreed that prayers for my health be undertaken through the [actions of] the Senate and the priests in the fifth year also.”84 This offering of vota became a traditional practice which was embraced especially by Constantine, who cast himself as the new Augustus. Coin issues for the various anniversaries of the emperor Constantine and the Caesars bear the key word VOTA (abbreviated VOT). Optatian incorporated VOT[A] and numbered anniversaries into the designs of his poems. Elizabeth DePalma Digeser has further clarified the significance of the people of Rome offering prayers on behalf of Constantine to his God. In the Edict of 311, issued jointly by Galerius and Constantine, citizens of every religion, including Christianity, were urged to pray for the Res Publica as well as for the health of the rulers. Lactantius reports: “Wherefore, for this our indulgence, they ought to pray to their God for our safety, for that of the republic, and for their own, that the republic may continue uninjured on every side, and that they may be able to live securely in their homes.”85 Thus, after 311 prayer could be substituted for sacrifice as a mark of loyalty to the government. Digeser argues that this new policy enabled both Christians and Neoplatonists to be accepted by the governing officials.86 Designs that create one large letter “X” or multiple “X”s are the most common motif. The letter “X” is used in poems celebrating decennalia (“ten-year celebrations”), vicennalia (“twenty-year celebrations”), wishes for tricennalia (“thirty-year celebrations”), or even more decades of imperial rule. The letter “V” is used as well for quinquennalia (“five-year anniversaries”) or to signify the “palm of victory.” Celebration of anniversaries, such as the quinquennalia, had been recorded since Livy.87 From the time of Dio, the emphasis was on the decennalia.88 R. W. Burgess explains the significance of these anniversary celebrations:

[I] Introduction

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On his accession, an emperor undertook vows for five and ten years of successful rule; at the beginning of his fifth year, he would discharge his vows and undertake further vows for another five years of rule. This ceremony was repeated at the beginning of each fifth year, with vows in the fifteenth, twenty-fifth, and thirtyfifth years for five years and those in the tenth, twentieth, and thirtieth years for ten years. On the dies imperii itself members of the comitatus, civil servants, military commanders, and even the general populace received donatives and largess amid circus games, theatre performances, parades, and other festivities, usually concentrated in the emperor’s city of residence.89

The letter “I” seems to celebrate multiples of one-year anniversaries, perhaps for the younger Caesars. The most obvious presentation of these numerical motifs marks Poem 5: AVG XX, CAES X. However, because the “A” of both Augustus and Caesar is represented by an inverted “V,” there is a signal for marking quinquennia as well. There is a strong correlation between these numerical designs and the markings on coins to celebrate these anniversaries. Since the coins advertised political events and personages, they were recognizable by all elements of the populace. Indeed, at the quinquennalia anniversaries, the emperor was expected to make a sizeable donative of five solidi to each soldier who no doubt anticipated this event with enthusiasm.90 See the discussion of Poems 3, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, and 18 for a full explanation of the details of numerical symbolism.

Chi-rho designs This is the accepted Greek abbreviation of Christos, being the first two letters of his name. These poems are among the most discussed of Optatian’s compositions. Surely the contrast between the many mythological references and the visual Christian iconography is both intriguing and perplexing. One point to consider is that in his poems, the chi-rho is composed of a giant “X” and a “P” made by juxtaposing both a “V” and an “I” so that even in these poems, there are numerical references to various anniversaries of the family of Constantine. The design that Constantine commissioned for his army’s shields before the Battle of the Milvian Bridge is described by Lactantius: transversus X littera, summo capite circumflexo, Christum in scutis notat, “by means of a slanted X with the top of the head bent round, he marked Christ on their shields.”91 Noel Lenski has traced the appearance of the chi-rho on the coinage of Constantine and re-dates the issuance of the Ticinum medallion to 321, the same year as the quinquennial (fifth) anniversaries of the Caesars Crispus and Constantine II and the

20

The Poems of Optatian

quindecennial (fifteenth) anniversary of Constantine.92 See the individual discussions of Poems 8, 14, and 19 for the use of this symbol; Poem 24 appears to be a late imitation.

Imperial, senatorial, and military motifs Several poems are ornamented by enclosing phrases in lines resembling stripes moving vertically, horizontally, or even on the diagonal. Just as elite members of society were readily identifiable in any Roman crowd due to their elaborately decorated garments, perhaps Optatian is imitating such distinctiveness through the designs of the poems so marked. The poet may even be reminding the Romans of victory titles on placards carried in triumphal processions. The importance of purple stripes on either toga or tunic as markers of senatorial or imperial status is unquestioned. Costume of the fourth century is well represented in the Vatican Vergil which has been dated to perhaps the year 400. In the illustrations of this manuscript, Aeneas is dressed in some scenes as a soldier or a Trojan, but in other scenes like a Roman official. Judith Sebasta carefully points out that Aeneas is portrayed in some images as a Roman emperor with a doublestriped tunic although it is topped by a paludimentum. Such attire might well match the designs of Poems 11, 13, and 16 which are discussed at their respective places in this volume.93 Poem 12 may also feature a design based on imperial motifs. Poem 31 is a late work imitative of the designs of the genuine poems. Poem 2 may represent a vexillum, a “banner,” or the layout of an army camp. Although Squire and Wienand read the design of this poem as an equal-sided cross;94 the intersecting axis could just as readily be seen as the crossing of major thoroughfares (Decumanus Maximus and the Cardo Maximus) in a Roman city. Perhaps, given the military motifs in other poems, this design represents the layout of a Roman army camp. Of interest is that within each of the four boxes formed by the intersection within a square border, there is the letter/number “I” in the center of each smaller box; this may suggest early anniversaries of the Caesars.

Poems to dedicatees, both praise and blame; considered early poems Poems 21 and 22 are dedicated to Bassus. Poem 21 looks like an unfinished border, composed of two diamonds preceded by a half-diamond. Optatian himself calls it a star in process and refers to the chains of the design which seemingly emulates patterns common in floor mosaics. Poem 22 features a

[I] Introduction

21

design with the overall effect of a trellis, constructed of four rows of “X”s down and four rows of “X”s across. Poem 23 is directed to a Markos, and the design is a giant M.

Poems in other formats Shape poems, which imitate Greek models When viewed together, Poems 20a and 20b present the image of an organ and the assembled onlookers. Poem 26 was inspired by the altar-shaped poem of Vestinus that was dedicated to “Olympian” Trajan.95 Poem 27 resembles a panpipe, achieved by using successively shorter lines, while inspired by the syrinx-shaped poem of the Hellenistic poet Simias.96

Variable format poems Poems 13A and 13B are mirror images of each other. Poem 17 is considered an inauthentic late addition composed to explain Poem 18. The last seven lines all begin with “A” words. Poem 25 is a “Proteus poem” of twenty words arranged in four lines, which can be rearranged to create at least twenty different poems, or even more. William Levitan suggested that at least 3,136 variants of this poem are possible, all from four lines of text. The individual words can be endlessly rearranged to create new poems, however.97 Poem 28 feature pairs of couplets, the second of which is the reverse of the first line.

Poems with no designs Poem 1 serves as a general introduction to the book, devoid of designs to emphasize the grimness of exile. Poem 4 is usually seen as an introduction to Poem 5 to explain the manner of reading. Poem 15 is a simple poem of praise to Constantine with some archaizing language. Poem 29 consists of only one line which describes being shipwrecked by Venus. Poem 30 is a personal poem addressed to an unknown Quintus.

5. The library of Optatian Early Roman writers (third to second centuries bce ) Q. Ennius (c. 239–c. 169), generally considered one of the earliest Latin poets, is quoted twice. One quote is appropriated from Livius Andronicus (280–203),

22

The Poems of Optatian

who was considered the father of Latin literature. C. Lucilius, (180–103), known as the earliest Latin satirist, furnished an additional line. T. Maccius Plautus (c. 254–c. 184) the comic playwright, some of whose works survived complete, is raided for one line. Whether the other writers were available in full or in part to Optatian cannot be discerned. It is possible they existed only in florilegia or in quotes in other authors at this point. The knowledge of these early writers is a marker of Optatian’s familiarity with a wide range of early Latin literature.

The “Golden Age authors” (70 bce to 18 ce ) Optatian re-uses parts of lines from numerous poets. His favorite sources are Vergil, Ovid, Silius Italicus, Statius, and Lucan. Optatian’s work has been classed as a “cento” poem, named from the Latin meaning “patchwork quilt”.98 Ovid is the most popular source, with a total of 176 phrases, taken from the full range of his work: Metamorphoses (fifty-four), Tristia (twenty-five), Fasti (twenty-three), Amores (nineteen), Heroides (eighteen), Epistulae ex Ponto (seventeen), Ars Amatoria (eleven), with fewer than five each from Consolatio ad Liviam, Remedia Amoris, and Ibis. Clearly, exile by an emperor serves as inspiration (Tristia and Epistulae ex Ponto). It may be worth noting that Ovid complained that his exile was imposed directly by the emperor and not by a court or the Senate. The many allusions to the Tristia may imply that a similar situation occurred to Optatian.99 However, as Emma Gee argues, Ovid’s Metamorphoses and Fasti have astronomical motifs inspired by the writings of Aratus whose works were translated into Latin by both Cicero and Germanicus, the nephew of Augustus.100 This implicit theme is supported by the references from Manilius (sixteen), Lucretius (nine), Columella (seven), and translations of Aratus by Cicero (one) and Germanicus (four). As Elaine Fantham points out, a major theme in Lucan is that the universe is out of kilter during civil war.101 Vergil ranks as the second most popular inspiration (168 total citations), with 138 quotes chosen from every book of the Aeneid, plus twenty-one from the Georgics and nine from the Eclogues.102 Works now considered to be later imitative compositions are also cited: Aetna (six), Ciris (three), Culex (eight), and Lydia (two). Whether Optatian knew that they were not authentic Vergilian compositions is not clear. The livelier poets were plundered as well: Horace (twenty-one), Propertius (twelve), Tibullus (ten), and Catullus (eight).103 The architect Vitruvius Pollio was cited three times. Lesser-known writers are

[I] Introduction

23

also cited: Grattius Faliscus the poet (twice) and Domitius Marsus the satirist (once).

The “Silver Age authors” (18 bce to 133 ce ) Lucan’s De Bello Civili sive Pharsalia, an epic of a civil war between Caesar and Pompey, was attractive as a source (seventy-three citations).104 Perhaps even more relevant is that he had composed a poem on the occasion of Nero’s vicennalia but was forced to commit suicide at age twenty-five by Nero. The Laus Pisonis, which was once attributed to Lucan due to his participation in the conspiracy of Piso against Nero, is quoted once. Equally influential was Silius Italicus’ lengthy epic, the Punica, which was modeled on Vergil’s Aeneid (seventythree citations).105 Statius inspired many quotes as well (sixty-six), from a range of his works: Thebaid (forty-four), Silvae (eighteen), and Achilleid (four).106 These poets bring the theme of civil war as dangerous to the fabric of Rome as Lee Fratantuono has argued, and the extensive allusions to them may imply that Optatian was angry about the removal of Constantine’s predecessor under whom he had flourished.107 Valerius Flaccus’ work the Argonautica, written perhaps to mark the opening of Britain to trade, furnished twenty-five quotes. The epic also commemorated the voyage of Jason to the East so both these themes may be relevant to Constantine’s time in Britain and his successes in the East.108 An appreciation of the biting humor of Martial is shown by nineteen citations. Lucan’s uncle Seneca the Younger, who was also persuaded by Nero to commit suicide, wrote numerous works of which Optatian showed wide knowledge. His citations range over several plays, the Epistles and the satire Apocolocyntosis. The plays cited are Agamemnon (once), Hercules Furens (five times), Medea (once), Oedipus (3), Phoenissae (twice), Phaedra, or Hippolytus (twice), and Thyestes (twice). Optatian also quotes from the Octavia (twice) and Hercules Oetaeus (three times), which although they were attributed to Seneca in the manuscript tradition, were probably written by a later imitator; this problem well may not have been apparent to Optatian.109 Briefer references are found in these post-Augustan writers: Lucius Apuleius the poet-philospher (three times), Juvenal the poet and satirist (twice), Calpurnius Siculus the poet (twice), Suetonius the biographer (twice), Phaedrus the fabulist (once), Pliny the Younger the essayist and letter-writer (once), Pomponius Mela the earliest Roman geographer (once), Petronius Arbiter the satirist (once), and Quintilian the rhetorician (once).

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The Poems of Optatian

Late Latin authors (Second, third, and fourth centuries) Second-century authors who are quoted include Aulus Gellius the grammarian (once) and Q. Serenus Sammonicus the physician (once). From the third century, we have one of the more intriguing sources: the poet M. Aurelius Nemesianus, who is cited three times. His North African origins are of interest.110 Commodianus, a Christian writer who may have lived in Africa at the time of Cyprian, is cited three times.111 Another third-century writer is C. Julius Solinus the grammarian, whose work provides one quote. From the fourth century there are some parallels to the work of Juvencus, the Christian poet, who is cited seven times or whose work imitates Optatian.112 Three Latin Panegyrists are quoted once each: Paneg. VIII, Anonymous, speech of thanks to Constantius (297?); Paneg.VI Anonymous, to applaud quinquennalia of Constantine (Trier, 310); and Paneg. V, Anonymous, speech of thanks to Constantine (Trier, 311). Optatian quotes or repeats his own work ten times.

Allusions or “cento” poems? Most of the citations of words from other poets are in the form of an echo of two or three words from the predecessor. Seemingly, Optatian was playing a sort of game with his readers in which he was trying to provoke a memory of other poems. Much the same effect occurs in English when an author borrows phrasing from such well-known works as those of Shakespeare or the Bible. The reader experiences a multiplier effect when he/she recognizes the allusion and immediately processes the text in a richer, multi-layered manner. Much has been made of the idea that Late Latin or Medieval poets took phrases from such authors as Vergil and pieced them together to form a “quilt” of a new poem.113 Optatian cites richly from other poets, but it seems that he is not engaged in composing cento poems as they are usually understood. Of course, since Vergil was essentially the textbook for studying Latin poetry through the centuries, naturally the poems resonate with Vergilian phrasing. There is also the effect that through the years as poets quoted Vergil that Optatian’s poems have multilevel citations. To give an example of this process, consider line 4 of Poem 10: iam se credet ovans. Libet ire per avia sola. Polara notes that the phrase per avia appears in all these authors’ lines: Vergil Aen. IX 58; Ovid Met. I 701 and II 205; Lucan. I 569; Valerius Flaccus III 545a and VI 441; Silius Italicus VI 56, XII 352, and XIII 338; Statius. Theb. II 79, III 115, IV 567, IV 714, VI 598, X 389, and XII 143; and Martial VIII 55, 1. This raises several questions: is the poet either

[I] Introduction

25

quoting or alluding to a work, have the phrases became commonplace clichés, or is the phrase being used to fit the meter? Thus, a set phrase like per avia served multiple purposes: allusions were sounded but also the demands of meter were readily satisfied. This phenomenon of what I will term “multi-level allusion” appears in most of the poems, perhaps because of the reasons I have laid out above. To enhance the modern reader’s understanding of these allusions, they are laid out in the notes of each poem studied in this text, based on expanding the citations given by Polara in the Latin edition (1973).

6. Evaluation of the importance of Optatian As a source for information on the reign of Constantine, Optatian’s writings are useful for details, no matter how poetically constructed, of the Sarmatian wars and campaigns against Licinius and other enemies. For matters of foreign policy, there are hints of treaties with Arabs and Persians and settlements made with Germanic tribes. There are clear inferences to be drawn from the modelling of Constantine ruling in the mold of Augustus, thereby appearing imperial, generous, and literate. The references to Crispus and his naval successes against Licinius suggest that the eldest son was perilously close to outshining his father. The multiple allusions to Greek culture, especially as inspirational, confirm the current scholarly view that even as the Empire became Christianized, the literati at least, cherished many aspects of classical culture. Within a few centuries, medieval poets like Rabanus Maurus Magnentius (780–856 ce ) and some nameless monks would be influenced by Optatian’s clever designs and would integrate the chi-rho and crosses into their compositions.114 Moreover, as the current resurgence of interest in Optatian reveals, modern readers are intrigued by his designs and clever allusions into wondering about all the implications and possibly hidden meanings in his texts.

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Part Two

Letters between Constantine and Optatian [Porfyrius] EPISTULA PORFYRII: DOMINO CONSTANTINO MAXIMO PIO INVICTO ET VENERABILI SEMPER AVGVSTO Optatian belittles his own talent and thanks the emperor Constantine for his support and for allowing him to praise the Muses. This letter can be read either as an introduction to the cluster of poems he has presented to Constantine or as appreciation for the kind letter that Constantine sent him. The reference to Constantine reading the poem with his own eyes recalls the observation that Augustine was surprised that a man might read silently to himself.1 Barnes dates this letter and its companion to November and December of 312, immediately after Constantine became master of Rome.2 Johannnes Wienand has made the interesting suggestion that this letter is actually a third piece of correspondence between the poet and the emperor. In Wienand’s view, Optatian wrote an initial letter (now lost) to Constantine, the emperor responded with Ep. Const., and then Optatian responded with this letter.3 Wienand argues that this letter should be dated before Optatian’s exile and was meant to affirm his loyalty after the deposition of Maxentius. Wienand also believes the earlier lost letter was accompanied by a sample poem.4 Wienand dates this exchange to the period between 319–322.5 However, since the response of Constantine refers to Optatian gaining what he has sought—seemingly freedom from exile as well as praise for his talent—I think it could coincide with the poet’s restoration to favor, whenever that was. Many scholars date that occurrence to 324/325. It also seems possible to me that Optatian may be thanking Constantine for the appointment to serve as a

27

28

The Poems of Optatian

Governor in Achaia where he can enjoy the topography of the Muses.6 Polara would altogether reject both letters, due to scribal problems.7

Latin8 EPISTULA PORFYRII DOMINO CONSTANTINO MAXIMO PIO INVICTO ET VENERABILI SEMPER AVGVSTO 1 Fateor, domine Constantine, maxime, invicte et non minus pietate quam virtute9 praecipue, quamvis avara atque ultra meritum cupida parvitatis meae vota infati2 gabilis clementiae tuae dignatione superata, quippe cui satis abundeque suffecerat carmen quod artioribus Musarum ligaveram vinculis, quod plus mihi sincerae devotionis studium quam ingenii mei parvitas praestitit,

5

in tuas, Augustissime imperator, manus venisse victrices, 3 legendum serenis oculis tuis. In quo mihi pro Heliconii verticis nemore, pro Castalii fontis haustu versifico, pro Apollinis lyrae Musarum concinentibus choris ceterisque quae poetis mos est carmen pangentibus invocare, tui

10

mihi nominis aeterna felicitas et eius multiformis cum sua veneratione praefatio incentivum cecinit ad audendum, et ad expediendum pariter ingenium tribuit et effectum. 4 Romanae Musae antistes nobilis Mantuanus, serena lux vatum et fons puri nectaris fecundus, in carmina exultat

15

ac se plurimum iactat et iterum ac saepius Maecenatis te5 stimonio gloriatur. Quid ego faciam tenui pauper ingenio, 6 meriti nunc usque perparvi? Caelestis iudicii dignatione immensum pondus impositum est eius imperatoris testimonio, qui inter belli pacisque virtutes, inter triumphos

20

et laureas, inter legum sanctiones et iura etiam Musis tibi familiaribus plaudis, ut inter tot divinae maiestatis insignia, quibus et invictus semper et primus es, huius 7 etiam studii in te micet splendor egregius. Nimirum agere gratias audebo, cuius exilis sermo ne pro minimis quidem

25

referre digne possit et tu, pie imperator, tanta praestiteris, ut istud pro benefactis tuis ne a facundissimis quidem 8 possit impleri? Etenim si, ita ut sapientibus placuit, ma-

30

[II] Letters between Constantine and Optatian [Porfyrius]

29

xime imperator, aestimanda sunt, non numeranda iudicia, qui huiusmodi testimonium consecutus sum pietatis tuae dignatione caelesti, iam licet Parnasi iuga securus ingrediar et ab ipsis Aonii verticis adytis deducere audeam Musas, tutus, quacumque mens ibit in carmina, et divina iudiciorum tuorum auctoritate munitus atque in mea blandimenta plus credulus universo me orbi placuisse

35

9 contendam, qui placere potui totius orbis imperatori. Denique oratus, Augustissime domine, temeritati meae da veniam, et quae nunc quoque pietatis tuae favore ausus sum inligare, dignanter admitte: audaciae meae fomitem aeternitatis tuae clementia suscitavit.

40

English 1 I acknowledge, Lord Constantine, O greatest one, unconquered [leader}, [who are] no less outstanding in pietas than in virtus, that my vow, although greedy and desirous beyond the merit of my insignificance, has been surpassed by the honor of your inexhaustible mercy, 2 obviously for which the carmen had sufficed abundantly enough, the carmen which I had bound by the more skillful chains of the Muses, because the eagerness of sincere devotion availed more for me than the poverty of my talent to have come into your victorious hands, O most August emperor, to be read by your serene eyes. 3 In this [book] I have in place of the grove on Mount Helicon, in place of the versifying draught of the Castalian fountain, in place of the choruses of Muses harmonizing with the lyre of Apollo and other elements which it is the custom for poets composing a poem to invoke, I have the eternal happiness of your name and its variants with their own veneration, when the preface sang, daringly playing the tune, and equally granted inspiration for preparation and for completion. 4 The noble Mantuan, master of the Roman Muse [Vergil], the serene light of divinely inspired poets and the fertile font of pure nectar, rejoices in his own poems and boasts very much both again and more frequently glories in the testimony of Maecenas. 5 What shall I do, a poor man with a slender talent, and even now of very small merit? 6 By the dignity of celestial judgment, an immense weight has been imposed through the testimony of this emperor, who amid the virtues of war and of peace, amid the triumphs and laurels, amid the sanctions of laws and rights,

30

The Poems of Optatian you applaud even the Muses [who are] familiar to you, so that among so many signs of divine majesty, by which you are both always unconquered and foremost, outstanding splendor of this zeal may shine in you. 7 Without doubt, I shall dare to express thanks, I whose slender speech cannot indeed refer worthily in proportion to the least things and to whom you, O pious emperor, you have offered such great things, so that not even in proportion to your benefits, is it even possible that they can be completely acknowledged by even the most eloquent words? 8 And indeed if, as it has thus pleased the wise, O greatest emperor, that these judgments are to be valued, not to be numbered, I who have followed the testimony of this kind, of your celestial dignity of piety, now it is permitted that I may securely approach the summits of Mt. Parnassus and that I may safely dare to lead down the Muses from the very innermost vertical recesses of Mt. Helicon, wherever my mind will go in songs, and protected by the divine authority of your judgments and having trusted more in my pleading, I shall strive to have made myself pleasing to the whole universe, I who have been able to please the ruler of the whole world. 9 Finally, having been prayed to, most August master, give favor to my boldness, and now worthily grant those things which I have dared to bind by the favor of your piety; the mercy of your eternity has given breath to the kindling of my boldness.

EPISTULA CONSTANTINI: INVICTVS CONSTANTINVS MAXIMVS AVGVSTVS In the opening lines, Constantine displays his knowledge of both Greek and Latin poetry, especially of Homer and Vergil. He is signaling that he is a reader who can appreciate all the literary allusions in the poems that Optatian has sent him. The allusion to tragic and comic writers enhances Constantine’s reputation as a lover of a wide range of literature. Whether or not plays were performed at court, public readings may have been given. The many citations from the plays of Seneca and various references to Martial, Juvenal, and Horace suggest a wide range of reading both to oneself and in groups.10 What is most interesting is that Constantine names many more types of authors than Optatian does. It almost appears to be a literary competition of the type described in the poems to Bassus. The reference to Heliconis aut Parnasi sacra, “the sacred things of Helicon or Parnassus,” implies that Constantine accepts the poet’s insistence on his inspiration by the Muses and Apollo. Such language may be just literary wordplay among the

[II] Letters between Constantine and Optatian [Porfyrius]

31

intelligentsia of the time. Constantine also comments on the pleasing designs which wander about and are marked by varying pigments; thus, it seems clear the text he received was one with the colored designs marked out to delight the viewer. The emperor says the book has given him pleasure, and that the favor the poet has sought has been earned. The two literary allusions that Polara cites are to Vergil’s Georgics 1.108–110 in section 5, and to Suetonius’ Augustus 89.3 in section 6.11 R. P. H. Green accepts this letter as authentic, despite the concerns of Polara that it may be a medieval addition to the manuscript.12 T. D. Barnes dates this letter and its companion to November and December of 312, immediately after Constantine became master of Rome.13 Wienand also accepts the letters from Constantine to Optatian and from Optatian to Constantine as legitimate, However, he solves some issues of chronology by assuming that there was a first lost letter to Constantine from Optatian, and so considers the letter of Constantine a response to the “lost” letter. This exchange of correspondence is dated by Wienand to a period between 319–322.14 He suggests Poem 16 as the accompanying poem. This is possible since there is a mention of “sons,” and the second son Constantine II was born in 316. However, it seems more probable that Poem 16 dates after the victories beyond Italy due to the many references to other regions. Kluge suggested Poem 10 as the accompanying poem to a first letter. Wienand also thinks Poems 11 and 13 are candidates for this gift poem.15 The term frater carissime, “dearest brother,” seems overly friendly for correspondence with a person whom the emperor has exiled. However, as Fergus Millar has noted in his analysis of imperial letters sent by Trajan and Hadrian, the emperors routinely addressed their correspondents as carissime, in a rather formulaic manner.16 It is possible that the letter was drafted by a secretary and then signed by Constantine. Christopher Jones has succinctly summarized the talent of Constantine to deal with both pagans and Christians by negotiating responses to requests from various groups.17

Latin18 EPISTULA CONSTANTINI INVICTVS CONSTANTINVS MAXIMVS AVGVSTVS. 1 Si tantum pondus et gravitas spectarentur in carmine et Graeca post Chium Maeoniumve vatem et Latina post rusticum Mantuanum eloquentia siluisset, nec frustra

32

The Poems of Optatian culpabiles forent qui sibi materias pro ingeniorum qualitate sumentes inani opere sudassent,19 cum penes primos facundiae conditores gloria tota resideret, frater carissime. 2 Sed quoniam semper in propatulo usus istius fuit nec ulli negatum est id ex ea indicere, quod possit, illos etiam

5

quos posterius aevum tulit non penitus a fructu favoris exclusit, qui relictis gravioribus sonis modos ad leniora 3 flexerunt. Inligavit alter cothurnis et prope cotidianis ac moralibus verbis affectus hominum comoediis locutus est; quibusdam inaequali pede elegia cantata sunt; multorum

10

digitos semiloquacibus chordis amor lyrae iocundus in4 seruit. Pro qualitate modulaminis ad singulos quosque 5 expetitae laudis gratia redundavit. Defuit quorundam ingeniis temporum favor, qui non secus doctrinae deditas mentes inrigare atque alere consuevit quam si clivosi

15

tramitis supercilio rivus elicitus scaturrientibus venis arva 6 arentia temperaverit. Saeculo meo scribentes dicentesque non aliter benignus auditus quam lenis aura prosequitur; 7 denique etiam studiis meritum a me testimonium non 8 negatur. Liber assidue cursus orationibus fuit; eos vero

20

qui versibus dicerent certis finibus lex metris statuta continuit: quare non inmerito illud usus invenit, ut hoc genere dicturis Heliconis aut Parnasi sacra peterentur, cum mortalis ingenii deficiente substantia necessaria vi9 derentur auxilia divina. Gratum mihi est studiorum tuorum

25

facilitatem in illud exisse, ut in pangendis versibus dum 10 antiqua servaret etiam nova iura sibi conderet. Vix hoc custoditum pluribus fuit, ut nodis quibusdam artis innexi 11 citra interventum vitii inculpatum carmen effunderent; tibi nominum difficultate proposita, numero litterarum, distinc-

30

tionibus versuum, qui ita medium corpus propositi operis intermeant, ut oculorum sensus interstincta colorum pigmenta delectent, hoc tenuere propositum, ut haesitantiam 12 carmini multiplex legis observantia non repararet. Gratum 13 igitur hoc mihi dicationis tuae munus fuit: exercitatio

35

14 mentis et naturae facilitas comprobata est. Tu cum tibi videas operis tui gratiam, quam ex meis petiveras auribus, non perisse, et proventu praesentis temporis exultare debebis et non indebitam laudem ingenii exercitatione captare.

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[II] Letters between Constantine and Optatian [Porfyrius]

English 1 If such great weight and gravitas might be seen in a poem, in both Greek after the manner of the Chian or Maeonian poet, and in Latin after the rustic Mantuan,20 eloquence might grow silent, nor would those be culpable who had perspired in vain, taking for themselves materials according to the quality of their talents in a hollow work, when complete glory resided in the hands of the first founders of eloquence, dearest brother. 2 But since there was always usefulness in an open space of that [work], nor was it denied to anyone to proclaim from this place what he could, it did not exclude thoroughly from the fruit of favor those whom a later age bore, those who bent [their] measures toward lighter ones, having left the weightier ones behind. 3 One man bound on the boot of tragedy, and another man, affected by nearly daily moralizing words of human beings, spoke in comedies; by these same men elegies were sung in uneven meter [feet]; the joyful love of the lyre served the interests of the fingers of many men with chords that nearly spoke. 4 In proportion to the quality of the melody, the grace of sought-for praise overflowed to each of them, one at a time. 5 There was lacking for the talents of these same men the favor of the times, which, contrary to expectations, was not accustomed to refresh and nourish [those] minds dedicated to learning, as if by a stream drawn forth by a steep elevation of the river bed, has softened a stretch of waterless plain with bubbling-over arteries. 6 In my time, kindly listening, no different from a gentle breeze, pursues writers and speakers; 7 furthermore, merited attestation for those studies is not denied by me. 8 The course for orations was constantly free; certainly, the established law of meter restrained those men who might speak in verses by set limits; therefore enjoyment has found by meritorious work that genre, for those about to speak, the sacred things of Helicon or of Parnassus might be sought, since divine aid seems to be necessary, when the substance of mortal talent is lacking. 9 It is pleasing to me that the talent of your studies has existed for that genre, so that it might establish even new laws in painting verses while it preserved ancient rules. 10 With difficulty this had been guarded for more [works], so that they might pour out a song, blameless of fault, without regard to an interruption, by certain knots/nodes of interwoven skill; 11 for you, the difficulty of names having been set forth, by the number of letters, by the separations of the verses, which flow thus through the middle of

33

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The Poems of Optatian the body of the designed work so that the senses of the eyes may enjoy the separate pigments of colors, they beheld this design, so that the twisting path did not bring attention to the stopping and starting of the poem by the observance of rules. 12 Therefore, the gift of your dedication to me was pleasing; 13 the discipline of your mind and the facility of your talent have been proven. 14 You, when you see for yourself that the favor of your work has not perished, [the favor] which you had sought from my ears, you will be bound to both rejoice at the success of the present time and try to seize the not undeserved praise of the exercise of your talent.

Part Three

The Poems of Optatian to Constantine Poem 1: Dedicatory poem Optatian opens his collection with a dedicatory preface to his esteemed patron, in the style of Horace or even Martial. The poet deprecates the value of the proffered text but also alludes to the inspiration of a Muse and the high status of the recipient. The meter is elegiac couplet, a combination of dactylic hexameter and dactylic pentameter.1 In this poem, Optatian is clearly imitating Ovid’s description of a shabby book sent to Augustus.2 Johannes Wienand suggests that Optatian presented to Constantine a draft codex of only a few poems, those which occur most frequently in the manuscripts (Poems 1, 2, 3, 6, 7, 14, 19, and 20), thereby obtaining release from exile. Later, he presented a more elaborate version, according to Wienand.3 The suggestion of two presentation books may explain the conflicting descriptions of poems written on poor papyrus in black and red ink as contrasted with richly ornamented “gifts” adorned with purple ink.4

Latin5 Quae quondam sueras6 pulchro decorata libello carmen in Augusti ferre Thalia7 manus, ostro tota nitens, argento auroque coruscis8 scripta notis, picto limite dicta notans, scriptoris bene compta manu meritoque renidens gratificum, domini visibus apta sacris, pallida nunc, atro chartam suffusa colore,9

5

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The Poems of Optatian paupere vix minio carmina dissocians, hinc trepido pede tecta petis venerabilis aulae,10 horrida quod nimium sit tua nunc facies. Hos habitus vatis praesentia fata merentur; vix locus hoc saltem praebuit unde venis. Suppliciter tamen ire potes dominumque precari: squalor et hae sordes conveniunt miseris.

10

Cum dederit clemens veniam, natumque laremque reddiderit, comptis ibis et ipsa comis,11 purpureo fulgens habitu, radiantibus intus12 ut quondam, scriptis ambitiosa tuis.

15

English Thalia, you who, decorated in a beautiful little book, formerly had been accustomed to bear the poem into the hands of the Augustus, the whole [page] gleaming all over with a purple dye, inscribed with brilliant letters of silver and gold, marking spoken words with a painted outline, well arranged by the hand of the author, [a poem] rightly shining, praiseworthy, suited to the sacred viewings of the Master, [the page] now pale, filling the parchment with a black pigment, only scarcely separating the poems with cheap vermilion, from here you seek with nervous foot the roof of that venerable palace,

5

because your appearance may be too frightening now. The present fates of the poet merit these conditions; scarcely has the place whence you come offered even this. Still, you are able to go suppliantly and to entreat your Lord: squalor and this humiliation are fit only for the wretched. When the clement one will have given pardon, and he will have

10

restored both child and household, you yourself (Thalia), will even go with hair elegantly arranged, refulgent in purple attire, with radiant [letters] within, as formerly, winding [here and there] by your written words.13

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[III] The Poems of Optatian to Constantine

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Poem 2: Plea for mercy and reference to false accusation Both the designs and the various terms of praise for Constantine elevate the emperor who has full control, both militarily and juridically. The poet is literally at the mercy of the judgment of the emperor. A “false accusation” against the poet, and Constantine’s role as a judge in marital matters, may well support the theory that Optatian had been accused of adultery or a similar crime which since the time of Augustan law could be construed as a type of treason. However, this interpretation is not certain. The suggestion that by his fidissima dextra, “most faithful right hand,” Constantine would provide privileges to his married citizens, the sharing of life, is significant. Constantine passed marriage legislation in both 320 and 326. The earlier legislation abolished penalties for celibacy and childlessness in CTh.8.16.1.1–2 (January 31, 320).14 Constantine is addressed as Augustus, Caesar, and the guider of morals (rector virtutum). The numerous allusions to the Tristia of Ovid emphasize the sadness of undeserved exile and pleas for release and pardon, but they may not signify that Constantine was angry at Optatian for the same reasons that turned Augustus against Ovid. To emphasize the basis of the power of the emperor, Optatian seems to encourage the reading of the design of the poem in one of two militaristic ways. The first interpretation would view the design as the layout of a Roman army camp with the intersecting roads known as the cardo and the decumanus. Each of the four squares has a line resembling the letter “I” which is also the Roman numeral one. The phrase ad Martia victor supports a military interpretation. A second possible interpretation would see the design as a vexillum, the flag borne in front of a military commander.15 The text inside the letters reads aurea sic mundo disponas saecula toto, “Thus may you ordain golden ages for the whole world.” The text around the bordering edge reads Sancte, tui vatis, Caesar, miserere serenus, “O sacred one, Caesar, pity your poet as a serene [ruler].” This interpretation of a banner is strengthened by the imagery on a coin issued by Constantine at Ostia from 312/313. On the obverse is a bust of Constantine I, laureate, cuirassed, right, with the legend IMP C CONSTANTINVS P F AVG. On the reverse is: Legionary eagle, standing left, between two vexilla; vexillum to left surmounted by right hand; vexillum to right surmounted by wreath; flag on eagle and sometimes on one vexillum. The legend reads S P Q R OPTIMO PRINCIPI.16

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Note the typical allusions to the Muses, the Parcae, and Calliope. Optatian calls himself a vates, either a “poet” or “prophet,” that is, someone influenced by the gods to tell the future.17 The meter of the body and the interwoven verses is dactylic hexameter.

Latin18 Sancte, tui vatis, Caesar, miserere serenus. Auguste omnipotens, almo mortalia cuncta19 numine laetificans, nobis ad gaudia nomen, Constantine, tuum fecundi carminis ex hoc te duce det Musas; nam tristis cura recusat20 egregios actus: iam sedent crimina Parcae.21 Tunc melius dominum te vox secura sonabit, virtutum rector. Potuit vix pangere versu ista modo, et maesto sic saltim dicere vati;

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vix mihi Calliope pavitanti conscia nutu adnuit, ausa precem vatisque edicere fata tristia, signato partes ut limite claudat22 iure pari carmen, mediis ut consona in omni23 sit nota prima sui, et sit pars extima talis

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ceu media, e primis occurrens aptius istic ad laterum fines, et pars, quae dividit orsa e medio, caput esse queat versuque referre:24 Sancte, tui vatis, Caesar, miserere serenus. Alme, salus orbis, Romae decus, inclite fama,25

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re melior, pietate parens, ad Martia victor, mitior ad veniam, permulcens aspera legum justitia, aeternae vires et gloria saecli, spes data plena bonis et felix copia rebus,26 eximium columen veterum virtute fideque,27

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Romae magne parens, armis civilibus ultor,28 et summi laus grata dei, mens clara, superne rebus missa salus, per te pax, optime ductor,29 et bellis secura quies, sancta omnia per te.30 Solis iura suis fidissima dextra maritis31

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et sociale iugum praebet, consortia vitae. Respice me falso de crimine, maxime rector,32 exulis afflictum poena; nam cetera causae nunc obiecta mihi venia, venerabile numen,33

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vince pia et solito superans fatalia nutu sancte, tui vatis, Caesar, miserere serenus.

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Intexti versus Sancte, tui vatis, Caesar, miserere serenus; aurea sic mundo disponas saecula toto.

English O sacred Caesar, as a serene [ruler], have pity on your poet. All powerful Augustus, making all mortal affairs rejoice with nourishing divinity, may your name, O Constantine, grant to us joys so that the Muses [may inspire] prolific poetry from this, under your leadership; for mournful anxiety blocks outstanding deeds: let the Parcae now put accusations to rest. Then a voice free from care will better celebrate you as Lord, the guider of virtues. My voice was scarcely able to compose those lines in verse just now, and [my voice] was thus barely able to speak for the gloomy poet;34

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scarcely has Calliope my soulmate favored me with a trembling nod [she] having dared to utter a prayer and to predict the sorrowful fates of the poet. In such a way the poem encloses its sections with a marked border by an equal law, in the middle parts, in such a way that the first known consonant in every line is known of its own self, and such a consonant [appears] as the outermost one

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or as a middle [one], running from the first lines more fitly there to the borders of the sides, and the part which divides the words, risen from the middle, and the heading can refer back [to the beginning] in the verse.35 O sacred Caesar, as a serene [ruler], take pity on your poet. O nourishing one, salvation of the world, ornament of Rome, celebrated in fame,

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better in fact, a father in pietas, victor in the works of Mars, rather clement toward pardon, softening the harshness of the laws with justice, O eternal strength and glory of the age,

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The Poems of Optatian O full hope given to good men and O happy abundance for their affairs, O outstanding pillar of the forefathers in respect to courage and faithfulness, O great parent of Rome, its avenger in civil conflicts in arms, O pleasing glory of the highest God, outstanding mind, O celestial salvation sent for [earthly] affairs, through you [comes] peace, O excellent commander, and calm free from wars, all things holy [come] through you. By his most faithful right hand, he provides rights to only his married [citizens]

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and offers the societal bond, the sharing of life. O greatest ruler, have regard for me, afflicted with the punishment of exile because of a false charge; vanquish the other accusations lodged against me with your pious mercy, O venerable divinity, and with your customary nod, overcoming what has been fated,

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O sacred Caesar, as a serene [ruler], take pity on your poet.

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Interwoven verses O sacred Caesar, as a serene [ruler], take pity on your poet; thus, may you ordain golden ages for the whole world.

[III] The Poems of Optatian to Constantine

Figure 3.1 Poem 2.

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Poem 3: Inspiration by the Muses to devise the elaborate designs Optatian praises surrogates of Apollo for inspiring him to write his complicated poems. Surely the poet believed such allusions would please Constantine, who had famously issued a coin with Apollo (Sol) as a divine companion. Certainly, Constantine had formed a sort of association with Apollo as recorded in the Panegyric of 31036 and the medallion of 313 with Apollo as companion.37 Even the design of this poem seems to echo the design of a coin which Jonathan Bardill has described in his recent book on Constantine as “Sol radiating light in all directions.” In that coin, dated to 319, with its wide “X” composed of multiple “X”s, Apollo provides the vertical axis.38 Despite the classically pagan allusions, by 321—when Constantine established the “day of the sun” [dies solis] as a day of rest—it seems clear that he was favoring Christian observances of Sunday.39 As Noel Lenski has shown in his recent article, which redated the Ticinum medallion of 315 to 321, this year marks a more open Christianization of Constantinian self-presentation.40 In this coin, a cross is visible behind Constantine rather than the shadow of Apollo. As part of the series of anniversary poems, the design of Poem 3 portrays an enormous number ten, while a close analysis shows that the tips of the “X” are formed by “V”s while the central axis can be read as multiples of “I.” A closer look at the expanded “X” reveals multiple ‘X’s for the twentieth anniversary for Constantine, while Roman numerals for fives and ones celebrate the anniversaries of the Caesars. The design and language of this poem should also be compared to that of Poem 10. The sources of inspiration include the Muse(s), Phoebus, Camenae, Olympus, Calliope, Delius, the Aonides, the Pegasean spring, and Helicon. The meter of the body and the interwoven verses is dactylic hexameter.

Latin41 Fingere Musarum flagrarem numine vultus,42 alme parens orbis, perfecta in munia versu,43 votaque, si ratio non abnuat ordine Phoebi. Gesta canunt, quos Aonium placabile numen44 vatis sorte frui dat; donis carminis ex hoc sustollens et versu instigans ora sonare,45 tu mentem inspiras vatis; tu gaudia semper46

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in te, sancte, vocas. Tu quivis docta Camenae edere dicta favens, tu laetus vota secunda,47 ut rata sint, audis; tua mitis rector Olympi48 tempora praecipua servat pietate serena.49 Aurea iam toto, victor, tua saecula pollent,50 Constantine, polo. Haec nexus lege solutis51 dicturus metris magno movet agmine Musas,52

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at mea vix pictis dum texit carmina Phoebi53 Calliope modulis, gaudet, si vota secundet Delius, intexta ut parili sub tramite Musa orsa iuvet, versu consignans aurea saecla. Sed tibi devotam rapiunt ad gaudia mentem54

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audenterque loqui suadent per devia voto55 Aonides fretae, et, quantis sua verba tueri legibus adstrictae, te tota mente fideque vatis voce tui, tua, princeps inclite, tanta bella canunt, et Pegaseo nova carmina potu56

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exercent, nexuque volunt nunc rite sonare egregium imperium, tanto cur munere fungi57 et praecelsa iuvat versu per scrupea fari.58 Mentis opus mirum metris intexere carmen59 ad varios cursus; vix, arto in limite clausa,60

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nodosos visus artis cata praeferat ex hoc et tamen ausa loqui tanto mens aestuat ore,61 nec dignum votis carmen sic reddere retur, tali lege canens; quae nostrum pagina sola, ex Helicone licet, conplebit, munus amoris,62

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picta elementorum vario per musica textu.

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Intexti versus Fingere Musa queat tali si carmine vultus Augusti, et metri et versus lege manente, picta elementorum vario per musica textu vincere Apelleas audebit pagina ceras.63 Grandia quaerentur, si vatis laeta Camena orsa iuvet, versu consignans aurea saecla.

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English O gentle parent of the world, would that I might be set ablaze with divinity to fashion the expressions of the muses by verse into perfected duties and vows, if reason does not turn away from the arrangement of Phoebus. They, whom the peaceful Aonian deity gives to enjoy the lot of a poet, sing of deeds; by the gifts of song from this [deity], you, lifting and rousing mouths to speak sounds in verse, inspire the mind of the poet; you always summon joys onto yourself, O holy one. You, whoever you are, encouraging Camena to give forth learned words; you happily hear favorable vows

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as they may have been planned; the gentle ruler of Olympus preserves your serene times with outstanding piety. Now, O victor Constantine, your golden ages are thriving in the whole world. With meters relaxed from the law, the interlocking pattern, about to speak these things, moves the Muses in a great procession, but while my Calliope

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weaves with difficulty the songs of Apollo with painted little meters, she rejoices, if the Delian one favors [my] interwoven vows so that the Muse may aid my words woven within their parallel path, attesting golden ages in verse. But the Aonian muses, relying on a vow, seize a mind devoted to you

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for joys and boldly urge me to speak through trackless places and, bound to guard their words by so many laws, they sing of you and your great wars, with the whole mind and loyalty and voice of your poet, O celebrated prince, and they cultivate new songs with a drink from the Pegasean spring

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and now they solemnly desire to sing of your extraordinary empire with the joining [of letters], because it delights them to perform such a duty and to speak of high things in verse through jagged ridges. To interweave a marvelous poem is a marvelous work of the mind, with the meters running to various courses; with difficulty, enclosed in a narrow path,

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so that the clever mind might display knotty visions from this with skill and having dared, burns nevertheless to speak, with such a great voice, and it does not think the poem is worthy to return vows thus, singing by such a law; if the one from Helicon pleases,

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this page of ours alone, our gift of love, will be complete, adorned with the varied text of the elements through poetic compositions. 35

Interwoven verses If the Muse is able to shape in such a song the appearance of the Augustus, and by the law of verse and of meter remaining, this page, painted with varied text through poems, will dare to surpass the Apellean wax. Grand things are sought, if happy Camena aids the verses of the poet, sealing the golden ages in verse.64

Figure 3.2 Poem 3.

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Poem 4: Poem to mark the twentieth anniversary of Constantine’s reign The picta vicennia, “painted vicennia,” anticipate the designs in Poem 5.65 There are the usual allusions to Helicon, the Muses, and Calliope. The reference to “a second Rome” has aroused interest, seeming to suggest the founding of Constantinople but taken also to refer to other capitals.66 Although there are no designs in this poem, the poet again describes the simple page becoming complex with a jagged design. The poem is composed in elegiac couplets, with lines in dactylic hexameter alternating with dactylic pentameter. Since the manuscript tradition is limited to only one text, it is difficult to know how much importance to place on the evidence of this poem and whether it is an authentic production by Optatian.

Latin67 Imperii fastus geminant vicennia signa, pagina flexosa tramite vota notat. Constantinigenis Helicon det talia natis munera, devotis haustibus ora rigans.68 Hos rupes Cirrhaea69 sonet videatque coruscos Ponti nobilitas, altera Roma, duces.70 Sed nunc te, victor, vicennia picta honorent: contentum tenui munere Musa cupit.71 Quod textu scruposa siet72 mea pagina simplex, disserat Augusto Calliopea mea.

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English The calendars of empire double the signs, the vicennia, the page notes the winding vows on their path. Let the Helicon, wetting mouths with sacred drinks, give such gifts to the sons born of Constantine, Let the Cirrhaean rock resound, and let the nobility of Pontus, the second Rome, see these brilliant leaders. But now, O Victor, let the painted vicennia honor you: The Muse desires [that you be] content with a slender gift. Because my simple page will become jagged in the text, let it unlock my Calliopean creations for the Augustus.

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Poem 5: Foreign victories of Constantine and Crispus; hope for a thirty-year reign The brightly outlined letters AVG XX CAES X emphasize that this poem was composed to celebrate jointly the twentieth anniversary (vicennalia) of Constantine and the tenth anniversary (decennalia) of his sons Crispus and Constantine II in a year-long celebration lasting from mid-325 to mid-326.73 The two older sons had been named Caesars on March 1, 317, the anniversary of their grandfather Constantius’ “day of command” (dies imperii) when Crispus was about fifteen years old, and his baby brother was only seven months old.74 Furthermore, close inspection shows that an inverted “V,” which is standing in for the letter “A,” may be intended to celebrate the five–year anniversary (quinquennia) for Constantius II as well.75 The “V” as a “five” appears not only as the “U” of “Augustus” but also as the “A” in the same word and in “Caesar.” The “X” appears in the number twenty for Constantine and the number ten for the Caesars. The poem concludes with a wish for a thirty-year celebration (tricennia) for Constantine. Perhaps Optatian was echoing the prophecy imputed to Apollo of a thirty-year reign from the Panegyric of 310, given at Trier on the occasion of Constantine’s five-year anniversary (quinquennium).76 Secure dating of this poem is challenging for several reasons. The beginning of the decennalia for both Caesars Crispus and Constantinus should have been March 1, 326, a year in advance of the actual ten-year anniversary. This early start to the celebrations is labeled incipientia, “beginning.” The “concluding” (perfecta) celebrations would be held a year later. But the powerful pull of Constantine’s beginning twentiethanniversary celebration, set to start on July 25, 325, with the concluding events set for July 25, 326, undoubtedly led to marking the Caesars’ anniversaries a year early. The inaugural celebrations were held in Trier; the concluding celebrations were to be held in Rome. Crispus had led the naval victory over Licinius on September 18, 324. On November 8, 324, Constantius II was raised to Caesar.77 It appears likely, then, with all the celebrations in place on an imperial calendar, that Optatian could have composed these poems in 324 with the intention of presenting them in 325 or 326. Additional evidence for a date of 324 or 325 for the composition of Poem 5 comes from the references to the defeat of Licinius. Constantine is hailed as “victor,” with total control ranging from the West (Latium) to the East (Persian borders, Parthians, Medes, Indians, Arabs, and Ethiopians). As is well attested,

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Constantine had taken over all the regions previously administered by his coruler Licinius. Clearly, Optatian was influenced by the motifs of coins being circulated to honor the anniversaries of both Constantine and his Caesars, Crispus and Constantine II.78 As the numerous issues of coins from Heraclea in 324 reveal, the designs in Optatian’s poems appear to echo those on the imperial coinage.79 Emulating coin motifs meant that Optatian could be sure that the emperor would be pleased. In particular, many coins were issued in this time frame with vota designs to coincide with the various anniversaries in multiples of five or ten. However, sometime in the spring of 326, Crispus was labeled a traitor, and in May or June of 326, he was executed at Pola.80 So Wienand and others hypothesize that Optatian must have held on to the poems honoring Crispus until Constantine’s anger had cooled. Perhaps the journey of Constantine’s mother Helena and mother-in-law Eutropia to the Holy Land in 326–328 provided an opportune moment for the presentation of the poems’ complete text to Constantine.81 Wienand suggests that Optatian originally presented Constantine with an incomplete text and only later created a fuller, more highly ornamented volume to give to the emperor.82 Note the usual allusions to the Muse, Pierian fountain, the Castalian spring, Apollo (here as Clarius), and Camena as well as Eos, Tethys and Titan. Rome is described as Latium in Vergilian language. Geographic supremacy is indicated by the numerous references to peoples and places in the East: Persia, the Nile, the Orient, Parthia, Medes, the Arab, the Indus, and the Ethiopians. Conquered peoples in the West include the Franks, those who lived along the Rhine, and the people of the Rhône region. The meter for both body and interwoven verses is dactylic hexameter.

Latin83 Victor sidereis pollens virtutibus ibis, Persica cum natis Latio confinia reddens, iam Nili princeps, laetis, Oriente recepto,84 quos tibi fida dicat concordia, dives Eois iam populis Parthis, Medis unique dicatis85 Augusto et natis.86 Tu magna ad gaudia, sancte Constantine, fave; te tanto in carmine Musa87 et tua descriptis pingit vicennia metris. At tu supplicibus, olim dux clarus in armis, da pietate fidem. Maior mox gloria honorum,

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si totos servare queas post vota tropaeis. Parcere iam versis88 virtus denuntiat alma. Indus, Arabs iam vota ferunt et Media dives,89 Aethiopes gnari rapido cum lumine surgit Tethyos ex gremio Titan. Sed et omnia laeta,90 Constantine, bono nunc ludent otia saeclo. Felix Musa, tuis possit quae digna referre91 praemia virtutum meritis vel voce sonare.92 Quid, vaga, Pierios versus sub vallis opaca93

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ilice componis? lauro quid carmina carpis?94 Castalios tota respondet voce triumphos95 quam dat fonte suo. Clario tu carmina prome96 vate deo digna; aut siquod perferet audens, maius opus nectens, mens tota mole subibit,97

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spe pingit carmen, pangat si coepta Camena, compleat et versu variata decennia picto,98 ore secunda vovens sub certo limite metri. Otia Caesaribus pacis dedit, aurea saecla99 indulgens natis patriae pietatis honore,100

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mitis iure deus; sed Crispi in fortia vires101 non dubiae ripa Rhenum Rhodanumque tueri102 ulteriore parant et Francis tristia iura.103 Iam tu, sancte puer, spes tantae rite quieti104 missa polo; saeclis da, Constantine, serena

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tempora, summe; pio tricennia suscipe voto.105

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Intexti versus Cum sic scripta placent, audent sibi devia Musae per varios signare modos devotaque mentis gaudia, quae pingens loquitur mea, Phoebe, Camena. Summe parens, da voce pia tricennia fari

English As victor you will go, strong with starry virtues, restoring with your happy sons the Persian frontiers to Latium; you are now prince of the Nile, because the Orient has been recovered, you are now rich in Eastern peoples, the Parthians and dedicated Medes

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The Poems of Optatian whom faithful concord surrenders to a sole Augustus and to his sons. Grant favor toward great joys, O holy Constantine; the Muse paints you and your twentieth anniversary [vicennia] in such a song with precisely ordered meters. But you, ever a leader, famed in arms, grant a pledge to the suppliants

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with piety. Soon there will be a greater glory of honors, if you are able to preserve so many men after vows in victory monuments. Kindly virtue now enjoins you to be merciful to those turned back. The Indian, the Arab, and rich Media now bear vows, and [so do] the Ethiopians knowing where Titan rises

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with rapid light from the embrace of Tethys. But they also will enjoy all happy periods of peace, Constantine, in a good age. Blessed Muse, who is able to restore rewards of virtues worthy of your merits or to express them with a voice. Why, inconstant Muse, do you compose Pierian verses beneath the shady oak

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of the valley? Why do you pluck songs from the laurel tree? She matches the Castalian triumphs with her whole voice which she gives from her own fountain. You, bring to light songs worthy of the divine Clarian prophet-poet; or if he boldly will announce something, weaving a greater work, the mind will offer help with the whole effort, Camena embellishes the poem with hope, if she composes the

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undertaken task; let her complete decennia, varied in painted verse, vowing favorable words with her mouth within a fixed limit of meter. A gentle god gave the Caesars the leisure of peace by legal right, granting golden eras to the sons of the fatherland

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by the honor of pietas, but the strength of Crispus, not hesitant for brave deeds, prepares to protect the Rhine and the Rhône on the further bank and imposes sad laws for the Franks. Now you, holy son, rightly are the hope sent from heaven of such great peace; give serene times to the ages, O highest Constantine;

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commence your 30-year reign with pious vow.

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Interwoven verses Since thus such writings please, they dare to mark the wandering paths of the Muse, to indicate through various meters the vowed joys of the mind; Joys which my Camena sings of, painting [designs], O Phoebus. O highest parent, grant that I speak of the tricennia with pious voice.

Figure 3.3 Poem 5.

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Poem 6: Military movements of Constantine’s army in Sarmatia There are two major issues in the interpretation of this poem. One relates to the details of Constantinian battles in Sarmatia and whether Optatian was physically present, as some scholars have contended. Since the language describing the battle is Vergilian, it is hard to know if it is an eye-witness account or a retelling in epic fashion. The other issue centers on the meaning of the design which has been interpreted in various ways. Some readers see the design as a quincunx, an infantry maneuver, while recently it has been interpreted as a gameboard recalling the battle. Alternatively, I am suggesting that the design replicates cavalry movements, both those used in the battle and in a later re-enactment, most likely at the hippodrome known to be in Sirmium.106 Many scholars view this poem as an authentic account of the campaign against the Sarmatians and lean heavily on such a reading. Johannes Wienand, influenced by Elsa Kluge, believes that Optatian was present at these battle(s) because of his use of the words factorum gnarum and testis.107 T. D. Barnes notes the battles at Campona, on the River Margus, and at Bononia on the Danube in 322/3; however, he says that Optatian need not have been present but could simply be well informed.108 An East European scholar, P. Kovács, offers very knowledgeable suppositions about the factualness of the geographical references; he also discounts Optatian [Porfyrius] as a witness by noting that the area of Bononia rather than a person was the witness to the events. He says that Optatian called himself factorum gnarus vates, “a poet ignorant of events.” Kovács identifies Campona . . . victrix in lines 18–21 as an auxiliary fort at Budapest-Nagytétény, south of Aquincum. The next location of a battle was Margum, in Moesia prima where Constantine pursued the enemy across the Danube (his interpretation of caelestia facta in line 23). Then he reads lines 26–8 to mean that the “witness” (testis) of these events was Bononia, where the booty was distributed. He notes that testis Bononia vicina is mentioned with Margum, which he identifies as Orašje in Moesia I. Bononia is less certain: it can be identified with Dacia ripensis east of Margum (on the ripa Gothica) or with Banoštor in Pannonia II west of Margum (on the ripa Sarmatica); they both lie about 200 kilometers away from Margum. Kovács prefers the latter site because of its strong counter-fortification, Castellum Onagrinum, the most important strategic point near Sirmium. The probable

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dates of the battles can be worked out by examining the “time stamps” of various edicts recorded in the Theodosian Code at Sirmium and Bononia.109 Michael Kulikowski also refers to this poem in passing. He emphasizes the evidence of coins issued at several mints which bear the inscription SARMATIA DEVICTA (“Sarmatia [has been] subdued”) and notes the addition of Sarmaticus as a title for Constantine. Ludi Sarmatici, “Sarmatian games,” which Kulikowski suggests were gladiatorial, may have also been celebrated to honor this victory. Since Constantine opposed gladiatorial combat by various edict, perhaps these ludi were horsemanship displays instead.110 Indeed, there is no evidence of an arena at Sirmium but some does exist of a hippodrome. The next key question concerns the interpretation of the design created by the intexti versus. Anna-Lena Körfer suggests that Poem 6 is laid out like a gameboard on which a reader, including Constantine, could retrace the action of the battles. It is known that the Romans enjoyed chess-like games in which strategy played a major part.111 Both Polara and Wienand suggest that the design created by the interwoven verses mimics the military formation known as the quincunx.112 However, John Shean, who has written about the army in the time of Constantine, examines the feasibility of this interpretation.113 He examines the quincunx, also known as the acies triplex, a typical battle array going back to mid-republican times. Knowledge of early military formation was preserved in Vegetius’ manual. The quincunx was a checkerboard arrangement of units that allowed for the relief of the frontline troops during combat. The entire army was drawn up in three lines but was so organized that the lines could move up periodically to relieve the soldiers in the other lines. Shean observes: “However, the problem with the quincunx pattern as drawn [in Poem 6] is that neither the four corners nor the central hexagon form actual squares, which would imply units, and the overall image simply shows arms reaching out from the central hexagon. The more I look at it, the more skeptical I am that this image is portraying a quincunx. . .”114 He goes on to investigate the idea that cavalry maneuvers are being portrayed in the image of Poem 6: Cavalry units had the ability to turn and ride away from their opponents, or ride through other cavalry, reform, and then counter charge. One of the maneuvers used by Roman cavalry throughout its history was to ride up to the enemy to hurl javelins from the saddle. As you can imagine, trying to hurl a missile weapon from a moving horse was a difficult thing to pull off, and the usual procedure was

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The Poems of Optatian to ride in a circle and release the weapon from the right-hand side. This was known as the Cantabrian Gallop, and cavalrymen would continue this maneuver until all their weapons were discharged. The Roman cavalry would spend a lot of time practicing these maneuvers and even engaged in “cavalry sports” (Hippika Gymnasia), which were designed to replicate military maneuvers. Roman cavalry units would be divided into two teams, one of which used “Scythian” or “Sarmatian” banners and engaged in mock combat with each other. These maneuvers sometimes had the two teams of horsemen cross each other’s paths. . . [The design] would appear to show tracks where riders from the corners would ride towards the center, circle each other, and then exit to a different corner . . . .115

I would suggest the design mimics a re-enactment of the battle movements; consider the description of Ascanius and his friends in Vergil’s Aeneid 5.580–593 which was meant to explain the origins of an equestrian organization of elite youth to which Lucius and Gaius, grandsons of Augustus, belonged. This design may suggest a cavalry-like formation led in triumph by the young sons of Constantine.116 Further evidence for the use of cavalry by Constantine in the region of Sarmatia comes from bureaucratic records. As Philip Rance points out, cunei, “cavalry units,” were established in the area. “In the Notitia Dignitatum, however, forty-seven regular Roman cavalry units among the vexillationes limitaneae bear the title cuneus, though the creation of these cunei equitum appears to have been confined to a relatively short period in the late third and early fourth centuries.”117 The poet again credits the Muse, Phoebus, and the Camenae for inspiration and support in telling the story of these battles. A close examination of the source of much of Optatian’s language in describing the “gore of battle” derives from such poets as Vergil and Ovid, who famously never went to war and have been criticized for their literary descriptions of carnage. Of course, Optatian wished to honor Constantine in appropriately poetic and panegyrical language, but it is in no way a necessary conclusion that he was physically present at these battles, no matter how appealing that supposition might be. As Barnes concluded early on, being well informed is not the same as being present on the battlefield. Possibly the poet saw or heard of a re-enactment of the battle in a triumphal procession at court. Wienand suggests a date in 322 when Constantine’s victories were celebrated from November 25 to December 1.118 Moreover, the evidence for the Sarmatian games comes from the calendars in Rome, namely those found in the Church of Maria Maggiore in 1966 and the better-known Calendar of 354. Inabelle Levin asserts that the Sarmatian games mentioned in both calendars

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were first instituted by Marcus Aurelius on December 1, 176; Constantine would then maintain the seven-day celebration for his own victories over the Sarmatians in 322 and 332.119 Bronze coins to honor this victory bear the inscription SARMATIA DEVICTA and were issued at various mints, including London, Lugdunum (Lyon), Sirmium, Arelate (Arles), and Trier.120 Most honor CONSTANTINVS AVG (Constantinus Augustus).121 Coins issued at Trier are earlier and honor either Crispus or Constantine, featuring similar imagery of a conquering commander.122 The analysis of the meter by William Levitan emphasizes the military flavor of the poem’s sound. Although the main body of the poem is composed in dactylic hexameter, as used by Vergil, Optatian uses a sturdier meter for the interwoven verses, which can be read from both the upper left and right in a bifurcated motion. Thus, he finds there are two possible ways to see the intexti versus by tracing two different paths. Levitan interprets the design as representing two armies entwined in battle. In his view, the meter is two molossi framed by two dactyls with a final spondee.123 However, it is also possible to scan these lines as dactylic hexameter with several spondees in the center of the lines.

Latin124 Martia gesta modis audax imitata sonoris Musa per effigiem turmarum125 carmina texit, et nunc agmen agit quino sub limite rectum126 Musigeno, spatium septeno milite distans,127 nunc eadem verso relegens utcumque meatu mittit in amfractus non una lege catervas,128 dissona componi diverso carmine gaudens, grata nimis flexu docili de perpete metro, orsa iterum fini socians, confinia contra

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praeponens orsis, nullo discrimine metri.129 Quin etiam130 partes mediae sua munia doctae expediunt: versis vicibus,131 nam, fine sed uno, quamvis ambiguos cursus et devia claudit. Ostentans artem vinciri, scrupea praebet132

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Sarmaticas, summe, strages, et tota peracta133 vota (precor, faveas) sub certo condita visu. Factorum gnarum tam grandia dicere vatem iam totiens, Auguste, licet. Campona cruore hostili post bella madens artissima toto134

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The Poems of Optatian corpora fusa solo, submersas amne repleto135 victrix miretur turbas aciemque ferocem. Plurima conarer, Phoebeo carmine gaudens, Margensis memorare boni caelestia facta,136 introitus et bella loqui perculsa ruinis,137

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quis devicta iacet gens duro Marte caduca.138 Testis magnorum vicina Bononia praesens sit voti compos, excisaque agmina cernens139 det iuga captivis et ducat cetera praedas. Grandia victori molimur proelia plectro

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dicere, nec satis est, votum si compleat ore Musa suo: quaecumque parat sub lege sonare, scruposis innexa modis, perfecta Camenis vult resonare meis, et testis nota tropaea depictis signare metris, cum munere sacro

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mentis devotae placarint fata procellas.140

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Intexti versus Dissona Musarum vinciri stamine gaudens grandia conabor Phoebeo carmina plectro.

English The bold Muse, having imitated martial deeds by sonorous measures, has woven the songs through the likeness of the squadrons, and now she leads a straight column within the Muse-inspired limit of five lines each, distancing the space by each seventh soldier, now re-reading the same things one way or another by the turned wandering, she sends the troops into circuits by not only one pattern, rejoicing that dissonant parts were composed within a diverse poem, pleased by a rather responsive swerve from a never-ending meter, joining again the beginnings to the end, in turn placing limits

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before the beginnings, with no difference in the meter. Moreover, the clever middle parts perform their own functions: with the changes turned, for instance, but with one and the same end, although she [the Muse] encloses the changeable courses and detours.

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Displaying the skill to be encircled, the jagged part presents the Sarmatian slaughters, O highest one, and the whole completed vows 15 (I pray, may you favor) concealed within a precise image. It is permitted that the poet, ignorant of the deeds, speaks of such grand events, now so often, O Augustus. Let victorious Campona, dripping with enemy gore, after very skillful wars, marvel at the bodies spread on the whole earth, 20 the hordes submerged in the overflowing river, and the fierce line of battle. Rejoicing in the Phoebean hymn, I might try to commemorate the numerous celestial deeds of the good man at Margum and to speak of the invasion and the wars stricken with catastrophes, by which the conquered nation lies prostrate, doomed by harsh Mars. Let neighboring Bononia, a witness present at great deeds, be granted a vow, discerning the destroyed battle lines, let it give yokes to the captives and let it lead away other things as loot. We undertake to speak of grand battles with victorious quill,

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and it is not enough, if the Muse completes the vow with only her voice; whatever things she prepares to sound forth within the pattern, having woven with rough measures, she wishes to re-echo those things completed by my Camenae, and as a witness wishes to mark the famous trophies with painted meters,

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since with sacred gift the fates may calm the sudden tumults of a mind.

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Interwoven verses Rejoicing that dissonant sounds are bound by the thread of the Muses, I shall attempt grand poems with Apollonian quill.

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Figure 3.4 Poem 6.

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Poem 7: Military victories and peaceful arrangements in Sarmatia Timothy D. Barnes pairs this poem with Poem 6 in its description of the Sarmatian wars in 322. He concludes from lines 20–22 that Optatian reports Constantine having defeated the Sarmatian kings and agreeing a treaty with them, whereby they work the fields of his subjects.141 Johannes Wienand also pairs this poem with Poem 6 and dates its composition to 322, the year in which Constantine’s Sarmatian victories were celebrated.142 Although emphasis is placed on praising Constantine as victor, there is also praise for the clemency displayed by the emperor toward the conquered warriors. Moreover, Constantine is addressed as mitis clementia, a bringer of “gentle mercy.” Charles Odahl notes the many coins issued by Crispus which celebrate BEATA TRANQUILLITAS, “blessed tranquillity” in this era.143 Péter Kovács, in a more recent and very well-argued article, also draws on this poem for information about the war in Sarmatia, and supports the dating via coins, issued at multiple mints, which honored Constantine and his sons Crispus and Constantinus for the victories in Sarmatia.144 The design is that of a trophaeum, a trophy composed of a shield with crossed spears on the front. The word derives from the place where the enemy was “turned” or defeated and recalls the practice of making a memorial of the enemy’s shield and spears. Line 31 directly mentions the “trophies” won by Constantine and his sons. Again, it is likely that Optatian took his cues from the trophy depicted on the “Sarmatia Devicta” coins which depict on the reverse “Victory advancing right holding trophy in right and branch in left and trampling captive,” while CONSTANTINVS AVG, head laureate right, appears on the obverse.145 Throughout both Poems 6 and 7, the use of Vergilian language is very striking. Of course, it is well known that Vergil was a favorite author of and inspiration for all Latin poets, but it is important to notice that Optatian is using poetic language in his description of Constantine’s victories. This does not negate the accuracy of his account: it just reveals his chosen vocabulary for military accomplishments. Catherine Ware has drawn attention to the use of Vergil by prose panegyrists; this use applies as well to a poet-panegyrist like Optatian.146 The meter of the body and interwoven verses is dactylic hexameter.

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Latin147 Augustum specimen, mitis clementia, magne Ausonidum ductor, tua, maxime, fortia Musae148 Castaliae de fonte canunt. Tu munera summa votorum da, Phoebe, mihi nunc, plena favoris,149 da mentem sensusque pios insigne serenus imperium, natisque potens, ad Martia felix, perpetuum saeclis, picto sub carmine fari. Audentem, precor, ipse iuva me, gloria vatum,150 dicturum carmen, quamvis nunc copia Musae

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non talis, possitque minus sub lege iuvari: versu aliud limo,151 aliud, quo pagina in omnis signatur modulos, discernat semita fandi. Velle iubet numen, lux alma, et gaudia mundi152 instituunt; sequitur curas in musica voto

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virtutesque tuas et mores pandere gestit, sancte, tuos. Crevit nostrae fiducia menti;153 te duce namque pio gaudens sub munere nota in iuga festinat Musis, ubi frondea semper tecta canunt artes et notae vatibus undae.154

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Indomitos reges seu pacis lubrica victor155 aut bello sternens aut mitis foedere, nutu156 esse tuos facis agrosque exercere tuorum.157 Auctior alma dei per te praesentia mundum respexit, reddens mox aurea saecula158 rebus,

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ostenditque deus rectoris tempora iusti aetherio nutu159 placidis clementia iussis. Per te perque tuos sunt omnia mitia, victor, natos, res populi florent ad gaudia mentis,160 Caesaribusque tuis toto Victoria in orbe

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semper iure comes felix in saecula pollet. Tantorum merita statues captiva tropaea, victor Sarmatiae totiens. En, accipe, clare ductor, ubique tuis votorum reddita, felix, debita. Iam conpos gaudet tua, Romule, pubes:161

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rector rite suus nobis per saecula floret.

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Intexti versus Ausonium columen, lux alma et gloria Romae, virtutum specimen, mitis clementia mundi, iustitiaeque parens, spes felix, otia rerum, aetherium munus nobis per saecula missum, rectorisque dei per te praesentia pollet.

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English O august [Augustan] model, O gentle mercy, O great leader of the Ausonians, O greatest one, the Muses from the fountain of Castalia sing of your brave deeds. O Phoebus, you, now give [imperative] me the highest gifts, full of favor, of the vows; you the serene one, give [me] the mind and pious senses to speak within a painted poem, of a notable reign, powerful in sons, blessed in military matters, lasting for the ages. I pray [that] you yourself, O glory of the poets, help me, as I am boldly about to recite a poem, although now the abundance of the Muse is not of such [high] quality, and it is less able to be assisted under the

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law [of meter]; may the path of speaking mark one [part] with a verse set at an angle, may the path mark out the other [part] by which the page is adorned into all the small measures. Divinity orders [you] to be willing, O nourishing light, and the joys of the world establish [this]; he follows your concerns into music by a vow

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and he works to publicize your virtues and your character, O holy one. Loyalty has increased for our mind; with you as pious leader, for and in fact, he hastens rejoicing within the [constraints of] duty into the yokes [designs] known to the Muses, where always the leafy dwellings and the streams known to poets sing of the arts. Whether as victor scattering the unconquered kings or the emollients

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of peace, [you who are] either harsh in war or gentle by treaty, by a nod, you make them be your own and force them to cultivate the fields of your own people. The gentle, rather increased presence of the god, through you, has regarded the world,

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The Poems of Optatian returning soon the golden ages to public affairs, and the god has displayed the times of a just ruler by a heavenly nod by orders, peaceful by mercy. Through you and through your sons all things are gentle, O victor, the affairs of the people flourish for the joys of the mind, and for your Caesars, Victory as a blessed companion

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holds influence in the whole world by right into the ages. You will set up the captive trophies, merited of so many events, O victor of Sarmatia, so many times. Behold, O famous leader, blessed one, receive in every place the restoration of vows, owed to your [heirs]. Now your population, sharing [in power] rejoices, O Romulus;

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their own ruler rightfully flourishes for us through the ages.

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Interwoven verses O leader of the Italians, gentle light and glory of Rome, ideal of virtues, gentle clemency of the world, and parent of justice, happy hope, leisure of affairs, heavenly gift sent to us through the ages, and the presence of the ruler god flourishes through you.

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[III] The Poems of Optatian to Constantine

Figure 3.5 Poem 7.

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The Poems of Optatian

Poem 8: Constantine’s descent from Claudius Gothicus and blessing of the Lord Christian motifs, such as the chi-rho and name of JESUS (in Latin, IESVS), highlight this poem, which can also be perceived as a face. The names of Jesus and the chi-rho are described as pia signa dei, “pious signs of God.” Another overtly Christian phrase Christi sub lege, “under the law of Christ,” also appears. Perhaps Optatian was influenced by the Divine Institutes written by Lactantius, who had close connections to the court of Constantine when he tutored Crispus.162 In Book 4, Lactantius says that Jesus is the name of the Son of God known among men; we call him Christ because the Greeks thought it meant the “anointed one.” However, Jesus is king, not of earth but of heaven forever.163 By boldly stating the Latin name of Jesus (Iesvs) and the chi-rho as the Greek abbreviation for Christos, Optatian refers to both names of the savior that Constantine has embraced and associates the emperor with an eternal ruler. Michael Squire and Christopher Whitton, in their discussion of the chi-rho in Optatian’s poems, focus on the Christian references. They draw attention to the first line of the interwoven versus, Alme. . .signo, and suggest that the line begins with Alpha and ends with Omega.164 They also link the wording salutari. . .signo (line 1) with the descriptions by Lactatius and Eusebius of the chi-rho Constantine had placed on his soldiers’ shields.165 Thomas Habinek suggests that the chi-rho shares some characteristics with the cardo mundi which can be understood as the axis linking the sphere of heaven with the earth. He notes also the use of the letter “X” as the monogram for the agrimensores and observes that Optatian uses some of their techniques to mark out designs in his squared poems. The search for augural space in laying out a city seems also related. Habinek also notes that the square format of the poems may well replicate the rectangular Labarum.166 Michele Salzman, in her examination of Constantine’s relations with the Senate and the aristocratic class, lists Optatian as one of three Christian prefects, based on his sending this poem to Constantine.167 She meticulously counters the argument that Constantine tried to Christianize Rome by appointing many Christian prefects. Raymond Van Dam captures the ambivalence of Optatian’s Christian leanings by noting that he only mentions Christ directly in this poem; but in other poems, the poet relies on Christian symbols, such as the chi-rho.168 Of course, Squire and others would argue that embedding the Christian symbols in the designs was in fact emblazoning them in the eyes of the viewer.

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Wienand has convincingly dated this poem to the interval between 317 and 321. The shape of the “V” (for five) may be a reference to the quinquennalia of the Caesars Crispus and Constantine II which was observed from 321 to 322. Overarching the “V” is the “X” in the chi-rho. The fifteenth anniversary of Constantine could be summed up in the “V” and “X.” According to Nixon and Rodgers, Crispus and Constantine II (and the younger Licinius) were named Caesars on March 1, 317. Their “five-year anniversary” began four years later.169 Noel Lenski neatly summarizes the important events of 321; the two Caesars celebrated their quinquennia from March 321 to March 322, while Constantine celebrated his quindecennalia from July 320 to July 321.170 Thus from March to July 321, concurrent anniversaries were marked. The meter of the main body of the poem is dactylic hexameter. However, the first four lines of the interwoven verses are composed in elegiac couplets, a combination of dactylic hexameter and dactylic pentameter. As Polara points out in his 2004 Italian translation, the fifth line is in prose and quotes the vota of the Senate in honor of the emperor: “Sit Victoria comes Aug. et natis eius.”171 Gone are all mythological allusions to the Muses and Apollo, their geographical abodes, and inspirational skills which ornament so many of Optatian’s other poems. The interwoven verses emphasize the divine nature of Constantine’s selection as ruler. Rufus Fears has argued that such favor secures the throne of the chosen ruler from the time of Augustus onward.172

Latin173 Accipe picta novis elegis, lux aurea mundi,174 clementis pia signa dei votumque perenne. Summe, fave. Te tota rogat plebs gaudia rite, et meritam credit, cum servat iussa timore Augusto et fidei, Christi sub lege probata. Gloria iam saeclo processit candida miti, adcumulans coetus et tota ornata serenis muneribus praestans natis, ut laurea vota,175 virtutum titulos, primis iam debeat annis,

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progenie tali genuit quos nobile saeclum.176 His decus a proavo, et verae conscia prolis Roma cluit, princeps invicti militis, alma, otia pacis amans. Haec sunt mitissima dona, hoc atavi meritum.177 Votis post editus orbis

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erumpens docuit ne norint frangere fidei

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The Poems of Optatian optima iura pares; curis sub Martis iniqui178 nullis laesa fides. Hinc iugi stamine fata179 vobis fila legunt placida pietate secuta,180 et res Constanti nunc exerit inclita Fama, aucta stirpe pia, voto accumulata perenni; sancta suas sedes ad mentis gaudia migrat aetherio residens felix in cardine mundi.181 Iam patriae virtutis opus belline labore182 an iusti meritis dicam mentisque serenae?183

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Et pia dona canam fecundaque pectora noto184 rite deo, sic mente vigent cui gaudia casta? Claudius invictus bellis insignia magna virtutum tulerit Gothico de milite parta, et pietate potens Constantius omnia pace

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ac iustis auctus complerit saecula donis: haec potiore fide, meritis maioribus orta185 orbi dona tuo praestas, superasque priora, perque tuos natos vincis praeconia magna. Ac tibi lege dei iussisque perennia fient

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saecla pii sceptri te, Constantine, sereno.

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Intexti versus Alme, salutari nunc haec tibi pagina signo scripta micat, resonans nominibus domini; nate deo, solus salvator, sancte, bonorum, tu deus es iusti, gratia tu fidei.186 Sit Victoria comes Aug. et natis eius.

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English Receive now, these [pages] painted with new elegies, O golden light of the world, [these] pious signs of a merciful god and a perennial prayer. O highest one, give favor. The whole people solemnly request joys for you, and believe that they have been meritorious, since they preserve the commands with fear for the Augustus and for the faith, commands approved under the law of Christ. Gleaming Glory has already advanced in a gentle age,

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building up crowds and offering all things ornamented by glad gifts to the sons, such as laureate vota and placards of [their] virtues, [to whom] she may owe [these things] already in [their] first years, [these sons] whom a noble age bore from such a family. 10 For these, Rome, conscious of honor from an ancestor and of true offspring, is named leader of an unconquered soldiery, nurturing, loving the calm of peace. These are the gentlest gifts, this is the merit of an ancestor. He, after having been elevated by vows of the whole world, bursting forth taught them that as equals, that they should not know how to break the best laws of loyalty; loyalty [which had been] injured by no concerns of an unjust Mars. Hence the fates by an ever-flowing warp choose for you [pl.] peaceful threads, following piety, and renowned Fame will now extend the estate of Constantius, [since] his pious root [has been] increased and built up by a continual

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vow; holy [Fame] moves her abodes to the joys of the mind, residing happily in the ethereal pole of the heavens. Now, shall I recite to the fatherland a work of its virtue, whether by the labor of a just war or of a mind, serene in its merits?

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And shall I solemnly sing of pious gifts and fruitful hearts to a known god, 25 for whom thus chaste joys flourish in a [chaste] mind? Claudius, unconquered in wars, will have carried the great insignia of manly virtues, acquired from the Gothic soldiery, and Constantius, powerful in piety, having been increased by just gifts, will have completed all his generations in peace: you present these gifts, sprung from a more powerful faith and from deserving ancestors, to your world, and you surpass prior ones, and through your sons you excel the great proclamations. And for you the ages of your pious reign will become everlasting.

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by the law and commands of God, O Constantine, [since] you are serene.

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Interwoven verses O kindly one, this page now gleams, inscribed with health-bringing sign, resounding with the names of the Lord. O Son of God, O sole savior of good men, O holy one. You are god of the just, you, by the grace of faith. May Victory be the companion to the Augustus and his sons.187

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Figure 3.6 Poem 8.

The Poems of Optatian

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Poem 9: Victory palm bestowed by Muses and Apollo on Constantine and his sons The overall motif of Poem 9 is a victory palm, but it can be “read” as a series of multiple “V”s to count out the anniversaries of both father and sons. The poem refers to the defeat of Licinius, honors Crispus by name, and emphasizes the coming celebration of the vicennalia of Constantine and the decennalia of his sons.188 Crispus is praised as the “holy one,” “safety of the world,” “better than the ancestors,” and “brilliant in distinguished arms.” Praised for his youthful beauty, Crispus is deemed a worthy successor to his father and is beseeched as a conqueror to grant peace and justice to the defeated tribes. The younger Constantine is then praised as well but perhaps only for his potential. Finally, a prayer is offered to the supreme god (not named) for the well-being of both the Caesars and the emperor. This phrasing at the end of the poem contrasts with the other allusions throughout the poem and the intexti versus which refer to the Muses and indirectly to Apollo. Perhaps the reference to the “holy father” was meant to balance with the address to the “holy son” Crispus. Mythological references are found throughout: the Castalides, the Camenae, the Pierian fountains of Castalia, Phoebus, the fountains of Castalia, the Muse, and the Muse Clio. The Castalides, Phoebus, and the Muses are mentioned again in the intexti versus. The meter of the entire poem is dactylic hexameter.

Latin189 Castalides, domino virtutum tradite palmam. Constantinus habet bellorum iure tropaeum,190 vindice sub dextra reddens feliciter orbem consiliis, iterum suadens et cuncta referre,191 Roma, tibi. Bellis cum saeva innectere possit vincla iugi, virtus mitis non armat in hostem, sed magno patiens docuit certamine parcens quid pietas donet post pila minacia clemens.192 Nunc mihi iam toto dociles Helicone Camenae193 mittite conpositas in tempora mitia palmas;194 nectite de metris virtutum carmina et omnes concinite, ut fructu felix et principe digna195 det stirpes gratas, texens quas pagina versu

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The Poems of Optatian hinc voveat, titulo votorum carmine pollens. Pierios mihi, Phoebe, tuo de numine praestent fontes Castaliae; tua, si licet ire, peragrans mens iuga celsa petet, mecum si pangere versu196 Musa velit tanto iam nunc sub principe laeta, laudis dona ferens, resonans insignia ramis,

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vincentum iussos audax, mihi fida, triumphos, et meritum iustis tot reddere nobile palmas, Aonidum quas valle fluens alit unda rigatas. Sancte, salus mundi, armis insignibus ardens, Crispe, avis melior, te carmine laeta secundo

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Clio Musa sonans tua fatur pulchra iuventae. Nobile tu decus es patri, tuque alme Quiritum et spes urbis eris. Nos mentis carmina, Caesar, tu vincens pacis gratissima foedera semper indulge, et facilis gentes adiunge rogantes,

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facque tui iuris, gaudens virtutibus auctis. Constantinus item, laus orbis, gloria saecli, Romuleum sidus, lux clemens, inclita fratrum nobilitas, proavis verum et memorabile fama restituit victor Caesar nomenque decusque.197

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Sancte pater, rector superum, vicennia laeta198 Augusto et decies crescant sollemnia natis.199

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Intexti versus Castalides, versu docili concludite palmam. Constantine fave: te nunc in carmina Phoebum mens vocat, ausa novas metris indicere leges, limite sub parili crescentis undique ramos reddat ut intextus Musarum carmine versus.200

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English O Castalides, hand over the palm to the master of virtues. Constantine holds by right the trophy of the wars, returning happily the world under the avenging right hand by [wise] plans, again persuading [the world] to return all [parts] unified, O Rome, to you. Although by wars it is possible to fasten together

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cruel chains of the yoke, gentle virtue does not arm itself against the enemy, but patient[ly] [and] merciful[ly] she taught in a great contest what clement piety should grant after [a time of] threatening spears. Even now, O gentle Camenae from the whole Helicon, send to me palms arranged for placid times; 10 weave poems of virtues from the meters, and all [of you] sing together, so that the page, happy in its fruit and worthy of its princeps, may give pleasing offshoots; weaving these within the verse which henceforth it may vow and gaining strength by the display of vows in the poem. O Phoebus, from your divinity may the fountains of Castalia present Pierian [ideas] to me: your wandering mind, if it is permitted to go, will seek lofty summits, if the Muse happy even now under the rule of so great a leader, wishes to celebrate in verse with me, bringing gifts of praise, resounding the remarkable deeds with palm branches, [the Muse] bold as to the ordered triumphs of the conquerors,

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[the Muse] faithful to me, 20 and bold to restore to so many just [men], as a noble reward, watered palms which the flowing wave nourishes in the valley of the Aonides. O holy one, salvation of the world, brilliant with distinguished arms, O Crispus, better than [your] ancestors, happy Clio the Muse resounding[ly] confesses with favorable song your beauties of youth. You are a noble ornament for your father, and you, O gentle one, will also be the hope of the Quirites and of the city. O Caesar, you [while] conquering us [and] the songs of the mind, grant the most pleasing bonds of peace always, and easily join together the seeking tribes,

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and act out of your justice, rejoicing in increased virtues. Likewise, Constantine [II], praise of the world, glory of the age, star of Romulus, merciful light, the illustrious nobility of your brothers, as the victorious Caesar, has restored to the ancestors both name and honor, true and memorable in fame.

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O holy father, ruler of the heavens, may the happy vicennalia increase for the Augustus and may solemn anniversaries increase ten times for the sons.

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Interwoven verses O Castalides, enclose the palm [of victory] with gentle verse. O Constantine, give favor; my mind now calls you as Phoebus into my poems. [My] mind has dared to impose new laws of meter. Within an equal course the branches [are] increasing on all sides. The verse returns as [it is] interwoven in the poem of the Muses.

Figure 3.7 Poem 9.

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Poem 10: Praise for victories of Crispus; descent from Claudius Gothicus Interestingly, the poem must been composed sometime between the defeat of Licinius (324) and the execution of Crispus (summer 326), because there is praise for “so many untouched shores of Ocean [which] you now obtain by the omen of Crispus.”201 The role of the younger Caesars is recognized by acknowledging their glory as well. The poet undoubtedly composed this poem to honor the vicennalia of Constantine and the decennalia of his Caesars, Crispus and Constantine II. Since the celebrations were both anticipatory (suscepta) in 325 and accomplished (soluta) in 326 for the dies imperii of Constantine on July 25, it is likely that Optatian wanted the poem ready in 325 before shadows had been cast upon the reputation of Crispus.202 The coins issued for these anniversaries were marked by “XX” and “X,” but as quinquennial issues, the “V” is also appropriate.203 Poem 10 emphasizes the multiplier effect through its combination of “V”s (= five) dovetailing with two “X”s (= twenty). The design projects an ever-expanding “X,” with side designs as “V.” The design emphasizes the poet’s desire for numerous tenth anniversaries multiplied many times over, until the ruler might attain a reign of twenty, thirty, or even forty years.204 The conclusion of the poem portrays a blessed imperial family, established in dynastic principle by the presence of successive generations. Constantine is honored as father and grandfather but most of all as a protector and restorer of peace. Continuity is established by descent from fierce Clodius (acer Claudius) and to the actual relations of the sons, father, and grandfather.205 Some shared features of Poems 9 and 10 include praise of Crispus, allusions to the Muses, and deference to Constantine as the Augustus. Apollo as Phoebus is mentioned in connection with the Muses and their role as inspirers of poets. The design, featuring an enormous “X,” shares many features with Poem 3, which also resembles a coin honoring Apollo. Poem 10, addressed to the “god of the Castalian fountain,” praises Apollo for bringing light to the world. Calliope and the Muse are invoked; geographical references to Aonia strengthen the Hellenizing tone, but there is a turn towards Italy in the allusions to Camena and Ausonia. Based on the opening line and the overall design, Thomas Habinek reads this poem as a sunburst. He also sees augural space in the poem and is concerned about “color ontology” in the marking of the designs of the versus intexti. He also offers the Stoic interpretation that everything can be read multiple ways.206 In his

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analysis of Poem 10, Habinek suggests that the reader should focus on the ochre, golden spaces, marked out by the versus intexti, and see them as a starburst to honor the glittering power of the emperor Constantine, similar to the radiate crown.207 Habinek does not remark on the obvious rubricated design which marks out multiple “V”s and “X”s for the anniversaries of the Augustus and the Caesars. However, Habinek does note the “verticality” of the poem in linkages not only to ancestors like Claudius and Constantius but to descendants like Crispus and his brothers.208 Habinek also analyzes the emergence of patterns from a background to emphasize a message, in mosaics, textiles, and gridded jewelry.209 The meter of the body of the poem is dactylic hexameter. However, in the interwoven verses, if the reader combines lines 3–4 and 5–6 to achieve four lines, the resulting text may be read as four lines of anapestic trimeter. The “arms” of the various “X” designs divide the apparent interwoven lines into shorter and longer versions. Typically, Optatian maintained dactylic hexameter in the intexti, but in this instance, the needs of the design took precedence over meter. Polara says the intexti consist of prose (ex solutis constant verbis).210

Latin211 Calliope cane plura procax. En ore serenus212 fontis Castalii deus audiet; inde canoros mens furit in nexos, et felix currere votis iam se credet ovans. Libet ire per avia sola213 impete quo gressus effandi optata cupido214 invitata tulit. Mens tantum, maxime Caesar,215 Aoniae nodos amplectitur.216 Incitus aethra funde, pater, coeptis Musas, ad mutua versus.217 Scrupea fingentem tam duro carmina versu

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ludere—fas nobis praesumere dicere metra—, gaudia vel tenui mea pandere sit mihi, Musa. Tantus honor me iure suo per sidera saeclo, o decus Ausoniae,218 tulerit. Sic parva locuto amplius en, iudex, dominus, tot munera summa

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tantaque concedis. Tu mentem dicere donis invitas laudis cum munere; sic vaga primis, haud audita ligas. Nec dictis laesa Camena audet magnanimo vati nova vincula mentis iussa dare, crevitque meo correpta favore.

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En age: iam reddit votis pia praemia magnus. Concordi saeclo Romae decus et sibi mundi iura sui, tot lux populis orbique tropaeum sic data sunt; isto maior tua gloria terris. En, Auguste, tuis praesens et tantus ubique,

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imperiis fecunde, paras nunc omine Crispi219 Oceani intactas oras, quibus eruta Franci dat regio procul ecce deum, cui devia latis tota patent campis. Ut, caeso limite, victor rite atavo summo melior, cui Claudius acer,

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magnanimum sidus, dat clarum e numine divo220 imperium, Virtus quem felix optat alumnum. Auges flore tuo nostrae tibi dedita vitae;221 orta micat fratrum fatalis gloria saeclo, res Latia ut voti compos sic gaudeat aucta.

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Aspice: pacato parta est lux laeta sub orbe.222

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Intexti versus Constantine maxime imperator et invicte, aeternae pacis providentissimus custos, pater imperas, avus imperes, pius et felix, aurei saeculi restaurator, omnia magnus.

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English Calliope, boldly sing of more deeds. Behold, serene in expression, the god of the Castalian fountain will listen; thence the mind bursts into melodious linkages, and happy to run [free], now will trust itself, celebrating with vows. It is agreeable to go through only pathless ways; rush forth to that point where the course of dividing [the sky into quadrants for augury] has carried the longed-for outcomes to the one desiring. O greatest Caesar, the mind hardly grasps the knots of Aonia.223 O father [Apollo], rapidly pour forth the Muses from heaven upon the undertakings, for the interchanges of verse.

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The Poems of Optatian Whether it is right to play, fashioning the jagged poems with such rough verse, —it is right for us to presume to pronounce meters— or whether it is right to allow me to extend my joys in feeble verse, O Muse. Such great honor will have lifted me by his right through the stars, O glory of Ausonia, in his own age, Thus, to one having spoken small things, behold O judge, as master, you grant quite generously the highest gifts, so many and so great.

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You also invite with presents the mind to pronounce [a poem] along with the duty of praise; thus, in the first parts you bind wandering things which were by no means heard. And Camena, not offended by words, dares to give to the great-souled poet newly ordered chains of the mind, and she has expanded those parts shortened by my favor.

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Well, behold: now the great one restores pious rewards for vows. In a harmonious age, dignity and the rights of her own world have been given to Rome, [as well as] so much light to the peoples and victory to the world thus; your glory greater than that one’s [has been given] to the lands.224 Behold, O Augustus, present for your people and so great everywhere,

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O fruitful one in empires, you obtain now by the omen of Crispus the untouched shores of Ocean, from which the demolished region of the Frank[s] gives forth [the cry] “behold the god,” for whom all the remote places lie open with wide fields. Even, the border having been obliterated, the better victor rightfully [descended] from the highest ancestor, to whom fierce Claudius, that great-souled star,

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gives a bright command from the divine sacred power, whom happy Virtue chooses as a foster son. In your youthful prime, you increase those things dedicated to yourself for our life; fated glory, having arisen, sparkles in the age of the brothers, so that the Latin republic having been increased, in possession of the vow, may thus rejoice.

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Behold: the happy light has been born within the pacified world.

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Interwoven verses O Constantine, greatest and unconquered commander-emperor, most providential guardian of eternal peace, As father you command, as grandfather may you command, pious and blessed, O restorer of a golden age, Great in all matters.

Figure 3.8 Poem 10.

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Poem 11: Honor for the victories of Constantine, the gentlest and best ruler The re-unification of “Rome” is celebrated as ending a divided empire, originally put in place by Diocletian. Barnes expressly argues that this poem celebrates the defeat of Licinius.225 Allusions to Rome and its culture abound: Ausonia; Lar (household god); caput mundi, “head of the world”; “the Roman name”; and pious Romulean commands. The language seems very Vergilian with its references to the end of civil wars and praise like that describing the first Augustus.226 The design suggests a senatorial toga or imperial chlamys, which had a rounded right border. Three vertical stripes honor FORTISSIMUS IMPERATOR, CLEMENTISSIMUS RECTOR, and CONSTANTINUS INVICTUS. The ragged right border seems to replicate the unevenness of a toga when it was draped over the wearer’s left arm. The far-left stripe and the central stripe are vertically correct and aligned.227 Moreover, the interwoven verses seem to imitate rhyming chants or acclamations uttered by such groups as soldiers, bystanders at a triumph, or senators in session. The meter of the body of the poem is dactylic hexameter. Polara comments only that the three stripes are respectively an acrostich, a mesostich, and a telestich.228

Latin229 Fortia facta ducis toto dominantia iam nunc230 orbe canam, quis laeta suo sub principe tanto rursum Roma tenet, mundi caput, inclita, carmen.231 Tu vatem, tu, diva, mone. Lacerata cruentis232 imperiis pars fessa poli divisa gemebat sceptra et Ausoniae maerebat perdita iura.233 Siqua fides, tantis Romanum gloria nomen234 insignit titulis, dominos et libera quaerunt, maestaque iure suo trepidat plaga maxima mundi.235 Unde iubar lucis primum radians Hyperion236 sideribus pulsis rutilo diffundit ab ortu,237 inde tuum nomen multum venerabile cunctis,238 maxime bellantum domitor, lux unica mundi, perpetuis votis cupiunt, memorabile numen,239 exoptant, servire volunt (mirabile dictu)240 remque laremque suum, tanta est tibi gloria iusti,241

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Auguste. Iuvat ecce tuo sub foedere iam nunc totum orbem post tot caedes, quas fessa gemebant omnia, nunc nullo tandem trepidantia motu, Romuleis servire piis, pater inclite, iussis.

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Intexti versus Fortissimus imperator clementissimus rector Constantinus invictus.

English I shall sing/let me sing a poem of the leader’s brave deeds already dominant in the whole orb, [deeds] by which glorious Rome, happy again under her own so great leader, holds the leadership of the world.242 You, you, O divine one, advise the poet. The weary part of the pole damaged by bloody commands, mourned over divided sceptres and lamented for the destroyed laws of Ausonia. If any faith, if any glory distinguishes the Roman name by such great titles, they seek masters and free things, and the greatest region of the world, trembles, groaning for its own law.

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Whence radiant Hyperion, with the stars having been scattered, 10 poured forth the first radiance of light from its golden-red dawning, thence with perpetual vows they desire your name, very venerable to all, O vanquisher of those most war-like enemies, O unique light of the world, they long for their own property and household, O memorable divinity, and they wish to serve you (marvelous to say) so great is your glory, [that] of a great man, O Augustus. Behold, now at present it delights the whole world within your alliance to serve the pious Romulean commands after so many slaughters, which all weary events mourned, now trembling at last

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with no motion, O glorious father.

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Interwoven verses Bravest emperor Most gentle ruler Unconquered Constantine.

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Figure 3.9 Poem 11.

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Poem 12: Constantine as glory of the world and victor in the East Poem 12 has a central design that looks like two centered diamonds or reversed “K”s centered on an “X.” Two interpretations can be offered for this design. To me, this design appears very similar to motifs on Late Roman belt buckles that indicate government service.243 As Ramsay MacMullen has pointed out, special gifts, usually of gold, were given to “three groups: civil officials, allies (envoys or troops), and military personages. The first group, civil officials, usually wore a regular soldier’s uniform, of which two essential elements were the fibula and belt-buckle on the cingulum.”244 In the third line of the versus intexti, Optatian praises the aurea iustitiae . . .insignia, “golden insignia of justice,” which Constantine gave to the [conquered] lands to restore a happy age. So, the poet justly, or ironically, notes the linkage of golden insignia with the bringing of justice by the emperor. According to Ramsay MacMullen, the occasions for giving “golden insignia” are attested by numerous texts which describe the emperors, similarly but more grandly, making presents as awards for bravery, or on their quinquennalia, decennalia, vicennalia, or on New Year’s Day, or to newly promoted civil or military officers, or simply as largesses to the Roman populace, or to troops, or to foreign envoys and nations.245 In a study of Ammianus Marcellinus’ portrayal of the procession accompanying Constantius II into Rome, Ramsay MacMullen has noted the descriptions of belts adorned with gold and gems.246 Dominic Janes has studied extensively the golden ornaments given to bureaucrats to indicate their high status within the Late Roman government.247 The Cleveland Museum of Art has acquired some of these golden pieces, which are securely dated to the third consulship of Crispus and Constantius II in 324.248 Further suggestive evidence comes from John Lydus, who recorded the honors he received in in his work De Magistratibus; the praetorian prefect wore a golden over-garment and a tunic in a contrasting color fastened with a crimson belt that had a gold buckle.249 As Aliza Steinberg has recently observed: The expressions “to put on the belt” and “to remove the belt” used in ancient sources in Late Antiquity denoted the authoritative power given to someone donning or removing his belt. No one in an official position would have dared to enter the emperor’s presence without a chlamys and a belt. The absence of these items of dress symbolized disobedience and disrespectfulness.250

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Additionally, the allusion to Boötes, a constellation famous for the belt supposedly worn by the ox-driver, strengthens the possibility that the design is that of an imperial belt buckle. However, a second and alternative attractive interpretation of this design has been offered by Professor Ellen Swift of the University of Kent, who argues that the design is that of diamond-shaped carving on an ivory diptych which could have been commissioned by officials such as consuls, praetors, and questors upon receiving an appointment to office.251 She finds the belt buckle interpretation unlikely because there is no similar surviving gold example.252 Perhaps it is relevant that Optatian held important offices both in Rome and Achaia and might have chosen to have ivory diptychs made or be referring to diptychs made by colleagues. Professor Swift notes that: The insignia referred to are the documents of appointment given to high officials. For example, there is a diamond on the front of some diptych panels. Further support could be drawn from the illustrations to the Notitia Dignitatum which show a diamond motif on the front of the documents of appointment of the officials and comparanda from various museum collections.253

A third possibility is that one can read the design as two “K”s facing one another with an “X” in the center. Perhaps the poet used the initials of Constantine and Crispus in Greek centered on an “X” for Christos. As for dating, Barnes agrees with Polara that the use of future tense implies that this poem was written prior to the defeat of Licinius by Constantine, thus prior to the summer of 324.254 The meter of the body of the poem and of the interwoven verses is dactylic hexameter.

Latin255 Constantine pater, tu, mundi gloria, consul, ecce tuo renovata dabis tot aperta labore regna per innumeras gentes. Mox carus Eois256 tot populis pia iura feres, et solus in omni Augustus mundo sparges et in ultima numen. Sol tibi felices faciet spes perpete nutu: ars bona iustitiae et divum vicina decori largi dona boni caelo capit; influit illuc vota quod optarint pietatis. Cana subibit

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sancta Ceres; tellus reddit Bacheia lapsa rivis dona suis; non Euri e flamine turbant257 enormes pelagus;258 stat mitis principe noto res per iusta vigens oris, qua signa Booten259 ultima consocia tollunt in sidera dextra.260

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Maxime, iustitiae lumen, concordia et omen pacificum te tota cupit iam saucia et orat res fessas cito pace leves. Tu iunge sereni261 orbis vota tui, gentes sibi iunge volentes.262

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Intexti versus Certa salus rerum, proles invicta Tonantis,263 orbi tu renovas felicis tempora saecli, aurea iustitiae terris insignia donas.

English O Constantine father, you, glory of the world, consul, behold, you will give so many kingdoms, renewed and open by your effort throughout innumerable nations. Soon, you, dear to the [peoples] of the Dawn, you will will bring pious laws to so many peoples, and you as the sole Augustus, will scatter divinity in all the world, even to the farthest regions. The sun will make your hopes blessed for you by its perpetual nod of approval: the good art of justice also takes from the sky the neighboring gifts of the gods of glorious bountiful good; it has flowed to that place which vows of piety might desire. Holy aged Ceres will come;

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the earth returns Bacchic gifts flowing from its own streams; enormous seas do not swell from the gust of the East wind: the state, mild with its famed prince, stands firm, flourishing, through just actions, in its shores, where the farthest united signs lift Boötes into the stars on the right-hand side.

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O greatest one, the light of justice, harmony and peaceful omen, all together desire you and pray that you may relieve injured things and weary states quickly with peace. You, join the vows of your serene world, join the willing peoples to themselves.

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Interwoven verses O sure safety of the state, unconquered offspring of the Thunderer, you renew the times of a happy age for the world, you give the golden emblems of justice to the lands.

Figure 3.10 Poem 12.

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Poems 13A and 13B: Praise of pious Constantine; two reversible poems Poems 13A and 13B are meant to be viewed as a pair, like a diptych. In fact, as Michael Squire notes, it is one poem meant to be read both backwards and forwards, with no loss of meaning.264 Both versions honor Constantine’s victory over Licinius, according to Barnes.265 Poems 11, 12, 13, and 14 constitute a cluster of poems which celebrate the defeat of Licinius, and appear to share “citizen” or ceremonial designs that resemble tunics, togas, and bureaucratic belt buckles. Poem 13 resembles Poem 11, with its design of a senatorial toga or an imperial chlamys, but with only two stripes.266 The intexti versus suggest embroidered stripes. The acrostic spells out PIUS AUGUSTUS on the left, and the final telestich of CONSTANTINUS adorns the right border of Poem 13A.267 No literary allusions are listed by Polara for this pair of poems. The meters are described in various ways. Levitan observes that each line has a central anapest.268 Polara interprets the meter as a combination of iambic and spondaic.269 The scholiast says that the meter is half trochaic and half iambic.270

Latin271 13A Princeps beate, placido sub axe iamnunc iustis, serene, populis favente mundo victor triumpha tribuens, salubre numen, saeclis amore dominans perenne faustis, auctor salutis, Oriens quietus ibit. Votis favente domini superne dextra, gaudet subire placidum regentis omen; virtus vigore radians serena praestat sanctis videre superis remota mundi, totum sub orbe moderans salubre numen, vincens ubique supero favente nutu, saeclum per omne dominans, beate, solus.

Intexti versus Pius Augustus Constantinus.

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English O blessed prince, already now under the placid sky, O serene one, with the universe favoring just peoples, O victor, bestowing triumphal gifts, O health-giving divinity, ruling with eternal love in fortunate ages, O author of safety, the Orient will go in peace. With the right hand of the master above favoring with vows, the calm omen of the ruler rejoices to ascend; serene virtue, radiant in its vigor, offers to see the remote areas of the world, far from the holy ones above,

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O health-giving divinity governing the whole [empire] under your sphere, 10 conquering everywhere by a divine favorable nod, you alone dominating through every age, O blessed one.

Interwoven verses Pious Augustus Constantine.

Latin272 13B Iamnunc sub axe placido, beate princeps, mundo favente populis, serene, iustis, numen salubre, tribuens triumpha victor, faustis perenne dominans amore saeclis,273 ibit quietus Oriens, salutis auctor. Dextra superne domini favente votis, omen regentis placidum subire gaudet; praestat serena radians vigore virtus mundi remota superis videre sanctis, numen salubre moderans sub orbe totum, nutu favente supero ubique vincens, solus, beate, dominans per omne saeclum.

Intexti versus Constantinus Pius Augustus.

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English Already now, under the placid sky, O blessed Prince, with the world favoring the just peoples, O serene one, O health-giving divinity, bestowing triumphal gifts, O victor, ruling with eternal love in fortunate ages, the Orient will go in peace, O author of safety. With the right hand of the master above favoring with vows, the calm omen of the ruler rejoices to ascend; serene virtue, radiant in its vigor, offers to see the remote places of the world, far from the holy ones above,

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O health-giving divinity governing the whole [empire] under your sphere, 10 conquering by a favorable celestial nod everywhere, you alone, O blessed one, dominating through every age.

Interwoven verses Pious Augustus Constantine.

Figure 3.11 Poem 13.

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Poem 14: Constantine as sole pacifier of the whole world, from Italy to the Nile Poems 11, 12, 13, and 14 all celebrate the defeat of Licinius. Polara proposed that the poet classified only Licinius and his Caesar Martinianus as “tyrants”; by his defeat of them, Constantine had made an end of severe and savage war. However, there is nothing in the Latin that restricts the term tyrannis, “tyrants,” to just Licinius and his colleagues. Note that the arch inscription of 313 praises Constantine for avenging the crimes of the “tyrant” and his “faction.” Optatian probably looked at this inscription every day and knew that Constantine had approved of these terms of praise.274 Optatian may even have participated in the Senate session that approved this inscription, for that matter.275 Numerous very specific references to Eastern peoples and places mark this poem: Eoi, Syene, Parthus, Medus, Arabs, Indus, Aurora, Nilus, Aethiopes, and Persae. These peoples and places were previously in the part of the Roman Empire governed by Licinius and would now be under the control of Constantine. In contrast are words such as Res [publica] Itala and Roma, which emphasize that Constantine’s rule previously was centered in the West. The technical meanings of amor and fides imply strongly that treaties had been made to secure these links with the Eastern peoples.276 The main design is of a chi-rho; the chi represents an “X” while the rho appears to be a “V” on an “I” which form the central axis. Squire and Whitton invest the combination of the chi-rho and the description of so many foreign lands with additional meaning but grant that there are no specifically Christian words in the text itself. They also note the panegyrical tone of the poem which piously praises God for his assistance and beneficence.277 The meter of the main body of the poem is dactylic hexameter. Polara says the meter of the intexti are in oratione solute, “prose.”278

Latin279 Sancte, decus mundi ac rerum summa salutis,280 lux pia terrarum, te solo principe saeclis281 immensum gaudere bonis datur. Aurea venit summo missa deo, fusis, pater alme, tyrannis,282 iustitia in terras et gloria candida veri; teque duce mage grata fides et iura renata; totaque, perculsis ingenti mole tyrannis,283

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aspera vis posita est belli. Res Itala iure284 sceptra dabit populis. Voto pius orbis Eoi, Auguste, invictus mundi transibis in oras;285 teque suplex totis ducibus stipata Syene286 orat iura, cupit lucis sibi gaudia nostrae,287 optat, amat. Fallax, en, perfida tela fugarum Parthus deposuit;288 ruit oris undique rubri

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litoris aetherio e nutu certamine amoris289 Medus; Arabs mox omnis ovat laudare sereni290 oris lustra tui, dat veris, sancte, tropaeis291 haec, mage felices titulos, ut vincas amore aurea perpetuo restaurans saecula mundo.292

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Indus et Aurorae miles, quos flumine Nilus293 tangit, fecundis venturus frugifer undis, orantes pia iura petent; gens nobilis ortu Aethiopes cuncti parent; optataque mundo tempora laeta dedit nobis felicitas aevi.

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En, suplices Persae iura sibi regia nolunt, te dominum malunt, fusi tua semper adorant ora, suis cupiunt totis sibi cedere regnis.294 Tu pius et iusti vere memor, inclite, laetis da responsa; bono semper mitissimus orbis

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impertire tuum clementer et addito numen. Sint mage felices, pariter quos, alme, tuere, et reparata iugans maesti divortia mundi,295 orbes iunge pares; det leges Roma volentis principe te in populos; miti felicius aevo

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omnia laetentur florentibus aurea rebus.296

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Intexti versus Summi dei auxilio nutuque perpetuo tutus orbem totum pacavit trucidatis tyrannis Constantinus pius et aeternus imperator reparator orbis.

English O holy one, ornament of the world and apex of safety of the state, O pious light of the lands, with you as sole princeps,

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The Poems of Optatian immense rejoicing is given in good ages. Golden justice comes, sent by the highest god, and the gleaming-white glory of truth [comes] into the lands, because the tyrants have been scattered, O kindly father; with you as leader, more pleasing faith and laws have been reborn; and because tyrants have been struck by an enormous strength, the whole fierce force of war has been put aside. The Italian state will give scepters by law to the peoples. Pious by a vow of the Eastern world,

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O Augustus, you will cross unconquered into the shores of the world, 10 and suppliant Syene, crowded together with all her leaders, seeks laws from you, she desires, longs for, and loves the joys of our light for herself. Behold, the deceitful Parthian has laid aside the faithless weapons of flight; from all sides the Mede rushes from the banks of the Red Sea in a contest of love [friendship] with a celestial nod of assent; soon every Arab rejoices to praise the lustra [5-year-periods] of your serene countenance, O holy one, he gives in addition to true trophies, these things, happier titles, so that you, restoring golden ages to the world, may conquer by perpetual love.

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The Indian and the soldier of the Dawn, whom the Nile touches with its flow, will come fruitfully with fecund waves, petitioners will seek pious laws; a race noble in origin, all the Ethiopians, make obeisance; and the felicity of the age has given to us joyful times, longed for by the world.

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Behold, suppliant Persians do not wish royal laws for themselves, they prefer you as Lord; having prostrated themselves, they always adore your face, they desire to yield for themselves with their entire kingdoms. You, O glorious one, pious and truly mindful of justice, give responses to the blessed ones; O always most gentle one, for the increased good of the world

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bestow your divine favor mercifully also. Let them be more blessed, equally those whom you protect, O kindly one, and marrying the restored divorced parts of the gloomy world, join together the equal orbits of influence;

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let Rome give willing laws, with you as leader, to the peoples; more blessedly in a gentle age let all things golden rejoice at flourishing affairs.

Interwoven verses Safely by the aid and perpetual favor of the highest God, Constantine, pious and eternal emperor, the restorer of the world, has pacified the whole world, because the tyrants have been slaughtered.

Figure 3.12 Poem 14.

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Poem 15: Eulogy for Constantius, the father of Constantine; mostly Roman references The archaizing language recalls the past by using such words as induperator and Ausoniae decus and lux Romulidum. This language signals Constantine’s rise to power after the death of his father and, indeed, seems to show him both surpassing his father and becoming more like Augustus who had also swept to power after the death of his “father.” The reference to “stars,” sidera, recalls the legend that the divine soul of Julius Caesar had ascended to the heavens, as shown by the appearance of a long-tailed comet in the days after his death. It was called Sidus Iulium (“Julian Star”) or Caesaris astrum (“Star of Julius Caesar”). Suetonius reports in Divus Julius 88: “a comet shone for seven successive days, rising about the eleventh hour, and was believed to be the soul of Caesar, received into heaven.”297 Augustus issued a coin commemorating the comet with his own image on one side and an image of an eight-point comet with a flaming tale. It has been suggested that the chi-rho is a variant of the image of the comet and serves as a signifier of divinity, or divine favor.298 Although Barnes finds no precise historical allusion in this poem,299 any date after the defeat of Maxentius seems likely because the poem specifically honors Constantine as the son of Constantius and celebrates the return of Italy to Constantine. Optatian addresses Constantine as Augustus at the beginning of the poem and near the end as both Caesar and pater patriae.300 This poem has no design since there are no interwoven verses. The acrobatics in this poem come from the playfulness with the meters. Both Giovanni Polara and William Levitan have observed the increasing length of the syllables in the first five lines. So, line one is composed of words which have two syllables (disyllables), line two has words of three syllables (trisyllables), line three has tetrasyllables, and line four has pentasyllables. Line five then retraces the effect by using words of ever-increasing syllables: one, two, three, four, and five syllables. Levitan notes that this technique is called “rhopalic” or “club-shaped” verse, which has been attributed to Homer (Iliad 3.182). Levitan also observes that in line six, if the final word remains last, the reader can invert the rest of the line without changing the rhythm or sense. Metrical symmetry of dactyl/ molossus/ molossus/ dactyl permits this. In line seven, all the Latin parts of speech are paraded: exclamation, adverb, preposition, noun, adjective, conjunction, verb, and pronoun. This usage is known in Greek as teleion. In the eighth line, all the words are in the same case.301

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More games with meter and case continue; Optatian experiments with reversible meters in lines nine through fifteen. Line nine scans as hexameter when read in either direction. Polara calls this meter “heroic.” Line ten remains a pentameter when read forward or backward. However, line eleven is a hexameter when read forward but a pentameter when read backward. Lines twelve and thirteen form an elegiac couplet, even if read backward. Lines fourteen and fifteen are hexameter when read forward but become Sotadeans when read in the other direction. The term for such reversible lines as the last five were alternatively labelled as reciproci, recurrentes, anacycli, or anastrephonta.302

Latin303 Alme, decus mundi summum, rector pius orbis, Auguste, invicta populos virtute gubernans iustitia, imperii nationum, Constantine, effrenatarum moderamine pacificator, quem divus genuit Constantius induperator,304 aurea Romanis propagans saecula nato, heu nimis ad caelum properans, ni liquerit ille aeternum auxilium invictum iustumque piumque, alme pater patriae, nobis te, maxime Caesar,

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Ausoniae decus, o lux pia Romulidum. Est placitum superis tunc haec in gaudia mundi perpetuis bene sic partiri munera saeclis; sidera dant patri, et patris imperium, sancte, tibi. Magnae data tu lux aurea Romae.

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Ista canit ruris tibi vates ardua metra.

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English O kindly one, highest glory of the universe, pious ruler of the world, O Augustus, governing the peoples by unconquered virtue, justice, O Constantine, pacifier of the unruly nations of the empire by governance, whom the divine Commander Constantius bore, increasing golden ages for the Romans for his son, alas, hastening too soon to heaven, unless that one will have left you to us as an eternal aid—unconquered, just and pious— kindly father of the fatherland, O greatest Caesar,

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The Poems of Optatian glory of Ausonia [Italy], O pious light of the descendants of Romulus. It has well pleased those above305 then thus to share these gifts into the joys of the world for perpetual ages; they give stars to the father, and the imperium of the father, O holy one, to you. You as a golden light have been given to Rome.

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The poet sings those difficult meters of the countryside to you.

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Poem 16: Praises for Constantine in Latin; some Greek; references to Africa Optatian signals the bilingual aspects of the poem in the phrase duplicem. ., vocem, “double language.” Three of the interwoven verses of this poem, to be read as Greek, reveal the Christian nature of the poem. To achieve this bivalence of Greek and Latin, certain substitutions were made: “K” for “C” in karum, “dear,” karior, “dearer,” kana, “white, snowy,” pakatis, “pacified,” and the repeated use of “Y” for “I” in inclyta, “renowned,” and the use of the loan word, chelys, “tortoise shell, lyre.” The poet invokes Greek sources of inspiration, such as the Muse(s) and Phoebus. In line 30, the phrase comitata dei pia numina summi,“the attendant holy powers of the highest god,” may be used to remind the reader that Constantine had once issued a coin showing Apollo as his comes, “companion” in 313.306 By 324 or 325, Constantine described the Christian deity as the summus deus, the “highest god.”307 This poem also uses archaizing language to allude to the Romans, such as Quirites, “citizens,” and “light of the Ausonians” for Italians. Names for other peoples include the “Tyrians,” an anachronism coined by Vergil for the Carthaginians.308 Because Africa and Carthage are closely mentioned again, some scholars have suggested that Optatian came from North Africa, but every Roman read the Aeneid and understood these allusions.309 Other exotic passages which describe the North as “shivering with the winds” seem to refer to the Sarmatians and Goths, conquered by Constantine.310 This reference is reiterated by the description of fierce peoples. The design of Poem 16 suggests the four stripes one would see on a senatorial tunic, imperial chlamys, an officer’s tunic, or even a vexillum, “banner” or “flag.”311 The reference to “signa,” which the brave cohorts lift to their leader, strengthens the interpretation of a military banner. There is a “ragged right” border which is unadorned. Although the four stripes are in all Latin capital letters, only the first stripe can be read as Latin, while the other three must be read in Greek. Perhaps, however, the stripes represent the status indicators on a garment rather than a banner. A narrow stripe (angustus clavus) marked the tunic of a member of the equestrian class while a broad stripe (latus clavus) marked out the tunic of a senator.312 Tunics might have only two stripes, but four would be possible if you count both front and back. Timothy D. Barnes observes that this poem is usually dated after the defeat of Licinius in 324. However, he notes that Polara dates this poem to 322, due to the limited range of conquered areas (Italy, Africa, and the “horrid North”).313 The

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reference to two Caesars (gemino . . . Caesare) suggests that the poem was composed either when there were only Crispus and Constantinus II who had been elevated in 317 or before the elevation of Constantius II in 324. The wish for “twentieth-year vows” (vota vicennia, line 35) in conjunction with the reference to two Caesars and conquered territories strengthens the suggestion of a date in 324.314 The meter of the main body of the poem is dactylic hexameter. Polara describes the Latin line in the intexti as a nuncupatio, “a calling by name.” It seems to scan as an initial anapest, two molossi, a dactyl, and two spondees. Levitan considers every line to be a hexameter. Polara labels the three Greek lines of the intexti as hexameter.315

Latin316 Dissona conexis audet componere verbis omine mens elata bono. Iuvat inclyta linguae munera Graiorum Musa modulante novare,317 inque vicem, versu cecinit quae forte Latino, nunc alio textu Graecorum in carmina duci, ordine ut in duplicem nectatur littera vocem. Nunc age fecundae reserent pulcherrima Musae; ore sonet docili chelys inclyta carmina Phoebi: spem rerum iustumque canam summamque salutis

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te dominum, bona dona dei, te, magne, parentem Romanum, gratumque orbem tibi, maxime, semper, omnia quod certa respirant mente quietem.318 Cum placidi spectent hostiles mille triumphos, omnia plena bonis tua, Constantine, Quirites,319

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nil sibi crediderint karum mage te, decus orbis. Servatos Tyrii se semper vindice dextra te domino exultant; tranquillis karior urbi Africa temporibus potitur servata quiete, nunc se felicem, nunc se sub numinis arce

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tutam, quod Carthago decus venerabile gestat, iure putat: tantum fatis, lux inclyta, praestat nobile te domino nomen; spes et decus almum est. Omnis ab Arctois plaga finibus horrida Cauro320 pacis amat kana et comperta perennia iura,321

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et tibi fida tuis semper bene militat armis,

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resque gerit virtute tuas populosque feroces322 propellit caeditque, habens tibi debita rata, et tua victores sors accipit. Hinc tibi fortes teque duce invictae attollunt signa cohortes;323 undique te comitata dei pia numina summi omnibus ultorem praebent, et iura fidemque,324 alme, tua spectant: respondent omnia votis. Undique pakatis salvator maxima rebus gaudia praestabis, dabis otia victor in orbe;

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virtutum meritis vicennia praecipe vota. Saeclorum crevit gemino spes Caesare certa, teque, o sancte parens, olim post mille tropaea, o lux Ausonidum, dispone sceptra nepotum.

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Intextus versus Domino nostro Constantino perpetuo Augusto.

Greek interwoven verses325 NEIMEN COI BACILEY XPICTOC KAI COIC TEKEECCI TIMION EYCEBIHC KPATEEIN APETHC TE BPABEION EYNOMIHC APXEIN TE KAI AYCONIOICIN ANACCEIN326

English My mind, elated by good omen, dares to couple different ideas with conjoined words. It helps to renew the famous gifts of the language of the Greeks, while the Muse is singing, and in turn she who by chance sang in Latin verse, now in another text is being fashioned into songs of the Greeks, so that the letter may be bound into a double language in its order. Come now, let the fertile Muses unlock the very beautiful words; let the celebrated lyre with its well-taught voice sing the famous songs of Phoebus: let me sing of you, the just master of the republic and the highest hope of safety, the good gifts of the god/ God, you O great one, the Roman parent,

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The Poems of Optatian and the universe always pleasing to you, O greatest one, because all things enjoy a respite of peace [after war] with a secure mind. When the peaceful Romans [Quirites] view 1000 triumphs over the enemies, all your regions filled with good things, O Constantine, they will have believed nothing is dearer to themselves than you, O ornament of the universe. The Tyrians always boast that they have been preserved by your vindicating right hand, with you as lord; Africa, dearer to the city, gains tranquil times, having been saved in quiet, and now she thinks herself happy in law, now she thinks herself safe within the citadel of divinity,

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because Carthage bears venerable glory; so great a noble name, O celebrated light, excels the fates, with you as lord; there is hope and bountiful honor. From the northern borders, every region shivering with the northwest wind loves the hoary and well-founded perennial laws of peace,

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and faithful to you, always serves well as soldiers with your weapons, and carries on your government with virtue and repels and slays the fierce peoples, considering valid debts owed to you, and your destiny receives the victors. Hence to you, with you as leader, the brave and unconquered cohorts lift their standards;

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on all sides the attendant holy powers of the highest god offer you as avenger for all, and they look at your laws and faith, O kindly one; all things resound with anniversary vows. From all sides, you as savior will offer greatest joys to the pacified states and you as victor will give repose in the universe;

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receive in advance the twenty-year vows for the merits of your virtues. Sure hope of the ages has increased with twin Caesar[s], and you, O holy parent, once after 1,000 trophies, O light of the sons of Ausonius, display the scepters of your descendants.

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Latin interwoven verse To our perpetual lord, Constantine the Augustus.

[III] The Poems of Optatian to Constantine

Greek interwoven verses Christ bestowed on you, O emperor, and your offspring the noble prize of piety and virtue, namely, to rule, to be the chief [example] of good order and also to be master of the Ausonians.327

Figure 3.13 Poem 16.

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Poem 17: Winding verse patterns inspired by Vergil; considered inauthentic Barnes notes that all the editors of the poet—Müller, Kluge, and Polara—reject this poem as “inauthentic” and see it as an introduction composed by a “much later hand” to Poem 18.328 Polara observes that lines 14–20 of this poem replicate the intexti verses of Poem 18.329 The limited nature of the allusions, from only Vergil, supports this theory that it is not composed by Optatian. There is no design as there are no interwoven verses. The meter is dactylic hexameter.

Latin330 Sunt septem numero pares ac lege metrorum consimilis versus; genus est quae Musa Maronis. His proprium sentire subest; mens sufficit uni. Iure suo sibimet cedunt: alios tenet ortus alterius finis, lector. Qua littera monstrat directi, dociles nunc sistere tramite cursus,331 nam quemvis medium venientis semita sulcat. Si verbum textum pertemptes ore Latino, in sese alterno conectens ordine versus,

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vota sonans longum poteris implere volumen.332 Ne tamen ambages error sinuosus haberet, ordine perscribtos minium reserare valebit versus, quos titulis Augustus victor333 honestat: Alme tuas laurus aetas sustollet in astra.334

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Aurea lux vatum, silvae mihi praemia serva.335 Aucta deo virtus Musas magis ornat aperta. Aurea victorem pietas sonat ubere lingua. Aonios latices pietas iuvat armaque diva. Augusti florem pietas iuvat, arma, tropaea.

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Aonii frutices pietas iuvat ubere glaeba.336

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English There are seven verses, equal in number and similar by the law of meters: It is the type [of meter] which the muse of Maro [Vergil] [used]. For these things it is a basis to consider what is special; the mind suffices for the one.

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By their own law [poetic rule] they yield to themselves; the end of one holds the other beginnings, O reader. In this way a letter of a straight [line] points out, it shows now that the docile courses halt at a track, for the path of the coming [verse] plows whatever middle there is. If you consider well the word woven in the Latin language, connecting the verses onto themselves in alternating order,

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resounding the vows, you will be able to fill a long chapter. Nevertheless, lest the sinuous wandering should have ambiguities, Vermilion will avail to disclose the carefully written verses which the Augustus as Victor adorns with his titles: O gentle one, the age lifts your laurels to the stars.

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O golden light of poets, preserve for me the rewards of the forest. Virtue, increased [and] revealed by the god, adorns the Muses more, Golden piety sings of the victor with rich language. [Divine] piety aids Aonian springs and divine arms. Piety aids the youthful prime of Augustus, his arms, his trophies.

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Piety of the Aonian aids the shoots with fruitful soil.

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Poem 18: World-wide victories of Constantine, as a grandfather This poem provides a roll call of Constantinian victories over Greeks, Medes, Armenians, Sarmatians, Goths, Dacians, Franks: in short, worldwide military success. However, diplomatic expansion reaches even to India, the scene of Alexander the Great’s conquests. Barnes thus dates this poem to 324, after the defeat of Licinius in the East but before an anticipated consulship in 325 by Constantine, who appointed someone else.337 The poem salutes Constantine for his reduction of widespread enemies to allies or workers in the Roman fields, probably as coloni.338 This change of status is emphasized in the image of barbaric tribes who convert their curved swords to plowshares. Another significant reference for dating purposes is the phrase Ponti decus. . .Roma soror, “ornament of the Pontus. . .sister [of] Rome,” which implies that the founding of Constantinople was under way. Other events confirming a date of 324/325 include the mention of a treaty with Persia. Interestingly, there has been much speculation that Constantine had considered an attack against Persia in this time frame, but this did not materialize.339 East and North are referenced in these terms: Medi, Getas, Armenii, Dacia, Francos, Rhenus, Sarmata, Oceani, Nysia, Thylen, India, Nileus, Arctos, Carpi, and Haemus. Rome is given archaizing terms like Latiales, Romula plebs, and veteres Tuscos. Classical sources of inspiration include Musas, Clio, lyra, and Delie [= Apollo]. As for the design of the intexti versus, Michael Squire notes that the poem is bordered on all sides by the same hexameter.340 William Levitan considers this poem a masterpiece; he traces over fifty paths through the thirty-five lines of text. He also discerns more than forty unique hexameters and notes also that each line of the intexti versus begins and ends with the letter “A.”341 But the most impressive part of the design are the two tiers of “XX” stacked above each other. This design may be a wish for a total of forty years, double the years of the vicennalia. This surpasses the usual prayer for an additional ten years by a factor of two.

Latin342 Alme, tuas laurus aetas sustollet in astra;343 luce tua signes fastus, sine limite consul.344

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Marte serenus habes reiecto munia Graium, et Medi praestas in censum sceptra redire. Torva Getas campo clarus ut lumina perdit,345 vult curvo turmae felix sua comminus ictu346 Armenii dux ferre levis, sol, te quoque pila.347 Sic et victa refert exortos Dacia Francos. Lege tuus tonso Rhenus tibi germinat exul

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agmina, telorum subeant qui murmure bella.348 Vincere florenti Latiales Sarmata349 ductu rex tibi posse Getas viso dat limite, ultor.350 Vidit te, summum columen, qua velifer aestu351 serus in Oceani pressit iuga Nysia pontus,352

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atque rudis radii scit lux exorta tropaea. En, gaudent pietate + altis pars perpete age.353 [En, gaudent pietate alii pars perpete pace.] Tu vatem firmes dictus, te nunc lyra cantet: aucta deo virtus Musas magis ornat aperta. Solum vota notis late sua Romula dat plebs?

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Sancta tuis Clio permiscet vota tropaeis; visitur et crescit pictorum gratia cantu. Sit vis vicinis, per Thylen354 gratia pollens. Talis fixa suis signis lyra munera gestat, orsa pari vates quae perfert, Delie, rhythmo.

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Lumine muriceo venerandus dux erit ut Sol; legibus ut Iani teneas avus orbe tribunal,355 egregios titulos pietatis habebis amore.356 Tot freta pacis apex mutari munere gaudet,357 India clavigeri Latium vult tangere navi,358

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Nileus messor sua tradit castra, vel agmen Arctos, quam Carpi noscet vix Haemus, in ora.359 Sic istis cultus in rem curvantibus enses te nivea iuvat arce frui. Ponti decus auget, Roma soror, veteres Tuscos, quos ore tuemur.360

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Alme, tuas laurus aetas sustollet in astra.

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Intexti versus Alme tuas laurus aetas sustollet in astra. Aurea lux vatum, silvae mihi praemia serva. Aucta deo virtus Musas magis ornat aperta.

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Aurea victorem pietas sonat ubere lingua. Aonios latices pietas iuvat armaque diva. Augusti florem pietas iuvat, arma, tropaea. Aonii frutices pietas iuvat ubere glaeba.

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English O kindly one, the age will lift your laurels to the stars; by your light, may you mark the fasti, consul without limit. Since war has been rejected, serenely you hold the offices of the Greeks, and you prevail to return the kingdoms of the Mede to the [Roman] census. As the one famed in the field of battle destroys the Goths—savage eyes—; the capricious leader of the Armenians, fortunate in the curved strike of the cavalry unit in hand-to-hand combat, also wishes you, O sun, to bear his spears. Thus, also conquered Dacia forces back the rebellious Franks. The Rhine River, your exile by law, brings forth to you [who are] clean-shaven,

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[shaggy] troops who enter upon wars with the whirr of spears. 10 The Sarmatian king grants to you that the men of Latium under your flourishing leadership are able to conquer the Goths, when the frontier has been seen, O avenger. The sail-bearing sea, late in its tide, where it pressed into the Nysian ridges of the Ocean, saw you, O highest chief, and the risen sun with its fresh rays knows your trophies. Behold, come now, some rejoice in your piety, part rejoice perpetually in high things. May you, who were spoken of, strengthen the poet; now may the lyre sing of you; virtue, increased by God/ a god, openly adorns the Muses more. Do only the people of Romulus give their vows to those who are widely known?

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Clio mixes holy vows with your trophies; It [the poem] is viewed and the favor of the painted designs increases in the recitation. Let your strength be strong for your neighbors, your favor growing strong throughout Thule. Such a lyric, fastened by its own designs, bears gifts which the poet carries out, a lyric beginning with even rhythm, O Delian one.

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Just like the sun, he will be a leader worthy of veneration in a crimson light; 25 as a grandfather, as you hold the tribunal in the world by the laws of Janus, you will hold outstanding titles by the love of your pietas. The highest one rejoices that so many seas are changed by the gift of peace, with a ship India wishes to touch the Latium of key-bearing Janus, the Nile-dwelling reaper surrenders his camp, indeed Arctos surrenders his troops 30 on the [northern] shores which Haemus of Carpus will scarcely recognize. Thus, it helps those people converting their swords to use in the cultivation [of fields] that you enjoy the snow-white citadel. The ornament of the Pontus increases; O sister Rome, enhances the ancient Etruscans, whom we behold with our expression. O kindly one, the age will lift your laurels to the stars.

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Interwoven verses O gentle one, the age lifts your laurels to the stars. O golden light of poets, preserve for me the rewards of the forest. Virtue, increased [and] revealed by the god, adorns the Muses more, Golden piety sings of the victor with rich language. Piety aids Aonian springs and divine arms. [Divine] piety aids the youthful prime of Augustus, his arms, his trophies. Piety of the Aonian aids the shoots with fruitful soil.

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Figure 3.14 Poem 18.

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[III] The Poems of Optatian to Constantine

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Poem 19: Wishes for forty years of rule for Constantine; naval victory led by Crispus The main design is of a ship topped by a chi-rho and surrounded by VOT[A], “vows,” for many more years of reign. The chi-rho implies that Constantine’s success comes from his reliance on this symbol and on Christ, whose name is signaled by the first letters in Greek. The imagery celebrates Constantine’s naval victory over Licinius at Chrysopolis on September 18, 324.361 In the body of the ship, the viewer can also pick out “XXX,” which is a common motif in poems celebrating a twentieth anniversary, by wishing for an additional ten years, giving a total of thirty years. However, in their article on the chi-rho, Squire and Whitton see only “XX” in the hull and count it as celebrating Constantine’s double decade and the “twice ten” anniversary of his sons.362 Oars, stern, and prow are also evident. In line 19, Optatian means that the “pen” (plectrum) is being used like a wooden needle to create a matrix that resembles a net, a reference to the gridded layout of the text. Optatian plays on multiple meanings of plectrum; Michael Squire points out that the poet puns on its meaning as the rudder or helm of a ship or the pick for playing on the lyre.363 The word VOT[A] figures prominently in the design, just as many coins bear this inscription also. Using coin motifs meant that Optatian was using designs already “stamped” with imperial approval. Typically, words like VOT[A] V MVLT[A] X indicated the anniversary being celebrated.364 William Levitan observes how the eye of the reader is guided by the elements of the design; he notes the various paths that the reader can trace. He detects in the Latin five verses formed from only seventeen words. Ultimately, the most important pattern is that of the design. The meter of the main body is dactylic hexameter. The meter of the intexti is also in hexameters, except for the final line which is in pentameter. The Greek lines form an elegiac couplet.365 Praise for the inspirational sources includes Clarius, father of Calliope, Mt. Helicon, the Muse, Phoebus, and the Pythian one.

Latin366 Prodentur minio caelestia signa legenti. Constantine, decus mundi, lux aurea saecli,367 quis tua mixta canat mira pietate tropaea exultans, dux summe, novis mea pagina votis, aemula quam Clarii genitoris Calliopeae

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composuit tali nunc mens perfusa liquore?368 Versificas Helicon in gaudia proluat undas, clementique novum numen de pectore verset,369 namque ego magnanimi370 dicam numerosa canendo sceptra ducis. Gazzae nobis dat Graecia dona,371 saeclaque Blemmyico sociali limite firmas,372 Romula lux. Condigna novis florentia373 votis voto scripta cano. Tali Mars cardine tecto iam bellis totum Myseum perplectare civem374

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ut pateat Rubicon parili petit aethera iure.375 Nunc felix proprios pakis me scrupea visus iam stimulat signis exultans Musa notare,376 gaudia laetus nunc per me notat avia377 Phoebus; retito quoque texta novo cane laurea plectro,

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arte notis picta felicia saecula plaudens. Sic aestus vates fido duce, Pythie, carpens nunc tutus contemnat, summe, procax; ego vero378 nunc mare sigaeum valeam bene frangere remo, carbasa noctiferum totum si scrupea tendo,379

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pulpita deportans. Visam contexere navem380 Musa sinit; coniuncta tuo spes inclita voto. Mentem per tortum fessam non frangat hiulco laus mea ficta pede stans magna mole docendi.381 Signa palam dicam laetissima flumine sancto,382

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mente bona; contemnat, summis cum sibi agonem votis post fractum Martem clementia reddet383? Sic nobis lecto quo crescunt aurea saecla mox Latio vincens iam bis vicennia reddes,384 carmine quae pietas miro de nomine formet.385

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Flore notans votum vario386 dat pagina felix, Augustae sobolis memorans insignia fata. Iudice te vel teste pio condigna parentis387 iungentur titulis felicia facta nepotum.

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Intexti versus Navita nunc tutus contemnat, summe, procellas. Nigras nunc tutus contemnat, summe, procellas. Tutus contemnat summis cumulata tropaeis; pulsa mente mala contemnat, summe, procellas.

[III] The Poems of Optatian to Constantine Spe quoque Roma bona contemnat, summe, procellas. Roma felix floret semper votis tuis.

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Greek intexti versus THN NAYN AEI KOCMON CE AE APMENON EINI NOMIZIN ΘΥPOIC TEINOMENON CHC APETHC ANEMOIC388

English Heavenly signs will be revealed by vermilion to the reader.389 O Constantine, splendor of the world, golden light of the age, with what new vows does my page sing, exulting in your trophies mixed with wondrous pietas, O highest leader, my page, emulating that which the mind of Clarius, father of Calliope, composed, suffused now by such a liquor? Let Mt. Helicon pour forth verse-making streams into joys, and let it stir a new divinity from a merciful heart, and indeed, let me speak by singing of the numerous scepters

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of a great-souled leader. Greece gives to us the gifts of Gazza, and you strengthen the ages by an allied Blemmyian frontier, O light of Romulus. I sing of worthy topics, flowering in new vows, written for a prayer. In such a concealed crisis Mars seeks now to punish every Mysian citizen by wars

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so that the Rubicon may extend to the heavens with equal law. My craggy Muse, now happy now exultant, stimulates me to mark with signs, her own visions of peace; happy Phoebus inscribes trackless joys through me; sing even laureled victories woven in a net [designed] by a fresh quill,

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applauding happy ages painted by skill with marks. O highest Pythian one, with a faithful leader, thus let the poet, now safe and bold, scorn the raging tides, [as he is] seizing [them]; in truth may I now be strong enough to break with my oar the Sigaean sea, if I stretch toward the whole Evening Star by a ragged linen sail,

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carrying away the platforms [of the ship]. The Muse allows me to interweave a visible ship; glorious hope has been conjoined with your vow.

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May my praise, standing on a meter fashioned with a great mass of instruction, not break my mind, weary with [intricate] turning, with a gap in the text. Let me speak openly of the happiest signs, with a sacred flow, and with a good mind; should someone condemn me, when mercy will restore the competition to itself with highest vows after Mars has been broken? Thus, for us, golden ages increase, by your selection, soon as conqueror you will restore to Latium twice twenty years, which pietas will form from your wondrous name in a marvelous poem.

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The happy page, marking with varying flower, gives a vow, memorializing the remarkable fates of the Augustan lineage. With you as judge or dutiful witness, deeds worthy of the parent will be joined happily with the tituli of the descendants.

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Interwoven verses390 Now may the sailor safely despise the storms, O highest one. Now, O highest one, the safe man may despise black storms. The safe one may scorn those things that are piled with highest trophies. With the evil mind having been beaten, O highest one, he may despise the storms. Also with good hope, Rome may despise the storms, O highest one. Fortunate Rome always flourishes with your vows.

Greek interwoven verses As a ship must be orderly, so too you must (customarily) take thought to be prepared, carried forth by the swift winds of thine virtue.391

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[III] The Poems of Optatian to Constantine

Figure 3.15 Poem 19.

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Poems 20A and 20B: Paired shape poems; A, the Senate; B, workings of a water organ This poem provides a glimpse into the celebration of the vicennalia in Rome. The dscriptions of assembled dignitaries, in their purple-ornamented togas and tunics, recall the designs in Poems 11, 13, and 16. The attendees came bearing gifts of gold for the conquering ruler.392 A large assemblage of senators in their gleaming robes stood near an enormous organ that accompanied the praises of the Augustus and his Caesars. Optatian feels a poignant sense of loss at the fulsome presence of so many dignitaries while he himself is forced to be absent.393 The pride the senators felt in being included at this event is underlined in a study by Robert Chenault of the statue bases dating to the fourth century in the Forum. The Forum was populated not only by actual togate senators but by marble ones as well, many dating back to the second century. “The inscriptions emphasize the holding of high office, distinguished achievement in letters, the display of traditional aristocratic virtues, and the approval of peers and emperor as the defining characteristics of senatorial excellence.”394 The shape of this poem suggests that the festivities were enhanced by the playing of a magnificent water organ, as was common at many large public events.395 The actual process by which the water organ worked is described in the second half of Poem 20b.396 Choirs add to the musical presentations which seem to emulate hymns that Horace composed for Augustus.397 Claudian Claudianus describes the impressive sound of the organ in his Panegyricus dictus Manlio Theodoro Consuli in 399. The organist “with a light touch (levi tactu) can elicit loud sounds (magna murmura), and sound the innumerable voices of the brazen field (segetis aeneae) with a nimble finger (erranti digito), and through a beam-like lever rouses to song the labouring waters from the depth.”398 This pair of poems combines two shape poems: 20a represents the onlookers standing in well-ordered rows while 20b depicts the impressive water organ. Both poems praise the successful general who has completed his war(s): Michael Squire notes that 20a is written in catalectic iambic dimeter while the companion piece 20b is composed in ever-increasing hexameters.399 William Levitan suggests that the lines which form the water organ contain twice as many letters in the longest pipe as the shortest, so as to have a 2:1 ratio, like an octave.400 The typical allusions to divine inspiration are present in both halves: “the fountain of Phoebus,” Clio, “the Aonian fountain,” and the Muses.

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Latin401 20A Post Martios labores et Caesarum perennes virtutibus per orbem tot laureas virentes et principis tropaea felicibus triumphis Augusta rite saeclis402 exsultat omnis aetas, urbesque flore grato

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et frondibus decoris totis virent plateis.403 Haec ordo veste clara cum purpuris honorum fausto precantur ore

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feruntque dona laeti;404 iam Roma, culmen orbis, dat munera et coronas, auro ferens coruscas405 Victorias triumphis,

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votaque iam theatris redduntur et choreis. Me sors iniqua laetis sollemnibus remotum vix haec sonare sivit,

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tot vota fonte Phoebi versuque compta solo.

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English 20A After the labors of Mars and after so many ever-lasting crowns of triumph of the Caesars flourishing throughout the world by their virtues and after the trophies of the Princeps with happy triumphs, every Augustan generation

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solemnly rejoices in the ages, and the cities are green with pleasing flower and with glorious fronds in all the broad avenues. [The members of] this rank, in their illustrious attire, with the purple colors of offices, entreat with favorable speech

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and happily they bear gifts; now Rome, apex of the world, gives gifts and crowns,406 bearing gleaming gold Victory [statues] for triumphs,

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and vows are now echoed in theaters and by choirs.407 An unjust fortune has scarcely allowed me who am removed from the happy solemnities, to utter these words, so many vows from the fountain of Phoebus and embellished in verse alone.

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Latin408 20B O si diviso metiri limite Clio409 una lege sui, uno manantia fonte Aonio, versus heroi iure manente,410 ausuro donet metri felicia texta, augeri longo patiens exordia fine, exiguo cursu, parvo crescentia motu,411 ultima postremo donec fastigia tota ascensu iugi cumulato limite claudat, uno bis spatio versus elementa prioris

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dinumerans, cogens aequari lege retenta parva nimis longis et visu dissona multum tempore sub parili, metri rationibus isdem, dimidium numero Musis tamen aequiperantem.412 Haec erit in varios species aptissima cantus,413

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perque modos gradibus surget fecunda sonoris aere cavo et tereti, calamis crescentibus aucta414 quis bene subpositis quadratis ordine plectris415

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artificis manus in numeros clauditque aperitque416 spiramenta, probans placitis bene consona rythmis, sub quibus unda latens properantibus incita ventis, quos vicibus crebis iuvenum labor haud sibi discors hinc atque hinc animatque agitans augetque reluctans, compositum ad numeros propriumque ad carmina praestat,417 quodque queat minimum ad motum intremefacta frequenter

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plectra adaperta sequi aut placidos bene claudere cantus iamque metro et rythmis praestringere quicquid ubique est.418

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Intextus versus Augusto victore iuvat rata reddere vota.

English 20B O if Clio, by a divided boundary to be measured, by one law of her own, from one Aonian fount, with the rule of heroic verse remaining, should give flowing words to one about to dare texts, happy of their meter, allowing the beginnings to be increased by a long ending, increasing by a slender curve, by a small movement, until it may enclose all the final slopes of the summit in the last ascent of the ridge by an increased boundary, counting out twice in one space the elements of the previous verse, forcing the small [elements] to be equaled by a retained law to the exceedingly long [elements] and [forcing] the ones [that are] much different in appearance, within an equal [amount of] time, by the same rules of meter, the half equaling the Muses in a metrical foot, nevertheless. It will be most suitable for various kinds of songs, and through [various] measures it will rise by steps, fertile in sound, with hollow and smooth brass tubing, increased with growing pipes by which square keys, well-placed in order, the hand of the artisan closes and opens the vents into melodies, the [hand] proving well the sounds with pleasing rhythms, lying under which a rushing wave, stirred with hurrying winds, which the labor of youths animates, by no means disagreeable to them,

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by repeated turns, here and there, stirring and resisting, [the sound] increases, it provides [music] well-arranged for the melodies and appropriate for songs, whatever it can, trembling at the least motion frequently, the keys opened wide follow or closed for well-pleasing songs, and now softens whatever is everywhere by meter and rhythms.

Interwoven verse With Augustus as victor, it is pleasing to return approved vows.

Figure 3.16 Poem 20.

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Part Four

The Poems of Optatian to Other Recipients Poem 21: Dedication to Bassus; playing with verses The design of this poem is marked in the interwoven verse as “disparate in varying color,” vario colore dispar. Optatian asserts that “by the meter he arranges the likeness of a star in a procession,” metro dum in agmine colocat astri effigiem. Clearly, the pattern also replicates winding chains, vincula. . .flexus. Perhaps this motif was patterned after one in a mosaic or a carpet familiar to both Optatian and Bassus, the dedicatee of the poem.1 In the remodeling and restoration of the Forum in Rome under Constantine, such a design (now lost) reportedly ornamented one of the rebuilt buildings, probably the Senate house.2 There is much debate about the precise identity of this recipient who undoubtedly was a colleague of Optatian, perhaps in the Senate. Wienand noted that the likely officials included Caesonius Bassus, consul in 317; Iunius Bassus, praetorian prefect in 318–331, and consul in 331; or Septimius Bassus, who was city prefect of Rome in 317–319.3 I now believe it is dedicated to Caesonius Bassus. The reasoning for this identification is laid out in detail to the introduction to Poem 22 in which the key evidence appears. Apparently, the addressee shared the poet’s delight in Hellenizing allusions and word play in the interwoven verses. The playing with meter and oppositional movement in the poem, paired with aestus, “the heat of passion,” reminds one of the wordplay in Poem 50 by Catullus in which he recalls taking turns composing lines of verse with his friend Licinius Calvus. This literary competition made Catullus so excited that he describes himself as incensus, “set aflame.”4 The literati of Late Antiquity seem to have enjoyed not only copying the words of the Golden Age poets but also consciously mimicking their behavior.5 Optatian used dactylic hexameter for the body of the 117

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poem but varied the meter of the interwoven verses. Catullus, however, used hendecasyllabic meter; each line has eleven poetic feet. The poet credits multiple sources of inspiration: Camena, the divinity of Phoebus, Calliope, Pythian skill, the gentle Muse, and the Castalian fountain.

Latin6 Pauca quidem cecini fors frivola; his quoque iungam ludicra: sic nostra panget tua iussa Camena.7 Ambiet haec claudens felicis numine Phoebi Calliope partita novis sibi vincula curis, flexibus ut primis discordi regula cultu hinc alia sonet arte super Pythoia flexus. Sic facies, totiens cum confirmaverit aestus, sic animus nec victus iners sit saucius. Irim8 impleri varias metricae gravioris ob artes

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tandem nosse9 dei meditantem vix licet aestus; rite velit, metro dum in agmine colocat astri effigiem, trepidoque parans sermone latenter dicere nec metuens vincto sic omnia ab ortu pangere. Sed rursum Bassus nunc prodere carmen

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imperat: hic docilis Musae de fonte meabunt ordine Castalio texti per nomina versus.10

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Intexti versus Publilius Optatianus Porfyrius haec lusi omne genus metri tibi pangens optume Basse. Hic versus vario colore dispar.

English Indeed, I have sung a few things, O frivolous chance; let me join playthings even to these: thus, our Camena will compose your commanded poems. With the divine will of favorable Phoebus, Calliope will encircle these verses, enclosing [them], having divided up the chains, with new cares for herself,

[IV] The Poems of Optatian to Other Recipients so that from the first turns, another rule, with inharmonious elegance, may resound, from here by Pythian skill beyond the swerves. Thus, you will do, as often as when passion will have encouraged [you], Thus, let the mind be neither submissive, conquered nor wounded. I may have gone on to be satisfied by the various arts of a weightier meter; finally, it is scarcely permitted that the meditating one knows the passion

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of the god; 10 let him solemnly wish, while by the meter he arranges the likeness of a star in a procession, and preparing by tremulous diction to speak secretly and not fearing to arrange all things from its beginning thus. But now Bassus orders [me] again to produce a poem: here the woven verses of the gentle Muse will wander from the Castalian fountain in order through the headings.

Interwoven verses I, Publilius Optatianus Porfyrius, played at these, Composing every kind of meter for you, O best Bassus. This verse is disparate in varying color.

Figure 4.1 Poem 21.

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Poem 22: Dedication to Bassus; the winding parts of the poem The candidates for the identity of the addressee of this poem and the previous one include Caesonius Bassus, consul in 317; Iunius Bassus, praetorian prefect in 318–331, and consul in 331; or Septimius Bassus, who was city prefect of Rome in 317–319.11 T. D. Barnes suggests that this poem is addressed to the Bassus who was consul in 317, which would date these paired poems well before those addressed to Constantine.12 J. F. Gilliam has identified Caesonius Bassus in 317 from epigraphic evidence and describes the family as truly senatorial and consular for many generations. They appear also to be connected to the Anicii.13 The identification of the dedicatee as Caesonius is strengthened by the reference to an important person with six names (line 34 below); Caesonius was the son of Lucius Caesonius Ovinius Manlius Rufinianus Bassus (c. 227–c. 300) who was appointed suffect consul twice, in around 260 and 284.14 Optatian’s association with such a family supports the assumption that the poet interacted with a circle of elite aristocrats who were highly educated. The reference to the “Sidonian” is undoubtedly a literary one. By this time, lovers of Vergil knew well that Dido, queen of Carthage, had been given this epithet because of her escape from Phoenicia. In literary circles, “Sidonian” had come to be synonymous with “Carthaginian.”15 Since Carthage was the capital of the province of Africa, a governor could rightly be referred to in this oblique manner. In the poem, the “Sidonian” is seen as a patron who can be helpful. It is possible that the “Sidonian” mentioned in line 24 is C. Annius Anullinus, who was proconsul of Africa in 312–313. Michele Salzman traces his career in her recent article on Constantine and his relations with key officials of senatorial rank.16 Another candidate for the “Sidonian” is L. Amnius Manius Caesonius Nichomachus Anicius Paulinus who served as legatus Carthaginis while his father Anicius Julianus (consul, 322) served as proconsul of Africa.17 The poem seems less well developed than the compositions delivered for the vicennalia of the emperor Constantine; there are fewer literary allusions, but the design is intriguing in its complexity. It can be read as four “X”s over four “X”s; the design also suggests a trellis overgrown with ivy, as the opening lines insinuate. The reference to ivy may be a subtle allusion to a joke that Constantine

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made about Trajan’s omnipresence in Roman inscriptions. Robert Chenault notes: In all probability, Constantine was shown around Rome in a tour not unlike that given to Constantius in A.D. 357. Perhaps it was during such a tour that Constantine noticed how many buildings bore Trajan’s name, prompting him to crack the joke that Trajan was as ubiquitous as wall ivy.18

The meter for the body is dactylic hexameter. Polara points out the varied meter in the interwoven verses: the first two lines are dactylic hexameter; lines 3–6 are iambic trimeter, lines 7–10 are trochaic dimeter, and lines 11–14 are adonic.19

Latin20 Mirum opus est cunctos et tales edere versus, sicque locare hederis.21 Paulum tu, die, rogatus mox ades. En quorsum rapies, qui22 praebeo fixas? Sum tuus, et primis tua discimus, ut tria felix nec fallax tribuens audaci in munere clarum aequiperes animum. Nunc Clio carmina firmet. Qui poterunt pangi? ponam ceu stamina normas,23 quae verrant sese, quae vincula mitia curent? Tu dabis has vires; tua rursum consere praemia.24

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Ausibus in magnis laeta ad contraria curras.25 Aonidum nam fonte gravi micat ars nova venis. Immanest26 prorsum amplexu aut tot ocius oras prospicere, plantare modos, inmittat uti tum et proiiecta necet consumto ingloria libro.

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Si sapiunt et nostra cui succrescere acumen praesolidum densumque animi deducere viva, congruere cernant studiose, qui bona calles27 legibus abstrusis, quod carmina conspicor a te, blande animi iudex, qui moribus omni agis auctu;

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praemiro ostendis studia in rectore polita, treusicolasque28 tuos, auctus laetabile, sumens intuitum quo prospera facta ac gaudia dones publica: nil prius est quod vi et nomine curas. Fas sit Sidonii sensum in penetrale patroni

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noscere quae possis. Illic nitor ociter eius

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conditur abstrusa generosum cogere censum pauperie: flagrant geminis nova gaudia votis.29 Dives Apollineis deaurat foedera plectris; hic novit laudes doctus quaeque omine tanto sunt praevisa bonis. Tu dexter protinus esto cum sanctis; insiste fide festinus in amplum. Clementi haec nutu Augustus tibi dona beata laudato tribuet, te consule praemia complet. Hinc tua tunc festis noti sex nomina plausus

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plurimus ac prudens rerum quis torpeat usus degeneri ab spe molita plus ingruit. Hinc iam suscipe voto alacri hoc munus, vir bone, clare.

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Intexti versus Mixta per amfractus diducunt carmina Musae, seu cancellatos spatia in contraria flexus. Seriem paramus ordinare acrius; amor poesis spissa gaudet exigi. Possit coire docta rerum limite. Opus tuetur non necata parcitas. Speciosa sancta cultu, bene picta Musa metris, breviter fluas ut isto opus est per arta coetu. Audeo plenas edere formas: picta notabo iura Camenis.

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English It is a marvelous work to publish such verses altogether, and thus to arrange them like the ivy [as in a trellis]. Having been sought for a little while, O divinity, you now are present. Lo, in what direction will you carry off the fixed [designs], in whatever way I offer? I am yours, and we learn your teachings especially, so that you thrice happy and not deceitful, bestowing in a bold gift, you may calm a clear mind.

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Now let Clio confirm the poems. How will they be able to be composed? Shall I compose by a thread the patterns which will sweep themselves along, which gentle chains may arrange? You will give this strength; in return construct your rewards. May you run in great ventures towards happily reversed [paths]. For a new art glitters in streams from the important fountain of the Aonides. It is absolutely tremendous to behold this from afar in an embrace or moving so many borders more swiftly, to fix in place the measures, so that then it may allow [us] to enjoy [it] when the book has been published, it may quench inglorious obscurity. If they understand also for whom this lasting and firm acumen of

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the mind overflows to arrange our lively poems, let them see assiduously how paths come together with concealed rules because I catch sight of good poems [made] by you, O charming judge of the mind, you who act according to fashion by every increase; I completely marvel at the polished zeal which you show in your

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role a guide. Having increased joyfully your three appearances, accepting the admiration by which you may give prosperous deeds and public joys: there is nothing more basic which you take care of by the strength of your name. May it be right to know what you can in the innermost thought of the Sidonian patron.

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In that place his brilliance is speedily restored to collect a noble fortune from hidden poverty: new joys blaze with double vows. The rich man gilds the bonds with Apollonian strings. This learned man knows the praises which also were foreseen by good men by so great an omen. You, be skillful, at once with the

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sacred ones; persevere swiftly by faith into honor. By a merciful nod, the Augustus will grant these blessed gifts to you, who have been praised, he will furnish rewards, when you are the consul. Hence then on feast days, there will be very great applause for your six names of fame, and let whoever is prudent in affairs be struck silent,

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having enjoyed the friendship of the low-born, he advances more threateningly, from hope ground down. Hence now with swift vow, take up this duty, O good man, O distinguished man.

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Interwoven verses The Muses lead aside the entangled poems through circuits, or they lead the gridded bends into reciprocal spaces. We prepare to set in order a chain more keenly; Love rejoices that the crowded poetry has been finished. Let it be possible to knit the learned [words] by a boundary of things. Compactness, not suppressed, protects the work. O splendid Muse, holy in adornment, well-painted in meters, may you flow briefly as it is beneficial for that linkage through narrow spaces. I dare to consume full forms: I will inscribe painted oaths to the Camenae.

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[IV] The Poems of Optatian to Other Recipients

Figure 4.2 Poem 22.

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Poem 23: Warning to Marcus that his spouse is unfaithful This poem is direct and brief. The design is of an “M” marks the initial of the unknown addressee, one Marcus, his Greek friend, whom Optatian also calls a Phrygian. This may imply he was once a slave or a follower of Mithra. The design might suggest the wings of the swan, enfolding Helen in a lustful embrace. The author warns Marcus of the infidelity of his bed mate, or wife, with someone named Neilos (Nilus), or perhaps an Egyptian.30 Barnes raises the possibility that this Nilus may be a real person since there were two senators with the cognomen Nilus, recorded from the middle of the fourth century.31 The allusion to Martial signals a subversive tone, both in theme and wording. The closing line, Musa sonat Graecis, “The Muse sounds out in Greek [letters],” alerts the reader to read the Latin as Greek. The meter of the body is dactylic hexameter. The intextus is in Greek.

Latin32 Ingemui graviter, Graecum miseratus amicum,33 cui mea mens, admissa dolens, cupit omnia fari, solus ut haec occulta legens se concitet ira, unde queat plexum vinclis sontemque tenere, sed vitans multos, quos foeda ad iurgia coiux noluerit testes, neu candida femina Graecum mox karis hebetet telis, nihil improba cygni deposuisse videns Helenam, cui gratia binis maior adulteriis. Do nomina cuncta libenter: Musa sonat Graecis. Fryx coiux, crede canenti.34

Intextus versus MARKE TEHN AAOXON THN YMNIDA NEIAOC EAAYNEI35

English I have sighed heavily, having pitied my Greek friend, to whom my mind, grieving for offenses, desires to speak all things,

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so that he alone, reading these hidden things, may bestir himself with anger, and whence he may be able to hold the guilty man bound in chains, but avoiding many men, whom the yokemate/spouse may not wish as witnesses to the abuses, and the gleaming white woman may not weaken with expensive weapons, seeing that Helen has not laid aside at all the shameless things of the swan, to whom greater grace was given on account of double adulteries. I give all names freely: The Muse sounds in Greek [letters]. O Phrygian spouse, trust the singer.

Interwoven verses Marcus, Neilos is having sex with your wife Hymnis.36

Figure 4.3 Poem 23.

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Poem 24: A poem addressed to the Holy Trinity; considered inauthentic This poem has been extensively discussed by Sophie Lunn-Rockliffe, who wages quite a campaign to convince the reader that the poem is authentic.37 Michael Squire and Christopher Whitton accept the poem as either authentic or a fourthcentury imitation, despite the objections of Polara.38 They disregard his points about using q- for—que and –b for –bus, common medieval abbreviations, his noting of metrical errors, and the strongly Christian theology of the poem.39 Barnes accepts the poem as authentic because he does not find the arguments of Polara persuasive.40 I support Polara, not least because the vocabulary is not at all similar to that which Optatian uses elsewhere. Also, the shaping of the rho in the chi-rho differs from the way it is presented in other poems. In Optatian’s other poems, the top of the rho is more angular and there is no tail at the bottom. Another difficulty involves the allusions to biblical passages. Possibly Optatian had access to the Latin Bible known as the Vetus Latina, but it seems much more likely that a monk in a medieval monastery did.41 Another point to consider is that this poem appears only in two manuscripts, one dated to the thirteenth to fourteenth centuries, and the other to the sixteenth century.42 Sophie Lunn-Rockliffe compares this poem to a proclamation of the incarnation, crucifixion, and death of Christ and the salvation of man.43 Such theological vigor seems wholly at odds with the persona of the poet who has presented himself as cosmopolitan, highly literate, and completely at home with Greek mythology. Furthermore, the anti-Semitism of lines 31–33 is strikingly different from the tone of Optatian’s confirmed works. The meter of the body is dactylic hexameter.

Latin44 O qui Tartareas pede fauces proteris almo, o miserate tuos, quis ignea templa supremi annuis esse poli, pia lucis regna paternae, tu virtus aeterna dei; tecum omnia, Christe,45 tunc pater exorsus, cum moles obsita pigro squalore emersit, positoque adrisit operto ante ortus hominum; sancto tu, dive, Tonanti secretae vires, quem tutum mens genitoris sola tenens prudensque dei deus interioris,46

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principii sobolem nullius, vasta cruento quod Mors regnabat leto, rata gaudia fudit47 ore medellifero, nec poena perpete frangi48 depulsos homines placuit natalibus astris; tum tu prostratis vitae via, sed tamen olim49

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praesago admonitu te vatum fata canebant.50 Te, quia fecundus porro ortus error agebat, consilii ut summam rerum sator edidit ore,51 o vere patris sapientia, Christe; opulento exertus verbo, detrusum in vincula mortis

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mox hominem sumis, quaeque est vis una saluti,52 infima dignare quod naturae ordine recto, ut perculsa leves, inclinere ipse iacenti. Non e terreno corpus tibi pondere tractum, praecelso sed virgo uterum de semine feta,

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nec segni coitu natus, sed coniuge caelo es,53 corporeus vultu, dues actu: casus utrumque. Invitans iussa exemplis hominique dicatus aequalis dominus, quia lis onerosa caduco dicta sit humano, sperem ut divina imitatu,

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ipse hominis titulo incedis, teque profanis, maxime, Iudaeis plectendum post pia mille munia permittis, letumque salubre luisti; mox necat humanas in se caro pendula noxas, at pater in sedes natum recipitque vehitque.

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Aeternum salvis signum dat machina sacra.54

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Intexti versus Omnipotens genitor tuque o divisio mixta, filius atque pater et sanctus spiritus unum, faveas votis.

English O you who crush the Tartarean jaws with gentle foot,55 O pity your [people], for whom you grant that there are fiery temples of the highest heaven, pious kingdoms of fatherly light, you O eternal virtue of God; O Christ, thence the Father having commenced all things with you, when the mass covered in slow-moving desolation

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emerged, and he smiled on the work placed and opened before the birth of men; O divine one, you the secret strength for the holy Thunderer and God, the prudence of the interior god whom the only mind of the creator keeping safe the offspring of no beginning, because Death was ruling the vast regions with bloody destruction, he poured sure joys from his healing mouth, neither did it please him that by continuous punishment that men cast down from their natal stars should be broken; then you, the way of life for those cast down, but nevertheless

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with prophetic warning, the fates were once singing of you as priest/poet. Because fruitful error, having arisen long ago, carried on, so that the originator of matter gave you as the height of counsel from his mouth, O true wisdom of the Father, O Christ; laid bare by the splendid word, that which is the one force for safety,

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you soon take a man forced into the chains of death, to deserve the lowest things because by the right course of nature as you alleviate the ruined things, you yourself bend to the one lying low. For yours is a body not dragged down from earthly weight, but a virgin pregnant in her womb from heavenly seed,

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and born not from slow sexual union, but you are from a heavenly spouse, corporeal in appearance, divine in action: the fall on either side. Summoning orders from examples and having been set apart for human[ity] as an equal lord, because the weighty accusation has been spoken for lapsed mankind, as I may hope by imitating divine actions,

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you yourself enter into the title of man, and you profane yourself, O greatest one, you permit the beating by the Jews after one thousand pious deeds, but the Father receives and carries the son into his abode.

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The sacred scheme gives the eternal sign to the saved.

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Interwoven verses O Omnipotent creator and O blended division, son and father and holy spirit, together as one, May you give favor to our vows/ prayers.

[IV] The Poems of Optatian to Other Recipients

Figure 4.4 Poem 24.

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Poem 25: A proteus poem to be read in multiple combinations As the editor Johannes [Giovanni] Polara presents the text, the original twenty words in four lines can be re-arranged to make at least eighty lines, or twenty different poems. This sort of composition is known as a “Proteus” poem.56 Aaron Pelttari offers a lexical reading of every word in Poem 25, along with historical background and an examination of Optatian’s use of unique words in other poems.57 William Levitan was among the earliest scholars to view Optatian as a brilliant and innovative poet whose work was meant to be analyzed afresh. He suggested that at least 3,136 variants of this poem are possible, all from just four lines of text. The individual words can be endlessly re-arranged to create new poems.58 As usual, the Muses are credited with inspiring the poet, who is here described as a vates, a term which can also be interpreted as a prophet.59 The meter of the original poem is dactylic hexameter. To figure out the meter of all the possible variants would be a task Herculean in scope.

Latin60 ARDVA CONPONVNT FELICES CARMINA MVSAE DISSONA CONECTVNT DIVERSIS VINCVLA METRIS SCRVPEA PANGENTES TORQVENTES PECTORA VATIS61 VNDIQVE CONFVSIS CONSTABVNT SINGVLA VERBIS62 I Ardua conponunt felices carmina Musae63 II dissona conectunt diversis vincula metris64 III scrupea pangentes torquentes pectora vatis65 IV undique confusis constabunt singula verbis.66 Ardua conponunt felices carmina Musae dissona conectunt diversis vincula metris scrupea pangentes torquentes pectora vatis undique confusis constabunt singula verbis. Carmina felices conponunt ardua Musae vincula diversis conectunt dissona metris pectora torquentes pangentes scrupea vatis singula constabunt confusis undique verbis.

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Ardua constabunt torquentes carmina Musae dissona conponunt conectunt vincula metris scrupea confusis diversis pectora vatis undique felices pangentes singula verbis.

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Carmina torquentes constabunt ardua Musae vincula conectunt conponunt dissona metris pectora diversis confusis scrupea vatis singula pangentes felices undique verbis.

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Undique conectunt constabunt singular Musae scrupea torquentes conponunt pectora metris dissona confusis felices vincula vatis ardua pangentes diversis carmina verbis.

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Singula constabunt conectunt undique Musae pectora conponunt torquentes scrupea metris vincula felices confusis dissona vatis carmina diversis pangentes ardua verbis. Carmina diversis felices ardua Musae vincula pangentes conectunt dissona metris pectora torquentes conponunt scrupea vatis singula confusis constabunt undique verbis.

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Ardua felices diversis carmina Musae dissona conectunt pangentes vincula metris scrupea conponunt torquentes pectoral vatis undique constabunt confusis singula verbis.

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Singula confusis pangentes undique Musae pectora diversis felices ardua metris vincula conectunt constabunt scrupea vatis carmina conponunt torquentes dissona verbis.

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Undique pangentes confusis singular Musae ardua felices diversis pectora metris scrupea constabunt conectunt vincula vatis dissona torquentes conponunt carmina verbis.

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Dissona torquentes constabunt vincula Musae undique conectunt conponunt singula metris ardua diversis confusis carmina vatis scrupea pangentes felices pectora verbis. Pectora felices pangentes scrupea Musae carmina confusis diversis ardua metris singula conponunt conectunt undique vatis vincula constabunt torquentes dissona verbis. Dissona

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vincula Musae

undique singula metris ardua carmina vatis scrupea pangentes conectunt pectora verbis.

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Pectora conectunt pangentes scrupea Musae carmina ardua metris singula vincula

undique vatis dissona verbis.

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Scrupea felices diversis pectora Musae ardua conectunt pangentes carmina metris undique conponunt torquentes singula vatis dissona constabunt confusis vincula verbis.

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Vincula confusis constabunt dissona Musae singula torquentes conponunt undique metris carmina pangentes conectunt ardua vatis pectora diversis felices scrupea verbis. Vincula conponunt conectunt dissona Musae singula constabunt torquentes undique metris carmina felices confusis ardua vatis pectora pangentes diversis scrupea verbis.

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Scrupea diversis pangentes pectora Musae ardua confusis felices carmina metris undique torquentes constabunt singula vatis dissona conectunt conponunt vincula verbis.

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Pectora pangentes confusis scrupea Musae carmina felices diversis ardua metris singula constabunt conectunt undique vatis vincula torquentes conponunt dissona verbis.

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Dissona conponunt torquentes vincula Musae undique conectunt constabunt singula metris ardua diversis felices carmina vatis scrupea confusis pangentes pectora verbis.

English The blessed Muses compose difficult poems. They connect dissonant links with diverse meters, composing the ridged [poems] and twisting the heart of the poet. Everywhere they will establish [the poems] one-by-one with scrambled words.67

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Poem 26: A poem of praise, altar shape The shape of this poem is that of an altar, as the poet clearly states in the opening line. Michael Squire and Christopher Whitton point out that each line is written as an iambic trimeter: while preserving the meter, the poet cleverly expands or shortens each line by changing the number of letters in each line.68 Multiple scholars have noted the inspiration of the “altar-poems” attributed to Dosiadas and Vestinus (Besantinus) which were preserved in the Palatine Anthology.69 Jan Kwapisz, whose works include close studies of Greek pattern poems, explores elegantly and in great detail how Optatian was inspired not only by Vestinus’ poetry but also by his life, which included service to the emperor Hadrian in scholarly endeavors in Alexandria.70 As part of his exegesis, Kwapisz provides a translation of this poem71. Furthermore, he notes that the poem opens with a conversational tone and emphasizes the allusion to Horace’s famous ode to the snow-covered mountain: Vides ut alta stet nive candidum Soracte (“You see how Soracte stands . . .”; Hor. Carm. 1.9.1–2).72 This sort of direct address to the reader is also seen in Roman tombstone inscriptions and the opening scenes of Roman comedy, in which the reader or listener is implored to become one with the speaker.73 The poet describes not only the carving process used to produce an actual gleaming white altar, but he also explains how the composer increases and decreases line length to create the outline of an altar. Moreover, it is noteworthy that an altar is frequently embossed on coins of multiple emperors from Augustus onward. For example, coins of Constantine were minted in Lyons and bear the legends “CONSTAN-TINVS AVG - Bust helmeted cuirassed right,” and on the reverse: BEATA TRAN-QVILLITAS [“blessed tranquility”]. The image is of a globe set on altar inscribed VOT/IS/XX.74 Such an emblem reflects both piety and traditional leadership based on religious observances. For poetic inspiration, Optatian credits Apollo as the Pythian god and Phoebus, the Camenae, Helicon, and the mountains of Luna and Paros.

Latin75 Vides ut ara stem dicata Pythio, fabre polita vatis arte musica;76 sic pulchra sacris sim agens, Phoebo decens, his apta temples, quis litant vatum chori,77

[IV] The Poems of Optatian to Other Recipients tot compta sertis et Camenae floribus, Heliconiis locanda lucis carminum. Non caute dura me polivit artifex, excisa non sum rupe montis albidi Lunae nitente nec Pari de vertice,

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non caesa duro nec coacta spiculo artare primos eminentes angulos et mox secundos propagare latius eosque caute singulos subducere gradu minuto per recurvas lineas,

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normata ubique sic deinde regula, ut ora quadrae sit rigente limite, vel inde ad imum fusa rursum linea tendatur arte latior per ordinem. Me metra pangunt de Camenarum modis,

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mutato numquam numero dumtaxat pedum; quae docta servat dum praeceptis regula, elementa crescunt et decrescunt carminum. Has, Phoebe, supplex dans metrorum imagines templis chorisque laetus intersit sacris.78

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English You see how I stand, an altar dedicated to Pythius [Apollo], smoothed ingeniously by the musical skill of the poet; thus, I may be beautiful, accomplishing sacred deeds, fitting for Phoebus, suited for these temples, in which the choruses of poets obtain favorable omens, decked with so many garlands of flowers for Camena, worthy to be placed in the Heliconian groves of carmina. Not without risk has the artisan polished me in my hard places, I have not been cut out from the rock of the white mountain gleaming in the moonlight, nor from the summit of Paros,

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neither sliced nor forced by a harsh cutting tool to wedge in the first emerging angles, and soon to enlarge the second ones more widely, and to lead them up cautiously one by one, by a tiny gradient through curved lines,

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then finally thus squared off by a straight-edge ruler, so that there is the edge of a square, with the stiffened boundary.

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even thence the line has been extended out again to the lower part, it is stretched wider by skill through the row [of the verse]. The meters compel me through the measures of the Camenae, to this extent that the number of feet has never been changed; while the well-regulated rule preserves these by instructions, the elements of the poems increase and decrease. O Phoebus, may the suppliant, giving these images of meters, be happily present at the sacred temples and sanctuaries.

Figure 4.5 Poem 26.

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[IV] The Poems of Optatian to Other Recipients

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Poem 27: Poem emulating the shape of panpipes Poem 27, with its ever-shortening lines, resembles a flute or panpipe. As both William Levitan and Jan Kwapisz have demonstrated, Optatian consciously imitated various Greek shape poems which were collected in the Greek Anthology.79 This poem was inspired by a composition on panpipes attributed to Theocritus (Palatine Anthology 1.5.21).80 Michael Squire and Christopher Whitton note that each line is one letter shorter than the last and is comprised of hexameters.81 This composition seems simply to be a showpiece of Hellenic learning, with an emphasis on pastoral themes. The underlying story of Attis and Cybele was well known and the setting on Mt. Ida is traditional. This poem contains the most allusions to Greek mythology: temple and Fauns, Pan, Naiads, Dryads, Bacchus, Satyrs, Attis, Cybele, deus, Idaean loves, the Muses, Mt. Ida, and Eos.

Latin82 Praecelsae quercus frondenti in vertice pendens83 testor templa loci Faunos celebrare frequentes, disparibus compacta modis totidemque cicutis,84 dulcisono Panum oblectans modulamine silvas, Naiadum Dryadumque choros arcanaque Bacchi orgia et heuuantis Satyros per musica tempe.85 Me Pan ad thiasos docuit modulamina cantus,86 et variata sonis vinxit consortia primus; Attis almus amans, tua maxima cura, Cybele,87

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e roseo terit ore deus mollique labello,88 accenditque tuos Idaeos, mater, amores; in me felices animavit carmine Musas, me iudex formae alta gestavit in Ida,89 me laeti sociam voti vicina marito90

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Eoo lucis canit invitata sub ortu.91

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English Hanging on the leafy tip of a heaven-reaching oak, I bear witness that thronging fauns frequent the temples of the place, [temples] close-packed with uneven measures and just as many flutes, I, pleasing the woods with sweet-sounding melody of [many] Pans,

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the dancing-groups of Naiads and Dryads, the secret orgies of Bacchus, and Satyrs ululating through musical Tempe. Pan taught me melodies of song for the orgiastic dances, and he was the first to bind the varied partners with sounds; the gentle lover Attis, your greatest concern, O Cybele,

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he [as a god] rubbed with his rosy mouth and gentle lip, and O mother, he inflamed your Idaean affections;92 in me he inspired the happy Muses by poetry, as a judge of beauty, he bore me on high Mt. Ida; he sings of me as the marriage partner of a happy vow,

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when Eos has been enticed to be near her husband, at sunrise.

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Figure 4.6 Poem 27.

[IV] The Poems of Optatian to Other Recipients

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Poem 28: Deaths of young male lovers; Iacchus, Endymion, and Adonis The theme of this poem is that death may come to beautiful young people, sometimes at the hand of unjust older deities. Three deaths are highlighted; the repetition of the stanzas emphasizes the pathos of each story. The death of Adonis, a beautiful youth beloved by Venus, is described in the opening and closing stanzas. He was killed by a boar sent by Mars, and a purple flower grew from his blood. In some stories, he spends part of the year with Persephone. The allusion to Iacchus, whose body is not marked by a purple flower, provides a transition. This part obliquely hints at the story of Persephone who was abducted by Pluto and thus entered a living death. The narrative also highlights the grief of the parents left behind as illustrated by the mourning of Demeter. The third story refers to Endymion, a handsome shepherd loved by the moon-goddess Selene. He is portrayed as sleeping when the goddess visits him every night in a cave on Mount Latmus in Karia (Caria). His ever-lasting sleep became a metaphor for death. The popularity of the Endymion motif was such that at least 120 sarcophagi with this theme were produced in the second and third centuries. Jean Sorabella analyzes the ubiquity of these depictions in Late Antiquity on sarcophagi which had been made in anticipation of demand by the families.93 These stories may conceal that the poet is mourning a particular death that mirrors the theme of a younger lover who dies due to the attention of an older lover, superior in rank. Perhaps Optatian is subtly alluding to the death of Crispus by mythological innuendo. Crispus was born in 305 and was just twentyone at the time of his death in 326, if the suppositions of Hans A. Pohlsander are correct.94 He was executed reportedly because of an accusation made against him by his mother-in-law, Fausta, who also was subsequently executed. If calculations about her age when she married Constantine in 307 are correct, she would have been ten years older than Crispus in the same year when she too was executed95. Legally, at the time of her marriage, she should have been at least twelve years old. However, Jill Harries has suggested that perhaps this ceremony in 307 was only a betrothal; it is possible that she was younger than twelve at the time of the ceremony. The fact that a decade passed before Fausta produced five children in rapid succession lends support to the idea that she was very young when initially espoused to Constantine.96 There is a recurrent supposition by scholars that the grief of the Augusta Helena over the death of her grandson Crispus led her to travel to the Holy Land to mitigate her sorrow and atone for the perceived guilty misjudgment of her

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son Constantine.97 I am proposing that Optatian thought that a poem on this theme might find favor with at least Helena. In each quatrain, the first two lines are reversed to make the third and fourth lines. William Levitan has noted that the reversed lines maintain the same meter as the original ones.98 This meter is elegiac couplet, an alternation of dactylic hexameter and dactylic pentameter, although several feet are anapests. Scott McGill has described such playful techniques as “reversed repetition,” which was used by poets of Late Antiquity; these poets also combined fragments from earlier writers, especially Vergil, much in the way that Optatian does.99 Indeed, it is a sophisticated type of anaphora.

Latin100 Blanditias fera Mors Veneris persensit amando, permisit solitae nec Styga tristitiae. Tristitiae Styga nec solitae permisit, amando persensit Veneris Mors fera blanditias. Omnipotens pater huic semper concessit amori, fecit nec requiem tot sibi fulminibus. Fulminibus sibi tot requiem nec fecit, amori concessit semper huic pater omnipotens. Purpureus tibi flos vultum non pingit, Iacche,101

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monstrat nec mitem frons nova laetitiam. Laetitiam nova frons mitem nec monstrat, Iacche, pingit non vultum flos tibi purpureus. Occubuit minor hic fractis et viribus aestu torpuit oppressus Amphitryoniades.102

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Amphitryoniades oppressus torpuit aestu, viribus et fractis hic minor occubuit. Incaluit iubar hoc externis ignibus ardens fortius; ardorem Sol sibi congeminat. Congeminat sibi Sol ardorem; fortius ardens

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ignibus externis hoc iubar incaluit. Deposita face Nox quaesivit lumina Phoebes, vulnere sed blandus haec tenet Endymion. Endymion tenet haec blandus sed vulnere, Phoebes lumina quaesivit Nox face deposita.

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Armipotens deus hoc suspirat pondere, vulnus ferrea nec rabies aut furor exsuperat. Exsuperat furor aut rabies nec ferrea vulnus,

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[IV] The Poems of Optatian to Other Recipients

143

pondere suspirat hoc deus armipotens. Inpatiens Venus est, silvas dum lustrat Adonis,103 carpit si Martem, iam cui conveniat? Conveniat cui iam, Martem si carpit? Adonis lustrat dum silvas, est Venus inpatiens.

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English Fierce Death felt the blandishments of Venus for the beloved, nor did she permit the Styx [to feel] the accustomed sadness. She did not permit the Styx [to feel] the accustomed sadness, for the beloved, fierce death felt the blandishments of Venus. The all-powerful father yielded always to this one for love, and he did not make a respite for himself from so many lightning bolts. From so many lightning bolts, he did not make a respite for himself, for love, always the all-powerful father yielded to this one. The purple flower does not paint your face, O Iacchus,

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nor does fresh foliage show gentle happiness. Fresh foliage does not show gentle happiness, O Iacchus; the purple flower does not paint your face. The younger one lay here, with strength broken by the heat, Heracles grew faint, overwhelmed.

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Heracles, overwhelmed by heat, grew faint, here the younger man lay, with strength broken. This first light of dawn grew hot, burning with foreign fires more strongly; the Sun redoubles his heat for himself. The Sun redoubles his heat for himself; burning more strongly

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with foreign fires this first light of dawn grew hot. The torch having been laid aside, Night sought the lamps of Apollo, but alluring Endymion holds these things with his wound. But alluring Endymion holds these things with his wound. Night sought the lamps of Apollo, the torch having been laid aside.

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The war-strong god sighs with this weight, neither unyielding madness nor rage overpowers the wound. Neither unyielding madness nor rage overpowers the wound; the war-strong god sighs with this weight. Venus is impatient, while Adonis roams through the woods, If she pursues Mars, now for whom is it arranged?104 Now for whom is it arranged if she pursues Mars? Adonis while he roams through the woods, Venus is impatient.

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30

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Poem 29: One line, bemoaning being shipwrecked by love It seems clear that this one-line poem was influenced by Catullus, 68a, 1–40, especially lines 1–14 and 27–40, where Catullus describes his friend Manius (traditionally Mallius or Manlius) as shipwrecked by Venus.105 The interesting point is that Catullus cannot respond to his friend’s request for assistance with just the right poem because he is away from his library in Rome, and thus lacks resources. Catullus explicitly states he has only one book box with him in Verona.106 It seems logical to infer that Optatian is suggesting that he too is away from his books. Perhaps this fragment began as a way for Optatian to mourn his own absence from his personal library. His literati friends would immediately grasp the reference, just as modern listeners mentally recite all the lyrics of a popular song, when only a few lines have been performed. Possibly there is a hint that Optatian’s place of exile may be Verona which had been the site of an early victory for Constantine in 312.107 Constantine also returned to Verona in 316, according to Barnes.108 Although these are the only two documented visits to Verona by Constantine, if he wished to exile someone there, he would be aware of provisions for confinement, whether loose or tight. Catullus 68, a, 1–14, 27–40 Because you, overwhelmed by fortune and harsh events, Send me this short note, smeared with tears, So that I may lift you, a shipwreck from the foaming waves of the sea, and so that I may restore you from the shore of death, you whom holy Venus does not permit to rest in gentle sleep, you who are bereft in a celibate bed, nor do the Muses divert you with the sweet poetry of ancient writers while your anxious mind keeps watch throughout the night. It pleases me because you say I am your friend,

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and you seek from me the gifts of both the Muses and of Venus. But lest my troubles be unknown to you, O Manius, and you think that I despise the duty of a guest-friend, receive the news that I myself am drowning in those same waves of [mis]fortune, and please do not seek any further blessed gifts from a wretched man. . . . Because you write that is shameful for Catullus to be at Verona, because here, whoever it may be from a better status, may warm limbs chilled in a deserted bed.

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O Manius, it is not shameful, but rather it is wretched.

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Therefore, you will forgive me if I do not grant to you those gifts which sorrow has taken from me since I am not able. As for the fact that I do not have a great supply of texts at my home, this happens because we reside at Rome; that house, that abode of mine, there my lifetime is enjoyed. 35 Only one scroll box out of many has followed me here. Since the situation is thus, I would not wish that you decide I am doing this out of an ill-disposed mind, or from an ignoble soul, because a copy of neither kind of poem has been sent to you, who seek it; I would send it voluntarily if ever a copy should be available.

40

Catullus refers to the usual delight of the inspiration of the Muses in writing poetry; such phrasing is woven throughout the carmina of Optatian as well. I do not think this connection of this poem to Catullus 68 has been previously made. Polara and Kluge note that this line was preserved in the fragments of Fulgentius Mythographus whose purpose was to condemn her role in exciting lust. Unfortunately, Fulgentius preserved only the one line in a context of his own shaping, a sermon on the dangers of illicit love. The full text is: Hanc etiam in mari natantem pingunt, quod omnis libido rerum patiatur naufragia, unde et Porfirius in epigrammate ait: “Nudus, egens, Ueneris naufragus in pelago.” “They depict her even swimming in the sea, because every desire of things endures shipwreck, whence also Porfirius [Optatian] says in his epigram: naked, needy, a shipwreck of Venus in the sea.”109 The meter is pentameter with dactyls at the beginning and anapests in the last two feet.

Latin Nudus, egens, Veneris naufragus in pelago.110

English Naked, needy, the shipwrecked [sailor] of Venus in the sea.

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Poem 30: Derogatory poem addressed to Quintus This poem, an example of invective, is addressed to Quintus, a common Roman name. Jan Kwapisz characterizes Optatian as an epigrammist, as revealed by Poems 29–30.111 I think these fragments were intended to demonstrate the range of his skill, as well as his knowledge of such writers as Martial who attacked another Quintus with an epigram.112 The meter is an elegiac couplet with anapests in the last two metrae of lines 2 and 4. Polara and Kluge note that the poem was preserved in the fragments of Fulgentius in a commentary on Vergil, in a section discussing the punishments for arrogance.113

Latin114 Auxilium Fortuna tibi, res perfida, Quinte, et tulit in fronte grande supercilium.115 Haut aliud credam, puteum puto te quoque, Quinte: quanto altus116 magis es, tam mage despiceris.

English Fortune, a perfidious thing, has brought aid to you, O Quintus, and a grand arrogance on your face. I shall believe, by no means otherwise, I also think you are a pit, O Quintus; By however much more you are exalted, by so much the more you will be despised.

[IV] The Poems of Optatian to Other Recipients

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Poem of praise to Constantina, daughter of Constantine; inauthentic The dedicatee of this poem is Constantina, the daughter of Constantine. Julia Hillner has written about Constantina’s freedom of movement in the city of Rome and her remarkable character.117 Dennis Trout has written a long analysis of this poem, which served as a sort of epigraphic obituary for Constantina near the tomb for Agnes which she had built. Trout notes that part of the inscription was found as a marble paving stone some centuries ago. He believes, as most scholars do, that Optatian was not the composer of this poem.118 However, the playful acrostic and the design similar to that of other poems by Optatian may have influenced this attribution. Stylistically the poem is not like those of Optatian, who continued his thoughts over several lines. This format is much more like medieval poetry, which restricts the sense to each line. The design is similar to that of Poem 11 which resembles a senatorial toga, with three stripes, with the one on the far right spelling out CONSTANTINUS INVICTUS, “unconquered Constantine.” The design of this poem has the name CONSTANTINA in the only stripe on the left. The right border is ragged but again resembles a garment or banner that might flutter in the breeze. The meter of the body is dactylic hexameter. The acrostich simply names the dedicatee of the poem.

Latin119 Constantina deum venerans Christoque dicata omnibus impensis devota mente paratis numine divino multum Christoque iuvante, sacravi templum victricis virginis Agnes, templorum quod vincit opus terrenaque cuncta,120 aurea quae rutilant summi fastigia tecti.121 Nomen enim Christi celebratur sedibus istis, Tartaream solus potuit qui vincere mortem122 invectus caelo solusque inferre triumphum123

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nomen Adae referens et corpus et omnia membra124 a mortis tenebris et caeca nocte levata.125 Dignum igitur munus martyr devotaque Christo126 ex opibus nostris per saecula longa tenebis,127 o felix virgo, memorandi nominis Agnes.128

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Intextus versus Constantina deo.

English I, Constantina, venerating God and consecrated to Christ, all expenses having been prepared with devout mind, with the great help of the holy spirit and Christ, I dedicated the temple [church] of the victorious virgin Agnes, because the work of temples conquers all earthly things, which redden the golden peaks of the top of the roof. For the name of Christ is glorified in those abodes, He who alone, having been carried to heaven, was able to conquer hellish death, and he alone was able to bring triumph,

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restoring the name of Adam, his body, and all his limbs from the shadows of death, and the blinding night was lifted. Therefore, O blessed virgin, as a martyr, you will hold this worthy gift and things devoted to Christ from our wealth through long ages, for commemorating the name of Agnes.129

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Interwoven verse Constantina to God.

Figure 4.7 Poem 31.

Notes Part One: Introduction 1 2 3 4 5

6 7 8 9 10 11

12

Polara 1971, 1973, 2004. Müller 1877; Kluge 1926; see also Kluge 1924. T. D. Barnes 1975b; W. Levitan 1985. Squire and Wienand 2017. Wienand 2017, 141, n. 71, says the horoscope in Firm. Math. 2.29.10–20, which has been linked to PLRE I, Optatianus 3 and Anonymus 12 (cf. Anonymus 1) should be rejected as Barnes 1975b, 174 has shown. Polara (especially Polara 1973, 2.1–3 and 2004, 25–6) followed PLRE I and reconstructed Optatian’s background and origins in detail on the basis of the horoscope. Mommsen 1894, 471–2, and Barnes 1975b, 41–3 effectively argued that the horoscope must refer to C. Ceionius Rufius Volusianus and his son Ceionius Rufius Albinus. Groag 1926/7, 108, suggested a priestly college; Barnes 1975b, 177, agrees. Cameron 1985; Salway 1994; Woudhuysen 2019. Grateful acknowledgement is made to George Woudhuysen for help with this topic. Barnes 1981, 67, and 320, n. 44. A search for Publili- on the Clauss/Slaby database yielded over 500 entries. Fornari 1917, 22: Barnes 1975b, 176–7, adds that the find spot was the Piazza Colonna. Barnes 1975b, 177. L. Turranius Gratianus, PLRE I, Gratianus 3 or 4. Crepereius Rogatus, PLRE I, Rogatus 2. C. Ceionius Rufius Volusianus, PLRE I, Volusianus 1. Iunius Anicius Paulinus, PLRE I, Paulinus 13, possibly identical to Paulinus 14 or 15 or 17. Maecilius Hilarianus, PLRE I, Hilarianus 5. The list is based on Wienand 2012, 229, n. 11, for all but Optatianus: PLRE I, Optatianus 3, Wienand 2012, 228, n. 9. These names were expanded from the shorter version provided in Barnes 1975b, 176–7. Wienand 2012, 229, n. 11, suggests, based on Barnes 1975b, 175–7, that Optatian was exiled in company with Volusianus in 315, thereby providing an end-date for the inscription. Wienand 2017, 143, n. 74, reconfirms these suggestions and offers a photograph of the inscription, with details of size. Chenault 2012, 122. The inscription is CIL 6.1140 = ILS 692. The key phrases are restitutori humani generis, propagatori imperii dicionisque Romanae, fundatori etiam

149

150

13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21

22

23

24

25 26 27 28

29 30 31

Notes to pp. 3–6

securitatis aeternae. “to the restorer of human kind, to the propagator of Roman empire and dominion, even to the founder of eternal security” (my translation). Elsner 2000, 152. Barnes 1975b, 186. Barnes 1975a, discusses the career of Volusianus. Wright 2008 discusses the significance of Trier. Washburn 2013, 7–19, and 205, nn. 49, 51, on Optatian. Barnes 1975b and Wienand 2012 see no reason to exclude or re-date the letters. Washburn 2013, 7–19; Claassen 1999 has assembled the literature on this topic from Cicero to Boethius. Barnes 1975b, 175, 186. Feissel and Philippidis-Braat 1985, 284–5, no. 22. Chastagnol 1960, 409–11; Groag 1946, 22. Davenport 2013 studies the governors of Achaia under Diocletian and Constantine. See Salway 2007 for the exclusive use of the title Augoustos, not Sebastos, in the time of Constantine in Greece. Wienand 2012, n. 9, lists these scholars who support this date: Chastagnol 1962: 82; Arnheim 1972: 62f.; Barnes 1975b: 175; Bruhat 1999: 3f.; see also PLRE I: Optatianus 3. See Wienand 2017, 135–40, especially nn. 55–7. Woodward 1930, BSA 29; cited in Barnes 1975b, 175, n. 9. However, the actual citation should be corrected to read Woodward and Robert. 1927/8. Grateful acknowledgement is made to Wendy Watkins of The Ohio State University Center for Epigraphical and Paleographical Study for clarifying this citation. Found in the orchestra of the theater, in Sparta, Achaia. Available online in a database of inscriptions at Last Statues of Antiquity at the University of Oxford, which cites Woodward and Robert 1927/8, especially pp. 35–7, n. 58. See also SEG XI.810 = AE 1931, 6, as cited in Barnes 1975b, 175; Robert 1948, 21; Rousel 1931, 216. Jerome (Hieronymus), Chronica (Helm, Eusebius VII 232); Barnes 1975b, 175. Donalson 1996, provides a full translation and commentary on Jerome’s Chronicon. Wienand 2012, 228, n. 7, citing Barnes 1975b; Polara 1974/5, 118; Bruhat 1999, 9–16. Chronographus anni CCCLIIII (Mommsen, Chron. Min., M.G.H. aa. IX 1 p. 68): a. 329: VII idus Sept. Publilius Optatianus praefectus urbis d. XXXI; VIII idus Oct. Petronuis Probianus; a. 229, n. 11. Barnes 1975b, 174. In his study of the diversification of Latin, Adams 2007 notes that writers of “pure Latin” do not lapse into the colloquialisms that might betray their origins. Barnes 1975b, 184–5. See Colt 1946 and 1947 for the study of Latin in Africa. Baldwin 1989, 57, n. 129, cites CIL 8.629, 631, 679, 2393, 4198, etc. which all refer to the name Optatianus. Baldwin, 49, also argues that the presence of his versus anacycli in the Codex Salamasianus (Anth. Lat. 81) and references to him in Fulgentius (Myth. 40, 20–21; VC 100, 19–101, 4) support the idea that Optatian or his family had come from Africa.

Notes to pp. 6–12

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32 CIL 6. 01684 (p 4733) = MEFR-2012-227 = AE 2012, +01803. 33 Hall 1999. McGill 2005 provides a comprehensive study of the sort of borrowing from Vergil pursued by a Late Antique poet like Optatian. 34 Salzman 2016. Barnes 1982, 107–8, gives details of his career based on ILS 1220: Rome. Novak 1979, 294–6, presents the Latin cursus honorum, with a full discussion of his offices; CIL 6.1683, translated in Hedrick 2000, 232. Tantillo 2014, 275, re-examines the inscription which has been read as Honorii Ammio M[a]nio Caesonio Nico/macho Anicio Paulino v(iro) c(larissimo) cons(uli)ordinario . . . and finds that Honori L. is the actual reading of the first word. Thus, the base is “for the honor of L[ucius] Amnius Manius Caesonius Nicomachus Anicius Paulinus, vir clarissimus and consul ordinarius”. Honorius is not his signo, as previously interpreted. Grateful acknowledgement is made to George Woudhuysen for this article and comment. 35 Barnes 1975b, 173, 186. Barnes 2011, 84, reaffirms this dating and argues for Constantine’s efforts as a patron of the arts, as explored in Green 2010 in detail. 36 Barnes 1975b, 178; Seeck 1919, 165, 173 ff. 37 Wienand 2017, 121–64. 38 Wienand 2017, 148–51. 39 Wienand 2017, 135. 40 Wienand 2017, 127. RIC VII, 289–290 (aes, London, 323–324), 209, 212, 214, 219, 222 (aes, Lyon, 323), 429, 435–438 (aes, Trier, 323–324), 257–258 (aes, Arles, 322–325), 48 (aes, Sirmium, 324–325) Constantine, Crispus, Constantinus Caesar SARMATIA DEVICTA, cited by Kovács 2017, 208. 41 Wienand 2017, 127. Wienand 2012, 229, n. 11, suggests, based on Barnes 1975b, 175–7, that Optatian was exiled in company with Volusianus in 315. Barnes 1982, 119, reaffirms this date of 315. 42 Wienand 2017, 132–3. 43 Van Dam 2011, 158–70. 44 Polara 1973, 1.xxxv. An extensive discussion of these manuscripts and their relationship is given in Polara 1973, 1.vii–xxxvi. 45 Polara 1973, 1.xix. Pipitone 2012 provides a useful study of scholia on these manuscripts. 46 Wienand 2017, 151. 47 Wienand 2012, 228, n. 6, citing Kluge 1922, 191f. 48 Sub anno 326 (MGH, AA IX 232). Pohlsander 1984; Guthrie 1966, 326, noting CIL 3.7172, and CIL 10.517. 49 Plin. Pan. Rees 2012 discusses Latin panegyric, both as poetry and as prose. 50 Plin. Pan.1. See Fears 1977 for full discussion of this topos. 51 Schierl and Lämmle 2017. 52 Nixon and Rodgers 1994, 338, n. 25, state that Nazarius was a rhetor at Rome who was mentioned by Ausonius (Prof. Burd. 14.9) in conjunction with Patera who was

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54 55 56 57 58

59 60

61

62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77

Notes to pp. 12–17

said by Jerome to have taught rhetoric at Rome (335, n. 6, citing Jerome Ep. 120 praef.; also, Jerome Chron., s.a.336, reading Patera for Pater). Pan. Lat. (4) 10: “maximus princeps” (2) & (3); “praestantissimus princeps” (4) & (13); “Magnitudo principis nostri gestis ueterum fidem conciliat, sed miraculum detrahit” (15); “indulgentissimus princeps” (26) & (32); “diuini principis” (35). Pan. Lat. (4) 10. 2. Nixon and Rodgers 1994, 608–9. See Poem 5 discussion for references to vicennia and tricennia. Talbert 2000 provides the most detailed atlas of the Roman Empire. Drijvers 1996; MacMullen 1964; Matthews 1989. Hyperion was the Titan god of heavenly light, one of the sons of Ouranos (Uranus, Heaven) and Gaia (Gaea, Earth), and the father of the lights of heaven—Eos the Dawn, Helios the Sun, and Selene the Moon (Hes. Theog. 134.371). See discussion above of the inscription found in Rome, perhaps datable to 315 or earlier. Alan Cameron 2011 offers many examples for the persistence of paganism in Rome, but on p. 181 considers that Optatian converted to Christianity. Curran 2000 addresses the changes in the landscapes and the laws of Rome in the transition from pagan to Christian, which proceeded gradually. Camena was a water nymph worshipped in Porta Campena, later identified with Muses; water from her spring was drawn by Vestal Virgins. Hardie 2016 examines the Camenae in Roman religion and literature. Barnes 1975b, 182, accepting Polara 1973, 2, 94, for a date of 322 for this poem. Callisto was changed to a star known as Arctos, “the bear,” in the Big Dipper which includes the North Star and thus referred to the North. See Poem 6 for a full discussion of these sites. Squire and Whitton 2017, 55; Squire 2015, 93–5. Levitan, 1985, 255. Polara 1973, 2.149–50. Levitan 1985, 247–8, especially the discussion of Poem 15. Habinek 2009, 23, n. 42, from the pavement at Timgad; citing Purcell 1995, 24. Habinek 2009, 24, n. 43; citing Purcell 1995, 25. Habinek 2009, 29, n. 53. Mairs 2013 discusses acrostics in Greek and Latin on North African tombstones. See Higgins 1987 for an early study of “pattern poetry.” Mulligan 2018 has an excellent treatment of these forms of Late Antique poetry. Purcell 1995 has a wide-ranging discussion of how these games were played with dice, alea. See also Körfer, 2017. Squire 2015; Squire 2016a; Squire 2017. Okáčová 2007, 59. Squire 2017, 100.

Notes to pp. 17–22

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78 Squire and Whitton 2017, 56, list poems 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 14, 18, and 24 with 35 letters down and 35 across. Note 38 lists these poems with less regular patterns: 9 [36 letters down: 37 letters across], 12 [18: 35], 19 [38: up to 38], 21 [16: up to 43], and 22 [10: 36]. 79 Squire 2017, 100, n. 35. 80 Squire and Whitton 2017, 62, and n. 45, provide references to stoichedon grids. See also Squire 2011, 219–21. Osborne 1973, 150, discusses the observable “checker-board” layout of inscriptions which were controlled by guidelines, visible or not. 81 Körfer 2017. 82 Houghton 2016, 21. 83 Mattingly 1951a and 1951b discuss the imperial vota. 84 Vota pro valetudine mea suscipi per consules et sacerdotes quinto quoque anno senatus decrevit. 85 Lact. DMP 34.5. My translation. 86 Digeser 2000, 138, citing Lact. DMP. 48.2. 87 Livy, 22.10.2; 27.33.8; 39.9.9–10 (“quinquennalia vota”); 45.15.10, and especially 30.27.11 (“hostias maiores voverat si per quinquennium res publica eodem statu fuisset”). References from R. W. Burgess 1988, 78, n. 4. 88 Dio 53.16.1–3, R. W. Burgess 1988, 78, n. 4. 89 R. W. Burgess 1988, 78. 90 R. W. Burgess 1988, 79, n. 8. The emperor paid for these from aurum oblatiicium and aurum coronarium .See CodTheod 6.2.16.20 and 12.13.1–6; Libanius Or. 22.4; Lact. DMP 31.2–3. 91 Lact, DMP 44.4–5. 92 Lenski 2018, 277, marshals an impressive array of coin comparanda and traces the historiography of the redating of the coin from 315 to 321. 93 Sebasta 1993, 32–3, pictures 10, 11, 40, and 46, reconstructed in line drawings. In these images, Aeneas wears the diadem which, as Sebasta points out, Constantine wore at his vicennalia for the first time as an emblem of supreme authority, p. 30. 94 Squire 2016b, 187; Wienand 2017, 151. 95 Kwapisz 2013, 10, 31, 178. 96 Kwapisz 2013, 59–190. 97 Levitan 1985, 250–2. 98 McGill 2005; McGill and Watts 2018, 242. 99 See Grebe 2010 for a study of Ovid, Tristia 2.131–34. 100 Gee 2000; Gee 2013; Bing 1993 discusses Aratus’ audiences. Poochigan 2010 and Hard 2015 provide recent readable translations of this didactic poet. Hanses 2014 and Levitan 1979 analyze the acrostics in Aratus. 101 Fantham 2010.

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Notes to pp. 22–7

102 See Colt 1946 and 1947, Desmond 1994, and Hexter 1992 for a sample of studies that reveal the geographical and chronological extent of the study of Vergil in the ancient and medieval world. 103 See Lowrie 2014 for the political messages in Horace’s Ars Poetica. Collins 2009 investigates the close knowledge of Martial of the courts of Domitian and Nerva; perhaps Optatian had similar insider knowledge of the court of Constantine. Heyworth 2007 investigates the combination of patronage and politics in the poems of Propertius; Breed 2010 notes Propertius’ avoidance of discussing civil war. Keith 2014, 279, writing about imperial geographies in Tibullus, notes similar passages in Horace and Propertius which use Greek and Oriental place names in poems honoring generals setting out on campaigns. Catullus’ penchant for playing at poetry with friends is examined by Finamore 1984 and D. Burgess 1986, much as Optatian exchanged poems with the highly placed Bassus. 104 Fratantuono 2012. 105 Marks 2010 discusses importance of one-man rule as exemplified by Scipio Africanus in the Punica. Silius also uses archaizing language, such as Romuleos, “sons of Romulus” for Romans; in addition, he invokes the Muses in much the same way as Optatian does later. 106 Klause 2016 examines the reasons Statius prefers Campania to Rome, mainly due to the political outbreaks of violence in the capital. 107 Fratantuono 2012, Introduction. 108 Although Zissos 2006 detects resonances of Valerius Flaccus in several fourth- and fifth-century authors, he does not identify Optatian as an author who quotes or imitates the earlier writer. 109 Motto and Clark 1988 offer a full treatment of the influence of Seneca’s tragic plays. 110 Stover and Woudhuysen 2022 discuss his correct name and the popularity of his one work. 111 Baldwin 1989. 112 See McGill 2016 for a full treatment of Juvencus. 113 McGill 2005 has a comprehensive treatment of the topic. 114 See Schipper 2004 for the influences on Habanus Maurus, also spelled Rhabanus or Hrabanus.

Part Two: Letters between Constantine and Optatian [Porfyrius] 1 Augustine, Confessions 6.3. 2 Barnes 1975b, 173. 3 Wienand 2017, 149.

Notes to pp. 27–31

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4 Wienand 2017, 148. See commentary on Constantine’s Letter to Porfyrius for more details. 5 Wienand 2017, 155. 6 See the discussion in the Introduction about the statue base dedicated to Optatian by the citizens of Achaia to commemorate his governorship, which became one of proconsular rank only after the defeat of Licinius in 324. 7 Polara 1973, 2.20. 8 Polara 1973, 1.1–3: MSS. B P E T R J Q W y 1 maxime om. y pietate om. B P E pravitatis B2 votam E infatigabili Q W fatigabilis E fatigabili B2 superita T R non l. J 2 cui satis] visum B2 sufficerat B2 suffecerit J y linguaveram T R J liguaveram J corr. illigaveram y quod2] quos E quo B P Q W plus] pius R J prius J corr. y mei del. B2 parvitatis P (sed parvitas P corr.) venisse post victrices collocat P vectrices T R serenis om. W 3 preliconii T R J (sed pro Heliconii J corr.) pro Heliconi E pro Heliconis Q per Heliconis W pro2] per W austu P T R J (sed haustu P corr. J corr.) pro3] per W lirae E lyra et J corr. y lira et T R J concinneentibus T R J y mihi2] mini J y venerabili T praelatio T R J y audiendum B P E T R J Q W (sed audendum J corr.) et2 om. T R J y expiendum E 4 nobilis] nobis y fecundis R J (sed fecundus R corr. J corr.) secundus E vela fecundus Q W carmine T R J y ac2 om. P E (sed ac2 add. P corr.) 5 quit B tenuis J corr. y ingeni J ingenii T R J corr. y merito T1 perpravi T R J (sed perparvi J corr.) parvi y 6 dignationem B E T R J (sed dignatione J corr.) mensum B E T mihi post immensum add. Q W est om. T R J laureos E etiam1] et a B P E T R J haec a J corr. y plaudis Müll laudis B P E T R J laudas J corr. y laudis vacas Q W tot divinae om. Q(sed tot in versuum intervallo add, Q corr.) et primus] in primis W splendor post egregious collocate P 7 exilis sermo ne Huet. Ex illis sermone B P T R J Q exili sermone J corr. y ex illis sermoni E ex illius sermone W pro minimis] perminimis W referri T R J Q W y cui Müll om. B P E T R J Q W y a om. W impleri] imperii T1 8 consecutus—licet om. P dignationi W iam om. T R J y diducere P audeam om. T1 audiam B1 quocumque Q W in carmina] carmine T R J y orbi] in orbe Q (sed orbi Q corr.) orbis orbis T 9 quae nunc quoque] quaecumque P versibus post ausus sum add. T R J y aeternitatis] auctoritatibus Q Wvale post suscitavit add. W 9 Virtus and pietas are two major Roman virtues, ascribed to Augustus by Vergil. 10 See Introduction for full discussion of authors cited by Optatian. 11 Polara 1973, 1.5. 12 R. P. H. Green 2010, discusses Constantine as a patron of poets. 13 Barnes 1975, 173. 14 Wienand 2017, 155. In his article of 2012, Wienand had accepted Barnes’s dating of the letters to 312. 15 Wienand 2017, 148, Poem 16 as the accompanying poem. Kluge 1924, 325, Poem 10. Wienand 2107, 149, n. 92, Poems 11 and 13.

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Notes to pp. 31–3

16 Millar 2016, 77 and elsewhere. Many of these greetings are preserved in the fuller texts of responses in the Digest. Mathisen 2001 explores the development of titles of esteem as used in the law codes. See Weisweiler 2012, 312, n. 18, which cites FIRA 1.93 (a marble tablet containing a letter of Constantine and Licinius on tax exemptions for soldiers). The recipient is addressed as carissime nobis, “dearest to us.” 17 Jones 2014, 9–22. 18 Polara 1973, 1.4–6: MSS. B P E T R J Q W p Maximus post Augustus collocant Q W 1 expectarentur T R J y carmina E et2 om. y Latina om. B P E T R J (sed Latina add. J corr.) siluiset B E siluescit T R J vilesceret J corr y opera J y2 (sed opera J corr.y1) suadessant R J (sed suadassent J corr.) suadessent B E T suadissent P facundia E residerit R J resederit T J corr. y 2 est om. P ex ea dicere T J corr. y exeat dicere R J quod] quo B1 illos post etiam collocat Q quos] quod. B P E T R J (sed quos J corr.) delectare post tulit add. Q W excludit W clusit E sonis om. E leviora R J W y flexere W 3 cothurnis Wels. coturnis B E T Q W coturnix R J coturnos J corr. yquo turmis P et] alter J corr. y allectus T R J y comediis T R J Q y1 commodis E quibus T R J quidam W elegiaca J corr. y cantasunt B E cantata est W cordis P T R J W (sed chordis J corr.) choris E iucundus B2 P y iuscundus B1 4 aequalitate W ad] an B P E T R J (sed ad J corr.) an circa Q W singulis P (sed singulos P corr.) expetite E W expeditae Q 5 decuit E quorundam B quorum P temporum] imperatorum W irrigare Q W rigare T R J y quam si] quasi W tramites B E T1 elicitis P artentia E temporaverit E temperaverit Q W 6 discentesque B P Q W1 non om. T R J haud J corr. y 8 oratoribus W continuit om. E in lacuna ut] in Eut in y genere om. E in lacuna generet B1 P Parnassi J corr. y paternasi R paternasis J sacri B E T R J (sed sacra J corr.) iuga Q W cum mortalis om. E in lacuna mortales T R J (sed mortalis J corr.) viderentur om. E in lacuna 9 grata W gratia B P E Q felicitatem Q antique B anti R (sed antiqua R corr.) nova nova iura B nona nova iura E nova nova lyra Q W 10 modis Q W arctis W citra—numero (§ 11) om. W citra] atra T R J (sed citra J corr.) vicii P R J viti E vicio Q inculpatum om. Q effunderem R J (sed effunderent J corr.) 11 tibi] ibi B P E T numero om. E operes T1 oculis B P E Q W sensibus T1 R J y colorum] oculorum B P E T R J Q W1 (sed colorum J corr.) oculos E digmenta T R J (sed pigmenta J corr.) tenere y probant Müll., Kluge contigit post propositum addendum coniecit Müll., cui assentit Kluge hesitantiam P E esitantiam Q W haesitantia R J y carmine T R J carmina J corr. y non repareret] separaret J corr. y non l. E 12 dictationis T R J y 13 conprobatae si T R conprobatae si J conprobata si J corr. comprobata si y 14 tibi om. J corr. y tuae T R J (sed tui J corr.) petisse et B P E petis set T petis sed R J y captari R J (sed captare J corr.) 19 Contraction of sudavissent. 20 References to Homer and Vergil by their places of origin.

Notes to pp. 35–6

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Part Three: The Poems of Optatian to Constantine 1 Polara 1973, 2.27, notes the alternation of uneven lines. 2 Lines 1–16, influenced by Ov. Trist. 1.1, 1–12; Polara 1973, 1, 7, for all references. Ovid laments that he cannot go to the city from which he has been banished. His little book can be sent, but without the usual decorative colors of purple and vermilion. The white end knobs of the scroll will be lacking; even the papyrus will be of poor quality. Mordine 2010 discusses this passage fully. 3 Full discussion in the Introduction. 4 Wienand 2017, 135. 5 Polara 1973, 1.7: MSS. B P E T R J Q W p. 1 qui B1 E fueras B P E Q W p vestras J (sed sueras J corr.) pulchro ante fueras collocat P 2 Augusto T1 R fere Thalea B1 fer Thalea E ferto Thalia P Q W p ferret alia T2 R 3 tota] aditum W 5 meroque B2 renitens P E 6 gratifici E W2 p usibus P apta sacris] accipies B2 7 atro] nigro P cartam E Q charta B2 J corr. carta P T R chartae J y carta ante nigro collocat P 8 vis R J dissolvans R J dissoluens J corr. y 9 petes P 10 quo B1 E p si E fit W tua om. E nunc lacies B1 E nunc laties P mundicies p 11 quos Q W habitus] aditis B2 12 haec P 14 heae Q W has J (sed hae J corr.) 15 nutumque B2 16 redderit B1 vel cunctis supra comptis addidit B2 comes B2 T1 6 Line 1, the verb sueras can be translated as either “you had been accustomed” or “you had stitched.” Such ambiguity is typical of the word play by Optatian. 7 Line 2, Thalia, goddess of pastoral poetry, represents both herself and the page of poetry. 8 Line 3, “flashing gold” in Verg. Aen. 9.163: purpurei cristis iuvenes auroque corusci; Val. Flacc. 1.805: sed reduces iam iamque viros auroque coruscum; Stat. Theb. 4.9: mox et castra subit ferroque auroque coruscis; Porf. 20a.18: auro ferens coruscas. 9 Line 7, “the page fades from its color” in Ov. Trist. 3.1.55: Aspicis exsangui chartam pallere colore? and “suffused [with color]” in Ov. Am. 3.3.5: candida candorem roseo suffusa rubore. 10 Line 9, Optatian employs the poetic device of metonomy, by which a concrete object substitutes for an abstract noun. Here the “roof ” represents the house. “Seek [their] roofs = homes” in Verg. Georg. 4.62: tecta petunt. Huc tu iussos adsperge sapores; Verg. Georg. 4.187: admonuit, tum tecta petunt, tum corpora curant; Verg. Aen. 7.512: ardua tecta petit stabuli et de culmine summon; Ov. Met. 11.591: tecta petit iussi sub nube latentia regis; Lucan. 3.73: tecta petit patriae. pro, si remeasset in urbem; Lucan. 5.522: tecta petit, aut quem nostrae fortuna coegit; Val. Flacc. 1.162: tecta petit Peliae. prior huic tum regia proles; Val. Flacc. 6.456: tecta petit. visa iamdudum prosilit altis; Sil. Ital. 8.154: tecta peto celsosque gradus evadere nitor. 11 Line 15 metonomy: “household god = Lares = hearth and home” in Verg. Georg. 3.344: armentarius Afer agit, tectumque laremque; Hor. Sat. 1.2.56: qui patrium

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12

13 14

15 16 17

18

19

Notes to pp. 36–8

mimae donat fundumque laremque; Ov. Fast. 3.242: nunc avis in ramo tecta laremque parat; Ov. Fast. 5.652: montibus his ponunt spemque laremque suum; Ov. Trist. 3.10.62: respiciens frustra rura Laremque suum; Val. Flacc. 3.375: corda moras? cur immemores famaeque larisque; Val. Flacc. 4.45: cum rapit halcyonis miserae fetumque laremque. Line 16, “hair arranged” in Verg. Aen. 6.48: non comptae mansere comae; sed pectus anhelum; Verg. Aen. 10.832: sanguine turpantem comptos de more capillos; Tib. 4.2.10: Seu compsit, comptis est veneranda comis; Ov. Am.1.1.20: aut puer aut longas compta puella comas; Ov. Fast. 1.711: frondibus Actiacis comptos redimita capillos; Val. Flacc 5.592: sed ne sperne virum et comptis diffide capillis. When a person was grieving, he/she tore their hair, but when the period of mourning ended, the person would be properly attired with hair neatly groomed. Bruhat 2017, 260–1, translates lines 1–10, 11–12, and 14. Polara 1973, 2.25–34, discusses the charge of adultery. Evans-Grubbs 1995, 103–23, discusses the original Augustan legislation, the hardships it caused, and the wording of Constantine’s new legislation. Everyone was now to be counted numero maritorum, “among the number of the married,” p.121. This legislation is mentioned by Nazarius in 321 ce in Pan. Lat. 4.38.4, as designed to protect modesty and cut down on vice. See Nixon and Rodgers 1994, 384, and 607–8. Rostovtzeff 1942 gives examples of vexilla used by Constantine and Licinius. Singor 2003 discusses the labarum as a vexillum. RIC VI Ostia 94. O’Hara 1990 discusses the meaning of vates as a poet-prophet who may give either true or false statements. Vergil, Lucretius, Horace, and Ovid, use the term in this sense, as does Cicero in his essay De Divinatione. Polara 1973, 1.10–11, 115: MSS. B P E T R J H Q W M p 1 B P E T R J H Q W M S N D V I p sante R J (sed sancte J corr.) sanctae N V Caesar ante vatis collocant S D V I 3 numen H1 4 faecundi Q fecunde T R J (sed fecundi J corr.) 6 sedant J (sed sedent J corr.) 8 virtutua R J (sed virtutum J corr.) 9 mesto sic R J maesto hic J corr. moestos hic p saltem Pa Pb Q W M 12 parte sit E 14 extima] ultima B2 15 mediae coniungunt Pb Q p primisuccurrens E R J corr. 16 ad] ac p finis B2 dividet T R J corr. 17 capud Pb reterre Pa Pb E 18 sante R J (sed sancte corr. J) 19 alma Pa Pb 20 remedior Pb 21 permulgens T R J H (sed permulcens J corr.) legum] dicam B2 22 iusticia R J H1 Q W iusticiae E H2 aeterna evi res p (aeterna cui res p1) aeterna cui bis B2 25 magnae B H parens] salus B2 26 summi eius T R J y summi iius J corr.1 p1 summa eius J corr.2 summi ius p2 summis ius P summissius P summitius B1 E H1 supernae R J 28 belli J corr. 29 maritis] salutis p 30 est R J 31 rector] ductor M 33 oblecta B1 H 34 pie B2 solite B2 35 sante E1 J (sed sancte J corr.) Interwoven verses 1 vates B1 2 disponis B1 P E T R J p Line 2, “mortal affairs” and “whole” or “all” in Val. Flacc. 3.674: nostra salus. nempe ora aeque mortalia cuncti. See Polara 1973, 1.10–11, for the following references.

Notes to p. 38

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20 Line 5, “with you as leader” in Lucr. 6.95: te duce ut insigni capiam cum laude coronam; Verg. Ecl. 4.13: te duce, si qua manent sceleris vestigia nostri; Hor. Carm. 1.2.52: te duce, Caesar; Hor. Ep. 1.18.62: te duce per pueros hostili more refertur; Tib. 2.5.15: te duce Romanos numquam frustrata Sibylla; Tib. 4. [should be 3] 1.116: Te duce non alias conuersus terga Domator; Prop. 3.9.47: te duce vel Iovis arma canam caeloque minantem; Sil. Ital. 4.428: te duce primitias pugnae, te magna magistro. 21 Lines 5–6 supposedly allude to Ov. Trist. 1.1.39–44; my translation. Nubila sunt subitis pectora nostra malis. Carmina secessum scribentis et otia quaerunt: Me mare, me venti, me fera iactat hiems. Carminibus metus omnis obest: ego perditus ensem Haesurum iugulo iam puto iamque meo. Our heart is clouded by sudden evils. Poems seek seclusion for the writer and peace: The sea, the winds, and the fierce winter toss me. Every fear blocks poetry: Desperate, I think there is A sword about to strike my throat again and again.

22

23 24 25

See also the phrase “outstanding deeds” in Stat. Theb. 12.575: tu quoque, ut egregios fama cognovimus actus. Lines 11–12, “sad fates” in Ov. Am. 3.9.2: et tangunt magnas tristia fata deas; Ov. Met. 10.163: tristia si spatium ponendi fata dedissent; Ov. Fast. 6.748: et cedent arti tristia fata meae; Ov. Trist. 3.3.38: et fient ipso tristia fata loco; Ov. Trist. 4.10.112: tristia, quo possum, carmine fata levo; Sen. Phoen. 244: Decreta mors est. Fata quis tam tristia; Lucan. 5.57: sceptrifero parere Iubae. pro tristia fata! Lucan. 6.305: cum genero pugnasse pio. pro tristia fata! Lucan. 7.411: hunc voluit nescire diem. pro tristia fata! Val. Flacc. 4.121: tristia fata manent? sic te olim pergere sensi; Sil. Ital. 2.651: et Fidei poenas ac tristia fata piorum; Sil. Ital. 6.115–116: strage hostis quaesisse necem, ni tristia letum, ut quondam patri, nobis quoque fata negassent; Stat. Theb. 12.404: oranti?’ causas ac tristia reddere fata; Mart. 1.78.6: aut torsit lenta tristia fata fame. Lines 12–13, Verg. Georg. 1.126–127: ne signare quidem aut partiri limite campum fas erat; in medium quaerebant, ipsaque tellus. Lines 12–17 describe the occurrence of the consonant “S” at all the corners and at all the mid-points of the borders. Line 19, “illustrious fame” in Verg. Aen. 2.82: Belidae nomen Palamedis et incluta fama; Stat. Theb. 1.252: Cyclopum magnique Phoroneos incluta fama; Stat. Theb. 12.331: movisti lacrimas? ubi mater, ubi incluta fama. Elsewhere, Optatian spells inclutus as inclitus (Poems 3, 8, 9, 11, 14) and inclytus in Poem 16. He chooses the latter spelling so he can use Greek letters in the interwoven verses.

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Notes to pp. 38–9

26 Line 23, “abundance in things,” alludes to Lucr. 1.1006: usque adeo passim patet ingens copia rebus. 27 Line 24, “faith and courage” in Sen. Oed. 781: Unum fides virtusque consortem addidit. 28 Line 25, “great parent” in Verg. Georg. 2.173: salue, magna parens frugum, Saturnia tellus; Ov. Met. 1.393: magna parens terra est: lapides in corpore terrae; Sen. Ag. 655: te, magne parens, flent Iliades; Sen. Herc. Fur. 1054: Lugeat aether magnusque parens; Sen. Phaedr. 959: O magna parens, Natura, deum; Sen. Thyest. 90: avus nepotes? magne divorum parens; Lucan. 4.110: sic, o summe parens mundi, sic, sorte secunda; Stat. Silv. 4.1.17: salve, magne parens mundi, qui saecula mecum; Stat. Silv. 4.2.15: magne parens, te, spes hominum, te, cura deorum; Stat. Theb. 3.134: magna parens iuuenum, gemini nunc funeris, Ide. Other passages refer to “civil arms” or “civil weapons”. Manil. 4.58: cum bene compositis victor civilibus armis; Lucan. 1.44: multum Roma tamen debet civilibus armis; Lucan. 1.325: bella nefanda parat suetus civilibus armis; Lucan. 2.224: ibitur, hic stabit civilibus exitus armis; Lucan. 3.313: proelia discordes, lacrimas civilibus armis; Lucan. 5.285: spe trahis? usque adeo soli 151 civilibus armis; Lucan. 5.526: securus belli: praedam civilibus armis; Lucan. 5.752: surrexisse sinu. vereor civilibus armis; Lucan. 6.299: fata ruit. totus mitti civilibus armis; Lucan. 8.351: Hesperias, quam Roma suas? civilibus armis; Lucan. 8.559: Nili sceptra tenes; cecidit civilibus armis; Lucan. 9.1076: te, Ptolemaee, feram? frustra civilibus armis. 29 Lines 27–28, “peace” in Iuvenc. 4.806 agg. haec mihi pax Christi tribuit, pax haec mihi saecli. 30 Line 28, “secure quiet or peace” in Lucr. 3.211: quod simul atque hominem leti secura quies est; Lucr. 3.939: aequo animoque capis securam, stulte, quietem? Verg. Georg. 2.467: at secura quies et nescia fallere vita; Ov. Ars 1.639: Nec secura quies illos similisque sopori; Ov. Her. 14.34: securumque quies alta per Argos erat; Ov. Fast. 6.331: Vesta iacet placidamque capit secura quietem; Sen. Herc. fur. 175: novit paucos secura quies. 31 Line 29, “give rights to husbands or married persons” in Hor. Ep. 2.3.398 (should be Hor. Ars 398): concubitu prohibere vago, dare iura maritis. See Lowrie 2014 for an analysis of the political undertones of Horace’s Ars. The reader is reminded of Augustus’ marriage legislation although the poem is dedicated to the Pisones clan. 32 Line 31, “by false accusation(s)” in Verg. Aen. 6.430: hos iuxta falso damnati crimine mortis; Hor. Carm. 3.7.14: 33 Line 33, “venerable divinity” in Ov. Ep. ex Pont. 2.3.19: Illud amicitiae quondam venerabile numen; Germ. Phaen. [Arataea] 102: teque tuumque canam terris venerabile numen; Stat. Silv. 4.6.60: regnator laetis numen venerabile mensis. 34 Bruhat 2017, 270, translates lines 2–5, 7–8. 35 The letter S is the first, last, and middle letter of the top, middle, and bottom lines.

Notes to p. 42

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36 Panegyric of 310, (6); Bardill 2012, 169–70, 179, 397; Nixon and Rodgers 1994, 211–53. 37 Gold medallion of 313, minted at Ticinum. Busts left of Sol Invictus radiate and Constantine laureate and cuirassed, holding spear over right shoulder and oval shield on left arm with galloping sun quadriga. Monnaies, Medailles et Antique, Bibliotheque nationale de France, (Beistegui 233). 38 Thessalonica, 319 ce , BMC-3917, Bardill 2012, 172, fig. 108. Sol radiating light in four directions. RIC VII Thessalonica 66: Obverse, CONSTAN-TINVS AVG: Bust of Constantine I, laureate, cuirassed, right. Reverse, VIRT - EXERC: Plan of Roman camp, Sol standing in middle, chlamys draped across left shoulder, raising right hand and holding globe in left hand. 39 On March 7, 321, Constantine issued a decree (CodJust 3.12.2) that gave everyone in the cities Sunday as a holiday but allowed for people in the countryside to work to provide food for others. Odahl 2004, 172–4, notes that Christian soldiers had the day off while pagan soldiers had to recite a monotheistic prayer in camp. 40 See Bardill 2012, 178, fig. 114, for a clear presentation of the coin which reveals a chi-rho in the crest of the emperor’s helmet. Lenski 2018 explains his reasoning for re-dating the coin from 315 to 321 and the implications for understanding Constantine’s shift to Christianity. RIC VII Ticinum 36. 41 Polara 1973, 1.15–16, 115: MSS. B P E T R J H Q W M p 1 fraglarem B1 P E J corr. H Q W p1 fraglare T R J flagranti B2 2 paress Q regens M immunia M 5 votis B2 dat sonis R J (sed dat donis R corr.J corr.) daddonis M 6 sonore Q 7 vatis] satis P 8 quinis B2 10 rata] bona B2 11 servas B2 12 tota B2 13 polo] fave B2 haac B1 T R corr. J (sed haec J corr.) hac R salutis W 14 metri R J (sed metris J corr.) vovet R J (sed movet J corr.) 15 tegit E 17 intextu E H1 Musae p 19 devictam B2 20 audenturque Q vota B2 Q W M 26 epgregios titulos praeclaro Q corr. M cur] cui Wels. cor Müll., cuit assentit Kluge 27 fani Q 30 cito B2 Q W M praeferam B2 praeferat W 32 detur W 33 paginas T R J 34 licat E complebit H conplevit B2 Interwoven verses 1 B2 P E T R1 p tulli B1 4 ardebit W1 5 querentur E J corr, Q quaerent W1 quaerentur J 42 Line 1, “divinities in the expression” in Ov. Met. 5.279: nostraque fallaci veneratus numina vultu. Polara 1.15–16. Squire 2016b, 206, draws our attention to Martial 7.84.6: certior in nostro carmine vultus erit, “a more certain likeness/ appearance will be in our poem” (my translation). Seemingly, Optatian borrowed this conceit to say that a better understanding of the likeness of Constantine could be found by reading this poem and by emphasizing the repetition of vultus in the interwoven verses. 43 Line 2, “gentle parent” in Verg. Aen. 2.591: alma parens, confessa deam qualisque videri; Verg. Aen. 2.664: hoc erat, alma parens, quod me per tela, per ignis; Verg. Aen. 10.252: alma parens Idaea deum, cui Dindyma cordi; Ov. Met. 14.546: e quibus alma parens unius viribus usa; Sen. Phoen. 222: Almae parentis munere? ego castam manum; Colum. 10.257: fetibus alma parens pingi sua tempora gaudet; Mart. 8.21.8:

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45 46 47

48

49 50

51 52

53

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Notes to pp. 42–3

frena volunt, vigilat Memnonis alma parens. It is interesting to note that all the models are feminine, while the actual usage by Optatian is masculine. Line 4, “divine power able to be pleased” in Cul. 271: credidit aut ulli Ditis placabile numen; Ov. Trist. 2.141: sed solet interdum fieri placabile numen; Gratt. 351: est aliud, quod praestet opus, placabile numen. Line 6, “sounding voice” in Verg. Georg. 3.294: nunc, veneranda Pales, magno nunc ore sonandum; Porf. 16.8: ore sonet docili chelys inclyta carmina Phoebi. Line 7, Apollo inspiring the mind of the poet in Verg. Aen. 6.11–12: antrum immane, petit, magnam cui mentem animumque/ Delius inspirat vates aperitque futura. Line 9, “favorable (or favor with) vow” in Sen. Herc. fur. 645: Votum secundet qui potest nostrum deus; Lucan. 9.1098: nostra perit. caruere deis mea vota secundis; Sil. Ital. 3.116: i felix, i numinibus votisque secundis; Sil. Ital. 11.504: nuntio. pugnatum superis in vota secundis; Stat. Theb. 1.59: adnue, Tisiphone, perversaque vota secunda. Line 10, the “ruler of Olympus” in Ov. Met. 2.60: me valet excepto; vasti quoque rector Olympi; Manil. 1.916: alea, et in ponto quaesitus rector Olympi; Sen. Phaedr. 960: tuque igniferi rector Olympi; Lucan. 2.4: indixitque nefas. cur hanc tibi, rector Olympi; Lucan. 5.620: monstriferos agit unda sinus. sic rector Olympi. Line 11 is a golden line. Line 12, “golden ages” in Verg. Aen. 6.792–793: Augustus Caesar, divi genus, aurea condet/ saecula qui rursus Latio regnata per arva; Verg. Aen. 8.324–325: aurea quae perhibent illo sub rege fuere/ saecula: sic placida populos in pace regebat; Lyd. 47: aurea quin etiam cum saecula uoluebantur; Aetn. 9: aurea securi quis nescit saecula regis; Ov. Ars 2.277: Aurea sunt vere nunc saecula: plurimus auro; Germ. Phaen. [Aratea] 103: Aurea pacati regeres cum saecula mundi; Sen. Apoc. 4.9: aurea formoso descendunt saecula filo; Suet. Tib. 59 v. 5: Aurea mutasti Saturni saecula, Caesar. Line 13, “you (may) release from the law” in Lucr. 3.687: expertis animas nec leti lege solutas; Hor. Carm. 4.2.12: lege solutis. Line 14, “the marching army or column being moved” in Lucan. 7.273: barbaries, non illa tubas, non agmine moto; Val. Flacc. 6.70: omine fatidicae ~Phrixus~ movet agmina cervae; Stat. Silv. 1.2.221: hic movet Ortygia, movet hic rapida agmina Nysa. Line 15, “Phoebus” and “poems” in Tib. 4.1.178 (=3.7.178): ipse mihi non si praescribat carmina Phoebus. Note also the word play on carmina as a “card for wool.” Line 19, “joys of/ in the mind” in Catull. 64.236: quam primum cernens ut laeta gaudia mente; Verg. Aen. 6.278279: tum consanguineus Leti Sopor et mala mentis/ Gaudia, mortiferumque adverso in limine Bellum; Ov. Am. 3.7.63: At quae non tacita formavi gaudia mente! Ov. Trist. 5.8.21: Neve tamen tota capias fera gaudia mente; Ov. Ep. ex Pont. 2.1.17: Gaudia Caesareae mentis pro parte virili; Lucan. 9.1040–1041: non aliter manifesta potens abscondere mentis/ gaudia quam lacrimis, meritumque

Notes to pp. 43–5

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56

57

58

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60 61 62 63

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inmane tyranni; Sil. Ital. 16.80: ipse etiam mentis testatus gaudia vultu; Stat. Theb. 2.205: gaudia mente parant. socias it Fama per urbes; Porf. 7.28: natos, res populi florent ad gaudia mentis. Line 20, “through pathless or remote ways” in Val. Flacc. 3.49: antra tenent, patet ad medias per devia noctes; Val. Flacc. 8.54: Haec ait atque furens rapido per devia passu; Sil. Ital. 4.489: dumque vada et mollis aditus per devia flexo; Sil. Ital. 7.53: saepe globo densi, saepe et per devia passim; Sil. Ital. 17.530: cornipedis moderanda cito per devia passu; Stat. Silv. 3.1.75: donatur testesque ululant per devia nymphae. Line 24, “singing of wars” in Dom. Mars. Fr. 7, 4 M: aut caneret forti regia bella pede; Tib. 2.4.16: non ego vos, ut sint bella canenda, colo; Prop. 2.1.28: aut canerem Sculae classica bella fugae; Prop. 4.6.69: bella satis cecini: citharam iam poscit Apollo; Ov. Am. 2.18.12: resque domi gestas et mea bella cano; Ov. Met. 5.319: bella canit superum falsoque in honore gigantas; Ov. Trist. 2.360: essent pugnaces qui fera bella canunt; Manil. 3.14: non annosa canam Messenes bella nocentis; Sil. Ital. 12.410: hic canet inlustri primus bella Itala versu; Mart. 10.64.4: Pieria caneret cum fera bella tuba. Line 26, “enjoy the gifts” in Lucil. 151 B: Laevius pauperem ait se ingentia munera fungi; Hor. Ep. 1.9.5: munere cum fungi propioris censet amici; Ciris 444: mene alias inter famularum munere fungi; Ov. Ars 2.158: Fungitur in vobis munere legis amor; Ov. Rem. am. 795–796: Ecce, cibos etiam, medicinae fungar ut omni/ Munere, quos fugias quosque sequare, dabo; Ov. Met. 10.273: turaque fumabant, cum munere functus ad aras; Ov. Ep. ex Pont. 4.9.12: lingua salutandi munere functa tui. Line 27, the “high place” ’ and “through the rocky places” in Iuvenc. 1.684: celsaque vix paucos ducit per scrupea virtus. This language also signals the jagged design of the interwoven verses. Line 28, “the work of the mind” in Ov. Her. 15.14: proveniunt; vacuae carmina mentis opus; Iuv. 7.66: magnae mentis opus nec de lodice paranda. Also, mirum can modify both opus and carmen, in a technique known as zeugma. Line 29, “into various courses” in Ov. Met. 9.152: in cursus animus varios abit. omnibus illis. Line 31, “a burning mind” in Catull. 63.47: animo aestuante rusum reditum ad vada tetulit; Verg. Aen. 9.798: improperata refert et mens exaestuat ira. Line 34, “the gifts of love” in Ov. Fast. 4.720: Iunone invita munus amoris habet. Line 4 of the interwoven verses refers to the talent and diligence of Apelles. Pan. Lat. 7 (in 307) at 6.2–3 describes a painting at Arles of the engaged couple Fausta and Constantine as comparable to a painting by Apelles; Nixon and Rodgers, 1994, 198–9, 567. Pliny reports that Apelles practiced his art every day: Nulla dies sine linea, “Not a day without a line drawn.” He is also credited with inventing a black varnish which was called atramentum. Plin. Nat. 35.91 ff. Squire 2016b, 189–90, has translated this poem.

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Notes to pp. 46–7

65 Barnes 1975b, 179. 66 Line 6, Barnes 1975b, 179, notes that Müller identified the “second Rome” as Nicomedia, but Kluge identified it as Constantinople, correctly in his view. 67 Polara 1973, 1.17 : MSS B2 1 factus B2 (sed fastus B2corr.) geminant Kluge gemia B2 gemina B2 corr. geminant Müll. 2 flexosa conieci flexuosa B2 flexoso Müll. flexuoso Kluge 3 versum hunc, post v.4 scriptum, suo loco restituendum significavit B2 corr. Constantinigenis Müll. Constantinegenis B2 det talia Müll. de Italia B2 5 Cirrhaea scripsi Cirrea B2 6 Ponti Müll. Pontum B2 7 vicennai picta honorent Fröh., cui assentit Kluge ultima pictas honorem B2 vult norma id dicta sonorum Müll. mundi, ultima picta sonorum Baeh. 8 munere Müll. munera B2 The main points of interest are that this poem only exists in one manuscript which is written by a second scribe and the corrections have been made by other scholars or by Polara himself. 68 Polara 1.17. Line 4, “moisten their mouths or faces” [by weeping] in Verg. Aen. 6.699: sic memorans largo fletu simul ora rigabat; Verg. Aen. 9.251: amborum et vultum lacrimis atque ora rigabat; Verg. Aen. 11.698: congeminat; vulnus calido rigat ora cerebro; Ov. Am. 3.9.26: vatum Pieriis ora rigantur aquis; Ov. Met. 11.419: ter conata loqui, ter fletibus ora rigavit; Ov. Ep. ex Pont. 2.11.9: Grande voco lacrimas meritum quibus ora rigabas; Ov. Cons. ad Liv. 199: obvia turba ruit lacrimisque rigantibus ora; Sen. Med. 937: quid, anime, titubas? ora quid lacrimae rigant; Sen. Oed. 978: rigat ora foedus imber et lacerum caput; Sil. Ital. 6.294: Iamdudum vultus lacrimis atque ora rigabat; Sil. Ital. 17.214: intentus vultus, manantesque ora rigabant. 69 Line 5, Cirrhaea, i.e., Delphis, from Cirrha, port of Delphi. There were temples to Apollo, Artemis, and Leto there in the time of Pausanias. 70 Line 6, Barnes 1975b, 179, suggests that by duces, Optatian was referring to Crispus and Constantine II, the sons of Constantine the Great, who had travelled to the Black Sea area. Van Dam 2011, 167, n. 19, observes that Constantius was declared the third Caesar on November 8, 324, the same day Constantine founded Constantinople. Van Dam’s clear implication is that somehow Optatian was either unaware of the elevation of the third son or has already written the complicated poem and does not (or cannot) revise due to design and meter challenges. 71 Line 8, “I will conquer you by gifts and services.” Vincam te donis muneribusque meis; Mart. 10.17.2. 72 Line 9, I suggest reading “siet” as some late unique version of “sit.” 73 R. W. Burgess 1988, 78–9, n. 6, observes that Constantine celebrated his twenty-year anniversary at both the beginning and the end, in 325–326. Burgess cites Jerome, Chron. 231e, Chron. Pasch., s.a. 325 and Cons. Const., s.a. 326 [Chron. Min. i. 232]). 74 Constantine elevated his sons Crispus and Constantinus II to rank of Caesar in March 317, his son Constantius to Caesar on November 8, 324, and Constans to Caesar on December 25, 333, according to Wienand 2012, 225, 232–6. Crispus may have been born in 302, according to Nixon and Rodgers 1994, 195, n. 10. See Barnes

Notes to pp. 47–8

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76 77 78 79

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81 82 83

84

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2011, 102, n. 19, for the birth of Constantinus II in the summer of 316 and the birth of Constantius on 7 August 317. See also Origo 19; Chron. Min. 1.232. See R. W. Burgess 1988, 82, with a chart summarizing his findings and that of Kent 1981, 52. Burgess favors 326 for Constantine II with Kent positing 325; Burgess favors 324 for Constantius II with Kent supporting 325. Anonymous, Pan. Lat. 6. Wienand 2012, 225. See the American Numismatic Society searchable database, MANTIS. RIC VII, Heraclea 60. Legend says on the obverse, CONSTAN-TINVS AVG: Head laureate, right. On the reverse, D N CONSTANTINI MAX AVG: Laurel wreath enclosing VOT / XX. Wienand 2017, 128, n. 28. Pohlsander 1984, 99, n. 167, gives the place as Pola in Istria, from Am. Marc. 14. 11. 20. See also Sub anno 326 (MGH, AA IX 232); Epit. De Caes. 41. 11f., Jer. Chron. 231d. Philost. Hist. Cccl. 2.4, Sid. Apoll. Ep. 5 .8. 2, Zos. Nea hist. 2. 29. 2. See also Barnes 2011, 146. Odahl 2005, 202, suggests that their journey was meant to atone for Constantinian dynastic problems. Full details of the idea of two presentation volumes in Wienand 2012, 18–20. Polara 1973, 1.20–1, 115 MSS. B P E T R J Q W M p 2 confinea B1 E 3 laetus B2 M 6 magne B2 masna E 7 favet te tanto R J (sed fave te tanto J corr.) faveto tanto P fave tanto to M 11 si totis B2 sit toto P tropheis Q W M tropalis T R J (sed tropaeis J corr.) 12 versus p nersis R J (sed versis J corr.) 13 Araps B1 P E T 15 sed et] sedit B1 P p .edit E 17 poscit W refarre B1 E referri P refarri p 21 Castalius B2 22 quam dat] quondam B2 carmine M 23 vati B2 T se quod R J (sed siquod R corr. J corr.) 28 pacem B2 29 indulgens] uno vigens B2 honoro B2 30 iure] vere M Criati in Q W M cris.pin B1 T R J (sed Crispi in J corr.) eris.pi in B2 32 ulteriora B2 Q parent J corr. frangis B1 P E T R M y 35 pia B2 vota B2 M Interwoven verses 2 signata T R 3 pangens J Phebi R J Phebe J corr. Q 4 de T R non l. J (sed da J corr.) vocem E pia om. E Line 3 echoes the reference to victories on the Nile in Pan. Lat. 8. 5. 2, delivered to Constantius, by an anonymous orator (297?)]: Dent veniam trophaea Niliaca sub quibus Aethiops et Indus intremuit. Polara 1973, 1.20–1. Lines 4–5, “peoples of the dawn = East,” in Lucan. 6.52: Assyriis quantum populis telluris Eoae; Lucan. 7.56: nec non et reges populique queruntur Eoi. Note that dicatis (line 5) means “dedicated” in the Roman sense, “set aside to be sacrificed or executed.” Line 6, a pointed reference to the end of the Tetrarchy with two Augusti. Line 7, “songs of the Muses” in Catull. 68.7: nec veterum dulci scriptorum carmine Musa; Ov. Am. 3.12.17: aversis utinam tetigissem carmina Musis; Colum. 10.40: Pierides tenui deducite carmine Musae; Stat. Silv. 4.2.55: dux superum secreta iubet

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91

92

93 94

95 96 97

Notes to pp. 48–9

dare carmina Musas; Stat. Theb. 7.289: bellaque perpetuo memorabunt carmine Musae; Nemes. Ecl. 1.70: manibus hic supremus honos. dant carmina Musae; line 71: carmina dant Musae, nos et modulamur avena; Nemes. Cyneg. 76: haec vobis nostrae libabunt carmina Musae; Porf. 25.1: ardua componunt felices carmina Musae. Line 12, an anonymous reader suggests “turned back” for versis, rather than “by my verses.” Line 13, Pan. Lat 8. 5. 2; Dent veniam trophaea Niliaca sub quibus Aethiops et Indus intremuit. See note on line 3 above. Lines 14–15 allude to the light brought by Titan in Cic. Arat. 60 (34.61): quem cum perpetuo vestivit lumine Titan; Sen. Oct. 3: surgit Titan radiante coma; Lucan. 9.313: sed rapidus Titan ponto sua lumina pascens. Tethys rising from the embrace of Titan is symbolic of the sun seeming to rise from the ocean. Lines 17–18, “worthy rewards” in Verg. Aen. 1.605: praemia digna ferant quae te tam laeta tulerunt; Verg. Aen. 11.856–857: huc periture veni capias ut digna Camillae/ praemia tune etiam telis moriere Dianae; Aetna 223: digna laborantis respondent praemia curis; Ov. Ars. 2.702: Si modo duraris, praemia digna feres; Ov. Fast. 1.678: ut capiant cultus praemia digna sui; Sil. Ital. 4.810: Hannibal aequatus superis? quae praemia digna; Sil. Ital. 7.202: tempora quassatus, grates et praemia digna; Sil. Ital. 16.300: praemia digna dabo, e Tyria spolia incluta praeda; Stat. Theb. 9.50: Oenide, haec praemia digna rependi. Line 18, “the resounding voice” in Ov. Her. 11.74: Aeolus; insana regia voce sonat; Ov. Met. 3.703: cantibus et clara bacchantum voce sonabat; Ov. Fast. 4.302: adiuvat et fortes voce sonante manus; Ov. Cons. ad Liv. 108: Ad surdas tenui voce sonantur aquas; Lucan. 6.622: plena voce sonent, nec membris sole perustis; Calp. Buc. 2.4: voce sonans. hi cum terras gravis ureret aestas. Line 19, note the common association of the Muses with trees and various victory leaves. Lines 19–20, “shady oak” in Verg. Aen. 6.208–209: talis erat species auri frondentis opaca/ ilice sic leni crepitabat brattea vento; Verg. Aen. 11.851: antiqui Laurentis opacaque ilice tectum. Line 21, the references to the Castalian springs and “her whole voice” are allusions to Delphi. Line 22, Apul. Flor. 18.82, not 17.82 as listed: Eius dei hymnum Graeco et Latino carmine vobis etiam canam [iam] illi a me dedicatum. Line 24, “a greater work” in Verg. Aen. 7.45: maius opus moveo rex arua Latinus et urbes; Ov. Ars 3.370: Maius opus mores composuisse suos; Ov. Rem. am. 109: Maius opus superest: sed non, quia serior aegro; Lucan. 5.756: non tota te mole premat. si numina nostras; Lucan. 6.189: illum tota premit moles, illum omnia tela; Sil. Ital. 1.497: et tota se mola tulit, uelut incita clausum; Sil. Ital. 4.385: Eumachus inde Capyn++sed tota mole tenebat; Sil. Ital. 12.39: tota mole vias frustraque inglorius ausi; Sil. Ital. 16.185: advenisse duces, qui tota mole laborent.

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98 Line 26, decennia are tenth anniversary songs or vows. 99 Line 28, Porf. 3. 12: Aurea iam toto, victor, tua saecula pollent; Stat. Silv. 1.4.74: permeruit iurata manus, nec in otia pacis; Porf. 8.13: otia pacis amans. haec sunt mitissima dona. 100 Line 29, Verg. Aen. 1.253: hic pietatis honos sic nos in sceptra reponis; Verg. Culex 225 should be 226: praemia sunt pietatis ubi, pietatis honoris; Verg. Culex 369: iure igitur tales sedes, pietatis honores; Germ. Phaen. 556: bellantem comitata Iovem, pietatis honorem. 101 Line 30, “strength for brave deeds” in Verg. Aen. 8.509 invidet imperium seraeque ad fortia vires; Stat. Silv. 5.2.111 par vigor et membris, promptaeque ad fortia vires. 102 Line 31, the Rhine and the Rhône in Ov. Met. 2.258: Hesperiosque amnes, Rhenum Rhodanumque Padumque; Ov. Fast. 4.571: nunc adit Hesperios, Rhenum Rhodanumque Padumque; Lucan. 5.268: quid iuvat Arctois Rhodano Rhenoque subactis? Sil. Ital. 1.594: iamque volans Rhenum Rhodanumque in nubila tollit. 103 Lines 30–32, Pan. Lat. 5. 2. 4, [speech of thanks to Constantine, by an anonymous orator (311)]: a ceteris Rhodano ad Rhenum usque populis. 104 Line 33, the idea of a “holy child” in Liv. Andr. fr. 8 Mar. (Od. 4.14.1) sancta puer Saturni filia regina; Catull. 64.95: sancte puer, curis hominim qui gaudia misces; Verg. Culex 26: sancte puer, tibi namque canit non pagina bellum; Verg. Culex 37: hoc tibi, sancte puer; memorabilis et tibi certet. 105 Line 35, the undertaking of vows in Plaut. Amph. 230: vota suscipere, hortari exercitum; Ov. Met. 9.305: votaque suspiciunt, exhortanturque dolentem; Sen. Oct. 760: Tu vota pro me suscipe et precibus piis; Mart. 8.4.2: suscipit et soluit pro duce vota suo! 106 Ochsenschlager and Popović 1973, 90, report that the hippodrome was constructed in the time of either Licinius or Constantine, and it is recorded that Julian offered horse races there subsequently: The hippodrome is 70 to 72 meters wide, and probably from 400 to 450 meters long. Its eastern end is horseshoe-shaped. Three massive parallel walls surround the racetrack and central spina. The two inner walls were connected by perpendicular support walls six meters long and spaced at intervals of three to three-and-a-half meters. These smaller walls carried cylindrical arches which rose toward the outer wall and helped provide support for the parallel rows of seats. The middle and outer walls formed a long corridor, probably a vaulted cryptoportico or covered passageway, which in turn supported a platform behind the top row of seats. 107 Wienand 2012, 230, n. 16, citing Kluge 1926, 325. 108 Barnes 1975b, 179–80. 109 Kovács 2013, 197–8, citing these laws to locate Constantine on these dates: May 23, Sirmium, CodTheod II.4.2, 18.2; June 12, Sirmium, CodTheod IV.8.4; July 6,

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Notes to pp. 53–4 Bononia, CodTheod XI.27.2; July 20, Sirmium, CodTheod IV.8.5; July 26, CodTheod I.1.1. He cites O. Seeck, Die Zeitfolge der Gesetze Constantins. ZRG 10 (1889) 188–9; and Seeck 1919, 172. Kulikowski 2006, 359, n. 67, cites this poem and Zos. 2.21, He notes that the Origo 21 calls the victory “Gothic” but says that the numismatic and epigraphic evidence are decisive. Epigraphic evidence for the title and the ludi is given in n. 68 as RIC VII Lyons, 209–24; AE 1934, 158; CIL 1 (2nd ed.), 2335. The rescript found in CodTheod 15.12.1, given at Beirut in 325, which seems to outlaw gladiatorial combat as a penalty, is fully discussed by Potter 2010 who argues it was the punishment that was outlawed, not the games, since Constantine allowed such games to be held in his honor at Hispellum near the end of his reign. See Hall 2001–2 and 2004 for legal background on Roman Beirut (Berytus). Hall 2012 analyzes the working process Clyde Pharr used to translate the Theodosian Code. Körfer 2017, 519. R. G. Austin 1935a and 1935b discuss Roman board games, based on ancient descriptions and archaeological finds. Purcell 1995 examines games using dice and strategy. Polara 1973, 2.48; Wienand 2017, 158, explores the social setting of gaming with dice, the analogy to combat, and the opportunity for sudden gain. Shean 2010 argues that the support of the soldiers was crucial for the military successes of Constantine, and that they welcomed his conversion and his support of Christians. John Shean, personal electronic communication, February 11, 2020. John Shean, personal electronic communication, February 11, 2020. Hyland 1996 presents Arrian’s treatise. See Hyland 2013, 518–22, on the hippika gymnasia and the Cantabrian Gallop, illustrated in fig. 23.5 on 524. The Romans also adapted methods from the Sarmatians, 526. See Gilliver 2007, 2, who states: certainly the hippika gymnasia of the imperial period, though based on cavalry exercises and intended partly to hone skills in formation riding and throwing weapons, included a significant element of exhibitionism. The cavalrymen, dressed up in highly decorative equipment that was clearly not intended to withstand the rigours of combat but designed to attract the attention of spectators, undertook a complex series of high-speed manoeuvres on a parade ground in front of a tribunal (Arrian, Tactica 34).

116 Constantine enjoyed casting himself in the image of Augustus so reviving the “Trojan games” would be another way to re-emphasize this connection. Rogerson 2017, 79–80, n. 2, notes that the games were revived by Sulla with Cato the Younger as a youthful leader of one of the troops (Plutarch, Cato the Younger 3). Additional games were held to mark Caesar’s triumphal celebrations in 46 bce ; in 29 bce to honor the deified Caesar (with Tiberius leading the older boys); in 3 bce to

Notes to pp. 54–5

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dedicate the theater of Marcellus (with Gaius Caesar participating); and in 2 bce to mark the dedication of the temple of Mars Ultor in Augustus’ new forum (with Agrippa Postumus participating). Augustus suspended the games due to an accident (Suetonius, Aug. 43.2), but they were revived later by his successors. See Dixon and Southern 1997 for a general study of the Roman cavalry. Rance 2004, 123, n. 90, adds this detail: “See also CTh. 7.13.7 (375): qui in ripa per cuneos auxiliaque fuerint constituti. . . . just three other limitanei units elsewhere (two in Egypt and one in Britain), suggests developments connected to a specific period, region, and/or event, and probably relates to campaigns and frontier reorganizations of the Tetrarchic period and/or Constantine. . . . .” Wienand 2017, 127. Levin 1982, 430. In Late Antiquity Sirmium became an imperial residence, the site of an arms factory, fleet station, and an imperial mint, especially during 320–326, 351–365 (gold, silver, and copper) and 379 and possibly 394–396 (gold only). It was also the site of the issuance of many laws from Diocletian onward (OCD4, John Wilkes). RIC VII Sirmium 48, issued between 324 and 325: Obverse image: Head of Constantine I, laureate, right. Reverse image: Victory, winged, draped, advancing right, holding trophy in right hand and spurning seated captive with left hand. RIC VII Treveri 436, issued between 323 and 324: Obverse image IVL CRIS-PVS NOB CAES [Julius Crispus Nobilis Caesar]: Bust of Crispus, laureate, wearing trabea, right, holding eagle-tipped scepter in right hand. Reverse image: Victory, winged, draped, advancing right, holding trophy in right hand and pushing seated captive with left hand. Levitan, 1985, 260 and Polara 1973, 2.54.-5 see two ways to read the intexti versus: 1) dissona > Musarum vinciri conabor Phoebeo