The Philadelphia Upholstery Weaving Industry: A Case Study of a Declining Industry in and Old Manufacturing Center [Reprint 2016 ed.] 9781512814118

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INDUSTRIAL RESEARCH

DEPARTMENT

W H A R T O N SCHOOL OF FINANCE AND COMMERCE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PHILADELPHIA

RESEARCH STUDIES XX

THE PHILADELPHIA WEAVING

UPHOLSTERY

INDUSTRY

LIST OF PUBLICATIONS OF THE INDUSTRIAL RESEARCH DEPARTMENT I. Earnings and W o r k i n g Opportunity in the Upholstery Weavers' T r a d e in 25 Plants in Philadelphia, by Anne Bezanson, $2.50. I I . Collective B a r g a i n i n g A m o n g P h o t o - E n g r a v e r s in Philadelphia, by Charles Leese, $ 2 . 5 0 . I I I . T r e n d s in F o u n d r y Production in the Philadelphia Area, by Anne Bezanson and Robert G r a y , J i . j o . I V . Significant Post-War Changes in the Full-Fashioned Hosiery Industry, by George W . T a y l o r , $2.00. V. E a r n i n g s in Certain Standard M a c h i n e - T o o l Occupations in Philadelphia, by H . L . F r a i n , $ 1 . 5 0 . V I . A n Analysis of the Significance and Use of Help-Wanted Advertising in Philadelphia, by Anne Bezanson, $2.00. V I I . A n Analysis of Production of Worsted Sales Y a r n , by A l f r e d H. Williams, M a r t i n A . Brumbaugh and H i r a m S. Davis, $2.50. V I I I . T h e Future Movement of Iron Ore and Coal in Relation to the St. Lawrence W a t e r w a y , by Fayette S. Warner, $3.00. I X . Group Incentives—Some Variations in the Use of Group Bonus and G a n g Piece W o r k , by C. C. Balderston, $ 2 . 5 0 . X . W a g e Methods and Selling Costs, by Anne Bezanson and Miriam Hussey, $ 4 . 5 0 . X I . W a g e s — A Means of Testing T h e i r Adequacy, by Morris E . Leeds and C. C. Balderston, $ i . j o . X I I . Case Studies of Unemployment—Compiled by the Unemployment Committee of the National Federation of Settlements, edited by Marion Elderton, $3.00. X I I I . T h e Full-Fashioned Hosiery W o r k e r — H i s Changing Economic Status, by George W . T a y l o r , $3.00. X I V . Seasonal Variations in Employment in M a n u f a c t u r i n g Industries, by J . Parker Bursk, $2.50. X V . T h e Stabilization of Employment in Philadelphia through the L o n g R a n g e Planning of Municipal Improvement Projects, by William N. Loucks, $ 3 . 5 0 . X V I . H o w Workers Find J o b s — A Study f o r F o u r Thousand Hosiery Workers, by Dorothea de Schweinitz, $ 2 . 5 0 . X V I I . Savings and Employee Savings P l a n s — A n Analysis of Savings and T y p e s of Plans to Encourage Savings and T h r i f t among Employees of Industrial Firms in Philadelphia, by William J . Carson, $ 1 . 5 0 . X V I I I . Workers' Emotions in Shop and H o m e — A Study of Individual Workers from the Psychological Standpoint, by R e x f o r d B. Hersey, $3.00. X I X . Union Tactics and Economic Change—-A Case Study of T h r e e Philadelphia Textile Unions, by Gladys L . Palmer, $2.00.

THE PHILADELPHIA UPHOLSTERY WEAVING INDUSTRY A CASE STUDY OF A DECLINING INDUSTRY IN AN OLD MANUFACTURING CENTER BY

The Following

Associates

Research

of the

Industrial

Department

C . C A N B Y BALDERSTON Professor

of

Industry

ROBERT P. BRECHT Instructor

in

MIRIAM

Industry

HUSSEY

GLADYS L . P A L M E R EDWARD N . W R I G H T Assistant

Professor

of

Accounting

Wharton School of Finance and Commerce University of Pennsylvania

PHILADELPHIA U N I V E R S I T Y O F PENNSYLVANIA P R E S S

1932

COPYRIGHT, BY UNIVERSITY

OF P E N N S Y L V A N I A

PRINTED UNITED

1932

THE

STATES

IN OF

PRESS

THE AMERICA

AC K N O W L E D G M E N T S T h e co-authors of this report acknowledge with gratitude the generous support which they received from the cooperating manufacturers, and from the officers and members of the cooperating unions. T h e investigation was so broad in scope that it was necessary to seek the aid and advice of many individuals both within and without the industry. Among the many outside concerns and individuals who were of assistance, especial mention must be made of the Crompton and Knowles Looms Works and Thomas Halton's Sons. T h e counsel and criticism of Drs. Joseph H . Willits, Anne Bezanson, and Alfred H . Williams were invaluable. Because of the restriction of time, the completion of this survey placed unusual demands upon the members of the staff of the Industrial Research Department. Their carefulness and willingness are appreciated by those who undertook the responsibility for each section. The Joint Advisory Committee from the industry played an important part both in the procurement of the facts and in the discussion of the findings. This committee included the following representatives: From the Unions: Mr. H a r r y Bowers, M r . William Chalmers, M r . George Creech, Mr. Robert W . Gaffney, M r . Frederick Lauterwasser, Mr. John Preston, M r . James Skinner, M r . Herman Stein, and Mr. H a r r y E. White. From the Mills: Mr. Joseph Bracegirdle, M r . Marshall Brooks, M r . A. Vinton Clarke, Chairman, M r . George E. Ingersoll, and Mr. Bert Newton. C . CANBY BALDERSTON ROBERT P. BRECHT

August τQ32

MIRIAM HUSSEY GLADYS L . EDWARD N .

PALMER WRIGHT

CONTENTS CHAPTER

PACE

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I

BY II

C.

COLLECTIVE

V

INDUSTRY

. .

20

WORKING

OPPORTUNITY

40

HUSSEY 70

ROBERT

P.

BRECHT

MARKETING C.

103

CANBY

BALDERSTON

FINANCIAL DATA EDWARD

FINDINCS

6

PALMER

PRODUCTION

BY VIII

CHARACTERISTICS OF T H E

PALMER

L.

MIRIAM

BY VII

1

BARGAINING

GLADYS

BY VI

L.

EARNINGS AND BY

AND I T S O U T C O M E

BALDERSTON

AND E C O N O M I C

GLADYS

BY IV

CANBY

HISTORY BY

III

Ν

T H E W A G E D I S P U T E OF 1 9 3 0 - 1 9 3 1

N.

138 WRIGHT

AND R E C O M M E N D A T I O N S

157

APPENDIX A

Β

DRAFT

FOR

AGREEMENT

WITH

UNION

NO.

25

AS A R E E D

TO

IN

J O I N T C O N F E R E N C E ON A P R I L 8 , 1 9 3 2

175

SUPPLEMENTARY

191

NOTES TO

DATA

CHAPTER

II

CHARACTERISTICS

OF

WORKERS

IN

THE

UPHOLSTERY

W E A V I N G INDUSTRY WAGE

S C A L E S OF L O O M - F I X E R S ,

1899-1931

C O M P U T A T I O N OF A V E R A G E S V

NOTES ΤΟ C H A P T E R V I T R A D E P R A C T I C E S AND R U L E S NOTES TO C H A P T E R V I I D E F I N I T I O N OF T E R M S INDEX

WEAVERS, 198

NOTES TO C H A P T E R I V

NOTES TO C H A P T E R

191 W A R P E R S , AND

199 202 212 215 215 225 225 217

CHARTS CHART

PACE

I Index of A v e r a g e N u m b e r of W e a v e r s on C o m b i n e d P a y R o l l s II Index o f A v e r a g e N u m b e r of Finishers and O p e r a t o r s on

.

42

Com-

bined P a y R o l l s

43

I I I Indices of A v e r a g e N u m b e r of W o r k e r s on C o m b i n e d P a y R o l l s ( L o o m - f i x e r s , Beamers and W a r p e r s , T w i s t e r s , Spoolers

and

W i n d e r s , and Burlers and M e n d e r s )

45

I V A v e r a g e W e e k l y E a r n i n g s by Occupations ( L o o m - f i x e r s , Beamers and W a r p e r s , and W e a v e r s ) V Average

Weekly

Spoolers and

E a r n i n g s by

Winders,

49 Occupations

(Twisters,

Dyers,

Finishers and Operators, B u r l e r s

and

Menders)

50

V I Index of A v e r a g e W e e k l y W a g e B i l l of W e a v e r s in Seven Identical M i l l s

52

V I I A v e r a g e A n n u a l E a r n i n g s by Occupations VIII

Process of

Manufacturing

I X Index of W e a v i n g P a y X XI

Upholstery

jg

Fabrics

74

Roll

75

Indices of Y a r n Prices Seasonal

Index of

89

Net Sales

105

X I I Index of A n n u a l Net Sales XIII

Indices of A n n u a l Net Sales f o r F i f t e e n Companies

XIV

Percentage of T o t a l

Domestic P r o d u c t i o n of C o t t o n

107 108 Tapestries

M a d e in P e n n s y l v a n i a XV

Percentage of J a c q u a r d M a c h i n e s Sold by Areas, 1 9 1 6 - 1 9 3 1

121 . . .

124

X V I V a l u e of Imports of Cotton T a p e s t r i e s and Other J a c q u a r d - w o v e n Upholstery G o o d s X V I I Relation of Income and Expense to Production X V I I I T r e n d of Profits in the Industry XIX XX

131 135 145

Index of Surplus of P h i l a d e l p h i a M i l l s

145

A n a l y s i s of the Sales D o l l a r

146

TABLES TABLE ι

PACE

Index of A v e r a g e N u m b e r

on P a y

Roll

Annually

by

Occupations,

1924-1930

43

2 A v e r a g e H o u r s per W e e k A n n u a l l y by Occupations, 1 9 1 7 - 1 9 3 0 3 A v e r a g e H o u r s per W e e k W o r k e d b y W e a v e r s , M o n t h l y ,

....

47

1926-1928,

1931

48

4 A v e r a g e W e e k l y E a r n i n g s A n n u a l l y by Occupations, 1 9 2 4 - 1 9 3 0

...

5 Lowest and Highest A v e r a g e W e e k l y Earnings and A v e r a g e of

All

54

M i l l s A n n u a l l y by Occupations, 1 9 2 4 - 1 9 3 0

56

6 A v e r a g e A n n u a l E a r n i n g s by Occupations, 1 9 2 4 - 1 9 3 0

59

7 Lowest and Highest A v e r a g e A n n u a l Earnings and A v e r a g e of Mills Annually

by Occupations,

All

1924-1930

60

8 A v e r a g e H o u r l y E a r n i n g s of T i m e - w o r k e r s A n n u a l l y by Occupations, 1924-1930

63

9 A v e r a g e H o u r l y and W e e k l y E a r n i n g s and A v e r a g e H o u r s

Worked

per W e e k b y W e a v e r s b y M i l l s , A n n u a l l y , 1 9 2 6 - 1 9 2 8 10 A v e r a g e

64

H o u r l y and W e e k l y E a r n i n g s and A v e r a g e H o u r s

Worked

p e r W e e k by W e a v e r s b y M i l l s , M o n t h l y f o r F o u r M o n t h s o f 1 9 3 1 11

R a w M a t e r i a l Cost D i v i d e d by W e a v i n g P a y R o l l ,

1924-1930

.

12 D i s t r i b u t i o n o f J a c q u a r d L o o m s in P h i l a d e l p h i a ι 3 I n d e x of W e a v i n g P a y dicator

of

Roll

Production,

1924-1930

Used as an

.

14

O p e r a t i n g L i f e of Harnesses C u t D o w n

15

A g e of Harnesses in O p e r a t i o n u p to A u g u s t 1 , 1 9 3 1

In-

.

76 77 77

1 6 Size of O r d e r s

92

17

T y p e s o f F a b r i c s P r o d u c e d in P h i l a d e l p h i a M i l l s

18

Seasonal I n d e x of N e t Sales

105 106

1 9 E x t e n t to w h i c h E a c h S a l e s O u t l e t W a s E m p h a s i z e d , 1 9 3 0

106

20 I n d e x o f A n n u a l N e t Sales, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 21

72 75

in P h i l a d e l p h i a M i l l s

Monthly,

66

Indices o f A n n u a l

107

N e t Sales f o r F i f t e e n C o m p a n i e s ,

1925-1930

. .

109

22 A n a l y s i s o f Sales of T a p e s t r y a n d D a m a s k in T h r e e M i l l s C o m b i n e d , by Price per Y a r d , 1 9 2 3 , 1929, and 1930 23 Indices o f A v e r a g e Mills,

Selling

P r i c e s on A l l

112

Fabrics Produced

in F i v e

1926-1930

113

24 R a n g e o f A v e r a g e P r i c e s p e r S q u a r e Y a r d on A l l F a b r i c s P r o d u c e d in Five Mills, 1926-1930

113

25 A n a l y s i s of Sales o f T a p e s t r y a n d D a m a s k in T h r e e M i l l s C o m b i n e d , b y L e n g t h of O r d e r in Y a r d s , 1 9 2 3 , 1 9 2 9 , and 1 9 3 0 26 N u m b e r

of

Combined,

Orders

Classified

by Price

and

Yards

in

114 Three

Mills

1930

116

27 P e r c e n t a g e of D o l l a r S a l e s F u r n i s h e d b y E a c h T e n P e r C e n t o f P a t tern N u m b e r s in 1 9 2 9

118

TABLE

28 29 30 31

PACE

Percentage of J a c q u a r d Machines Sold by Areas, 1 9 1 6 - 1 9 3 1 Number of J a c q u a r d Machines Sold by Periods, 1 9 1 6 - 1 9 3 1 Comparison of T a x e s in Philadelphia and the Carolinas, 1 9 3 0 . . . . H o u r l y W a g e Rates in Philadelphia, Northern Districts Competing with Philadelphia, and North Carolina, 1 9 3 1 Ratio of Current Assets to Current Liabilities, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 Financial Ratios, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 Index of Annual Net Sales, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 Per Cent of Operating Profit to Net Sales ( A f t e r Deducting 6 Per Cent on Investment from Operating Profits) 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 Per Cent of Operating Profit to Net Sales ( B e f o r e Deducting 6 Per Cent on Investment from Operating Profits) 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 Per Cent of F i n a l Net Profit to Net Worth ( A f t e r Deducting 6 Per Cent on Investment from F i n a l Net Profits) 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 Per Cent of F i n a l Net Profit to Net Worth ( B e f o r e Deducting 6 Per Cent on Investment from F i n a l Net Profits) 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 Index of Surplus in Philadelphia Mills, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 Analysis of the Sales D o l l a r by Industry Totals, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 Analysis of the Sales D o l l a r by Medians, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 Analysis of the Sales D o l l a r by Medians of Identical Companies, 1922-1930 Number of Cents of the Sales D o l l a r Used for M a n u f a c t u r i n g , 1 9 1 9 1930 Number of Cents of the Sales D o l l a r Spent for Material, Labor, and M a n u f a c t u r i n g Overhead, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 Number of Cents of the Sales D o l l a r Used for Labor Operations, 1919-1930 Per Cent of Each Item of Selling Expense to T o t a l Selling Expense, 1927-1930 R a n k i n g of Companies by Net Sales, 1 9 2 5 - 1 9 3 0 R a n k i n g of Companies by Ratio of Operating Profit to Operating Income, 1 9 2 5 - 1 9 3 0 R a n k i n g of Companies by Ratio of Cost of Sales to Net Sales, 1 9 2 5 -

125 125 128

1930 50 R a n k i n g of Companies by Ratio of Selling Expenses to Net Sales, 1925-1930 5 1 R a n k i n g of Companies by Ratio of Administrative Expenses to Net Sales, 1 9 2 5 - 1 9 3 0

155

32 33 34. 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49

130 140 141 142 143 143 144 144 146 147 147 148 148 149 150 150 iji 152

153 154

APPENDIX TABLES TABLE

PACE

Characteristics Shown by Workers Answering Questionnaire ι 2

Sex Country of Birth

191 192

3 Age 4 Present Occupations 5 Previous Occupations 6 Years in the Upholstery Weaving T r a d e 7 W o r k Obtained outside the T r a d e in the Past T h r e e Years 8 W a g e Scales of Loom-fixers, Warpers, and Weavers, 1 8 9 9 - 1 9 3 1 . . 9 A v e r a g e Number of Workers on Pay R o l l and Number of M i l l s from which E a r n i n g s Records Were Obtained, 1 9 2 4 - 1 9 3 0 1 0 Indices of A v e r a g e Number on Pay R o l l by Occupations, 1 9 2 4 - 1 9 3 0 1 1 A v e r a g e Hours per Week Worked by T i m e - w o r k e r s , 1 9 2 7 - 1 9 3 0 1 2 A v e r a g e Weekly Earnings Monthly by Occupations, 1 9 2 4 - 1 9 3 0 ι 3 Index of A v e r a g e Weekly W a g e Bill of Weavers in Seven Identical

193 194 195 196 197 198 201 204 207 208

Mills, Monthly, 1 9 2 4 - 1 9 3 0 14 Percentage of M a n u f a c t u r i n g Expense Devoted to M a t e r i a l , L a b o r , and M a n u f a c t u r i n g Overhead, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 1 5 Number of Cents of M a n u f a c t u r i n g D o l l a r Spent f o r E a c h Occupation, 1 9 2 4 - 1 9 3 0 16 T y p i c a l Percentage of Looms Running in Philadelphia during Each

211

Month, 1 9 2 9 - 1 9 3 1 1 7 Percentage of L o o m Activity Based on a Sample of Upholstery Looms in Philadelphia, 1 9 2 3 - 1 9 3 0 18 Indices of Y a r n Prices, 1 9 2 5 - 1 9 3 1 1 9 Comparison of Residential Building with the Production of Furniture and Cotton Tapestries, 1 9 2 1 - 1 9 3 0 20 Value per Square Y a r d of Cotton Tapestries Made in Pennsylvania and in the United States, 1 9 0 9 - 1 9 2 9 2 1 Percentage of T o t a l Domestic Production of Cotton Tapestries M a d e

213

in Pennsylvania, 1 9 0 9 - 1 9 2 9 22 Production of Cotton Tapestries, 1 9 0 9 - 1 9 2 9 23 Production of Cotton Draperies in 1 9 2 9 24 Production of Silk Upholstery Goods and Tapestries in the United States, 1 9 0 9 - 1 9 2 9 25 Number of Active and Idle Non-automatic J a c q u a r d B o x Looms

219 220 220

in Cotton Mills, 1 9 2 7 and 1 9 2 9 26 T r e n d of H o u r l y W a g e Rates in United States, South, and

221

212 212

213 214 218 218

221

New

England, 1907-1928 27 Value of Imports of Cotton Tapestries and Other J a c q u a r d - w o v e n

222

Upholstery Goods, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 28 Order of Importance of Countries f r o m which Imports of Tapestries H a v e Come, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0

223 Cotton 224

CHAPTER

I

T H E W A G E D I S P U T E OF 1930-1931 AND ITS OUTCOME C. C A N B Y BALDERSTON An economic crisis had long threatened the Philadelphia upholstery weaving mills, but public interest became aroused by the wage dispute and strike of 1 9 3 0 - 1 9 3 1 . A f t e r years of peaceful labor relations, changing competition in the industry led at last to industrial warfare. T h e strike was at once the culmination of a long decline in the Philadelphia industry and the beginning of an acute crisis. T h e industry had faced difficulties of increasing seriousness. In the last decade, new competition from lower-cost areas undermined the dominance of the local mills. Not only did new domestic competitors take away the business in the cheaper fabrics, but imported goods offered competition in the high-grade, expensive fabrics. Caught as it was between the upper and nether millstones of a grinding competition, the Philadelphia industry gradually dwindled, and its relative position in the trade declined. Inevitably the standards of the trade broke down. T h e best designs were copied in cheaper materials, and the evil of piracy contributed to the lowering of quality. T h e consequence of piracy is price-cutting. The urgent quest of the mills for volume, combined with large distress stocks of imported merchandise, caused prices to be undermined. What had been a highly profitable business, exhibited the worst signs of "cut-throat" competition. T h e breakdown of standards extended until it affected thje labor policies and solidarity of organization of both the manufacturers and unions. T h e Philadelphia Upholstery Manufacturers' Association failed to stop price-cutting and [1]

2

PHILADELPHIA

UPHOLSTERY

WEAVING

copying by outside mills. N o r did it force its own members to abstain. T h e upholstery unions likewise failed in their efforts to unionize workers and raise labor standards in the mills in new competitive areas like N e w Jersey and the South. Faced with this changing competitive situation, the unions sought to maintain their wage and other standards by a policy of "standing pat." H a v i n g won their demands in more prosperous years with uncommon ease, they were not prepared to meet adversity and its problems, except by stubborn defense. Accustomed to success, the unions failed to divest themselves of inflexible tactics in favor of those which would take account of economic changes. This inflexibility widened the labor cost differential between Philadelphia and competing mills, and invited new competition. In consequence, about a third of the Philadelphia mills established branch plants in lower cost regions outside the city so that they could continue to produce fabrics at low cost. Finally, the local mills demanded a reduction of wages in Philadelphia. Notices were posted in the majority of the mills that, starting January 1931, wages would be reduced 25 per cent. T h e n employers and unions locked horns over the first wage dispute which the local industry had had since 1921. Failing to reach a decision, the manufacturers and the unions appealed to certain members of the Industrial Research Department of the University of Pennsylvania to arbitrate the dispute. Not only was this recourse to arbitration a new step in their industrial relations, but the unions for the first time introduced into the joint negotiations an outside specialist to present their case, and demanded that the agreement, when drawn, should be signed. Previous agreements in the industry, in keeping with the informality of its labor relations, had been unsigned. I n the hearings before the arbitration board, the manufacturers brought out the continued loss of market because of the competition of non-union areas with lower wage scales,

THE

WAGE

DISPUTE

3

and insisted that wages must be reduced if the industry were not to leave Philadelphia entirely. T h e manufacturers asked also for the amelioration of certain union restrictions. In reply, the unions pointed out that a wage cut in Philadelphia would be met by similar reductions in competing areas. T h e weavers, in particular, claimed that their average earnings, with full-time employment, were inadequate for a "health and decency" standard of living. T h e workers argued that the selling price of Philadelphia goods could be reduced by other methods, such as economies in selling and production, and that the lack of orders was primarily the result of the general business depression. T h e board made a temporary award to remain in effect for six months to permit the making of a thorough survey of the industry as a basis for a permanent award. 1 T h e decision provided for a temporary wage reduction of 14 per cent. T h e board was influenced in its decision, by the decline in the cost of living, and the fact that a smaller " c u t " would not be effective in aiding the Philadelphia mills to maintain their relative position in the industry.' Although the upholstery unions had originally agreed to abide by the decision of the arbitrators, the weavers refused to accept the award. There were, however, certain ameliorating circumstancs involved in their refusal. 2 T h e weavers gave notice to the manufacturers that they would cease work in a month's time. And so, in February 1931, the strike began. It is significant that only two of the city's upholstery weaving mills attempted to operate with strike-breakers. T h e other mills closed down. But while pickets were on guard around the oldest and largest mill in the city, looms were moved out and operated in a small industrial town outside of the city. T h e strike lasted about three months, and ended on M a y 4, 1931, with the acceptance by the local weavers' union of 1 Later developments led to the negotiation of agreements between the unions and the manufacturers' association, which made a permanent award unnecessary. ' F o r a detailed discussion of this arbitration, see Palmer, Gladys L . , Union Tactics and Economic Change, Chapter IV.

4-

PHILADELPHIA

UPHOLSTERY

WEAVING

the terms of the arbitration decision. Then followed a step quite unprecedented in the history of local industrial relations. Three of the unions in the industry 3 and the Philadelphia Upholstery Manufacturers' Association jointly requested an impartial agency, the Industrial Research Department of the University of Pennsylvania, to undertake an investigation of the industry. Both sides promised to furnish all necessary information, the manufacturers agreeing to open their books so that the study might include the income, expenses, and profits of the local mills. This request on the part of the industry set the stage for the study described in this report. This survey was conducted during the period June-December 1 9 3 1 , by five members of the Industrial Research Department. T o serve as a connecting link with the industry, a joint advisory committee was formed on which were represented the manufacturers' association and the three cooperating unions. Delegates from other unions in the trade also met with this committee unofficially. This link with the industry proved helpfuJ in bringing to light the troubles of the industry, in guiding the investigators on technical matters, and in checking the practicality of the suggestions. Moreover, this contact kept both unions and manufacturers informed as to the progress of the study, and prepared them to better understand the reasons for its findings. T w o months prior to the completion of the survey, the weavers' union and the manufacturers' association each retained a labor adviser to guide them in using the results of the study in the ensuing negotiations. It was felt that the report would not be of maximum service to the industry unless expert counsel were made available to help put the suggestions into effect. These two labor advisers and the joint advisory committee previously mentioned have an essential place in the technique here employed. What may be the significance of such cooperative research? " T h e Upholstery Weavers' Union, Local # 2 5 . The Warpers' and Warp Dressers' Union, Local # 1 0 2 5 . The Jacquard Fixers' Beneficial Union # i , Local # 1 2 7 0 .

THE

WAGE

DISPUTE

J

It is f a r too soon to appraise its influence upon the destinies of the local industry. It seems reasonably certain, however, that in the ensuing negotiations, between J a n u a r y and A p r i l , 1 9 3 2 , the establishment of the pertinent facts relegated to the background much of the bickering over mere questions of fact. T h e use of the report in the negotiations tended to place emphasis upon constructive action of long-run advantage to the industry as a whole. It is somewhat more easy to outline the results hoped for, even though actual events may never permit these hopes to be f u l l y realized. T h e immediate aim, which has been mentioned already, was to provide a factual basis for the settlement of the wage dispute, and for the stabilization of the industry. T h e study thus undertook the difficult task of determining the causes of the industry's troubles, and of showing how these might be minimized by fundamental changes in marketing, production, and labor policies. It was hoped that a thorough-going analysis of all the factors contributing to the decline and economic crisis in this trade might increase the available knowledge as to the causes of general business instability and the methods by which they may be counteracted. T h e attainment of these ends required the simultaneous study of employee earnings, industrial relations, and production, marketing, and financial problems. Naturally a study of all of these aspects was possible only through the f u l l cooperation of both employers and workers. Perhaps the unusual quality of that cooperation may earn for this report a place among the studies of industrial stabilization. T h e data, findings, and recommendations connected with the investigation are presented under the headings indicated below. T h e history and economic characteristics of the industry Collective bargaining Earnings and working opportunity Production problems M a r k e t i n g problems Financial data Findings and recommendations

C H A P T E R

II

HISTORY AND ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF T H E INDUSTRY GLADYS L. PALMER H I S T O R Y OF T H E

INDUSTRY

T h e weaving of a fine grade of drapery and upholstery goods is one of the oldest of Philadelphia's textile industries. It was started in the seventies and eighties by weavers who came from the Yorkshire district of England and from Scotland, although a few of the founders of the trade were American-born of English parentage. T h e majority of the present group of twenty-six upholstery weaving mills in the city were established prior to 1900. T h e foundations for two of the original mills were laid in early experiments with small units of hand looms, weaving reps and terry cloth. As the industry became established, new fabrics were added to the original products. Chenille weaving was, for many years, the most important work of early mills in the trade, but brocades, damasks, and brocatelles, of silk and mercerized cotton yarns were made by a few specialty mills. Madras curtains, couch covers, table scarfs, and portieres made up the greater bulk of the industry's product in the years from 1890 to 1905. After this period over-draperies and light-weight window curtain fabrics were added to the products of the mills. A small amount of fine-grade wool tapestries had been made in a few mills in earlier years, but the major development of tapestry production came after the war period. Tapestries for furniture coverings were then made of cotton and rayon yarn rather than of wool. During this long period of development of the industry, mercerized cotton yarns gave way to rayon, and wool and worsted yarns to cotton, as the [6]

HISTORY

AND

ECONOMIC

CHARACTERISTICS

7

important raw materials. Silk continued to be used but only for the most expensive fabrics. T h e upholstery fabrics produced in Philadelphia represent a high type of technical designing and weaving skill. T h e heavier fabrics are double- or triple-woven. T h e looms usually carry two or more sets of warp yarns and two or more sets of filling ( w e f t ) yarns. A jacquard attachment introduces the design into the fabric. In tapestries, for example, the pattern is formed by the weft threads, and the surface of the material may be composed of weft threads only. In some fabrics the face of the goods resembles the reverse side, but most upholstery goods are not reversible. Variegated colors may be introduced by either the warp or filling yarns, but, if many changes of shuttle are necessary in introducing color by the weft yarns, the fabric becomes a "slow-weavi n g " job. T h e background of some fabrics, for example brocaded damasks and tapestries, may carry subsidiary patterns formed in the weaving process, while the major patterns are introduced by colors in raised or flat effects. W h e n not wanted on the surface, the threads are woven into the center and back of the fabric, or float for short lengths on the back. T h e construction of the fabric is, therefore, as important as the outline of the design, the combination of colors, or the quality of the yarns in any consideration of the goods made in the Philadelphia industry. None of the fabrics for which the industry is noted actually originated in Philadelphia, although it is claimed by one Philadelphia designer that modern machine-made tapestries received their highest technical development here. T h e machine-made fabrics are, of course, adaptations or copies of the products of the hand loom. It is interesting to note that most of the modern weaves of textile fabrics were developed by ancient or primitive peoples. 1 T h e y later reached a high stage of perfection in the medieval period in China, Japan, Spain, 1 Mr. M. D. C. Crawford claims that all of the modern weaves were developed by the Ancient Peruvians. Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, p. 90.

PHILADELPHIA

8

UPHOLSTERY

WEAVING

Italy, France, and Belgium. T h e Italian and Flemish towns of the Renaissance period were especially noted for their fine silk damasks, brocades, and velvets. France became famous for the production of beautiful silk fabrics under the patronage of the Bourbon kings. Fine tapestries and furniture coverings were also made in France and England during the medieval and modern periods. T h e development of designs as well as the technique of weaving fine fabrics has also passed through a long period of evolution. Some of the most beautiful designs of today contain elements which can be traced to the earliest work of craftsmen of primitive and ancient times. It is claimed that the eastern and early European patterns show more beauty of detail and harmony of mass and line than are found in the later fabrics. T h e gradual elaboration of the methods of weaving and the growth of wealth in modern Europe led to a reliance, by eighteenth century weavers, on fancy weaves and texture rather than on beauty and simplicity of design. 2 T h e machine industry, therefore, inherited a tradition of emphasis on texture and weave rather than on design, and for this reason, the designing of the machine-made fabrics was influenced largely by technical rather than artistic considerations. T h e machine manufacture of fine fabrics for draperies, wall hangings, and furniture coverings developed in France, Belgium, Italy, and Germany. Fine silk fabrics were also made in England. T h e major centers of the European industry, at the present time, are the Pisa district of Italy, the Brussels district of Belgium, and the Roubaix-Tourcoing district of France. In these centers, the traditions of hand-craft weaving and the presence of a variety of trades using artistic designs have led to the development of a high-grade, luxuryproduct industry maintaining the artistic standards of the finest of European hand-made products. T h e American industry was handicapped at its inception 1

Glazier, Richard, Historic

Textile

Fabrics, p. 94.

HISTORY

AND

ECONOMIC

CHARACTERISTICS

9

by the absence of the technical skill and artistic traditions of the Belgian and French fine-fabric centers and also by the contemporary styles of interior decoration in the late Victorian era. Technical skill gradually developed in this country as the result of the importation of weavers and designers from Belgium, France, and England. But, in the " g a y nineties," the standards of taste in interior decoration left much to be desired. This period was the era of the brown-stone front, the formal parlor, and dark-colored walls and hangings—the "brown decades." It has been described as "the full tide of the draped scarf orgy." 3 Turkish "cozy corners" and elaborately draped furniture led to a demand for novelty textile fabrics in large quantities. These started the Philadelphia upholstery weaving industry on its road to prosperity. T h e Philadelphia trade, therefore, originated as a luxuryproduct industry, producing a wide range of fabrics for interior decorating purposes. A few small firms specialized in the making of drapery fabrics only, others in the making of couch covers, scarfs, portieres, and novelty goods, and still others in furniture coverings. T h e larger mills made a wide variety of fabrics. Gradually the mills built up a reputation for certain types of fabrics or for quality workmanship and high-grade designing. Prior to 1 9 1 9 the demand for the products of the industry was relatively inelastic, as in other luxury-product trades. T h e development, by the manufacturers, of certain trade practices or understandings with regard to problems of trade competition protected high-grade designs from cheaper imitations and kept prices somewhere near profitable levels. Style changes in interior decoration and general levels of prosperity in the community were the most important economic factors in the prosperity of the trade. A f t e r cotton tapestries for furniture coverings became the chief product of the industry in the years following 19x9, the prosperity of the trade became still more dependent upon * The Ufholsterer,

December, 1923, p. 97.

10

PHILADELPHIA

UPHOLSTERY

WEAVING

the building and furniture industries. This change of the trade accompanied an expansion period in building. New homes, new hotels, and new theaters were built in rapid succession, and the demand for furniture fabrics and draperies increased. The trade expanded rapidly to meet this increased demand and enjoyed exceptional prosperity. More jacquard machines were sold between 1 9 1 9 and 1 9 2 1 than in any other three-year period in the history of the industry. T h e number of workers employed in the industry increased. Old mills were reorganized or expanded and for the first time in their history many of them were incorporated. Most of the expansion of old Philadelphia mills during this period took the form of the establishment of branch plants outside of the city. Weaving mills in other areas converted their looms to the manufacture of upholstery goods. A number of new mills were started. The latter were not located in the Philadelphia area, however, but in the rural towns of New Jersey and the South. Philadelphia continued to offer some advantages as a specialized manufacturing center, because of nearness to style centers, and specialized dyeing, harness-building, designing and card-cutting facilities, and the presence of a skilled labor supply. These advantages, however, were eventually more than offset by higher labor costs in Philadelphia, the only unionized center of the industry. In the newer centers of manufacture, workers received lower wages for longer hours of work, and weavers frequently ran more than one loom. T h e recent expansion and decentralization movement in the industry led not only to a widening labor cost differential between Philadelphia and outside centers, but also to general over-expansion of the trade. As a result, very keen competition developed between Philadelphia and outside mills. T h e details of this competition and its effects are told in later chapters. It is sufficient to say, for the present, that the effects of the competition, combined with certain general changes in the demand for the products of the industry, led to the rapid decline of the Philadelphia trade in the years following 1925, and particularly from 1928 to 1 9 3 2 . T h e

HISTORY

AND ECONOMIC

CHARACTERISTICS

11

cheaper grades of goods demanded by consumers could be made by less skilled labor in outside manufacturing centers. W e l l styled and well designed fabrics developed by Philadelphia mills were copied in cheaper yarns and poorer quality of workmanship by outside competitors, and soon displaced the better grades of goods. T h e Philadelphia trade found itself in a difficult competitive position in 1931. It still retained a competitive advantage in the manufacture of the highest grade of specialty or novelty fabrics, but for these fabrics there was relatively little demand. I n the cheaper grades of goods, competition was on a " p r i c e " basis, and the city's mills were at a disadvantage, chiefly because of the labor cost differential between Philadelphia and outside manufacturing centers. ECONOMIC

CHARACTERISTICS

I n common with other small-scale, specialty textile trades, the upholstery weaving industry had once marketed its product entirely through jobbers and retail stores. After its recent expansion, however, as much of its product was sold to furniture manufacturers as to jobbers. T h e decline in the relative importance of the jobber had an important effect in increasing the amount of finished stock carried by the mills and the accepting of more small orders. T h e trade has always been characterized by short orders because of its manufacture of decorative fabrics, the market for which is spoiled if there is too much duplication of patterns. But in recent years, the length of orders has become too short for economical production. Although originally confined to the most expensive patterns, short orders are now found in the cheapest ones as well. T h e problem of short orders and requests for immediate delivery make it difficult, if not impossible, to control production in the mill and to effect any of the production economies which come only with long-run orders. Short runs not only demoralize production planning by the manufacturer but increase the irregularity of employment and of workers' earnings. As one might expect in a small-scale industry, making a

PHILADELPHIA

12

UPHOLSTERY

WEAVING

decorative type of fabric, the mills in the Philadelphia trade are for the most part small-scale units and owner-managed. As in many other types of industry, the ease of starting in business is greater than that of staying in business. Many firms were started by weavers who had saved enough capital to purchase a few looms and rent a shed or floor of a factory building. A few mills in the city at the present time do weaving only. The majority of them do the weaving and winding processes and three of the largest in the trade have their own dye-houses. Another evidence of the small scale of operations is the fact that two-thirds of the mills have less than ioo looms. Half of those studied operate 50 to 100 looms. Although the companies are incorporated, their stock is usually held closely, often by a family. Family succession has thus tended to characterize the mill managements, and the names of the original founders are associated with many of the city's firms at the present time. It is estimated that there were, in all, 2400 looms in 25 mills devoted to the manufacture of drapery and upholstery goods in the city in 1 9 2 8 / In 1 9 3 0 these mills employed approximately 2500 workers in all departments. Because of the nature of the business, savings in many of the items of production costs in upholstery mills are difficult to effect. Surplus machine equipment in the number of "ties" needed to make the diversity of fabrics characteristic of the industry has existed in the trade from its beginning. Consequently, the carrying charges on this surplus equipment tend to raise costs. In addition the costs of designing the type of fabrics produced in Philadelphia are important because a pattern costing as much as $500 to design may not be successful. Many fabrics are produced with special dyes, such as are needed for "sun-fast" colors, which require additional expense. Raw material is the largest element in the cost of production, varying from 40 to 60 per cent of the total manufacturing costs. Consequently, the poor purchase of raw materials may create heavy losses. Labor costs vary to a large 4

Union estimate.

HISTORY

AND ECONOMIC

CHARACTERISTICS

13

extent with the amount of weaving skill used in the fabric, but the average percentage of labor cost to the total is about 40. In the finer fabrics, these may constitute as much as onehalf of the total production costs. T h e usual fabric sold today, however, carries much less weaving skill than formerly. In setting the selling price on a fabric, most of the mills use rule-of-thumb methods for estimating its probable costs. In view of the specialized short-order business, the possible manufacturing economies are small if quality and labor standards are to be maintained. Few technological improvements have taken place recently in the industry. Many of the looms are very old, but it is said by some manufacturers that they are almost as productive today as they were thirty or forty years ago, provided they have been kept in good condition. The absence of technological improvements in the looms and other machine equipment of the industry has tended to prolong the demand for skilled workers. The men's occupations are weaving, 5 harness-building, loom-fixing, warping, twisting, beaming, and dyeing. Burling and mending are the most skilled operations for women. Other less skilled women's operations are spooling, winding, finishing, and machine operating. The ratio of men to women is approximately three to one. Weavers make up one-third of the total number of employees in mills employing workers in all occupations, and about one-half of the total in other mills. The trade has always been characterized by seasonal and irregular operation. As is usual in most American industries, the carrying charges on idle machines are included in the overhead costs of the industry, but no method of carrying the idle workers in the trade has as yet been devised. Pieceworkers are more irregularly employed than time-workers in the trade. In time-work occupations, for example, average hours worked per week during the year 1 9 3 0 , varied from * There are a few women weavers employed on shaft and jacquard work, but the majority of the weavers are men.

PHILADELPHIA

14

UPHOLSTERY

WEAVING

3 1 . 5 hours for spoolers and winders to 4 0 . 7 hours for loomfixers. In the months from J u l y to November 1 9 3 1 , weavers who constituted the largest group of pieceworkers, reported average hours per week which ranged from 2 6 . 7 in J u l y to 3 2 . 9 in October. T h e mills usually have two distinct seasons in each year, being busy in the early spring and again in the fall, with the lowest employment opportunity in the summer months. E m p l o y m e n t is not only seasonal, but in most occupations has recently shown a decline. T h e most serious declines have taken place in the occupations of weaving and finishing. F o r example, in the mills surveyed, the number of weavers e m ployed declined 4 5 per cent in the years from 1 9 2 5 to 1 9 3 1 . T h e upholstery unions estimated in the fall of 1 9 3 1

that

f u l l y one-third of their membership was unemployed, that is, not carried on the pay roll of any mill in the city, and that the remainder were employed irregularly. T h u s

the

problem of seasonal unemployment and a shrinking labor market becomes of outstanding importance to the workers in the industry. THE

The

workers

WORKERS

in the upholstery weaving trade are an

especially interesting group. 6 T h e y are skilled craftsmen, working under relatively little supervision. T h e y are ex' In order to secure data concerning the occupational experience and background of the workers in the industry, the members of the three unions cooperating with the Industrial Research Department in the survey were asked to answer questions on their sex, age, nationality, and general occupational experience. These unions were the Upholstery Weavers' and Workers' Union # 2 5 , Jacquard Loom-fixers' Beneficial Union, Local # 1 2 7 0 , and the Warpers' and W a r p Dressers' Union, Local # 1 0 2 5 . About 1 7 0 0 schedules were mailed or given to members of these three unions, and 782 returns were made. T h i s sample is approximately one-third of the total number employed in the industry. While the crafts of beamers, twisters, and dyers are omitted there is little reason to believe that their inclusion in the study would materially affect the representative character of the sample or the conclusions obtained. Workers reported from all the mills in the Philadelphia upholstery trade, including upholstery goods mills and two jacquard harness building shops. T h e sample is, therefore, as widely representative as possible of all the shops in the trade, and appears to reflect no special bias in the results. T h e tables compiled f r o m this questionnaire are given in Appendix B , Tables 1 to 7 inclusive.

HISTORY

AND ECONOMIC

CHARACTERISTICS

15

pected to be experts. T h e weavers, for example, have a great deal of pride in the quality of their workmanship and their ability to weave a variety of fabrics. M a n y of them received their initial training in the industry on hand looms in this country or abroad. A few of the older weavers learned the trade in the fine-fabric centers of Belgium, Germany, and France. A s in other Philadelphia textile trades, a large majority of the upholstery workers are of American or British birth. Less than one-fifth of the group were born in other European countries, the largest single number coming from Poland. Upholstery was the last weaving trade in the city to expand, its expansion taking place while others were declining and laying off workers. Weavers from the latter trades were, therefore, attracted to the upholstery mills and brought to them a long and varied experience. Over half of the present workers in the trade have worked in other textile industries. T h e majority of these were employed in cloth, chenille, carpet, and rug weaving. But the average length of service of workers in the upholstery industry is twenty years. Four-fifths of the workers have had more than ten years' experience in the trade, and about 40 per cent have had more than twenty. Possibly no other textile trade in the city has such an experienced group of workers. A skilled labor supply has been one of the greatest assets of the Philadelphia upholstery mills in building up their reputation for the production of a wide variety of high grade products. It is unfortunate for the workers that the recent trends in demand have placed a premium on style and price rather than on "quality" and workmanship. As a result, less weaving skill is used in fabrics than in earlier years, and the skill of the upholstery weavers is less important as a factor in the demand for their labor. Upholstery workers tend to be older, on the average, than workers in many other industries, since age appears to be little or no handicap in many of the skilled jobs in this trade. T h e average age of those reporting is forty-nine years, although about half of the entire group employed in the mills

16

PHILADELPHIA

UPHOLSTERY

WEAVING

are above this average. Stating the matter differently, approximately three-fourths of the workers in the industry are over forty years of age. Like the workers in other old textile industries in the city, those in this trade are a mature and experienced group. It is interesting to note that the age distribution of the unemployed workers parallels that of the employed. This means that the unions have maintained the principle of equal division of work and allowed no discrimination on account of age. When slack seasons came in the earlier days of the upholstery industry, the men who had formerly been carpet, weft, or cloth weavers would go back to their former trades temporarily. But these trades have declined or disappeared and now offer little job opportunity even for those with experience. In the recent questionnaire survey of the workers in the trade, only 1 3 per cent of the 746 reporting on employment had been able to secure any supplementary work outside of the upholstery trade in the three years from 1929 to 1932. Ninety-six workers had picked up temporary " o d d " jobs outside of the upholstery mills. The majority of these worked in other weaving mills, but a scattered group had been employed on farms, and as laborers in other unskilled jobs for a few days or weeks. Only eight workers had secured regular employment outside of the industry. Many had been totally unemployed for months or years, and had become in their own words, "bums on the street." One weaver reported that in twelve years' experience in the trade, he had "never had more than three months' steady work at any one time." Irregular employment and prolonged unemployment have, therefore, had demoralizing effects upon the standards of living and skill of workers in the industry. ·' Labor organization in the upholstery trade dates back as many years as that in any textile trade in the country. Early activity in the Knights of Labor movement was followed by the formation of the present beamers', weavers', and warpers' organizations in the nineties, and the loom-fixers' and dyers' organizations after 1900. There are still five separate

HISTORY

AND ECONOMIC

CHARACTERISTICS

17

unions in the trade with individual trade jurisdictions, trade rules, and wage scales. Three of these unions are at present affiliated with the United Textile Workers of America, and two are "independent" unions.' The history of collective bargaining arrangements in the trade has been characterized by two outstanding features. These are, first, the absence of continuous or recurring industrial strife in the years from 1 9 1 4 to 1 9 3 1 , and the consequent presence of considerable industrial good will between the manufacturers and the unions. Second, as compared with unions in other competitive industries, the upholstery unions made unusual gains in collective bargaining during these years. This is attributable primarily to the prosperity of the industry which could well afford to pay for these gains. In the years prior to 1 9 1 4 the trade had been characterized by annual strikes. During this early period, the weavers' union was attempting to extend the sphere of its influence to all shops in the city. T h e securing of the closed shop in the largest mill in the city in 19x4 was the first step toward genuine collective bargaining arrangements in the trade. Gradually the unions secured union conditions or union recognition in other shops. T h e general business depression of 1 9 1 4 - 1 9 1 5 was followed, in 1 9 1 9 , by a greatly increased demand for upholstery goods and correspondingly rapid improvements in standards of working conditions such as wages and hours. A long period of prosperity followed. No strikes occurred during a seventeen-year period, from 1 9 1 4 to 1 9 3 1 . Wages rates for all organized groups in the industry tripled or more than tripled in the years from 1 9 1 1 to 1 9 3 1 . Hours of work were reduced from fifty-five (and more in some plants) to forty-eight in 1919." The general closed shop agreement for all upholstery occupations in Philadel* The unions affiliated with the United Textile Workers are the Dyers, Local # 7 0 2 , the Warpers and Warp Dressers, Local # 1025, and the Jacquard Loom-fixers, Local # 1 2 7 0 . The "independent" unions are the Upholstery Weavers' and Workers' Union, # 2 5 , and the Beamers' and Twisters' Mutual Protective and Beneficial Association. ' S e e Table 8, Appendix B.

PHILADELPHIA

18

UPHOLSTERY

WEAVING

phia was secured in 1920. In the following years the workers developed, through shop custom and rules, various "rights" which became established, such as the "rights" to share work and to enjoy protection against arbitrary discipline in the shop. It is a tribute to the leadership of both the manufacturers and the unions that so many gains in collective bargaining were made with a minimum of friction and industrial strife. T h e unions increased their control of the Philadelphia upholstery trade in the years prior to 1920, until they had agreements with every mill but one in the city.® But when the industry expanded to outlying districts in New Jersey and also to New England and the South, the unions failed to make any headway in organization work outside of the city. Only one important outside organizing campaign was undertaken and this was unsuccessful. T h e failure of this campaign and the dropping of follow-up activities in these areas weakened the bargaining power of all the unions when the competitive situation changed in favor of the producing areas other than Philadelphia. When the dominant position of the Philadelphia trade was threatened by the competition of outside mills, the machinery for collective bargaining and its gains were both seriously affected. The manufacturers broke away from their earlier group understandings and established trade practices, and also from their willingness to legislate for the trade as a whole in labor questions. T h e unions continued to stand for their wage scales and to protect the workers' "rights" on the job, as they had done in the past. The membership of the unions failed to realize that the jobs themselves were inse* Official membership figures of three cooperating unions:

Date

Weavers

Loom-fixers

Warpers (Upholstery)

1911 1914

256 410

122 ...

2

1918

500

...

η

192 J

2017

...

13

1928

2169

179

20

1931

1809

108

IJ

HISTORY

AND

ECONOMIC

CHARACTERISTICS

19

cure because competing workers in outside mills were not organized, and job standards there threatened to undermine all standards of working conditions in the Philadelphia trade. Further than that, the expansion of the trade was so great that upholstery jobs all over the country were rendered insecure and employment more irregular because of the overdevelopment of the industry. No new union tactics were developed to meet this situation. In fact, until the decline had become serious, the unions failed to recognize that this represented a new economic trend, unlike previous temporary dull periods in the industry. Both the unions and the manufacturers thus were slow to develop new methods of meeting what were, in reality, new trade and labor problems.

CHAPTER

III

COLLECTIVE BARGAINING1 GLADYS L. PALMER T h e presence of five craft unions in the upholstery weaving industry has led to the persistence of wide wage differentials between occupations and variations in methods of wage payment and in trade rules. Beamers, twisters, warpers, dyers, burlers, menders, and loom-fixers have usually been paid on a time-work basis, while other workers have been paid on a piecework basis.2 Even prior to 1877, when the first uniform price list for upholstery weaving was secured in Philadelphia, weavers, who constitute the most numerous group in the trade, had been paid on a piecework basis. T h e piecework method of payment is therefore of long standing in the industry, as in many other textile trades. Of the several wage scales in the industry the weavers' price list is the most complex. T h e trade rules primarily concern questions of trade jurisdiction, and the number of looms a weaver may run or a loom-fixer may tend. Shop rules are the result of long standing shop custom and the settlement of many shop disputes,, T h e most important weavers' shop grievances concern questions of time-work "allowances" for abnormal production 1 Material in this chapter is confined to the analysis of the collective agreements of the three unions cooperating with the survey, the Upholstery W e a v ers' and Workers' Union # 2 5 , Jacquard Loom-fixers' Beneficial Union # i , Local # 1 1 7 0 , and the Warpers' and W a r p Dressers' Union, Local # 1 0 2 5 . D i t a have been obtained from the local union records. Records of weavers' shop disputes were obtained from the "minutes" of weavers' shop associations in three large and three small mills, over the period from 1 9 1 9 to 1931 in one shop, from 1923 to 1931 in a second, and from 1927 to 1931 in four mills. It is believed that the shop disputes arising in these six mills are typical of conditions in the trade as a whole. * Spoolers and winders and, in some cases, burlers and menders, are paid on time-work in some mills and on piecework in others.

[20]

COLLECTIVE

BARGAINING

21

delays, methods of sharing work in dull seasons, shop discipline for poor work, and the employers' right to discharge " f o r cause." The procedure for dealing with such shop disputes or trade negotiations differs with the form of government in each union concerned. An understanding of present trade agreements in the upholstery weaving trade may be furthered by an analysis under four heads: ( i ) the wage scales, ( 2 ) major shop grievance questions, ( 3 ) the issues involved in the trade and shop rules of the unions in the industry, and ( 4 ) the collective bargaining procedure. THE WAGE

SCALES

Wage differentials between the various occupations are of long standing. T o some extent, these differentials represent different grades of skill, but they are also influenced by such factors as the sex of the workers, the date of labor organization, and the supply of experienced workers in that occupation. T o test the relative degrees of skill required in the various occupations and the equity of these wage differentials would require an elaborate job analysis and rating of all occupations in the industry. Sufficient data are not at hand to make such a test. There is evidence, however, to show that the amount of such differentials has not decreased since the various occupations in the trade have become parties to the collective agreement. On the contrary, the differentials appear to have been maintained consistently in both wage rates and earnings.3 Few complications in industrial relations arise over timework pay, once the scale is set, but the piecework wage scale gives rise to continuous difficulties. For this reason, and also because the weavers constitute the largest occupational group in the industry, considerable attention will be paid to the weaving price list. T h e present weavers' wage scale is based on the price per pick for weaving fabrics of a specified number of ends, counts, and kinds of yarn, with "extras" for * See Table 8, Appendix B , wage scales of loom-fixers, warpers, and weavers, 1 8 9 9 - 1 9 3 1 and tables of earnings in Chapter IV.

22

PHILADELPHIA

UPHOLSTERY

WEAVING

widths of loom above a certain size and for additional shuttles, beams, sets of cards, or other adjustments which require additional work on the part of the weaver. When the basis of the present list was established in 1900, an average loom speed of ninety-six picks per minute was agreed upon as a basic speed. "Extras" or allowances for lower loom speeds have usually been granted although not specifically provided for in the agreement. No differentials are in force for higher loom speeds. Prices were originally set at a high enough rate to cover "normal delays" in production, although no concrete definition of "normal delays" was developed. It is probable that in the original establishment of the price list an attempt was made to set rates which would tend to yield fairly equal total earnings on different grades of fabrics. In order to compensate for differences in the skill required for difficult fabrics, the "extras" were introduced into the list. As time went on, however, percentage increases on the original scale tended to increase the rates on the less difficult fabrics disproportionately to those on the more difficult fabrics. This has given rise to certain "inequalities" in the list. Sufficiently detailed wage data are not available to test these "inequalities," but it is admitted by both manufacturers and weavers that on such work as "change jobs," which require considerable skill, earnings are lower than on less difficult jobs. "Special extras" in a few shops add further "inequalities" to the price list in the trade as a whole. A number of variables affect the earnings under a given piecework price list in addition to "inequalities" inherent in the scale itself. In the upholstery industry the most important of these variables appears to be the number of short runs per weaver, the variety of fabrics produced, differences in machine equipment, and production delays, as well as differences in the skill of individual weavers. Sufficient data are not at hand to appraise in statistical terms the relative importance of these factors for any particular shop or for the trade as a whole. That the variables give rise to wide differences in earning power between shops is attested by this and previous studies of weavers' earnings. That differ-

COLLECTIVE

BARGAINING

23

ences in machine equipment and consequent production delays are relatively important factors is admitted by all groups in the industry and is supported by the present survey of production methods. As in most piecework industries, the burden of production delays tends to fall primarily on the workers. Unless the advantages of increased production arising from improved machine equipment are divided between the workers and the manufacturers there is a tendency for the condition of equipment to remain unimproved and possibly deteriorate from original standards. This is characteristic of many of the English textile industries as well as of certain American trades where piecework prevails. While exact data on the age of the machine equipment in the Philadelphia upholstery trade are not available, it is admitted by all groups in the trade that a considerable proportion of the equipment is old. The age and condition of machine equipment thus make the problem of production delays an important element affecting the earnings of workers and labor relations in the trade. M A J O R S H O P GRIEVANCES

Problems arising out of the wage scale and production delays focus on the "time allowances" provided for in the trade agreement. A clause of the agreement states that when a weaver is working on piecework and difficulties arise through no fault of his own which cause his piecework earnings to fall below the time-work rate, he may apply for a time allowance at the time-work rate. H e is not guaranteed the time-work rate, but a settlement of his application is made by the shop committee and a representative of the firm. Because the piece rates were set to cover "normal delays," no time allowances are possible except for delays admitted by both sides to be "abnormal." Considerable difference of opinion is possible on this point, and the lack of definition of normal or abnormal delays, allows the accumulation of many shop grievances. These may or may not be settled with uniformity between individuals or mills. The records of shop disputes in the trade bring out some

24

PHILADELPHIA

UPHOLSTERY

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interesting points in this connection. Time allowances are granted for the following production delays, listed in the order of their importance: "bad" warps, machine "trouble," "bad" harness, "bad" cards, "smashes" (not the weavers' fault), and "starting up" new jobs. The amount of allowance granted is not always given in the records of shop disputes, but where recorded, its size shows to some extent the degree of delay which is accepted by the trade as more than "normal." Allowances have been granted for from two to eight or more hours of time work, or for amounts of pay of from $3 to $ 1 2 on particular jobs. The amount of allowance usually represents a compromise of the amount originally requested. Each case appears to be decided as an individual case, and the foreman's estimate of whether or not the weaver could make the rate is frequently the deciding factor. There is evidence that many requests for time allowance are not granted. If the time-work rate had been previously earned on this job by the particular weaver in question or by other weavers, the allowance would not be granted. On occasion, other weavers or even members of the shop committee may be put on the job to test the rate. If a worker does not receive an allowance he may refuse to continue the job, or may refuse to go on it in the first place if it carries no allowance, but he must then lose his "turn" in the shop. If the shop is busy he waits for his "own" loom to start; if work is dull, he puts his name at the bottom of the list to share work. In several shops there is a limit to the number of shop orders a weaver may refuse to accept before being discharged. In one shop a weaver is required to give a threeday trial to a "spare" loom before asking for a time allowance. There is evidence that new cards, new harness, or new warps are occasionally put into a loom as the result of a weaver's request for an allowance, and, in many shops, the need for such changes appears to be brought to the attention of the management by this method alone. The records show that some workers believe it is useless

COLLECTIVE

BARGAINING

25

to ask for time allowances since they have always been refused them in the past. If workers believe they are entitled to allowances which are always refused, resentment and ill feeling accumulate against the firm by the workers concerned. In years of depression, workers fear to ask for allowances because they believe that they will be discharged at the first opportunity. This is an important element in the present psychology of the workers. In the absence of accepted production standards for jobs and exact definition of "bad" warps, "bad" harness, and "bad" cards, there is always a chance for the display of favoritism in the shop, and for the development of the feeling that it exists, whether justified or not. The failure of some shops to give allowances for delays which are generally paid for in other shops creates an impression among the workers that these mills are not living up to the terms of the agreement. Certain shops in the trade appear to give few, if any, time-work allowances, and give them only after considerable "trouble" on the part of shop committees. In prosperous times, the effect of numerous production delays in a shop is to increase labor migration between plants. As the shop records state it, "a weaver quit because he was losing too much time." In dull periods, time allowances for delays appear to be more difficult to obtain than in prosperous times. The resulting ill feeling in the shops because of unsatisfactory adjustment of shop grievances is detrimental to the development of a sound industrial relations program for the trade as a whole. It is recognized that there would be difficulty in setting production standards for all jobs because of the great variety of fabrics produced. On the other hand, the accumulation of exact data defining "normal" and "abnormal" delays, and the standard equipment conditions for which the piecework price list is set, would appear to be both practicable and desirable. To be of the greatest use in the industrial relations program of the trade, these data should be collected under the auspices of joint employer-employee control.

26

PHILADELPHIA

UPHOLSTERY

WEAVING

As in all piecework industries, many disputes arise concerning the rate of pay for goods not covered by the price list. Adjustments of prices on new patterns or materials are usually made by the shop committees, a practice which tends to give rise to further variations in earnings and shop conditions. On such an important general trade question as the price for weaving a rayon warp, for example, it was decided, after considerable discussion, to leave the matter in the hands of the shop committees and individual firms rather than to settle on a trade price. One reason for this decision was that weavers found that there was considerable difference in the difficulties arising in weaving different rayon warps, and that even the same rayon warp might be woven into some patterns without difficulty and into other patterns only after many delays. The same policy holds true for special fabrics which are produced in only one or two of the mills in the trade. If the fabrics are later produced throughout the trade, considerable difficulty may be experienced in setting a trade price. These points illustrate the problems to be solved in any attempt to secure standard rates of pay and standard equipment or yarn conditions in a trade characterized by great variety in the fabrics produced and considerable seasonal variations in styles. The accumulation of more exact data appears to be an important step in the process of securing greater uniformity in the interpretation of the trade agreement, although it will require considerable time to develop. Other shop disputes arise concerning the accuracy of the pay received by workers. Considerable variation in the patterns or fabrics produced in any one day or week and therefore in the rate of pay gives rise to inaccuracies of pay computation by both workers and firms. Occasionally workers are underpaid and, after investigation, receive back wages. More rarely, workers are overpaid. The extra payment is then deducted from future pay envelopes, with some regard to the size of the deductions. At other times, workers believe they have not received the correct amount of wages, but investigation by the shop committees has shown the original amounts

COLLECTIVE

BARGAINING

27

to have been accurate. Some disputes as to the accuracy of pay computation involve primarily the methods of measuring cloth at the loom and in the cloth room. If divergence in the two measurements occurs, or if the records differ and the goods have already been shipped, there is no way to check the error. Shop committees have tried to secure accurate measurement of cloth as well as an effective system for giving out orders, color cards, and samples. The trade agreements provide for a 48-hour week, divided into 8 Y\ hours on five days and 4 % hours on Saturday, with "time and a h a l f " for over-time work and a 1 5 per cent differential for those working on shifts. Although the union agreement allows night shifts, it has always been the hope of the workers to abolish them. Night-shift workers are considered to be temporary. Weavers' shop rules specify that no weaver may work before starting time or during the noon hour. This rule is enforced by the shop committees and the records show that its enforcement is fairly rigid. T h e rule applies not only to weaving but to preparatory work such as cleaning or oiling the loom, or working on parts of the loom. One case is on record in 1 9 2 5 of the weaving of an eighteen-yard rush order in one mill during the noon hour. This was done by a member of the shop committee of the mill. His action was reprimanded by the local union but endorsed by the shop meeting. T h e right of the worker to quit after giving two days' notice is accepted throughout the trade. The union guarantees to enforce the rule, but a request through the shop committee to quit without notice is usually granted. T h e employer's "right to hire and fire" is considerably curtailed by the terms of the agreement and the settlement of cases under the agreement. The general closed shop clause (established in 1 9 2 0 ) provides that workers in the mills must belong to the unions of their crafts.* T h e right to hire is further curtailed by the apprenticeship and mem4 This agreement has not been rigidly enforced in the auxiliary occupations in recent years.

28

PHILADELPHIA

UPHOLSTERY

WEAVING

bership regulations of the unions. The definition of these particular rights is less important in a period of depression, such as the present, than in a period of prosperity, because new workers are not being hired. N o cases appear in the shop records reviewed interpreting these clauses in the agreement. T h e employer reserves the right to discharge " f o r cause." T h e number of shop discipline cases in the period under review is surprisingly small for a trade which has employed on the average more than 2000 workers. T h e union committees have not protested the few cases of discharge for dishonesty or cheating which have occurred. Occasional discharges have taken place when a worker has become involved in a heated "argument" with the forelady or foreman or other workers, and when the factory laws have been broken. The union has assumed responsibility for shop discipline and appears to have lived up to its responsibilities. Likewise, the manufacturers have accepted the democratic method of settling shop grievances and questions of discipline. Occasional cases of the so-called "bull-dozing" of workers by foremen have occurred but they, too, have been relatively infrequent. Both parties to the agreement have apparently endeavored to develop a fair basis of settlement for questions of shop discipline. Poor workmanship appears to be the chief cause for discharge. This is usually sustained if the weaver has been warned before, or if the damages are so bad and so glaringly the fault of the weaver, that "the committee has no legs to stand on," as one shop committee report states it. Where the responsibility for poor work is less clear as in the case of weaving the wrong pattern, the wrong number of picks, the wrong changes, or the wrong length, the committee may succeed in having the weaver re-instated, or laid off during a couple of "turns" of work. In one mil], there are several instances of a weaver's being transferred to another loom as a penalty for poor craftsmanship. When the responsibility for mistakes in work is found to be divided between the fixer and the weaver, as in one case on record, both have been dis-

COLLECTIVE

BARGAINING

29

charged. T h e union's rule against fines for poor quality results in the necessity of upholding lay-off or discharge as the proper penalty for poor workmanship. In some shops, the weaver's responsibility for mistakes is reduced by the practice of having the starting of all jobs approved by the loom-fixer; in others, loom-fixers approve only the starting of " n e w " jobs. Most weavers prefer the former. I n a few cases, weavers have been discharged for undue waste. T h e question of responsibility for poor work or mistakes in orders is, therefore, important in many shops. It is of interest to note that the workers in the upholstery trade are fairly independent of the kind of shop discipline that is characteristic of many other industries. T h e y are skilled pieceworkers who are held responsible for making a considerable variety of fabrics with little supervision. T h e union, in practice, therefore, assumes responsibility for acceptable workmanship according to individual shop standards. A shop rule of the trade prohibits a weaver's reading while his loom is in motion. Workers found breaking this rule may be discharged. Although shop committees have endeavored, in recent years, because of the severe unemployment situation, to secure re-instatement of weavers discharged for this reason, the rule allows the full penalty. It has been mitigated in only a few recent cases. Little attention appears to be paid in the record to the clause in the agreement whereby the union agrees not to restrict output. In one interesting case a weaver made only $i 1.58 after working 38 hours. H e applied for a time allowance, and after considerable discussion of the case by the shop committee, was given an allowance but laid off for not producing. Although unrecorded cases may have occurred this is the only case which appears in the records of a penalty imposed for low production. T R A D E AND S H O P

RULES

Other aspects of working conditions not regulated specifically in the trade agreement are provided for in trade and

30

PHILADELPHIA

UPHOLSTERY

WEAVING

shop rules. These have crystallized shop custom as it has developed over a period of years. Although a code of uniform shop rules for weavers was not established in the trade until 1 9 2 3 , many of the provisions of this code had been in actual practice for many years. Some of these rules concern technical questions, such as the responsibility of the weavers for oiling and cleaning looms, the proper lacing of card wires, and the elimination of waste in care of yarns. A very important weavers' shop rule provides that in dull seasons the work shall be shared "as equally as possible." T h e obvious reason for this rule is to secure a fair division of work to all workers and to prevent discriminatory practices in the shop. This principle becomes especially important in a trade suffering, like this one, from a prolonged depression. Three mills in the trade have a rotary system of sharing work. In one of these, a weaver works one week and is off two weeks. H e is entitled to four days' work in the three weeks' interval. T h e shop list is divided into three sections, and temporary looms for the period are given to workers in the order of the list. In another mill, a worker is entitled to a " t u r n " of three days' work under the sharing system. In mills where the rotary lay-off is not in force, weavers are usually entitled to whatever work comes in for their "steady" loom, and may share work on "spare" looms. Under this method of sharing work, the weavers in one mill are entitled to a minimum of $20.00 wages a week before they lose their "turn" of work and go to the bottom of the list. If no orders come in for their looms the weavers may be out for months before they again have a chance to work. Many of the manufacturers in the trade are opposed to a rigid system of rotary lay-off as a method of sharing work in dull seasons. It is obvious that a sharing-of-work system is difficult to organize and administer in any textile trade. This is especially true in the shops where all workers cannot weave all kinds of fabrics. But with the trend of the Philadelphia upholstery trade toward cheaper grades of goods, which are

COLLECTIVE

BARGAINING

31

less difficult to produce, it appears feasible for the industry to study the various methods of sharing work in force with a view to securing the system which most effectively divides work among all the workers employed. An attempt was made to study the distribution of earnings and time worked in two mills, with approximately the same number of looms running and approximately the same number of weavers reporting, for eighteen consecutive weeks in 1 9 3 1 . One mill has a rotary system of sharing work; the other mill shares work on "spare" looms only. 5 T h e range (from highest to lowest) of average earnings and hours worked per week is twice or more than twice as great in the shop which does not have a rotary system as in the mill with a rotary system. The range of the middle half of the weavers in each mill, when ranked in order, was equally wide. The shorter the period studied, the greater the range of working and earnings opportunity in the mill without a rotary system. This substantiates the belief of the workers that the rotary system offers a more equitable method for sharing work in dull seasons. It is important to realize that any system of sharing work is open to abuse and that a spccial effort has to be made to meet the feeling of many workers that there will be discrimination against active union workers whenever opportunity is offered. In view of this attitude, it is clear that a good many disputes arise in a depressed period, such as the present, concerning the operation of any "sharing-up" system. Occasionally workers are found to be working "out of their turn," and are disciplined by the union or shop com* T h e shop committees of the two mills approved the lists of weavers reporting as representative samples of the shops. T h e range in a v e r a g e weekly earnings in the shop with a rotary system was from $ 2 . 9 4 to $ 1 4 . 8 6 over a 1 3 weeks' period, and from $ 3 . 6 4 to $ 1 4 . 6 2 over 18 weeks. In the same plant, the range in average hours worked per week was from 4.4 to 2 3 . 7 over 1 3 weeks, and from j . 6 to 2 2 . j hours over 18 weeks. In the shop sharing w o r k on " s p a r e " looms only, the range in average


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UPHOLSTERY

WEAVING

and of beamers and warpers and $1000 below loom-fixers. T h e earnings of dyers ranged from $ 1690 in 1926 to $ 1220 in 1930, the level of nearly the entire period being about $200 below that of the earnings of weavers. T h e 1930 earnings of dyers were 27.0 per cent below their earnings in 1924. T h e nearest approach to this loss was the 21.3 per cent decrease of the weavers. T h e annual earnings of the three groups of women's occupations—burling and mending, finishing and operating, and spooling and winding—are similar. T h e greatest difference between these occupations was $220 in 1924, when the spoolers and winders received $ 1020 in contrast to the $ 1240 of the finishers and operators. T h e greatest difference between years in any one occupation over the period was $240. This decrease which took place between 1924 and 1930 in the earnings of finishers and operators represented 19.4 per cent of the 1924 earnings and was the equivalent of the drop between 1929 and 1930 in the earnings of spoolers and winders. This latter

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62

PHILADELPHIA

UPHOLSTERY

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group, however, had maintained or bettered its earnings in previous years. Range of Average Annual

Earnings, 1924-1930

T h e differences in average earnings per week between the low and high mills become still more striking when the effect upon annual earnings is considered. The table of annual earnings (Table 7 ) shows extraordinary differences in the spending power of workers in the same occupations in different plants. In a good year, such as 1 9 2 5 , the weavers in the lowestpaid plant averaged $ 1 6 2 0 whereas in the highest they averaged $2200. In a poorer year, for example 1 9 2 7 , the low mill was $ 1 3 5 0 and the high mill $1900. By the next year the lowest mill showed average annual earnings of $ 1 1 8 0 and the highest $ 1 8 2 0 — t h e year 1 9 3 0 was even lower than this except for the highest mill. It should be recalled that the low figures cited here are the averages of all men in the occupation in one plant. When it is stated, therefore, that the average was $ 1 1 8 0 it must be remembered that some men even in that mill earned less than $ 1 1 8 0 , while some men earned more. T h e same statement is true of the earnings in the mill with the highest average. In analyzing this table it is evident that there was not a year in the seven covered by this report when the difference between the average annual earnings of weavers in the lowest and highest mills was less than $530 and there were two years when it was as much as $730. There are extreme differences in other occupations notably in those of beaming and warping, finishing and operating, and spooling and winding. Differences of $690 or more between the average earnings of the low and high plants are found in the last three years. The year 1 9 3 0 has the greatest range between mills in the average earnings of most occupations. Average Hourly Earnings by Occupations, 192 4-1930 As is to be expected, the hourly earnings show less fluctuation than any of the other figures. Such variations as occur

EARNINGS

AND WORKING

OPPORTUNITY

63

in the hourly earnings of workers paid on a time basis are due to different proportions of workers at low and high rates. T h e yearly averages only are presented. T A B L E

8

A V E R A G E H O U R L Y E A R N I N G S OF

Occupations

1927

Beaming and Warping Burling and M e n d i n g Finishing and Operating Loom-fixing Spooling and Winding Twisting

$1 .047 0.451 0.601 1.131 0.548 0.992

TIME-WORKERS

OCCUPATIONS

1929

1930

-034 0.453 0.692

$1-044 0.459 0.675 1.166 0.541 0.997

$1,057 0.488

00

BY

>->

ANNUALLY

I -139 Q-573 0.990

°-73I 1.151 °-523 ι .009

It should not be assumed that the hourly rates of all timeworkers in the same occupation are identical. There are differences in the scale paid in the same mill and also between mills. There are wider differences in the earned hourly rates of pieceworkers, though all firms follow the same yardage rates. This arises from the difficulty of working out a price list on a variety of fabrics minutely enough to make the earning opportunity exactly uniform, as well as from differences in equipment, and from individual differences among workmen. Since most of the figures given so far are averages for a group of mills it is necessary to stress the fact that a range in weekly earnings between mills is brought about both by divergences in hourly rates and differences in working time. Since no data on the hours of pieceworkers were procurable from the pay roll records, there can be no discussion of hourly earnings of pieceworkers in general. T h e records of weavers' hourly earnings are available, however, from the wage cards for 1926, 1927, and 1928, and for four months in 1931. T h e median hourly earnings in each year was $0.90 but in the summer of 1931 it was $0.76 in three months and $0.72 in the last month. These low earned rates in 1931 reflect the wage decrease and may also be influenced by changes in

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MARKETING

117

2. Sales departments consciously adopt the policy of diversifying product by constantly designing new products to use as bait. Arguments Against Diversity 1 . Diversity of product leads to an increase in production cost as well as in the cost of handling an order in the office. Chief among these costs are the time to prepare or " s e t - u p " the beaming and weaving operations j the lowered efficiency of operators because of the delays that occur in the early stages of a run; and the added inventory of warp yarn. 2. T h e larger the number of designs offered, the smaller, on the average, will be the yardage sold of each. 3. T h e fewer the designs, the smaller is the finished stock needed to give service. 4. Simplification of product makes possible certain economies in purchasing, dyeing, designing, and card-cutting. T o strike a design which " t a k e s " with customers is considered one of the keys to successful merchandising in this industry. Our investigation shows this to be true. Because maintenance of sales volume depends to a considerable degree upon skill and luck in designing, the offering of new designs in increasing numbers is inevitable. T h e trade is a decorative industry in which style bulks large and one cannot quarrel with this method of seeking orders. One may ask, however, whether the industry ought not to eliminate more rapidly those items which do not sell, so that the total number of patterns offered may be kept constant and in bounds. Of the companies for which we have information, 43 per cent offer less than one hundred patterns in their active price list and 57 per cent offer over 100. In fact, 2 1 per cent offer over 500 different patterns, each of which may be made in several colors, often as many as ten colors per pattern number. Relation of Diversity to Volume of Sales W e have analyzed the separate orders in a sample of 1929 sales of about $600,000 obtained from three companies. Of some 1 5 0 0 patterns in this sample, 50 per cent of them fur-

118

PHILADELPHIA

UPHOLSTERY

WEAVING

nished less than 10 per cent of the sales volume. In fact, about three-quarters of the sales (in dollars) are furnished by 20 per cent of the pattern numbers. T h e high percentage of fabrics with unprofitably small sales is evidence of the fact that it is extremely difficult for executives to determine in advance whether or not a given pattern will "take." W h e n ranked in order of volume sold, the percentage of the sales contributed by each fractional part of the patterns appears strikingly similar in different companies. This may be illustrated by the percentages for three companies which are presented in T a b l e 27. T A B L E

27

P E R C E N T A G E OF D O L L A R S A L E S F U R N I S H E D BY E A C H T E N P E R C E N T

or

P A T T E R N N U M B E R S IN 1 9 2 9

Sample from Company A

Sample from Company Β

Sample from Company C 0 . 3

Lowest 10 per cent 2nd 10 per cent 3rd 10 percent

0-3 I.I ΐ·9

0-4

ο.8 ι .0

0.8 1.6

4th 10 per cent 5th 10 per cent 6th 10 per cent

2.6 3-4 4-4

ΐ·5 2.2 3-6

2-5 3-5 4.8

7th 10 per cent 8th 10 per cent 9th 10 per cent 10th 10 per cent

5.8 8-5 16.1 55 -9

4.9 7-7 12.2 65.7

6.8 10.7 17.0 52.0

If the 40 per cent of the patterns which sold in smallest volume contained the average percentages of material and mill labor for these specific mills, the contribution which they made to the overhead and profits of the companies was about $5800. Similarly, the lowest 50 per cent only contributed slightly more than $ 15,000 above the material and labor they required. It is very questionable whether either of these amounts covered the other expenses entailed in getting out these small orders. As already mentioned, the cost of placing a new warp in a loom ranges from $7.50 to $15.00.

MARKETING

119

In order to determine how many of the items among the poorest 40 per cent of the patterns were sold during the next year (1930), we have computed the volume ordered in the same pattern numbers in both years. It is significant that the pattern numbers which were sold both in 1929 and 1930 contributed 78 per cent of the total yardage of 1929, and 55 per cent of the total yardage in 1930. If the companies had refused in 1930 to make all of the patterns which were among the poorest 40 per cent in 1929, they would have sacrificed only 4 or 5 per cent of their 1930 sales unless customers had been offended. One can scarcely argue that mills should put out fewer designs, unless the quality of the designs can be definitely improved. Even the most experienced men in the trade find it difficult to predict which fabrics will sell and which will not. Perhaps a sounder approach is to recognize the handicap which this great variety presents to economical mill management, and to sort out as rapidly as possible those patterns which are not good sellers. T h e fact should not be forgotten that a large percentage of the patterns yield no contribution to the company, and at the prices now current are likely to be kept in the line at a considerable loss. Reduction of Selling Expense which Results from

Duplication

T h e majority of the Philadelphia mills which we have investigated sell direct, and therefore have their own sales forces. A t least ten have display rooms in other cities, especially in New York. It has been necessary for all the large mills to adopt direct selling in an attempt to preserve their volume. With the excess capacity in the industry and the declining demand for the more expensive fabrics, the mills must exert all the sales pressure which they can afford. But the resulting duplication of sales effort, necessary as it may be under the existing organization of the industry with many separate mills, is costly to the industry as a whole. Moreover, to the customers of the industry, the constant bombardment by salesmen is

120

PHILADELPHIA

UPHOLSTERY

WEAVING

annoying. T h e furniture manufacturers claim that it interferes with their own business arrangements because they are asked to look at new fabrics even during the furniture openings when they are trying to sell furniture to their own customers. W i t h the over-capacity in the industry and with new competition developing from mills in other textile lines which have jacquard looms that can be converted for the weaving of draperies or tapestries, it would be suicidal for the Philadelphia mills to lighten their selling pressure. T h e problem is to reduce selling expense without weakening the effectiveness of the marketing function. It would seem that this reduction could be brought about best by a merger, providing the latter did not prevent the quick adaptation of designs to shifting styles. T h e opportunity to make a saving in selling expense is less in mills which sell a predominant part of their output to a few furniture manufacturers or to a few jobbers. Such business can be secured, it seems, at an expense of 5 or 6 per cent of net sales. But when it becomes necessary to secure volume from other sources, and to solicit business from a great number of customers, the selling expense ratio doubles. It is here that the chance appears for considerable economies if the duplication of effort can be eliminated by merger or other methods. Over-cafacity M u c h of the distress in the upholstery weaving industry can be traced to the over-capacity which has developed during the last decade, and an understanding of its extent is necessary to comprehend the marketing evils faced by the trade, such as price cutting and the piracy of designs. In order to show the development of this over-capacity, one would like to have complete and satisfactory production figures for all the domestic mills. Unfortunately, these are not obtainable, and even the import data are not especially helpful because of differences in the way fabrics have been classified in various years. In view of the lack of figures for domestic

MARKETING

121

production, we have been forced to utilize such general information as is furnished by the Census, and to supplement it by data furnished by the loom manufacturers as to the number of looms sold. Domestic Competition It is impossible, from available figures, to determine the amount of domestic production with certainty. Although the Census figures are of interest, the methods of classifying fabrics and mills in different years are likely to lead to incorrect conclusions. With this warning, we are presenting such evidence as we have been able to secure from the Census data on cotton and silk fabrics, but we regard the information on cotton tapestries as being more reliable than on either cotton draperies or silk upholstery goods and tapestries. On cotton tapestries, Pennsylvania's share of the square yards produced fell from 81.4 per cent in 1923 to 66.3 per cent in 1929. T h e percentage of the total value declined somewhat less, the percentage in 1923 being 89.1, and in 1929, 80.3, as shown by Chart X I V and Table 2 1 in Appendix B. PER. C T N T

PERCENT

100

100

/ /,

80 \S

eo

80

r"'

\
ο -
ν* νο « Γ-

σ\ Γ^

- C -J3

rt

(Λ

·— υ _C c 60·3 ϊ ° Μ

> c

Π ®· Ρ· u Χ S

r*"} es cS

Γ--0Ο CS OS CS οο Os^O Ο ·«*- Γ-» ο CS Γ-- ^ Γ-- "-"· CS ΟΟ Ο Os Ο

Γ-» »-^Ι οο C* Ο ' ^ Ο οο Ο Γ - Ο γ- ~ es Ο νθ Ο On Γ-' co Γ^-οο cS οο νο νθ η

νθ c*

C
. OS 00 Tf ΟΟ Ν ΓΝ ο r-vo Γ - c* es οο Μ _ μ ^

00 οο f}00 η os

Μ >1

d so vs οο νηοοοο Ο 1-1 i n C-) η νο μ, •λ + Ο OS Ο ^t* Γ— co Οco · Os ν, oo •Φ et SO OS Γ-

Μ C '-5 1 C

ϋο

1

c ο d

a. 3

υ υ

Ο

Τ3

ο.

.Ξ -rl

C Τ3 C W C Μ C « Μ « SP'S (Λ 60 60 C Μ so.S «f C . E . S εκ c ·Γ,ic -1c ο cA ^sο ü2ΐ rt5S υ m pQQfcmJtrtH?

[201]

202

PHILADELPHIA

UPHOLSTERY

WEAVING

made it impossible to carry some of the records as far back as others were available. On the other hand, it was essential to show the trend of earnings, if only for a few firms, in earlier years, in so far as comparable records were available. The average number of workers, and the number of mills shown in Table 9 indicate that all firms were included in the last three years—1928-1930. Only eight of the thirteen firms for which weavers' earnings were obtained are included in the 1924 tabulation of this occupation; only five of the eleven with beamers' earnings. In the case of dyers the record is complete since only three firms in the trade do their own dyeing. C O M P U T A T I O N OF A V E R A G E S

A l l of the mills' pay roll records which were the source of data for the study of earnings and working opportunity of the workers are kept weekly. It was necessary, therefore, to group the data in four- and five-week periods following the calendar month as closely as possible. As the mills did not all use the same day for paying off, the classification was of necessity arbitrary, but served the purpose of assuring uniform periods for all the records. Without such uniformity the totals for the group of mills would have been valueless. Average Ήumber of Men.—This figure was secured by dividing the total number of men working in the four- or fiveweek period by four or five. This rule was followed even when the department worked less than the full number of weeks. This was done because it was felt that a more accurate picture of conditions would be given if the total employment for the month was averaged uniformly. For instance, if in one month of four weeks five men worked during each of the weeks, the average number of men on the roll would have been five. I f , during the following five-week month, five men worked one week, and no one worked the remainder of the month, the average number on the roll would be one. If the total number of men in the second period had been divided by the actual number of weeks the department was operating the implication from the figures would have been that em-

APPENDIX

Β

203

ployment opportunity was equal in the two months. T h e only times when less than four or five weeks was used were in the few cases when departments were opened or closed in the middle of a month. T h e average number of men per week annually was computed on the same principle—dividing the total number of man-weeks by fifty-two or fifty-three except for the figure of number of men to be used in computing average annual earnings. A verage A nnual Earnings.—The annual wage-bill was divided by the total man-weeks divided by the number of weeks actually worked. Average Weekly Earnings.—The monthly or annual wage-bill was divided by the number of man-weeks except in those months or years in which the department worked less than the full period. In those cases the number of man-weeks was divided by the number of weeks actually worked and the result multiplied by the number of weeks in the period. T h e final result was used as the divisor of the wage-bill to secure the average weekly earnings per man. As explained in the paragraph on average number of men, the purpose was to secure an average which would show actual conditions rather than give an artificial impression of high earnings in a period in which there was actually little opportunity to work. Average Hourly Earnings.—The monthly or annual wagebill was divided by the number of hours worked by all men. A verage Hours -per Week.—The total number of hours in the period was divided by the number of man-weeks, with the same qualifications as applied to average weekly earnings.

204

PHILADELPHIA

UPHOLSTERY TABLE

WEAVING

ΊΟ

I N D I C E S O F A V E R A G E N U M B E R ON P A Y R O L L BY O C C U P A T I O N S

1924

1925

1926

January February March April May June July August September October November December

131 -5 129.6 132-3 126.6 117.6 115.7 105.2 I3I-7 142.3 146.7 147.8 147-9

149 8 144 5 144 5 147-7 129.0 124 6 122 9 129.3 134 9 140 I 143 6 140-3

Wea vers 135-6 122.7 144-7 127.9 140.4 131-3 1345 123.2 1 1 4 -3 "9-3 112.4 103-5 I I I . 8 100.3 128.0 109.7 137-2 113-5 142.8 122.3 144.4 II9-5 140.4 i n . 3

Average

I3I-3

137 5

132.4

January February March April May June July August September October November December

i73-o 160.4 157.6 161.4 156.4 146.8 121.2 137-5 158.0 175.6 168.0 162.4

143 134 123 123 118 113 111 114 115 131 142 141

Average

156.8

125 8

117.8

115.2

100.0

January February March April May June July August September October November December

109.1 104.9 100.8 102.9 107.6 IIO. I 109.1 110.7 114.2 115.2 116.9 117.7

114 8 112 0 no 7 107 8 no 2 108 6 108 9 105 3 104 6 104.4 104.7 104 6

Loom -fixers 102.6 109.7 103.8 108.5 106.4 107.3 105-3 ic6.o 105-3 104.8 103.8 106.2 104.7 107.8 104.6 104.4 107.1 108.2 n o . 7 108.9 112.6 106.7 III . I 105.6

102 9 102 0 101 3 102 0 97 7 97 0 97 7 97 9 97-7 102 I 103 3 99 6

98 99 100 100 103 103 103 102 104 103 105 105

4 6 0 8 9 5 I 9 2 4 5 2

102.2 103-5 101.6 98.4 99-3 97-7 88.8 87.9 87.6 88.5 86.3 79-7

Average

110.1

107 8

106.4

100.0

102.5

93-1

1927

1928

1929

1930

3 3 9 0 4 6 8 5 5 9 8 7

9° I 96.6 92 2 94 9 86 5 86.6 85 0 86 5 93 2 108 5 106.6 92.7

77.6 82.2 81.3 75-7 70.4 68.3 61.4 66.9 79-1 92-5 81.3 64. I

100 0

93 4

75-o

Fir ishers an d Opera tors 4 135-7 123.6 112 6 6 131.6 113 · 4 108 6 4 110.7 121.3 100 I 2 108.3 102.8 94 4 6 106.6 103.2 81 I 80 2 98-9 7 102.7 78.9 9 2 -3 7 IOO. I 8 109.6 101.7 85 I 6 113.1 118.5 104 I I 125.7 131.9 117 3 I 137-0 138-4 121 3 0 135-8 137-3 117 2

94-4 85 4 85 4 82 2 77 5 73 I 76 2 81 6 108 9 125 5 122 6 105 9

68.1 68.6 72-7 69.1 63.1 62.5 56.9 55-1 61.5 70.2 68.2 59.8

93 5

64.6

116.6

106.9

99 108 106 100 92 88 87 99 96 107 109 103

APPENDIX T A B L E

Β

20 5

{Continued)

ΊΟ

I N D I C E S OF A V E R A G E N U M B E R ON P A Y R O L L B Y O C C U P A T I O N S 1 9 2 4

1 9 2 5

1 9 2 7

1 9 2 6

B i ; a m e r s J a n u a r y

• 4

9 9

9

F e b r u a r y

1 0 0 • 4

1 0 0

5

M a r c h

1 0 4 . 3

Ι Ο Ι

A p r i l

1 0 0

1 0 4

M a y J u n e

9 9

9

9 5 - 7 9

1

9 8

J u l y

8 9

I

9 2

A u g u s t

9 3

6

9 8

9 8 . 6

1 0 6 • 4

1 1 2 . 3

1 0 7 I

1 0 6

• 4

I

1 0 2 . 6

• 0 3

. 8

7

9 7 - 7

1 0 3

I

9 6 . 2

9 6

• 4

9 0 . 8

9 8 - 3

9 6 . 8

1 0 3 . 1

9 7

4

1 0 6 . 8

1 0 4 3

1 0 3

2

1 1 2 . 3

1 0 3

N o v e m b e r

1 0 7

6

n

o

9

D e c e m b e r

1 0 8

3

1

' 5

8

1 1 2 .

1 0 2

2

1 0 7 . 0

6

1 0 1 . 6

1 0 6

4

1 0 8 . 4

1 0 7

I

1 0 7 . 5

1 1 3

4

I

1 0 4 . 5

1 0 6

9 9 - 7

J a n u a r y

9 6

I

1 0 0

F e b r u a r y

9 8

2

1 0 2

M a r c h

9 8 . 7

1 0 5

1 1 7 . 8 I

1 0 0 . 9 9 5 . 2 9 3 ·

9 8 9 7

1 0 2 . 8

• 7

1 0 6 . 6

A v e r a g e

1 0 1 . 7

1 0 7 . 2

8

1 0

9 6 . 0

. 8

n o . 9

7

1 9 3 0

W a r pe r s

1 0 5 . 6

O c t o b e r

S e p t e m b e r

1 9 2 9

5

7

Ι Ο Ι

4

an d

1 9 2 8

7

5

8 5 . 4

2

9 2 . 2

8

9 7

2

9 5 9 3

9

9 3

3

9 1

9

9

8

1

9 3 - 7 9 1 . 0 8 7 . 7 8 0 . 6 8 2 . 9 8 3 1

1 0 1 . 7

9 8

0

8 6 . 2

I

1 0 7 . 5

1 0 5

0

9 1 . 9

1 0 3

I

1 0 9 . 5

1 0 7

0

8 8 . 9

Ι Ο Ι

0

1 0 4 . 7

1 0 2

1 0 3

7

1 0 0 . 0

9 7

7

8 2 . 6

8

8 7 . 1

T w i « >ters

A p r i l M a y

8

9 7

9 9

1 0 5

9

9 9 . 6

I

8 8 . 5

2

9 4 - 5

9 7

5

8 8 . 8

9 8

5

8 7 . 9

9 5 - 9

9 7

5

8 5 . 4

8

8 5 . 4

9 9

9 9 ·

9

1 0 0 . 5 I O O .

I

9 7

9 4 - 3

1 0 3

5

1 0 3 - 5

1 0 6

I

J u n e

9 2

8

1 0 7

I

1 0 1 . 6

1 0 0

3

9 4 - 5

9 6

J u l y

8 2

0

1 0 0

6

9 6 . 7

A u g u s t

8 6

2

1 0 9 . 4

9 8 . 8

9 2

I

1 0 5

5

1 0 5 . 5

O c t o b e r

S e p t e m b e r

1 0 3

5

1 0 6

5

I I ι

N o v e m b e r

1 0 0

9 7

7

9 3 - 5

9 1

9 9

4

9 8 . 5

9 5

Ι Ο Ι

. 2

9

1 0 3

5

I 0 5 . 5

1 0 5

' 4 - 3

1 0 6

5

1

1 0 3

2

I 0 6 . 8

9 9

6

1 0 8

6

1 1 2 . 5

1 0 2

0

I O 4 . 5

A v e r a g e

9 5

2

1 0 5 3

1 0 5 . 5

1 0 3

8

1 0 0 . 0

J a n u a r y

1 0 2

4

1 0 6

F e b r u a r y

1 0 4

0

1 0 8

M a r c h

1 0 2

A p r i l

1 0 0

6

9 7

0

D e c e m b e r

9

S i j o o l e r s

M a y

9

J u n e

8 7 . 4

J u l y

7 5

A u g u s t S e p t e m b e r

8

8 9 3

a ii d

1 0 3

4

1 1 0 . 6

1 0 2

1 0 6 . 6

1 0 5 . 1

1 0 5

1 0 6

Ι Ο Ι

1 0 9

7

. 9

2 2

7 6 . 6 7 3 - 4 7 7 ·

2

7

8 3 . 8

1 0 6

I

7 9 - 4

9 9

9

7 1 . 6

9 8 . 8

8 2 . 5

W i n d e rs

1 0 5 . 8

7

Ι Ο Ι

9 9

. 4

6

4

1 0 3 . 3

1 0 2

5

7

1 0 3 - 3

1 0 5

2

7

1 0 1 . 6

1 0 2

6

7

9 7 - 7

1 0 2

2

9 3 - o 9 4 . 2 9

1

- 3

8 9 - 3

9 7 - 4

9 7 . 8

1 0 6

2

9 2 . 4

9 8 . 9

8 0 . 8

9 2

2

9 4 . 0

1 0 0

2

9 2 . 6

9 6

7 9 . 0

8 6

0

9 5

9

8 7 - 3

9 6

2

9 0 . 6

9 4 . 1

9 8 . 6

9 5 . 1

6

1 0 1 . 5

1 0 4 . 7

4

9 3 - 9

7 8 . 8

9 7 - 4

7 9 . 2

9 8 . 7

8 0 . 8

9 7

5

9 9

O c t o b e r

Ι Ο Ι

0

1 0 2

6

1 0 4 . 9

1 0 9 .

8

1 0 7 . 8

I I I .

N o v e m b e r

1 0 2

9

1 0 9 . 7

1 0 9 . 7

1 1 2

3

1 0 9 . 5

1 1 6 .

D e c e m b e r

1 0 5

8

1 0 8

1 0 7 . 1

1 0 6 .

8

1 0 9 . 1

1 0 8 .

I

7 1 . 8

2

Ι Ο Ι

1 0 1 . 5

1 0 4 . 6

1 0 0 . 0

1 0 3 . 0

8 4 . 3

A v e r a g e

9 7

8

7

9 7 ·

2

8 7

9 1 . 1 8 3 . 2

PHILADELPHIA

206

TABLE

UPHOLSTERY

WEAVING

ΊΟ (Continued)

I N D I C E S OF A V E R A G E N U M B E R ON P A Y R O L L BY O C C U P A T I O N S

1924

1925

1926

1927

1928

1929

1930

79-7 82.4 84.9 92.7 96.0 96.6

Β urlers an d Menders 88.ο 99.0 95.8 93-3 100.4 85.7 9 3-2 99-9 94.2 101.6 100.8 87-3 98.8 95.0 85-3 99 0 98.2 82.0 94.0 97-9 2 88.9 91.4 9 ·3 78.2 77.2 82.8 8i .8 «5-3 88.9 91.8 78.9 85.3 85.4 88.5 97.8 99-5 9θ. ι 102.3 94.8 I I I .2 103.0 92.8 100.8 112.6 106.7 93-6 101.9 115.1

103 104 108 106 107 ΙΟΙ 95 98 107 112 114 I 11

87.8

85.4

105 9

January February March April May June July August September October November December

89.8 87.8 86.3 87.9 86.8 79.8

Average

92.7

97-4

100.0

I 9 0 5 6 4 9 2 8 I I 2

100.4 101.7 101. ι 97-3 93· 7 91.6 88.3 84.9 83.2 89.6 9°-3 84-8 92.0

APPENDIX TABLE A V E R A C E H O U R S PER W E E K 1927

1928

I929

Β

207

II

W O R K E D B Y TIME-WORKERS

1930

B< a m e r s ind W a r p e r s 42.9 42.8 43-5 46.2 46.5 41.0 47-7 40.1 48.1 47.0 47·ΐ

1927

1928

1929

B u rlers an d Menc e r s 42.8 42.0 44-7

January February March April May June July August September October November December

47.6

January February March April May June July August September October November December

46.7

January February March April May June July August September October November December

44-4

37-9

41.4

44.2

41.0

42.9

42.3 35-6

43-5

38.8

46.3

33· ι

42.5

39-3 39-5 40.6

43-7

30.8

47-5 47-5 45.1

42.9

45.2

38.6

29.1

45-3

43 4

41-7 43-7

45-4 44-9 37-4 37-2 42.1

42.4

44.8

42.8 42.0

40.5

43-4 46.6

44.6 44.4

46.5

38.0

47-2

46.6

44.8

41.0

43-8

42.7

41.0

44.2

36.3

42.0

45-5 43-7 44-4 40.6 43-8 43-2 49-3

33-9 31-7

40.7

44-4 45-2

37·° 43 · ι

40.8

43-i

39-9 43-4 43-3

36·7 35-4 33-6 32.1

42.9

43-5 43-6

47.6

48.0

48.6

SO. 9 ·

45.8

49.0

46.4

47-4 43-3

47.0

36.1 28.2

44-7 45-1

45-9 45-3

44.8

41.1

41.2

F i n s h e r s aii d O p e r a t o r s 39-2 32-9 39-1 38.1 3 8 . 7 37-7 45-7 46.6 39-6 37-6 35-5 46.2 36.3 33-5 34-9 46.0 31-5 35-9 37·° 29.9 36.8 41.4 43-3 29.2 34-0 35-6 39-4 2 9.4 3 4 2 3 8 . 5 44-7 35-8 38.6 45-3 33 47.6 40.6 43-3 45·ΐ 45.8 41.4 40.2 38.9 3 6 . 2 3 8 . 8 3 0.2 45-7

41.9

43-S 38.4

27.8

30.2

29-3 26.1 30.0

48.6

33·° 44-3 36.8

43-7

27.0

L o o m -fixers 46.4

46. I

47.0

48.1

49.0

47-9 42.8

45-3 46. I 40.6

40.2 43-2 46. I

47-8 45-9 45-3

Sp( xilers a nd W i n ders

43-7 37-6 31-6 35-3 39-7

1930

43-8 45.1 42.4

44-7 43-9 46.3 48.5 45-5

44-9 44-4 47-7

45.2

45·° 44-7

46.4

41.8

42.2 42.9 39-8 42.2

40.8

46.9

49-5 46.7 40.7

38.6 35-6 37-6 38.7 47-9 38.1 33-5

T w i i >ters 46.7

45-3 47-4 45-3

43-7

44.0

46.9

42.5 42.9

47-4

37-8 37-8 35-6 37-4 4θ·3 44-5

40.1

44.6

24.4

38.0

41.9

28.8

42.2

40.8 43-6

38.1 48.2

29.6

44.4

44-9

37-6 30-7

47-4 44-5

49.6

50.5*

49.4

47-3

23.8

42.6

47·1 43-5

38.7 31-5

36-S

3 3 -5 35 - 7

41.0

39·4 45-9 43-6 42.2

41-9 36.7

42.3

45-4 44.2

41.9

* T h i s u n u s u a l l y h i g h a v e r a g e is d u e t o o v e r - t i m e a t o n e mill. T h e figures w e r e c h e c k e d b y a n e m p l o y e e a t t h e mill.

208

PHILADELPHIA

UPHOLSTERY

WEAVING

T A B L E 12 A V E R A G E W E E K L Y E A R N I N G S BY OCCUPATIONS

1924

1925

1926

1927

1929

1930

41 44 46.47 45 08 42 80

39 90

39 57 39-34 39 1 2 43-64 43-87 49.07 48.24 4i 3 0

40.96 39-93 40.25 36.67 34.06 33-6I 31.28 36-30 42.69 49.70 38.03 29.65

1928

January February March April May June July August September October November December

$46 Μ ISO >45 >44 $41 >42 $45 >45 >49 >5o $48

84 65 37 15 °5 55 13 38 61 43 39 23

Be;amers arid Warp21 18 119.87 $ 1 8 06 $Ι7·83 >17 12 >!9-37 $18 87 $20.74 $20 44 $20.98

Β urlers an d Menders 18 20 1 1 18 ! 9 93 ! 60 21 01 20 73 '9 9 ! 21 38 19 9 80 20 83 18 77 19.94 18 13 18 ! l 19.91 18 43 9 02 7 I 1 7 . 0 7 18 24 7 1 7 75 l 16 79 16 44 •7 68 7 18 I I 18.63 18 58 J !9 12 19 80 18 23 9 21 00 20 01 20 51 21 20 01 20 96 20 19.87 20 40 21 27 20 3 1 21

00 64 38 26 42 39 48 40 21 33 46 22

19 30 20 66 ! 9 88 !9 60 17 79 18 76 17 76 ' 9 50 ' 9 65 21 92 21 38 20 24

17-57 17.40 1693 16.77 15-44 15-32 14-23 15.26 16.89 21.43 18-34 15.88

January February March April May June July August September October November December

>33·31 $3*-33 $32.66 $30.02 $27.76 $28.47 $28.73 $30 10 $30-9! >35-29 $33-86 >31-79

34 35 34 28 26 28 30 30 31 35 33 31

D y ers 33 52 33 34-67 35 34 43 32 30.32 3° 30 51 27 26 90 27 1 27 62 3 01 32 33 32 32.78 3636 36 36.03 33 34-78 34

19 58 31 61 36 77 58 37 74 46 08 81

27 30 32 30 25 28

26.06 23.69 23-95 21.71 20.04 21.79 20.42 24.26 25-75 29-33 20.52 21.39

70 51 62 79 33 46 78 25 11 74 49 43

48 8a 43 15 32 9> 15 22 57 5° 77 13

29 33 33 28 24 27 30 29 28 35 33 32

99 49 22 32 40 50 09 71 36 29

29 31 31 37 33 28

70 96 40 39 18 l

9 12 63 51 28 36 04

APPENDIX T A B L E AVERAGE

WEEKLY

1924 JanuaryFebruary March April May June July August September October November December

$13-77

$26.01 $25.84 $23.96 $23·15 $21.44 $22.69 $13-34

$23 36 $24.68 $22.68 $20.80

January February March April May June July August September October November December

$49.99 $52-37 $54.66 $51.28 $49-43 $48.70 $46.49 $48.48 M-35 $52-77 $50.63 $49-59

January February March April May June July August September October November December

$18.39 $19-77 $20.47 $18.23 $17-33 $17.08 $17.51 $19.56 $18.93 $21-53 $21.62 $J9-97

1925

Β

209

ία (Continued)

EARNINGS

1926

BY

1927

OCCUPATIONS

1928

Finishers and Operators 20.40 21.31 22.25 16.78 21.67 22.53 23.20 18.46 22.73 23-14 22.62 T9-79 21.26 21.58 25.21 17.67 21.47 22.00 23.20 18.21 20.01 22.04 21.58 19.12 21.22 21.54 2133 18.97 22.15 22.05 22.41 20.24 22.44 22.41 22.15 19.51 23-64 24.02 23.00 21.51 22.83 23-57 21.81 20.76 21.36 22.58 20.68 19.30 52.09 .52.92 55-47 51-31 50.74 47-93 47.10 48.38 51.48 54-35 54.76 51.70

Loom-fixers 53-30 52.76 54-73 52.93 55-59 54.21 50.92 51.05 50.64 52.05 49-31 48.62 48.44 46.92 51.69 49.68 53-7° 53-32 54.84 54-74 53-15 52.61 52.00 51-73

51-48 53-59 54-07 49.16 48.44 49.96 47.89 50.05· 51.50 55.80 53-8I 52.02

Spoolers ard Winders 20.99 20.99 22.44 19.72 21.67 21.72 23.42 21.38 21.96 21.53 22.42 20.84 18.56 19.22 19-75 18.27 I8.35 18.57 19.78 16.18 17.69 17-47 17.61 16.83 18.68 18.45 18.05 18.13 !9-75 19.91 19.94 20.12 20.52 20.69 20.10 20.80 22.74 22.39 22.08 23-58 22.26 22.59 20.81 23.09 19.90 21.97 20.77 21.05

1929

1930

17.42 19.48 20.13 20.78 20.33 19-34 19.48 18.66 19.23 17.68 20.63 16.84 20.56 16.67 20.36 17.87 '9-39 19-43 20.88 22.51 20.29 20.86 18.96 19.08 51.84 53.06 53-56 52.90 50.3' 50.96 48.71 51.02 52.78 55.68 52.82 48.76

50.48 49-38 50.99 47-41 45.62 43-67 42.54 43-44 45.86 52.77 46.31 41-79

20.29 21-34 21.05 20.38 17-43 18.12 17.89 21.60 21.48 25.07 23.60 18.48

17.67 16.76 17.04 15-95 14-59 14-45 13-94 15.04 17.78 21.17 16.23 12.94

210

PHILADELPHIA

UPHOLSTERY

WEAVING

T A B L E 12 (Continued) A V E R A G E W E E K L Y EARNINGS BY OCCUPATIONS

1924

January February March April May June July August September October November December

$43-75 $46.15 $46-45 $42-44 $41.96 $40.58 $41.63 $45.60

January February March April May June July August September October November December

$32.87

$43-44 $47.07 $47-54 $45.92

$37·15 $35-3« $33-35 $3i-96 $31-83 $3θ·3ΐ $32.84 $34-03 $38.02 $38.00 $35-44

1925

48 48 49 46

96 68 05 56 45 49 41 10 43 16 44 13 43 59 49 06 48 36 44 41

37 38 37 35 35 32 33 35 36 41 40

03 12 91 20 30 44 25 18 40

31 40 37 76

1926

1927

Twis ters 46 17 47-05 47.40 46 66 47.02 45 94 42-34 43 20 43-83 42.08 40.83 44-32 46.90 48.20 46.21 45.46

43 39 36 40 42 46 44 42

Wea vers 34 36 35 32 32 31-73 29 30.57 28 32.34

37-89 38.34 36.54 32.92

33-9 1 36.98 39-58 38.37 34-75

31 34 36 34 3'

13 01 53 60 7° 56 97 96

17 23 57 23 24 77 40 56 09 20 62 60

1928

43 45 43 40 39 39 38 42 43 48 46 43

17 29 99 12 86 42 17 41 82 28 92 58

29 16 46 49 68 81

31 31 28 28 28 28

53 30-44 33 55 38.09 35 80 31 87

1929

42 46 45 43 40 41 40 43 43 49 46 41

30 33 32 31 30 30 29 33 36 39 37 31

45 09 12 83 07 93 41 82 32 26 79 15

18 75 67 86 41 12 52 31 13 77 75 10

1930

40.72 39-99 40.90 36.96 34-27 34-40 35-03 38.22 43-43 48.48 40.07 32-43

28.92 30.66 29.23 27.79 25.52 24-43 24.05 25.56 28.40 33 62 29-35 21.66

APPENDIX TABLE

Β

211

13

INDEX OF A V E R A G E W E E K L Y W A C E B I L L o r W E A V E R S IN S E V E N IDENTICAL M I L L S 1924

1925

1926

1927

1928

1929

1930

January February March April May June July August September October November December

137-3 153-6 149.4

166 9 164 8

143 0 161.5

131 - 3 153-2

84.1 100.3

54.2 60.1

163 3 155 6

155-3 133-3 114.5 105.5 105.2

155-9 122.8 I I I .4

91.9 H I .8 112.1 90.8 85.0

9 1 -3 91.7

59-5 54-4 45.6 40.1

Average

142.5

I34-I 119.5 116.0 99-3 136.6 153-0 175.2 17S.I 162.5

139 123 118 128 141 169

3 8 4 8

3 3 173 9 155 6 149 6

131-4 146.6 166.2 164.2

93-4 90.8 113.2 126.4 144.8

73 0 75-4 99.8

H9-7

133 - 1 II5-3

99-4 128.7 126.2 104.5

139-4

1243

100.0

73-i 73-5 67.7 73-5 89.5 119.0 108.7

33-1 40.1 51.0

74-9

78.3 56.4 38.7

87-3

51.0

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