The Papuan Languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar: Volume 3 9781501511158, 9781501516689

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Antoinette Schapper (Ed.) The Papuan Languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar: Volume 3

Pacific Linguistics

Managing editor Alexander Adelaar Editorial board members Wayan Arka Danielle Barth Don Daniels Nicholas Evans Gwendolyn Hyslop David Nash Bruno Olsson Bill Palmer Andrew Pawley Malcolm Ross Dineke Schokkin Jane Simpson

Volume 660

The Papuan Languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar: Volume 3

Sketch Grammars Edited by Antoinette Schapper

ISBN 978-1-5015-1668-9 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-1-5015-1115-8 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-1-5015-1107-3 ISSN 1448-8310 Library of Congress Control Number: 2020944874 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2020 Walter de Gruyter Inc., Boston/Berlin Typesetting: Integra Software Services Pvt. Ltd. Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck Photo credit: Painting of Matara [Mataru] on the south coast of Alor by A.J. Bik; Published in Reinwardt, CGC. (1858). Reis naar het oostelijk gedeelte van den Indischen Archipel, in het jaar 1821. Amsterdam: Frederik Muller

www.degruyter.com

To the memory of Claudine Friedberg

Acknowledgements For their support during the production of this volume, I would like to thank Sander Adelaar and Malcolm Ross from the Pacific Linguistics editorial board. Juliette Huber was of great editorial assistance in soliciting the anonymous peer reviews for the chapters penned by myself. Finally, Angela Terrill provided punctilious copy editing. My editing of this volume was made possible by funding from the European Research Council Starting Grant “Papuans on the move. The linguistic prehistory of the West Papuan languages [OUTOFPAPUA]” (grant agreement no. 848532), the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research VENI project “The evolution of the lexicon: Explorations in lexical stability, semantic shift and borrowing in a Papuan language family” and the Volkswagen Stiftung DoBeS project “Aru languages documentation”. Funding for the production of this volume came from Lacito-CNRS, the Australian Research Council project (ARC, DP180100893) “Waves of words” awarded to Rachel Hendery and the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research VIDI project “The exception to the rule?” awarded to Eva van Lier.

https://doi.org/10.1515/9781501511158-202

Contents Acknowledgements  Abbreviations 

 VII

 XI

Antoinette Schapper 1 Introduction   1 Antoinette Schapper 2 Nedebang   53 Hein Steinhauer 3 Bukalabang 

 139

Jeroen Willemsen 4 Reta   187 George Saad 5 Abui   267 Aone van Engelenhoven and Juliette Huber 6 East Fataluku   347 Index 

 427

Abbreviations Leipzig Glossing Rules are used throughout this volume. The table below summarizes the glosses used. 1 2 3 4 A acc accomp act add addr adjz adv agt alien alla an anaph AP appl arg art asp assoc attr ben C caus cert clf cohort coll com cond conj cont contr cop dat DC

first person second person third person fourth person agent-like argument of transitive verb accusative accomplished actor additive addressee adjectivizer adverbial agentive alienable allative animate anaphoric Alor-Pantar languages applicative argument article aspect associative plural attribute benefactive consonant causative certainty classifier cohortative collective comitative conditional conjunction continuative contrastive focus copular dative deictic centre

https://doi.org/10.1515/9781501511158-204

def dem deont det disc dist distr dnml du dummy dvrb ele emph ep epis eS excl exclam fin foc Frata fut GWB hab high hum imp inal inan inch incl incl+ indef indep initial instr interr ints invl

definite demonstrative deontic determiner discourse marker distal distributive denominal dual dummy pronoun deverbal suffix elevational emphatic epenthetic nasal epistemic elder sibling exclusive exclamative final focus subgroup of Fataluku and Oirata future Greater West Bomberai habitual elevation higher than DC human imperative inalienable inanimate inchoative inclusive all inclusive indefinite independent initial boundary instrument interrogative intensifier involuntary

XII  ipfv irr k.o. level lnk loc low Maka man med ml mod mut N nagt neg neut nfin nmlz nom NP nprox num obj obl oprtr P PAP pat PET pfv PGWB pl PMP poss pot PP pred pres prf prior pro proh

 Abbreviations

imperfective irrealis kind of elevation level with DC linker locative elevation lower than DC subgroup of Makasae and Makalero manner medial Malay modifier initial consonant mutation noun non-agentive negative neutral non-final nominalizer nominative noun phrase non-proximal numeral object oblique operator patient-like argument of transitive verb Proto-Alor-Pantar patientive Proto-Eastern-Timor perfective Proto-Greater West Bomberai plural Proto-Malayo-Polynesian possessive potentive postposition predicate presentative perfect prioritive pronoun prohibitive

prosp prox psr PTAP pv qm qnt quant R rc rdp rec recp refl rel report restr S sbj seq sg sim so. sp. spec spkr stat sth. SVC T tag TAP temp TNG top uncert V vblz vis voc VP yS

prospective proximal possessor Proto-Timor-Alor-Pantar paragogic vowel question marker quantified pronoun quantifier recipient argument of ditransitive verb relative clause reduplicant recipientive reciprocal reflexive relativizer reportative restrictive focus single argument of intransitive verb subject sequential singular simultaneous someone species specific speaker stative something serial verb construction theme/gift argument of ditransitive verb question tag Timor-Alor-Pantar languages temporal slot Trans-New Guinea languages topic uncertainty verb verbalizer visible vocative verb phrase younger sibling

Antoinette Schapper

1 Introduction to The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar. Volume 3 1

Overview 

2

The language scene 

3

Past and present studies in TAP linguistics 

4 4.1 4.2 4.3

 11 Historical linguistics of the TAP family  Internal relationships   11 External relationships   13 Interactions with Austronesian languages 

5 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4

 19 Typological overview  Phonology   19 Morphology   23 Word order   30 Serial verb constructions and complex predications 

6

This book 

References 

 1  2  7

 16

 37

 41

 43

1 Overview Documentary and descriptive work on Timor-Alor-Pantar (TAP) languages has proceeded at a rapid pace in the last 15 years. The publication of the volumes of TAP sketches by Pacific Linguistics has enabled the large volume of work on these languages to be brought together in a comprehensive and comparable way. In this third volume, five new descriptions of TAP languages are presented. Taken together with the handful of reference grammars (see Section 3), these volumes have achieved descriptive coverage of around 90% of modern-day TAP languages. This now makes the Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar among the best described non-Austronesian language families of Melanesia. https://doi.org/10.1515/9781501511158-001

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Given the amount of work still being carried out on TAP languages even today, any work that attempts to summarize the field is bound to be in need of updating within a short time. In the introductions to the first and second volumes of TAP sketches (Schapper 2014a, 2017a), I provided an overview of the history of the study of the family and a brief survey of the state-of-the-art from typological and historical perspectives. In the introduction to this, the third volume of TAP sketch grammars, I provide that background but also present some inevitable updates to the understanding of TAP languages offered by the most recent work. This chapter is structured as follows. Section 2 presents the TAP languages, their locations and the number of speakers. Section 3 sketches the history of the study of TAP languages and highlights some recent contributions. Section 4 outlines some of the latest research into the history of the TAP languages. Section 5 summarizes some main points in the typology of the family. Section 6 overviews the chapters in the present volume.

2 The language scene The term “Papuan” is used to designate any language that is found in the area of New Guinea that does not belong to the Austronesian or Australian language families. Papuan languages do not form a single genealogical entity, but comprise anywhere between 30 and 60 distinct languages families, depending on the individual researcher’s perspective. Lying some eight hundred kilometers from the New Guinea mainland as the crow flies, Timor-Alor-Pantar languages are the most westerly of the Papuan languages (Map 1). Their great distance from New Guinea means that the TAP languages could be regarded as the most outlying of all the Papuan “outliers”, that is, Papuan languages that are not spoken on New Guinea.1 The TAP family comprises 25–30 languages spoken by an estimated 300,000 people in south-eastern Indonesia and Timor-Leste (East Timor). Members of the family dominate on the islands of the Alor archipelago, consisting of Alor, Pantar and numerous small islands in the straits in between. Other members are found interspersed among Austronesian languages on the islands of Timor and Kisar (Map 2). On Timor, there are four TAP languages: Bunaq straddling the border between Indonesian West Timor and independent East Timor, and Makasae,

1 The western tip of Pantar island where Western Pantar is spoken is more than 1100km from the closest point of the New Guinea coast. The eastern-most TAP language, Oirata, is 780km from the New Guinea coast. The eastern-most Papuan languages, Savosavo and Lavukaleve, are respectively 992km and 908km to the nearest coast of New Guinea.

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Map 1: The extent of Papuan languages on and around New Guinea.

Map 2: The extent of the Timor-Alor-Pantar family.

Makalero and Fataluku occupying a contiguous region at the eastern tip of the island. Close by to the north, again in Indonesia, Oirata is a TAP language spoken on Kisar, an island dominated by the Austronesian language, Meher. The greatest concentration of TAP languages is in the Alor archipelago. On current counts, there are nine TAP languages on Pantar and in the Pantar Straits

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Map 3: The Alor-Pantar languages.

and 16 on Alor (Map 3). The maps of these languages are constantly evolving as the linguistic geography of the islands becomes more apparent, not only with better surveys but also with in-depth studies. For example, previously unlabeled languages have in the last few years been identified on Pantar island: Bukalabang (also known as Kroku or Modebur), spoken in a handful of upland villages in northeastern Pantar, has recently been recognized as a distinct language on the basis of recordings made by Hein Steinhauer in the 1970s (see Steinhauer 1995, this volume), but still lacks its own ISO-639 code. There may be more still on Pantar: Amos Sir (pers. comm.) says that another language, Luul, was once spoken in the Sar area, but is now largely lost (see also Sir and Klamer 2018). The changing numbers of languages on Alor and Pantar reflect, at least in part, the problem of determining what constitutes a separate language in this complex linguistic environment. Mutual intelligibility is typically difficult to distinguish from passive bilingualism. For example, Teiwa and Sar are only partially mutually intelligible (Amos Sir pers. comm.), but there is disagreement about whether they are distinct languages: Sir and Klamer (2018) see them as distinct languages, while Sanubarianto (2018) argues Sar is but an aberrant dialect of Teiwa. A different example is presented by Teiwa and Nedebang, two clearly distinct languages: while Nedebang is not normally understood by Teiwa speakers (Amos Sir pers. comm.), most Nedebang speakers understand Teiwa, as its larger neighboring language (Karel Lamma pers. comm.). Consequently, the independent language status of these four languages may not be equally justified, but capturing the exact relationships between them is not easily done without targeted socio-linguistic and dialectal study. Similarly, in central Alor, the languages

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of Kamang, Suboo, Moo, Tiee and Manet are closely related and together form the North-Central Alor language area (Schapper and Manimau 2011). Speakers typically claim partial passive competence in one or more of the other group’s speech. Still the differences between them are not superficial: details of the segmental phonology and morphology (such as in the number and functions of agreement paradigms) appear to warrant each of them being regarded as an independent language (compare, for instance, Schapper 2014b on Kamang and Han 2015 on Suboo). Contributing to the problem of what constitutes a distinct language is the lack of unique glottonyms that are widely recognized and accepted for AlorPantar (AP) languages. A language may be referred to by the name of the village where it is spoken or the geographical location of its speakers: for instance, the Wersing language is often designated locally as Bol, though this is a general label that is used by speakers of montane Alor languages (e.g., Kamang, Kula etc.) in reference to any coastal group, while Wersing speakers themselves tend to refer to their language as Bahasa Kolana ‘the language of Kolana’, Bahasa Pureman ‘the language of Pureman’ etc. after their respective villages of origin. In other cases, a language may be designated simply as our language, as is the case with Blagar (Steinhauer 2014) or Teiwa (Klamer 2010). Alternatively, a language may be referred to with the name of the clan or lineage group that speaks it; for instance, Lamma, a name used by Stokhof (1975) and Nitbani et  al. (2001), is a single clan within the larger West Pantar language area (Holton 2014), or Tanglapui, used by Stokhof (1975) and Donohue (1996), is the name of one of four Kula-speaking clans (Wellfelt 2016: 76–78). A common pattern is to use the name of the royal lineage group (Indonesian suku raja) as the name for the language spoken by the whole group: many of the remaining Nedebang speakers prefer their language to be referred to as Klamu, the name for the royal lineage, rather than Nedebang (Schapper this volume), the name of the group’s origin village which has been adopted in the linguistic literature since Stokhof (1975). The TAP languages spoken on Timor do not typically have the same issues with glottonyms and language differentiation. In general, there appears to be a widely accepted name for each language, and this is usually recognized both by speakers themselves as well as others outside the speech community. Individual dialect groups often have a distinct name for themselves and their language, but still identify with the wider cover label when used. For instance, the name Gaiʹ is used by the Bunaq communities between Bobonaro and Maliana in reference to themselves, but they still identify with the wider Bunaq-speaking group. In some cases where a language community is mixed with speakers of another language, exonyms are adopted. For example, Bunaq speakers in southern Belu

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have adopted the name Marae, borrowed from neighboring Tetun speakers, as a term of self-reference; Bunaq speakers from other regions tend to reject Marae as a name with derogatory connotations (Schapper 2010: 4). The main issue for language names in Timor stems from the fact that we know very little about the full extent of dialect variation in the TAP languages spoken there and the widespread acceptance and adoption of language names may obscure diversity. For instance, there appear to be several intermediate language varieties between Makasae and Makalero. Most notable is a variety named Saʹani that is spoken around Luro.2 It is not clear whether this variety is closer to Makasae or Makalero, or whether it is different enough from both to be considered a separate language. Similar questions may be asked of divergent dialects of Bunaq and Fataluku. There is also a sharp divide between the TAP languages on Timor and those of Alor, Pantar and Kisar in terms of the size of speech communities. The Timor languages are by far the largest in the family: Bunaq, Fataluku and Makasae together make up 70% of TAP speakers. Oirata is reported to have around 1,500 speakers (Nazarudin 2015). Among the Alor-Pantar languages, speech communities vary greatly in size. On Pantar, Sar reportedly only has a handful of speakers (Amos Sir pers. comm.), while Nedebang may have as few as 200 speakers (Schapper this volume); at the same time, Western Pantar is one of the larger AP languages with around 10,000 speakers. With an estimated 16,000 speakers in the central western region of Alor, Abui is the largest language of the group, though it seems likely that there is more than one language taken in under what has been labeled Abui.3 Other languages are listed in sources such as Ethnologue as varying in size from 500 to as many as 7,000 speakers. However, these figures in many instances appear to represent not actual speaker numbers, but rather population numbers for villages where a language would normally have been spoken in the past. The uncertainty around speaker numbers reflects the rapid progress of language shift being experienced by most speech communities in the region of eastern Indonesia. A notable exception is to be found among the TAP languages of Timor, which are vigorous and still very widely learnt by children in villages. Even the smallest of these languages, Makalero, is consistently acquired by children growing up in the speech communities (Juliette Huber pers. comm.). Elsewhere, the typical situation in villages may be broadly characterized as follows: speakers of the grandparent generation still use the local language regularly 2 Juliette Huber (pers. comm.) notes that Saʹani speakers themselves seem to be adamant that their language is distinct. 3 One language that has recently been carved out of the Abui area as being distinct is Papuna (sometimes also know as Fafuna). See the map in Schapper and Manimau (2011), where Papuna first appears.

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amongst themselves, but are also fluent in Malay/Indonesian; their adult children typically have a wide-ranging knowledge of the local language, although many are chiefly passive in their competence, preferring Malay/Indonesian with their peers and children; members of the grandchild generation only occasionally acquire the local language and most have only a very limited knowledge of it. Thus, the crucial turning point for these languages seems to have occurred with the current grandparent generation, coinciding with the large gains made in the implementation of universal primary school education in Indonesia in the 1950s and 1960s. At this time, children across much of eastern Indonesia entered school as monolingual speakers of their local language. But once there they report strict enforcement of the policy of Indonesian as the language of the new nation, with children being beaten by teachers for speaking their native language (see, e.g., an account of this in Masnun 2013). From this time on the shift away from local languages has continued unabated, with the consequence that many of the TAP languages are likely to die out in the next 20 years. The creeping influence of Malay/Indonesian is also felt in speech communities where child acquisition of local languages is still the norm: Abui, perhaps the most vibrant of the Alor-Pantar languages, is undergoing significant intergenerational changes due to increasing dominance of Malay amongst the youngest speakers (Saad et al. 2019, Saad 2020). While the outlook presented here may be bleak, there is perhaps also some reason for optimism. As we shall see in the following section, linguistic research on TAP languages has been extraordinarily intense. The presence of linguists in many speech communities appears to have brought about awareness of the increasing loss of local language traditions. Katubi (pers. comm.) relates that his documentation work with the Kui spurred the community to develop ways of using the materials to stimulate use of Kui and introduce it into their two local schools. Similarly, Amos Sir (pers. comm.) reports that following visits by teams of linguists to their villages over several years, Teiwa elders began a push to use Teiwa with younger members of the community.

3 Past and present studies in TAP linguistics The earliest known fieldwork study of a TAP language was carried out by the German linguist and anthropologist Wilhelm Müller-Wismar in 1914. As part of a wider expedition to the southern Moluccas, Müller-Wismar spent several months amongst a group he called the Voirata (cf., Josselin de Jong’s Oirata, Nazarudin’s Woirata), the Papuan-speaking group on Kisar island. There he collected around

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100 pages of fieldnotes including glossed texts in the language. These valuable materials, now held in the archive of the Museum am Rothenbaum – Kulturen und Künste der Welt, in Hamburg, never saw publication due to the untimely death of Müller-Wismar in 1916 in an internment camp in Malang, Java. The first publications with TAP language data were the short wordlists in Anonymous (1914) and in Vatter (1932), but these did not note the languages’ Papuan character. It was Josselin de Jong’s (1937) ground-breaking monograph on the Oirata language that first observed in print the presence of Papuan languages in the region.4 Nicolspeyer (1940) published the first glossed texts of a TAP language and hinted at the Papuan character of the Abui language. This was followed by Capell’s (1943) identification of Bunaq and Makasae on Timor as Papuan. The Papuan classification of the Alor-Pantar languages lagged behind: they were still marked as Austronesian in Salzner’s (1960) Sprachenatlas des Indopazifischen Raumes, but by the time of Wurm and Hattori’s (1982) monumental Language atlas of the Pacific area all were given as Papuan (following Stokhof 1975; see below). Detailed work on the TAP languages began only after World War II. António de Almeida, head of the Portuguese Missão Antropológica de Timor, collected word lists and elicited sentences in most languages of the Portuguese-held part of Timor between 1953 and 1975 (partly published as Almeida 1994). Alfonso Nácher, a priest at the Missão Salesiana in Fuiloro, gives his name to a dictionary of Fataluku compiled in the period between 1955 and 1968 (published as Nacher 2003, 2004, and then again as Nacher 2012). Louis Berthe conducted field work on Bunaq in what is today Indonesian West Timor between 1957 and 1959 and published a range of anthropological linguistic materials (Berthe 1959, 1963, 1972). Berthe returned to Timor between 1966 and 1967 leading a multi-disciplinary team, with Henri Campagnolo, who produced the first in-depth grammatical description of Fataluku (Campagnolo 1973), and Claudine Friedberg, who studied ethno-linguistic classification of plants amongst the Bunaq (1970, 1972, 1974, 1979, 1990). On Alor and Pantar, linguistic documentation took off in the 1970s. A better view of the Pantar languages was gained with the word lists in Watuseke (1973) and the fieldwork completed by James Fox (n.d.) between 1972 and 1973. Extensive fieldwork was carried out by Wim Stokhof and Hein Steinhauer as part of a project funded by the Netherlands Foundation for the Advancement of Tropical

4 Josselin de Jong also corresponded with Cora Du Bois, who conducted fieldwork with the Abui people in Alor in the 1930s. He observed in these private letters that Abui appeared to be a Papuan language.

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Research (see Steinhauer and Stokhof’s 1976 project report). Out of this project, first came Stokhof’s (1975) ‘Preliminary notes’, containing 34 item wordlists taken from a range of locations across the Alor-Pantar languages. Stokhof’s fieldwork was concentrated in Alor and later resulted in a significant body of materials on Kamang under the name Woisika (Stokhof 1977, 1978, 1979, 1982, 1983), as well as short texts in Abui (Stokhof 1984) and Kabola (Stokhof 1987). Steinhauer’s fieldwork concentrated on Blagar, working chiefly on the Dolabang dialect of Pura Island (Steinhauer 1977, 1991, 1993, 1999, 2010, 2014), but also collected materials on the Bukalabang dialect on Pantar (Steinhauer 1995, this volume). No work is known to have been carried out on TAP languages in the 1980s. The 1990s saw the Indonesian national Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa (‘Centre for Language Development and Cultivation’, later renamed Pusat Bahasa ‘Center for Language’)5 conducted research on a range of TAP languages. The center’s fieldwork resulted in a general survey on the languages of Timor (Sudiartha et al. 1994), sketches of Bunaq (Sawardo et al. 1996) and of Makasae (Sudiartha et al. 1998), as well as survey word lists of the languages of Alor (Martis et al. 2000) and a sketch of Lamma (Nitbani et al. 2001). Other than these, just a few studies appeared: Donohue (1996, 1997) on Kula, Wersing and Kui, and Marques (1990) with a primer of Makasae. The turn of the century saw a huge boom in TAP linguistics, with a surge in descriptive work by a suite of linguists from around the world. Within little over a decade, modern grammatical descriptions were produced for over half a dozen TAP languages: Haan’s (2001) Adang grammar, Huber’s (2005) short Makasae grammar (later published as Huber 2008), Kratochvíl’s (2007) Abui grammar, Baird’s (2008) Klon grammar, Schapper’s (2010) Bunaq grammar, Klamer’s (2010) Teiwa grammar, Huber’s (2011) Makalero grammar, and Correia’s (2011) Makasae grammar. Additional materials and several monograph-length treatments of particular topics have also appeared for these TAP languages as well as others. Most significant are: for Abui, an introductory dictionary (Kratochvíl and Delpada 2008a) and texts (Kratochvíl and Delpada 2008b); for Bunaq, a short dictionary (Bele 2009); for Fataluku, a monolingual dictionary (Valentim 2002), a sketch (Hull 2005a), primer materials and texts (Valentim 2001a, 2001b, 2004a, 2004b); for Kamang, an introductory dictionary (Schapper and Manimau 2011); for Makalero, a short dictionary (Pinto 2004) and a primer (Pinto 2007); for Makasae, Masters theses on space (Brotherson 2003) genres (Carr 2004) and phonology (Fogaça 2011), a sketch (Hull 2005b), and two short dictionaries

5 Subsequent to these publications, this institution was rebranded Badan Pengembangan dan Pembinaan Bahasa‎.

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(Ximenes and Menezes 2002, Hull and Correira 2006); for Oirata, a sketch with Josselin de Jong’s (1937) text glossed (Faust 2005), and a historical phonological treatment (Mandala 2010); for Teiwa, an extended word list (Klamer and Sir 2011); for Western Pantar, an introductory dictionary (Holton and Lamma Koly 2008). Since this first wave, the flow of work has not eased. In particular, theses at a range of degree levels continue to be produced on TAP languages. Between 2015 and 2020 alone, no fewer than 12 theses on TAP topics were brought to completion: on the morphosyntax of Suboo (Han 2015) and of Makasae (Fogaça 2015), on the grammaticalization of serial verbs in AP languages (Willemsen 2015), on Fataluku phonology (Heston 2015), on socio-linguistics in the Fataluku-speaking region (Savio 2016), on Abui phonology and phonetics (Delpada 2016), on oral traditions in Alor (Wellfelt 2016), on place reference in Kula (Williams 2016), on Kabola dialects (De Falco 2017), on dance and language maintenance amongst the Kui (Katubi 2017), on object prefixing in Kui among others (Windschuttel 2019), and language change in Abui (Saad 2020). Publications of significant descriptive materials include Klamer (2014), Schapper (2014c, 2015, 2016 2017b, this volume), Kratochvíl, Bantara, and Malaikosa (2014) and Steinhauer and Gomang (2016), not to mention numerous articles published in various journals and collections. An increasingly prominent contribution to the field of TAP linguistics is being made by scholars from Indonesia. Since 2012, the Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia ‘Indonesian Institute of Sciences’, or LIPI, has engaged in documenting endangered Papuan languages across the archipelago, including smaller languages belonging to the TAP family. This work has resulted in materials for at least four TAP languages:6 for Oirata, a film (Masnun 2013), a dictionary (Nazarudin 2013), several article-length treatments (Nazarudin 2015, van Engelenhoven and Nazarudin 2016), as well as a thesis focusing on contact with Austronesian languages (Nazarudin in preparation); for Kafoa, several treatments of language as cultural heritage (Santosa 2012, Humaedi et al. 2013, Humaedi et al. 2014, Patji 2014), a film (Humaedi et al. 2013), and a short dictionary (Widhyasmaramurti 2013), and; for Kui, a sociolinguistic study (Katubi and Thung Ju Lan 2014) and a dictionary (Katubi, Ju Lan and Akoli 2013). Historical linguistic contributions have been made by Ino (2013) and Mandala (2010), both theses produced at Udayana University in Denpasar.

6 This documentation built on a pilot project conducted by LIPI on Hamap, a TAP language spoken in western Alor. Publications from this initial work include Katubi et al. (2004), Kleden-Probonegoro, Katubi & Tondo (2005), Kleden-Probonegoro, Katubi & Tondo (2007), Kleden-Probonegoro (2008).

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At the same time, archival materials on TAP languages are becoming available online. The Endangered Language Archive (ELAR) has digital collections for Kula (Williams 2017b), the Bunaq oral literature genre zapal (Schapper 2019) and a small collection of miscellaneous materials for three Alor-Pantar languages (Baird 2004). The Pacific and Regional Archive for Digital Sources in Endangered Cultures (PARADISEC) has deposits for several west Alor languages (Baird 2015a, 2015b, 2015c) and for Western Pantar (Holton 2012). Materials for numerous TAP languages are found in The Language Archive including in the collections of Huber (2013), Klamer et al. (2015) and Klamer et al. (2019). Whilst all these collections are made by and for linguists, there are also archival collections including TAP language materials by researchers from other fields. The archive of Cora Du Bois at Harvard University (Du Bois 1983–1987) contains the earliest texts and description of an Alor language, but unluckily no recordings.7 The archival collections of music, song and ritual speech amongst the Bunaq made in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s by Claudine Friedberg (2015) and Louis Berthe (2015a, 2015b) together represent an unparalleled record of dying verbal arts in the region. Ros Dunlop’s collection of music from Timor-Leste (Dunlop 2010) also includes performances by Bunaq, Fataluku and Makasae groups.8

4 Historical linguistics of the TAP family The availability of reliable descriptive data for many TAP languages means that the application of historical linguistic methods is now increasingly possible. Much careful reconstructive work needs to be done and many critical questions of TAP prehistory remain unanswered.

4.1 Internal relationships For a long time, many scholars assumed from the geographical proximity of the TAP languages that they must be related. However, it was only recently, with the publication of Schapper, Huber and van Engelenhoven (2014), that we have the first proof of the relatedness of the TAP languages using the comparative method.

7 Du Bois took a recording device with her to Alor on her pioneering fieldwork from 1938 to 1939, but she was never able to get it functioning in the field. 8 More recently, Philip Yampolsky has been documenting musical genres, particularly amongst the Fataluku. This work is expected to be archived in time.

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According to our current state of knowledge, there are three primary subgroups of the TAP family: the Alor-Pantar (AP) subgroup, the Eastern Timor subgroup and Bunaq (Figure 1). Schapper, Huber and van Engelenhoven (2014) assumed two primary subgroups, namely Proto-Timor (Bunaq and Eastern Timor languages) and Proto-Alor-Pantar (PAP), because they were comparing the results of separate reconstructive work on the Timor languages on the one hand (Schapper, Huber and van Engelenhoven 2012), and on the AP languages on the other (Holton et al. 2012). However, Bunaq shares no known innovations with either the Eastern Timor or the Alor-Pantar languages, and must be regarded as its own primary subgroup.

Figure 1: Tree diagram of Timor-Alor-Pantar languages.

Whilst the internal constituency of the Eastern Timor subgroup is already clear (Schapper, Huber and van Engelenhoven 2012), the internal relationships of the languages in the AP subgroup still remain to be worked out. Given that it has proved difficult to identify innovations that consistently define anything but the lowest-level subgroups, it seems likely that rather than having a tree-like structure, the AP languages form a linkage (Ross 1988). It is thus perhaps better to represent AP languages with a wave-diagram, such as the provisional one based on ongoing work (Schapper in prep.) given in Figure 2. The thickness of the lines in the figure represents the closeness of the relationship. Colored lines are discussed below.

Figure 2: Tentative wave diagram of the relationships of Alor-Pantar languages.

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While the complex phonological history of the AP languages still needs careful dissection, we can illustrate some of the overlapping groupings in Figure 2 using morphological evidence. For instance, the grouping of all Alor languages together (marked by the red line in Figure 2) is supported by an irregular innovation in morphology: Alor languages share the irregular change of *d > *t in the Proto-TAP (PTAP) morpheme *do ‘low’ > PAP *do > pAlor *to. This morpheme is part of a paradigm of deictics encoding three elevationals. At the same time, the innovation whereby PTAP *ga- ‘3sg’ and *gi- ‘3pl’ become *ʔa- ‘3sg’ and *ʔi- ‘3pl’ characterizes Blagar and the languages of the Bird’s Head,9 a grouping marked by the blue line in Figure 2. Similarly, all Pantar languages with the exception of Kaera can be grouped together on the basis that they display the irregular loss of *d from the PTAP reflexive prefix *da- ‘3sg.refl’ and *di- ‘3pl.refl’ and instead have reflexes of *a- ‘3sg.refl’ and *i- ‘3pl.refl’, marked by the green line in Figure 2. Within this group, West Pantar, Nedebang, Teiwa and Sar share a further innovation that sees PTAP *a- ‘2sg’ and *i- ‘2sg’ become *ha- ‘2sg’ and *hi- ‘2pl’ (part of a larger sound that sees vowel-initial roots appended with *h), marked by an orange line in Figure 2. It is impossible on empirical grounds to tell whether Bukalabang never participated in this change or whether its predecessor underwent *h addition on vowel-initial roots but this was later dropped. Much work remains to be done to clarify the relationships of TAP languages to one another. Future work will hopefully also shed light on the grammatical structure of PTAP and on the processes of diversification that have led to the many morpho-syntactic differences in the family (cf. Section 5 on the typological divides in the family, particularly in the area of morphology).

4.2 External relationships Since 1975, Timor-Alor-Pantar languages have been repeatedly connected with the Trans-New Guinea (TNG) family, a large and essentially putative language family spanning the full length of the island of New Guinea (Pawley 2005). Wurm, Voorhoeve and McElhanon (1975) were the first to assert this affiliation, albeit with the caveat that the TAP languages contained strong substratum elements.10 9 The Bird’s Head of Alor (where Adang and Kabola are spoken) is not to be confused with the much larger and better-known Bird’s Head of New Guinea. 10 This is also suggested by the study using an admixture model by Reesink, Singer and Dunn (2009). In this, TAP languages do not cluster with Trans-New Guinea, but fall within a separate cluster, containing the Papuan languages of the Bird’s Head and the Bismarck archipelago as

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The association between TAP and distant languages classified as TNG on the New Guinea mainland has persisted on two grounds: (i) apparent lexical similarities between TAP and TNG subgroups (Pawley 2001, 2012, Kratochvíl 2007: 6–11), and (ii) resemblances in the form and structure of pronominal paradigms, particularly in western New Guinea (Ross 2005).11 Multiple authors have made comparisons of particular TNG groups in New Guinea with TAP languages. On the basis of lexicon, Stokhof (1975) suggested a relationship between Alor-Pantar languages and languages of the South Bird’s Head of New Guinea, which had just been classified as TNG by Voorhoeve (1975). Hull (2004) looked for a TAP relationship to other Papuan languages using the available wordlists for the languages of West Bomberai, South Bird’s Head, Mor and Tanahmerah. Although unsystematic in his comparison and with no attempt to establish sound correspondences, Hull observed particular lexical similarities between TAP and the West Bomberai languages but refrained from making a classification, concluding: “All that can be said with any certainty is that the matches [to Timor Papuan languages] are much more common with the Onin-Bomberai zone [i.e., West Bomberai languages] than with the South Bird’s Head” (Hull 2004: 52). Recently, both Holton and Robinson (2014, building on Holton and Robinson 2014) and Cottet (2015) have echoed Hull’s observations, but without significant addition of data. Today the TAP languages are considered with reasonable certainty to be related to the West Bomberai languages. Usher and Schapper (2020) demonstrate this link and name the group the Greater West Bomberai family. Building on earlier work reconstructing relevant subgroups (Usher and Schapper 2018, Schapper, Huber and van Engelenhoven 2012, 2014), they present a reconstruction of Proto-Greater West Bomberai (PGWB) lexemes and pronominal paradigms, based on a set of largely regular sound correspondences built up subgroup by subgroup. Using these correspondences, they identify around 50 secure PGWB etymologies. Furthermore, they explain some of the apparent oddities in the relationships between Timor-Alor-Pantar and West Bomberai pronominal

well as Austronesian languages of eastern Indonesia. This suggests that TAP languages are the result of millennia long interaction of non-TNG Papuan and Austronesian speakers. 11 A relationship between West Papuan and TAP has also been claimed in the literature (e.g., Anceaux 1973, Capell 1975), but this has been largely abandoned (see Holton & Robinson 2014 for the latest consideration). The absence of even tentative lexical links between TAP and these languages combined with improbable pronominal relationships has proved the TAP-West Papuan affiliation to be of little substance. The typological features which are similar in TAP and West Papuan are frequently also found in Austronesian languages in the region, pointing to shared substrate(s) in the region and/or widespread diffusion of features.

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paradigms that had confounded earlier scholars (e.g., the unexplained “flip” between 2nd and 3rd person forms in PTAP suggested in Holton and Robinson 2014: 163). Although grammatical description of West Bomberai languages is, at this stage, quite limited, there is some morphological evidence which appears to reinforce the relationship with the TAP languages. For example, there may be a reconstructible plural verbal subject number suffix (Schapper forthcoming). PTAP *-Vr is evidenced in the Eastern Timor languages of the TAP family such as Oirata -er (see examples in Section 5.2). Kalamang appears to have a cognate pluralmarking suffix -r that appears on two verbs: melelu ‘sit’, melelu-r ‘sit-pl’, and na ‘eat/drink’, na-r ‘eat/drink-pl’ (Eline Visser pers. comm.). A dual suffix *-ile ‘du’ which attached to free pronominal bases may also be reconstructible to PGWB. Reflexes of the dual have fossilized on variable pronominal bases, indicating that originally *-ile could be added to different pronouns to mark dual number. Reflexes are evidenced in two primary subgroups of GWB: Kalamang (Visser 2016) and TAP languages (Table 1). Within TAP, *-ile is reflected in two subgroups of the TAP languages: in Bunaq and in AP languages in the west of Alor-Straits region.12 Comparison of verbal prefixes in the West Bomberai language Iha and PTAP is also promising (Table 2), with a regular relationship between forms in 1st and 2nd person persons of the respective paradigms: Iha n regularly corresponds to PTAP *n, while Iha initial k regularly corresponds to zero in PTAP (Usher and Schapper 2020). Iha has lost the number distinction in its prefixes and has apparently retained reflexes of the original plural forms. In addition to the lexical and free pronominal evidence brought by Usher and Schapper (2020), such morphological links would seem to make a powerful case for the Greater West Bomberai family, and perhaps eventually convincingly to the TNG family, with which both have been linked at one time or another.

12 The PGWB form *-ile has undergone several changes that require explanation. In Kalamang, we observe metathesis of the liquid and vowel resulting in -ier. This is consistent with a wider trend in Kalamang in which consonantal final word shapes appear to be preferred, for instance, through final vowel deletion or consonant-vowel metathesis. In Bunaq the form of the dual suffix is -li, suggesting that a vowel flip may have occurred in PTAP to give rise to the dual form *-eli. Even though reflexes in Alor-Pantar languages suggest at first glance the reconstruction of the dual as PAP *-le, the *i vowel in *-eli is required to explain the appearance of Klon high mid vowel phoneme /e/ (as opposed to /ε/). In Klon /e/ only occurs in a handful of lexical items and it originates in the assimilation of final *i, e.g., Klon med < PAP *medi ‘take’; Klon weri < PAP *weri ‘tooth’ (as opposed to Klon /ε/ which is a straightforward reflex of PAP *e, e.g., Klon -lεb < PAP *-lebur ‘tongue’).

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Table 1: Dual pronouns reflecting dual PGWB *-ile in pronominal paradigms. 1excl 1incl

inier pier

2 3

kier mier

Blagar

1excl 1incl 2 3

nole pole ole ʔole

Kafoa

1excl 1incl 2 3

nijel pel jel del

Kalamang

1excl 1incl

neli ili

2 3

eli halali

Klon

1excl 1incl 2 3

ngle ~ nle ple egle gle ~ ele

Kui

1incl 1excl 2 3

palε ~ pilε ɲilε jalε alε

Bunaq

Table 2: Verbal agreement prefixes in Iha and PTAP.

1excl 2 3

PTAP

 Iha (West Bomberai)

SG

PL

 ni ki Ø

*na*a*ga-

*ni*i*gi-

4.3 Interactions with Austronesian languages The position of the TAP languages in Island Southeast Asia means that they have had a different history from that of many mainland New Guinea Papuan languages. In particular, they have been in close contact with Austronesian languages for at least 3,000 years and this has wrought many mutual changes on the languages that have only begun to be explored by linguists recently. The nature and extent of influence of Austronesian languages on TAP languages varies depending on the local contact situations between individual clusters of TAP languages and the proximate Austronesian languages. As is to be expected from geography, the TAP languages of Timor show the most influence from Austronesian languages. Bunaq, surrounded on all sides by Austronesian languages, shows the most extensive changes. Though it has retained the head-final, head-marking syntax typical of its family, Bunaq has developed in isolation from the other TAP languages and has many unique

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characteristics that can only be explained by historical processes of contact and adaptation with its Austronesian neighbors (Schapper 2011a, 2011b). Bunaq has been a recipient of a very large number of Austronesian loans, most obviously from Tetun, but also Kemak and Mambae and other, as yet unidentified, Austronesian sources. Among the Eastern Timor languages, Austronesian lexical influence is also rife. Huber and Schapper (2019) show that borrowing indicates a multi-layered history of interaction with different groups speaking Austronesian languages at different time depths. Numerous Austronesian etyma are reconstructible to Proto-Eastern Timor (PET), but cannot be attributed to any of the current Austronesian neighbors or their immediate ancestors. For example, PET *batan ‘trunk’ is a borrowing of a reflex of Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (PMP) *bataŋ ‘trunk’, but all neighboring subgroups of Austronesian languages display PMP *b > w (e.g., Waimaʹa wata ‘trunk’) and are therefore not plausible candidates as the source of the borrowing. The complex history of Austronesian borrowing in Eastern Timor is particularly apparent through the many borrowing doublets, two reflexes of the ultimately same ancestral word acquired through different historical routes, to be found in the languages. That is, we often find that Austronesian borrowings have different sources in Proto-Maka and Proto-Frata (see Figure 1). For example, both Proto-Maka *aha ‘mango’ and Proto-Frata *paia ‘mango’ both look to be borrowings of reflexes of PMP *pahuq ‘mango’. The former appears to be sourced from Proto-Kisar-Luang *aha ‘mango’ (reflected, e.g., in Luang as aha), since no Austronesian languages in Timor show appropriate forms (e.g., Waima’a ahu ‘mango’). Yet, the borrowing event must be some time ago, because the modern Maka languages and Kisar-Luang are not currently in contact. The source of Proto-Fataluku-Oirata *paia ‘mango’, however, is unknown as no neighboring Austronesian language seems to reflect a similar form. Huber and Schapper (2019) observe that the sheer number of Austronesian borrowings with no plausible source indicates that successive waves of Austronesian migration, whose languages are no longer extant, have left their mark on the Eastern Timor languages. In the Alor and Pantar languages, Austronesian influence is overall more limited, but still apparent. Schapper and Wellfelt (2018) point to numerous Austronesian borrowings found across Alor that have regular sound correspondences and were likely borrowed into an early stage. As in Eastern Timor, these borrowings appear to go back to different unknown Austronesian sources. This is, for example, indicated by the different shapes with which PMP *b appears in Alor languages. Compare the following examples: PMP *b is borrowed as ProtoAlor *b in *buku ‘mountain, joint’ (1), but as Proto-Alor *w in *wari ‘return, go back’ (2).

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(1) Wersing (-sese)buk ‘knee’; Sawila buko ~ buka ‘senior, major’, (aja)buko ‘big toe, thumb’; Kamang buk ‘mountain, hill’, (-taŋ) buk ‘elbow’, (-waː) buk ‘chin’; Abui buku ‘earth’, (-bala) buku ‘knee’; Kafoa buku ‘hill, mountain’, -buku ‘knee, throat’, (-tam) buku ‘elbow’ < PMP *buku ‘node (as in bamboo or sugarcane); joint; knuckle; knot in wood; knot in string or rope’ (2) Wersing -wari ‘return, go back’; Sawila -waːri; Kamang -waːi; Abui -wai; Klon -war; Kafoa wai; Kui -wari < PMP *balik ‘reverse, turn around’ At the same time, Schapper and Wellfelt (2018) demonstrate the existence of many recent loan words in Alor originating in the Austronesian languages of Timor and of Sulawesi, both islands with which Alor groups are known to have had kinship and trading relations in the historical period (Wellfelt 2016). Little work has been done on the history of the languages of Pantar and so, at this stage, many fewer borrowings from Austronesian languages have been identified there. Whether TAP languages have had an influence, either through contact or substrate, on Austronesian languages is yet to be systematically studied. Donohue and Schapper (2008) argue that the indirect-direct possessive contrast in Austronesian languages possibly originated through contact with PTAP (or antecedents thereof) which had the same contrast in possession. Klamer (forthcoming) makes a similar suggestion, positing that the morphologically reduced nature of the Austronesian language Alorese is the result of TAP language speakers on Pantar switching to speaking the Austronesian language. Edwards (2016) carries out a bottom-up reconstruction of the Austronesian language Uab Meto in western Timor which reveals that a large amount of the Uab Meto lexicon consists of non-Austronesian etyma, with TAP languages as a possible source. While these studies all present a picture of Austronesian languages replacing TAP languages, Austronesian languages can in some places also be shown to have lost ground to the TAP languages. The study of place name etymologies in Timor reveals that at least two members of the family, Bunaq and Makasae, have significantly expanded in the early modern or immediately premodern period to take over areas previously occupied by speakers of neighboring Austronesian languages (Schapper 2011a; Huber, Schapper and van Engelenhoven 2015). The mechanisms that have allowed the Papuan groups in Timor to turn the tables and successfully expand and assimilate established Austronesian peoples remain to be investigated.

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5 Typological overview 5.1 Phonology The most common vowel system in the TAP family is a simple inventory of five cardinal vowels, with the appearance of a length distinction varying throughout the family. Five cardinal vowel systems with no length distinction are found in disparate TAP languages including West Pantar, Wersing and Bunaq. Five cardinal vowel systems with a robust length distinction for all qualities of vowel are common across the AP languages, including Nedebang, Teiwa, Kaera, Abui and Kamang. Five cardinal vowel systems in which long vowels are only marginal are found in Blagar, Makalero and Fataluku. The greatest diversity in vowel systems is found in West Alor-Straits languages where (often marginally) contrastive heights of mid vowels, phonemic central vowels, and length distinctions for only some vowel phonemes sporadically appear. Table 3 sets out the variety of these systems. The other region with unusual features in their vowel systems is East Alor Montane (Table 4). Sawila notably has the front-rounded vowel /y, yː/ contrasting with five short and long cardinal vowels, while Kula has two short central vowel phonemes contrasting with five cardinal vowels of regular length. Table 3: West Alor-Straits vowel systems. Adang

Klon

i

u e

i iː

o ɛ

Kafoa u uː

e

ɔ

ɛ ɛː

a

i iː

u uː

o oː ə

ɛ ɛː

a aː

i iː

Reta u uː

e

o oː

ɛ ɛː

i iː

u uː

eː

oː ɛ

a aː

ɔː a aː

Kui

o

ʊ ʊː

ɔ

ɔ a aː

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Table 4: East Alor Montane vowel systems. Sawila i iː y yː ɛ ɛː

a aː

Kula u uː

i

o oː

ɪ̆

ɛ

u   ɐ̆ a

o

In most TAP languages, surface diphthongs are underlyingly sequences of vowels. The exception is Bunaq, which has three phonemic diphthongs that contrast with sequences of the same vowels, as illustrated with the following minimal pairs: Bunaq minimal pairs for diphthongs versus vowel sequences (3) a. /sa͡i/ [saj] ‘exit’ ≠ /sai/ [saʲi] ‘be amused’ b. /te͡i/ [tej] ‘dance’

≠ /tei/ [teʲi] ‘stare at’

c. /po͡i/ [poj] ‘choice’ ≠ /loi/ [loʷi] ‘good’ Inventories of consonant phonemes in TAP languages vary considerably, but are typically moderately small with an average of 13–16 consonant phonemes. Makalero has the smallest consonant inventory with only 11 phonemes (Table 5). Together with Fataluku (van Engelenhoven and Huber this volume), it stands out in the family in lacking straightforward voicing distinctions in the plosives (of native words). The discrepancy in place of articulation of /t/ and /d/ in Makalero is also found in Blagar, which has /t ̪/ and /d/. Table 5: Makalero consonant phonemes. Bilabial Plosive Fricative Nasal Trill Lateral

p m

LabioDental f

Alveolar t s

PostAlveolar d

Velar k

Glottal ʔ

n r l

By far the largest consonant inventories in the family are found in Pantar. They are characterized by more elaborate fricative inventories and frequent phonemic gemination. The most elaborate is that of Nedebang, which has 21 singleton consonant phonemes over seven different places of articulation and 14 geminate consonant phonemes (Schapper this volume). Nedebang is followed by West

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Pantar with 16 singleton consonant phonemes plus 10 geminate consonant phonemes, and Teiwa with 20 (only non-geminate) consonant phonemes. While there is little variation in the family for phonemes such as liquids /r/ and /l/ or nasals /m/ and /n/, the number of fricatives, affricates and places of plosive and nasal articulations varies widely. All languages have /s/, including those with just one fricative phoneme such as Sawila, Wersing, Kula and Kui. The second most common fricative is /h/, but in languages with just two fricative phonemes its appearance is intermittent: /s/ and /h/ are the only fricatives in West Pantar and Klon, but Makalero has /s/ and /f/, Kamang /s/ and /ɸ/, Kaera /s/ and /x/ (in each, the glottal fricative features as a marginal phoneme or an allophone of another phoneme). In languages with three or more fricatives, /s/ and /h/ are always present, while the identity of the other fricative(s) varies from language to language: for instance, Bunaq /s/, /h/, /z/, Makasae, Kafoa, Adang, Abui /s/, /h/, /f/, and Blagar /s/, /h/, /v/, /z/. Affricate phonemes occur sporadically throughout the family, but frequently have only marginal phonemic status: one affricative /ʦ/ in several Fataluku dialects ͡ and /ʤ/ in and Bunaq (both also have [ʤ ~ ʣ] as allophones of /z/), marginal /bv/ Reta, Kula and Kui, and /ʦ/ and /ʤ/, both marginal, in Adang. Similarly sporadic is the appearance of /q/ in Abui, Teiwa and Nedebang, /v/ in Teiwa, Blagar and Fataluku, and weakly phonemic /ɲ/ in Kui, Adang and Wersing. Some consonant segments show regional patterning. Glottal stop is universally present in the phoneme inventories of Timor languages, although several authors have commented on its ‘weakness’ (Huber 2017: 274 for Makalero; Huber 2008: 5 and Hajek and Tilman 2001: 178 for Makasae, possibly also Correia 2011: 53; Heston 2015: 109–110 for Central Fataluku). The glottal stop is only sporadically found as a phoneme in Alor-Pantar, mostly in the Bird’s Head, Straits and most prominently in Pantar. Velar nasals are absent in Timor languages, as is consistent with the surrounding Austronesian languages, but are frequently present in AP, though they often have dubious phonemic status. The appearance of /ʈ/ in Oirata is under the influence of the neighboring Austronesian language, which also has the retroflex. Implosive /ɓ/ is found in the Straits languages Blagar and Reta and may be the result of influence of Austronesian languages further to the east where implosives are common. The velar fricative /x/ is limited to three languages of north-eastern Pantar, Bukalabang, Kaera and Nedebang, while /ћ/ is only found in Teiwa. Consonant phonemes limited to just one member of the family are the marginal phonemes /β/, /kʷ/ and /gʷ/ in Kula, /θ/ and /c/ in Nedebang, and /ʎ/ in Kui. In TAP languages monosyllabic and disyllabic roots are most common, with polysyllabic words typically being limited to borrowings, historical compounds or (reduplicative) onomatopoeias. Across the family the most common syllable structures are (C)V and (C)VC, frequently with restrictions on the consonants permitted in codas. For example, in Bunaq, the only consonants able to appear in

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codas are voiceless obstruents, /n/, the two liquids and the glottal stop phoneme. Similarly, Makalero and Makasae exclude the following consonants from wordfinal position: /p, d, f, m/ (Huber 2017: 279–280). In most TAP languages, consonant clusters are limited, even across syllable boundaries. Whilst almost unknown in Timor languages, many AP languages (including Teiwa, West Pantar and Kula) allow clusters of an obstruent followed by a liquid in word initial onsets. Languages such as Klon, Kui and Wersing allow more types of underlying consonant clusters, but have surface processes of vowel epenthesis to break them up. Unusual features are the extensive appearance of echo vowels in Wersing to avoid final codas and in Makasae-Makalero on phrase-final words, and the productive morphophonemic process of high vowel metathesis found in Bunaq and Wersing to maintain a CV structure in certain affixation environments. There are also noticeable differences in preferred word shapes across TAP languages. Surface forms of words in Fataluku and Oirata overwhelmingly end in an open syllable. By contrast, in Klon, a language of Alor, there are few words that end in a vowel. Historical reconstruction shows that dropping historical final vowels, consonant-vowel metathesis and glottal stop paragoge have variously been applied to create consonant-final roots in Klon (4). Similar changes to consonant final-word shapes can be shown to have occurred independently in Teiwa. Consonant final root creation in Klon (4) a. Final vowel dropping ap ‘walk’ < PAP *ˈapa ‘walk’ luk ‘bow’ < PAP *ˈluku ‘bend, bow’ mot ‘back’ < PAP *ˈmota ‘back’ naŋ ‘not’ < PAP *ˈnaŋa ‘not’ b. Consonant-vowel metathesis puin ‘hold’ < PAP *puˈni ‘hold’ muin ‘nose’ < PAP *muˈni ‘smell, nose’ moːn ‘snake’ < pre-Klon *muan < PAP *muˈna ‘snake’ daːr ‘verse’ < pre-Klon *daar < PAP *daˈra ‘song’ c.

Final glottal stop prosthesis adaʔ ‘fire’ < PAP *ˈada ‘fire, firewood’ ɛtɛʔ ‘tree’ < PAP *aˈte ‘tree’ nɛʔ ‘name’ < PAP *ne ‘name’ weʔ ‘blood’ < PAP *wei ‘blood’

A range of stress systems are found in TAP languages, but most descriptions only treat suprasegmentals perfunctorily (exceptions are Heston 2015 and Delpada

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2016). Timor languages have non-phonemic stress systems: Bunaq has regular penultimate stress, while Eastern Timor languages such as Fataluku and Makalero have stress systems based on right-aligned moraic trochees. AP languages have both non-phonemic and weakly phonemic stress systems. Blagar has a stress system with regular penultimate stress, while Kaera has regular final stress. Phonemic stress systems bearing low functional loads are found widely in AP languages, including Nedebang, Teiwa, Kamang, Wersing and Sawila. The most common pattern among these is for stress to regularly fall on heavy syllables, but where a disyllabic word consists only of light syllables stress is lexicalized and may fall on the first or second syllable of the root. Schapper (2017c) argues that such a system of stress was ancestral in the AP languages and its regularization into a penultimate stress system led to the emergence of phonemic geminates in West Pantar and Nedebang. Tone is found in only two TAP languages. A pitch-accent system is reported for one dialect of Fataluku (Stoel 2007; van Engelenhoven and Huber this volume), but is not known in other Fataluku dialects. Abui has been described as a low-density lexical tone language, in which tone is associated only with certain syllables and tone minimal pairs are relatively sparse (Delpada 2016).

5.2 Morphology Morphological profiles show variation across the family in the extent, locus and type of morphology. Much TAP morphology is unproductive, in many cases having fossilized and fused with original roots. In order to make the connections between morphological patterns in TAP languages clearer, this discussion will make some recourse to historical arguments. Verbal agreement morphology in the AP languages and in Bunaq is entirely prefixing, whereas Eastern Timor languages have traces of both prefixing and suffixing agreement morphology. Within the AP subgroup, there is significant variation in the number of agreement paradigms: Pantar and the Pantar Straits languages have either one (e.g., Bukalabang, Steinhauer this volume) or two paradigms of agreement prefixes (e.g., Nedebang, Schapper this volume); West Alor languages typically have three paradigms with different vowels characterizing each (e.g., Adang, Table 6); Central Alor languages have similar but more elaborate systems, for example, with seven agreement paradigms in Kamang (Table 7), see also Saad (this volume) on Abui; East Alor languages have one main paradigm and between one (e.g., Sawila, Table 8) and three (e.g., Wersing, Table 9) marginal paradigms that are found with a few verbs. Bunaq has a single paradigm of prefixes, but without the number distinction typical of AP languages. Makalero has a cognate third person agreement prefix

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 Antoinette Schapper

Table 6: Adang agreement prefixes.

1sg 2sg 3 1pl.excl 1pl.incl 2pl

I

II

III

naaʔanipii-

nεεʔεniεpiεiε-

nɔɔʔɔniɔpiɔiɔ-

Table 7: Kamang agreement prefixes.

1sg 2sg 3 1pl.excl 1pl.incl 2pl

I

II

III

IV

V

VI

VII

naaganisii-

neegenisii-

noowoniosioio-

neːeːgeːniːsiːiː-

noːoːwoːnioːsioːioː-

naoaogaonioːsioːioː-

neʔeʔgeʔniʔsiʔiʔ-

Table 8: Sawila agreement prefixes.

1sg 2sg 3 1pl.excl 1pl.incl 2pl

I

II

naagani(j)iji-

niegini(j)iji-

Table 9: Wersing agreement prefixes.

1sg 2sg 3 1pl.excl 1pl.incl 2pl

I

II

III

nagɲtj-

neegeɲeteje-

naagaɲataja-

IV naiaigaiɲaitaijai-

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k- that appears on a small number of verbs, and that is clearly fossilized on several Makasae roots. A remnant of prefixal agreement is also present in Fataluku, which prefixes a vowel V- to verbs where a referent is the anaphorically retrievable object of a restricted set of verbs (Schapper forthcoming). Agreement on verbs for number is limited to the Eastern Timor languages. Suppletive roots for subject number are found with a handful of intransitive verbs in all Eastern Timor languages (e.g., for ‘sit.sg/pl’: Oirata mire / rua, Fataluku mire / cuare, Makalero mit / diar, Makasae mi / diar). While verbal number in Makalero and Makasae is limited to such suppletive forms, verbal number agreement in Frata languages on verbs is much more widespread and consistently associated with a suffix -Vre in the plural. In Fataluku verbal marking of plural number is limited to plural intransitive subjects (van Engelenhoven and Huber this volume). In Oirata, however, both intransitive and transitive plural subjects show agreement on the verb, as in: Oirata (Josselin de Jong 1937) (5) Singular intransitive subject a. Naaje pa! swim imp ‘Swim (sg)!’ Singular transitive subject c. Ue in-asi. 3sg 1pl.excl-see ‘He sees us.’

Plural intransitive subject b. Naaje-re pa! swim-pl imp ‘Swim (pl)!’ Plural transitive subject d. Ite in-asi-ere. 2pl 1pl.excl-see-pl ‘You (pl) see us.’

In the Timor languages, many verbs display a range of irregular root mutations triggered by prefixation; such mutations are noticeably absent in Alor-Pantar languages. In Bunaq, mutations in verb roots are unpredictable and typically involve the duplication of a segment or a segment’s deletion, as illustrated in Table 10. Eastern Timor languages also have a set of verbs which display initial consonant mutations. The consonant mutation is triggered when a verb occurs chiefly with a locative prefix and goes back to the assimilation of the earlier locative *nprefix (Schapper forthcoming). For example, Oirata has two patterns of initial consonant mutations: t > -r (e.g., tipare ‘run, flee’ > ura-ripare ‘go back, run back’), and p > -h, (e.g., pai ‘make, do’ > ura-hai ‘open, uncover’, lit. do back). The original *n- prefix can still be observed on vowel-initial verbs, e.g., Oirata asi ‘see, look’ > ura-nasi ‘look back’. Verbal inflections other than agreement are unknown in Bunaq and Eastern Timor, but appear sporadically in AP languages. A verbal realis suffix -an is found in Teiwa. Aspectual morphology is the most common form of non-agreement verbal

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Table 10: Examples of Bunaq irregular verb root mutation under prefixation. Unprefixed form

3rd person prefixed form

‘split’

bagal

gagabal

‘gather’

binun

gibibun

‘wash’

ili

gigili

‘tell’

pilaʔ

gipiala

‘steal’

bini

gibi

‘beat’

tuʔu

gutuʔ

‘stretch’

mene

gemen

‘clear’

naman

gaman

‘cover’

bolok

gobok

‘break’

pili

gipi

inflection. Aspectual prefixes a- ‘incp’ and i- ‘prog’ are found in West Pantar, while the other AP languages with aspectual inflection have suffixes. Blagar and Bukalabang -t 13 and Kaera -i ‘pfv’, -(i)t ‘ipfv’ are aspectual suffixes which only occur on verbs in a non-final clausal position; Kaera also has a suffix -aŋ ‘cont’ which can occur on verbs irrespective of clausal position. In Alor languages aspectual suffixes are optional and are hosted on the final verb of a clause. Kamang has three aspectual suffixes -si ‘ipfv’, -ma ‘pfv’ and -ta ‘stat’, the last of which is of only limited productivity; Kui and Kiraman, two closely related languages, have aspectual suffixes -i ‘pfv’ and -a ‘ipfv’. Cognates of these are found in Abui, but they are somewhat lexicalized, patterning differently depending on the lexical identity of the verb (Saad this volume). Inflections for phrasal position are also found in several languages. Kaera inflections for phrasal position are found on certain verbs and numerals: on the clause level, -o ‘fin’ occurs on a verb/numeral in clause-final position; within the NP, -o ‘fin’ occurs on a verb/numeral in NP-final position, while -i ‘nfin’ marks a verb/numeral in a non-final position in the NP. In the East Alor Montane languages Sawila and Kula, alternations in word shape depending on phrasal position are found not only on verbs, but also on nouns and to a lesser extent on post-verbal grammatical morphemes such as negators. Phrase-finally, words which show the alternation end in a vowel; non-finally, they end in a consonant. The Sawila and Kula word alternations for final phrasal position can historically be attributed to an inflectional suffix only in part. For words with an historical 13 Note that according to Steinhauer (2014: 205–209) aspectual marking is only one of a range of functions of Blagar -t.

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open syllable finally, non-final forms show loss of the final vowel, while phrasefinal forms retain the vowel. For words with a historical closed syllable finally, final forms have a vowel -a added, while non-final forms retain the historical closed syllable. New work on Wersing (since Schapper and Hendery 2014) has revealed that metathesis of final high vowels is used to create a similar final/ non-final distinction. As in Sawila and Kula, non-final forms are consonant-final with [+high vowel]C# (6a), but vowel-final with C[+high vowel]# (6b).    Wersing (Schapper fieldnotes) (6) Consonant-final form a. Ne-tamu ong areing=te! 1sg.poss-grandparent carry bury=prior      ‘Take grandmother off to be buried!’    Vowel-final form b. Ne-tamu mlenya areni. 1sg.poss-grandparent yesterday bury      ‘Grandmother was buried yesterday.’ Nominal inflection is limited in TAP languages. Prefixes marking the person and number of a possessor are the only nominal inflections found across the whole family. In TAP languages of Timor, Pantar and the Straits, there is typically only one paradigm of possessive prefixes. In Bunaq (illustrated in 7) and many languages of Pantar and the Straits, these prefixes are identical to the agreement prefixes on verbs and occur on the so-called inalienably possessed class of nouns, a lexically determined subset of nouns that must always occur with a possessor prefix (7a); alienably possessed nouns can occur without a possessor but, where this is marked, it is with a free possessive marker (7b). By contrast, Makalero (8) has a single paradigm of prefixes to mark all possessors. Nouns differ in that, while alienable nouns are only optionally marked with the possessor prefix, inalienable ones are obligatorily marked by it (or in a compound, compare ki-raka ‘3sg.poss-finger’ and tana-raka ‘hand-finger’). Alor languages typically have two paradigms of agreement prefixes, one for inalienably possessed nouns and one for alienable possessed nouns. This is illustrated with Kamang in (9). Bunaq (Schapper fieldnotes) (7) a. Inalienably (directly) possessed b. Alienably (indirectly) possessed g-up gie deu 3-tongue 3.poss house ‘his/her/their tongue’ ‘his/her/their house’

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Makalero (Huber pers. comm.) (8) a. Obligatorily possessed ki-ifil 3-tongue ‘his/her/their tongue’

b. Optionally possessed ki-lopu 3-house ‘his/her/their house’

Kamang (Schapper fieldnotes) (9) a. Inalienably possessed w-opui 3-tongue ‘his/her/their tongue’

b. Alienably possessed ge-kadii 3.poss-house ‘his/her/their house’

What is less often clearly articulated in grammatical descriptions of TAP languages, is that languages frequently have an intermediate class between alienably and inalienably possessed nouns. Many languages have a set of nouns which are like inalienably possessed nouns in that they must occur with a possessor, but take the possessive prefixes of an alienably possessed noun. For instance, Kamang waa ‘egg’ is one such noun: Like an alienably possessed noun, the possessor can be expressed using the ge- prefix in the 3rd person (10a). Alternatively, the noun can occur in a possessive compound with another noun expressing the possessor (10b). But simply omitting a possessor is not permissible (10c).     Kamang (Schapper fieldnotes) (10) a. ge-waa b. sibe waa 3.poss-egg chicken egg ‘his/her/their egg’ ‘chicken egg’

c. *waa egg

The only other nominal inflections found in the TAP languages are plural suffixes, albeit with a very limited appearance. Eastern Timor languages each have lexically specified classes of nouns denoting humans that take a plural suffix. Plural marking is not obligatory in plural reference in these languages, but it is frequent on this class of human nouns. Examples of members of this special plural marked class are given for Oirata in Table 11. The Oirata plural suffix -ra has the allomorph -a that appears on nouns which end with a final /r/, as can be seen on the form tuhur. There is also an irregular plural form namirara derived from namirai. Makalero also has a range of plural suffixes: -raː on a restricted set of kin nouns, -laː for plurality on non-kin nouns and -ara for associative plurality.

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Table 11: Examples of the Oirata restricted plural marked class. sg

pl

‘younger brother’

noo

noora

‘elder brother’

kaka

kakara

‘sister’

leren

lerenra

‘friend’

hele

helera

‘child’

moʈo

moʈora

‘daughter’

moʈo tuhur

moʈora tuhura

‘son’

moʈo nami†

moʈora namira

‘husband’

namirai †

namirara

† nami as an independent noun means ‘man’.

The only known plural affix outside of Eastern Timor is Kamang -leː marking associative plurality.14 Derivational morphology is most developed in Eastern Timor languages, but is found scattered in various forms with limited productivity throughout the family. Fataluku and Oirata have highly frequent word class marking suffixes, -n ‘nmlz’ and -e ‘vblz’. Suffixes deriving nouns from verbs are found in the Eastern Timor languages (Makalero -ini and -r, and Fataluku -(n)ana) and in the PantarStraits languages (Blagar, Bukalabang, Reta -(na)ŋ). Multiple languages in the family also show traces of a final *-k deriving verbs from nouns or transitive verbs from intransitive verbs, but the number of tokens in each language is small. For example, in Kamang just two instances are known (pida ‘hole’ and pida-k ‘bury’, tapu ‘be intoxicating’ and tapu-k ‘intoxicate’), while Makalero has around a dozen (e.g., huri ‘brush (n)’ and huri-ʔ ‘brush (v)’, lafu ‘life’ and lafu-ʔ ‘(a)live’). A causative suffix -(na)ŋ can be added to many intransitive verbs in Blagar, Bukalabang and Kaera. Prefixes marking cause and intentionality are found in Straits-Western Alor languages: Blagar V-, Bukalabang a-/V-, Adang a-, Kui a-. Whilst lacking in many languages (e.g., West Pantar, Kaera, Blagar, Abui and Bunaq), applicatives are perhaps the most widespread form of derivational morphology in the family. Makasae has the applicative-like prefixes mi-, ne- and ge- that have lexicalized relationships with the verbs they occur on (Correia 2011: 219–225). Reflexes of PTAP *medi ‘take’ marking T arguments (Klamer and Schapper 2012) have become applicatives fused onto the ‘give’ verb in some TAP languages, e.g., Nedebang (Schapper this volume), Reta (Willemsen this volume) and Makalero 14 Note that the Kamang suffix is not related to the Eastern Timor suffix, but rather is a reflex of the PTAP dual suffix *-ile, discussed in Section 4.2.

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(Huber 2011: 207, 406–407). A general applicative prefix PAP *un- is reflected in Teiwa un- and in most West Alor languages (Adang, Klon, Kafoa, Kui u-). Grammaticalization of postpositions and argument adding serial verbs into applicative prefixes has taken place widely in Alor languages. For example, applicative prefixes from PAP *mia ‘be in’ are Klon, Kafoa, Kui, Kamang, Wersing and Kula mi-; applicative prefixes from PAP *le ‘be on’ are Kui la-, Sawila li-, and Kula and Wersing le-. Much more extensive applicativization processes can be found in Eastern Timor languages, with historical incorporation of preverbal elements into the verb phrase resulting in dozens of applicative prefixes. Because these processes in Eastern Timor languages have largely replaced the typical TAP verb serializations in the encoding of complex events, this phenomenon is discussed in Section 5.4.

5.3 Word order All TAP languages have SV/APV and postpositions, word order features that set them apart from the SV/AVP and prepositions of their Austronesian neighbors. There are, however, differences, often geographical, in the details of word order patterns in TAP languages that make them less uniform than they superficially appear. A few examples of the word order differences in TAP are discussed here. Whilst all TAP languages have P before the verb, the extent to which the verb must occur in the final clausal position differs considerably. Eastern Timor languages are strictly verb-final, with free clausal negators and free aspectual markers consistently occurring preverbally, even when multiple such elements occur. This is illustrated in (11) on the basis of Fataluku.    Fataluku verbal finalness (Heston 2015) (11) a. Negator – Verb Kuca akam nawar-e. horse neg know-vblz      ‘The horse didn’t know.’ b. Aspectual particle – Verb Ipar hai nemer-e. dog asp first-vblz      ‘The dog went first.’ c. Negator – Aspectual particle – Verb Ana akam hai fuleh-e. 1sg.sbj neg asp return-vblz      ‘I won’t come back.’

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At the other extreme, Bunaq, in central Timor, permits a great many elements to follow the verb, with strings of up to eight post-verbal elements encoding aspect, temporal duration, manner and polarity being observed. The simultaneous postverbal appearance of the negator and aspectual particles in Bunaq is illustrated in (12).    Bunaq verbal non-finalness (Schapper fieldnotes) (12) a. Verb – Negator – Aspectual particle Inel masak niʔ taʔ. rain big neg asp      ‘It hasn’t rained a lot yet.’ b. Verb – Adverb – Aspectual particle – Aspectual particle Inel teni gie oa. rain again asp asp      ‘It’s about to rain again.’ AP languages occupy the middle ground between Bunaq and the Eastern Timor languages. They typically only allow one free clausal element to occur after the verb and have strategies in place to maintain this. For instance, in Western Pantar, all negators occur after the verb, including the negative imperative marker gayang (13a) and the negative polarity incompletive aspect marker yadda ‘not yet’ (13b). However, when these co-occur in the same clause yadda gets bumped to a preverbal position (13c).    Western Pantar post-verbal position (Holton 2014) (13) a. Verb – Negator Horaŋ gajaŋ. make.noise neg.imp      ‘Don’t make noise.’ b. Verb – Aspectual particle Naŋ hori yadda. 1sg.act eat neg.asp      ‘I haven’t eaten yet.’ c. Aspectual particle – Verb – Negator Yadda maijaŋ gajaŋ. neg.asp place neg.imp      ‘Don’t put them down yet.’ The limitation of the postverbal slot to a single element means that there is often a discrepancy in AP languages between the position of imperfective and perfective

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aspect markers. Wersing is typical in this respect: the perfective aspectual particle kana which cannot co-occur with the negator is postverbal (14a), while imperfective de which frequently combines with the negator to express ‘not yet’ is preverbal (14b), even when no negator appears maintains its preverbal position (14c). Wersing postverbal and preverbal aspectual particles (Schapper fieldnotes) (14) a. Verb – Perfective Ne-tamu ga-paŋ kana. 1sg-grandparent 3-dead pfv ‘My grandparents are already dead.’ b. Imperfective – Verb – Negator Ne-tamu de ga-paŋ nauŋ. 1sg-grandparent ipfv 3-dead neg ‘My grandparents aren’t dead yet.’ c. Imperfective – Verb Ne-tamu de go-ko. 1sg-grandparent ipfv 3-stay ‘My grandparents are still alive.’ In the vast majority of TAP languages, standard negation is post-verbal. The exceptions are the Eastern Timor languages (as illustrated above in (11) with Fataluku) and the Alor language Kafoa. Whilst most TAP languages have distinct negators for declarative and imperative clauses, Kafoa uses the same negator (compare 15a and 15b). Kafoa negation (15) a. Declarative: Negator – Verb Ne bilau na ka karai, ... 1sg food 1sg neg eat ‘I won’t eat the food, ...’ b. Imperative: Negator – Verb Ka naŋ-karai, ... neg 1sg-eat ‘Don’t eat me, ...’ (Baird 2017) Kafoa preverbal negation in declaratives appears to be due to expanding an original imperative negator to cover negation in standard clauses. Whilst imperative negators are frequently in the same postverbal position as standard negators (e.g., in Kamang and Wersing in 16), sporadically TAP languages have post-verbal

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standard negation, but preverbal negative imperatives. Preverbal negative imperatives are illustrated for Bunaq and Blagar (17).     Postverbal imperative negator (16) a. Kamang Ala gobalee posan-si gee! 2sg.spec too arrogant-ipfv neg       ‘Don’t you be so arrogant!’ (Schapper 2014b) b. Wersing A-soroŋ siniŋ. 2sg-angry neg       ‘Don’t be angry.’ (Schapper and Hendery 2014)     Preverbal imperative negator (17) a. Bunaq Hani holon! neg cry       ‘Don’t cry!’ (Schapper 2010) b. Blagar Ana ʔake naiŋ bue. 2sg.sbj neg 1sg.obj hit       ‘Don’t hit me.’ (Steinhauer 2014) The original postverbal position of negation in Kafoa can still be observed in an optional double negation construction in which postverbal ke co-occurs with the preverbal ka (18).     Kafoa optional double negation (18) Ka nan ke. neg thing neg     ‘It’s nothing.’ (Baird 2017) Elsewhere in the family optional double negation involves an emphatic preverbal negator being used alongside the standard postverbal negator. This is found in Bunaq (19a), in Alor languages such as Kamang (19b), but is not attested in Abui, East Alor, Pantar and the Straits.

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    Optional double negation: preverbal negator reinforces postverbal negator (19) a. Bunaq I ozol minaʔ sael g-utu niʔ. 1pl.incl neg oil pig 3-com neg       ‘We don’t (cook) with pig’s oil.’ (Schapper 2010) b. Kamang Bei auh ga-tak-si naː. neg deer 3.pat-see-ipfv neg      ‘There was no deer in sight.’ (Schapper fieldnotes) Another example of differences in verb finalness between TAP languages can be observed in ditransitive clauses, albeit with much less variation in the family. Just  as PV is consistent in transitive clauses, the same word order of ditransitive clauses is found across the TAP languages, with only a single exception. The common TAP ‘give’ construction has free (pro)nominal elements for both R (recipient argument of the giving) and T (gift which is given) in preverbal position, as in:15     Common TAP ‘give’ clause word order (20) a. Kui T R R-V Oːl omo doi gala na-maː g-ei. child dem money ? 1sg-father 3-give       ‘That child gave money to my father.’ (Windschuttel and Shiohara 2017) b. Makasae

T R V Markus ira ma ani gini. Markus water obl 1sg give       ‘Markus gave me water.’ (Huber 2008) Bunaq is the only language which deviates from the common TAP word order, placing the T argument after the ‘give’ verb (21). This crosslinguistically unusual word order is the result of the Bunaq ‘give’ construction arising out of a nonverbal predicative possessive construction. That is, the Bunaq the ‘give’ verb -ege is not originally a verb at all, but rather is a reflex of PTAP possessive pronoun root *-ege ‘poss’ (Schapper in prep.). 15 The R argument is co-indexed by a prefix on the verb in all languages except Makasae and Fataluku, while the encoding of T varies widely across the TAP languages. See Klamer and Schapper (2012) for a detailed treatment of the variation in ‘give’ constructions in the family.

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   Bunaq ‘give’ clause word order (21) R R-V T Neto Markus g-ege paʔol. 1sg Markus 3an-give corn    ‘I gave Markus corn.’ (Schapper 2010) Within the NP, word order differences are again minimal in the broadest terms: N Attr,16 N Dem/Art, N Num and Gen N word orders are consistently found across the whole family. Differences are, however, observable in the details of individual constructions, notably possessives and deictic elements other than demonstratives. In most TAP languages adnominal possession is GEN N, that is, the possessor noun precedes the possessed noun. The possessive relation is variously marked by a free or bound possessive marker, as in:     GEN N (22) a. Nedebang (Schapper this volume) Karel gei seː Karel 3sg.poss house       ‘Karel’s house’ b. Kiraman (Schapper fieldnotes) ol ge-kui child 3sg.poss-dog       ‘the child’s dog’ In Timor languages, however, both GEN N and N GEN orders exist. The GEN N is the most common order and the N GEN order is an alternative. Where N GEN occurs, the whole possessive phrase is postposed to the possessed nominal, not simply the possessor nominal. This is illustrated for Bunaq (23). The semantic conditions under which a possessor can be postposed depend on the language.     Bunaq (Schapper fieldnotes) (23) a. GEN N mone gie tais man 3.poss cloth       ‘a man’s cloth’

16 The label “attribute” is used here rather than “adjective” because many TAP languages lack a distinct class of adjectives. Relative clauses are also often absent.

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b. N GEN tais mone gie cloth man 3.poss       ‘cloth of a man’ This alternative order is an areal feature. Many Austronesian languages of eastern and central Timor and nearby islands (for instance, Kemak, Tetun, Naueti, Leti) similarly have GEN N as the basic possessive word order and N GEN as an alternative word order that is available in particular semantic, pragmatic and phonological contexts. Deictic elements such as locationals,17 demonstratives and articles within the NP in the cast majority of TAP languages follow the head noun. For instance:     N Deictic/DEM/ART (24) a. Adang (Haan 2001) bel mɔŋ hɛmɔ dog level dem.level       ‘that dog over there’ b. Abui (Schapper fieldnotes) fu do nu areca.nut dem art       ‘that areca nut’ c. Makalero (Huber 2011) sefar=eː dog=art       ‘the dog’ Sporadically, we find exceptions to the noun-initial NP order. For example, in Bunaq, there is an NP slot for locationals indicating elevation that precedes the head noun (25a), but this can also be postposed to a position within the NP between the head and a determiner, if any (25b). Bunaq (Schapper 2010) a. esen lolo ba high mountain def       ‘the mountain up there’ (25)

17 Locationals denote a location which acts as the ground for the referent of the NP head as figure. See Schapper (2014d) and Schapper (2010: 95–97) for a discussion of different types of locationals in TAP languages.

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b. lolo esen ba mountain high def       ‘the mountain up there’ Many more features of word order variation in TAP languages await closer consideration. Some are discussed in Section 5.4 in relation to the ordering of verbs in serializations.

5.4 Serial verb constructions and complex predications Serial verb constructions are present in all TAP languages, but the type of serial verb constructions found and the degree to which they are available differ across the family. The most notable division is that, compared to Bunaq and AP languages, Eastern Timor languages have few serial verb constructions, preferring complex predications created by way of incorporation to encode events captured with serialization in other TAP languages. Motion serialization is found in all subgroups of the TAP family in two structurally uniform forms: (i) motion-action serialization, involving an open choice of motion verb followed by a verb denoting an action following on from the motion (e.g., ‘go work’, ‘walk reach X’) and (ii) directional serialization, consisting of an open choice of verb denoting a dynamic event followed by a motion verb indicating the direction in which the event denoted by the preceding verb occurs (e.g., ‘throw descend’ = ‘throw down’, ‘walk come’ = ‘arrive’). These types are found in Papuan and Austronesian languages across the whole of Eastern Indonesia and may perhaps be considered (near-)universal constructions in serializing languages. It is when we begin considering other kinds of serialization that the distinctiveness of the Eastern Timor languages becomes apparent. Causative (26) and resultative (27) serializations are found in Bunaq and AP languages, but not Eastern Timor languages. Both encoding cause-effect relations, the two types of serialization are closely allied and share the same structure across languages: both involve iconic ordering of a transitive verb denoting an action followed by an intransitive verb denoting the state or event resulting from the action. The only difference between the two is that the transitive action verb in a causative serialization is limited to the causative verb, typically ‘make’, while in a resultative serialization the choice of this verb is open.

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    Causative serialization (26) a. Bunaq (Schapper 2010) Neto buku g-ini topol. 1sg book 3an-caus fall       ‘I made the book fall down.’ b. Kula (Williams 2017a) Aniŋ-jɐku gi-ape ayɐmu. nfin.person-two 3-make fin.die       ‘The two of them killed it.’ (lit. ‘The two of them made it die.’)     Resultative serialization (27) a. Bunaq (Schapper 2010) N-ol uen oto g-eze heser. 1excl-child one car 3an-crush dead       ‘A car crushed one of my children dead.’ b. Western Pantar (Holton 2014) A-ule pai hinna kanna gaata. 4sg-neck slice dead finish already       ‘They sliced his neck and killed him.’ (lit. ‘They sliced his neck dead’) Manner serializations are again found only in Bunaq and AP languages. This time, however, iconicity does not have a role in the ordering of serial verbs and we find different orderings of manner verbs in the languages, i.e., both manner verb ‒ action verb and action verb ‒ manner verb. In Bunaq, the different orderings of manner verb and action verbs have slightly different semantics. Compare the serializations in (28). Where the manner verb precedes the action verb, the quickness on the part of the agent in the act of eating is emphasized (28a). Where the manner verb follows the motion verb, emphasis is on the fact that the act of eating happened quickly (28b). Similar contrasts are described for Reta (Willemsen this volume) and Nedebang (Schapper this volume) and probably underlie the variation in orders in manner SVCs observed in TAP languages.     Bunaq manner serialization (Schapper 2010) (28) a. Manner – Action Neto laun bai a. 1sg quick thing eat       ‘I am quick at eating.’

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b. Action – Manner Neto bai a laun. 1sg thing eat quick       ‘I eat quickly.’ In Eastern Timor languages, verb serialization is not used to encode manner and result. Instead, incorporation of the result (29) and manner (30) verb into the preverbal slot is consistently used (see Huber 2017 for a detailed description of the behavior of this slot in Makasae-Makalero). In the examples of resultative incorporation in (29), the verbal complexes are transitive and take P arguments. By contrast, the incorporation of manner verbs in (30) results in intransitive verbal complexes and requires the movement of theme NPs into oblique phrase introduced by the verb ‘take’.18     Resultative incorporation (29) a. Makasae (Huber pers. comm.) Gi bai guta-duri. 3sg pig kill-shoot:bound       ‘He shot the pig dead.’ b. Makalero (Huber pers. comm.) Kiloo pai u k-umu-suri. 3sg pig one 3-dead-shoot:bound       ‘He shot a pig dead.’     Manner incorporation (30) a. Makasae (Correia 2011: 223) Gi fergu ere ma neinei-base. 3sg nail dem take slow-hit       ‘He hit the nail slowly.’ b. Makalero (Huber pers. comm.) Kiloo seur mei=ni nainai-dina. 3sg meat take=conj slow-cook:bound       ‘He cooked the meat slowly.’ Causatives in Eastern Timor languages are also normally constructed by means of incorporation of the caused verb into the preverbal slot, as seen in (31).

18 Note that a ‘take’ verb is not used in (29a) because the incorporated verb is transitive, making the verb complex as a whole transitive.

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In Oirata, however, the incorporated causative construction (32a) apparently exists alongside a serialization construction (32b).     Causative incorporation (31) a. Makalero (Huber 2017) Kiloo ni-lopu mei=ni hare-nini. 3sg refl-house take=conj clean-do:bound       ‘She is cleaning the house.’ b. Fataluku (van Engelenhoven and Huber this volume) Tapa e-m kaparu-pai. neg.imp anaph-take bad-do:bound       ‘Don’t destroy it.’ (lit. ‘Don’t bad-make it’)     Oirata causatives (Nazarudin 2015) (32) a. Causative incorporation Ira ar-pai water hot-do       ‘heat water’ b. Causative serialization pai titlene do dry       ‘dry (something)’ Makasae also appears to have a lot of alternate serial verbs and incorporation constructions. For example, comparison can be expressed in two ways: (i) the verb litaka ‘pass, surpass’ introduces the standard of comparison in serialization with a stative property verb such as rau ‘good’ (33a), or; (ii) the verbal prefix lita-, obviously related to the verb litaka, introduces the standard as the applied object of the stative property verb (33b).    Makasae (Correia 2011: 318) (33) Serialized exceed comparative a. Fi welafu ehani rau fi boba laneʔe gi-geʔe 1pl.incl life now good 1pl.incl father pl 3sg-poss litaka. exceed ‘Our lives nowadays are better than our parents’ lives.’ (lit. Our lives now are good exceeding those of our parents).

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Incorporated/prefixed exceed comparative b. Fi welafu ehani fi boba laneʔe gi-geʔe 1pl.incl life now 1pl.incl father pl 3sg-poss lita-rau. exceed-good ‘Our lives nowadays are better than our parents’ lives.’ In contrast to Makasae and Oirata, Makalero and Fataluku have almost no verb serialization, with the verb ‘take’ and directional serialization being the only forms of serialization still found in both languages (see Huber 2011: 203–204, van Engelenhoven 2010). It is notable that these two types of serialization are also found in Bukalabang, while other forms of multi-verb constructions involve the dependent marking suffix -t (Steinhauer this volume). In sum, the reliance on serial verbs for encoding complex events is not absolute in TAP languages. In those languages where serialization is central, areal differences in the orderings of serial verbs without any clear iconic relationship and in the lexical verbs associated with certain serialization types are readily apparent. This section has provided a taster of just a few variations that are found in complex predications in TAP languages, but many more remain to be articulated by future research.

6 This book The sketch chapters in this volume follow the same general format as found in Volume 1 and Volume 2. Each author provides descriptive information on the same essential topics, namely: phonology, clause structure, noun phrases, verbal morphology, in particular person-number prefixes, independent pronouns, serial verb constructions, and aspect marking. Readers with interests in diverse topics such as stress systems, reduplication, demonstratives and deixis, numeral systems, agreement and alignment, as well as verb serialization and more, will discover aspects of the TAP languages captivating and stimulating. TAP linguistics is a relatively new field and its terminology still shows flux (e.g., pronominal prefixes versus agreement prefixes). The largely parallel structures of chapters, however, allow the reader to directly compare phenomena between languages. Detailed tables of contents at the beginning of each chapter will also assist the reader in navigating quickly to treatments of desired topics. IPA has been used in the phonology sections of all sketches, but other sections use the individual orthographies of the different authors. Readers should keep in mind these potential differences.

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This volume, Volume 3, presents new descriptions of five languages. Three previously undescribed languages of Pantar and the Straits are covered in the first three sketches: Nedebang (Schapper this volume) located on the west coast of Pantar, Bukalabang (Steinhauer this volume) in the central mountains of the northeast of the island, and Reta (Willemsen this volume) spoken chiefly in small settlements on two islands between Alor and Pantar. The Bukalabang chapter is a “salvage” sketch based on limited fieldwork in the 1970s; it is descriptively more limited than the other sketches, but is valuable for the unique data on Bukalabang it presents. The sketch of Abui (Saad this volume) is intended as a revision of the analysis presented in Kratochvíl (2007), giving primacy to synchronic morpho-syntactic behaviors in the segmentation of lexemes and the defining of categories. The final chapter (van Engelenhoven and Huber this volume) presents a sketch of the dialect of Fataluku spoken in Tutuala on the far eastern tip of Timor Island. Sketches are primarily based on original fieldwork. Map 4 presents the major fieldwork sites and places of study in this volume cartographically: Baolang (Nedebang), Bukalabang (language of same name), Meng Abang (Reta), Takalelang (Abui) and Tutuala (Fataluku).

Map 4: Major field sites and places of study in this volume.

As stated at the beginning of this introduction, the volumes of TAP sketches represent a significant advancement for descriptive Papuan linguistics. They provide an authoritative and comprehensive overview of the grammars of the TAP family. That said, almost all aspects of the TAP languages are still in need of analytic work. Investigations of phonetics, lexico-semantics, discourse and sociolinguistics remain all but

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non-existent in the TAP languages. These volumes will no doubt aid in the comparison of TAP with other Papuan languages, and contribute to the construction of a better picture of Island Southeast Asian and Melanesian prehistory.

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Correia, Adérito José Guterres. 2011. Describing Makasae: A Trans-New Guinea language of East Timor. PhD thesis, University of Western Sydney. Cottet, Fanny. 2015. A Phonology of Mbahám: Reduction and contrast. PhD thesis, The Australian National University. Carr, Felicita M. 2004. Pupuuk, Masu Moru and Data: Three genres of Makasai. MA thesis, Australian National University, Canberra. De Falco, Dario. 2017. “Tontika e Leledang”: dati preliminari per un’analisi linguistica di una lingua papua ad Alor. [Tontika and Leledang: preliminary data for a linguistic analysis of a Papuan language of Alor]. MA thesis, Università Degli Studi Di Napoli. Delpada, Benidiktus. 2016. Abui phonology. MA thesis, Nanyang Technological University. Donohue, Mark. 1996. Inverse in Tanglapui. Language and Linguistics in Melanesia 27: 101–118. Donohue, Mark. 1997. Developments of affectedness marking in the languages of Alor (split, splat). Talk handout, University of California Berkeley, 25 September. Donohue, Mark & Antoinette Schapper. 2008. Whence the Austronesian indirect possessive construction? Oceanic Linguistics 47: 316–327. Du Bois, Cora. 1983–1987. Cora Alice Du Bois papers. Tozzer Library, Harvard Library, Harvard University Repository. URL: https://id.lib.harvard.edu/ead/toz00001/catalog Dunlop, Ros. 2010. Music from Timor-Leste. The Pacific and Regional Archive for Digital Sources in Endangered Cultures (PARADISEC). URL: http://catalog.paradisec.org.au/collections/RD1 Edwards, Owen. 2016. Parallel sound correspondences in Uab Meto. Oceanic Linguistics 55: 52–86. Engelenhoven, Aone van. 2010. Verb serialisation in Fataluku. The case of ‘take’. In Amha Azeb, Sascha Völlmin, Christian Rapold and Silvia Zaug-Coretti. (eds.), Converbs, Medial Verbs, Clause Chaining and Related Issues, 185–211. Frankfurt: Rüdiger Köppe Verlag. Engelenhoven, Aone van & Nazarudin. 2016. A tale of narrative annexation. Stories from Kisar Island (Southwest Maluku, Indonesia). Wacana. Journal of the Humanities of Indonesia 17: 191–231. Faust, Vera. 2005. Oirata, a language of Kisar, 1. Grammatical sketch, 2. Myth of Creation (glossed text). MA thesis, Leiden University. Fogaça, Jessé Silveira. 2011. Fonética e fonologia da língua Makasae. [Phonetics and phonology of the Makasae language.] MA thesis, Universidade de Brasília. Fogaça, Jessé Silveira. 2015. Aspectos Gramaticais Da Língua Makasae De Timor-Leste: Fonologia, Morfologia E Sintaxe. [Topics in the Grammar of the Makasae language of East Timor: Phonology, morphology and syntax.] Phd thesis, Universidade de Brasília. Fox, James. n.d. Some notes on the languages of Pantar. Ms., PARADISEC Series AC2-INPANT. Friedberg, Claudine. 1970. Analyse des quelques groupements de végétaux comme introduction a l’étude de la classification botanique bunaq. [Analysis of some plant groups as an introduction to the study of the Bunaq botanical classification.] In J. Pouillon & P. Maranda (eds), Echanges et Communications: mélanges offerts à Claude Lévi-Strauss à l’occasion de son 60ème anniversaire, 1092–1131. The Hague: Mouton. Friedberg, Claudine. 1972. Eléments de botanique bunaq. [Elements of Bunaq botany.] In J. Barrau (ed), Langues et Techniques Nature et Société Paris: Langues et techniques: nature et société. Vol. 2. Paris: Klincksieck. Friedberg, Claudine. 1974. Les processus classificatoires appliqués aux objets naturels et leur mise en évidence: quelques principes méthodologiques. [Classificatory processes applied to natural objects and their evidential place: Some methodological principles.] Journal d’agriculture tropicale et de botanique appliqué 21: 313–334.

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Friedberg, Claudine. 1979. Socially significant plant species and their taxonomic position among the Bunaq of central Timor. In Roy Ellen & David Reason (eds), Classifications in their social context, 81–101. London, New York: Academic Press. Friedberg, Claudine. 1990. Le savoir botanique des Bunaq: Percevoir et classer dans le Haut Lamaknen (Timor, Indonésie). [The botanical knowledge of the Bunaq : Preception and classification in Upper Lamaknen (Timor, Indonesia).] Paris: Éditions du Muséum. Friedberg, Claudine. 2015. Indonésie: Mission Timor (Bunaq); Friedberg, Claudine; 1969–1971. Archive of CREM, Paris. URL: https://archives.crem-cnrs.fr/archives/collections/ CNRSMH_I_1973_003/ Haan, Johnson. 2001. The grammar of Adang, a Papuan language spoken on the island of Alor, East Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia. PhD thesis, University of Sydney. Hajek, John and A. V. Tilman. 2001. East Timor Phrasebook. Hong Kong: Lonely Planet Publications. Han, Tan Jian. 2015. A sketch grammar of Suboo. BA thesis, Nanyang Technological University. Heston, Tyler M. 2015. The segmental and suprasegmental phonology of Fataluku. PhD thesis, University of Hawai’i at Mānoa. Holton, Gary. 2012. Alor-Pantar Field Recordings. The Pacific and Regional Archive for Digital Sources in Endangered Cultures (PARADISEC). URL: https://catalog.paradisec.org.au/ collections/GH2 Holton, Gary. 2014. Western Pantar. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar. Sketch grammars. Volume 1, 23–96. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Holton, Gary & Mahalalel Lamma Koly. 2008. Kamus pengantar Bahasa Pantar Barat [Companion dictionary of Western Pantar]. Kupang, Indonesia: UBB-GMIT. Holton, Gary, Marian Klamer, František Kratochvíl, Laura Robinson & Antoinette Schapper. 2012. The historical relations of the Papuan languages of Alor and Pantar. Oceanic Linguistics 51: 86–122. Holton, Gary & Laura Robinson. 2014. The linguistic position of the Timor-Alor-Pantar languages. In Marian Klamer (ed.), Alor-Pantar languages: History and typology, 155–198. Berlin: Language Science Press. Huber, Juliette. 2005. First steps towards a grammar of Makasae. MA thesis, Zürich University. Huber, Juliette. 2008. First steps towards a grammar of Makasae. München: Lincom. Huber, Juliette. 2011. A grammar of Makalero: A Papuan language of East Timor. PhD thesis, Leiden University. Huber, Juliette. 2013. East Timor Papuan in LACOLA, Lund corpora. The Language Archive, Nijmegen. URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0003-7BE0-7@view Huber, Juliette. 2017. Makalero and Makasae. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar. Sketch grammars. Volume 2, 267–352. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Huber, Juliette, Antoinette Schapper & Aone van Engelenhoven. 2015. Homelands and dispersals in eastern Timor: A study of placename etymologies. Presented at the 13th International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics, Academia Sinica, Taiwan, 18–23 July 2015. Huber, Juliette & Antoinette Schapper. 2019. The Austronesian-Papuan contact history of eastern Timor: What lexical borrowing can tell us? 11th International Austronesian and Papuan Languages and Linguistics Conference, Leiden, 13–15 June 2019. Hull, Geoffrey. 2004. The Papuan Languages of Timor. Studies in Languages and Cultures of East Timor 6: 23–99. Hull, Geoffrey. 2005a. Fataluku. Dili: Instituto Nacional de Linguística. Hull, Geoffrey. 2005b. Makasai. Dili: Instituto Nacional de Linguística.

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Hull, Geoffrey & Adérito José Gueterres Correira. 2006. Disionáriu badak Makasae-Tetun, Tetun-Makasae = Disionari gi digara Makasae-Tetun, Tetun-Makasae. [Short dictionary of Makasae-Tetun, Tetun-Makasae.] Dili: Instituto Nacional de Linguística. Humaedi, M. Alie, Abdul Rachman Patji, Sudiyono, Sihol Farida Tambunan & Widhyasmaramurti. 2013. Mekanisme internal pelestarian bahasa & budaya Kafoa. [Internal preservation mechanisms for the Kafoa language and culture.] Jakarta: Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia, Pusat Penelitian Kemasyarakatan dan Kebudayaan. Humaedi, M. Alie, Abdul Rachman Patji, Sihol Farida Tambunan, Sudiyono, Anastasia Melati & Widhyasmaramurti. 2014. Strategi pelestarian bahasa dan budaya Kafoa: sistem sosial budaya dan kebijakan. [Preservation strategies for the Kafoa language and culture: Social system, culture and wisdom.] Jakarta: Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia, Pusat Penelitian Kemasyarakatan dan Kebudayaan. Ino, La. 2013. Protobahasa Modebur, Kaera dan Teiwa: Bahasa kerabat non-Austronesia di Pulau Pantar, Nusa Tenggara Timur. [Proto-language of Modebur, Kaera and Teiwa: Related non-Austronesian languages on Pantar Island, Nusa Tenggara Timur.]. PhD thesis, Universitas Udayana. Josselin de Jong, J.P.B. 1937. Studies in Indonesian culture I: Oirata, a Timorese settlement on Kisar. Amsterdam. Katubi. 2017. Tradisi Lisan Lego-lego Orang Kui dalam Ekologi Bahasa yang Terancam Punah di Pulau Alor, Nusa Tenggara Timur. [The lego-lego dances of the Kui people in the endangered language ecology of Alor Island, East Nusa Tenggara]. Phd Thesis, University of Indonesia. Katubi, Ninuk Kleden-Probonegoro, Datang & Frans Asisi. 2004. Bahasa & kebudayaan Hamap, kelompok minoritas di Alor. [Hamap language and culture, a minority group in Alor.] Jakarta: Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia, Pusat Penelitian Kemasyarakatan dan Kebudayaan. Katubi, Thung Ju Lan & Marcel Akoli. 2013. Kamus kecil bahasa Kui. [A short dictionary of Kui.] Jakarta: Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia, Pusat Penelitian Kemasyarakatan dan Kebudayaan. Katubi & Thung Ju Lan. 2014. Vitalitas etnolinguistik dan agen pemertahanan bahasa Kui di Alor, Nusa Tenggara Timur. [Ethnolinguistic vitality and agents for retention of the Kui language in Alor, Nusa Tenggara Timur.] Jakarta: Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia, Pusat Penelitian Kemasyarakatan dan Kebudayaan. Klamer, Marian. 2010. A grammar of Teiwa. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Klamer, Marian. 2014. Kaera. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar. Sketch grammars. Volume 1, 97–146. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Klamer, Marian. forthcoming. From Lamaholot to Alorese: Morphological loss in adult language contact. Daivd Gil and Antoinette Schapper (eds.), Austronesian Undressed: How and Why Languages Become Isolating. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Klamer, Marian & Antoinette Schapper. 2012. The history of ‘give’ constructions in the Papuan languages of Timor-Alor-Pantar. Linguistic Discovery 10: 174–207. Klamer, Marian & Amos Sir. 2011. Kosakata Bahasa Teiwa-Indonesia-Inggris [Teiwa-IndonesianEnglish wordlist]. Kupang: Language and Culture Unit UBB. Klamer, Marian, Paul Trilsbeek, Tom Hoogervorst and Chris Haskett. 2015. Language Archive of Insular Southeast Asia and West New Guinea (LAISEANG). The Language Archive, Nijmegen. URL: http://hdl.handle.net/1839/00-0000-0000-0018-CB72-4@view Klamer, Marian, Hanna Fricke, Francesca Moro, George Saad and Eline Visser. 2019. Eastern Indonesia and Timor Leste. The Language Archive, Nijmegen. URL: https://hdl.handle. net/1839/06afa50e-aee9-4adb-a6a7-d7496a8a47fc

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Kleden-Probonegoro, Ninuk, Katubi & Fanny Henry Tondo. 2005. Identitas etnolinguistik Orang Hamap: Kode etnisitas dan bahasa symbol. [Ethnolinguistic identity of the Hamap people: Ethnic code and symbolic language.]. Jakarta: Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia, Pusat Penelitian Kemasyarakatan dan Kebudayaan. Kleden-Probonegoro, Ninuk, Katubi, Fanny Henry Tondo & Imelda. 2007. Identitas etnolinguistik orang Hamap: Perubahan dalam divergensi dan konvergensi. [Ethnolinguistic identity of the Hamap people: Changes in divergence and convergence.] Jakarta: Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia, Pusat Penelitian Kemasyarakatan dan Kebudayaan. Kleden-Probonegoro, Ninuk. 2008. The ethnolinguistic identity of the Hamap people in change. Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities 1: 193–206. Kratochvíl, František. 2007. A grammar of Abui: A Papuan language of Alor. PhD thesis, Leiden University. Kratochvíl, František & Benidiktus Delpada. 2008a. Kamus pengantar Bahasa Abui. [Abui-IndonesianEnglish dictionary.] Kupang, Indonesia: UBB-GMIT. Kratochvíl, František & Benidiktus Delpada. 2008b. Abui stories from Takalelang. Kupang, Indonesia: UBB-GMIT. Kratochvíl, František, Isak Bantara, and Anderias Malaikosa. 2014. Sawila–English dictionary. MS, Nanyang Technological University. Mandala, Halus. 2010. Evolusi fonologis bahasa Oirata dan kekerabatannya dengan bahasabahasa non-Austronesia di Timor-Leste. [Phonological evolution of Oirata and its relationship with the non-Austronesian languages of East Timor.] PhD thesis, Universitas Udayana. Martis, Non, Wati Kurnatiawati, Buha Aritonang, Hidayatul Astar & Ferr Feirizal. 2000. Monografi kosakata dasar Swadesh di Kabupaten Alor. [Monograph of Swadesh lists from Alor district]. Jakarta: Pusat Bahasa, Departemen Pendidikan Nasional. Masnun, Leolita (prod.). 2013. Woirata maro. [Woirata people]. Film, Jakarta: PMB-LIPI. URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MpWooOgafiM Marques, Tito Lívio Nunes. 1990. Método prático para apreender o Makasae. [A practical primer for understanding Makasae]. Lisbon: Self-published. Nacher, Alfonso. 2003. Léxico Fataluco-Português: Primeira Parte. [Lexicon Fataluku-Portuguese Part 1]. Studies in Languages and Cultures of East Timor 5: 138–196. Nacher, Alfonso. 2004. Léxico Fataluco-Português: Segunda Parte. [Lexicon Fataluku-Portuguese Part 2]. Studies in Languages and Cultures of East Timor 6: 119–177. Nacher Alfonso. 2012. Léxico Fataluco-Português. [Lexicon Fataluku – Portuguese]. Edited by Alberto Fidalgo Castro, Efrén Legaspi Bouza, Frederico Delgado Rosa & Geoffrey Hull. Dili: Salesianos de Dom Bosco. Nazarudin. 2013. Kamus Kecil Bahasa Oirata. [Small dictionary of the Oirata language.] Jakarta: Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia, Pusat Penelitian Kemasyarakatan dan Kebudayaan. Nazarudin. 2015. Causative constructions in Woirata, Kisar Island (Southwest Maluku, Indonesia). Wacana, Journal of the Humanities of Indonesia 16: 27–41. Nazarudin. in preparation. Language contact on Kisar Island, Southwest Maluku, Indonesia; The case of Woirata. PhD thesis, Leiden University. Nicolspeyer, Martha Margaretha. 1940. De sociale structuur van een Aloreesche bevolkingsgroep. [The social structure of an Alorese people]. Rijswijk: Kramers. Nitbani, Semuel H., Jeladu Kosmas, Sisila Wona & Hilda Naley. 2001. Struktur Bahasa Lamma. [Structure of the Lamma language]. Jakarta: Pusat Bahasa, Departemen Pendidikan Nasional.

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Patji, Abdul Rachman. 2014. Bahasa, kebudayaan dan pandangan tentang kebahasaan masyarakat etnik (lokal) Kafoa di Alor, Nusa Tenggara Timur. [Language, culture and outlooks for popular linguistics amongst the Kafoa in Alor, Nusa Tenggara Timur.] Jakarta: Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia, Pusat Penelitian Kemasyarakatan dan Kebudayaan. Pawley, Andrew. 2001. The Proto Trans New Guinea obstruents: Arguments from top-down reconstruction. In Andrew Pawley, Malcolm Ross & Darrell Tryon (eds.), The boy from Bundaberg: Studies in Melanesian linguistics in honour of Tom Dutton, 261–300. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Pawley, Andrew. 2005. The chequered career of the Trans New Guinea hypothesis: Recent research and its implications. In Andrew Pawley, Robert Attenborough, Robin Hide and Jack Golson (eds.), Papuan pasts: cultural, linguistic and biological histories of Papuanspeaking peoples, 67–107. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Pawley, Andrew. 2012. How reconstructable is Proto Trans New Guinea? Problems, progress, prospects. Language and Linguistics in Melanesia: Special issue on the history, contact & classification of Papuan languages, 88–164. Pinto, Tomas Mariano. 2004. Makalero Disionariu. [Makalero dictionary]. Dili: Timor Loro Sa’e-Nippon Culture Center. Pinto, Tomas Mariano. 2007. Ma’u Fi Makalero Lolo. [Come and speak Makalero]. Dili: Timor Loro Sa’e- Nippon Culture Center. Reesink, Ger, Ruth Singer & Michael Dunn. 2009. Explaining the linguistic diversity of Sahul using population models. PLoS Biol 7: e1000241. Ross, Malcolm. 1988. Proto Oceanic and the Austronesian languages of Western Melanesia. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Ross, Malcolm. 2005. Pronouns as a preliminary diagnostic for grouping Papuan languages. In Andrew Pawley, Robert Attenborough, Robin Hide & Jack Golson (eds.), Papuan pasts: Cultural, linguistic and biological histories of Papuan-speaking peoples, 15–66. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Saad, George. 2020. Variation and change in Abui: The impact of Alor Malay on an indigenous language of Indonesia. Phd thesis, Leiden University. Saad, George, Marian Klamer & Francesca Moro. 2019. Identifying agents of change: Simplification of possessive marking in Abui-Malay bilinguals. Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics 4: 1–29. Salzner, Richard. 1960. Sprachenatlas des Indopazifischen Raumes. [Language atlas of the Indo-Pacific area]. 2 vols. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. Santosa, Puji. 2012. Kearifan budaya dan fungsi kemasyarakatan dalam sastra lisan Kafoa. [Cultural wisdom in and social functions of oral traditions of the Kafoa.] Meta Sastra 5: 67–82. Sanubarianto, Salimulloh Tegar. 2018. Problematika eksistensi Bahasa Sar di Pulau Pantar: apakah Bahasa Sar benar-benar ada? [The problem of the existence of Sar in Pantar: Does the Sar language really exist?] Working Paper, Badan Pengembangan dan Pembinaan Bahasa, Jakarta. URL: http://repositori.kemdikbud.go.id/10126/ Savio, Edegar da Conceição. 2016. Studi sosiolinguistik bahasa Fataluku di Lautem. [A sociolinguistic study of the Fataluku language in Lautem.] PhD thesis, Leiden University. Sawardo, P., F. Sanda, H. Jehane, S.H. Nitbani & S. Kusharyanto. 1996. Fonologi, morfologi, dan sintaksis Bahasa Buna. [Phonology, morphology and syntax of the Buna language]. Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan.

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Schapper, Antoinette. 2010. Bunaq, a Papuan language of central Timor. PhD thesis, The Australian National University, Canberra. Schapper, Antoinette. 2011a. Crossing the border. Historical and linguistic divides among the Bunaq in central Timor. Wacana, Journal of the Humanities of Indonesia 13: 29–49. Schapper, Antoinette. 2011b. Finding Bunaq; The homeland and expansion of the Bunaq in central Timor. In Andrew McWilliam & Elizabeth G. Traube (eds), Life and land in Timor; Ethnographic Papers, 163–186. Canberra: ANU E Press. Schapper, Antoinette. 2014a. Introduction. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar. Sketch grammars. Volume 1, 1–22. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Schapper, Antoinette. 2014b. Kamang. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar. Sketch grammars. Volume 1, 285–350. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Schapper, Antoinette (ed.). 2014c. The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar. Sketch grammars. Volume 2. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Schapper, Antoinette. 2014d. Elevational systems in Alor-Pantar languages. In Marian Klamer (ed.), The Alor-Pantar languages: History and typology, 247–285. Berlin: Language Science Press. Schapper, Antoinette. 2015. Cerita dongeng dari Bunaq Lamaknen [Folktales from the Bunaq of Lamaknen]. Volume 1. Jakarta: Yayasan Pustaka Obor. Schapper, Antoinette. 2016. Cerita dongeng dari Bunaq Lamaknen [Folktales from the Bunaq of Lamaknen]. Volume 2. Jakarta: Yayasan Pustaka Obor. Schapper, Antoinette. 2017a. Introduction. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar. Sketch grammars. Volume 2, 1–54. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Schapper, Antoinette (ed.). 2017b. Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar. Sketch grammars. Volume 2. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Schapper, Antoinette. 2017c. Stress and gemination in Alor-Pantar languages. Revising Heston (2016). Oceanic Linguistics 56: 258–267. Schapper, Antoinette. 2019. Zapal, an oral literature genre of the Bunaq Lamaknen. London: SOAS, Endangered Languages Archive. URL: https://elar.soas.ac.uk/Collection/MPI1029743 Schapper, Antoinette. forthcoming. The origins of isolating word structure in eastern Timor. In David Gil & Antoinette Schapper (eds.), Austronesian Undressed: How and Why Languages Become Isolating. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Schapper, Antoinette. in preparation. The history and diversification of the Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar. Ms. Leiden. Schapper, Antoinette & Marten Manimau. 2011. Kamus Pengantar Bahasa Kamang-IndonesiaInggris [Introductory Kamang – Indonesian – English Dictionary.] Kupang, Indonesia: UBB-GMIT. Schapper, Antoinette, Juliette Huber & Aone van Engelenhoven. 2012. The historical relations of the Papuan languages of Timor and Kisar. Language and Linguistics in Melanesia: Special issue on the history, contact & classification of Papuan languages, 194–242. Schapper, Antoinette & Juliette Huber. 2012. State-of-the-art in the documentation of the Papuan languages of Timor, Alor, Pantar and Kisar. Wacana, Journal of the Humanities of Indonesia 14.2: 370–404. Schapper, Antoinette, Juliette Huber & Aone van Engelenhoven. 2014. The relatedness of Timor-Kisar and Alor-Pantar languages: A preliminary demonstration. In Marian Klamer (ed.), The Alor-Pantar languages: History and typology, 99–154. Berlin: Language Science Press.

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Schapper, Antoinette & Rachel Hendery. 2014. Wersing. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar. Sketch grammars. Volume 1, 439–504. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Schapper, Antoinette & Emilie Wellfelt. 2018. Reconstructing contact between Alor and Timor. Evidence from language and beyond. NUSA: Linguistic studies of languages in and around Indonesia 64: 95–116. Sir, Amos & Marian Klamer. 2018. Documentation of Sar. Booklet from Workshop on Documenting Minority Languages in Nusa Tenggara Timur Indonesia, 97–103. Ms. Universitas Kristen Artha Wacana. URL: https://vici.marianklamer.org/uploads/1/2/4/7/124768088/bahasa_ sar.pdf Steinhauer, Hein. 1977. ‘Going’ and ‘Coming’ in the Blagar of Dolap (Pura, Alor, Indonesia). NUSA, Miscellaneous Studies in Indonesian and Languages in Indonesia III, 38–48. Jakarta. Steinhauer, Hein. 1991. Demonstratives in the Blagar language of Dolap (Pura, Alor, Indonesia). In Tom Dutton (ed), Papers in Papuan linguistics, 177–221. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Steinhauer, Hein. 1993. Sisters and potential wives: where linguists and anthropologists meet: notes on kinship in Blagar (Alor). In P. Haenen (ed.), Vrienden en verwanten, Liber Amicorum Alex van der Leeden, Leiden/Jakarta, DSALCUL/IRIS: 147–168. Steinhauer, Hein. 1995. Two varieties of the Blagar language (Alor, Indonesia). In Connie Baak, Mary Bakker & Dick van der Meij (eds.), Tales from a concave world: Liber amicorum Bert Voorhoeve, 269–296. Leiden: Department of Languages and Cultures of South-East Asia and Oceania. Steinhauer, Hein. 1999. Bahasa Blagar Selayang Pandang. In Bambang Kaswanti Purwo (ed), Panorama bahasa Nusantara, 71–102. Jakarta: Universitas Cenderawasih and Summer Institute of Linguistics. Steinhauer, Hein. 2010. Pura when we were younger than today. In Artem Fedorchuk & Svetlana Chlenova (eds), Studia Anthropologica. A Festschrift in Honour of Michael Chlenov /Сборник статей вчести М.Ф.Членова, 261–283. Москва/ Иерусалим: Мосты Культуры/ Gesharim. Steinhauer, Hein. 2014. Blagar. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar. Sketch grammars. Volume 1, 147–220. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Steinhauer, Hein and Hendrik D. R. Gomang, 2016. Kamus Blagar-Indonesia-Inggris / BlagarIndonesian-English Dictionary. Jakarta: Yayasan Pustaka Obor Indonesia. Steinhauer, Hein & W.A.L. Stokhof. 1976. Linguistic research in the Alor Islands. Netherlands Foundation for the Advancement of Tropical Research; Report for the year 1976, The Hague: 27–31. Stoel, Ruben. 2007. The Prosody of Fataluku. Paper presented at the First Workshop on the Languages of Papua, Universitas Negeri Papua, Manokwari. August 8–10. Stokhof, W.A.L. 1975. Preliminary notes on the Alor and Pantar languages (East Indonesia). Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Stokhof, W.A.L. 1977. Woisika I: An ethnographic introduction. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Stokhof, W. A. L. 1978. Woisika text. In Miscellaneous Studies in Indonesian and Languages in Indonesia 5: 34–57. Jakarta: NUSA. Stokhof, W.A.L. 1979. Woisika II: Phonemics. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Stokhof, W.A.L. 1982. Woisika riddles. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Stokhof, W. A. L. 1983. Names and Naming in Ateita and environments (Woisika, Alor), Lingua 61: 179–207.

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Stokhof, W.A.L. 1984. Annotations to a text in the Abui language (Alor). Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 140: 106–162. Stokhof, W.A.L. 1987. A short Kabola Text (Alor, East Indonesia). In Donald C. Laycock & Werner Winter (eds.), A World of Language: Papers presented to Professor Stephen A. Wurm on his 65th Birthday, 631–648. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Sudiartha, I Wayan, Made Denes, I Wayan Tama & R.B. Suprihanto. 1994. Survei bahasa dan sastra di Timor Timur. Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan. Sudiartha, I Wayan, I Nengah Budiasa, Ni Luh Partami & Anak Agung Putra. 1998. Struktur bahasa Makasai. Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan. Usher, Timothy and Antoinette Schapper. 2018. The lexicons of the Papuan languages of Onin and their influences. NUSA: Linguistic studies of languages in and around Indonesia 64: 39–63. Usher, Timothy and Antoinette Schapper. 2020. A demonstration of the Greater West Bomberai Family. Unpublished manuscript. Valentim, Justino. 2001a. Lia Fataluk iha Lautem. [The Fataluku language of Lautem]. Hakerek Kona Ba Timor Loro Sa’e 3. Online: http://www.geocities.jp/hkbtls/hakerek/Hakerek03/ lia_tetun.htm Valentim, Justino. 2001b. Konversasaun iha lia Fataluku. [Conservation of Fataluku]. Hakerek Kona Ba Timor Loro Sa’e 4. Online: http://www.geocities.jp/hkbtls/hakerek/Hakerek04/ konversasaun.htm Valentim, Justino. 2002. Fata-Lukunu i Disionariu. [Dictionary of Fataluku]. Dili: Timor Loro Sa’eNippon Culture Center. Valentim, Justino. 2004a. Waihohonu. [Vaihohonu (song type)] Hakerek Kona Ba Timor Loro Sa’e 10. Online: http://www.geocities.jp/hkbtls/hakerek/Hakerek10/waihohonu.html Valentim, Justino. 2004b. Família iha lian Fataluku. [Family in the Fataluku language]. Hakerek Kona Ba Timor Loro Sa’e 11. Online: http://www.geocities.jp/hkbtls/hakerek/Hakerek11/ fam_lia.htm Vatter, Ernst. 1932. Ata Kiwan. Unbekannte Bergvölker im tropischen Holland. [Ata Kiwan: Unknown mountain peoples of the Tropical Netherlands]. Leipzig: Bibliographisches Institut. Visser, Eline. 2016. A grammar sketch of Kalamang with a focus on phonetics and phonology. MA thesis, University of Oslo. Voorhoeve, C. L. 1975. The central and western areas of the Trans-New Guinea phylum: Central and Western Trans-New Guinea phylum languages. In Stephen A. Wurm (ed.), New Guinea area languages and language study. Volume 1, 345–460. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Watuseke, F. S. 1973. Gegevens over de taal van Pantar: Een Irian taal. Naschrift door J.C. Anceaux. [Information on the language of Pantar: A Papuan language. Afternote by J.C. Anceaux.] Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 129: 345–346. Wellfelt, Emilie. 2016. Historyscapes in Alor. Approaching indigenous histories in eastern Indonesia. PhD thesis, Linnaeus University. Widhyasmaramurti. 2013. Kamus kecil bahasa Kafoa. [Short dictionary of the Kafoa language.] Jakarta: Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia, Pusat Penelitian Kemasyarakatan dan Kebudayaan. Willams, Nicholas. 2016. Place reference and location formulation in Kula conversation. PhD thesis, University of Colorado. Willams, Nicholas. 2017a. Kula. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar. Sketch grammars. Volume 2, 185–266. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

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Williams, Nicholas. 2017b. Documenting Language and Interaction in Kula. London: SOAS, Endangered Languages Archive. URL: https://elar.soas.ac.uk/Collection/MPI971878. Willemsen, Jeroen. 2015. Function and grammaticalization in Alor-Pantar asymmetrical verb serialisation. MA thesis, Leiden University. Windschuttel, Glenn & Asako Shiohara. 2017. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar. Sketch grammars. Volume 2, 109–184. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Windschuttel, Glenn. 2019. Object verbs: link from Timor-Alor-Pantar to Trans-New-Guinea An exploration of their typological and historical implications. PhD thesis, Newcastle University. Wurm, Stephen A. & Shirô Hattori (ed.). 1982. Language atlas of the Pacific area. Part 1: New Guinea area, Oceania, Australia. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Wurm, Stephen A., C. L. Voorhoeve & Kenneth A. McElhanon. 1975. The Trans-New Guinea phylum in general. In Stephen A. Wurm (ed.), New Guinea area languages and language study. Volume 1, 299–322. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Ximenes, Henrique de Oliveira & Elda Maria Guterres Menezes. 2002. Ginigini mu’a Timor watu misa gi ge’e. [The customs of East Timor]. Hakerek Kona Ba Timor Loro Sa’e 6. Manuscript online: http://www.geocities.jp/hkbtls/hakerek/Hakerek06/ginigni.htm

Antoinette Schapper

2 Nedebang 1

The language scene 

 55

2 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.6.1 2.6.2 2.6.3 2.6.4 2.6.5 2.7

 56 Phonology  Vowels   57 Consonants   59 Phonotactics   63 Syllable structure   65 Stress   68 Morphophonemics   71 Prefixal allomorphy   71 Gemination on prefixation of i-  Compounding   73 Apocope and blending   73 Reduplication   74 Orthography   74

3 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8 3.9

 75 Basic clausal syntax  Verbal clauses   75 Adjectival clauses   76 Equational and simulative clauses   77 Existential and possessive clauses   78 Expressing locations, sources and goals  Imperatives and hortatives   82 Negation   83 Questions   85 ba and its uses   87

4 4.1 4.2 4.2.1 4.2.2 4.2.3 4.3

 88 Noun phrases  Attributes and relative clauses   88 Quantification   89 Numerals   90 Human numeral classifier   91 Non-numeral quantifiers   92 Demonstratives   94

https://doi.org/10.1515/9781501511158-002

 72

 80

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Possession   95 Direct possession   96 Indirect possession with animate possessors   99 Indirect possession with inanimate possessors   100 Possessive compounds   101

4.4 4.4.1 4.4.2 4.4.3 4.4.4 5 5.1 5.1.1 5.1.2 5.1.3 5.1.4 5.2 5.3 5.3.1 5.3.2

 102 Pronouns  Personal pronouns   103 Nominative pronouns   104 Accusative pronouns   105 Alone and Independent pronouns  Dual pronouns   110 Indefinite pronouns   111 Dummy pronouns   112 Dummy S pronoun illa   112 Dummy P pronoun i-   113

6 6.1 6.1.1 6.1.2 6.2 6.3 6.4

 115 Agreement and applicative prefixes  Verbal agreement prefixes   115 Obligatory agreement on transitive verbs   117 Obligatory agreement on inherently reflexive verbs  P-adding prefixation   120 The prefix ma- and the verb ‘give’   124 Applicative prefix wa-   125

7 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4

 126 Serial verb constructions  Serialization with mari ‘take’  Motion serialization   129 Causative serialization   131 Adverbial serialization   131

8

Aspect marking 

9

Discussion 

References 

 136

 135

 132

 126

 110

 118

2 Nedebang 

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1 The language scene Nedebang (ISO 639-3: nec) is the indigenous language of three coastal villages in the north of Pantar: Baolang, Balungada and Air Panas (Malay = Hot Water). All three villages are said to originate from a single upland village called Nedebang. The indigenous origin story is that the Nedebang come from a small island nearby called Pulau Rusa (Malay = Deer Island) from which they had to flee when a tsunami hit the island. They established themselves on Pantar and named the village Nedebang after a moko, a kind of kettle drum, of that name, which they had brought with them when they fled from Pulau Rusa. The logonym Nedebang was established in the literature on the Timor-AlorPantar (TAP) languages by Stokhof (1975). It is widely recognized by people in Pantar. However, some Nedebang speakers themselves prefer to designate their language as Klamu, after the royal clan (Malay suku raja) of the ancestral village. I continue with the use of the name Nedebang here for the sake of continuity with earlier sources. Holton (2006) puts the total number of fluent speakers of Nedebang at around 200, making it arguably the most endangered TAP language. He observes that in the Christian village Balungada, Nedebang is not used for everyday communication in homes, and almost without exception school children have no knowledge of even basic phrases in Nedebang. Language shift is even more advanced in the Islamic villages, Baolang and Air Panas, which have experienced large influxes of people from Baranusa speaking a variant of the Austronesian language Alorese (described locally by my informants as Bahasa Baranusa). Holton estimates that the youngest fluent speakers are around 40 years of age, giving the language little more than 25 years before functional extinction. Given that Holton’s visit was 15 years ago, Nedebang is likely to cease to be a living language in the next few years. Contributing to the endangerment of Nedebang are local perceptions of the language. Nedebang is considered, both by its speakers and by speakers of neighboring languages, as difficult to learn. My informants observed that when they were children, people who married into Nedebang-speaking villages typically did not learn to speak the language actively. Instead, they would continue to speak their own language, but would be answered in Nedebang. Today, people from different ethno-linguistic groups speak Malay with one another. The songs accompanying lego-lego circle dances traditionally sung by Nedebang speakers are said to be in the Western Pantar language, suggesting that multilingualism and inter-group borrowing was probably significant in the past.

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Previous work on Nedebang is limited. Stokhof (1975) contains a short word list of 117 items. Glottolog lists a 15-page manuscript (Fox n.d.) as containing a wordlist of Nedebang among other languages, while Pampus (2006) re-elicits the Stokhof list. Holton (2006) also presents this list plus four pages containing some description of the phonology, pronouns and basic morpho-syntax. The only archived material is a recording of a 400-item word list made by Laura Robinson in 2010 in The Language Archive, Nijmegen, that is made use of in Holton et al. (2012). Finally, a 4-minute recording of a text being read in Nedebang was made by Nicholas Williams in 2013, but it is not to my knowledge available in the public domain. My own work on Nedebang is perhaps the most extensive to date.1 Fieldwork was carried out in periods of two to three weeks each in November 2015, January 2016, May 2018 and April 2019. On each of these occasions, I worked with Nedebang speakers in Kalabahi. They were Daud Beri, Lamek Lalang, Karel Lamma, Fredrik Serang, Yakob Gammi and Amos Sir. In this time, I conducted extensive elicitation of Nedebang with a particular focus on the complex segmental phonology, the inflectional paradigms and lexical distinctions. In addition, we conducted a one-week workshop at TUFS University in Tokyo in March 2017 where we recorded ten folk stories in Nedebang told by Sem Serang; these were then transcribed and translated into Indonesian by Amos Sir. In total I have around 15 hours of recordings, of which around 14 hours is in audio recording and 1 hour in video recording. At present, this data comes to 836 elicited sentences, a lexicon of 1027 items and 15 narrative texts, not all of which have been analyzed.

2 Phonology The phonological description of Nedebang in this section represents a significant revision of the analysis of Schapper (2017).

1 Amos Sir reports that the Indonesian Badan Pengembangan Bahasa dan Perbukuan [Language and Book Development Agency] recently conducted documentation work on Nedebang. Their work may be more significant in size than my own, but I have not been able to verify this.

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2.1 Vowels Nedebang has a fairly typical system of five vowel phonemes (Table 1). The mid vowels /e/ and /o/ can be realized as [e ~ ɛ] and [o ~ ɔ]. These two vowel phonemes are infrequent compared to /i/, /u/ and /a/. Table 1: Vowel inventory. front high mid low

i

e

back

a

o

u

Minimal pairs and sets illustrating the contrastiveness of the five vowel phonemes are given in (1). Contrast between vowel phonemes (1) /poia/ ‘fold’ ≠ /puia/ ‘blow’ /bali/ ‘bed’ ≠ /balu/ ‘male (bird)’ /jeci/ ‘bad’ ≠ /jicci/ ‘fruit’ /ta/ ‘sea’ ≠ /te/ ‘tree’ ≠ /to/ ‘glass’ Word-finally /i/ and /a/ can be dropped in situations where the word is followed by another word with which it is in a phrase or compound. Examples where this dropping is evidenced are given in (2). See section 2.6.2 for description of the environments in which this dropping (and associated degemination) occurs. Dropping of final /i/ or /a/ (2) /weri/ [weːri ~ weːr] ‘sun’ /mari/ [maːri ~ maːr] ‘take’ /qarra/ [qarːa ~ qar] ‘rice’ /matta/ [matːa ~ mat] ‘betel vine’ While /u/ is common word-finally, final /o/ is rare in Nedebang. It can be realized as [o] but is often raised to [u], as in (3). (3) /-θoʔo/ /-ssaro/ /maqqo~maqqo/ /amaʔo~amaʔo/

[-θoːʔo ~ -θoːʔu] [-sːaro ~ -sːaru] [maqːo~maqːo ~ maqːu~maqːu] [amaːʔo~amaːʔo ~ amaːʔu~amaːʔu]

‘belly’ ‘catch sight of’ ‘quiet’ ‘slowly’

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After initial /j/, non-back vowels, most typically /a/, are often fronted to [e] and sometimes raised to [i]. Examples are presented in (4). (4) /jadda/ /janna/ /jaxaŋ/ /jattar/ /jea/

[jadːa ~ jedːa] [janːa ~ jenːa] [jaxaːŋ ~ jexaːŋ] [jatːar ~ jitːar] [jeːa ~ jiːa]

‘still’ ‘dig’ ‘hole in ground’ ‘mushroom species’ ‘path’

After initial /w/, unstressed /a/ sometimes rounds to [o]. Examples are presented in (5). (5) /wadebu/ [wadeːbu ~ wodeːbu] ‘milkweed, Calotropis gigantea’ /waʔaŋ/ [waʔaːŋ ~ woʔaːŋ] ‘person, human’ /watala/ [wataːla ~ wotaːla] ‘throw’ Sequences of two vowels are typically realized as diphthongs in Nedebang. Many can be monophthongized in normal speech. Examples of diphthongs are presented in (6). (6) /tua/ /gia/ /malau/ /dou/ /heinu/ /malaica/

[tu͡a ~ tua ~ toː] [gi͡a ~ gja] [mala͡u ~ malou ~ maloː] [do͡u ~ dou ~ doː] [he͡inu ~ hejnu ~ heːnu] [mala͡ica ~ malajca ~ maleːca]

‘lontar palm, palm wine’ ‘go’ ‘fine earth, dust’ ‘walking stick’ ‘your name’ ‘wet’

This phenomenon is not limited to vowels that could be considered to be in a single syllable nucleus; even when adjacent vowels are in separate syllables, we can observe monophthongization. Some trisyllabic words with the structure /CV.V.CV[C]/ have stress on the penultimate syllable, thereby separating the first two vowels into distinct syllables. As illustrated in (7), these lexemes can also be realized as disyllabic by way of monophthongization. (7) /naomaŋ/ [na.ˈo.maŋ ~ ˈnoː.maŋ] ‘shellfish collected in the intertidal zone’ /yiaθa/ [ji.ˈa.θa ~ ˈjeː.θa] ‘maleo bird’ /duala/ [du.ˈa.la ~ ˈdoː.la] ‘bench’ In (6), we saw that non-final /ai/ and /ei/ can both monophthongize as [eː]. Finally, however /ai/ does not monophthongize but rather can be realized as

2 Nedebang 

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either [a͡i ] or [e͡i ], as in (8). Final /ei/ can be realized either as a diphthong or a monophthong, as in (9). (8) /-nai/ [-na͡i ~ -ne͡i ] ‘same-sex younger sibling’ /-θai/ [-θa͡i ~ -θe͡i ] ‘egg’ /mai/ [ma͡i ~ me͡i ] ‘banana’ (9) /hei/ /wei/ /nei/

[he͡i ~ heː] [we͡i ~ weː] [ne͡i ~ neː]

‘canoe’ ‘child’ ‘my, mine’

2.2 Consonants Nedebang has 21 singleton consonant phonemes (Table 2). Orthographic representations of phonemes that differ from IPA symbols are given in brackets. This inventory stands out for its unique constellation of phonemes. The five fricative phonemes, particularly /θ/, are unusual in the family. The two plosives /c/ and /q/ are also notable additions to the standard TAP consonant inventory, although not unique to Nedebang. Table 2: Singleton consonant inventory. Bilabial Plosive p Fricative ɸ Nasal Approximant Trill Lateral

b m w

Dental

Alveolar

Palatal

Velar

Uvular

Glottal

θ

t s

c

k x

q

ʔ h

d n r l

j

g ŋ

Nedebang has contrastive geminate counterparts for 14 consonant phonemes in its inventory (Table 3). There are systematic gaps in the geminate inventory compared to the singleton one: glottal phonemes, approximants and fricatives (with the exception of /s/) do not have geminate counterparts. Taken together with the singletons, these bring the total number of consonant phonemes in Nedebang to 35, making it the largest inventory among the Timor-Alor-Pantar languages. Minimal (or near minimal) pairs illustrating the contrastiveness of the nongeminate consonant phonemes are presented in (10).

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Table 3: Geminate consonant inventory (gaps marked by boxes). Bilabial Plosive

pp

Dental

bb

Fricative Nasal

Alveolar

Palatal

Velar

Uvular

tt

cc

kk

qq

dd

gg

Glottal

ss mm

nn

ŋŋ

Approximant Trill

rr

Lateral

ll

(10) /apa/ /paci/ /baqa/ /bata/ /tama/ /jeci/ /knika/ /kali/ /kula/ /iʔi/ /hala/ /buma/ /bana/ /hala/ /wanna/

‘walk’ ‘close door’ ‘hollow in wood’ ‘dregs’ ‘where’ ‘bad’ ‘children’ ‘basket type’ ‘breadfruit’ ‘red’ ‘rain’ ‘flower’ ‘wild kapok’ ‘rain’ ‘exist’

≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠

/aɸa/ /baci/ /ɸaqa/ /baθa/ /dama/ /jesi/ /ixa/ /gali/ /qula/ /i/ /ala/ /buna/ /baŋa/ /hara/ /janna/

‘fathom’ ‘beehive’ ‘other’ ≠ /waqa/ ‘skin’ ‘maize’ ‘snake’ ‘fig species’ ‘bamboo species’ ≠ /jiʔa/ ‘burn’ ‘shoot him/her’ ‘snot’ ‘Job’s tears’ ‘sty’ ‘sea cucumber’ ‘request’ ‘fire’ ‘dig’

Minimal (or near minimal) pairs for geminate versus non-geminate consonants are illustrated in (11). Geminate and singleton consonant phonemes have a roughly 2 to 1 ratio in terms of duration. Geminate fricatives, nasals and liquids are simply prolonged, while geminate plosives involve prolonging the obstruction of the airway, that is, the stop closure is held for longer. There is never more than one geminate in a simplex word. (11) /tappa/ /gabbir/ /batta/ /haddu/ /bacci/ /mukku/

‘plant’ ‘wall’ ‘wound’ ‘ladder’ ‘tomorrow’ ‘swallow’

≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠

/tapas/ /gaba/ /bata/ /ada/ /baci/ /-muku/

‘co-wife’ ‘nearby’ ‘dregs’ ‘big’ ‘beehive’ ‘kiss’

2 Nedebang 

/gagga/ /miaqqa/ /issi/ /camma/ /bunna/ /baŋŋa/ /alla/ /burra/

possessive ‘white’ ‘be placed on’ ‘small’ ‘smoke’ ‘alive’ ‘female’ ‘shoo chicken’

≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠

/gaga/ /miaqa/ /kisi/ /cama/ /buna/ /baŋa/ /ala/ /buraŋ/

 61

‘open mouth’ ‘fodder’ ‘drongo bird’ ‘here’ ‘sea cucumber’ ‘request’ ‘pig sty’ ‘grass species’

Geminate consonant phonemes have not been observed to display any significant allophony. However, because of their restriction to word-medial position, geminate consonants degeminate when final vowel apocope means that they are no longer medial, e.g., /matta/ > [mat] in [mat ˈsi͡a] ‘chew betel’ or /qarra/ > [qar] in [qar taˈpːa] ‘pound rice’. Singleton consonant phonemes show some notable allophony. The phonemic contrast between /c/ and /s/ is relatively weak, as set out in (12). The phoneme /c/ is realized word-medially as [c], but word-initially either as [s] or [c]. However, the sibilant realization is by far the most common. Words with initial /s/ are therefore only identifiable by their not having the palatal stop realization as an alternative. The older speakers I worked with observed that the initial palatal stop is a recent emergence and that when they were children it was unknown. They noted one exception /cicci/ ‘dry’ which they observed had always been realized as [cicːi] and still today cannot be realized with a sibilant *sicːi. (12) /c/ > [s ~ c] / #_ e.g., /ˈcua/ [cu͡a ~ su͡a] ‘throw’ [c] / elsewhere e.g., /ˈbaci/ [baːci] [*baːsi] ‘beehive’ /s/ [s] e.g., /suˈara/ [suaːra] [*cuaːra] ‘grass species’ The fricatives /ɸ/, /θ/ and /x/ are relatively infrequent phonemes. In the current database (1027 items), /ɸ/ occurs in 61 distinct items, while /θ/ and /x/ occur in 31 distinct items each. Diachronically, these three fricatives originated as ungeminated medial allophones of the now distinct phonemes /p/, /t/ and /k/ respectively. The contrast between medial stops and these fricatives has arisen through the borrowing of items with medial /p/, /t/ and /k/. However, the historical relationship of these phonemes can still be observed in patterns of allophony today. I have noticed some allophonic alternations involving [p ~ ɸ], [t ~ θ] and [k ~ x] as part of compounding processes. For example, initial /p/ and /k/ will be realized as [ɸ] and [x] respectively in compounds where they come to occur intervocalically, (13a) and (13b). At the same time, /θ/ can be realized

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as [t] where it comes to be in a word final position due to the loss of final /a/ in compounds (13c). (13) a. p ~ ɸ [-amːi ˈɸaːta] inside bad ‘forget’

< /-ammi/ ‘inside’ + /ˈpata/ ‘bad’

b. k ~ x [be ˈxia] < /be/ ‘pig’ + /kia/ [k͡ia ~ kiː] ‘eagle’ pig eagle ‘eagle species that is known for stealing piglets’ c. t ~ θ [ˌwat doˈbaːr] < /ˈwaθa/ ‘coconut’ + /doˈbar/ ‘spathe’ coconut spathe ‘sheath that covers a coconut’s inflorescence’ Liquid phonemes are common in general, but quite rare word initially: /r/ occurs in 14 distinct items initially, while /l/ occurs in 20. The liquids are mostly stable. However, in a few items, /l/ is optionally lost between non-front vowels. The two examples in my data are: (14) /-ola/ [-oːla ~ -oː] ‘ear’2 /qalaci/ [qalaːci ~ qaːci] ‘hut’ Word-initially, the glottal fricative /h/ is only very lightly articulated and often difficult to perceive. Phonetically, I represent this as [h]. Vowel-initial words are preceded by a phonetic glottal stop. The word-initial onset contrast between /h/ and zero therefore often seems to perceptually comes down to the presence versus absence of a glottal closure. Medial /h/ is rare in Nedebang occurring in only 14 distinct items in my database. There is some limited variation in the realization of initial /j/ before a high front vowel /i/. This does not appear to represent general allophony as such, but a lexical phenomenon. Initial /j/ can be dropped in the items in (15) and realized as [h] in those in (16).

2 The homophonous lexeme /-ola/ ‘tail’ does not show this medial loss, always being realized with the medial liquid, i.e., [-oːla]. The realization of /-ola/ ‘ear’ as [-oː] appears chiefly in compounds, e.g., /-ola waʔa/ ear leaf ‘outer ear’ is realized as [-oː waːʔa].

2 Nedebang 

(15) /jicci/ /jisaraqqu/ /jisaθagu/ /jisauθu/

[jicːi ~ ʔicːi] [jisaraqːu ~ ʔisaraqːu] [jisaθaːgu ~ ʔisaθaːgu] [jisauːθu ~ ʔisauːθu]

 63

‘fruit’ ‘seven’ ‘eight’ ‘nine’

(16) /jiɸu/ [jiːɸu ~ hiːɸu] ‘fly (insect)’ /jila/ [jiːla ~ hiːla] ‘water’ It is not clear whether the medial contrast between vowels and glides (i.e., semi-vowels) is completely phonemic. At this stage, I tentatively distinguish between /j/ and /i/ and between /w/ and /u/. I illustrate this with the examples of medial /u/ and /w/ in (17). We see that between /a/ vowels, there is a distinction in the realization of these segments: /u/ is realized as the second element in a diphthong with the preceding /a/ (17a), while /w/ is an onset syllabifying with the following /a/ (17b). (17) a. /daua/ /qaua/ /maua/ /panaua/ b. /tiawaŋ/ /liawaŋ/ /taˈwa/ /ˈrawaŋ/

[da͡u.a] [qa͡u.a] [ma͡u.a] [pa.na͡u.a]

‘cook’ ‘good’ ‘male’ ‘female juvenile (animal)’

[ti.aː.waŋ] [li.aː.waŋ] [ta.waː] [raː.waŋ]

‘pole for carrying things’ ‘tall’ ‘person leading singing’ ‘melon’

2.3 Phonotactics Table 4 presents an overview of the distribution of the individual consonants in Nedebang. Codas are highly restricted in terms of the consonants that they can contain. We see that only the nasals /n/ and /ŋ/, the fricative /s/, and the liquids /r/ and /l/ occur in final codas. Plosives sometimes come to be in a word-final position through the dropping of certain vowels finally (see section 2.6.4 on apocope), but they are never underlyingly found in a final coda. The velar nasal never occurs initially. The glottal stop is only ever found medially and then only in a small number of items. The glides /j/ and /w/ occur initially and medially, but only rarely in the latter position.

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Table 4: Consonant phoneme distribution in roots.

p b t d c k g q ʔ ɸ θ s x h m n ŋ r l w j

Initial

Medial

Final

+ + + + + + + + − − − + − + + + − + + + +

+ + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + +

− − − − − − − − − − − + − − − + + + + − −

Geminate phonemes only occur word medially. This is consistent with geminates arising in medial consonants in PTAP disyllabic roots with final stress (Schapper, Huber and Engelenhoven 2014: 128; Schapper 2017). The fricatives /ɸ/, /θ/, /x/ are underlyingly present in medial position, but can surface in apparent word-initial positions under certain circumstances (see examples in (12) in section 2.2). Initial unstressed /ha/ before certain consonants can be omitted in fast speech in the items in (18). This means that usually medial-only fricatives can occur initially (see also the compounding evidence presented in (12)). As noted in the previous section, the liquid phonemes are uncommon initially, but before /l/ in particular dropping of initial /ha/ is common. Dropping of initial unstressed /ha/ (18) /haˈɸeri/ [haɸeːri ~ ɸeːri] ‘tree species’ /haɸilli/ [haɸilːi ~ ɸilːi] ‘dove, bird species’ /haˈθagu/ [haθaːgu ~ θaːgu] ‘three’ /haˈla/ [halaː ~ laː] ‘pot’

2 Nedebang 

/haˈlai/ /haˈlaɸi/ /halanna/ /haˈlisi/ /haˈlua/ /halunni/ /haranna/

[hala͡i ~ la͡i] [halaːɸi ~ laːɸi] [halanːa ~ lanːa] [haliːsi ~ liːsi] [halu͡a ~ lu͡a] [halunːi ~ lunːi] [haranːa ~ ranːa]

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‘unhusked rice’ ‘search’ ‘clothes’ ‘monitor lizard’ ‘carry on shoulder’ ‘slice’ ‘how much’

2.4 Syllable structure Nedebang has a minimal word constraint: a lexical word is minimally a heavy syllable. Where a lexical word is underlyingly a simple /(C)V/, the vowel is lengthened, as in the examples in (19). This lengthening can be seen as a side-effect of carrying lexical stress, which causes lengthening of the stressed vowel (see section 2.5). Examples of /(C)V/ lexical words (19) /a/ [ʔaː] ‘fence’ /be/ [beː] ‘pig’ /bi/ [biː] ‘mat’ /ce/ [ceː ~ seː] ‘house’ /ci/ [ciː ~ siː] ‘bamboo bucket’ /i/ [ʔiː] ‘Job’s tears’ /o/ [ʔoː] ‘grasshopper’ /ta/ [taː] ‘sea’ /to/ [toː] ‘grass’ Function words may be shorter, not carrying full lexical stress (20). The linker /ba/ can encliticize as [=b] on vowel final words, as in /ta ba da/ [ˈtaː=b ˈdaː] (sea=lnk rise) ‘it was the sea rising’. Both instances of ma are function words derived from lexemes: ma ‘cohort’ from the motion verb /ma/ [maː] ‘come’ (see section 3.6) and ma ‘instr’ from the handling verb /mari/ ‘take’. Examples of /(C)V/ function words (20) /ni/ [ni] ‘prior’ /ba/ [ba ~ =b] ‘lnk’ /ma/ [ma] ‘cohort’ /ma/ [ma] ‘instr’ /ca/ [ca ~ sa] ‘prox’ /cu/ [cu ~ su] ‘dist’

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Monosyllabic lexical words are relatively small in number in Nedebang (21). The vast majority of words are disyllabic (22) or trisyllabic (23). Non-(C)V monosyllabic lexical words (21) CVV /kau/ ‘kind of rattan’ VC /ur/ ‘tree sp., Sterculia foetida’ CVC /bar/ ‘dog’ CCV /kni/ ‘child’ CCVV /clai/ ‘coconut shell’ Disyllabic lexical words (22) V.CV /a.da/ ‘big’ VV.V /ai.u/ ‘non-head louse’ CV.V /ji.a/ ‘path’ CV.CV /ba.la/ ‘platform’ CV.CVV /ha.mai/ ‘loincloth’ V.CVC /u.kaŋ/ ‘glass, mirror’ CV.CVC /ha.ɸaŋ/ ‘village’ CVV.V /mai.a/ ‘put, place’ CVV.VC /kai.ar/ ‘carry on shoulder’ CVV.CV /qai.ma/ ‘break, snap off’ CVV.CVC /qai.raŋ/ ‘jackfruit’ CVC.CV /kon.da/ ‘shirt’ CCV.CV /bra.ki/ ‘scatter’ CCV.CVC /bla.jaŋ/ ‘moko drum’ Trisyllabic lexical words (23) CV.V.CV /ji.a.θa/ CV.CV.CV /de.ra.xu/ CV.CV.CVC /ta.la.qaŋ/ CV.CVV.CV /ba.qai.ma/ CV.CVC.CV /qu.lan.da/ CV.CVC.CVC /he.ran.dis/ CV.CV.CVV /qa.ra.bau/ CV.V.CV /qe.a.qu/ CV.V.CVV /je.a.lau/

‘maleo bird’ ‘kind of ant’ ‘pole’ ‘break’ ‘snore’ ‘forced labor’ ‘buffalo’ ‘jungle’ ‘sea turtle’

A handful of 4-syllable words are also found in my corpus (24). However, many cases appear likely to be multimorphemic or onomatopoeic.

2 Nedebang 

4-syllable lexical words (24) CV.CV.CV.CV /to.nu.ga.si/ V.CV.CV.CVC /u.hu.lu.luŋ/ CV.CV.VV.V /qa.mi.au.a/ CV.CV.V.CV /qa.ɸi.a.qa/ CV.CVC.CV.CV /qa.laŋ.ba.si/ CV.CV.CVC.CV /ha.ra.wan.da/ CV.CV.CV.CVC /sa.pa.ka.maŋ/

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‘worm’ ‘pigeon’ ‘green snake’ ‘shell of maize’ ‘gum-lac tree’ ‘myna bird’ ‘belt’

There are two kinds of consonant cluster in Nedebang, both extremely limited in their number. The first type are medial homorganic clusters of a nasal plus a voiced plosive: /nd/ and /mb/. These clusters occur across syllable boundaries. In the database, /nd/ occurs in six items (25a) and /mb/ in two (25b). In addition, there is one instance of an /ns/ cluster (25c). At least some of these appear to originate in borrowings, while others might have originally been compounds. Medial /nd/ clusters (25) a. /harabunda/ [ha.ra.ˈbun.da] /eʔendaga/ [ʔe.ʔen.ˈda.ga] /qulanda/ [qu.lan.ˈda] /herandis/ [he.ˈran.dis] /konda/ [ˈkon.da] /walanda/ [wa.ˈlan.da]

‘bird species’ ‘appear, show oneself’ ‘snore’ ‘forced labor’ < Dutch herendienst ‘shirt’ < Alorese konda ‘foreign, Dutch’ < Malay bəlanda < Port. holanda

Medial /mb/ clusters b. /humbanga/ [hum.ˈba.ŋa] /simbur/ [sim.ˈbur]

‘thank you’3 ‘insect species’

Medial /ns/ cluster c. /prinsakku/ [prin.sakːu]

‘old, yellow (of coconut)’

The second type of consonant cluster in Nedebang is word-initial. Initial consonant clusters may be broken up in more careful speech by an epenthetic vowel [ɐ]. The most common type of initial cluster in my data is a plosive plus /l/ (26a), followed by clusters of a plosive plus /r/ (26b). In addition, there are two instances of two other clusters, /sɸ/ (26c) and /kn/ (26d).

3 A reviewer suggests that this may be from Teiwa umbangan ‘appl-ask.for’.

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Initial plosive plus /l/ clusters (26) a. blanna/ [blanːa ~ bɐlanːa] /blappa/ [blapːa ~ bɐlapːa] /blola/ [bloːla ~ bɐloːla] /clai/ [cla͡i ~ sla͡i ~ cɐla͡i ~ sɐla͡i ] /glala/ [glaːla ~ gɐlaːla] /klaɸu/ [klaːɸu ~ kɐlaːɸu] /klamu/ [klaːmu ~ kɐlaːmu]

‘change skin’ ‘split, shoot’ ‘clear, bright’ ‘coconut shell’ ‘finished’ ‘not ripe’ ‘Klamu (clan name)’

Initial plosive plus /r/ clusters b. /gruʔi/ [gruːʔi ~ gɐruːʔi] /pramma [pramːa ~ pɐramːa] /prinsakku/ [prinsakːu ~ pɐrinsakːu]

‘grab’ ‘let ripen’ ‘old, yellow (of coconut)’

Initial /sɸ/ clusters c. /sɸai/ [sɸa͡i ~ sɐɸa͡i ] /sɸili/ [sɸiːli ~ sɐɸiːli]

‘bamboo species’ ‘uneven, slanting’

Initial /kn/ clusters d. /kni/ [kne͡i ~ kniː ~ kɐniː ~ kɐniː] /knika/ [kniːka ~ kɐniːka]

‘child, young human’ ‘children’

2.5 Stress Stress is realized in Nedebang primarily by means of duration. In words without geminate consonants, vowels of stressed syllables, regardless of whether they are open or closed, are longer. In words with a geminate consonant, stress is attracted to the syllable with the geminate onset. In these syllables, the vowel is not lengthened. Stress in Nedebang is phonemic. Minimal pairs found in my database demonstrating the contrast are presented in (27). In these disyllabic words, the stress difference is apparent through the length of the vowel on the first versus second syllables. No stress-differentiated minimal pairs are found for 3- or 4-syllable words. Stress minimal pairs (27) /aˈɸa/ [ʔaɸaː] ‘dream’ /aˈli/ [ʔaliː] ‘arrow type’ /aˈmaŋ/ [ʔamaːŋ] ‘grass sp.’ /haˈɸi/ [haɸiː] ‘tree sp.’ /haˈla/ [halaː] ‘pot’ /muˈθa/ [muθaː] ‘rosewood’ /taˈɸi/ [taɸiː] ‘soft

≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠

/ˈaɸa/ /ˈali/ /ˈamaŋ/ /ˈhaɸi/ /ˈhala/ /ˈmuθa/ /ˈtaɸi/

[ʔaːɸa] ‘fathom’ [ʔaːli] ‘shoot oneself’ [ʔaːmaŋ] ‘his/her own voice’ [haːɸi] ‘fish’ [haːla] ‘rain’ [muːθa] ‘fish sp.’ [taːɸi] ‘crab’

2 Nedebang 

 69

Words with diphthongs show a different pattern of stress placement. In disyllabic words, diphthongs are always stressed. Examples of this regular stress attraction are given in (28). In 3- and 4-syllable words with diphthongs, stress placement is unpredictable. Diphthongs count as long and show no lengthening under stress. Disyllabic words with diphthong in first syllable (28) a. /heinu/ [ˈhe͡inu ~ hejnu ~ heːnu] ‘your name’ /kaiar/ [ˈka͡iar ~ ˈka͡i jar] ‘carry on shoulder’ ͡ ͡ /qaima/ [ˈqaima ~ ˈqeima] ‘break’ /aiu/ [ˈʔa͡i ju] ‘louse (body or clothes)’ Disyllabic words with diphthong in final syllable b. /malau/ [maˈla͡u ~ maˈloː] ‘fine earth, dust’ /kamou/ [kaˈmo͡u ~ kaˈma͡u] ‘cat’ /hamai/ [haˈma͡i ] ‘loincloth’ /karei/ [kaˈre͡i ] ‘ant species’ Words with geminate consonants display a regular pattern, with stress being drawn to the syllable with the geminate onset. The vowel of the syllable with a geminate consonant does not lengthen. While the lengthened medial consonant adds prominence to the syllable in which it occurs, the lack of the long vowel means that stress in these items is perceived as more evenly distributed across syllables. Although contrastive, the overwhelmingly majority pattern is for words without geminates and diphthongs to have penultimate stress. Approximately 80%–90% of words consisting only of light syllables (i.e., (C)VCV or (C)VCVCV and even (C) VCVCVCV) have penultimate stress. In the same way, disyllabic words with a final coda (i.e., the shape (C)VCVC) almost all have penultimate stress; only four out of 33 items have final stress. Almost all 3- and 4-syllable words without a geminate consonant also have stress on the penultimate syllable. Examples are given in (29). Trisyllabic words with penultimate stress (29) /aliŋa/ [aˈliːŋa] ‘plant species’ /bahulu/ [baˈhuːlu] ‘quail’ /baqaima/ [baˈqa͡ima] ‘break’ /calaqa/ [caˈlaːqa] ‘peel (of coconut)’ /damaia/ [daˈma͡ia] ‘cool’ /deraxu/ [deˈraːxu] ‘kind of ant’ /jiaθa/ [jiˈaːθa] ‘maleo bird’

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/kalamaŋ/ /naomaŋ/ /pataquŋ/ /talaqaŋ/ /wa.de.bu/

[kaˈlaːmaŋ] [naˈoːmaŋ] [paˈtaːquŋ] [taˈlaːqaŋ] [waˈdeːbu]

‘kind of red fruit’ ‘shellfish in the intertidal zone’ ‘lobster’ ‘pole’ ‘milkweed’

A weak secondary stress is found with tri-syllabic words that have their primary stress either finally or initially. This includes lexical words with a geminate consonant in the final coda. A weak secondary stress is also found initially on 4-syllabic words, all of which appear to have penultimate stress in my data. Examples are given in (30). Examples of secondary stress (30) /qulanˈda/ [ˌqulanˈdaː] ‘snore’ /ˈhamajan/ [ˈhaːmaˌjan] ‘your beard’ /walagga/ [ˌwalaˈgːa] ‘door’ /tonugasi/ [ˌtonuˈgaːsi] ‘worm’ /qamiaua/ [ˌqamiˈa͡ua] ‘green snake’ Obligatory agreement prefixes, the applicative prefix /wa-/ and the object dummy pronominal prefix /i-/ (section 5.3.2) are outside the domain of stress assignment. Thus, these prefixes never receive stress: Unstressed prefixes (31) /ga-θaŋ/ [gaˈθaːŋ] ‘his/her hand’ /wa-teʔi/ [waˈteːʔi] ‘scared of’ < /ˈteʔi/ [teːʔi] ‘scared’ /i-danna/ [idaˈnːa] ‘burn a garden’ Optional agreement prefixes (section 6.2) show variable behavior in relation to stress. On monosyllabic roots, stress is attracted to the prefix (32a). On multisyllabic roots, stress remains on the root (32b). Stress with optional agreement prefixes (32) a. Stress on prefixation of monosyllabic roots /ma/ [ˈmaː] ‘come’ /gama/ [ˈgaːma] ‘make (him/her) come’ /gia/ [ˈgi͡a ~ ˈgja] ‘go’ j ͡ /gagia/ [ˈgaːgia ~ ˈgaːg a] ‘make (him/her) go’

2 Nedebang 

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b. Stress on prefixation of multisyllabic roots /karaŋ/ [ˈkaːraŋ] ‘angry’ /gakaraŋ/ [gaˈkaːraŋ] ‘angry at (him/her)’ /tuŋŋa/ [tuˈŋːa] ‘argue’ /gatuŋŋa/ [ˌgatuˈŋːa] ‘argue with (him/her)’

2.6 Morphophonemics 2.6.1 Prefixal allomorphy Nedebang has a single paradigm of agreement prefixes that obligatorily occur on both nouns and verbs. As in other TAP languages, the paradigm is characterized by particular consonants (or their absence) marking different persons (/n/ = 1excl, /p/ = 1incl, /h/ = 2, /g/ = 3, Ø = 3.refl), vowels mark number (/a/ = sg, /i/ = pl). The paradigm has three allomorphic series conditioned by the initial segment of the root onto which it is prefixed, as summarized in Table 5. Table 5: Obligatory agreement prefix allomorphy.

1sg 2sg 3sg 3sg.refl 1pl.excl 1pl.incl 2pl 3pl 3pl.refl

/na-/ /ha-/ /ga-/ /a-/ /ni-/ /pi-/ /hi-/ /gi-/ /i-/

Consonantinitial roots

/a/-initial roots

Other vowelinitial roots

[na-] [ha-] [ga-] [a-] [ni-] [pi-] [hi-] [gi-] [i-]

[n-] [h-] [g-] [Ø-] [ni-] [pi-] [hi-] [gi-] [i-]

[n-] [h-] [g-] [Ø-] [n-] [p-] [h-] [g-] [Ø-]

There are two additional agreement prefixes that are part of these paradigms; they are not given in the above table because there appear to be separate forms for nouns and verbs in Nedebang. The prefixes for 1pl.incl+ are ta- on nouns (section 4.4.1) and pa- on verbs (section 6.1). These are infrequent prefixes whose behavior is somewhat aberrant. The prefix /ta-/ has the allomorph [t-] that occurs on vowel-initial roots, while /pa-/ merges with /pi-/ ‘1pl.incl’ on vowel-initial roots, being realized as [p-]. The three series of allomorphs involve different levels of reduction in the prefixal vowels. The ‘full’ series consisting of a prefix with the [C]V- shape is found

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on consonant-initial roots. In the series used on /a/ initial roots, the /a/ vowel of the singular inflections is lost. In the plural, however, the [C]i- shape of the prefix is maintained. In the fully reduced allomorphic series used on roots with initial /i/, /e/, /o/ and /u/, prefixal vowels are completely lost so there is no distinction between singular and plural. The loss of vowels from prefixal allomorphs in the singular of the /a/-initial series and in the singular and plural of the other-vowel initial series means that it is the absence of a prefix (indicated for ease of interpretation in Table 5 above as a zero prefix [Ø-]) that indicates 3rd person reflexive on those roots with the relevant forms. Table 6 illustrates the inflectional allomorphs of the agreement prefixes on roots of different shapes. Table 6: Prefixal allomorphy on example roots.

1sg 2sg 3sg 3sg.refl 1pl.excl 1pl.incl 2pl 3pl 3pl.refl

-meli ‘praise’

-alanna ‘follow’

-ola ‘return’

nameli hameli gameli ameli nimeli pimeli himeli gimeli imeli

nalanna halanna galanna alanna nialanna pialanna hialanna gialanna ialanna

nola hola gola ola nola pola hola gola ola

The optional or P-adding agreement prefixes (see section 6.2) do not show the allomorphy that the obligatory agreement prefixes do. That is, when prefixed onto a vowel initial root, the full CV-prefix is still used and a partial glottal closure separates the resulting sequence of vowels, e.g., /ga-anna/ 3sg-arrive [gaʔanːa] ‘make come, bring’. For singular prefixes with the shape [(C)a-], sporadic harmonization of the prefixal vowel with the first vowel of the root has been observed. For example, /na-moli/ ‘help me’ can be realized as [naˈmoːli ~ noˈmoːli]. Vowel harmonization of this kind seems to be more common where the first vowel of the root is [+back].

2.6.2 Gemination on prefixation of iPrefixation with the dummy object pronoun i- (section 5.3.2) can cause nonphonemic gemination. With disyllabic roots, gemination does not occur on prefixation of i- (33a). However, on monosyllabic roots, the initial consonant geminates with the prefixing of i- (33b).

2 Nedebang 

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Gemination with i- ‘dummy’ (33) a. Prefixation of disyllabic roots /danna/ [daˈnːa] ‘burn’ /i-danna/ [idaˈnːa] ‘prepare a garden by burning’ b. Prefixation of monosyllabic roots /na/ [ˈnaː] ‘eat (tr.)’ /i-na/ [iˈnːa] ‘eat (intr.)’

2.6.3 Compounding Noun-noun compounds are common in Nedebang. The vast majority in my data are right-headed possessive compounds, such as those in (34). See section 4.4.4 for more examples and discussion. Less common are coordinate compounds, such as those in (35). Left-headed compounds are yet to be observed in Nedebang. (34) /-oŋ waʔa/ head leaf ‘head hair’ /te waqa/ tree skin ‘bark’ (35) /matta buia/ betel.vine betel.nut ‘betel vine and nut’ /alla maua/ female male ‘men and women, people’

2.6.4 Apocope and blending Final vowels /a/ and /i/ are subject to frequent apocope in Nedebang. The apocope is observed where a word with final /a/ or /i/ occurs followed by another word in a phrasal unit or compound, as in the examples in (36). In (36a), /qarra/ undergoes apocope and is realized as [qar]. In (36b) /weri/ undergoes apocope to be realized as [wer]. (36) a. /qarra/ ‘rice’ + /tappa/ b. /ˈweri/

‘pound’ >

‘sun’ + /nukku/ ‘one’

>

[ˈqar taˈpːa] ‘pound rice’ [ˈwer nuˈkːu] ‘one day’

Related to apocope, blending is where phonological reduction of word edges occurs in a phrase or compound such that a single phonological word is the result. Blends are lexicalizations of originally complex constructions consisting of elements commonly occurring together. For example, in the blends in (37), we see lexicalizations based on variable elements: N+N, Poss+N, N+V and V+V.

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(37) /tualla/ [tu͡aˈlːa ~ twaˈlːa] ‘tuak palm’ < /tua/ ‘palm wine’ + /halla/ ‘tree trunk’      /gagammi/ [ˌgagaˈmːi] ‘liver’ < /gagga/ ‘3.inan.poss’ + /g-ammi/ ‘3sg-inside’      /mididdi/ [ˌmidiˈdːi] ‘angry, fuming’ < /ammi/ ‘3sg.refl:inside’+ /adiddi/ ‘angry’      /mataʔa/ [maˈtaːʔa] ‘take more’ < /mari/ ‘take’ + /taʔa/ ‘add, more’

2.6.5 Reduplication Full reduplication is found in Nedebang to denote that a situation has extended duration or heightened intensity. Examples are given in (38). However, this kind of reduplication is not very frequent and may be calqued from Malay. (38) /lafi~lafi/ /biri~biri/ /weri~weri/ /yuŋ~yuŋ/ /dia~dia/

‘search on and on’ ‘run on and on’ ‘every day, day after day’ ‘very long time’ ‘very quick’

< < < <
weng ta~taxata ‘rather dry’ Full reduplication is also found with numerals (see section 4.2). With other word classes (notably verbs), it cannot with certainty be established whether the examples are morphological or mere syntactic repetition. Whatever the analysis, the added meaning of this verbal reduplication is duration for some time. All the examples I found seem to be with atelic verbs. Examples are ge ‘to go’ in (14a) and tutuk ‘to talk’ in (14b).

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(14) a. Gang ge~ge se, il ele nuku ming. 3sg rdp~go when garden big one be.in ‘When he had gone for some time, he came into a large garden.’ b. Ning misi-t tutuk~tutuk. 1pl.excl sit-T rdp~talk ‘We sat talking for some time.’ My data contains a few examples of full reduplication with expressions of degree, as in (15). (15) Ning banga-t toan~toang amara~amara-t met mi g-ena. 1pl.excl ask-T rdp~much rdp~very-T taken move 3sg-give ‘We thanked him very, very much.’ With the quantifier toang ‘many, much’, I also found an instance of partial reduplication: weng to~toang ‘rather a lot’.

2.6.3 Compounding Compounds in Bukalabang are not morphologically or syntactically marked. Conventionalized semantics are taken as the main indicator of a compound here. Most commonly a compound consists of two nouns. From the data at hand, it appears that the second noun is the head of the compound. Also sequences of Noun + Adjective in a compound are relatively frequent; in these cases, the noun is the head of the construction. Some examples of both types are presented in Table 6. Table 6: Compound types. Noun + noun compounds

Noun + adjective compounds

/abaŋ g-omi/ village 3sg-inside ‘villagers’

/il taxata/ period dry ‘dry season’

/buta g-omi/ mud 3sg-inside ‘swamp’

/il mexa/ period white ‘morning’

/iga mod/ road rice ‘victuals’

/n-idat jasi/ 1sg-grandchild bad ‘my great grandchild’

A series of compounds is formed with /βala/ ‘someone regularly performing actions related to whatever the preceding root indicates’ (glossed below as ‘expert’). The item only occurs in such compounds; the preceding root may be nominal or possibly verbal. Table 7 presents the examples I came across in my data.

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Table 7: Compounds with /βala/. Denominal

Derived from unidentified root

/gol βala/ goal expert ‘goal keeper’

/des βala/ ‘servant’

/dapur βala / kitchen expert ‘cook’

/suliŋ βala/ ‘someone going to a feast bringing a contribution’ /xet βala/ ‘someone sent out to fetch someone’

For compounds with mana ‘place’, which seem to be productive, see (12c).

3 Basic clausal syntax 3.1 Constituent order Bukalabang clauses can have one or two arguments. The basic structure of a one-argument clause is SV, and the basic structure of a clause with two arguments is APV. In (16) the predicate is an intransitive verb. The A, in general, precedes the P, as gang ‘3sg’ in (17) and (18). (16) Jabar tia. dog sleep ‘The dog sleeps.’ (17) Gang tox na. 3sg palm.wine consume ‘He drinks palm wine.’ (18) Gang pangka ele pina. 3sg rank big hold ‘He holds a high rank.’ With relatively low frequency, however, the P can be fronted to emphasize its referent, such as nag gangu ‘that thing’ in (19). In such cases, it is (often) accompanied by the emphasizing particle ba. (19) Nag gangu ba nang na ninga. thing med emph 1sg consume neg ‘That thing I don’t eat.’

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Phrases providing a specification of an event in time generally precede the S/A. Wed nuku ‘one day, once’ in (20) and tung 1954 ‘year 1954’ in (21) are examples of this. (20) Wed nuku waxal ganga ge ad raping. day one child prox go firewood seek ‘Once this child went looking for firewood.’ (21) Tung ribu nuku ratu turinuku xar ising wal ut nor ribut tasi. year 1000 one 100 nine 10 five plus four rain storm stand ‘In 1954 there was a hurricane.’ In (22), Xalambasi ming indicates a location but at the same time a stretch of time, which is why it can precede the S/A. The expression tuang … gabung mi, however, merely refers to a location. (22) Xalambasi ming nang tuang guru Lukas g-abung mi misi. Kalabahi be.in 1sg Mr. teacher Lukas 3sg-near in sit ‘(When) in Kalabahi I stayed at teacher Lukas.’ Expressions involving the postposition mi immediately follow the S/A. They also occur in expressions involving transfer of an entity to a recipient. The verb ‘give’ in (23) requires a pronominal prefix g- referring to the recipient (co-referent with nimang ‘my father’). The transferred entity (ab nuku ‘a fish’) must be marked by the postposition mi, glossed as ‘transfer’ (see section 3.7.1 for similar constructions.) (23) Gang ab nuku mi n-imang g-ena. 3sg fish one transfer 1sg-father 3sg-give ‘He gave my father a fish.’ The various verb categories differ in their combinability with personal pronominal forms; they are discussed in section 5. Nominal and adjectival predicates are the subject of the next section. Locative predicates contain deictic verbs and will be discussed in section 3.6.2.

3.2 Nominal and adjectival predicates Nominal and adjectival predicates have both morphologically and syntactically the same structure as a simple SV clause. Example (24) illustrates an equative

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clause with a nominal predicate. In (25) is a presentational construction in which the initial NP is marked with ba ‘emph’ and the second NP is encoded with a demonstrative. (24) Nang ga pendeta g-oxal. 1sg prox clergyman 3sg-child ‘I am the child of a clergyman.’ (25) Dosa ele nuku ba gu. sin big one emph med ‘That would surely be a big sin.’ The examples in (26) are two clauses, both with an adjective as predicate. In (27) the predicate is a graded adjective. (26) a. Motor ge lamar, ga ba apaing. motorbike 3sg.poss walk prox emph different ‘When the motorbike runs, it is different.’ b. Ge ban ba xasi. 3sg.poss tire emph flat ‘Its tire is flat.’ (27) Ne boxa dira-t amara. 1sg.poss body ill-T very ‘My body felt very ill.’

3.3 Negation Negation in Bukalabang is marked lexically: ninga ‘neg’, ake ‘proh’ and edung ‘not yet, still’. Ninga is always clause-final (28), ake is always clause-initial (29). Edung finally can be used before a predicate (30) and after it. Only in the latter case, namely (31), is its negative meaning actualized. (28) Ning motor tang ninga, ning g-otobang mu. 1pl.excl motorbike on neg 1pl.excl 3sg-push just ‘We did not sit on the motorbike, we just pushed it.’

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(29) Duming, ake nang na. snake proh 1sg eat ‘Snake, don’t eat me.’ (30) Ning edung kiki. 1pl.excl still small ‘We were still little children.’ (31) Ning lamar edung, ning nag na gi. 1pl.excl walk not.yet 1pl.excl something eat first ‘We did not go yet, we ate first.’

3.4 Interrogatives Yes-no questions are marked by intonation only (the answer being io, yo ‘yes’, or a negation marker): ninga ‘no’ or edung ‘not yet’ (see section 3.3). Content questions are marked by one of the following question words: naba ‘what, what kind of’, nuba ‘who’, edeng ‘how much/many’, getarang ‘how’, ta ‘which’, ita ‘where’. Nuba always asks information about a person, naba about a thing. Compare (32a) and (32b). (32) a. G-enung nuba? 3sg-name who ‘What is his/her name?’ b. G-enung naba? 3sg-name what ‘What is it called?’ In (34) naba functions as an attributive adjective. This question could be in response to a question like ‘Could you help solving our dispute?’. (33) Parakara naba? dispute what ‘What kind of dispute?’ Edeng always asks information about a quantity or a number, whatever the units referred to, (34a) and (34b).

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(34) a. Ge wili edeng? 3sg.poss price how.much ‘What does it cost?’ b. Goda edeng? hour how.much ‘What time is it?’ The question word for a location can be followed by a postposition (see section 3.7.1) as in (35). This phrase is the regular greeting to someone met on the road or passing one’s house (no 2SG subject needed). In (36) ita is used without a postposition. (35) Ita mi ge? where in go ‘Where are you going?’ (36) E abang ita? 2sg.poss village where ‘What is your nationality?’ (lit. ‘Your village is where?’) As in other Pantar languages, an interrogative can be marked with the emphasizing particle ba. Examples (37) to (39) illustrate this. (37) Getarang ba ang kuruang? how emph 2sg know ‘How do you know?’ (38) Te ta ba gang pikut? tree which emph 3sg squeeze ‘Which tree trapped him?’ (39) Ang ita ming ba ere? 2sg where be.in emph come ‘Where do you come from?’

3.5 Imperatives and related clause types Imperatives do not show any special morphology. The only syntactic feature is the absence of an expression for the S/A (40). To emphasize the urgency of the

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request, the particle gi ‘first’ is used, following the verb (41). A negative imperative is marked by ake (see section 3.3). (40) Duming, gang na! snake 3sg eat ‘Snake, eat him!’ (41)

Nang moling gi! 1sg help first ‘Help me first!’

Adhortatives are marked by aba (translated into Indonesian as coba ‘try’). It immediately precedes the verb (my data only contain intransitive verbs). In (42a) the subject is an optional 2nd person pronoun. As (42b) shows, a 3rd person pronoun is also possible, provided the verb is followed by gi ‘first’. (42)

a. Ang aba da. 2sg try come.up ‘Please come in.’ b. Gang aba mida gi. 3sg try go.up first ‘Let him enter, please.’

Kilang is a clause-initial permissive marker that signals a wish that an event may come to pass, as in (43). (43) Kilang te ang pikut ang mina. may tree 2sg squeeze 2sg die ‘May the tree squeeze you to death.’

3.6 Deictics Bukalabang clauses often include some reference to space using the elaborate system of deictics set out in Table 8. The same dimensions are distinguished as in Blagar. In the first place, this involves relative distance to the orientation point (in general the place of the speaker): proximal, medial and distal. The medial series of forms is often used with anaphoric reference, while the proximal series may be used cataphorically. Within

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Table 8: Deictic forms. Article

Demonstrative

Locative

Existentials visible

neutral

Manner adverbs

prox

ga

ganga

iganga

gana

gae

gegarang

med

gu

gangu / go†

igangu

guna

goe

gegurang

high

do

gado

igado

dona

doe

gedorang

level

mo

gamo

igamo

mona

moe

gemorang

low

po

gapo

igapo

pona

poe

geporang

dist

† The form go is always anaphoric and occurs repeatedly in the following two collocations: go weng ‘at that time’ and go di axung ‘that’s OK’. It also can be used before the conjunction se ‘when’: X go se ‘when that X happened, then … ’

the distal parameter, there is a three-way distinction with respect to elevation: at a higher elevation (high), at a lower elevation (low), or at the same height (level). In the hilly countryside of Pantar, elevation is a relative notion. When the spatial frame of reference is a single mountain slope, the interpretations of high etc. can only be literal. When the spatial frame of reference is a flat surface, high has to be interpreted as referring to the landwards side, low as the seawards side, while level is neither of these. When the spatial frame of reference is larger, involving several mountain slopes or even several islands, the interpretation of the dist deictics probably depends on the most salient trajectory between the orientation point and the point referred to. The deictics in Table 8 also have corresponding verbs of motion. These verbs have distinct forms for both to and from deictic center, as set out in Table 9. Table 9: Deictic motion verbs. From DC

To DC

high

mida

da

level

wa

ma

low

ipa

ja

unelevated

ge

ere

3.6.1 Articles The basic deictic roots labeled ‘article’ in Table 8 have a high text frequency, but determining their exact function requires a much larger corpus of texts than I was

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able to consult. In most cases they close an NP, as in (44). In that position they can in principle be replaced by a demonstrative, but in contrast to the latter they are never used instead of an NP. (44) Duming waxal gu lala mu se, waxal ga ga-tutuk. snake child med see just when child prox 3sg-speak ‘As soon as the snake saw that child he spoke to this child’ The remarkable shift of perspective in (44), from gu ‘med’ to ga ‘prox’, in this section of a narrative is another aspect of the deictic system which requires further study. There is one other construction in which the deictic articles are frequently used: a deictic article can occur clause-finally after the emphasizing marker ba. An example is (26), repeated here as (45). (45) Dosa ele nuku ba gu. sin big one emph med ‘That would surely be a big sin.’

3.6.2 Derived deictic forms Further deictic forms are derived by the addition of material to the articles. The demonstratives, /ga(n)/ + articles/, can replace an NP, as in (46). However, in my limited corpus, demonstratives may also appear adnominally (47), though this is rare. (46) Gangu ba dosa ele nuku. dem.prox emph sin big one ‘That is a big sin.’ (47) Waxal ganga, te gapo child dem.prox tree dist.low ‘this child; that tree down there’ Locative demonstratives are characterized by the addition /i-/ to a demonstrative. They refer to a location, as in (48). (48) Igangu te ele di nuku goe. loc.med tree big also one be.dist ‘There was also a big tree there.’

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With the 3rd person possessive prefix ge- and a root -rang manner verbs or adverbs are formed from the deictic roots. An example is gegurang in (49), which has anaphoric reference. Example (50) obviously has cataphoric reference. (49) Gegurang se nang mina di axung. like.med when 1sg die also good ‘In that case I may be dead as well.’ (50) Ge mulal gegarang… 3sg.poss play like.prox ‘The way it is played is like this…’ The deictic verbs of existence are final predicates, as in (51a), repeated from (48). They may also occur without the ending -e, as in (51b). Forms of this type are used before a verb and indicate continuity at the specific location of the state of affairs expressed by the verb (51b). (51) a. Igangu te ele di nuku goe. loc.med tree big also one be.dist ‘There was also a big tree there.’ b. Igangu te ele di nuku go tasi. loc.med tree big also one be.dist stand ‘There was also a big tree standing there.’

3.7 Postpositional phrases Additional participants can be added to a clause in Bukalabang using one of three postpositions. Each of these will be discussed in what follows.

3.7.1 mi Mi ‘in, to, into, from’1 cannot occur clause-finally or as an independent predicate. That function is reserved for the related locative verb ming, which unlike mi ‘in’ can occur at the end of a sentence and before a clausal conjunction, such as ba

1 This form is homophonous with mi ‘time(s)’ and the marker of ordinal numerals, see section 4.2.

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‘so, and therefore’, se ‘when’ and before seng gi ‘before’. Compare the grammaticality of clauses in (52a) and (52b). (52) a. Gang ni abang mi misi. [*ming] 3sg 1pl.excl.poss village in sit ‘He stays in our village.’ b. Gang ni abang ming. 3sg 1pl.excl.poss village be.in ‘He is in our village.’

[*mi]

In addition to denoting a static location as in (52a), mi can in particular contexts also denote goals and sources. With the verb ge ‘to go’, for instance, the interpretation ‘to’ prevails (53). With ere ‘to come’, on the other hand, the correct interpretation is ‘from’ (54). In some cases, such as (55), both ‘to’ and ‘from’ are possible interpretations. (53) Ging ni abang mi ge. 3pl 1pl.excl.poss village in go ‘They went to our village.’ (54) Ging Xalambasi mi ere. 3pl Kalabahi in come ‘They came from Kalabahi.’ (55) Bukalabang abang mi Bakalang abang ge ola kilo ut. Bukalabang village in Bakalang village 3sg.poss far kilometer four ‘Bukalabang is at a distance of four kilometers from Bakalang.’ Alongside its function encoding locatives, the postposition mi also may mark an instrument, as in (56). In this function, I gloss mi as ‘with’. (56) Tang kel gang g-awat nuku mi weax. sea big.bird 3sg 3sg-wing one with row ‘The seagull rowed with his one wing.’ Another function of mi, glossed ‘transfer’, is its use to introduce a gift of a transfer event, as in (57) and (58). (57) Nang seng ribu nuku mi ne serang g-ena. 1sg money 1000 one transfer 1sg.poss friend 3sg-give ‘I gave a thousand rupiah to my friend.’

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(58) N-iwa n-imang mod mi ne panatu. 1sg-mother 1sg-father rice transfer 1sg.poss send ‘My parents sent me rice.’ Mi ‘transfer’ is sometimes combined with met ‘taken’ to introduce a gift of a transfer event, as illustrated in (59). (59) Duru wenang tait rat mentioned start

ab kira nang ala met mi fish bones pl ? taken transfer

ge tubing. 3sg.poss show ‘The rat started to show the bunch of fish bones to him.’ A special construction involving the postposition mi ‘transfer’ is A mi B wenang ‘A and B’. The postpositional phrase with this mi can even occur more than once, as in (60). (60) Gang mi 3sg transfer

ge paras mi g-oxal wenang egat 3sg.poss wife transfer 3sg-child add.to all

goe. be.there ‘He and his wife and his child, all were there.’

3.7.2 weng Like mi, the postposition weng has a variety of meanings. After an expression referring to time, it is interpreted as ‘during, in’, as in (61). (61) il taxata weng period dry during ‘during the dry season’ After an expression of a location weng can be paraphrased as ‘touching in passing’, glossed as ‘from’ or ‘along’, as in (62). (62) N-iax il weng kara ba nang sep weng koli. 1sg-foot place from slip so 1sg slope along roll ‘My foot slipped from somewhere, so I rolled from the slope.’

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After an NP indicating a means of transport weng means ‘with (that means of transport)’, as in (63). (63) Nang motor weng ge ma mi ge. 1sg motorbike with 3sg.poss house in go ‘I went with the motorbike to his house.’ After an NP referring to the content or topic of one’s thought or speech, weng is interpreted as ‘about’, as in (64). (64) Gang ni abang weng tutuk. 3sg 1pl.excl.poss village about speak ‘He spoke about our village.’ Especially in this usage, the object of weng is often omitted (indicated below with  Ø), such that weng becomes a kind of preverb without which the verb cannot occur. Examples are (65) and (66). (65) Ning Ø weng kuruang ninga. 1pl.excl about know neg ‘We knew nothing about it.’ (66) Ø weng ani, ake Ø weng tejemik! about remember proh about forget ‘Remember it, don’t forget (about) it!’ Weng is also a verb used in the expression of predicative possession, as in (67). (67) a. Kupang mi nag edeng~edeng egat ge wili weng. Kupang in thing rdp~several all 3sg.poss price have ‘In Kupang everything has its price.’ b. Gang ge seng weng ninga. 3sg 3sg.poss money have neg ‘He hasn’t got any money.’ 3.7.3 tang The postposition tang means ‘on’ and does not appear to have a verbal counterpart. An example of its use in a clause is given in (68).

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(68) Gang te gamo g-atang tang tasi. 3sg tree dem.level 3sg-hand on stand ‘He stood on the branch of that tree over there.’

4 Noun phrases The Bukalabang noun phrase, plus the preceding phrase for the possessor, is set out in the template given in (69): (69) [Possessor ±] Noun ± Adjective ± Quantification ± Demonstrative The examples in (70) illustrate different parts of this structure. (70) a. te bololu tuge gamo tree high three dem.level ‘those three high trees over there. b. sa mesal ga g-ewesing person male prox 3sg-tooth ‘this man’s tooth/teeth’ The expression of possessors is covered in sections 5.3 and 5.4. In what follows, I deal with attributive adjectives (section 4.1), numerals (section 4.2) and other kinds of quantification (section 4.3).

4.1 Adjectives Attributive adjectives follow the noun they qualify, as in (71). (71) te bololu tree high ‘tall tree’ An attributively used adjective can be preceded by a 3rd person adnominal possessive marker ge (discussed extensively in section 5.3) to single out referents of the qualified noun which have the quality indicated by the adjective, as in (72). It could be argued that ge bololu in this example is a relative clause: ‘which is tall’ (cf. example 144 where a relative clause is introduced by ge in section 7.2).

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(72) te ge bololu tree 3sg.poss high ‘the tall tree(s)’ (in contrast to other trees) Predicatively used adjectives do not differ from intransitive verbs morphosyntactically. But in contrast to intransitive verbs, they are gradable. Gradation can be marked in two ways: (i) by means of the suffix -t on a vowel-final adjective, when it is followed by tatai ‘a bit’, amara ‘very’, talalu ‘too’ (see also section 6.1), or; (ii) by reduplication of the first (C)V- of the adjectival root and the preceding particle weng. Examples of gradation marking on the adjectives bololu ‘high, tall’ and moleng ‘tired’ are given in (73). (73) a. bololu-t amara tall-T very ‘very high/ tall’ c. weng bo~bololu about rdp~tall/high’ ‘rather tall’

b. moleng amara tired very ‘very tired’ d. weng mo~moleng about rdp~tired ‘rather tired’

4.2 Numerals The Bukalabang system of cardinal numerals is set out in Table 10. The numerals ‘7’, ‘8’ and ‘9’ appear to be formed subtractively, i.e., 3 – (10) = 7, 2 – (10) = 8, 1 – (10) = 9. Table 10: Cardinal numerals. 1

nuku

6

tajang

2

akur

7

titu

3

tuge

8

tuakur

4

ut

9

tukurunuku

5

ising

Base numerals must combine with another numeral. These are: xar ‘x10’, ratu ‘x100’, ribu ‘x1000’, juta or salak ‘x1,000,000’. Combinations of these numerals are formed by juxtaposition (in descending order), while units in larger numerals are preceded by the particle wal. Examples are given in (74).

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(74) a. xar nuku wal nuku 10 1 plus 1 ‘11’ b. ribu titu xar akur wal tuge 1000 7 10 2 plus 3 ‘7023’ Numerals can undergo complete and partial reduplication: Complete reduplication indicates ‘in groups of NUM’, as in (75). Reduplication of the first (C)V has a distributive meaning: ‘NUM each’: (75) a~akur ‘two each, tu~tuge ‘three each’, i~ising ‘five each’. Ordinal numerals are formed from the cardinal numerals preceded by ge mi, comprising an adnominal possessive marker and a locative postposition, as in (76). This example also illustrates that numerals follow the noun they quantify. (76) sa mesal ge mi tuge person male ordinal three ‘the third man’

4.3 Plural marking and non-numeral quantification Bukalabang nouns are not marked for number. However, plurality can be marked with the plural word nang. This appears after the quantified noun and may be used optionally to pluralize nouns with human (77) and non-human referents (78). (77) Ge lear nang wenang egat~egat ere. 3sg.poss relative pl mentioned rdp~all come ‘Really all his relatives as is told had come.’ (78) Duru wenang tait ab kira nang ala met mi rat mentioned start fish bones pl ? taken transfer ge tubing. 3sg.poss show ‘The rat started to show the bunch of fish bones to him.’ Bukalabang also has an inflecting form -nam which is only known to occur in a compound with the numeral akur ‘two’, as in (79). There are no examples in my

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data of this occurring with another numeral. Therefore, it might be a kind of dual pronoun, similar to those found in other Pantar languages. My current hypothesis is that -nam is an allomorph of nang. (79) Gang ni-nam-akur nuku~nuku-t gait ni ma 3sg 1pl.excl-pl-two rdp~all-T bring 1pl.excl.poss house mi ge. to go ‘He brought the two of us one by one to our house.’ The group of two denoted by -nam-akur can be further specified as to their constitution with a following noun (80a) or nouns (80b). (80) a. ni-nam-akur n-imang 1pl.excl-pl-two 1sg-father ‘me and my father’ b. ni-nam-akur jaxung mesal 1pl.excl-pl-two woman man ‘the two of us, man and wife’ For non-numeral quantification, the following words can be used: toang, ‘much, many’ (81), tatai ‘a few, a bit (of)’ (82), deng ‘some, several’ (83) and egat ‘all’ (84). Toang and egat can be reduplicated. (81)

Igapo ba ad taxata toang. low.loc emph firewood dry much ‘Down there there was a lot of dry firewood.’

(82) seng tatai money a.bit ‘a bit of money’ (83) Deng waning ma. some carry come ‘Bring some.’ (84) Ge lear egat~egat ere. 3sg.poss relatives rdp~all come ‘His relatives came, all without exception.’

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5 Personal pronouns and person prefixes For the personal pronouns the following categories are distinguished: 1st, 2nd and 3rd person, singular and plural. The first person plural pronominal forms differentiate inclusive and exclusive. There is no gender distinction; below, the default translation of the 3rd person singular pronoun will be ‘he, him, his’, unless the context requires a different translation. The set of these personal pronouns is set out in Table 11. Table 11: Personal pronouns and person prefixes.

1sg 2sg 3sg 1pl.incl 1pl.excl 2pl 3pl Recp

Basic pronoun

Possessive pronoun

Adnominal possessive

Person prefix

nang ang gang ping ning ing ging tang

neg eg geg pig nig ig gig teg

ne e ge pi ni i gi te

n– g-/pi-/tniigi-/it-

The reader will notice that there are two forms of the prefixes for third person and first person plural inclusive given in the right-most columns. The third person forms without /g/ only occur with verbs and are used for reflexive subjects. The first person plural inclusive forms appear to differ in scope in terms of what referents they take in. The reader is referred to section 5.4 for a fuller discussion of person prefixes.

5.1 Basic pronouns The forms of the first column in Table 11 occur in the function of a S, A or P. In (85) both instances of nang are the S of intransitive verbs. In (86) nang encodes the A and gang encodes the P of a transitive verb. (85) Nang xita se nang umi. 1sg defecate when 1sg press ‘When I shit, I (have to) press.’

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(86) Nang gang lala. 1sg 3sg see ‘I see him.’ Furthermore, the basic pronouns occur marked with a particle such as ba (87), before a postposition (88), and before a deictic particle or a demonstrative (89). (87) Gang ba kuda tang misi. 3sg emph horse on sit ‘It’s him who rides a horse.’ (88) N-oxal nang tang tia. 3sg-child 1sg on sleep ‘My child slept on me.’ (89) Nang ga tia ninga. 1sg prox sleep neg ‘I (on the other hand) didn’t sleep.’ When the 3rd person S, A or P is expressed by a noun phrase, a coreferent 3rd person pronoun can optionally be added, as in (90) and (91). (90) Waxal ganga gang ge ad raping. child dem.prox 3sg 3sg.poss firewood search ‘This child went looking for firewood.’ (91)

Jabar gangu n-iva gang xadang. dog dem.med 1sg-mother 3sg bite ‘That dog bit my mother.’

5.2 Possessive pronouns The forms labeled possessive pronouns in Table 11 substitute for a possessed NP, i.e. denotes ‘mine’, ‘yours’, etc. Examples of these possessive pronouns are given in (92) and (93). (92)

Ma gapo n-imang geg. house dem.low 1sg-father 3sg.poss ‘That house down there is my father’s.’

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(93) Ping teg wenang. 1pl.incl recp.poss add.to ‘We increase each other’s (strength).’

5.3 Adnominal possessive markers Distinct from possessive pronouns are the adnominal possessive markers. These have two functions in Bukalabang. The first is to introduce an alienable possessor (section 5.3.1) and the second to mark a special second argument to the clause (section 5.3.2). The 3rd person singular ge has two more functions discussed elsewhere: with adjectives (section 4.1) and with ordinal numerals (section 4.2).

5.3.1 Alienable possession Alienable possessors are marked with the adnominal possessive markers, as in (94). (94) a. e ma 2sg.poss house ‘your house’ b. Ning te saxing takanang. 1pl.excl recp.poss chicken count ‘We count each other’s chickens.’ If a 3rd person possessor is expressed by a noun phrase, the 3rd person possessor pronoun must also be used to signal the possessive relationship, as in (95). (95) n-imang ge jabar 1sg-father 3sg.poss dog ‘my father’s dog’ However, if the word combination indicates a type rather than a specific referent, the possessive marker may be omitted. Compare the expressions for types in (96) with those for individual entities in (97).

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(96) a. te wa tree leaf ‘tree leaf’ b. wet xumus coconut dry.shell ‘dry coconut shell’ (97) a. te ge wa tree 3sg.poss leaf ‘the tree’s leaf/leaves’ b. wet ge xumus coconut 3sg.poss dry.shell ‘the dry shell of the coconut’ Preceding some verbal roots, the 3rd person singular adnominal possessive marker ge can have a nominalizing function, as in (98). (98) a. ni abang ge tutuk 1pl.excl.poss village 3sg.poss speak ‘the story of our village’ b. Ge mulal gegarang. 3sg.poss play like.this ‘The way it is played is like this.’

5.3.2 Argument-adding function A limited number of verbs allow a second argument to be added to the clause using the adnominal possessive markers. The examples in (99) are two examples in which the pronoun refers to a recipient. (99) a. ge panatu 3sg.poss send ‘send to him’ b. Gang kasi mi ne tubing. 3sg papaya transfer 1sg.poss show ‘He showed me the papaya.’

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The examples in (100) contain verbs with the general meaning ‘establish contact with’. (100) a. Nang ge xaru. 1sg 3sg.poss call ‘I called him/her/it.’ b. Ning te moring. 1pl.excl recp.poss call.from.a.distance ‘We called each other shouting.’ c. Nang weng e birita. 1sg about 2sg.poss report ‘I reported to you about it.’ d. Ging ne tegu-t mida. 3pl 1sg.poss invite-T go.up ‘They went up to invite me.’ The examples in (101) have the meaning ‘establish a distance with’. (101)

a. Gang ne gamar. 3sg 1sg.poss accuse ‘He accuses me.’ b. Ging ni suri. 3pl 1pl.excl.poss scold ‘They scolded us.’

The same notions of relative accessibility are apparent with the adjectives ola ‘far from’ (102a) and peang ‘close to’ (102b). (102)

a. pi abang ge ola 1pl.incl.poss village 3sg.poss far ‘far from our village’ b. ne ma ge peang 1sg.poss house 3sg.poss close ‘close to my house’

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5.4 Person prefixes The Bukalabang person prefixes indicate “possessors” of the referents of inalienably possessed nominal roots, discussed in section 5.4.1. Moreover, they mark a second argument with a subset of verbs with vowel-initial roots. These, and the additional alternative forms for the 3rd person singular and plural, are discussed in 5.4.2.

5.4.1 Nominal function The prefixes of the right-most column of forms in Table 11 are in the first place combined with inalienable nominal roots. The roots of these nouns cannot occur without such a prefix. They refer to: (i) parts of a whole, in which case the prefix refers to that whole (103); (ii) kin relationships, in which case the prefix refers to the ego, the person to whom the referent of the noun has that relationship (104). (103)

a. n-atang ‘my hand/arm’ b. gi-ong

‘their heads’

(104) a. g-imang ‘his/her (classificatory) father’ b. n-edik

‘my (classificatory) sibling of opposite gender’

The prefixes for the 3rd person must be used when the whole or the ego of the relationship is expressed by a noun phrase as in (105). (105)

a. sa mesal ga g-ewesing person male prox 3sg-tooth ‘this man’s tooth/teeth’ b. kederak g-iax chair 3sg-leg ‘chair leg(s)’

Table 12 lists the inalienable nouns denoting parts of wholes (in their root form; the hyphen indicates the morpheme border after the prefix). As this more or less exhaustive list of parts of wholes shows, not only body parts belong to this

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set, but also entities inalienably originating from some source, such as -amang ‘voice’, -as ‘excrement’, -odog ‘egg’ and also -enung ‘name’ and -avax ‘self’. Table 12: Inalienably possessed part-whole nouns. -abagat ‘shoulder’ -ai ‘mouth’ -amagul ‘hollow in the neck’ -amaxa ‘gullet’ -apang ‘face’ -as ‘excrement’ -atang ‘hand, arm’ -awa ‘cheek’ -awax ‘self’ -ejebur ‘tongue’ -enung ‘name’ -ewesing ‘tooth’ -idigil ‘side’ -ilila ‘heart’ -iming ‘nose’ -obogat ‘jaw’ -omi ‘inside’ -ong ‘head’ -oto ‘male genitals’ -ukang ‘breast’ -upusal ‘navel’

-abung ‘neighborhood’ -alaxat ‘velum’ -amang ‘voice’ -apakil ‘hip’ -ar ‘vagina’ -asmang ‘kidney’ -atax ‘neck’ -awat ‘wing’ -axal ‘penis’ -eng ‘eye’ -eweki ‘ear’ -et/-iat ‘buttocks’ -ikilut ‘armpit’ -imilang ‘fontanelle’ -obog ‘throat’ -odog ‘egg’ -omota ‘back’ -ora ‘tail’ -otoku ‘belly’ -upupu ‘loins’ -uput ‘thigh, lap’

An inalienably possessed noun may possess another inalienably possessed noun. In this case, the first noun refers to the whole to which the referent of the second noun belongs, (106). (106) a. atang g-iwa 2sg:hand 3sg-mother ‘your thumb’ b. n-atang g-otoku 1sg-hand 3sg-belly ‘my biceps’ Most kinship terms also belong to the class of inalienably possessed nouns. The person prefix with these roots refers to the ego of the relationship in question. The following list in Table 13 is probably not exhaustive.

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Table 13: Inalienably possessed kinship terms. -idat ‘relative two generations up or down’ -iwa ‘(classificatory) mother’ -edik ‘(classificatory) sibling of opposite gender’ -eweng ‘child’s (potential) parent-in-law’

-imang ‘(classificatory) father’ -amai ‘(classificatory) sibling-in-law’ -edes ‘in-law of opposite gender of same generation’ -oxal ‘(classificatory) child’

The examples in (107) and (108) illustrate the use of inalienably possessed kinship terms in context. (107)

G-iwa g-imang gi-enung nuba? 3sg-mother 3sg-father 3pl-name who ‘What are the names of his parents?’

(108) Nang mi ang wenang t-idat. 1sg transfer 2sg add.to recp-relative.two.generations.removed ‘You and me are each other’s grandparent and grandchild.’ As indicated in Table 11, the prefix t- is used for 1st person plural inclusive on nouns. But it appears that t- can be used with a generic reading, similar to some other AP languages. Three examples of t- on nouns are presented in (109). (109) a. T-iwa gang pi-oso-t ge sokola. 1pl.incl-mother 3sg 1pl.incl-order-T go School ‘Our mother orders us to go to school.’ b. Tuang guru t-enung weng xaru-t kalas akur mi masok. Mr. teacher 1pl.incl-name with call-T class two in enter ‘The teacher called us by our names that we passed to grade two.’ [Zadrak Olang writes to the general reader about who passed the school exams] c. T-ewesing egat salu. 1pl.incl-tooth all fall.out ‘All one’s teeth fall out.’ [Zadrak Olang tastes his first ice-cream] 5.4.2 Verbal function Person prefixes also occur on verbs marking a non-A argument in several contexts. In the following sections, I discuss the different verbal appearances of these prefixes.

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5.4.2.1 Verbs with obligatory prefixes for P While most transitive verbs encode P with free nominal or pronominal elements, a small class of transitive verbs occur with a person prefix for P. In Table 14 verbs with obligatory prefixes for P are listed. We see that verbs belonging to this subset all have vowel-initial roots. It is notable, however, that there are also many transitive vowel-initial verb roots which do not encode P with a prefix. Table 14: Verbs with obligatory person prefixes for P. -ading ‘to wait for’ -ait ‘to join’ -amai ‘to let down, drop’ -asi ‘to feed’ -emea ‘to kill’ -ikiring ‘to slant (tr.)’ -imiku ‘to kiss’ -oda ‘to throw at’ -ololung ‘to free, let loose’ -osi ‘to lift’ -otobang ‘to push’ -umurung ‘to follow’

-adu ‘to accompany, to conduct’ -alaking ‘to be ahead of’ -amang ‘to hide’ -edena ‘to go towards, in the direction of’ -ena ‘to give to’ -ilila ‘to inspect intestines of’ -ipitu ‘to squeeze out’ -odoi ‘to catch (fishing/hunting)’ -onopang ‘to catch’ -osoi ‘to order’ -ubui ‘to throw away’

5.4.2.2 Derived transitive verbs with prefixes for P A small set of roots in Bukalabang are known to allow derivation to become transitive verbs. Derivation is achieved by means of prefixation of a person prefix plus a vowel V- harmonized to the initial vowel of the root. The roots may be originally adjectives, intransitive verbs and, in one case, a noun. Table 15 sets out the derived forms that are in evidence alongside their underived roots. Table 15: Transitive verbs derived by prefixation. Unprefixed root

Derived transitive verb

mona ‘healthy’ tukang ‘short’ xana ‘black’ molo ‘correct’ sola ‘to slip’ dodu ‘to lie upside down’ totu ‘to flow’ dawal ‘carrying cloth’

-o-mona ‘to heal’ -u-tukang ‘to shorten’ -a-xana ‘to blacken’ -o-molo ‘to correct, to change’ -o-sola ‘to cause to slip’ -o-dodu ‘to turn over’ -o-totu ‘to inundate’ -a-dawal ‘to carry in a cloth’

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In addition, there is a class of three verbs that show unique affixal behavior (Table 16). The basic roots are intransitive, but can be made transitive by means of an a- prefix and a -ng suffix (cf. similar causative structure in Blagar, Steinhauer 2014: 194–195). The P of the derived transitive is then co-indexed by a person prefix on the verb. Table 16: Transitive verbs derived by prefixation and suffixation. Intransitive

Transitive

ba ‘to fall’ tasi ‘to stand’ misi ‘to sit’

-a-ba-ng ‘to cause to fall’ -a-tasi-ng ‘to cause to stand, erect’ -a-misi-ng ‘to cause to sit, to leave (s.o.)’

5.4.2.3 Reflexive prefixes and inherently reflexive verbs In Table 11, two prefixal forms were given for the 3rd person. Where A and P have distinct referents, the 3rd person prefixes are g- ‘3sg’ and gi- ‘3pl’. Where A and P are co-referent (i.e., reflexive), the 3rd person prefixes are Ø (zero) ‘3sg.refl’ and i- ‘3pl.refl’ (that is, identical to the 2nd person forms). I illustrate this contrast in 3rd person prefixes in (110) and (111). In (110a) and (111a), the 3rd person A and P have distinct referents and the /g-/ prefixes are used on the verb -omolo ‘change’. By contrast, where they are co-referent in (110b) and (111b), the reflexive forms are used. (110) a. Gang ge umal g-omolo, 3sg 3sg.poss loin.cloth 3sg-change ‘I changed my loin cloth.’ b. N-imang omolo. 1sg-father 3sg.refl:change ‘My father has changed.’ (111)

a. Gi-nam-akur gi-omolo. 3pl-pl-two 3pl-change ‘The two of them changed them (someone else).’ b. Gi-nam-akur i-omolo. 3pl-pl-two 3pl.refl-change ‘The two of them have changed.’

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It should be noted that the other persons do not exhibit a comparable opposition. That is, where A and P are coreferent in the 1st person and 2nd person, there is no distinct form of the prefix, rather, the normal 1st person or 2nd person form is used. For example: (112)

a. Ne paras n-omolo. 1sg.poss wife 1sg-change ‘My wife changed me.’ b. Nang n-omolo. 1sg 1sg-change ‘I changed.’

Table 17 presents some roots that are commonly used both causatively and reflexively. Notice that some verbs sometimes show semantic differences when used reflexively. Table 17: Verbs commonly used both causatively and reflexively. Causative meaning

Reflexive meaning

-elerung

‘to open’

‘to open by itself’

-enener

‘to turn (so./sth.)’

‘to turn (oneself)’

-ewening

‘to shake (so./sth.)’

‘to shake (oneself)’

-ewewing

‘to move (so./sth.)’

‘to move (oneself)’

-oboi

‘to return (so./sth.)’

‘to return (oneself)’

-osorong

‘to move (so./sth.) aside’

‘to move (oneself) aside’

-ota

‘to shake (so./sth.)’

‘to shake (oneself)’

-umumur

‘to annoy (so./sth.)’

‘to do without enthusiasm’

In addition, there are three verbs that are inherently reflexive in Bukalabang. They are: -epedur ‘to bend slightly’, -ogai ‘to be naked’ and -omepi ‘to be dumb’. That is, these verbs are intransitive verbs that take prefixes for S; they have no transitive frame. In the 3rd person, the 3rd person reflexive prefixes must be used, hence “inherently” reflexive. For example: (113) Nang n-ogai ninga, gang ba ogai. 1sg 1sg-naked neg 3sg emph 3sg.refl:naked ‘I am not naked, he is.’

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5.4.3 Verbs with distinct patterns of person markers A handful of verbs in Bukalabang have optional person markers. This is a pattern that is distinct from the general patterns that I have treated in the previous section. For the moment, I analyze these prefixes as consisting of a person marker plus an /a/ vowel. It is not known from the presently available data what the shape of the plural affixes would be. 5.4.3.1 Optional prefixation for P Two verbs in Bukalabang permit prefixation for P in certain circumstances. On the intransitive verb tutuk ‘to speak’ (114a), prefixation is transitivizing and functions to add a P argument with the role of an addressee (114b). A similar pattern of addressee adding prefixation on cognate ‘speak’ verbs is found in Blagar and Kaera. Other speech verbs in Bukalabang use an adnominal possessive marker to introduce an addressee (see section 5.3.2). (114) a. Ning misi-t tutuk~tutuk. 1pl.excl sit-T rdp~speak ‘We sat talking for some time.’ b. Duming waxal gu lala mu se waxal ga ga-tutuk. snake child med see just when child prox 3sg-speak ‘As soon as the snake saw that child he spoke to this child.’ With the transitive verb waning ‘to bring’, a non-human P is not co-indexed by a person prefix on the verb (115a). By contrast, when the P has a human referent, waning takes a person prefix co-indexing P (115b). This pattern is not found on the cognate verb in Bukalabang’s near-relative, Blagar. (115) a. Sa makanang waning da. person food bring come.up ‘People came bringing food.’ b. N-imang oboi-t ere gang na-waning. 1sg-father 3sg.refl:return-T come 3sg 1sg-bring ‘On his return my father brought me.’ 5.4.3.2 Optional prefixation for S Two intransitive verbs in Bukalabang permit optional prefixation for their S argument. They are: (e)su ‘to say, to want’ and (e)tu ‘to be earlier, ahead of, prior,

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first’. At present, I cannot identify any semantic conditions for the variable S-prefixing of these verbs. I currently analyze the prefixation on these verbs as part of a process of contraction of free pronoun + verb (see also section 7.2 on temporal auxiliaries where this also seems to occur). However, this analysis is problematic for the fact that the inclusion of a prefix for S does not exclude the possibility of encoding S with a free pronoun or a nominal element. In what follows I present only preliminary information about these two verbs; it will be for further research to determine the role of optional agreement prefixes on them. The first verb is (e)su [esu ~ su] ‘to say, to want’, which is used to introduce speech and thought, as in (116) and (117). (116) Sa edu su ping ugugi ganga mi ere. person fut say/want 1pl.incl just prox in come ‘People will say (that) we have just arrived here.’ (117) [speaker hears claxons for the first time] Nang make su sa tubu g-upui. 1sg probably say/want person amphora.shell 3sg-blow ‘I thought people were blowing a Giant Melo amphora shell.’ In this function, (e)su is frequently found with another preceding t-marked verb (see section 6), as in (118) and (119). (118) Gang ne xaru-t su ang ita ba ge sokola? 3sg 1sg.poss call-T say/want 2sg where emph go school ‘He called me saying: “Where do you go to school?” (119) Nang n-omi mea-t su nang edu sokola e ninga? 1sg 1sg-inside put-T say/want 1sg fut go.to.school or neg ‘I thought to myself: “Shall I go to school or not?” The verb (e)su may also occur before a predicate and not followed by an (in)direct quotation, in which case it should be interpreted as ‘to want’, as in (120) and (121). (120) Ging egat ganga su wali gi, ge 3pl all prox say/want sell first 3sg.poss

seng mi money transfer

bal weli. ball buy. ‘They wanted to sell all this and then buy a ball with the money earned.’

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(121) Nang esu mida gu se, gang doe ninga. 1sg say/want go.up med when 3sg be.high neg ‘When I thus wanted to go up (i.e., enter house), he wasn’t there.’ The S argument of (e)su can also be co-indexed with a prefix. In (122) we see that ga-su cooccurs with a NP for S. In (123), the prefix i-su is the only expression of S. (122) N-iwa ga-su ing mina di axung. 1sg-mother 3sg-say/want 2pl die also good ‘My mother said: “It’s OK too if you die.’ (123) I-su ging i-oso-t blasteng bayar. 2pl-say/want 3pl 2pl-order-T tax pay ‘You say they ordered you to pay taxes.’ The second verb to show the variable marking of S is (e)tu [etu ~ tu] ‘to be earlier, ahead of, prior, first’. Looking at the limited examples available in my corpus, one may surmise that (e)tu shows behavior parallel to (e)su. Without prefixation for S, (e)tu occurs in multi-verb constructions with -t as both the first (124) and second verb (125). In these examples (e)tu seems to denote priority of an action. (124) Sa musti etu-t weng birita. person must earlier-T about announce ‘One should give notice in advance.’ (125) Nang g-alaking tu. 1sg 3sg-follow earlier ‘I went ahead of him.’ We see that S can be co-indexed by a prefix in (126) and (127). As with (e) su, this prefix on the verb may occur with (126) or without (127) coreferential free (pro)nominal elements. With agreement prefixes, this item apparently denotes that the referents are the first to do the event denoted by the following clause. (126) Ning ni-tu-t abang mi ere. 1pl.excl 1pl.excl-earlier-T village in come. ‘We were the first to come to the village.’

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(127) Na-tu-t ja je larang. 1sg-earlier-T come.down prow load ‘I was the first to come down to load the prow. Reta has a cognate inflecting verb tula with similar semantics, which Willemsen (this volume) shows to display properties in common with pronouns and to be on a cline between verb and pronoun.

6 The suffix -t and its relationship to serialisation Like its close relative Blagar (Steinhauer 2014: 205–208), Bukalabang has multiverb clauses in which a suffix -t marks a dependency relationship between verbs within a clause. The suffix only occurs on non-final verbs ending in a vowel. To understand the -t suffix, it is important to distinguish the multi-verb clauses in which it appears from serial verb constructions (SVCs). In the first place, it must be recognized that many verbs related by -t marking in Bukalabang are encoded with serialization structures in other TAP languages. Multi-verb clauses with -t marking and SVCs in Bukalabang also do display similar properties. In both, verbs are not separated by a pause, but rather are under a single intonation contour. What is more, both types of structure cannot have a conjunction such as ba ‘so, and therefore’, di ‘also, and yet’, se ‘and then’ connecting verbs. And yet, multi-verb clauses with -t must be differentiated from serial verb constructions where there is no dependency marking is permitted between verbs. On the basis of the data to hand, Bukalabang does have a limited set of true SVCs, i.e., where no -t marking is to be found, with motion verbs. For example, in the motion – action SVCs in (128) and (129) we find no marking with -t despite the non-final motion verbs (bolded) being vowel-final. (128) Na-du abang mi ere il pina. 1sg-fut village in come garden hold ‘I’ll come to the village to work in the garden.’ (129) N-imang Bakalang mi ipa mod weli. 1sg-father Bakalang in go.down rice buy ‘My father went down to Bakalang to buy rice.’ Throughout this sketch of Bukalabang, examples have been presented containing a suffix -t, preliminarily glossed as ‘-T’. In this section I try to arrive at a

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more satisfying description of the functions of this suffix. I identify four functions in what follows, all of which are also found in Blagar. The only function of -t in Blagar which appears to be lacking in Bukalabang is the evidentiality marking function. These functions are illustrated in what follows.

6.1 Gradation marking Bukabalang always uses -t to mark an adjective that is followed by an item specifying gradation, such as (130) and (131). (130) Gangu botang susa-t amara. med again difficult-T very ‘That was again very difficult.’ (131) Ning erexa-t talalu. 1pl.excl afraid-T too ‘We were too afraid.’

6.2 Temporal marking The suffix -t also marks verbs that are followed by an expression of frequency or duration, as in (132). (132) Gangu ba nang weng ande-t wed~wed xanap. med emph 1sg about think-T rdp~day each ‘That is what I thought about each day.’ In this function, -t does not appear to be restricted to marking verbs followed by a limiting expression. In (133), we see that -t marking is on the negator ninga. (133) Nang kalas tang misi di ninga-t sampe ge kalas tajang 1sg class again sit even neg-T until 3sg.poss class six ming. be.in ‘I didn’t even have to repeat class until I was in grade six.’

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6.3 Effect marking The suffix -t is used to mark verbs that are followed by an expression describing the effect of the action on the P. In (134) the agents were emptying a cassava. In (135) the effect of the naming action was a new name. (134) Ning ge isi medi-t kosing. 1pl.excl 3sg.poss flesh take-T empty ‘We took out its flesh till it was empty.’ (135) Il gu sa g-enung medi-t sadrak koli-ng. place med person 3sg-name take-T Zadrak slip-nmlz ‘People call (lit., take name) that place Zadrak’s slip.’

6.4 Manner marking In Bukalabang -t is used with high textual frequency to mark a verb followed by an expression of manner. For example: (136) Ning kuk benu taxawi-t warai. 1pl.excl cassava steal-T pull.out ‘We stole the cassavas by pulling them out.’ (137) Xebi bagu-t meme gening. goat weep-T meh do ‘The goat cries by going “meh”.’ Included under manner are instances of -t marking where the following verb indicates the direction of that movement, as in (138) and (139). (138) Gang ba-t sera. 3sg fall-T descend. ‘He fell down.’ (139) N-iwa oboi-t abang mi da. 1sg-mother 3sg:refl:return-T village in come.up ‘My mother came back to the village.’

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7 Aspect and temporal marking 7.1 Aspect marking Bukalabang has seng ‘finish’ indicating perfectivity. This item occurs as the last verb in a sequence, as in: (140) Lugung di ninga se klar seng. long even neg when ready finish ‘Not long afterwards it was fixed.’ (141) Duming, nang ang moling seng se, ang edu nang na. snake 1sg 2sg help finish when 2sg fut 1sg eat ‘Snake, when I have helped you, you will eat me.’ A second item, tait ‘start’, is used to indicate inchoative aspect. It occurs before the predicate it modifies: (142) Ning nag na seng gi, ning tait lamar. 1pl.excl something eat finish first 1pl.excl start walk ‘Before we started walking we had eaten something.’, or ‘After we had eaten something, we started walking.’ The adjective kosing ‘empty’ is used as a completive marker meaning ‘completely, to the full’ rather than being an alternative for seng. For example: (143) Nang gang moling kosing e ga-su nang na. 1sg 3sg help empty then 3sg-say/want 1sg eat ‘When I had helped him completely, he wanted to eat me.’ Bukalabang edung ‘still, not yet’ (discussed in section 3.3) can also be considered an aspect marker.

7.2 Temporal auxiliaries Bukalabang has two frequent temporal auxiliaries, eda and edu, approximately corresponding to Indonesian tadi ‘just now, a while ago’ and nanti ‘in a while’. These markers follow the A/S and will be glossed as ‘past’ (144) and ‘fut’ (145).

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(144) Sa ge eda edung gi xarani weng nang gu person 3sg.poss past still 3pl.poss nut about pl med mulal. play ‘Those who just now still had their kenari nuts, they play.’ (145) Duming, nang ang moling seng se, ang edu nang na. snake 1sg 2sg help finish when 2sg fut 1sg eat ‘Snake, when I have helped you, you will eat me.’ Like the optionally S-marking verbs discussed in section 5.4.3.2, the temporal auxiliaries appear with prefixes under circumstances that are not understood at this stage, as in (146) and (147). In (148), we see a case of blending edu with ake ‘proh’ (146) Gang ga-da ita mi duming pikut? 3sg 3sg-past where in snake squeeze ‘Where did it (the tree) squeeze the snake just now?’ (147) Ang edu naba ba banga di na-du mi ena. 2sg fut what emph ask even 1sg-fut transfer 2sg:give ‘What ever you shall ask, I shall give you.’ (148) Ake-du nang na! proh-fut 1sg eat ‘Don’t eat me yet!’

8 Discussion The description presented in this sketch relies on a small amount of material and presents an incomplete picture of the Bukalabang language. Nonetheless, we are able on the basis of these materials make some comparison to other TAP languages. Phonologically, Bukalabang looks in some ways like Kaera, another language of eastern Pantar. The lack of an implosive /ɓ/ sets Bukalabang off from both Blagar and Reta (Willemsen this volume), but makes it similar to Kaera. Also, both languages have /x/, a phoneme not found in either Blagar or Reta. At the same time, Kaera has vowel length, which is lacking in Bukalabang.

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Bukalabang has many grammatical properties in common with Blagar, perhaps most unique is the -t suffix on non-final verbs. The only other language with anything similar is Kaera which has an interesting system of medial/aspect marking suffixes, including an apparently related -it suffix (Klamer 2014: 140–144). Bukalabang also has some properties in common with western Pantar languages. Most notably, the contrast between reflexive and non-reflexive prefixes in the 3rd person is shared with Nedebang (Schapper this volume), Teiwa (Klamer 2010) and Western Pantar (Holton 2014). Bukalabang has long been in regular contact with the Blagar-speaking coastal village of Bakalang, focused around the weekly market and the primary school. Many Bukalabang speakers had at least passive knowledge of Blagar. But the opposite was not true: notably the phenomenon of stress shift in polymorphemic constructions in Bukalabang seems to have been the main impediment for speakers of Blagar varieties who had not been in frequent contact with Bukalabang speakers to understanding the language of the latter. This was the situation in the mid-1970s, and it most likely has remained the case until today. Acknowledgments: I would like to thank Zadrak Olang for his help, insight and friendship. I am also grateful to Antoinette Schapper, the editor of this volume, for her stimulation, patience and advice. Finally, I thank an anonymous reviewer for their valuable remarks on an earlier version of this chapter.

References Holton, Gary. 2014. Western Pantar. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar. Sketch grammars. Volume 1, 23–96. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Klamer, Marian. 2010. A grammar of Teiwa. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Klamer, Marian. 2014. Kaera. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar. Sketch grammars. Volume 1, 97–146. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Steinhauer, Hein. 1993. Notes on verbs in Dawanese (Timor). In Ger P. Reesink (ed.), Topics in descriptive Austronesian linguistics, 131–58. Leiden: Vakgroep Talen en Culturen van Zuidoost-Azië en Oceanië, Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden. Steinhauer, Hein, 1995. Two varieties of the Blagar language (Alor, Indonesia). In Connie Baak, Mary Bakker and Dick van der Meij (eds.), Tales from a concave world. Liber amicorum Bert Voorhoeve, 265–296. Leiden: Projects Division of the Department of Languages and Cultures of South-East Asia and Oceania. Steinhauer, Hein, 2014. Blagar. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar, Volume 1, 147–219. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Steinhauer, Hein and Hendrik D.R. Gomang, 2016. Kamus Blagar-Indonesia-Inggris. BlagarIndonesian-English Dictionary. Jakarta: Yayasan Pustaka Obor Indonesia.

Jeroen Willemsen

4 Reta 1

The language scene 

2 2.1 2.2 2.2.1 2.2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.5.1 2.5.2 2.5.3 2.5.4

 190 Phonology  Consonants   190 Vowels   193 Single vowels   193 Vowel sequences and diphthongs  Phonotactics   195 Stress   195 Morpho(phono)logy   198 Geminate vowels   198 Reduplication   198 Compounding   202 Suffixation   203

3 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.5.1 3.5.2 3.6 3.7

 204 Basic clausal syntax  Constituent order in verbal clauses  ‘Give’-constructions   206 Equationals   208 Existentials   208 Negation   209 Clausal negation   209 Prohibitives   211 Interrogatives   212 Imperatives   214

4 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6

 214 Noun phrases  Attributes   215 Quantifiers and numerals  Relative clauses   218 Determiners   221 Collectives   222 Possession   223

 189

https://doi.org/10.1515/9781501511158-004

 216

 194

 204

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5 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6

Pronouns   227 Nominative and accusative pronouns  Possessive pronouns   230 Quantified pronouns   231 Dual pronouns   232 Emphatic pronouns   233 Reflexive pronouns   234

6 6.1 6.1.1 6.1.2 6.1.3 6.1.4 6.1.5 6.2 6.2.1 6.2.2

 234 Verbal prefixes  P-indexing prefixes   235 Obligatory indexing on monotransitive verbs   236 P-adding prefixation   236 A-adding prefixation on intransitive verbs   237 Verbs indexing S, A or P   238 Intransitive verbs indexing S   239 Applicativizing prefixes   241 Applicative u=   241 Applicativizing person prefixes   243

7 7.1 7.1.1 7.1.2 7.2 7.2.1 7.2.2 7.2.3 7.2.4 7.3 7.4

 244 Serial verb constructions  Direction and elevation   244 Elevational and deictic verbs   244 Motion verbs   248 Participant-introducing serialization  Locatives   250 Instruments   250 Comitatives   251 Causatives   252 Mi ‘in, at’   253 Mia ma ‘take come’   256

8

TAM marking 

9

Discussion 

References 

 265

 259  263

 228

 249

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1 The language scene Reta (sometimes spelled Retta, ISO 639–3 code: ret) is spoken chiefly in the south of the islets Pura (~600 speakers) and Ternate (~800 speakers), and in two small settlements on the West coast of Alor. Smaller pockets of speakers can also be found in Kalabahi, Kupang and Riau. While the total number of speakers most likely lies somewhere between 2000 and 3000 (contra estimates of around 800 by Steinhauer 2010: 12; Simons and Fennig 2017), Reta is endangered. Like most other Alor-Pantar languages, it is under serious pressure from Malay, which is used in every domain except at home. Children still learn Reta and use it amongst themselves, although they are generally more competent in Malay. Child-directed speech is also very often in Malay, further contributing to language loss. The name Reta is an exonym said to be derived from the Klon phrase let aal ‘very far’. This led to the name Letal, which is still the name of the anchorage at the foot of the village, and which later became Reta. Speakers themselves generally refer to the language as piʔabaŋ hur ‘our village language’. Almost all Reta speakers are bilingual in Malay. Steinhauer (2014: 149) reports that in the 1970s all Reta speakers on Pura were fluent in Blagar, its closest neighbor both in linguistic and geographical terms, as well. This was confirmed by my consultants, but is currently no longer the case; the advent of motorboats allowed speakers to visit mainland Alor to buy and sell goods, and they therefore no longer rely on barter with Blagar-speaking peoples. Where Reta and Blagar speakers meet (e.g. weddings or rituals), communication is often in Malay and today there are only a handful of older Reta speakers that can still speak Blagar well. Stokhof (1975: 8), based on a comparative wordlist, concludes that Reta and Blagar are dialects of the same language. I follow Steinhauer’s (2010: 12) claim, however, that they are in fact different languages, based on mutual intelligibility; Reta speakers generally have passive competence in Blagar, but this is a result of prolonged exposure rather than mutual intelligibility, and Blagar speakers are almost invariably unable to understand Reta. There are few dialectal differences in Reta. Within the Reta community on Pura, where the fieldwork for this sketch was conducted, there are no dialectal differences. Between communities there are some small phonological and lexical dissimilarities that do not impair mutual intelligibility. Reta as spoken in Wolang and Hula on the West coast of Alor is lexically and phonologically identical to the varieties spoken on Pura and Ternate, although they show some influences from Adang, Alorese and Klon in every-day speech.

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Previous work on Reta is scarce, and I am only aware of the following documents. Stokhof (1975) contains a 117-item Reta word list. Robinson (2010) and Willemsen (2016, 2018) are word lists recorded in Southern Ternate, Southern Pura and Hula for Kaiping, Edwards and Klamer’s (2019) LexiRumah project. Willemsen and Hjorth Miltersen (forthcoming) contains a description of Reta phonaesthemic alternations, and Willemsen and Brink Siem (submitted) contains a description of Reta phonology. The data for this sketch were mainly collected in Pura Selatan (Southern Pura), and were gathered by means of regular elicitation, and by recording and transcribing stories and other forms of spontaneous speech. Various occasional consultants, all born on either Pura or Ternate, assisted in providing data and helping with transcriptions. The majority of work was done with a single consultant called Paulus Hinadonu, with whom I conducted some 250 hours of elicitation in total. The corpus, which is based on around 2 hours of recordings, consisted of 12,239 words worth of running speech, and a lexicon of around 2,300 words at the time of writing. A full descriptive grammar and a dictionary of Reta are currently in progress.

2 Phonology 2.1 Consonants With 16 consonants Reta has a somewhat large consonant inventory in the context of the family, especially compared to most Alor languages.1 Table 1 below displays its consonant inventory. Orthographic symbols as used in other sections are in angled brackets. Voiceless plosives are not aspirated, and voice onset time is close to zero. All plosives, as well as the implosive /ɓ/ and the affricates /b ͡v/ and /ʤ/, can occur in initial and medial position. All except /ʔ b ͡v ʤ/ occur in final position. Minimal pairs between (im)plosives and affricates are given in (1).

1 Like Blagar (Steinhauer 2014: 152), Reta also has a very marginal palatal approximant [j] occurring in words like /jɔ/ ‘yes’ and a number of proper nouns. Outside of these, however, it may be emphatically realized as [i] and is therefore analyzed as a glided vowel here (see section 2.2.2).

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Table 1: Reta consonant phonemes.

Plosive Implosive Affricate Fricative Nasal Trill Lateral

Labial

Alveolar

Velar

Glottal

p

t

k

ʔ

b ɓ b ͡v m

d

g

ʤ s

h n r l

͡ (1) /tɛl/ ‘finger’ ≠ /dɛl/ ‘stiff’ ≠ /ʤɛl/ ‘point in time’ ≠ /b vɛl/ ‘leaf’ ≠ /pɛl/ ‘scorpion’ /ʔɑn/ ‘nprox’ ≠ /ɑn/ ‘2sg.nom’ ≠ /gɑn/ ‘3sg.nom’ /baːl/ ‘ball’ ≠ /ɓaːl/ ‘big’ ≠ /b ͡vaːl/ ‘child’ /pin/ ‘1pl.incl’ ≠ /ɓin/ ‘seed’ ≠ /gin/ ‘3pl’ ≠ /kin/ ‘mosquito’ ≠ /ʤin/ ‘genie’ /toː/ ‘coconut shell’ ≠ /doː/ ‘prosp’ ≠ /boː/ ‘want, say’ ≠ /goː/ ‘(get) hit’ The alveolar fricative /s/ is somewhat rare, as it mainly, if not exclusively, occurs in non-native vocabulary. It may occur in initial, medial and final position. The glottal fricative /h/, which is very common, is restricted to initial and medial position. Minimal pairs between /s/ and /h/, as well as other modes of articulation, are given in (2). (2) /sɔlɑ/ /si/ /sɛn/ /sɑu/ /kɑsi/

‘slither’ ‘snail’ ‘finished’ ‘k.o. bamboo glass’ ‘papaya’

≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠

/hɔlɑ/ /hi/ /tɛn/ /ʤɑu/ /kaːhi/

‘winnow’ ‘deont’ ‘recp’ ‘mushroom sp.’ ‘split, slice, section’

Words that do not have an onset are realized phonetically with slight word-initial aspiration, e.g. /ɑlɔ/ [ʰɑlɔ] ‘two’, which contrasts with phonemic /h/. Word-initial /h/ also contrasts with /ʔ/. Minimal pairs are given in (3). (3) /hi/ ‘deont’ ≠ /ʔi/ ‘go down’ /aːhi/[ʰaːhi] ‘fruit’ ≠ /haːhi/ ‘rough, coarse’ The nasals /m/ and /n/ are realized as [ŋ] in final position. Evidence for either /m/ or /n/ as an underlying form for [ŋ] is generally lacking, and final nasals are

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phonemically represented as /n/ for convenience. Word-finally, /n/ is always realized as [ŋ], but in syllable-final position, when followed by an obstruent, it may assimilate with it. This is often the case in loanwords, which tend to be marked by insertion of a nasal that may then assimilate to a succeeding bilabial or alveolar plosive, as shown in (4). Minimal pairs between /m/ and /n/ in initial position are given in (5). (4) /dɑnpur/ > [dɑmpur ~ dɑŋpur] ‘kitchen’ (< Mly. dapur ‘kitchen’) /sɑrintɑ/ > [sɑrintɑ ~ sɑriŋtɑ] ‘story’ (< Mly. cerita ‘story’) (5) /nɑn/ [nɑŋ] ‘1sg.nom’ ≠ /mɑn/ [mɑŋ] ‘just, only’ /nɛn/ [nɛŋ] ‘1sg.acc ≠ /mɛn/ [mɛŋ] ‘thatch, reed’ The liquids /r/ and /l/ display two types of contrast. Firstly, there is regular phonemic contrast as between any two phonemes, as in (6). (6) /bulɑn/ ‘suture, stitch’ ≠ /burɑn/ ‘sky’ /hul/ ‘color’ ≠ /hur/ ‘language’ Secondly, there is an interesting sound-symbolic type of contrast in which a word containing /r/ is phonaesthemically derived from a word with /l/, and sees an increase in vulgarity, severity, force of action, or size (7). It is likely that this contrast is ultimately a result of borrowing from Blagar: /r/ is rare in native Reta vocabulary, and many occurrences are loans from either Blagar or Malay. Further, many instances of /r/ in Blagar words correspond to /l/ in Reta (e.g. Bl. jar ‘water’, Rt. jial ‘water’). This distinction is unproductive but, with over 30 attested pairs, is lexically well-preserved. This contrast is described in detail in Willemsen and Hjorth Miltersen (forthcoming). (7) /bili/ /bugul/ /ɓɛlɑ/ /gɑlɑb ͡vɑk/ /hɛlɑ/ /-oːl/ /-aːl/

‘pull’ ‘hole’ ‘not good’ ‘break it’ ‘descend’ ‘penis’ ‘vagina’

≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠ ≠

/biri/ /bugur/ /ɓɛrɑ/ /gɑrɑb ͡vɑk/ /hɛrɑ/ /-oːr/ /-aːr/

‘pull hard, yank’ ‘big hole, orifice’ ‘bad, terrible’ ‘destroy it’ ‘drop down’ ‘cock, prick’ ‘cunt’

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2.2 Vowels Reta has an eight-vowel system consisting of five cardinal short vowels and three long vowels. In addition to the three long vowels, the cardinal vowels /i ɑ u/ may be realized as geminate (double) vowels /ii ɑɑ uu/ as a result of affixation (see section 2.5.1 further below). In word-initial position, all vowels are subject to slight phonetic aspiration, e.g. /ɛn/ [ʰɛŋ] ‘2sg.acc’, which contrasts with wordinitial /h/ and /ʔ/. The vowel phoneme chart is displayed in Table 2. Orthographic spellings as used in other sections are in angled brackets. Table 2: Reta vowel phonemes.

High High-Mid Low-mid Low

Front

Back

i eː ε

u oː ɔ

aː ɑ

2.2.1 Single vowels Minimal pairs between the eight single vowels /i eː ε ɑ aː ɔ oː u/, as displayed in Table 2, are given in (8). (8) /ʔi/ ‘go down’ ≠ /ʔu/ ‘yield, produce’ ≠ /ʔaː/ ‘fathom, arm span’ ≠ /ʔeː/ ‘house’ /b ͡vɑ/ ‘go.level’ ≠ /b ͡vaː/ ‘father’ ≠ /b ͡veː/ ‘blood’ ≠ /b ͡vɛ/ ‘corn husk’ /tuni/ ‘cut’ ≠ /toːni/ ‘carry on shoulders’ /mɔn/ ‘snake’ ≠ /moːn/ ‘jew plum’ /kɛtɑ/ ‘sick’ ≠ /keːtɑ/ ‘defecate’ /pɑk/ ‘extinguish fire’ ≠ /paːk/ ‘k.o. instrument to shoo boars’ The long vowels /eː oː aː/ differ from the cardinal short vowels /i ε ɑ ɔ u/ in both quality and length. They only occur in stressed syllables, which suggests contrastive vowel lengthening is a recent development. Since stress is otherwise regular, and not all stressed syllables contain long vowels, stress is considered non-phonemic in Reta (see section 2.4).

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2.2.2 Vowel sequences and diphthongs In addition to the eight single vowels, Reta has diphthongs and disyllabic vowel sequences (this does not include geminate vowels – these are the result of affixation and are discussed in section 2.5.1). Diphthongs are monosyllabic and are always descending and closing, e.g. [ɑ͡u], whereas disyllabic sequences are always ascending and opening, e.g. [i.ɑ]. In all attested cases, the more closed and less prominent phone of a disyllabic sequence is /i/, /ɛ/ or /u/. Furthermore, diphthongs, similarly to single long vowels such as /eː oː aː/, form a single heavy syllable and always receive stress. Disyllabic vowel sequences consist of two separate syllables, either of which can be either light or heavy. In (9), some observed diphthongs are listed. As the phonetic renderings show, /i/ and /u/ may be realized as glides in diphthongs. (9) /ɑi/ /ɔi/ /oːi/ /ɛi/ /ɑu/ /ui/

– – – – – –

/ʔɑi/ /bɔin/ /moːin/ /tɛi/ /sɑu/ /bui/

[ʔɑj] [bɔjŋ] [moːjŋ] [tɛj] [sɑw] [buj]

‘rain’ ‘not enough’ ‘swarm, hum, rustle’ ‘stab, stick, insert, plant’ ‘k.o. glass from bamboo’ ‘female name’

In (10) below, some disyllabic vowel sequences are listed. Contrary to diphthongs, these are ascending and opening; the most frequent initial members are /i/ and /u/, and the second member is most often /ɑ/. An initial high vowel of a vowel sequence may be realized as a glide if it is unstressed, e.g. /u.eː/ [weː] ‘hello’. These glides do not form a syllable, but attach to the syllable to their right. The bottom two forms in (10) provide additional examples.2 (10) /ʔε.ɑn/ /ɑdɔ.ɑ/ /nu.ɑ/ /i.ɑ.kɑ/ /u.eː/

‘wind’ ‘cook food’ ‘good’ [i.ɑ.kɑ ~ jɑ.kɑ] ‘your foot, feet’ [u.eː ~ weː] ‘hello’

2 The /i/ in /i.ɑ.kɑ/ ‘your foot, feet’ is unstressed because it is the antepenultimate syllable, and the /u/ in /u.eː/ ‘hello’ is unstressed because it occurs next to a long vowel /eː/. See section 2.4 on stress.

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2.3 Phonotactics Table 3 shows which consonants are allowed in word-initial, intervocalic and word-final position, as well as in consonant clusters. It does not deal with relative frequency, but extremely marginal examples (i.e. three attestations or less over approximately 2300 lexemes) are marked with a wavy hyphen ~. All consonants may occur initially and intervocalically. Many consonants may appear in word-final position, although for most consonants this is uncommon; /p b s r ɓ d g/ are all very rare in final position, while /t k l/ occur commonly. Both /m/ and /n/ are realized as [ŋ] in word-final and syllable-final position.3 Consonant clusters never occur within a syllable. Clusters across syllables occur but are almost completely restricted to combinations of a nasal and a following plosive. In such a cluster, [m] and [n] must be followed by a homorganic stop, whereas [ŋ] need not. Cross-linguistically, this is unexpected, as it is usually coronal nasals that assimilate to a following consonant, whereas dorsal and bilabial nasals usually do not (Lahiri & Reetz 2010: 53). In many loanwords, there is a default insertion of a nasal before a stop, which may either be realized as [ŋ] or assimilate with the following plosive (11). This type of assimilation may also extend across the morpheme and word domain (12). (11) /dɑnpur/ > [dɑmpur ~ dɑŋpur] /sɑrintɑ/ > [sɑrintɑ ~ sɑriŋtɑ]

‘kitchen’ (< Mly. dapur ‘kitchen’) ‘story’ (< Mly. cerita ‘story’)

(12) /ɑn bɑkɛ/… [ɑmbɑkɛ ~ ɑŋbɑkɛ] 2sg.nom deont ‘You should (go and) …’

2.4 Stress Stress is trochaic; in multi-syllabic words it falls on the penultimate syllable, as shown in (13). As I argue below, stress is not phonemic in Reta.

3 One word in the table, [ɑtiɑm] ‘fish sp.’, violates the rule that /m n/ are realized as [ŋ] in final position. Its origin is unclear, but in Blagar the cognate itiam also appears to be the only word with final [m] (Hein Steinhauer, pers. comm.). Speakers of Reta are unable to come up with any other [m]-final words. Another word, [ʔɑŋɑ] ‘nprox’ appears to violate the rule that [ŋ] is restricted to final position, but is historically analyzable as consisting of a root [ʔɑŋ] and a non-proximate suffix [ɑ].

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Table 3: Distribution of consonants, including [ŋ].

p b t d k g ʔ ɓ ʤ b ͡v s h m n [ŋ] r l

#_V

V_V

V_$C

$C_V

V_#

√ pɛl ‘scorpion’ √ bɑ ‘foc’ √ taː ‘sleep, lie’ √ daːŋ ‘grave’ √ kɑlilɑ ‘sour’ √ gɑŋ ‘3sg.nom’ √ ʔuliŋ ‘see’ √ ɓiliŋ ‘grow’ √ ʤɔɑ ‘some’ √ b ͡vɑtɑ ‘urinate’ √ siŋ ‘snot’ √ hɑɓaː ‘hit’ √ mɔŋ ‘snake’ √ neː ‘name’ –

√ ʔɑpɑl ‘close’ √ hɑbɑ ‘chop’ √ ɓutɑ ‘four’ √ mɑdɑ ‘come up’ √ hɛkɛŋ ‘breath’ √ bɔgɑ ‘body’ √ tɛʔɔ ‘tuber sp.’ √ hɑɓaː ‘hit’ √ ɑʤi ‘whole’ √ ɑb ͡veː ‘owl’ √ usɛr ‘fast’ √ aːhi ‘fruit’ √ bɔmɑ ‘old man’ √ gɛnɛ ‘do, make’ ~ ʔɑŋɑ ‘nprox’ √ biri ‘pull hard’ √ bili ‘pull’

–

–

√ ɑmpɔ ‘forgive’ √ kumbur ‘grave’ √ sɑriŋtɑ ‘story’ √ ʔɑndɛ ‘think’ √ ʔɛŋkuɑli ‘lontar’ √ riŋgi ‘k.o. song’ –

√ laːp ‘stern’ √ ʔaːb ‘fish’ √ -ɑt ‘buttocks’ √ mud ‘food’ √ hɛk ‘attic, ceiling’ √ gig ‘3pl.poss’ –

–

–

–

~ poːhɑŋʤaːhi ‘joke’ –

√ hiɓ ‘chicken’ –

√ raːɛ ‘many’ √ lɛtɑ ‘far’

– – – – –

– – – √ ɑmpɔ ‘forgive’ √ hɔndɑl ‘front’ √ b ͡vɑŋgɑt ‘span’ ~ kɑrboː ‘buffalo’ ~ ʔɛlmɔ ‘magic’

~ muŋsɑlɑ ‘headband’ ~ hɔlɑŋhol ‘tuber sp.’ – – – – –

– √ pɑrɑs ‘cut’ – ~ ɑtiɑm ‘fish sp.’ – √ sɛŋ ‘finished’ √ hur ‘language’ √ ʔil ‘thing’

(13) /ˈɓi.ɓɑ/ ‘red’ /ɑˈ.ɓeː.tɑl/ ‘life’ /ɑ.ˈgɑ.lɑ/ ‘laugh’ Enclitics and suffixes, which are all monosyllabic, form a phonological word with their host. When they attach to a multi-syllabic word, they cause the stress to shift one syllable to the right. This is shown in (14), where the enclitic =mi ‘in, at’ (see section 7.3 on =mi) and the denominal suffix -i cause a shift in stress.

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Examples of stress shift caused by enclitic and suffixes (14) /ɑ.ʤi/ [ˈʰɑ.ʤi] ‘whole, intact’ /ɑ.ʤi=mi/ [ʰɑ.ˈʤi.=mi] ‘everything, everyone’ /kɑ.lɑn.bɑ.hɑ/ [kɑ.lɑm.ˈbɑ.hɑ] ‘Kalabahi’ /kɑ.lɑn.bɑ.hɑ=.mi/ [kɑ.lɑm.bɑ.ˈhɑ.=mi] ‘in Kalabahi’ /bu.rɑn/ [ˈbu.rɑŋ] ‘sky’ /bu.rɑn=mi/ [bu.ˈrɑŋ=mi] ‘in the sky’ /ɑ.bɑt/ [ˈʰɑ.bɑt] ‘wound’ /ɑ.bɑt.-i/ [ʰɑ.ˈbɑ.t-i] ‘wounded’ Some roots diverge from the trochaic pattern and have stress on the initial or final syllable rather than the penultimate syllable. These always contain a heavy syllable, which in Reta are syllables with either diphthongs, single long vowels such as /eː oː aː/, or geminated vowels. Single short vowels do not form heavy syllables, nor do codas have any effect on syllable weight. Example (15) shows some examples of words with non-penultimate stress. As it shows, the stressed syllable contains either a single long vowel or a diphthong in every case. (15) /ɓɑ.ˈloːn/ /tɑ.ˈlaː/ /kɑ.ˈpaːin/ /kɑ.ˈmɑus/

‘enemy, bandit’ ‘bone’ ‘scrutinize’ ‘so-so, ordinary’

There are a number of examples which, at first glance, suggest a phonemic stress contrast, such as the two apparent minimal pairs in (16). (16) /ˈtɑ.lɑ/ ‘with each other’ ≠ /tɑ.ˈlaː/ ‘bone’ /ˈɑ.lɔ/ ‘two’ ≠ /ɑ.ˈloː/ ‘civet cat’ Crucially, these differ in stress as well as in vowel quality. I therefore analyze stress as non-phonemic: in all instances of non-penultimate stress, i.e. in all instances where words diverge from the regular trochaic stress pattern, the syllable is heavy. Since heavy syllables always receive stress, but not all stressed syllables are heavy, it is syllable weight that causes a word to diverge from the regular stress pattern, and not the other way around. Heavy syllables almost never occur in antepenultimate or pre-antepenultimate position in a root. They do however occur in prefixes that contain a long vowel, such as applicativizing person prefixes (see section 6.2.2) and Set III possessive prefixes (see section 4.6). This means that long prefixes receive stress alongside the final or penultimate stress found in the root. The stress in the root remains

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unchanged relative to unstressed syllables, although it is then secondary to the initial stress of the prefix, as the examples in (17) show. (17) /mɑ.ˈnaː/ ‘place’ > /ˈgeː.mɑ.ˌnaː/ ‘her/his/its place’ /ˈpu.ni/ ‘hold’ > /ˈtoː.ˌpu.ni/ ‘together’

2.5 Morpho(phono)logy 2.5.1 Geminate vowels The geminate vowels /ii ɑɑ uu/ are sequences of two short vowels /i ɑ u/ as a result of affixation. The geminate vowel /ɑɑ/ occurs when an /ɑ/-initial root is combined with a singular possessive prefix such as /ɑ-/ ‘2sg.poss’, and is somewhat common, whereas /ii/ and /uu/ are extremely rare. Examples of /ɑɑ/ are given below in (18). (18) /ɑb ͡veː/ ‘owl’ ≠ /ɑɑb ͡veː/ ‘your owl’ /ɑbukɑ/ ‘hill’ ≠ /ɑɑbukɑ/ ‘your hill’ Geminate /uu/ occurs when the applicative /u=/ is attached to an /u/-initial root. Given the rarity of /u/-initial roots, only one such instance has been observed. As for /ii/, one occurrence is in a historical contraction of the proximal determiner /ʔɑdi/ and the proximal affix /gi/: /ʔɑdigi/ > [ʔɑdii] ‘here.vis’. It can also occur when a plural possessive prefix is combined with an /i/-initial root, which is very rare. (19) /ʔɑdi/ ‘prox’ ≠ /ʔɑdii/ ‘here.vis’ /ikɑk/ ‘rice earhead bug’ ≠ /iikɑk/ ‘your (pl.) rice earhead bug’ /unaːn/ ‘mumble’ ≠ /uunaːn/ ‘mumble about’

2.5.2 Reduplication Reta makes extensive use of both partial and full reduplication. In full reduplication, the entire root is copied, e.g. luaŋ ‘long’ > luaŋ~luaŋ ‘very long’. In partial reduplication, only the first syllable is copied. The vowel of the reduplicant is fixed as /ɑ/, while the consonant is copied from the first consonant of the root. If the root does not have an initial consonant, the consonant succeeding the first

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root vowel is copied and moves to the first syllable of the root phonetically. Partial reduplication of C-initial and V-initial roots is exemplified in (20). (20) luaŋ [lu.ɑŋ] ‘long’ > la~luaŋ [lɑ.lu.ɑŋ] ‘a while, quite long’ anu [ʰɑ.nu] ‘one’ > an~anu [ʰɑ.nɑ.nu] ‘one by one’ Partial reduplication occurs on stative and active verbs, numerals, nouns and interrogatives. Partially reduplicated numerals acquire the distributive meaning ‘in groups of num’, as shown in (21). (21) nama at~atoga mada person rdp~three come.up ‘They came in three at a time.’ Partial reduplication of interrogatives results in emphasis on the interrogative, as exemplified in (22). It occurs on all interrogatives (on which see section 3.6) except getabani ‘why’. (22)

Giŋ boola ʔaŋ se, eŋ ʔadi a-nee al~alaŋ? 3pl say nprox when 2sg.acc prox 2sg.poss.i-name rdp~who ‘They said, so what is your name exactly?’

Partial reduplication of nouns is uncommon, and is generally used to denote entities associated with those denoted by the reduplicated noun, e.g. ba~bee rdp~pig ‘kind of insect that resembles a pig when it rolls into a ball’ and va~vaŋgat rdp~span ‘kind of caterpillar that crawls in an inching, peristaltic/undulating fashion’. Partially reduplicated stative verbs acquire a meaning along the lines of ‘quite/somewhat X’, as shown in (23) and (24). The use of partially reduplicated ɓaal ‘big’ in sentential context is shown in (25). (23) aɓar ‘hazy’ aɓ~aɓar ‘quite hazy, somewhat hazy’ (24) ɓaal ‘big’ ɓa~ɓaal ‘quite big, somewhat big’ (25) Aŋ hiɓ ɓaana ma ʔiba se hiɓ ɓa~ɓaal. 2sg.nom chicken bring come but when chicken rdp~big ‘You bring a chicken, but a fairly big one.’

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Active verbs may be partially reduplicated to create aspectual distinctions. A partially reduplicated active verb often acquires an element of continuation or extension of the action, or a habitual reading. In (26) the verb tagaaniŋ ‘ask’ becomes continuative, in (27) sariŋta ‘recount’ becomes iterative as the joint action requires taking turns, and in (28) the verb sadaha has a habitual reading. (26) Nama toohiŋ raae baruati e ta~tagaaniŋ jia. person many many afraid conj rdp~ask placed ‘Many people were afraid and were asking continuously.’ (27) Piŋ t-ala sa~sariŋta. 1pl.incl recp-with rdp~recount ‘We talk back and forth.’ (28) Nama ba matul ʔaŋa u=sa~sadaha ɓenaŋ amina jema. person foc old.woman nprox appl=rdp~care anaph die go ‘The person that used to nurse that lady has already died.’ Full reduplication is less common than partial reduplication, but does occur regularly. It is found on interrogatives, nouns, and stative and active verbs. Full reduplication occurs on all interrogatives except adedeŋ ‘how much/ many’. Such reduplicated interrogatives can indicate a strongly emphasized question (29), plurality (30) or non-specificity (31). (29) Tavediŋ~tavediŋ ba boma Jero ʔadiŋ mi ʔadu? rdp~when foc old.man Jero prox in arrive ‘Whenever is Mr. Jeroen coming (back) here?’ (30) Aŋ boola kabiab ɓeli se, taʔaŋ~taʔaŋ mamaauŋ? 2sg.nom want goat buy when rdp~which just ‘You want to buy which goats exactly?’ (31) ʔoli neeniŋ~neeniŋ ba niŋ gi-ʔe ɓaana ʔadu… and rdp~what foc 1pl.excl prox-be bring arrive ‘And whatever we bring here…’ Stative verbs acquire a stronger, augmented meaning when fully reduplicated. The examples shown above in (23) and (24) are repeated below with full reduplication. Example (34) shows the use of the stative verb aviŋ ‘full’ in sentential context.

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(32) aɓar ‘hazy’ aɓar~aɓar ‘all hazy, very hazy’ (33) ɓaal ‘big’ ɓaal~ɓaal ‘all big, very big’ (34) Ga-boga aviŋ~aviŋ ɓenaŋ ʔadiŋ se hela jema. 3sg.poss.i-body rdp~full anaph prox when descend go ‘His body which was all full has now started to dwindle.’ Full reduplication of active verbs is uncommon but appears to be productive. In most cases it results in a reading of iteration, often with consequences for the participants in an event, i.e. involving different agents or undergoers, such as loo ‘bark’ > loo~loo ‘bark repeatedly, in numbers’. Two instances of full reduplication have been observed in which the verb is interpreted as extended or continued: miha ‘sit’ > miha~miha ‘be sat, sit around’ and lamal ‘walk’ > lamal~lamal ‘take a walk, travel’, both of which appear to be Malay calques. Other instances appear to be more lexicalized, e.g. jema ‘go’ > jema~jema ‘later’, jia ‘placed’ > jia~jia ‘suddenly’. Full reduplication of nouns signals variety and/or abundance (35). This differs from the more common collective, formed by the collective marker gonoŋ, in usually not denoting a specific collective of referents, but meaning something along the lines of ‘various, some, many X’. This becomes apparent in (36), where manaa~manaa means something like ‘all kinds of places, everywhere’. (35) hiɓ ‘chicken(s)’ hiɓ gonoŋ ‘(a group of) chickens’ hiɓ~hiɓ ‘(various/some/many) chickens’ (36) Tee haaru eretete, tibarakaŋ lila manaa~manaa kanap. tree fall fall.continuously scatter fly rdp~place whole ‘Trees will come crashing down, scattered high and low.’ Given the fact that collectives marked with gonoŋ denote more specific groups of referents, it is no coincidence that nominal reduplication tends to be used for inanimate referents, whereas a phrase with gonoŋ most often denotes a collective of people. Full nominal reduplication is outnumbered by collective marking with gonoŋ with a factor of around 5 in my corpus. Combinations of full nominal reduplication and gonoŋ are rejected in elicitation, but do occasionally occur in running speech. Collective marking is elaborated on in section 4.5.

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2.5.3 Compounding In terms of headedness, Reta has three types of compound: right-headed, leftheaded and coordinating compounds. Right-headed compounds are the most common type. They include compounds based on meronymy, source and location as the examples in (37) show. (37) vaani jial taaŋ ʔid -biaŋ vel valaŋda boma ʔabaŋ hur

bee water sea star head leaf white/Dutch old.man village language

‘honey’ ‘starfish’ ‘hair’ ‘white/Dutch man’ ‘village language’

Left-headed compounds are less common, and are primarily based on association or resemblance. Their most common head is ʔil ‘thing, place, situation’, although other heads occur as well (38). (38) ʔil adagal ʔil moro vaar-abuka nama hial vaal amu

place garden situation dust stone hill person woman child man

‘garden’ ‘fog’ ‘boulder’ ‘woman’ ‘boy, son’

It should be noted that, although the headedness of compounds is mainly semantically determined, there is at least one morphosyntactic test distinguishing them; the head in a right-headed compound can generally take a third person singular possessive prefix, e.g. ʔabaŋ gahur ‘the village’s language’. No such possessive prefixing is allowed in left-headed compounds. The third type, the coordinating compound, involves apposition of two roots, and denotes the sum of these roots. When they consist of two nouns, they denote two items culturally considered to form a unit. This does not appear to be restricted to fixed pairs of nouns, as two characters in a story are often expressed binomially, e.g. Donu Malani ‘Donu and Malani’. (39) ʔumat kaburit hial vaal buraŋ palika bi mat

bow arrow mother child sky island betel.nut betel.vine

‘bow and arrow’ ‘mother and child, family’ ‘heaven and earth’ ‘betel nut and betel vine’

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2.5.4 Suffixation Reta has three suffixes: -naŋ, -i and -a, none of which are productive. This section briefly discusses them in turn. The suffix -naŋ is a deverbalizing suffix that can have either of two forms; on roots (i) consisting of only one syllable or (ii) ending in a long vowel it is realized as -naŋ, and on multi-syllabic roots it is realized as -ŋ. Its effects are quite versatile, and I have not been able to unite these into a single function. Its most common occurrence is as a nominalizer, in which case it yields a noun denoting a specific object associated with the nominalized verb, or an abstract noun. Some examples of this are given in (40). (40) sudi ‘measure’ hika ‘broken, cut off’ amina ‘die, dead’ keta ‘sick, hurt’ tula ‘first’ mugu ‘fall, fallen’

> > > > > >

sudi-ŋ ‘measuring device’ hika-ŋ ‘shore, edge, something which is cut off’ amina-ŋ ‘death, casualty’ keta-ŋ ‘disease’ tula-ŋ ‘the first, at first’ mugu-ŋ ‘fallen goods’

When -naŋ is not nominalizing it yields another verb, although its semantic outcome is generally unpredictable. In all cases, it changes the verbal semantics, as in (41). (41) ʔadu ‘arrive’ > ʔadu-ŋ ‘land (V)’ -ola ‘look for’ > ola-ŋ ‘gather, make a living’ It is also obligatorily used in certain constructions with reduplicated motion verbs, such as va~vanaŋ rdp~go.level-dvrb ‘go a bit’. In other cases, it obligatorily appears in combination with a person prefix with a causative function, e.g. haaru ‘fall down’ > gahaaruŋ 3sg-fall.down-dvrb ‘make her/him/it fall down’ (also see section 6.1.3). These non-nominalizing instances are all rare and appear to be fossilized. In a small number of cases, the suffix -i may serve as a verbalizer (42). This is restricted to very few items and is unproductive. Twelve instances have been observed, three of which are given in (44). (42) tooŋ ‘burden stick’ > toon-i ‘carry on shoulders’ tut ‘coast, shore’ > tut-i ‘move eastward along the coast’ kaal ‘phlegm, mucus’ > kaal-i ‘cough’

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The suffix -a appears to have a similar function to -i, albeit with a less transparently derived meaning, and has been attested on nine roots. Example (43) shows some attested occurrences. (43) hur ‘language’ > hul-a ‘utter’ haak ‘section, border’ > haak-a ‘restrict, limit’ ʔuŋ ‘market’ > ʔun-a ‘trade, barter’

3 Basic clausal syntax 3.1 Constituent order in verbal clauses Reta clauses consist of at least a predicate. Verbal predicates may consist of several serialized verbs and their complements. The unmarked constituent order for Reta clauses is SV/APV, as shown in (44)–(45). PAV-clauses are commonly constructed as a means of foregrounding the P (46), in which case the A is often realized as nama ‘person’. When the P is not expressed by a full noun or NP (i.e. when it is pronominal) and the verb is obligatorily prefixed, the pronoun is not realized and the person prefix itself expresses the P referent. When P is represented by a full noun or NP, the P argument is still cross-referenced, as in (47). (44) S V Naŋ ʔeehi. 1sg.nom run ‘I run.’ (45) A P V Naŋ jial na. 1sg.nom water drink ‘I drink water.’ (46) P A V [Boma ga-bariŋ ɓenaŋ] nama toon-i. old.man 3sg.poss.i-corpse anaph person burden.stick-dnml ‘The old man’s corpse was carried (lit. the old man’s corpse people carried).’

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(47) a. Naŋ ga-ʔuliŋ. 1sg.nom 3sg-see ‘I see her/him/it.’ b. Naŋ jobal ga-ʔuliŋ. 1sg.nom dog 3sg-see ‘I see the dog.’ Between the predicate and the arguments it takes, markers of mood and aspect may intervene. The predicate may be succeeded by lexical aspectual verbs, a negator (part of an embracing negation, see section 3.5), and a clause-final conjunction such as se ‘when, if’. The following examples show markers of modality and aspect and embracing negations in sentential context. (48) S ASP V Palika ʔadi doo ɓohiŋ. island prox prosp empty ‘This island was still empty.’ (49) S V ASP ʔaad ɓenaŋ valiŋ jema. fire anaph burn go ‘The fire is already burning.’ (50) A MODAL P V [Nama ba jema milil ʔaŋa] malekaŋ kalaaŋ ɓaana. person foc go fight.war nprox deont k.o.sword bring ‘The people that go to war must bring swords.’ (51) S NEG V NEG ɓaka-ɓaka ɓenaŋ ka ga-lokaŋ ba naga. frog anaph neg 3sg-alone foc neg ‘The frog was not alone.’ Verbal predicates are divided into intransitives, transitives and ditransitives, which all vary in the way they index arguments on the verb morphologically. Intransitive verbs combine a predicate with a single S-argument and are generally unprefixed, although a small number of them take person prefixes indexing S. Further, some intransitive verbs may be subject to A-adding or P-adding prefixation. Monotransitives combine an A and a P argument with a transitive verb,

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which are roughly split between those that obligatorily take a person prefix and those that do not. This is discussed in section 6.1. Ditransitives are represented by a single verb, which is discussed in the following section.

3.2 ‘Give’-constructions Reta has one ditransitive verb -enaŋ ‘give’, which requires an A, a Theme (T) introduced by the complex verb mia ma ‘take come.level’, and a Recipient (R), which is indexed on -enaŋ ‘give’. An example is given in (52), where the theme bi mat ‘betel nut’ is hosted by mia ma ‘take come.level’ and the R boma ‘old man’ is hosted by, and co-indexed on -enaŋ ‘give’. (52) A T V R V Gaŋ bi mat mia ma boma genaŋ. 3sg.nom betel.nut take come.level old.man 3sg.give ‘He gave the old man betel nut.’ As in Blagar (Steinhauer 2014: 169–170), due to fusion with ma ‘come.level’, and what looks like a historical process of vowel harmony, -enaŋ ‘give’ has developed some irregular forms. These, as well as the regular forms, are laid out in Table 4. Note that the second person forms have both fused forms and regular forms. Table 4: Forms for -enaŋ ‘give’.

1sg 2sg 3sg 1pl.incl 1pl.excl 2pl 3pl recp

Regular

Fused with ma

– enaŋ genaŋ piniŋ – inaŋ ginaŋ tenaŋ

meneŋ menaŋ – – miniŋ minaŋ – –

The pattern displayed above, where the theme is either introduced by mia ma ‘take come.level’ or by mia ‘take’ with ma ‘come.level’ fused with -enaŋ ‘give’, is quite consistently provided in elicitation. In running speech, however, many constructions that do not adhere to this pattern are found. In many cases either mia or ma is used instead of mia ma, as shown in (53) and (54).

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(53) Vaal ʔaŋa malekaŋ jial ʔuhi mia tuaŋ guru genaŋ. child nprox deont water draw take master teacher 3sg.give ‘The children must draw water to give to the teacher.’ (54) Gaŋ moŋ ma vaal ʔol anu genaŋ. 1sg.nom snake come.level child small one 3sg.give ‘He gives a snake to a small child.’ In other cases only fused ma is used (55), and in very few cases mia ma is used alongside fused ma (56). This constitutes free variation to some degree, although there is some textual evidence to support the fact that more complex acts of transfer (e.g. taking and giving) are preferably marked by mia or mia ma. (55) Aŋ gi-ʔe hal 2sg.nom prox-be bronze.kettledrum ‘You gave me a bronze kettledrum.’

anu meneŋ. one 1sg.give

(56) Tuak ʔaŋa mia ma meneŋ. palm.wine nprox take come.level 1sg.give ‘Give me that palm wine.’ As with other transitive verbs, the theme introduced by mia ma can be left unexpressed if recoverable from the context. This is shown in (57), where the unexpressed theme is represented by ‘ø’. (57) Giŋ ø mia ma jobal genaŋ. 3pl take come.level dog 3sg.give ‘They gave (it) to the dog.’ While the theme is usually introduced by mia (or) ma, in some cases another verb of transfer can be used. Usually, a construction with mia ma does not specify the way in which a theme was transferred. In (58), however, the theme is explicitly brought to the recipient, hence the verb ɓaana ‘bring’ introduces the theme instead. Yet, we do find instances of verbs that denote transfer, which introduce a theme along with mia ma. In (59), for instance, the theme seŋ ‘money’ is introduced by panatu ‘send’ as well as mia ma. See sections 7.2.2 and 7.4 for more on the different functions of mia ma.

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(58) Giŋ ʔaha too e vil too ɓaana jema Donu Malani ginaŋ. 3pl feces shell conj urine shell bring go Donu Malani 3pl.give ‘They brought the shells with urine and feces to Donu and Malani.’ (59) Naŋ seŋ panatu mia ma ni-maaŋ 1sg.nom money send take come.level 1.poss.ii-father ‘I send money to my father.’

genaŋ. 3sg.give

3.3 Equationals Equationals are defined as non-verbal predicates that assign the qualities of a nominal predicate to an S. They are identifying equationals, meaning the S and the predicate constitute the same referent and are usually reversible in order. Attributing constructions, which assign a non-nominal quality, are expressed by stative verbs. The S of an equational can be either a full noun or NP as in (60), or a pronoun as in (61). Between the S and its predicate, the focus particle ba may intervene to put the S in focus (62). (60) [Pi-ʔabaŋ hur]sbj [Reta hur.]pred 1pl.incl.poss.i-village language Reta language ‘Our village language is Reta.’ (61) [ʔaŋa]sbj [nama kilavali ʔaŋa ga-setaŋ.]pred nprox person sorcerer nprox 3sg.poss.i-ghost ‘That was the sorcerer’s ghost.’ (62) [Vaal amu ʔadiŋ]sbj ba [vaal kono topol.]pred child male prox foc child breast end ‘It was this boy who was the youngest child.’

3.4 Existentials Existential constructions are formed with an existential ‘be’-verb. In most cases this is aʔe ‘nprox-be’, which is unmarked for proximity and elevation, but it may also be another, such as poʔe ‘dist.low-be’, should the S be situated in a more specific location (these verbs are discussed further in section 7.1). An example is given in (63).

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(63) Ga-lelaŋ di a-ʔe, doru di a-ʔe, 3sg.poss.i-dancing.place too nprox-be altar too nprox-be ga-boma, ga-kapaalaŋ di a-ʔe. 3sg.poss.i-old.man 3sg.poss.i-head too nprox-be ‘There is also its dancing place and an altar, and its elders and the village head too.’ Affirmative existential clauses (e.g. there is X) as in (63) are formally indistinguishable from locational clauses (eg. X is here), as both take a ‘be’-verb as their predicate. Existential clauses do however differ from locational constructions in the way they are negated. Existentials only take the simple negator naga, whereas locational constructions must be negated by the embracing negation ka […] ba naga. That is, negative existentials do not require a ‘be’-verb like aʔe ‘nprox-be’ that can be locked in inside the embracing negation, but negative locational constructions do. This is exemplified below. In (64) the existential predicate only takes naga, while the locational predicate in (65) takes the embracing negation ka […] ba naga. Negation is discussed further in section 3.5. (64) Jial naga. water neg ‘There’s no water.’ (65) Ga-bariŋ [ka a-ʔe ba naga.]neg 3sg.poss.i-corpse neg nprox-be foc neg ‘His corpse was not there.’

3.5 Negation 3.5.1 Clausal negation An overt predicate that is not an existential predicate, as in (64), is negated by one of the embracing negations ka […] ba naga ‘not’ (the last part of which is often truncated to bana) or ka […] ba doo ‘not yet’. An example of each is given below. As example (66) shows, nominal predicates also take the embracing negation. ‘Not yet’-constructions are elaborated on further below. (66) Giŋ joa [ka ʔadu ba naga.]neg 3pl some neg arrive foc neg ‘None of them arrived.’

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(67) Nama joa [ka ʔaŋa mi aɓeetal ba doo.]neg person some neg nprox in live foc prosp ‘No one lived there yet.’ (68) ʔadiŋ [ka moŋ ma~molo ba naga.]neg prox neg snake rdp~right foc neg ‘This was not a normal snake.’ The embracing negation determines the focus of the negation. Some serial verb constructions may be partly negated by the embracing negation. Consider the difference between (69) and (70): the construction in (69) implies that he is together with his wife and that neither is going to Kalabahi, whereas in (70) it is implied that he might go, just not with his wife. (69) Geŋ ga-hial g-ala [ka Kalaŋbaha=mi mida bana.]neg 3sg.acc 3sg.poss.i-wife 3sg-with neg Kalabahi=in go.up foc.neg ‘He and his wife are not going to Kalabahi.’ (70) Geŋ [ka ga-hial g-ala Kalaŋbaha=mi mida bana.]neg 3sg.acc neg 3sg.poss.i-wife 3sg-with Kalabahi=in go.up foc.neg ‘He is not going to Kalabahi with his wife.’ As was shown in (64), existential predicates do not require the embracing negation and are negated by the bare negator naga ‘no, not’ alone. This bare negator is also used when entire unexpressed predicates or clauses are negated. This is shown in (71), where it occurs after the conjunction e ‘and, or’. It is also used to respond negatively to polar interrogatives (72). A bare negator has scope over an entire proposition. (71) Piŋ maŋ ga-ʔuliŋ gaŋ mi jia e naga. 1pl.incl just 3sg-see 3sg.nom in placed conj neg ‘We’ll just see if it’s going to happen or not.’ (72) a. Denmark mi popo ʔil babila e naga? Denmark in dist.low situation cold conj neg ‘Is it cold down in Denmark or not?’ b. Naga. neg ‘No.’

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‘Not yet’-constructions are formed by the embracing negation ka […] ba doo. Its final element doo ‘still, not yet’ is a prospective marker (see section 8), the meaning of which is largely dependent on context, i.e. what is anticipated. In elliptic constructions it generally means ‘not yet’ (73), as what it has scope over is generally an affirmative clause. In predicate-initial position it expresses anticipation of the start or end of an event (e.g. ‘still’, ‘going to, about to’). In (74) it occurs twice; once anticipating the end of an event (‘still’), and once in the embracing negation ka […] ba doo ‘not yet’. (73) ʔaad ʔaŋa valiŋ jema e doo? fire nprox burn go conj prosp ‘Is the fire already burning or not yet?’ (74) Tula-ŋ ʔaŋa, palika ʔadi doo ɓohiŋ, first-dvrb nprox island prox prosp empty ‘In olden times, this island was still empty…’ nama joa [ka ʔaŋa mi aɓeetal ba doo.]neg person some neg nprox in live foc prosp ‘…no one lived there yet.’ The initial element of an embracing negation, ka ‘neg’, is frequently omitted in running speech. Two examples of this are given below. (75) Tula ʔaŋa, daat-a gonoŋ sakola ba naga. first nprox grandchild-dnml coll school foc neg ‘Back in the day, our forefathers didn’t go to school.’ (76) Naŋ kopi na ba doo se, naŋ maŋ atautaŋ. 1sg.nom coffee drink foc prosp when 1sg.nom just dazed ‘Before I’ve had any coffee, I’m not worth a dime.’

3.5.2 Prohibitives Prohibitives are formed with ake […] gaanaŋ, which is an embracing negation signaling negative deontic modality (77). Similar to the embracing negation ka […] ba naga ‘not’ and ka […] ba doo ‘not yet’ (see section 3.5.1), the initial element ake is often left out (78).

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(77) La~luaŋ giŋ a-ʔagaŋ se, ake voi gaanaŋ. rdp~long 3pl 2sg-call if neg.deont reply neg.deont ‘If they call you in a while, don’t answer.’ (78) ʔil ʔaŋa u=matee gaanaŋ! thing nprox appl=stand neg.deont ‘Don’t step onto that thing!’ The embracing negation ake […] gaanaŋ is not restricted to speech acts of prohibition and can be accompanied by any overt subject, which may be the addressee or any other referent. An example is given in (79), where the subject gaŋ ‘3sg. nom’ is included. As the subject is external to the speech situation, the sentence is not interpreted as a prohibitive. Rather, it expresses the possibility of something undesirable happening. (79) Gaŋ ake a-ʔe ba naga gaanaŋ. 3sg.nom neg.deont nprox-be foc neg neg.deont ‘Lest it not be there.’ ‘Don’t […] yet’-constructions are formed by adding the prospective marker doo to the predicate, as in (80). (80) Ake doo jema gaanaŋ! neg.deont prosp go neg.deont ‘Don’t go yet!’

3.6 Interrogatives Content interrogatives are formed by in-situ question words, seven of which have been identified. These are laid out in Table 5. Some of these are partly analyzable, such as taʔaŋ ‘which’, which consists of a (historical) interrogative particle ta- and ʔaŋ ‘nprox’. Tavediŋ ‘when’, consists of ta-, vede/vid ‘today/day’ and an unidentified element iŋ.4 As discussed in section 2.5.2, all interrogative words

4 The sources of the other question words are less certain. Alaŋ ‘who’ is likely derived from -ala ‘with’, while neeniŋ ‘what’ may be derived from -nee ‘name, call’. The recurring element -ŋ could be either a deverbal suffix or a remnant of ʔaŋa ‘that’. This, however, remains a matter of speculation.

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except getabani ‘why’ can be partially reduplicated, whereas all interrogative words except adedeŋ ‘how much’ can be fully reduplicated. Table 5: Reta question words. taʔaŋ alaŋ neeniŋ tavediŋ tabani getabani adedeŋ

‘which’ ‘who’ ‘what’ ‘when’ ‘how’ ‘why’ ‘how much’

Question words remain in-situ, i.e. they occupy a slot in the clause that would normally be occupied by the constituent that is questioned. In (81), neeniŋ ‘what’ replaces an immediately preverbal P, and in (82) alaŋ ‘who’ replaces a nominal predicate. (81) Uee, iŋ a-ʔe neeniŋ gene jia? hello 2pl nprox-be what do placed ‘Hello, what are you lot doing?’ (82) A-hial ba alaŋ? 2sg.poss.i-wife foc who ‘Who is your wife?’ Question words can be front-shifted to foreground them, in which case they are usually marked by the focus particle ba. This is shown in (83), where neeniŋ ‘what’ would normally occur directly before the verb u=tagaaniŋ ‘ask for’, but occurs in front-shifted position. (83) Neeniŋ ba iŋ u=tagaaniŋ? what foc 2pl appl=ask ‘What (is it) you lot are asking about?’ Polar interrogatives are morphosyntactically identical to declarative clauses (84), but may be uttered with a rising final intonation. They are optionally accompanied by the question tag e naga ‘or not’ (85), which itself has falling intonation.

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(84) Aŋ aaga? 2sg.nom 2sg.not.want ‘You don’t want to?’ (85) Denmark mi popo ʔil babila e naga? Denmark in dist.low situation cold conj neg ‘Is it cold down in Denmark or not?’ Interestingly, another way to form polar questions is to insert the borrowed conjunction kalu ‘if’ ( raatu alo ‘two hundred’. Additions

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Table 6: Reta numerals. value

cardinal form

ordinal form

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

anu alo atoga ɓuta avehaŋ talaauŋ ɓititoga [7–3] tulalo [10–2] tukanu [10–1] kar anu [10*1]

ga=mi anu ga=mi alo ga=mi atoga ga=mi ɓuta ga=mi avehaŋ ga=mi talaauŋ ga=mi ɓititoga ga=mi tulalo ga=mi tukanu ga=mi kar anu

of numerals 1 to 9 to decades are formed by the operator word vaaluŋ, which only ever occurs in additive numeral constructions, e.g. raatu ‘hundred’ + alo ‘two’ + vaaluŋ ‘operator’ + alo ‘two’ > raatu alo vaaluŋ alo ‘two hundred and two’. Multiplicative numerals are formed by addition of the locative verb mi ‘in, at’ which precedes the numeral (97). (97) mi alo in two ‘twice’ To form cardinal numerals, a third person singular possessive marker is added to a multiplicative numeral such as (97). While possessive markers are usually prefixal, in such cases they attach to an entire phrase and act as clitics (98). The proclitic ga= in these constructions does not have an identifiable referent. It has a similar use on other lexemes where its function is selection of a referent from a larger pool of potential referents, e.g. ga-koɓol 3sg.poss.i-young ‘the young one(s)’, which is discussed in section 4.6. (98) ga=mi alo 3sg.poss.i=in two ‘the second’ The passage in (99) exemplifies the use of both cardinal and ordinal numerals further. As it shows, all numerals appear to the right of the nominal head, e.g. vid ga=mi tukanu ‘the ninth day’, and complex numbers are formed by addition

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of multipliers and the operator word vaaluŋ to form additives. The number ‘1963’ below is analyzable as ribu anu [1000 * 1] + raatu tukanu [100 * 9] + kar talaauŋ [10 * 6] + vaaluŋ atoga [operator 3]. (99) vid ga=mi tukanu, ʔuru mi tukanu, sun 3sg.poss.i=in nine moon in nine

tuŋ year

ribu anu raatu tukanu kar talaauŋ vaaluŋ atoga thousand one hundred nine ten six oprtr three ‘the ninth of September 1963’

4.3 Relative clauses Reta does not have any formal means of marking relative clauses, and a relative clause has the same structure as an independent clause. An example of a relative clause is given in (100). (100) Nama ba [jema milil ʔaŋa]rc malekaŋ kalaaŋ person foc go fight.war nprox must k.o.sword ‘The people that go to war must bring swords.’

ɓaana. bring

While there are no formal means of marking them, there are a number of traits that characterize relative clauses: (i) they are demonstrably part of an NP and occupy a slot directly to the right of the numeral slot in the NP template (see (89) above), (ii) they tend to be preceded by the focus particle ba which focalizes the preceding noun, and (iii) they are usually marked as definite by means of a determiner such as ʔaŋa ‘nprox’. As for the difference between relative clauses and attributes (see section 4.1), consider amina ‘die’ in example (101) below. At first glance, this could be either an attribute or a relative clause. (101) [Kabiab amina ʔaŋ]np g-otok maŋ ta-bikil. goat die nprox 3sg.poss.i-stomach just rfl-bloated ‘The goat that died its stomach was very bloated.’ If we quantify the NP, however, we see that the verb amina ‘die’ is placed to the right of the numeral, as shown in (102). This is not the case when we replace it with a stative verb such as aɓal ‘white’, which is an attribute (103).

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(102) [kabiab atoga [amina]rc ʔaŋa]np (?kabiab amina atoga ʔaŋa) goat three die nprox ‘the three goats that died’ (103) [kabiab aɓal atoga ʔaŋa]np goat white three nprox ‘the three white goats’

(?kabiab atoga aɓal ʔaŋa)

Example (104) below also shows how aɓal ‘white’ and ɓaal ‘big’, which are stative verbs, are placed before the numeral, whereas the locative verb moomi ‘over there’, which is an active verb and forms a relative clause, is placed after it. This suggests that, in attributive function, there is some distributional distinction between stative and active verbs. In predicative use, however, there is no such difference. (104) bee aɓal ɓaal atoga [moo-mi]rc ʔaŋa pig white big three dist.level-in nprox ‘the three big white pigs over there’ As for the way head nouns are coded according to their function in the relative clause, Reta makes use of a gapping strategy for all roles that can be fulfilled by the head noun. The following examples, in which the gap is indicated by ‘ø’ and linked to the head noun by means of subscript ‘i’, illustrate this. In (105) nama ‘person’ is an intransitive subject, as it is the only argument of the predicate jema milil ‘go to war’. In (106) vaal ‘child’ is the P of ugajaali ‘give birth to’. (105) Namai ba [øi jema milil ʔaŋa]rc malekaŋ kalaaŋ ɓaana.]rc person foc go fight.war nprox must k.o.sword bring ‘The people that go to war must bring swords.’ (106) Vaali ba [daat-a Mandi øi u=g-ajaali ʔaŋa]rc child foc grandchild-dnml Mandi appl=3sg-give.birth nprox ga-nee Baŋgarame. 3sg.poss.i-name Banggarame ‘The child that Mandi the elder gave birth to was called Banggarame.’ In (107) tuak ‘palm wine’ is a theme, as it is introduced by the theme marker ma ‘come.level’ in the relative clause (see section 3.2 on ditransitives and section 7.4 on mia ma ‘take come.level’). In (108), nama ‘person’ is the recipient of the ‘give’verb genaŋ ‘give her/him/it’.

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(107) Tuaki ba [naŋ øi ma genaŋ ʔaŋa]rc palm.wine foc 1sg.nom come.level 3sg.give nprox tuak ɓera. palm.wine bad ‘The palm wine I gave him was bad palm wine.’ (108) Namai ba [naŋ mud ma øi genaŋ ʔaŋa]rc person foc 1sg.nom cooked.food come.level 3sg.give nprox ta~tabi malapal. rdp~right hungry ‘The person I gave the food to was hungry indeed.’ In (109), nama ‘person’ is a possessor. As the example shows, nominal possessors can be gapped but the possessive prefix must remain in place. As possessive markers are morphologically bound inflectional items, this can still be considered a gapping strategy. (109) Namai ba [naŋ øi ga-tuak ga-ɓuniŋ ʔaŋa]rc person foc 1sg.nom 3sg.poss.i-palm.wine 3sg-hide nprox a-ʔe n-ola jia. nprox-be 1sg-look.for placed ‘The person whose palm wine I stole is looking for me now.’ Lastly, locative head nouns are also gapped. This is shown in (110) and (111), where in both cases manaa ‘place’ is introduced by the locative verb mi ‘in, at’. In (110), mi is the sole predicate of the relative clause whereas in (111) it is part of a serial verb construction. (110) Natalehi ʔaŋa mi mida manaai ba [moŋ øi mi ʔaŋa.]rc Natalehi nprox in go.up place foc snake in nprox ‘Natalehi then went up to the place where the snake was.’ (111) Giŋ mida manaai ba [nama øi mi moŋ geŋ tamina ʔaŋa]rc 3pl go.up place foc person in snake 3sg.acc kill nprox mi se... in when ‘When they went to the place in which the snake was killed...’

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4.4 Determiners The Reta determiners consist of a set of demonstratives, which can be used adnominally and pronominally, and a single anaphoric determiner ɓenaŋ ‘(the one) mentioned’, which is only used adnominally. There are three distal demonstratives which are marked for elevation, and two are marked for proximity. The determiners are laid out in Table 7 below. Table 7: Reta determiners. demonstratives dist.level dist.high dist.low nprox prox

determiners mo(mo) to(to) po(po) ʔaŋ(a) ʔadi(ŋ)

anaph(oric)

ɓe(naŋ)

The elevationally marked demonstratives momo ‘that over there’, toto ‘that up there’ and popo ‘that down there’ are only used for referents that are neither close to the speaker nor to the addressee. They can be used adnominally and pronominally, and they mark the referent as definite (112). (112) (Jial) popo ʔuhi. water dist.low draw.water ‘Draw that (water) down there.’ The demonstratives, which operate in the nominal domain, differ from other spatially marked items, which are locative verbs (see section 7.1). An example of a locative verb is given in (113). (113) Vaat poo-mi popo ga-ʔuliŋ. coconut dist.low-in dist.low 3sg-see ‘Take a look at that coconut tree down there.’ The proximal and non-proximal demonstratives ʔadi ‘this’ and ʔaŋa ‘that’, which often surface as ʔadiŋ and ʔaŋ, are usually speech participant-anchored, either in a spatial or a discursive sense. As a non-proximate demonstrative, ʔaŋa is primarily used to specify referents that are in the vicinity of the addressee but not in the vicinity of the speaker, or not in the direct vicinity of either interlocutor. It is also used for referents that have been firmly established in the discourse, and it is

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the default definite marker. As a proximal demonstrative, ʔadi is used to specify referents in the speaker’s vicinity. Such a referent is often located closer to the speaker than to the addressee, but this is not always the case, e.g. a referent such as in (114) is neither closer to the speaker nor to the addressee. It is also used to specify referents that are new in the discourse, as well as referents that are under immediate observation. Both ʔadi and ʔaŋa can accompany pronouns (115). (114) palika ʔadi village prox ‘this island’ (115) a. giŋ ʔadiŋ gonoŋ 3pl prox coll ‘they here’ b. giŋ ʔaŋa gonoŋ 3pl nprox coll ‘they there’ The determiner ɓenaŋ ‘the one mentioned’, sometimes in combination with vede ‘(earlier) today’ is used anaphorically to refer to a referent mentioned earlier in the discourse (116). It can only be used adnominally, i.e. it is a determiner rather than a demonstrative. (116) Gaŋ moŋ ɓenaŋ hola mi atoga. 3sg.nom snake anaph slash in three ‘He slashed the snake (mentioned earlier) three times.’

4.5 Collectives As was discussed briefly in section 2.5.2, collectives are marked by the collective marker gonoŋ.5 It appears at the right edge of the NP, and it is the only element

5 I adopt the term ‘collective’ rather than ‘plural’ here, for several reasons. Unlike plurals in most languages, collective markers are optional and are generally absent when the noun is also modified by a numeral or quantifier (Rijkhoff 2002: 104–117), which is also the case in Reta. Further, rather than indicate that we are dealing with a multiplicity of singular referents, collective markers like gonoŋ specify the type of set that is expressed, i.e. a collective rather than a singleton set.

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of the NP occurring after a determiner, as shown in (117). As (118) shows, it may modify a pronoun. It can, however, not be used pronominally itself. (117) vaal ʔaŋa gonoŋ child nprox coll ‘those children’ (118) giŋ ʔadiŋ gonoŋ 3pl prox coll ‘they here’ Two examples of gonoŋ in sentential context are provided below. As (120) shows, it can also be used to collectivize the addressee. (119) Giŋ u=geve se, moŋ ba vaalakiri ʔadi gonoŋ kede. 3pl appl=peek when snake foc small.children prox coll eat ‘When they peeked inside, a snake was eating these small children.’ (120) Seeraŋ gonoŋ, piŋ lamal~lamal taaŋ mi hela! comrade coll 1pl.incl rdp~walk sea in descend ‘Comrades, we’re going down to sea!’ Reta also has an associative collective marker namiŋ which can combine with kin terms and proper nouns, e.g. Refael namiŋ ‘Refael and his associates’.

4.6 Possession Possessors in Reta are marked on the head noun with a possessive prefix on its left, which may co-occur with a full nominal possessor (121). (121)

a. nee-manaa 1sg.poss.iii-place ‘my place’ b. tamokuŋ gee-manaa village.head 3sg.poss.iii-place ‘the village head’s place’

There are three sets of possessive prefixes, laid out in Table 8. Set I is divided into two subsets, as the choice between them is not just lexically but also phono-

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logically determined: Set I-a is used for most consonant-initial, inalienably possessed nouns and most alienably possessed nouns, and Set I-b is only used for vowel-initial inalienably possessed nouns. The two other sets, Set II and Set III, only occur on a handful of roots. The possessive paradigm includes a ‘common’ category, which does not denote a specific possessor (e.g. ta-biaŋ ‘one’s head, people’s heads’). Table 8: Reta possessive prefixes and proclitics.

1sg 2sg 3sg 1pl.incl 1pl.excl 2pl 3pl cmn

Set I-a

Set I-b

Set II

Set III

naagapiniigita-

nøgpiniigit-

niigipiniigiti-

neeeegeepieenieeieegieetee-

As the table shows, the distinction between Set I-a, Set I-b and Set II is neutralized when the possessor referent is plural. Further, in Set II the distinction between 1sg and 1pl.excl, 2sg and 2pl, and 3sg and 3pl is neutralized. Set I-a is by far the most frequently occurring set. It is used for (i) most inalienably possessed nouns that start with a consonant (some belonging to Set II), and (ii) most alienably possessed nouns (one belonging to Set III), regardless of their initial phoneme. If the root starts with /ɑ/, adding a Set I-a singular prefix yields a geminate vowel /ɑɑ/, such as na-avee ‘my owl’ (see section 2.5.1 for a discussion of geminate vowels). Table 9 shows paradigms for the nouns -biaŋ ‘head’ and ʔee ‘house’ with Set I-a prefixes. Table 9: Some possessed nouns with Set I-a prefixes.

1sg 2sg 3sg 1pl.excl 1pl.incl 2pl 3pl cmn

‘head’

‘house’

na-biaŋ a-biaŋ ga-biaŋ ni-biaŋ pi-biaŋ i-biaŋ gi-biaŋ ta-biaŋ

na-ʔee a-ʔee ga-ʔee ni-ʔee pi-ʔee i-ʔee gi-ʔee ta-ʔee

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Set I-a is formally identical to the verbal person prefix paradigm (see section 6.1). Contrary to the verbal person prefixes, however, Set I-a prefixes have proclitic allomorphs. This can be demonstrated by the fact that they attach to entire verb phrases such as in (122), where the verb mi ‘in, at’ is incorporated into the verb phrase mi nua ‘better, best’ (see section 7.3 on mi). Furthermore, they occur to the left of the applicative proclitic u= in constructions such as (123), where an applicativized verb is used nominally (see section 6.2.1 on u=). By contrast, verbal person prefixes coalesce with the applicative to form applicativizing person prefixes (see section 6.2.2). In (124), for example, the prefix noo- is a coalescence of the person prefix na- and the applicative u=. (122) ga=mi nua 3sg.poss.i=in good ‘that which is best’ (123) na=u=ga-luali 1sg.poss.i=appl=3sg-follow ‘my trust/belief’ (124) noo-ga-luali 1sg.appl-3sg-follow ‘trust me’ It is further worth noting that the third person singular prefix ga- is sometimes used without a specific possessor referent, in which case it serves to select a nominal referent from a pool of other potential referents, e.g. ‘the old/blue/ small one(s)’. This is shown in (125), where ga-boma and ga-koɓol mean ‘the old ones’ and ‘the young ones’ respectively. A somewhat similar use was shown in section 4.2, where ga- attaches to the locative verb mi ‘in, at’ to form ordinal numerals. (125) Uee, iŋ a-ʔe neeniŋ gene jia? hello 2pl nprox-be what do placed Ga-boma ʔaŋa naga e ga-koɓol ʔaŋa! 3sg.poss.i-old.man nprox neg conj 3sg.poss.i-youngster nprox ‘Hello, what are you all doing? Not the old ones but the young ones!’ Set I-b, shown in Table 10, is used for vowel-initial inalienably possessed nouns. This includes most body parts, but not all: many body parts such as vee ‘blood’

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and talaa ‘bone’ are not obligatorily possessed, and some body parts belong to Set II. The nouns that have been observed to take Set I-b-prefixes include -oomi ‘inside’, -eeŋ ‘eye’, -oto ‘testicle(s)’, -ool ‘penis’, -aal ‘vagina’, -oot ‘neck’, -amaŋ ‘voice’, -aag ‘mouth’ -otok ‘stomach’ and -ataŋ ‘hand’. Table 10: Some possessed nouns with Set I-b prefixes.

1sg 2sg 3sg 1pl.excl 1pl.incl 2pl 3pl cmn

‘eye’

‘testicles’

n-eeŋ eeŋ g-eeŋ ni-eeŋ pi-eeŋ i-eeŋ gi-eeŋ t-eeŋ

n-oto oto g-oto ni-oto pi-oto i-oto gi-oto t-oto

Set II, displayed in Table 11, occurs on a limited set of roots and is restricted to nouns denoting body parts and family members. In this set, the distinction between 1sg and 1pl.excl, 2sg and 2pl, and 3sg and 3pl is neutralized. The roots on which Set II-prefixes have been observed are the following: -daat ‘grandchild’, -kuna ‘same-sex sibling’, -maaŋ ‘father’, -vaa ‘mother’, -aka ‘foot/feet’, -at ‘buttocks’ and -avakal ‘face’. Table 11: Some possessed nouns with Set II prefixes.

1sg 2sg 3sg 1pl.excl 1pl.incl 2pl 3pl cmn

‘buttocks’

‘mother’

ni-at i-at gi-at ni-at pi-at i-at gi-at ti-at

ni-vaa i-vaa gi-vaa ni-vaa pi-vaa i-vaa gi-vaa ti-vaa

It is quite likely that Set II emerged out of i-initial loans that were subsequently rebracketed; for nivaa ‘my mother’ and nimaaŋ ‘my father’, the forms niva and nimaŋ are also observed, with short vowels and with stress on the penultimate, rather than the final syllable. These appear to be loans from Blagar, where the roots are -imaŋ and -iva (see Steinhauer 2014: 16). Another possible loan from

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Blagar is -idat used for anyone two or more generations older or younger than ego in Blagar (Steinhauer 2010), which means ‘grandchild’ in Reta. Set III, displayed in Table 12, has been observed on only one root: manaa ‘place’. This is a very frequent lexeme but also the only host for Set III prefixes, and as a result such prefixes have an extremely low type frequency but a relatively high token frequency. Table 12: Set III prefixes on manaa ‘place’. ‘place’ 1sg 2sg 3sg 1pl.excl 1pl.incl 2pl 3pl cmn

nee-manaa ee-manaa gee-manaa niee-manaa piee-manaa iee-manaa giee-manaa tee-manaa

The noun manaa ‘place’ can take both Set I-a and Set-III prefixes, with different meanings: ga-manaa simply means ‘her/his place’, whereas geemanaa ‘her/his place’ adds a sense of intrinsicness or ownership, and often denotes someone’s house, bed or room (126). (126) Anu ba ga-lolaŋ ʔadiŋ Laha ʔol one foc 3sg-lower prox Laha ʔol ‘The one below was Laha ʔol’s place.’

gee-manaa. 3sg.poss.iii-place

5 Pronouns Reta has at least seven sets of pronouns, some of which are derived from (combinations of) other lexemes: (i) nominative pronouns, denoting most S/A arguments; (ii) accusative pronouns, denoting P arguments as well as some S/A arguments, primarily those which are put in focus; (iii) possessive pronouns, expressing a possessive relation, either within an NP or as a predicate; (iv) quantified pronouns, which are used for non-singular human referents that are accompanied by a numeral or quantifier; (v) dual pronouns, which are used for referents comprising a set of exactly two; (vi) emphatic pronouns, which typically emphasize

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the agentive nature of an S or A argument, and (vii) reflexive pronouns. The paradigms are given in Table 13. Table 13: Reta pronouns.

1sg 2sg 3sg 1pl.excl 1pl.incl 2pl 3pl recp/cmn

nom

acc

poss

qnt

dual

emph

refl

naŋ aŋ gaŋ niŋ piŋ iŋ giŋ –

neŋ eŋ geŋ niŋ piŋ iŋ giŋ teŋ

neg eg geg nig pig ig gig teg

– – – ninaŋ pinaŋ inaŋ ginaŋ –

– – – nibala pibala ibala gibala –

naʔil aʔil gaʔil niʔil piʔil iʔil giʔil –

naavak aavak gaavak niavak piavak iavak giavak taavak

S-prefixing verbs like -lokaŋ ‘alone’, -aaga ‘not want’ and -manaka ‘of one’s own accord’ can also occur in argument position, and therefore display some pronominal behavior. These are discussed further in section 6.1.5.

5.1 Nominative and accusative pronouns The two primary sets of pronouns in Reta are the nominative and accusative pronouns. As a rule of thumb, nominative pronouns can be used as S/A arguments in any kind of predicate. This is exemplified in (127) and (128). (127) Aŋ ɓela. 2sg.nom not.good ‘You’re no good.’ (128) Naŋ nama amu haɓaa. 1sg.nom person man hit ‘I hit a man.’ Accusative pronouns typically express P arguments (129). As (130) and (131) show, however, they may also express S or A arguments. (129) Gaŋ neŋ haɓaa. 3sg.nom 1sg.acc hit ‘S/he hit me.’

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(130) Naŋ / neŋ guru. 1sg.nom 1sg.acc teacher ‘I’m a teacher.’ (131) Naŋ / neŋ ʔee gene. 1sg.nom 1sg.acc house make ‘I built a house.’ Both nominative and accusative pronouns are generally permitted in S/A position. Textual evidence, however, suggests that the chance of an accusative pronoun being used is greatest for equational predicates, somewhat less with stative verbs, and lesser still with active intransitive verbs. They only rarely occur as an A in a transitive predicate, and, as (132) shows, cannot immediately precede a pronominal P. They may, however, co-occur when the A is marked by a focus particle. (132) a. *Geŋ neŋ haɓaa. 3sg.acc 1sg.acc hit Intended: ‘S/he hit me.’ b. Geŋ ba neŋ haɓaa. 3sg.acc foc 1sg.acc hit ‘It was her/him that hit me.’ There is evidence to support the idea that one of the functions of accusative pronouns is to foreground an S or A, hence they constitute a marked alternative to the regular pattern. The predicate in (133), for instance, would not allow a nominative pronoun in S position, as geŋ ‘him’ in combination with ʔadi ‘this’ is meant to contrast the referent with others. (133) Milu Hulu di boola geŋ (*gaŋ) ʔadiŋ ga-viaki tutuk. Milu Hulu too say 3sg.acc prox 3sg-last speak ‘Milu Hulu also said that he would speak last.’ Similarly, when a pronominal referent is put in focus with the focus particle ba, a nominative pronoun cannot be used. This is shown below, where ba with an accusative pronoun is grammatical (134a), but yields an ungrammatical clause with a nominative pronoun (134b). (134) a. Neŋ ba ʔee ʔadi mi miha. 1sg.acc foc house prox in sit ‘It’s me who lives in this house.’

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b. *Naŋ ba ʔee ʔadi mi miha. 1sg.nom foc house prox in sit Intended: ‘It’s me who lives in this house.’ Further, two pronominal referents may be contrasted with one another in separate clauses, in which case the referent may be emphasized with an accusative pronoun in each clause (135). (135) Geŋ nama behil, neŋ nama pataaki. 3sg.acc person kill.with.cleaver 1sg.acc person cut ‘He kills people, I cut them up.’ The data above suggest that one of the main functions of accusative pronouns is to contrast referents, or to put them in focus. While the degree of transitivity has some effect, agentivity itself does not seem to play a major role in the choice between nominative and accusative pronouns (e.g. (135)). In S/A position, the nominative pronouns outnumber the accusative pronouns around 6-to-1 in my corpus, and clearly are the unmarked option. The accusative set also has a reciprocal pronoun teŋ (136). Contrary to the reciprocal person prefix t(a)- and the prefix ta- (see section 6.1), which has a number of other functions, in my data its function is always reciprocal. It can only be used in P-position. (136) Giŋ teŋ haɓaa. 3pl recp hit ‘They hit each other.’

5.2 Possessive pronouns Possessive pronouns differ from possessive prefixes in three ways: (i) they are not morphologically bound, (ii) they occur to the right of the head noun, and (iii) they are able to function as an independent argument or nominal predicate. Their ability to function as a predicate is shown in (137). (137) Ta~taʔaŋ ba neg? rdp~which foc 1sg.poss ‘Which is mine exactly?’

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When possessive pronouns occur to the right of the possessed noun, the possessor may intervene, as in (138), where the possessor Laha ɓaal appears between the possessive pronoun and the possessum saligaŋ ‘bed’. (138) Saligaŋ Laha ɓaal geg ʔaŋa mia ma ga-tela bed Laha ɓaal 3sg.poss nprox take come.level 3sg.poss.i-top halia. hang ‘The bed that was Laha ɓaal’s was hung from the top.’

5.3 Quantified pronouns Quantified pronouns denote human, non-singular referents and must be accompanied by a quantifier or numeral. As their referents are necessarily human and non-singular, the final element -naŋ in these pronouns can be considered a human classifier. The examples below show that they can be used as S/A arguments (139) and as P arguments (140). (139) Ginaŋ aji=mi moŋ ɓenaŋ biri. 3pl.qnt whole=in snake anaph pull.hard ‘They all pulled the snake.’ (140) Lahatala ba bisa pinaŋ aji=mi pi-ʔuliŋ. God foc can 1pl.excl.qnt whole=in 1pl.incl-see ‘God is the one who can see us all.’ Quantified pronouns are not only used when a pronoun is modified within an NP by means of a quantifier or numeral, but must also be used when quantification is predicated. This is shown in (141), where toohiŋ e raae ‘very many’ forms the predicate for the quantified pronominal subject pinaŋ. (141) Pi-too-puni g-oomi ʔadiŋ mi, 1pl.incl.poss.i-recp.appl-hold 3sg.poss.i-inside prox in tantu pinaŋ toohiŋ e raae. of.course 1pl.incl.qnt many conj many ‘In our coming together here, of course we are very many.’

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5.4 Dual pronouns Dual pronouns are used for non-singular referents consisting of exactly two. These are most often used in A position, but are not restricted to it. Dual number is not obligatorily expressed, as dual referents can be expressed by plural pronouns as well. In (142), the dual pronoun functions as an S. In (143) it functions as a P, and in (144) it functions as an A. (142) Naŋ hela, nibala duguŋ g-oomi ma~mulal 1sg.nom descend 1du.excl stone.heap 3sg.poss.i-inside rdp~play hi! deont ‘I’m going down, the two us will have a romp inside the stone heap!’ (143) Naŋ gibala gi-ʔuliŋ. 1sg.nom 3du 3pl-see ‘I saw the two of them.’ (144) Nibala ʔagual mi hela. 1du.excl harbor in descend ‘The two of us are going down to the harbor.’ The dual pronouns undoubtedly emerged out of the verb -ala ‘with’ and an unidentified element -b-, but are analyzed as pronouns here. Their verbal origin is still reflected in some of their uses. In example (145), for instance, ibala, which usually acts as a dual pronoun, appears to introduce alaŋ ‘who’. It does so in much the same way as the verb gala ‘with her/him/it’ introduces it in (146), except for the fact that the plural prefix i- in (145) indexes a ‘cumulative’ referent, i.e. it indexes both eŋ and alaŋ, which is otherwise unattested in verbs. It should further be noted that dual pronouns almost always occur on their own as clausal arguments. Their status as pronouns is further corroborated by the fact that a dual pronoun like ibala can be an argument of the verb -ala ‘with’ (147), which strongly suggests they have grammaticalized into pronouns. (145) Eŋ alaŋ i-b-ala lamal? 2sg.acc who 2pl-du-with walk ‘With whom are you going?’

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(146) Eŋ alaŋ g-ala lamal? 2sg.acc who 3sg-with walk ‘With whom are you going?’ (147) Gibala mulai ʔaŋa mi t-ala magaada. 3du begin nprox in recp-with garden ‘The two of them began gardening together there.’ Duals may also be realized by a combination of a quantified pronoun and a specialized form of the numeral ‘two’, molo ‘two, the two of X’. This is presumably a historical contraction of ma ‘come.level’ and alo ‘two’. Similar derivations occur on two other elements, atoga ‘three’ and tula ‘first, in front’ to form matoga ‘three, the three of X’ and matula ‘first, the first one’. With a combination of a quantified pronoun and either molo or matoga, duals and trials can be formed, e.g. inaŋ molo ‘the two of you’, inaŋ matoga ‘the three of you’. The forms molo and matoga only ever accompany quantified pronouns. Upwards of ‘four’, the bare numeral is used, e.g. inaŋ ɓuta ‘the four of you’, not *inaŋ maɓuta.

5.5 Emphatic pronouns Emphatic pronouns consist of ʔil, which in other contexts means ‘thing’, and a prefix coreferential with the subject.6 Emphatic pronouns generally signify that an action is carried out by oneself, often emphasizing the agentive nature of a referent (148)–(149). They can only be used in S/A-position, and can either stand alone as pronouns or accompany a coreferential nominative pronoun or subject NP. (148) (Naŋ) naʔil lamal. 1sg.nom 1sg.emph walk ‘I’ll walk by myself.’ (149) (Naŋ) naʔil geŋ tamina. 1sg.nom 1sg.emph 3sg.acc kill ‘I myself killed him / I killed him myself.’

6 It is not immediately clear that the word for ‘thing’ should be related. This type of pronoun is, however, also found in Klon and Blagar, where they likewise include a word for ‘thing’ (Baird 2008: 77; Steinhauer and Gomang 2016: 179). The Klon and Blagar words for ‘thing’, ngan and na, do not appear to be related to Reta ʔil.

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5.6 Reflexive pronouns Reflexive pronouns signify that an A and a P have the same referent in a predicate. They consist of the noun -avak ‘self’ and a prefix coreferential with the A and P. Examples are given in (150)–(151). There is also a ‘common’ reflexive pronoun taavak ‘oneself, ourselves’. (150) Naŋ naavak u=ola-ŋ. 1sg.nom 1sg.refl appl=search-dvrb ‘I support myself.’ (151) Hial pata-ŋ ɓenaŋ gonoŋ giavak ga-buala moŋ. rope tie-dvrb anaph coll 3pl.refl 3sg-change snake ‘The ropes turned (lit. changed themselves) into snakes.’

6 Verbal prefixes Reta has two sets of person-marked verbal prefixes, which are laid out in Table 14, as well as an applicative proclitic u=. The first set, the P-indexing person prefixes, generally index a P argument but may index S or A in a number of cases. The applicativizing prefix set generally increases valence and introduces locative and stimulus clausal participants, but may also alter the semantics of the predicate without an increase in valence. The applicativizing prefixes are analyzable as coalescences of P-indexing prefixes and the applicative u=. Table 14: Reta verbal person prefixes.

1sg 2sg 3sg 1pl.excl 1pl.incl 2pl 3pl recp/refl

p-indexing

applicativizing

n(a)(a)g(a)piniigit(a)-

noooogoopiooniooioogiootoo-

The following section discusses the interaction between P-indexing prefixes and different verb types, and section 6.2 discusses applicativization.

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6.1 P-indexing prefixes P-indexing prefixes typically index a P on prefixing transitive verbs. If the P is pronominal, the prefix denotes the referent itself (152a). If the P is represented by a full noun or NP, the prefix is still obligatory and is coreferential with it (152b). An accusative pronoun cannot be used alongside a P-indexing prefix (152c). (152) a. Naŋ ga-ʔuliŋ. 1sg.nom 3sg-see ‘I see her/him.’ b. Naŋ jobal ga-ʔuliŋ. 1sg.nom dog 3sg-see ‘I see the dog.’ c. *Naŋ geŋ ga-ʔuliŋ. 1sg.nom 3sg.acc 3sg-see Intended: ‘I see her/him.’ The P-indexing prefix t(a)- (see Table 14) has a number of functions. Firstly, it occurs on some intransitive verbs, in which case the verb becomes transitive, e.g. takimaŋ ‘silent’ > ta-takimaŋ ‘silent to one another’. When it is added to transitive verbs, these usually become reciprocal, e.g. -taa ‘shoot’ > ta-taa ‘shoot one another’, though in a handful of cases they become reflexive, as in (153). As the example shows, the verb can then be made reciprocal by partially reduplicating the prefixed verb. (153) a. ta-ɓuniŋ refl-hide ‘hide (oneself)’ b. ta~ta-ɓuniŋ rdp~recp-hide ‘hide-and-seek (lit. hide from one another)’ In addition to the indexation of P arguments, P-indexing prefixes also fulfill a number of other functions. Firstly, on some intransitive verbs they may be used as transitivizers to add P-arguments. Secondly, they may be used as causativizers on a number of intransitive verbs, in which case they add an A argument. Further, some verbs index S with a P-indexing prefix, while some index either S or P. The following sections discuss these respective functions.

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6.1.1 Obligatory indexing on monotransitive verbs Transitive verbs are roughly split between those that obligatorily take a person prefix and those that never do. Table 15 below lists a number of transitive verbs according to their prefixing behavior. The division appears to be largely lexical in nature, although a considerably high number of prefixing transitive verbs take an animate P. Table 15: Some transitive verbs according to prefixing behavior. Always take P-prefix

Never take P-prefix

-pika -ola -eteŋ -ohi -daaŋ -ɓuniŋ -eli -ahi

ɓaana tamina ɓeei haɓaa na kede pataaki baloli

‘pinch’ ‘look for’ ‘ask’ ‘order’ ‘follow, face’ ‘hide’ ‘know, get’ ‘feed’

‘bring’ ‘kill’ ‘cast’ ‘hit’ ‘drink’ ‘eat’ ‘cut’ ‘wrap’

The difference between prefixing and non-prefixing transitive verbs is shown in the two examples below. In (154) the verb -taa ‘shoot’ indexes the P nama anu ‘someone’, while in (155) the verb haɓaa ‘hit’ remains unprefixed. (154) Prefixing transitive verb Naŋ nama anu ga-taa. 1sg.nom person one 3sg-shoot ‘I shot someone.’ (155) Non-prefixing transitive verb Naŋ nama anu haɓaa. 1sg.nom person one hit ‘I hit someone.’

6.1.2 P-adding prefixation An optional person prefix can be added to a number of intransitive verbs to increase its valence by adding a P argument. These include all motion verbs, such as ma ‘come.level’, and some 15 other verbs. A few examples are given below.

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(156) koo ‘cry’ > ga-koo ‘mourn her/him’ ʔuliŋ ‘see, look’ > ga-ʔuliŋ ‘see, look at her/him’ ɓotaŋ ‘insulting’ > ga-ɓotaŋ ‘insult her/him’ When motion verbs are prefixed, the referent prefixed on the verb is interpreted as a goal or reason for the movement (157). (157) Naŋ ʔil anu ga-ma. 1sg.nom thing one 3sg-come.level ‘I’ve come for something.’ Additionally, a number of transitive verbs may or may not index P with a person prefix based on animacy. That is, some verbs that usually take an inanimate P argument may demote this argument to oblique, and add a human argument which acts as a goal by means of a person prefix. The verbs for which this has been attested are verbs of transfer and include mega ‘place, put’, halia ‘hang’, and panatu ‘send’. An example is given in (158), where seŋ ‘money’, which is a P in the first example, is demoted to oblique by mia ma ‘take come.level’, and Paulus is incorporated as a P by means of the prefix ga-. (158) a. Naŋ seŋ panatu. 1sg.nom money send ‘I send money.’ b. Naŋ seŋ mia ma Paulus ga-panatu. 1sg.nom money take come.level Paulus 3sg-send ‘I send Paulus money.’

6.1.3 A-adding prefixation on intransitive verbs Some intransitive verbs may be causativized by means of a person prefix. This is exemplified in (159), where the intransitive stative verb hika ‘broken, torn’ is causativized by means of the prefix ga-, which is coreferential with the causee kapa ‘yarn’, and the A gaŋ is licensed as a result. As (159c) shows, causativizing prefixes may also express the causee referent pronominally. (159) a. Kapa ʔaŋa hika. yarn nprox broken ‘The yarn is broken.’

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b. Gaŋ kapa ʔaŋa ga-hika. 3sg.nom yarn nprox 3sg-broken ‘He tears the yarn apart.’ c. Gaŋ ga-hika. 3sg.nom 3sg-broken ‘He breaks it.’ Causativization involves stative verbs as well as a number of active intransitive verbs and a handful of nouns. These have the full prefix paradigm at their disposal, but have by far the highest text frequency with inanimate, third person causees. Table 16 lists a number of attested active and stative verbs that may be causativized by means of a person prefix. Table 16: Some causativizable verbs in Reta. Active > Causative

Stative > Causative

sooru taa tootu mugu bale koola miha hipal

tutuŋ ɓohiŋ molo hamoolaŋ tepul liali hika taɓokaŋ

‘slide’ ‘lie down’ ‘flow’ ‘fall’ ‘return’ ‘fall, tumble’ ‘sit’ ‘spring’

‘hot’ ‘empty’ ‘straight’ ‘clean’ ‘scorched’ ‘clear, open’ ‘broken, torn’ ‘short’

6.1.4 Verbs indexing S, A or P There is a small class of verbs that indexes either S, A or P with a person prefix, which to some extent resembles the inherently reflexive verbs in Nedebang (Schapper, this volume). These verbs can be divided into two types. For one type only S can be indexed, while for the other type either A or P may be indexed. The first type consists of two verbs, tajobiŋ ‘forget’ and -eeliŋ ‘remember’, which both take a person prefix indexing A. This is obligatory for -eeliŋ ‘remember’ (which also obligatorily takes an applicative), but it is optional for tajobiŋ ‘forget’. However, without a person prefix, tajobiŋ can only be used intransitively. An example is given in (160), where tajobiŋ ‘forget’ is used transitively and the prefix pi- indexes A.

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(160) Oo, ʔadi piŋ pi-tajobiŋ! excl prox 1pl.incl 1pl.incl-forget ‘Oh, this we forgot!’ There is also a set of five posture verbs that are obligatorily prefixing, and whose prefix indexes either S or P. These are -lomuŋ ‘upright’, -ala ɓeɓe ‘supine’, -tukuŋ ‘bow, bend’, -at takuli ‘upside down’ and -doodu ‘prone’. When their prefix indexes S, the construction is intransitive, but it becomes transitive when it indexes P. This contrast is exemplified in (161). (161)

a. Naŋ na-doodu. 1sg.nom 1sg-prone ‘I lie prone.’ b. Naŋ ga-doodu. 1sg.nom 3sg-prone ‘I lay her/him/it prone.’

6.1.5 Intransitive verbs indexing S Reta has a number of so-called S-prefixing verbs. Those that have been attested are -aaga ‘not want’, tula ‘first’, viaki ‘last, from behind’, -lokaŋ ‘alone’, -manaka ‘of one’s own accord’ and -egel ‘have one’s turn to’. The indexation of S is optional for tula ‘first’ and viaki ‘last, from behind’, and obligatory for the other four. An example is given in (162). (162) Gaŋ g-aaga. 3sg.nom 3sg-not.want ‘S/he doesn’t want to.’ S-prefixing verbs are somewhat idiosyncratic in that, rather than function as a predicates, they can be used in argument position, as exemplified in (163). As these examples show, they are optionally accompanied by a coreferential NP, noun or pronoun. (163) a. Vede (giŋ) gi-lokaŋ ʔil kede. today 3pl 3pl-alone thing eat ‘Today they ate alone.’

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b. Vede (giŋ) gi-viaki ʔil kede. today 3pl 3pl-last thing eat ‘Today they ate last.’ c. Vede (giŋ) gi-tula ʔil kede. today 3pl 3pl-first thing eat ‘Today they ate first.’ The following examples illustrate further the difference between S-prefixing verbs in predicates and in argument position. In (164), galokaŋ occurs inside the embracing negation and is part of the predicate. In (165) it is shown that it can also occur outside the predicate: adverbs like vede ‘today’ always occur on the left edge of the predicate, and, as the examples show, galokaŋ can either occur inside or outside of it, and either alone or with a coreferential noun, NP or pronoun. (164) ʔiba se ɓaka-ɓaka ɓenaŋ [ka ga-lokaŋ ba naga.]pred but when frog anaph neg 3sg-alone foc neg ‘…but the frog was not alone.’ (165) a. Ni-maaŋ [vede ga-lokaŋ taaŋ mi hela jema.]pred 1.poss.ii-father today 3sg-alone sea in descend go ‘Today father went to the beach alone.’ b. Ni-maaŋ ga-lokaŋ [vede taaŋ mi hela jema.]pred 1.poss.ii-father 3sg-alone today sea in descend go ‘Today father alone went to the beach.’ c. Ga-lokaŋ [vede taaŋ mi hela jema.]pred 3sg-alone today sea in descend go ‘S/he alone went to the beach today.’ S-prefixing verbs behaving as pronouns have been attested in a number of different roles, such as undergoers and recipients. Example (166) below shows gitula ‘them first’ as an undergoer, and example (167) shows giviaki ‘them last’ as a recipient. (166) Naŋ meleŋ gi-tula gi-ʔuliŋ. 1sg.nom before.today 3pl-first 3pl-see ‘I saw them first yesterday.’ (167) Naŋ bi mat mia ma gi-viaki ginaŋ. 1sg.nom betel.nut take come.level 3pl-last 3pl.give ‘I gave them betel nut last.’

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Like the dual pronouns described in section 5.4, S-prefixing verbs find themselves somewhere on the cline between verb and pronoun. Contrary to dual pronouns, however, they are analyzed as verbs rather than pronouns, because they usually occur in predicates rather than in argument position, and are most often accompanied by a coreferential noun or pronoun.

6.2 Applicativizing prefixes 6.2.1 Applicative u= The applicative proclitic u= is a very productive applicative that primarily transitivizes one-place verbs and promotes oblique participants to core argument (168). It is analyzed as a clitic because it can attach to entire verb phrases with accusative pronouns, which is shown further below. It may also coalesce with a person prefix and become an applicativizing person prefix. This is discussed in section 6.2.2. (168) a. Naŋ hipal. 1sg.nom jump ‘I jump.’ b. Naŋ vaal ʔaŋa u=hipal. 1sg.nom stone nprox appl=jump ‘I jumped towards the stone.’ The semantic roles that can be fulfilled by the licensed argument are locatives (generally goals) and ‘stimuli’ in the sense of a subject of thought or discussion, as shown in Table 17. Table 17: Licensing of allatives and stimuli. root

applicativized

hera ‘drop, fall’ ʔande ‘think’

u=hera ‘drop, fall onto’ u=ʔande ‘think about’

When used on an intransitive active verb or non-prefixing transitive verb, u= is attached directly to the root. When it is used on a prefixed verb, e.g. a causativized stative verb or an obligatorily prefixing transitive verb, it appears to the left of the person prefix. This is shown in Tables 18 and 19 below.

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Table 18: Applicativization of causativized stative verbs. root

prefixed form

applicativized

liali ‘bright’ kaahi ‘split’

ga-liali ‘make it bright’ ga-kaahi ‘split it’

u=ga-liali ‘shine on’ u=ga-kaahi ‘tear it out, off’

Table 19: Applicativization of prefixing transitive verbs. root

prefixed form

applicativized

-ɓuniŋ ‘hide’ -luali ‘follow’

ga-ɓuniŋ ‘hide it’ u=ga-ɓuniŋ ‘hide it from’ ga-luali ‘follow her/him’ u=ga-luali ‘believe, obey’

There are cases when u= does not license an additional argument, i.e. is valence-preserving, which is only ever the case when it occurs on a transitive verb. In these cases the P is usually marked as allative, e.g. haɓaa ‘hit’ > u=haɓaa ‘hit at’. Two examples are given in Table 20. Table 20: Valence-preserving applicativization. root

applicativized

pataaki ‘cut’ bukaŋ ‘(sit) near, close to’

u=pataaki ‘cut on(to), carve (away) at’ u=bukaŋ  ‘guard, watch over’

Valence-preserving applicativization tends to affect the intensity of the action. An example of this in sentential context is given in (169), where u= intensifies the transitive verb nalia ‘lick’.7 (169) Ga-jobal ɓenaŋ navera, ʔaŋa mi ga-manaakiŋ u=nalia. 3sg.poss.i-dog anaph happy nprox in 3sg.poss.i-owner appl=lick ‘This dog of his was happy, and then licked his owner up and down.’ Formally, u= is analyzed as a clitic, because it may attach to entire verb phrases that contain an accusative pronoun. In such cases, the licensed argument constitutes a reason or cause. An example is given in (170), where u= licenses ʔil ‘thing’ as a reason.

7  This type of re-analysis of applicatives is cross-linguistically common (Willemsen 2017).

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(170) ʔil ba piŋ u=teŋ gahiŋ jema ɓaana ʔadu thing foc 1pl.incl appl=recp order go bring arrive ʔaŋa ka ɓaana ʔadu ba naga. nprox neg bring arrive foc neg  ‘The thing we send each other for does not arrive.’ Numerals and some nouns may also take applicative u=, yielding a meaning like ‘make X into Y’, e.g. atoga ‘three’ > u=atoga ‘make it into three’. Nominal examples include sarinta ‘story’ > u=sarinta ‘make into a story, tell a story about’ and jaal ‘dream’ > u=jaal ‘have a dream about’. In example (171) below, the use of u= on numerals is exemplified. (171) Matul a-ʔe ʔaab tuni u=atoga. old.woman nprox-be fish cut appl=three ‘The lady is cutting the fish into three.’

6.2.2 Applicativizing person prefixes Applicativizing person prefixes license additional pronominal arguments. They can be analyzed as coalescences of u= and a person prefix, and are exclusive to human referents (172). This coalescence is optional when the referent is also expressed by a nominal subject (173). (172) a. Gaŋ moŋ u=ɓaliliŋ. (*goo-ɓaliliŋ) 3sg.nom snake appl=afraid 3sg.appl-afraid ‘He’s afraid of the snake.’ b. Moŋ goo-ɓaliliŋ. snake 3sg.appl-afraid ‘The snake is afraid of him.’ (173) a. Naŋ nama ʔaŋa u=hipal. 1sg.nom person nprox appl=jump ‘I jump towards that person.’ b. Naŋ nama ʔaŋa goo-hipal. 1sg.nom person nprox 3sg.appl-jump ‘I jump towards that person.’

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As was shown in section 6.2.1, applicative u= occurs to the left of any person prefix, e.g. gaɓuniŋ ‘hide it’ > ugaɓuniŋ ‘hide it from’. In most cases, u= can then still coalesce with a person prefix, resulting in two participants indexed on the verb (174)–(175). (174) a. u=ga-liali b. goo-ga-liali appl=3sg-bright 3sg.appl-3sg-bright ‘make it bright for’ ‘make it bright for her/him’ (175) a. u=ga-ɓuniŋ appl=3sg-hide ‘hide it from’

b. goo-ga-ɓuniŋ 3sg.appl-3sg-hide ‘hide it from her/him’

As the data provided thus far suggest, applicativizing person prefixes fulfil largely the same function as the bare applicative u=, albeit with a pronominally expressed, human referent. There are, however, a number of cases where the applicativizing person prefix yields an idiosyncratic meaning compared to the bare applicative u= (176). (176) Naŋ noo-ʔuliŋ. (cf. u=ʔuliŋ ‘stare/gaze at’) 1sg.nom 1sg.appl-see ‘I dress up / show off.’

7 Serial verb constructions Like all other TAP languages, Reta makes extensive use of serial verbs. This section describes the most important of these. Section 7.1 discusses the marking of direction and elevation, and section 7.2 discusses participant-introducing SVCs. Sections 7.3 and 7.4 are devoted to discussions of two prominent verbal elements with a wide variety of purposes, mi ‘in, at’ and mia ma ‘take come.level’. Aspect and mood, which are often marked by means of SVCs, are discussed in section 8.

7.1 Direction and elevation 7.1.1 Elevational and deictic verbs In addition to the elevationally marked determiners which were discussed in section 4.4, Reta has a sizeable paradigm of elevationally marked distal verbs,

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as well as deictic, speech-participant anchored verbs. These are laid out in Table 21. All such verbs are effectively inflected for location, and are the result of re-iterating combinations of deictic elements and other parts-of-speech. Some of them, like the goa-set and the mi-set in columns 2 and 4, can also take a nominal or pronominal complement. Table 21: Reta elevationally and spatially marked verbs.

dist.level dist.high dist.low nprox prox

‘be’

‘here, there’ (non-visible)

‘here, there’ (visible)

moʔe toʔe poʔe aʔe giʔe

moomi toomi poomi ʔaŋ(a)mi ʔadi(ŋ)mi

ʔadimoo ʔaditoo ʔadipoo ʔadia ʔadii

‘near, via, side’ axal

‘follow, along’

non-axal

mogoa magoa togoa tagoa pogoa pagoa agoa gigoa

moogooni toogooni poogooni agani giani

The paradigms combine a dimension of distance, i.e. proximate, non-proximate and distal, with a dimension of elevation, i.e. high, level and low. It should be noted that the term ‘elevation’ here corresponds to more than physical elevation. For example, Kalabahi, which can be seen from the slopes of Pura, is situated lower and also appears as such. Yet, it is marked as high from this viewpoint. Conversely, the Retta village on the slopes of Pura is marked as low from the viewpoint of Kalabahi. As is argued in Willemsen (in preparation), this is because compass points also play a role in the mapping of elevation onto elevational verbs and motion verbs. Further, any location far removed from the Alor-Pantar archipelago, e.g. Jakarta, is marked as low. I will now briefly discuss the respective paradigms in turn. The ‘be’-set and the non-visible ‘here, there’-set in the first two columns are by far the most commonly used elements. They often occur together and their functions overlap to some degree. The ‘be’-set, characterized by the bound element -ʔe, consists of existential verbs marked for proximity and elevation (177). When modifying a verb, they typically occur to its left and signal that an action is carried out at this location (178). (177) To-ʔe ba naga! dist.high-be foc neg ‘(It’s) not up there!’ (178) To-ʔe paleteŋ mi jia. dist.high-be height in placed ‘(It’s) sat up high.’

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The non-visible ‘here, there’-set in the second column are locatives. While they can form a predicate on their own (179), they are most often accompanied by a motion verb, in which case the location becomes an allative or ablative (180). (179) bee aɓal ɓaal atoga moo-mi ʔaŋa pig white big three dist.level-in nprox ‘the three big white pigs over there’ (180) Aŋ moo-mi va! 2sg.nom dist.level-in go.level ‘You go over there!’ As Table 21 shows, the non-visible ‘here, there’-set is characterized by the addition of mi ‘in, at’ to spatial prefixes such as moo-. As such, they can be replaced by other locative phrases. This is shown in (181), where poomi ‘down there’ is replaced by a more specific locative phrase. (181) a. Ni-vaa po-ʔe poo-mi. 1.poss.ii-mother dist.low-be dist.low-in ‘Mother is down there.’ b. Ni-vaa po-ʔe i-ʔee mi. 1.poss.ii-mother dist.low-be 2pl.poss.i-house in ‘Mother is at your house (down there).’ The visible ‘here, there’-set in the third column has a function and distribution largely similar to the non-visible set, but is only used when the location expressed is visible, known, or otherwise accessible to both the speaker and the addressee, and its use is often accompanied by a pointing gesture. An example is given in (182). (182) Gaŋ ʔadipoo! 3sg.nom yonder.low.vis ‘He’s down there (look)!’ The items in the goa-set are semantically versatile, and can be used as nouns and verbs. As nouns, they mean ‘vicinity’ or ‘side’, as in (183). The fact that goa is a noun in this example is clear from the fact that it is introduced by mi ‘in, at’. (183) Gaŋ gi-ʔe neg goa mi. 3sg.nom prox-be 1sg.poss side/vicinity in ‘S/he is at my side / near me.’

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As a verb in an SVC, goa modifies the verb occurring to its right and denotes movement towards or along a certain path in space. When it modifies a motion verb, it implies movement in a certain direction, although never a specific location (184). If it modifies a non-motion verb, approximate location is implied (185). (184) Gaŋ po-goa ʔi. 3sg.nom dist.low-via go.down ‘S/he’s going somewhere downward / passing down there.’ (185) Geŋ mo-goa miha. 3sg.acc dist.level-around/side sit ‘S/he’s sitting somewhere over there / on yonder side.’ The elevationally marked members of the goa-set are divided into an axal and a non-axal set. The difference between these is that the axal set is used when the speaker is located on the height axis, whereas the non-axal set is used when the speaker is removed from this axis. The use of the axal pogoa in example (184), for instance, implies that the speaker is situated above the referent expressed by gaŋ ‘3sg.nom’. Using a non-axal form like pagoa, rather than the axal pogoa, would imply that the referent gaŋ is situated in a downhill position relative to another object in space, but that the speaker is situated neither above nor below the referent. The verbs in the (g)Vni-set in the last column, roughly meaning ‘follow, along’, express a path or direction. As such, they cannot be combined with non-movement verbs such as miha ‘sit’. They typically modify a motion verb to their right and indicate movement to a specific location (186). This set, especially the proximal and non-proximal forms, are often used in an abstract, non-spatial sense, e.g. agani ‘that way, like that’ or giani ‘this way, like this’. (186) Moo-gooni dist.level-follow/along ‘Go (along) yonder way!’

va! go.level

Reta also has a number of comparative verbs that may take a free pronominal object such as geŋ ‘3sg.acc’ or momo ‘that over there (level)’, but which may also take a spatial prefix. The paradigms are given in Table 22. An example is given in (187) below.

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Table 22: Reta elevationally and spatially marked comparative verbs.

dist.level dist.high dist.low nprox prox

‘as much as’

‘as big as’

‘as high as’

monoaŋ tonoaŋ ponoaŋ anoaŋ ginoaŋ

movaaŋ tovaaŋ povaaŋ avaaŋ givaaŋ

mosuɓaŋ tosuɓaŋ posuɓaŋ asuɓaŋ gisuɓaŋ

(187) Geŋ ʔaŋa po-vaaŋ. 3sg.acc nprox dist.low-as.big.as ‘He there, he’s as big as that down there.’

7.1.2 Motion verbs Motion verbs are not morphologically marked for elevation and deixis, and take a single argument. As discussed in section 6.1.2, they may be subject to P-adding prefixation, which is not further discussed here. Motion verbs combine a dimension of movement relative to a deictic center with a dimension of elevation. The paradigms are laid out in Table 23. Table 23: Reta motion verbs.

level high low neutral

from deictic center

to deictic center

neutral

va ‘go.level’ mida ‘go up’ ʔi ‘go down’ jema ‘go’

ma ‘come.level’ mada ‘come up’ ja ‘come down’ ʔadu ‘arrive’

– mada ‘ascend’ hela ‘descend’ –

The elevationally neutral motion verbs, ʔadu ‘arrive’ and jema ‘go’, are used when elevation is irrelevant, which implies movement to a location too far for elevation to either matter or be determined at all. The motion verbs neutral to the deictic center, mada ‘come up, ascend’ and hela ‘descend’, are used when the deictic center is irrelevant, e.g. in case of smoke rising in the distance. Notice that mada ‘ascend’ is used for general ascension (‘ascend’) and ascension towards the deictic center (‘come up’). When acting as the sole verb of a predicate, motion verbs simply mean ‘come (up/down)’, ‘go (up/down)’, etc. (188).

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(188) a. Naŋ va. 1sg.nom go.level ‘I go.’

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b. Naŋ ma. 1sg.nom come.level ‘I come.’

When used in a serial verb construction, they mark another verb for direction and appear to its right (189)–(191). (189) Batal ɓaana ma! corn bring come.level ‘Bring the corn here!’ (190) Aluaɓ aveniŋ alo ʔaŋa mi ɓiliŋ mada. chain long two nprox in grow ascend ‘Two long chains grew upwards there.’ (191) Moŋ ɓaal anu ali taaŋ mugu hela. snake big one banyan.tree on fall descend ‘A big snake fell down from the banyan tree.’ When a motion verb appears to the left of a verb rather than to its right, it is not interpreted as marking it for direction. This is shown in (192), where va ‘go.level’ with taa ‘lie down’ forms a symmetric serial verb construction expressing purpose. (192) Naŋ va taa. 1sg.nom go.level lie.down ‘I’m going to sleep.’ Locative verbs are ambiguous between a static locative verb and a verb implying movement: taaŋ for instance, can mean both ‘on’, ‘from on’ and ‘onto’. Adding a motion verb like ʔadu resolves this ambiguity (193). (193) Gi-ɓalooŋ ka giŋ taaŋ ʔadu ba naga. 3pl.poss.i-enemy neg 3pl on arrive foc neg ‘Their enemies will not approach (lit. arrive onto) them.’

7.2 Participant-introducing serialization The types of clausal participants that can be introduced by means of serial verbs include themes, locatives of various kinds, instruments, comitatives and causees.

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As themes were already discussed in section 3.2 on ‘give’-constructions, this section is limited to the latter four.

7.2.1 Locatives Locative verbs introduce a locative participant into the clause. They host a noun or NP to their left to form an oblique phrase, which then modifies a verb to its right. The following are among those that have been observed: mi ‘in, at’, taaŋ ‘on’, dumaŋ ‘under’, goa ‘near, via, around’, and -daaŋ ‘follow, in front of’. These can all head a predicate on their own, but show varying degrees of grammaticalization: whereas for instance -daaŋ ‘follow, in front of’ is quite often found as the sole verb of a predicate, mi ‘in, at’ and taaŋ ‘on, onto’ most often modify other verbs. Some examples are given below. (194) Gaŋ viag ejel ga-daaŋ matee. 3sg.nom stairs base 3sg-follow stand ‘He stands right in front of the door.’ (195) Aŋ taaŋ mi hela se, kasimaataŋ ɓaana hi. 2sg.nom sea in descend if glasses bring deont ‘If you go down to the sea, bring your goggles.’ (196) Aluha to-ʔe abuka taaŋ matee. deer dist.high-be hill on stand ‘The deer is standing on the hill.’ (197) Giŋ tee dumaŋ miha. 3pl tree under sit ‘They’re sat under a tree.’ (198) Namol ʔol anu a-ʔe kadera ga-mota goa ta-ɓuniŋ. child small one nprox-be chair 3sg.poss.i-back near refl-hide ‘A small child is hiding behind (lit. near the back of) a chair.’

7.2.2 Instruments Instruments are introduced by the complex verb mia ma ‘take come.level’. As was discussed in section 3.2, mia ma also serves to introduce themes in ‘give’-construc-

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tions. While both mia ‘take’ and ma ‘come.level’ can act as the head of a predicate, mia ma as a complex verb cannot. See section 7.4 for other functions of mia ma. Examples (199) and (200) show the use of mia ma in an instrumental construction. In most cases the instrument occurs directly to the left of mia ma and the P occurs directly to the left of the main verb (199), but quite often the instrumental phrase will occur in between the P and the main verb (200). (199) Jero tuta mia ma ga-ʔee vei. Jero corr.iron take come.level 3sg.poss.i-house roof ‘Jeroen uses corrugated iron to roof his house.’ (200) Jero ga-ʔee ʔaŋa tuta ba mia ma vei. Jero 3sg.poss.i-house nprox corr.iron foc take come.level roof ‘Jeroen’s house, (he) uses corrugated iron to roof (it).’ It is tempting to analyze mia ma as composed of the action of taking something and bringing it somewhere (or, in ditransitive clauses, to transfer it to a recipient). However, either mia or ma is often dropped, which would leave one of two actions underexposed (201). Further, mia ‘take’ does not entail taking the referent because when the act of taking is explicitly expressed, mia ‘take’ is used along with mia ma (202). (201) Gaŋ hameeliŋ ma 3sg.nom knife come.level ‘He cuts the cloth with a knife.’

kiaŋ pataaki. cloth cut

(202) Gaŋ ʔoli ga-peda di mia e mia ma 3sg.nom also 3sg.poss.i-sword too take conj take come.level ʔoli also

g-ataŋ 3sg.poss.i-hand

g-ala hi se, 3sg-with deont when

moŋ g-oomi taaniŋ mida. snake 3sg.poss.i-inside shove go.up ‘He also took his sword and, together with his hand, impaled the snake with it.’

7.2.3 Comitatives Comitatives are formed by -ala ‘with’. It may denote joint action as in (203), but may also imply a referent is taken somewhere (204).

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(203) Naŋ hial vaal g-ala ʔadu. 1sg.nom wife child 3sg-with arrive ‘I arrive with my family.’ (204) Naŋ g-ala jema ʔil adagal ʔaŋa mi geŋ tamina. 1sg.nom 3sg-with go thing garden nprox in 3sg.acc kill ‘I’ll take him to the garden and kill him there.’

7.2.4 Causatives Causative SVCs are formed with the verb gene ‘make, do’. In non-causative constructions, i.e. when its P is a noun, pronoun or NP and there is no predicate of effect, it simply appears to its right (205). (205) Naŋ ʔee gene. 1sg.nom house make ‘I built a house.’ In a causative SVC, it appears to the right of the causee and to the left of the predicate of effect (206). As the causee is the P of gene ‘make, do’ and the S/A of the predicate of effect, such constructions can be considered switch-subject SVCs. (206) Gaŋ na-noovaŋ gene karita 3sg.nom 1sg.poss.i-sarong make dirty ‘She made my sarong dirty.’ An alternative way of forming causatives is by means of a complement clause. This clause is then the predicate of effect as well as the complement of gene. This is exemplified in (207). The fact that the complement of gene is a clause rather than the causee NP is made clear by the fact that the first person pronoun in the complement clause appears in the nominative. (207) Gaŋ gene [naŋ ʔil ʔaŋa ga-ʔuliŋ.]compl 3sg.nom make 1sg.nom thing nprox 3sg-see ‘He had me look at it.’ It should be pointed out that the alternative realization of causatives such as in (206) by means of a complement clause (207) also distinguishes them from

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so-called cause-effect SVCs. To illustrate, in example (206), gene ‘make, do’ does not refer to the act of producing something, hence it is a causative and may alternatively be realized with a complement clause (208). If we change the predicate of effect to e.g. ɓiɓa ‘red’, however, gene can only be interpreted as denoting the act of producing something (‘she made my sarong red’), in which case it is not a causative, and consequently realization by means of a complement clause is questionable for most speakers. (208) Gaŋ gene [na-noovaŋ karita/?ɓiɓa.]compl 3sg.nom make 1sg.poss.i-sarong dirty/red ‘She caused my sarong to be dirty/?red.’

7.3 Mi ‘in, at’ The verb mi ‘in, at’ deserves further elaboration because it is highly versatile in function and appears to be grammaticalizing into a de-verbal element. Firstly, mi often behaves like an applicative, as it remains within the predicate phrase in case the noun or NP it introduces is displaced. Secondly, it may appear to the left of temporal nouns and numerals. Thirdly, it may form a phonological word with its nominal complement and appear more postposition-like. Firstly, mi is a verb that hosts a locative noun (209). It is often accompanied by a locative ‘be’-verb such as aʔe ‘nprox-be’, but regularly occurs as the sole verb of a predicate. (209) Gaŋ a-ʔe ʔee mi. 3sg.nom nprox-be house in ‘S/he is in the house.’ When mi is part of an SVC, it may introduce participants such as locations (209) and ablatives (210), as well as allatives and illatives (211). It generally appears to the left of the verb it modifies and is by default adjacent to the noun it hosts. However, as (209) above implies, it is not necessarily postpositional in the sense of modifying other predicates. (210) Giŋ po-ʔe taaŋ g-oomi mi mada. 3pl dist.low-be sea 3sg.poss.i-inside in come.up ‘They came from the sea.’

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(211) Jial ʔaŋa mia sere mi boal. water nprox take kettle in pour ‘Pour that water into the kettle.’ Although mi typically occurs adjacent to the noun or NP it introduces, it is in many cases part of the predicate phrase. This becomes evident when the noun or NP it introduces is front-shifted. Consider (212). Here the NP manaa polol ʔaŋa ‘that haunted place’ is front-shifted, yet mi stays within the predicate phrase. (212) Manaa polol ʔaŋa nama ka mi lamal ba naga. place haunted nprox person neg in walk foc neg ‘That haunted place, people don’t go there.’ Internally to a predicate phrase, mi displays some functions beyond the increase of valence. When combined with a transitive verb root, for instance, it usually indicates decreased intensity (213), and in some cases an illative meaning (214). (213) Naŋ maŋ geŋ mi deegi. 1sg.nom just 3sg.acc in touch ‘I only touched her a bit.’ (214) Kabiab ʔaŋa gonoŋ, lotal ɓaal alo ʔaŋa goat nprox coll male big two nprox ka gi-oto mi kede ba doo. neg 3pl.poss.i-testicle in eat foc prosp ‘Those goats, the two bucks weren’t castrated yet (lit. their testicles weren’t bit into).’ With stative verbs, the addition of mi augments a property (215).8 (215) Nibala se, neŋ mi nua. 1du.excl if 1sg.acc in good ‘I’m better than him (lit. if us two, I’m better).’ When mi does not license any additional arguments and the main verb is intransitive, the verb acquires a locative or illative meaning (216). 8 This type of construction is also found in Adang (see Robinson and Haan 2014: 246; Haan 2001: 136) as well as in Kui (Glenn Windschuttel pers. comm.).

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(216) Gaŋ mi tutuk. 3sg.nom in speak ‘He speaks in (there) / speaks into (it).’ Below, some examples are provided of the different effects incorporated mi can have on the main verb. In (217), examples of decreased intensity are given, in (218) augmentation and repetition, and in (219) locatives and illatives. It appears that transitive verbs display decreased intensity, stative verbs acquire an augmented meaning, and active intransitive verbs acquire a locative or illative meaning. (217) haɓaa ‘hit’ > mi haɓaa ‘hit a little’ pak ‘extinguish fire’ > mi pak ‘extinguish fire a little’ gahiŋ ‘order her/him’ > mi gahiŋ ‘order her/him a little’ (218) dagili ‘strong’ nua ‘good’ baloolu ‘tall, high’

> mi dagili ‘stronger’ > mi nua ‘better’ > mi baloolu ‘taller, higher’

(219) tutuk ‘speak’ ʔeehi ‘run’ taa ‘lie down’

> mi tutuk ‘speak in/into (it)’ > mi ʔeehi ‘run in/into (it)’ > mi taa ‘lie down in (it)’

While it is clear that mi can occur to the left of the verb within the predicate phrase, strikingly, it may also occur to the left of temporal NPs such as ʔil liali ‘daytime, daybreak’, where it yields the meaning ‘the next (night/day/etc.)’. This resembles the augmentative effect we saw on verbs in examples like (218), i.e. ‘one more, the next’, albeit on temporal nouns. (220) Mi ʔil liali ʔaŋ mu se, giŋ koo~koo matee. in thing bright nprox after when 3pl rdp~morning get.up ‘The next day they got up at the break of dawn.’ Further, as was touched upon in section 4.2, mi is also placed before numerals to form multiplicative numerals (221), and, in combination with the third person singular possessive marker, to form ordinal numerals (222). (221) Gaŋ moŋ ɓenaŋ hola mi atoga. 3sg.nom snake anaph slash in three ‘He slashed the snake three times.’

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(222) Keta-ŋ ba geŋ gene ga=mi alo ʔadi talaalu sick-dvrb foc 3sg.acc make 3sg.poss.i=in two prox too tamaadi. heavy ‘The disease he caught the second time was too severe.’ While it is clear from the examples above that mi is usually part of the predicate phrase, there are examples in which it cliticizes to the noun it hosts. In such cases, it forms a phonological word with the NP, which causes the stress to shift one syllable to the right (see section 2.4). To which nouns =mi cliticizes appears to be lexically determined. In (223)–(224) below, some examples of =mi versus mi are listed. (223) aji ‘whole’ Dolabaŋ ‘place name’ ʔadi ‘prox’ Maluk ‘mountain name’ buraŋ ‘sky’ (224) g-oomi ‘its inside’ ʔagual ‘harbor’ Meelaŋvala ‘place name’ ʔabaŋ ‘village’ Letal ‘harbor name’

> > > > > > > > > >

aji=mi ‘everyone, everything’ Dolabaŋ=mi ‘in Dolabang’ ʔadi=mi ‘here’ Maluk=mi ‘on Mount Maru’ buraŋ=mi ‘in the sky’ g-oomi mi ‘inside of it’ ʔagual mi ‘at the harbor’ Meelaŋvala mi ‘in Melangwala’ ʔabaŋ mi ‘in the village’ Letal mi ‘at Letal harbor’

7.4 Mia ma ‘take come’ This section elaborates on the complex verb mia ma ‘take come’, which has acquired a number of different functions, chief among which are the introduction of (i) instruments, (ii) themes, (iii) moved participants and (iv) participants that are assigned a new nominal state. Strikingly, it is also found as a preposed focus particle, roughly meaning ‘as well as’. Each of its components, mia ‘take’ and ma ‘come.level’, can function separately as the sole verb of a predicate, but mia ma as a complex verb cannot. As was shown in sections 3.2 and 7.2.2, mia ma is used transitively as a postpositional verb introducing themes in ‘give’-constructions, as well as instruments. In ditransitive constructions it takes a subject argument, the ‘giver’, and a theme (225), and in instrumental constructions it takes a subject argument, the ‘user’, and an instrument (226).

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(225) Gaŋ bi mat mia ma boma genaŋ. 3sg.nom betel.nut take come.level old.man 3sg.give ‘He gave the old man betel nut.’ (226) Gaŋ taak mia ma tee pataaki. 3sg.nom axe take come.level tree cut ‘He chops the wood with an axe.’ While mia ma usually expresses transfer of a theme in ‘give’-constructions, in cases where the means of transfer is specified by another verb it usually appears alongside it (see also section 3.2). This is shown in (227), where transfer is effectively coded by panatu ‘send’, but where mia ma appears alongside it nonetheless. This is interesting, as it suggests that the concept of transfer is essentially over-exposed, and that mia ma functions as an indicator of movement of some kind. (227) Naŋ seŋ panatu mia ma ni-maaŋ 1sg.nom money send take come.level 1.poss.ii-father ‘I send money to my father.’

genaŋ. 3sg.give

It is reasonable to assume that mia ma as a verb contains a transitive component, mia ‘take’ and an intransitive component ma ‘come.level’, which signals movement to a deictic center. In the case of a theme in a ‘give’-construction, ma ‘come.level’ applies to the transferred theme, i.e. it signifies movement of the theme to a deictic center, the recipient. Mia ‘take’ then signifies causation by the giver. Similarly, in instrumental constructions, the instrument can be interpreted as being moved to a certain place of event.9 As was shown in section 3.2, however, both mia and ma are frequently left unrealized. Another construction where caused movement to a deictic center becomes apparent is (228). In this clause, mia ma marks an unexpressed object (a golden chain), which is also the P of baloli ‘wrap’, and mia ma is obligatorily used to indicate caused movement to another location. (228) Giŋ Ø mia ma saputaŋan mi 3pl take come.level handkerchief in ‘They wrapped (it) in a handkerchief.’

9  See Klamer (2010a: 324–337, 2010b) for analyses of the Teiwa verb ma ‘come’, which displays similar functions, but, contrary to mia ma, is analyzed as a one-place verb.

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This is also the case in (229), where mia ma obligatorily marks ɓuhu ʔaŋa ‘the spoon’ as a transferred object along with the verb mega ‘put’, and serves to indicate caused movement. (229) ɓuhu ʔaŋa mia ma hora mi mega. spoon nprox take come.level spoon.container in put ‘Put the spoon in the container.’ Additionally, mia ma may indicate a caused change of state rather than a change in location. In such constructions, new nominal properties are assigned to a causee, i.e. ‘make/turn X into Y’. This is shown in (230), where the causee nama hial ʔaŋa ‘that woman’ is introduced by mia ma alongside the causative predicate gahial gene ‘make (into) his wife’. (230) Geŋ ba Tonuŋpito 3sg.acc foc Tonungpito

ʔaŋa nama hial ʔaŋa mia nprox person woman nprox take

ma ga-hial gene. come.level 3sg.poss.i-wife make ‘The one called Tonungpito made that woman his wife.’ Another example is given in (231), where geŋ ‘3sg.acc’, which is the P of tamina ‘kill’, is also marked by mia ma to indicate a change of state, and is subsequently the causee of the causative predicate ɓiŋ gene ‘make (into) a seed’. (231) Vaal ʔaŋa, gaŋ geŋ tamina mia ma child nprox 3sg.nom 3sg.acc kill take come.level ɓiŋ gene tei jema. seed make plant go ‘The child, she had killed it, made it into a seed and planted it.’ A somewhat unexpected function of mia ma is its ability to function as a preposed focus particle conjoining nouns and NPs, roughly meaning ‘as well as’. Two examples of this are shown in (232)–(233). (232) [Milu Hulu Vanda Hulu]n mia ma [ʔabaŋ Milu Hulu Vanda Hulu take come.level village

ga-manusia]np 3sg.poss.i-person

aji=mi mida. whole=in go.up ‘Milu Hulu Vanda Hulu as well as the villagers, everyone went up.’

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(233) Daat-a Laha ʔol ʔaŋa [vaal amu alo]np grandchild-dnml Laha ʔol nprox child male two mia ma [vaal hial avehaŋ.]np take come.level child female five ‘Laha ʔol had two sons as well as five daughters.’ The constructions in (232)–(233) are best explained by the concept of addition, i.e. adding one referent to another. This becomes clear when considering example (234): a referent which is added to something else must be introduced by mia ma, as it is essentially ‘moved’ onto another clausal participant. This clausal participant is marked by the verb gala in (234), but in (232)–(233) no such marking takes place, leaving only mia ma to signify addition. (234) Aŋ juta avehaŋ mia ma neg ʔadi g-ala. 2sg.nom million five take come.level 1sg.poss prox 3sg-with ‘You add five million to my (contribution).’

8 TAM marking Aspect and modality are primarily marked by predicate-initial or predicate-final markers, most of which are fully lexical verbs. The most frequent of these are laid out in Table 24. In addition to these markers, verbs may be reduplicated to create quantitative aspectual distinctions, which was discussed in section 2.5.2 on reduplication. There is no tense marking. Table 24: Reta TAM markers. marker

position

effect

jema ‘go’ doo ‘still, not yet’ matee ‘stand (up)’ jia ‘placed’ seŋ ‘finished’ malekaŋ ‘must, obliged’ bake ‘ought to, should’ hi ‘must, should’ ake … gaanaŋ ‘don’t, lest’

Final Initial Initial Final Final Initial Initial Final Embracing

Perfect aspect Prospective aspect, epistemic modality Ingressive aspect Progressive aspect Completive aspect Deontic modality Deontic modality Deontic modality Negative deontic modality

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Perspectival aspect is marked by predicate-initial doo, which expresses prospective aspect, and predicate-final jema, which expresses perfect aspect. Prospective doo anticipates, and perfect jema looks back upon, the commencement or termination of an event. The contrast between these is exemplified in (235). (235) Aŋ bale Denmark mi jema e doo a-ʔe 2sg.nom return Denmark in go conj prosp nprox-be Valanda mi? Netherlands in ‘Have you returned to Denmark or are you still in the Netherlands?’ When doo expresses anticipation of the commencement of an event, the construction may have an epistemic modal reading, i.e. it expresses the expectation that something will occur. This is shown in (236). As was discussed in section 3.5.1, doo also enters into an embracing negation in ‘not yet’-constructions. (236) Piŋ doo amina ba piŋ ʔeehi! 1pl.incl prosp die foc 1pl.incl run ‘We’re (certainly) gonna die, so let’s run!’ The phasal aspect markers are matee ‘stand, get up’, which expresses ingressive aspect, jia ‘placed’, which expresses progressive aspect, and seŋ ‘finished’, which expresses completive aspect. I now briefly discuss these in turn. The verb matee ‘stand (up)’ may express ingressive aspect when used in predicate-initial position. It is restricted to volitional, active verbs and has a low text frequency compared to jia and seŋ. Example (237) shows the use of matee as an ingressive marker; in the situation that is sketched, the woman was already standing because she just arrived at the garden, so matee has lost its literal meaning in this case and serves as an ingressive marker. (237) Samper ʔil adagal mi mu se, arrive thing garden in after nama hial ɓenaŋ matee vaal ɓenaŋ geŋ tamina. person woman anaph stand.up child anaph 3sg.acc kill ‘Having arrived at the garden, the woman started killing her child.’ Progressive aspect is expressed by addition of the verb jia ‘placed’ (238). As example (239) shows, perspectival aspect takes scope over progressive aspect.

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(238) Boma ʔaŋa miha ʔeŋkuali pakiala jia. old.man nprox sit palmyra whittle placed ‘The man is sat whittling palm leaves.’ (239) Tee aahi doo a-ʔe tee taaŋ hila~hila jia. tree fruit prosp nprox-be tree on rdp~hang placed ‘Fruits are still hanging in the tree.’ Completive aspect is marked by seŋ ‘finished’, as in (240). As a phasal aspect marker, it differs from perfect aspect as marked by jema ‘go’ in specifying the phase of development of an event, in this case total completion. By contrast, jema implies relevance of an event to the present, but leaves implicit whether this event has reached completion or not (241). These markers may be combined, in which case perfect aspect takes scope over completive aspect (242). (240) Naŋ ʔee gene seŋ. 1sg.nom house make finished ‘I finished building the house (I will not build another).’ (241) Naŋ ʔee gene jema. 1sg.nom house make go ‘I’ve already built/started building the house (I might build another).’ (242) Naŋ ʔee gene seŋ jema. 1sg.nom house make finished go ‘I’ve finished building the house (I will not build another).’ The following examples further exemplify this difference: whereas jema in (243) and (244) implies at least the commencement of a state-of-affairs relevant to the speech moment, which may or may not be fully completed, seŋ in (245) implies total completion at a point in the past. (243) Niŋ gi-ʔe too-puni jema. 1pl.excl prox-be recp.appl-hold go ‘We have already gathered (we’re here now).’ (244) ʔil ka~kua jema. thing rdp~dark go ‘It is already (getting) dark.’

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(245) Aji=mi mi jia seŋ. whole=in in placed finished ‘It all already happened.’ Modality is not expressed nearly as frequently as aspect. In (239) above we already saw that the prospective marker doo may express epistemic modality, i.e. the expectation that an event will occur. Epistemic modality may also be expressed by one of the markers ba giʔe and ba aʔe, which consist of a focus particle ba and a ‘be’-verb. These markers express the speaker’s personal commitment to the truth value of an entire proposition, or signal that the propositional content is not common ground between the speaker and the addressee.10 (246) Iŋ g-eli ba a-ʔe. 2pl 3sg-know foc nprox-be ‘You know it, I reckon (lit. you know it is what is there).’ Deontic modality comes in two types. The first type, which is marked by the predicate-initial markers malekaŋ and bake, expresses obligation for a clausal participant to engage in an event. Malekaŋ and bake express strong and mild obligation respectively, as shown in (247). (247) a. Nama ba jema milil ʔaŋa malekaŋ kalaaŋ ɓaana. person foc go fight.war nprox deont k.o.sword bring ‘The people that go to war must bring swords.’ b. Nama ba jema milil ʔaŋa bake kalaaŋ ɓaana. person foc go fight.war nprox deont k.o.sword bring ‘The people that go to war should bring swords.’ The second type of deontic modality marking expresses the desirability for an event to occur according to a set of societal norms, without this desirability being the responsibility of any clausal participant. It is expressed by the predicate-final marker hi, as shown in (248).

10 The choice between proximate ba giʔe and non-proximate ba aʔe is mainly dependent on the accessibility of information with respect to both interlocutors. For instance, if the truth value of a proposition is purely the estimation of the speaker based on their own experience, this is generally marked by proximate ba giʔe. However, if the truth value constitutes information that is retrievable from the addressee, non-proximate ba aʔe is generally used.

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(248) Kondo u=ɓaa jema ʔaŋa looluŋ hi. shirt appl=hit go nprox rinse deont ‘The washed shirt should be rinsed.’ The negative counterpart of hi is the embracing negation ake […] gaanaŋ, as shown in (249). This embracing negation was shown to be used in prohibitives in section 3.5.2, where it was also argued that it expresses a broader notion of negative deontic modality. (249) Kondo u=ɓaa jema ʔaŋa ake looluŋ gaanaŋ. shirt appl=hit go nprox neg.deont rinse neg.deont ‘The washed shirt should not be rinsed.’

9 Discussion Reta has a straightforward phonological system with little interaction between phonology and morphology. The size of its consonant inventory lies somewhere between the larger inventories found on Pantar and the smaller systems found on Alor. Its stress system is trochaic but may be disrupted by heavy syllables occurring in non-penultimate position. This is also (to some degree) found in Teiwa (Klamer 2010a: 43), Kui (Windschuttel and Shiohara 2017: 118–119), Klon (Baird 2008: 21, 42–44) and Abui (Kratochvíl 2007: 12). Reta is unusual in having two affricates /ʤ b ͡v/, the latter of which does not appear to occur elsewhere in the family, and an implosive /ɓ/, which it shares with Blagar (Steinhauer 2014: 152). The sound-symbolic contrast between /r/ and /l/ is another point of interest. Reta has two verbal prefix sets, one of which is the result of a coalescence between P-indexing person prefixes and the applicative u=. The P-indexing set occurs on verbs to index P, on stative and active verbs to form causatives, and in some cases as a transitivizer. The applicativizing set occurs on verbs to introduce a variety of thematic roles, as well as on nouns and numerals. It may also preserve valence and alter the semantics of the verb. Reta’s moderate verbal-morphological complexity lies somewhere in between the elaborate and productive morphology of Alor languages like Kamang and Abui, and the near complete lack of morphology found in Pantar languages like Western Pantar. Morphosyntactically, Reta has what we might call ‘leaky’ accusativity (after Schapper 2014: 13), which is also found in some other languages like Kaera (Klamer 2014: 135); nearly all prefixing verbs mark P, except for a handful that mark S or A.

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There are three possessive prefix sets, two of which are unproductive. One of these, Set II, appears to be the result of rebracketing loanwords from Blagar, and the other set (Set III) occurs on a single lexeme only. All suffixes are unproductive, and only -naŋ occurs with some frequency. This suffix is reasonably productive in Blagar (Steinhauer 2014: 163), but in various Alor-Pantar languages some version of this suffix appears on a small number of fossilized items. Comprising at least seven sets, Reta has a fairly large number of pronouns. In addition to these sets, S-prefixing verbs can also be used in argument position and are analyzable as pronouns to some degree. These are, however, analyzed as verbs here, because they are most often used predicatively. There are some phenomena that especially deserve further investigation. Firstly, Reta has highly versatile reduplication. Unfortunately, a want of data, time and space has made a deeper investigation difficult, and this chapter has not been able to provide much more than a list of observed functions. Secondly, Reta has elevationally marked terms that are reminiscent of the Blagar elevational system (Steinhauer 1991, 2014: 217), which are used extensively to create subtle distinctions in direction, type of movement and location. The elaborateness of this system is only matched by a few nearby Alor-Pantar languages, most notably Blagar, Western Pantar and Adang (see Schapper 2017 for an overview). Willemsen (in preparation) provides an overview of elevational marking in Reta. Lastly, I have attempted to provide an account of two other multifaceted items, mi ‘in, at’ and mia ma ‘take come.level’, both of which are in need of further investigation. Acknowledgments: Many people contributed to the successful completion of this chapter. I would firstly like to express my gratitude to Antoinette Schapper for the opportunity to publish my work. I would like to thank Hein Steinhauer, Marian Klamer, Laura Robinson, George Saad, Glenn Windschuttel and Daniel Patrick Quinn for sharing practical knowledge with me, and June Jacob for her assistance in arranging my visa. I am grateful to William McGregor and Jan Rijkhoff for their insightful comments on an earlier draft of this chapter, and to Rens van der Knoop for proofreading. Lastly, I am more than grateful to the Reta community for sharing their language and way of life with me. I thank Refael Molina and the Besituba family in particular for their assistance and hospitality. I am most indebted, however, to Joi Dakamoly and his family for selflessly accommodating me for three months, and to Paulus Hinadonu for his tireless patience and enthusiasm during countless hours of elicitation. The fieldwork for this sketch was funded by VSB fonds as part of my MA project under grant number VSB.15/186, and by the Firebird Foundation for Anthropological Research.

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References Baird, Louise. 2008. A grammar of Klon: A non-Austronesian language of Alor, Indonesia. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Haan, Johnson W. 2001. The grammar of Adang: A Papuan language spoken on the island of Alor, East Nusa Tenggara – Indonesia. PhD thesis, University of Sydney. Kaiping, Gereon A., Owen Edwards & Marian Klamer (eds.). 2019. LexiRumah. Leiden: Leiden University Centre for Linguistics. http://www.model-ling.eu/lexirumah/. Klamer, Marian. 2010a. A grammar of Teiwa. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Klamer, Marian. 2010b. One item, many faces: ‘come’ in Teiwa and Kaera. In Michael C. Ewing & Marian Klamer (eds.), Typological and areal analyses: Contributions from East Nusantara, 205–227. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Klamer, Marian. 2014. Kaera. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), 2014. Papuan Languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar. Sketch grammars. Volume 1, 97–145. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. Kratochvíl, František. 2007. A grammar of Abui: A Papuan language of Alor. Utrecht: LOT. Lahiri, Aditi & Henning Reetz. 2010. Distinctive features: Phonological underspecification in representation and processing. Journal of Phonetics 38. 44–59. Rijkhoff, Jan. 2002. The noun phrase. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Robinson, Laura C. 2010. Field notes on Reta. In Gereon A. Kaiping, Owen Edwards & Marian Klamer (eds.), 2019. LexiRumah. Leiden: Leiden University Centre for Linguistics. http:// www.model-ling.eu/lexirumah/. Robinson, Laura C. & Johnson W. Haan. 2014. Adang. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), Papuan Languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar. Sketch grammars. Volume 1, 221–284. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. Schapper, Antoinette. 2014. Introduction. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar. Sketch grammars. Volume 1, 1–22. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. Schapper, Antoinette. 2017. Elevation in the spatial deictic systems of Alor-Pantar languages. In Marian Klamer (ed.), The Alor-Pantar languages: History and typology. 2nd edn., 239–277. Berlin: Language Science Press. Schapper, Antoinette & Marian Klamer. 2017. Numeral systems in the Alor-Pantar languages. In Marian Klamer (ed.), The Alor-Pantar languages: History and typology. 2nd edn., 277–329. Berlin: Language Science Press. Simons, Gary. F. & Charles D. Fennig (eds.). 2017. Ethnologue: Languages of the world, 20th edn. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Steinhauer, Hein. 1991. Demonstratives in the Blagar language of Dolap (Pura, Alor,Indonesia). In Tom Dutton (ed.), Papers in Papuan linguistics, 177–221. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Steinhauer, Hein. 2010. Pura when we were younger than today. In Artem Fedorchuk & Svetlana Chlenova (eds.), Studia antropologica. A Festschrift in honour of Michael Chlenov, 261–283. Jerusalem: Mosty Kul’tury Gesharim. Steinhauer, Hein. 2014. Blagar. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar: Sketch grammars. Volume 1, 147–220. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. Steinhauer, Hein & Hendrik D. R. Gomang. 2016. Kamus Blagar-Indonesia-Inggris / BlagarIndonesian-English dictionary. Jakarta: Yayasan Pustaka Obor Indonesia. Stokhof, Wim A. L. 1975. Preliminary notes on the Alor and Pantar languages. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.

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Willemsen, Jeroen. 2016. Field notes on Reta. In Gereon A. Kaiping, Owen Edwards & Marian Klamer (eds.), 2019. LexiRumah. Leiden: Leiden University Centre for Linguistics. http:// www.model-ling.eu/lexirumah/. Willemsen, Jeroen. 2017. Predicative augmentation applicatives. Linguistica Online 19: 1–22. Willemsen, Jeroen. 2018. Hula Reta word list. In Gereon A. Kaiping, Owen Edwards & Marian Klamer (eds.), 2019. LexiRumah. Leiden: Leiden University Centre for Linguistics. http:// www.model-ling.eu/lexirumah/. Willemsen, Jeroen. in preparation. The sloped world(s) of the Reta language:Grammaticalised expressions of elevation on a micro, meso and macro level. In Carsten Levisen & Susana Fernández (eds.), Language and popular geopolitics. [Special issue]. Journal of Postcolonial Linguistics 4. Willemsen, Jeroen & Ehm Hjorth Miltersen. forthcoming. The expression of vulgarity, force, severity and size: Phonaesthemic alternations in Reta and in other languages. Studies in Language. Willemsen, Jeroen & Andrea Brink Siem. submitted. Reta. Journal of the International Phonetic Association. Windschuttel, Glenn & Asako Shiohara. 2017. Kui. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar. Sketch grammars. Volume 2, 109–182. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.

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5 Abui 1

The language scene 

 269

2 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.6.1 2.6.2 2.6.3

 270 Phonology  Consonants   271 Vowels   273 Syllable structure   274 Lexical stress   275 Lexical tone   277 Morphophonemics   277 Prefixal allomorphy   277 Phonetic glottal stop insertion  Reduplication   279

3 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.3.1 3.3.2 3.4 3.4.1 3.4.2 3.4.3 3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8

 281 Basic clausal syntax  Constituent order in verbal clauses   281 Equational clauses   283 Adverbs   284 Temporal and aspectual adverbs   284 Modal adverbs   286 Referring to locations   288 Elevationals   288 Locative nouns   290 Clitic =ng   291 Negation   291 Conjunctions   292 Questions   293 Imperatives   295

4 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.4.1 4.4.2 4.4.3

 295 Noun phrase  Articles   296 Modifier nouns and compounds  Attributives   298 Quantification   299 Non-numeral quantifiers   299 Numerals   300 Numeral classifiers   302

https://doi.org/10.1515/9781501511158-005

 279

 296

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Relative clauses   302 Demonstratives   303 Adnominal demonstratives   305 Pronominal demonstratives   305 Possession   306 Alienability   307 Reflexivity in third person possession  Distributive possessor   310

 309

5 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8

 310 Pronouns  Agentive pronouns   312 Nonagentive pronouns   314 Involuntary agent pronouns   316 Deontic pronouns   316 Possessive pronouns   318 Reflexive pronouns   319 Quantifying pronouns   319 Focus pronouns   320

6 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 6.7.1 6.7.2

 322 Agreement prefixes  Patientive prefix   323 Locative prefix   324 Recipient prefix   326 Goal prefix   327 Benefactive prefix   329 Dative prefix   329 Reflexive, distributive, and reciprocal constructions  Third person reflexive constructions   331 Distributive and reciprocal constructions   331

7 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4

 333 Serial verb constructions  Argument-adding SVCs using mi ‘take’  Motion SVCs   334 Locative SVCs   334 Causative SVCs   335

 333

 330

5 Abui 

8 8.1 8.2 8.3

 335 Aspect marking  Perfective and imperfective aspect  Marked stative verbs   338 Prioritive =te/se   340

9

Discussion 

References 

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 335

 342

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1 The language scene Abui (ISO identifier: abz) is spoken by around 17,000 people in central Alor, making it the largest language in the Alor-Pantar archipelago (Kratochvíl 2007). The dialect described in this sketch is the Takalelang variety, a northern dialect which has received a considerable amount of attention by descriptive linguists in the last 15 years (e.g. Kratochvíl 2007, 2011b, 2014a; Kratochvíl and Delpada 2008; Delpada 2016). In addition, in recent years, the Abui community has attracted attention from other related disciplines, with work been done detailing Abui myths (e.g. Perono Cacciafoco and Cavallaro 2018), Abui ethnobotany (e.g. Blake 2018), and the conceptualization of disease (Chan 2016); see Saad (2020: 23–25) for a more comprehensive overview of current and previous work on Abui. This makes Abui the most intensively studied TAP language. The Abui people, as their ethnonym Abui ‘mountain’ implies, are traditionally a mountain dwelling people, having occupied the central mountains of Alor, which are often referred to as Abui foqa ‘big mountain’. In the 1960s, many highland villages resettled to the northern coast, often retaining their ancestral village name. This process began through pressure from the Indonesian government to settle on coastal areas to provide better access to schooling, healthcare, and religious institutions. As a result, many Abui villages are now located near the main Alor highway, which hugs the northern coast. This gives them easy road access to the island’s capital Kalabahi as well as other markets and villages. These events have led to the rise of the dominance of Alor Malay, the local variety of Malay used for communication with other ethnic groups. At the time of writing, speakers born before 1975 were raised in Abui by their parents and only learned Malay at school. Most children entered primary school anywhere between six and 12 years old, or in the words of several school principals, when children could place their right hand over their head

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and reach their left ear. This generation of speakers often spent their first year of school making a transition from Abui to Malay. In their second and third years of primary school, teachers had already forbidden the use of Abui on school premises. Children often got scolded and beaten for using the language in the playground. This strict approach expanded beyond the school setting and into the village community, where teachers would target parents at church and community gathering, insisting that they raise their children in Malay. Children born in the 1980s were part of this transition period, meaning they were raised in a mix of Abui and Malay. This contrasts slightly with the generation of speakers born in the 1990s and 2000s who were mostly raised in Malay as children. This group retained passive knowledge of the language, responding to requests by parents. As they reached adolescence, however, and began participating in community affairs more, their exposure to Abui increased, as did their use of the language (see Saad 2020 for more elaborate discussion).1 In 2019, Abui language courses were officially introduced to the school curriculum of Takalelang Primary School (known locally as SD GMIT 23 Takalelang). The data in this sketch comes predominantly from speakers above 40 years of age. The data comes from a variety of sources: much of it comes from the Saad corpus consisting of linguistic fieldwork undertaken by the author from 2015– 2017 in the village of Takalelang. All examples with no reference come from the Saad corpus.2 In addition, the Abui corpus collected by František Kratochvíl from the years 2004 until 2017 was also generously made available for use. Finally, many of the already published materials are also consulted.

2 Phonology This section discusses the basics of Abui’s phonology. The data comes mostly from Kratochvíl’s (2007) grammar of Abui, and Delpada’s (2016) MA thesis on Abui phonology.

1 This language socialization situation does not necessarily hold for montane villages, where children do use Abui amongst themselves. 2 The corpus can be accessed on: https://hdl.handle.net/1839/01b82484-fdcb-4b7e-b7f33020f24f4406

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2.1 Consonants Abui has 16 native consonants, presented in Table 1. Angled brackets indicate that the orthographic representation of a consonant differs from its corresponding IPA representation. The description presented here follows Delpada’s analysis (2016) of treating the uvular plosive /q/ as phonemic and thus differs from Kratochvíl (2007). In addition, unlike both accounts, the glottal stop is not treated as phonemic. Table 1: Abui consonant inventory (based on Delpada 2016: 48).

Plosive affricate Fricative Nasal Trill Lateral Approximant

Bilabial

Alveodental

p

t

f m

w

b

s n r l

Palatal

d

Velar

uvular

k

q

ŋ

Glottal

h

j

Abui has voice distinctions in bilabial plosives, alveo-dental plosives, and velar plosives. Minimal pairs for plosives are illustrated in example (1) (Delpada 2016: 50). (1) /p/ ≠ /b/: /t/ ≠ /d/: /k/ ≠ /q/: /f/ ≠ /s/: /s/ ≠ /h/: /m/ ≠ /n/: /n/ ≠ /ŋ/: /r/ ≠ /l/: /w/ ≠ /j/:

/pa/ ‘go down’ /taː/ ‘lie down, sleep’ /teːkɛ/ ‘collapse’ /fɔq/ ‘big’ /seːŋ/ ‘money’ /maːma/ ‘father’ /afɛna/ ‘Afena (place name)’ /rɛl/ ‘to smash’ /awoːŋ/ ‘advise you’

/ba/ ‘linker’ /daː/ ‘edible tuber sp.’ /teːqɛ/ ‘cut, cultivate’ /sɔq/ ‘shoot innacurately’ /hɛn/ ‘distal’ /naːna/ ‘older sibling’ /afeːŋa/ ‘other, different’ /lɛl/ ‘tug at’ /ayoːŋ/ ‘swim’

One of the major findings from Delpada’s (2016) thesis is that there is a phonemic distinction between the velar plosive /k/ and the uvular plosive /q/ when previously it was thought that [q] was an allophone of /k/ (Kratochvíl 2007). Delpada (2016: 52) presented evidence in the form of numerous minimal pairs, as shown in (2).

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(2) /akoːkɛ/ ‘creak’ /hajoːkɛ/ ‘finish it’ /taktakna/ ‘to crush’

/aqoːqɛ/ ‘move your body’ /hajoːqɛ/ ‘carry it’ /taqtaqda/ ‘to watch out’

In this analysis, the glottal stop is argued to be phonetic rather than phonemic as has been claimed elsewhere (e.g. Kratochvíl 2007; Delpada 2016). There are no known minimal pairs and its distribution is predictable. It occurs phonetically in vowel initial morphemes, such as [ʔaˈta] ‘leaf’ and [ʔa] ‘you (sg)’ (Kratochvíl 2007: 35) as well as intervocalically when prefixes are attached to vowel initial morphemes such as he-amakaang [hɛʔamaˈkaːŋ] ‘3.alien-person’ (Kratochvíl 2007: 35); see section 2.6.2 for more information. Table 2 illustrates the phonotactic distribution of Abui consonants. It is based largely on Kratochvíl (2007: 31) with the addition of the uvular plosive, /q/. Table 2: Abui consonant phonotactics (adapted from Kratochvíl 2007: 31).

word-initial onset word-medial onset word-medial coda word-final coda

p

b

t

d

k

q

m

n

ŋ

r

l

f

s

h

w

j

+ + − −

+ + − −

+ + − +

+ + − −

+ + + +

− + + +

+ + + +

+ + + +

− + + +

+ + + +

+ + − +

+ + − −

+ + − −

+ + − −

+ + − −

+ + − −

Example (3) illustrates the distribution of consonants for three phonemes, /p/, /q/, and /s/ (Kratochvíl 2007: 31–34; Delpada 2016: 51). These three consonants were chosen because they cover the full distribution of consonants and also offer a representative sample of constraints. For an entire list, see Kratochvíl (2007: 31–35). (3)

/p/ /q/ word-initial onset: /pɔl/ ‘hammer’ *[q]VC word-medial onset: /lɪˈpa/ ‘blanket’ /ʔeːˈqɛ/ ‘invite’ word-medial coda: *CV[p]CV /haˈlaq’da/ ‘observe’ word-final coda: *CV[p]# /taːq/ ‘border’ /s/ /sɛˈraŋ/ ‘clan’ /maˈsaŋ/ ‘sanctuary’ *CV[s]CV *CV[s]#

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2.2 Vowels Abui has 5 cardinal vowels, each with a long counterpart, shown in Table 3. Length of mid vowels is realized by higher quality. Table 3: Abui vowels (adapted from Kratochvíl 2007: 26; Delpada 2016: 57). Front High Mid Low

ɪ ɛ

mid iː eː

a

aː

Back u ɔ

uː oː

Minimal pairs showing the contrasts between the five cardinal vowels are presented in (4) (Delpada 2016: 57–58). (4) /ɪ/ ≠ /ɛ/: /ɛ/ ≠ /a/: /a/ ≠ /u/: /ɛ/ ≠ /u/: /u/ ≠ /ɔ/: /ɪ/ ≠ /u/:

/fɪl/ ‘plait’ /pɛ/ ‘near’ /kal/ ‘clean by cutting wood’ /bɛt/ ‘sprinkle:pfv’ /butɪ/ ‘four’ /ɪl/ ‘call:ipfv’

/fɛl/ ‘cry, lament’ /pa/ ‘go down’ /kul/ ‘white’ /butɪ/ ‘four’ /bɔt/ ‘stone for crushing’ /ul/ ‘small hole’

The minimal pairs in (5) show the contrasts between short and long vowels (from Kratochvíl 2007: 28–31; Delpada 2016: 53). (5) /a/ ≠ /aː/: /ɛ/ ≠ /eː/: /ɔ/ ≠ /oː/: /u/ ≠ /uː/: /ɪ/ ≠ /iː/:

/kafaq/ ‘spear’ /nɛ/ ‘name’ /nɛtɔku/ ‘my foot’ /buk/ ‘cradle’ /pɪwɪkɛ/ ‘carry us’

/kafaːq/ ‘tobacco’ /neː/ ‘eat:ipfv’ /natoːq/ ‘my stomach’ /buːk/ ‘consume’ /piːwɪkɛ/ ‘carry (it) for us’

Abui has 10 vowel sequences, presented in Table 4. All five vowels can occur in the first position. In the second position, all but /u/ can occur. Some examples of these sequences are given in example (6). (6)

/uɪ/: /anuɪ/ ‘rain’ /ruɪ/ ‘rat’ /ɪa/: /kɪak/ ‘collect fruits’ /fɪaj/ ‘candlenut’ /ɔɪ/: /ɔɪ/ ‘your vagina’ /jɛɪˈkɔɪ/ ‘turtle’

(Saad 2019) (Kratochvíl 2007: 37) (Saad 2019)

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Table 4: Abui vowel sequences (Kratochvíl 2007: 38).

/u/ /ɪ/ /a/ /ɛ/ /ɔ/

/ɪ/

/a/

/e/

/ɔ/

uɪ

ua ɪa

ɪɛ

uɔ ɪɔ

aɪ ɛɪ ɔɪ

ɛa

2.3 Syllable structure There are six syllable types in Abui. Delpada (2016: 59) mentions five syllable types: V, CV, CVV, CVC, CVVC. VV refers to vowel sequences. To those, VC may also be added. Most verbal or nominal roots consist of two syllables. The smallest lexical item involves V (Kratochvíl 2007: 43; Delpada 2016: 54, 59; Saad 2019). Syllables may be either light or heavy. A light syllable consists of a monomoraic nucleus and is either open (e.g. CV) or closed (CVC), while a heavy syllable consists maximally of a bimoraic nucleus (CVVC) (Kratochvíl 2007). Consonant clusters within one syllable are not found. Examples (7) to (9) show instances of monosyllabic, disyllabic, and trisyllabic words respectively (taken from (Kratochvíl 2007: 47–50; Delpada 2016: 59; Saad 2019)). (7)

Monosyllabic words V /ɛ/ ‘before’ VC /ɪt/ ‘lie on’ CV /mɪ/ ‘take’ CVV /buɪ/ ‘short’ CVC /fɪk/ ‘pull’ CVVC /sɪɛŋ/ ‘rice’

(8)

Disyllabic words CV.CV /bɪ.ka/ CV.CVC /ka.faq/ CV.CVV /ta.haɪ/ CVV.CV /tɛɪ.na/ CVC.CV /foq.da/ CVC.CVC /kar.jɛŋ/

‘seed’ ‘spear’ ‘search for’ ‘when’ ‘become big’ ‘work’

5 Abui 

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Trisyllabic words V.CV.CVV /a.na.qaɪ/ V.CVV.CV /a.fɛi.da/ CV.CV.CVV /wa.la.ŋaɪ/ CV.CV.CVC /ka.lɔ.kul/

 275

‘termite’ ‘yesterday’ ‘green, blue’ ‘crude, young (fruit)’

In addition, there are a number of multimorphemic four syllable words, as shown in (10). (10)

Four syllabic words CV.CV.CVC.CV /hɛ.ma.rak.dɪ/ CV.CV.CV.CV /po.ta.fu.da/ CV.CV.CVC.CVV /ha.mu.naŋ.dɪa/

‘got startled because of it’ ‘we (incl.) all’ ‘smelled it’

2.4 Lexical stress The phonetic characteristics of stress involve intensity, pitch, and lengthening. Stress assignment is based on an iambic pattern (Kratochvíl 2007). It is assigned to the final syllable when a word consists of two light syllables, as in (11a-c), or a light syllable followed by a heavy syllable, as in (12a-c) (from Kratochvíl 2007: 51–52). (11)

a. /nuˈku/ ‘one’

b. /puˈlaŋ/ ‘arrow’

c. /kuˈja/ ‘bird’ (12)

a. /naˈhaː/ ‘younger sibling’

b. /kaˈfaːk/ ‘tobacco’

c. /faˈhaɪ/ ‘crocodile’ Trisyllabic words typically consist of three light syllables, as shown in (13a-c), but sometimes the final syllable may be heavy, as in (13d) (from Kratochvíl 2007: 53). In all of these cases, stress also falls on the final syllable.

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a. /mahɪˈtɪŋ/ ‘meat’

b. /muknɛˈhɪ/ ‘sibling of same sex’

c. /sɪbɪˈrɛl/ ‘worm’

d. /malaˈtaɪ/ ‘sand’

In disyllabic and trisyllabic prosodic words consisting of a heavy syllable followed by a light syllable, stress is assigned to the penultimate, heavy syllable, as in (14a-e) (from Kratochvíl 2007: 55, 56). (14)

a. /ˈbuɪda/ short-inch.ipfv ‘become short’

b. /ˈnaɪdɪ/ lost-inch.pfv ‘got lost’

c.

/ˈpɪɛla/ dream-ipfv ‘to dream’

d. /kaˈwaɪsa/ rich ‘rich’

e.

/taˈlaːma/ six ‘six’

Examples (15) and (16) show (near) minimal pairs illustrating how stress assignment is closely linked to vowel length. In (15), the form /faˈlɪŋ/ follows the iambic pattern of final stress, while /ˈfaːlɪŋ/ exemplifies the attraction of stress by a heavy syllable containing a long vowel. Similarly, in (16), the form /naˈha/ has final stress, while the form /ˈnaːna/ does not; instead the first syllable, which is heavy, attracts stress. (15)

/faˈlɪŋ/ ‘axe’

(16)

/naˈha/ ‘neg’

/ˈfaːlɪŋ/ ‘listen to’ /ˈnaːna/ ‘older sibling’

A salient characteristic of the Takalelang variety is for the mid front vowel /ɛ/ and its long counterpart /eː/ to change quality under stress when followed by the velars [ŋ, k] and the uvular [q] and be pronounced as the diphthong [ɛa] and [eːa] respectively (see Kratochvíl 2007: 62 for examples).

5 Abui 

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/ɛ/, /eː/ /ˈsɛŋ/ seng /ˈtɛq/ teq /ˈpeːka/ peeka

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→ [ɛa], [eːa]/_{ŋ, q, k}# [ˈsɛaŋ] ‘money’ [ˈtɛaq] ‘sunbathe’ [ˈpeːaka] ‘near’

2.5 Lexical tone Abui may be regarded as a low-density lexical tone language. In Kratochvíl (2007), tone was argued to play a marginal role in a select few lexical items. Delpada (2016) then provided more instances of lexical tone minimal pairs. Some words which are segmentally homophones show pitch differences when analyzed suprasegmentally (Delpada 2016: 69). Examples (30a-c) illustrate some minimal pairs (from Delpada 2016: 69). An acute accent represents high pitch, while a grave accent represents low pitch. No diacritic means mid pitch. (18) a. /ɪ.á/ ‘moon’

/ɪ.à/ ‘put-ipfv’

b. /lák/ /làk/ ‘to break’ ‘to mark’ c. /fír/ ‘star’

/fìr/ ‘to rush’

For a more extensive list of suprasegmental morphophonemic processes, see Delpada (2016).

2.6 Morphophonemics This section discuses three morphophonemic processes: prefixal allomorphy, phonetic glottal stop insertion, and reduplication.

2.6.1 Prefixal allomorphy Prefixal allomorphy is found in both the nominal and the verbal domain. In the nominal domain, the inalienable possessive prefixes exhibit allomorphy, while in the verbal domain, it is the patientive prefixes which exhibit allomorphy (note that

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the inalienable possessive prefixes and patientive prefixes are identical in form). In both cases, the allomorphy is based on whether the morpheme is followed by a vowel or consonant, as shown in Table 5. If either a verbal or nominal root begins with a vowel, the vowel of the prefix is elided, causing a reduction in the vowel sequence. The inalienable prefix paradigm is discussed in section 4.7.1, while the patientive prefix paradigm is discussed in section 6.1. Table 5: Prefixal allomorphy.

1sg 2sg 3 3.refl distr 1pl.incl 1pl.excl 2pl

Inalienable/ patientive prefix

Allomorph/_V

Allomorph/_C

/na-/ /a-/ /ha-/ /da-/ /ta-/ /pɪ-/ /nɪ-/ /rɪ-/

[n-] Ø [h-] [d][t-] [p-] [n-] [r-]

[na-] [a-] [ha-] [da-] [ta-] [pɪ-] [nɪ-] [rɪ-]

Examples of these allomorphs are given in (19a-b) and (20a-b). (19) Inalienable prefix allomorphy a. Allomorph/_V [h-ɪɛk] /ha-ɪɛk/ 3.inal-buttocks ‘his/her/their/its buttocks’ b. Allomorph/_C [ha-moɪ] /ha-moɪ/ 3.inal-voice ‘his/her/their/its voice’ (20) Patientive prefix allomorphy a. Allomorph/_V [h-ɪɛŋ] /ha-ɪɛŋ/ 3.pat-see ‘sees him/her/them/it’

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b. Allomorph/_C [ha-buk] /ha-buk/ 3.pat-cradle ‘cradle him/her/them/it’

2.6.2 Phonetic glottal stop insertion In contrast to the vowel elision found with the prefixation of inalienable and patientive (with theme vowel /a/), when the alienable prefix and the locative prefix (with theme vowel /ɛ/) are prefixed onto either a vowel-initial noun or verb, respectively, a phonetic glottal stop is inserted as in (21) and (22). (21)

(22)

Alienable prefix on nominal root [hɛ-ʔamakaːŋ] /hɛ-amakaːŋ/ ‘3.alien-person’ Locative prefix on verbal root [hɛ-ʔadaɪ] /hɛ-adaɪ/ ‘3.loc-peel’

(Kratochvíl 2007: 35)

(Kratochvíl corpus)

2.6.3 Reduplication Abui has four patterns of reduplication: i) root reduplication of verbs, ii) root reduplication of stative verbs and adjectives, iii) irregular partial reduplication of numerals, and iv) full reduplication of monomorphemic question words. Abui verb roots may be reduplicated to add intensity, iterativity, and/or repetition, as shown in (23a-c). Typically, only the root is reduplicated. Agreement prefixes and aspectual suffixes are not reduplicated, as shown in (23a-b). The only exception to this is the patientive prefix, which does get reduplicated, as in (23c).3

3 I thank František Kratochvíl for pointing this out.

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a. /laːk-ɪ/ walk-pfv ‘walked’

> /laːk~laːk-ɪ/ rdp~walk-pfv ‘scurried’

b. /dɔ-anaŋ-ra/ > /dɔ-anaŋ~anaŋ-ra/ 3.refl.rec-speak-ipfv 3.refl.rec-rdp~speak-ipfv-speak-ipfv ‘talking to himself’ ‘having a monologue with himself’ c. /ha-lak-da/ 3.pat-examine-ipfv ‘examine it’

>

/halak~ha-lak-da/ rdp~3.pat-examine-ipfv ‘inspect it carefully’

Abui may also reduplicate stative verb and adjectival roots to derive manner verbs with an ‘increased degree’ component as shown in (24a-c) (Kratochvíl 2007: 413). (24) a. /kaːŋ/

‘good’

>

/kaːŋ~kaːŋ/

‘well’

b. /tukɔɪ/

‘strong’

>

/tukɔɪ~tukɔɪ/

‘strongly’

c. /rama/

‘quiet’

>

/rama~rama/

‘quietly’

Cardinal numerals may be reduplicated along with the addition of a dynamic aspect suffix to derive distributives. The numerals one to six show many irregularities in terms of which segments change, whether partial or full reduplication occurs, and what part of the base is chosen for reduplication, as illustrated in (25a-c) (Klamer et al. 2017: 340). Example (25d) shows full reduplication of the numeral /rɪfɪ/. (25)

a. /nuku/

‘one’

>

/nuk~nuk-da/

‘one by one’

b. /sua/

‘three’

>

/suɪ~suɪ-da/

‘three by three’

c.

‘five’

>

/jɛk~jɛk-na/

‘five by five’

‘thousand’

>

/rɪfɪ~rɪfɪ/

‘thousand by thousand’

/jɛtɪŋ/

d. /rɪfɪ/

Monomorphemic question words may also be reduplicated as in (26) to derive indefinite pronouns. (26) a. /nala/ b. /maː/

‘what’

>

/nala~nala/

‘whatever, anything’

‘who’

>

/maː~maː/

‘whoever, anyone’

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Abui nouns are not generally or productively reduplicated, although there are some lexicalized reduplications of nouns such as /luka~luka/ ‘monkey’ which have a base that is not used independently (*luka is not an Abui word).

3 Basic clausal syntax Abui has APV, SV word order. An Abui clause consists minimally of a predicate and core argument(s) expressed as either full NPs or agreement prefixes. The optional elements include full NPs, adverbs, elevationals, negation, and clause final demonstratives (Kratochvíl 2007: 240). The clausal template is laid out in (27) (adapted from Kratochvíl 2007: 240).

(27)

Abui clause template [(adv) (npA/S) (ele/adv) (npP/S) pred (neg) (dem)] (conj)

The extreme left slot is occupied by a temporal, aspectual, modal, or deictic adverbial. The second slot is occupied by an A or S argument overtly expressed as a full NP. This alternates with a pronoun of an A or S argument. This is followed by an adverb, an elevational, and an NP and/or agreement prefix of an S or P argument. This is followed by the predicate. Negation is always post-verbal. Clausal demonstratives follow the negation marker and conjunctions are postpositioned outside the clause. Section 3.1 discusses constituent order in various types of verbal predicates. Section 3.2 introduces equational clauses, section 3.3 describes adverbs, section 3.4 discusses referring to locations, section 3.5 focuses on negation. Section 3.6 discusses conjunctions, section 3.7 sheds light on questions, and section 3.8 finishes off with a discussion on imperatives. Clause-final demonstratives are not discussed in this sketch; for more information, see Kratochvíl (2011a).

3.1 Constituent order in verbal clauses In bivalent clauses which are pragmatically unmarked, Abui has APV word order, as shown in example (28). In monovalent clauses, it has SV word order, as shown in (29) and (30). P arguments may be indexed on the verb through prefixation. This is shown in example (28), where the P argument, defeela ‘his friend’, is obligatorily indexed by ha-.

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(28) Bivalent clause A P V [Neeng nuku] de-feela ha-fik-e. man one 3.refl.alien-friend 3.pat-pull-ipfv ‘A man is pulling his friend.’ Abui, like many other Alor-Pantar languages, has split intransitivity (Kratochvíl 2011b). Depending on semantic factors, some S arguments may also be indexed on the verb in the same way as P arguments. This is shown in (29), where the S, eya kalieta ‘old lady’, is indexed using the third person reflexive patientive prefix da-. Other S arguments are only expressed as NPs as in (30) where the S, neeng ayoqu ‘two men’, is not indexed on the verb natea ‘are standing’. Sections 5 and 6 discuss the semantic factors that determine whether the S argument is prefixed or unprefixed (see also more elaborate discussion in Kratochvíl 2011b; 2014a). (29) Monovalent clause, Prefixed S S V [Eya kalieta] oro da-lal-e. lady old.person dist.level 3.refl.pat-laugh-ipfv ‘An old lady is laughing there.’ (30) Monovalent clause, Unprefixed S S V [Neeng ayoqu] oro natea. man two dist.level stand:ipfv ‘Two men are standing there.’ The P argument may also be fronted when topicalized, thus preceding the A argument. In (31), the P argument, bataa do ‘this log’, precedes the A argument, ama ‘person’. This is particularly common with an inanimate P and an animate A; the semantic roles of the arguments are pragmatically determined (Kratochvíl 2007: 179). Typically, a demonstrative is used to focalize a P; however, it is not obligatory. (31)

[bataa do]P wan [ama]A mi-i … wood prox already person take-pfv ‘this log, someone already took it (and placed it on top of another one)’

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In more complex multi-clause utterances, where arguments are not overtly expressed, Abui uses certain devices to track arguments and specify their semantic roles. Example (32) illustrates the expression of an A argument through the use of both a full NP, he-maama ‘3.alien-father’, and an agentive pronoun di ‘3.agt’. This is often done to mark the NP as being the A argument in clauses where the P argument has been brought up in earlier discourse, such as the focalized P, moqu nuku do ‘this child’ in (32). In addition, the use of the agentive pronoun di also adds more volitionality to the event. (32)

[Moqu nuku do]P [he-maama di]A oro ha-but child one prox 3.alien-father 3.agt dist.level 3.pat-cradle:pfv ba natea. lnk stand:ipfv ‘This child, his father is standing there, cradling him.’

3.2 Equational clauses Equational clauses are defined as the equivalence of a nominal argument with an entity in a nominal predicate. No copula exists in Abui. Example (33) presents an example of an equational clause with a pronoun and a nominal predicate, while (34) illustrates the use of an equational clause involving two overt NPs. (33)

Nedo ri-tuong do! 1sg.foc 2pl.alien-teacher prox ‘I am your teacher!’

(34) Ata ama kalieta. Ata person old.person ‘Ata is an old person.’ Demonstratives are often used to signal phrase boundaries more broadly; this device is typically also used in equative clauses, as in the use of the distal demonstrative nu in (35). (35)

Simon nu ne-feela. Simon dist 1sg.alien-friend ‘Simon is my friend.’

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Despite the absence of a copula, a presentative marker (Payne 1997: 123) may be encliticized to a head noun, as in (36), or to an entire NP as in (37). (36) ya=e water=pres ‘it is water’ (37)

(Delpada 2016: 101)

Maayol maak baai, maayol maak=e. woman young.female emph woman young.female=pres ‘A young woman, I was a young woman!’

3.3 Adverbs As shown in (27) above, two slots are reserved in the clausal template for ‘adverbs’. The position of some temporal and aspectual adverbs in a clause is freer than other word classes; they can be positioned between the A and the predicate or clause initially. The following subsections illustrate the use of temporal and aspectual adverbs (section 3.3.1) and modal adverbs (section 3.3.2). For the derivation of manner adverbs through reduplication, see section 2.6.3.

3.3.1 Temporal and aspectual adverbs Abui does not mark tense morphologically. Instead, speakers may use temporal adverbs to mark time. In addition, speakers may also combine aspectual adverbs with morphologically marked aspect (aspectual suffixes are discussed in section 8). A selection of temporal and aspectual adverbs is given in Table 6 (taken from Kratochvíl 2007: 265–267). Table 6: Temporal and aspectual adverbs. Adverb

English gloss

yal(=do) e(l) dara wan dikaang afeida akun(dite) kurbai(se)/korbai(se)

‘now’ ‘before’ ‘still’ ‘already’ ‘again, then’ ‘yesterday’ ‘tomorrow (lit. dark)’ ‘soon, in a while’

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The use of the adverb afeida ‘yesterday’ is illustrated in (38). It is used in conjunction with the perfective form of verb yaar-i ‘go:pfv-pfv’. (38) Ma afeida a Kalangfat yaar-i? disc yesterday 2sg.agt Kalabahi go:pfv-pfv ‘So, did you go to Kalabahi yesterday?’ All of the adverbs in Table 6 can be positioned either clause initially or in between the A and the predicate, as shown in (39a-b). The only exception to this is korbai (40a-b). (39) a. Na el kopi 1sg.agt before coffee ‘I drank coffee earlier.’

buut-i. drink:pfv-pfv

(Kratochvíl 2007: 265)

b. El na mahiting mi kaai he-l. before 1sg.agt meat take dog 3.loc-give:ipfv ‘Before, I gave the dog some meat.’ (Kratochvíl 2007: 265) (40) a. Korbai kaai di ril soon dog 3.agt 2pl.nagt ‘Soon the dog will bite you.’ b. *Kaai dog

di 3.agt

korbai ril soon 2pl.nagt

takai. bite:ipfv takai. bite:ipfv

In addition, Abui clauses can take up to two adverbs (Kratochvíl 2007), as illustrated in (41) with the use of yal=do ‘now’ and wan ‘already’. (41)

Yal=do di wan now=prox 3.agt already ‘He is already leaving now.’

laak-e. leave.for-ipfv

(Kratochvíl 2007: 265)

Expressions of the future can be combined with the prioritive aspect enclitic =se/te as in (42a-b). The prioritive denotes the meaning of ‘first’ or before ‘anything else’ (see section 8.3). In (42a), the prioritive =se combines with the adverb kurbai ‘in a while’. In (42b), the adverb akun ‘dark’ may take the inchoative aspect marker -di and combine with the prioritive to derive the meaning ‘first thing tomorrow morning’ (lit. ‘it gets dark first, then … ’).

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(42) Temporal adverbials using prioritive a. Kurbai=se pi we. a.while=prior 1pl.incl.agt go ‘We’ll leave in a while.’ b. Akun-di=te sei-e dark-inch:pfv=prior come.down:ipfv-ipfv henil-e ho? do.like.this:ipfv-ipfv tag ‘First thing tomorrow morning, you’ll come down (again), that’s right isn’t it?’

3.3.2 Modal adverbs Abui has a small class of modal adverbs which may be placed clause initially, or before the predicate. The modal kuul ‘must’ expresses the deontic modality as in examples (43a-b). (43) a. Kuul di henil-e. must 3.agt do.like.this:ipfv- ipfv ‘He must be doing so.’ b. Pi kuul tanga 1pl.incl.agt must language ‘We must speak Abui.’

(Kratochvíl corpus)

anang-ra. talk-ipfv

The Abui adverb yang ‘maybe’ expresses possibility and may also be positioned clause initially or before the predicate, as in (44a-b). (44) a. Yang di lol laak beeqa to maybe 3.agt wander walk bad prox.addr ‘Maybe they can’t leave (the house), right?’

re? tag

b. Kamai di yang furai ba rui tahai. cat 3.agt maybe run:pfv lnk rat search.for ‘The cat is perhaps running to search for the rat.’ (Kratochvíl corpus)

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Abui also has an irrealis marker ko.4 The irrealis marker ko expresses some form of uncertainty in relation to the predicate. It is frequently used to express the future tense as in (45), where it is often translated using Malay nanti ‘later’.5 (45) Ko Fani di bensin isi-dia. irr Fani 3.agt gas.ml insert.ML-inch.ipfv ‘Fani will add gas (at some later point in time).’ Because its most frequent function appears to be marking future tense, previous accounts have labeled ko as a future tense marker (cf. Kratochvíl 2007). Later accounts, however, have analyzed it as an irrealis marker (cf. Kratochvíl 2014a). This revised usage is further illustrated in its use in past tense constructions involving uncertainty which contain the aspectual adverb wan ‘already’, as in (46), and the perfective suffix -i, as in (47). (46) Ko wan a maayol maak re? irr already 2sg.agt woman young.woman tag ‘Were you perhaps already a young woman (when you first went to Kalabahi)?’ (47) … yang ko ha-mun-i… maybe irr 3.pat-stink-pfv ‘…maybe he stank…’ Its status as a marker of uncertainty is further illustrated in (48). (48) Ko yeng had-a? irr how.much exist-ipfv ‘How many are there approximately?’ In terms of its word order, ko may either precede the A argument, as in (45) and (46) or be placed in between the A argument and the predicate, as in (49). In addition, it is often combined with the adverb yang ‘maybe’, where it may be placed on either side, as in (47) and (49).

4 There is no connection between the Abui irrealis adverb ko and the Alor Malay clause linker ko. 5 Unlike other varieties of Malay, Alor Malay does not use the future marker akan but uses nanti ‘later, afterwards’ to express the future.

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(49) A ko yang nedo 2sg.agt irr maybe 1sg.foc ‘Are you looking at me…?’

ne-wahai...? 1sg.loc-look.at (Kratochvíl 2014a: 556)

The modality of possibility, ‘can’ and ‘cannot’, is expressed by the verbs kaang ‘good’ and beeqa ‘bad’, which are placed clause finally (see Kratochvíl 2007: 367). Finally, mood, modality, and stance are often expressed by demonstratives placed in final position (for more on this, see Kratochvíl 2011a; 2017).

3.4 Referring to locations 3.4.1 Elevationals Abui has a series of elevationals marking three levels: low, level, and above the deictic center (DC) as well as also marking two levels of distance (Table 7). Elevationals are typically placed between the A and the predicate. Table 7: Abui elevationals.

Proximal Distal

low

level

high

ò

iti oro

uwó

Examples (50) to (55) illustrate the use of these elevationals. (50) Fia iti miti Fia prox.level sit:pfv ‘Fia is sat here, sir.’

do, prox

bapa. father.ML

(51) Neeng ayoqu oro natea. man two dist.level stand:ipfv ‘Two men are standing there.’ (52) Artis uwó Takpala mia. actor dist.high Takpala be.at ‘The actor is up there in Takpala.’ (53) … uwó adi ha-reng ba dist.high sky 3.pat-face lnk ‘facing the sky up there and sleeping.’

taa. sleep:ipfv

5 Abui 

(54) Di he-marak-di ya ò 3.agt 3.loc-startle-inch:pfv seq dist.low ‘He got startled by it and then came down there.’

 289

saai. come.down:pfv

(55) Pi-moi ò henu=ng we to 1pl.incl.inal-voice dist.low pro.dist=alla go prox.addr ‘Our voices will go down there (to the Netherlands) right?’

ho? tag

Elevationals can combine with demonstratives to form a phrase. In (56) to (58), the distal demonstrative nu forms a phrase with three various elevationals. Such constructions are often accompanied by finger and lip pointing. (56) A-poong mi oro 2sg.inal-face take dist.level ‘Don’t turn your face over there!’

nu dist

ha-reng 3.pat-face

(57) Ni sei, uwó nu 1pl.excl.agt come.down:ipfv dist.high dist sei. come.down:ipfv ‘We came down, we came down from up there.’ (58) Ama ò nu Person dist.low dist ‘Somone is (there) below.’

mia. be.at

naha! neg

mia be.at

ba lnk

(Kratochvíl corpus)

(Kratochvíl corpus)

While elevationals combined with the distal speaker-based demonstrative nu are well attested in both the Kratochvíl corpus and the Saad corpus, there are no instances of them combined with the distal addressee-based hu. However, oro may be combined with the proximal demonstrative do as in (59). (59) Gudang fil-a nuku oro do mia natet-i. store.house.ml small-stat one dist.level prox be.at stand:pfv-pfv ‘There used to be a small house there.’ (Kratochvíl corpus) This analysis differs from Kratochvíl (2007; 2011a) in three main ways. Here, elevationals are treated as a separate class and not as part of the demonstrative system. Second, only a two-way distance distinction is made, as opposed to a three-way. Third, in this analysis, tone has not been found to play a role in elevation, as has been suggested in Kratochvíl (2007; 2011a).

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3.4.2 Locative nouns Abui has two locative nouns that also encode ‘under’ and ‘top’. The form uwò, with falling final tone means ‘under’, while tahang means ‘top’. Neither encode distance. They occur in predications with the locative verb mia, as shown in (60a-b). (60) a. Kaai lik uwò mia. dog bamboo.platform under be.at ‘The dog is underneath the bamboo platform.’ b. Kaai lik tahang mia. dog bamboo.platform top be.at ‘The dog is on (top of) the bamboo platform.’ The possessive prefix he- may be attached to the locative nouns where the location denoted by the noun is used in a relativization construction as a restrictive identifier of the noun head, as in (61a-b) and (62). (61)

a. Ha-wet ba he-uwò nu di mulai marang. 3.inal-tooth rel 3.alien-under dist 3.agt start.ml go.up:ipfv ‘The tooth which is below (it) starts growing (lit. rising)’ (Kratochvíl corpus) b.

Ha-wet ba he-tahang di sei. 3.inal-tooth rel 3.alien-top 3.agt come.down:ipfv ‘The tooth which is above (it) grows (lit. comes down)’ (Kratochvíl corpus)

(62) … nuku dikaang kiding ba he-uwò  mia. one then small lnk 3.alien-under be.at ‘…then, there’s a small one, which is below it.’ Abui also has a series of other location-denoting words, such as homi ‘inside’, hoopa ‘at (human referent’s vicinity/house)’, hong ‘on’ which are not discussed in this sketch as their exact status remains unresolved (see Kratochvíl 2014a for further discussion).

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3.4.3 Clitic =ng Abui also has an allative clitic =ng which attaches to any locative NP, as shown in (63) and (64). It signals movement towards the referent it attaches to. (63) Onakal a Takpala=ng mara? 2sg.alone 2sg.agt Takpala=alla come.up:ipfv ‘Do you go up to Takpala on your own?’ (64) Neeng nuku [bataa uwò]=ng we. man one tree under=alla go ‘A man walks towards the bottom of the tree.’

3.5 Negation Negation is expressed using the negation particle naha which is always positioned clause-finally, as shown in (65) and (66). (65) Di neei naha. 3.agt eat:pfv neg ‘He did not eat it.’ (66) Di h-ien naha ya bataa la=ng ha-muk-di. 3.agt 3.pat-see neg seq tree adv=alla 3.pat-lock.horns-inch:pfv ‘He did not see it so then he charged into a tree.’ Abui does not have a distinct form for the prohibitive and simply uses naha in prohibitive constructions as well, as shown in (67). (67) Eng marang naha! 2sg.deont go.up:ipfv neg ‘Don’t be forced into going up!’ In negation of a nominal predicate, naha is also used, and is positioned postnominally as in (68). (68) Ri naha! 2pl.agt neg ‘Not you (pl.)!’

(Kratochvíl 2007: 278)

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3.6 Conjunctions Abui uses a number of different strategies to link clauses, one of which includes the use of conjunctions.6 Typically, conjunctions are positioned post-verbally. They include the (simultaneous) linker ba and the sequential linker ya. In example (69), the simultaneous linker ba is used to join the clause bataa tuku hafiki ‘pull(ing) a log’ and me ‘come’. Prosodically, conjunctions always belong to the preceding clause. (69) Moqu fila nuku bataa tuku ha-fik-i child young one tree clf 3.pat-pull-pfv ‘A small child approaches, pulling a log.’

ba lnk

me. come:ipfv

These two clause linkers must be preceded by a perfective stem of the verb and sometimes also with the perfective suffix, as in (69), where the verb that precedes the linker ba is perfective. While the perfective forms might be used, they do not express perfectivity as such (see section 8.1). The sequential linker ya signals an iconic ordering of events, as in (70). (70) Moqu nuku do laak-i miei ya child one prox walk-pfv come:pfv seq de-maama taai laak-i. 3.refl.alien-father on.top walk-pfv ‘A child came walking and then stepped on his father.’ The conjunction mai(e) expresses conditionality and causality, and is always marked with high pitch as in (71). The conjunction hare ‘so’ is typically positioned clause-initially (72). However, it may also be positioned clause-finally; often, the following clause is dropped if the proposition is obvious, as in (73). (71) … wea do he-wahai mai mielang-di. blood prox 3.loc-look.at cond scared-inch:pfv ‘as he saw some blood, he got scared.’ (72) Hare maaha fuku? so who fart:pfv ‘So who farted?’ 6 Other strategies involve the use of the prioritive clitic =te/se, demonstratives, and simple juxtaposition.

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(73) Pi seng tahai hare. 1pl.agt money search.for:ipfv so ‘We are searching for money, so (that’s why we’re still sitting here).’

3.7 Questions Polar questions are marked suprasegmentally using rising intonation. Structurally, they do not differ from other types of clauses, such as declarative clauses. (74) A mahi-i? 2sg.agt hear-pfv ‘Did you get it?’ Tag questions typically place particles ho and re (derived from re ‘or’) clausefinally. The particle ho implies more certainty than re, as shown in (75) and (76). (75) Lakaang maseena ho? ints nice tag.cert ‘It’s really nice, isn’t it?’ (76) … mara yai paneeng re? come.up:ipfv song make tag.uncert ‘(We are) going up (there) to sing, right?/ (Are we) going up (there) to sing?’ Abui has several question words, some of which form their own class, while others appear to be more verb-like. Question words include nala ‘what’ (77), teina ‘when’ (78), te ‘where’ (79), tewir/tewile ‘how/why:pfv/ipfv’ (80) and (83), maa ‘who’ (81), yeng ‘how much’ (82). They appear in situ. (77) Iti do nala? prox.level prox what ‘What it this (here)?’ (78) Ata, teina a maran-i? Ata when 2sg.agt go.up:pfv-pfv ‘Ata, when did you arrive (on Alor)?’

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(79) Longe, a te=ng Loni.voc 2sg.agt where=alla ‘Loni, where are you going to?’

yaa? go:ipfv

The word tewir ‘how/why’ is formally a verb; it can have a perfective form, tewir, and an imperfective form, tewil(e). It might have grammaticalized from te ‘where’ and wir/wil ‘like:pfv/ipfv’. Because it is still verb-like, in order for it to be complemented with another verb, such as mon-i ‘die-pfv’ in (80), it must receive the prioritive clitic =te. (80) Tewir=te di mon-i? how/why:pfv=prior 3.agt die-pfv ‘How did it die?/Why did it die?’ Abui uses the ‘who’ word to refer to a name as in (81) and ‘how much’ to refer to countable or ordinal nouns, such as ‘class’ as in (82) (cf. Gil 2018). (81) A-ne maa? 2sg.inal-name who? ‘What is your name?’ (82) Kelas yeng mara? class how.much come.up:ipfv ‘Which class are you going to?’ Interrogative clauses that use question words often begin with the discourse particle ma, as in as in (83) and (84). This particle typically claims the turn, marks a new topic, and signals a question (Kratochvíl pers. comm.). (83) Ma tewil ba? disc how:ipfv report ‘How exactly (did he say)?’ (84) Ma e-ura yo disc 2sg.alien-sibling.of.opposite.sex med.addr ‘So, how many female siblings do you have?’

yeng? how.much

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3.8 Imperatives Abui does not mark the imperative mood with a designated marker. However, certain prominent features include the use of the prioritive clitic =te (as in (85); see also section 8.3). (85) Ia buut=te, water drink=prior ‘Please drink, sir.’

maama! father

4 Noun phrase The Abui NP template is laid out in (86). Abui is a head-marking language. There is little in terms of morphology; only possessed nouns are inflected for possession. Apart from articles and possessive prefixes, which precede the head noun, most components of the NP follow the head. NP Template (86) (NPpsr) [(art) (poss-)NHEAD (mod/clf) (attr) (num/quant) (rc) (dem)] (pro) An example of an NP that includes a head, a classifier, an attributive, and a quantifier is presented in (87). (87) NHEAD clf attr quant bataa tuku foq-a nuku wood clf big-stat one ‘one big piece of wood’ This section describes these slots in more detail. Articles are discussed in section 4.1. Modifier nouns/classifiers are discussed in section 4.2. Attributives (stative verbs/adjectives) are described in section 4.3. Quantification is elaborated upon in section 4.4, relative clauses are discussed in section 4.5. In addition, demonstratives are described in section 4.6, while possession is discussed in section 4.7. Furthermore, as shown in (86), an NP may occur in apposition with a pronoun (pro). Pronouns are discussed further in section 5.

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4.1 Articles Abui has an article hel which marks specificity on the NP. It always precedes the head noun, as shown in (88) and (89). Typically, a demonstrative follows the head in this type of construction, as shown by nu ‘dist’ and do ‘prox’, respectively. (88) [Hel yaihead nu]NP lung-a haba… art song dist long-stat but ‘That particular song is long, but (we should still sing it.)’ (89) [Di hel HPhead do]NP he-wahai. 3.agt art phone prox 3.loc-look.at ‘He was looking at this particular phone (earlier today).’ The article hel appears to be fusing with the plural marker loqu (see section 4.4.1) to grammaticalize into a third person plural marker, as shown in (90) and (91). It has not quite become a pronoun, because it co-occurs with the third person agentive pronoun di, as in (91). As such, it is unclear whether it belongs to any given pronoun paradigm or whether it is simply an independent, unrestricted form. (90) Ma hel=loqu te mia disc 3pl where be.at ‘So, where do they play?’

mui-la? play-ipfv

(91) Ko hel=loqu di fok-di=te… irr 3pl 3.agt big-inch.pfv=prior ‘When they grow up (will they speak Abui?)’

4.2 Modifier nouns and compounds Modifier nouns are nouns that co-occur with head nouns (92a-c). They typically modify a head noun by applying a characteristic such as gender and age (Kratochvíl 2007: 157–158). The range of modifier nouns is limited to a few items; however, they are used quite frequently. (92) Modifier nouns a. kalietahead neeng old.person man ‘old man’

(Kratochvíl 2007: 157)

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b. neenghead moqu man child ‘boy’

(Kratochvíl 2007: 157)

c. kaaihead bilel dog sprout ‘puppy’

(Kratochvíl 2007: 158)

d. iahead upi moon fruit ‘full moon’ Morpho-syntactically they differ with respect to compounds (see Kratochvíl 2007: 157–158 for more extensive argumentation). NPs involving a head noun and modifier noun are left-headed; whereas compounds are right-headed. NPs involving modifier nouns may omit the modifier noun in a subsequent clause and still retain the same meaning. In contrast, compounds are lexicalized and both nouns must always co-occur. Examples (93a-c) illustrate some typical compounds, while (94a-c) lists some compounds involving body parts – which are obligatorily possessed – as a consequence of being inalienably possessed. (93) Regular compounds a. ruwol ata chicken leaf ‘chicken nest’

(Kratochvíl 2007: 151)

b. tipai dieng iron pot ‘iron pot’

(Kratochvíl 2007: 151)

c. tei fe field pig ‘field pig’

(Kratochvíl 2007: 151)

(94) Possessed compounds a. na-tang buku 1sg.inal-hand joint ‘my knuckles’ b. ha-wa 3.inal-mouth ‘his lips’

kul skin

(Kratochvíl 2007: 148)

(Kratochvíl 2007: 148)

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c. h-ieng amur 3.inal-eye hair ‘his eyebrows’

(Kratochvíl 2007: 148)

4.3 Attributives Attributives modify head nouns. They are analyzed here as involving either stative verbs, which often receive the stative verb suffix -a as shown in (95a), or adjectives, as in (95b). (95) Attributive construction a. fala foq-a house big-stat ‘a big house’ b. kaai akan dog black ‘a black dog’

(Kratochvíl 2007: 160)

Adjectives form a small closed class of less than 10 items, including words such as kul ‘white’, san ‘ripe’, abet ‘young’ (Kratochvíl 2007: 109). They are differentiated from stative verbs by the fact that they cannot head a predicate (Ibid.). In other words, while (95a) can have the reading ‘the house is big’, as in (96a), example (95b) cannot have a predicative reading. For akan ‘black’ to trigger a predicate reading, the adjectival copula =i must be appended to it, as in (96b). (96) Predicative construction a. fala foq-a house big-stat ‘the house is big’ b. kaai akan=i dog black=cop ‘the dog is black’

(Kratochvíl 2007: 160)

Morphosyntactically, when attributives involve stative verbs, there is no way to distinguish attributive constructions from predicative ones, as in (97a-b). This must be done suprasegmentally, through the use of pitch (Delpada 2016). In example (97a) the pitch peaks at /bu/, indicating that faling bula is treated as one

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prosodic phrase, while in (97b) it peaks at /ling/, indicating a phrase boundary between /ling/ and /bu/. (97) a. Attributive construction faling bul-a axe sharp-stat ‘a sharp axe’

(Delpada 2016: 158)

b. Predicative construction faling bul-a axe sharp-stat ‘the axe is sharp’

(Delpada 2016: 158)

4.4 Quantification Quantification involves the use of quantifiers, numerals, and classifiers. Nonnumeral quantifiers, and numerals, occupy the same syntactic slot and may not co-occur with one another. In addition, similar to adjectives and stative verbs, they can function attributively or predicatively (see Kratochvíl 2007).

4.4.1 Non-numeral quantifiers Non-numeral quantifiers express an imprecise quantity of nouns and include faaring ‘many’, sila ‘plenty’, kabei ‘a little’, loqu ‘pl’, and we ‘assoc’ (Kratochvíl 2007: 121). Example (98) illustrates the use of faaring ‘many’, which can trigger both an attributive and a predicative reading. (98) amakaang faaring person many ‘many people’ or ‘the people are many’ Abui nouns are not obligatorily marked for number. However, plurality can be expressed by the plural words loqu and we. Loqu is a generic pluralizer and may be used with a host of various types of nouns, including (in)animates and common nouns, as shown in (99a-b). (99) a. moqu fila loqu child young pl ‘little children’

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b. konrek loqu t.shirt.ml pl ‘t-shirts’ However, the pluralizer loqu is typically not compatible with proper human names. Proper human names always receive the associative pluralizer we, as shown in (100a-b). (100) a. Benny we ut yaa. Benny assoc garden go:ipfv ‘Benny and his associates go to the garden.’ (Schapper fieldnotes cited in Klamer, Schapper and Corbett 2017: 383). b. *Benny loqu ut Benny pl garden

yaa go:ipfv

Both pluralizers can be used to modify possessed animate nouns; however, their semantics differ (Klamer, Schapper and Corbett 2017: 383). As shown in (101), when loqu modifies ne-maayol ‘1sg.alien-woman’, it denotes individualized plurality, i.e. ‘my wives’. However, when we modifies the head noun, it denotes associative plurality, i.e. ‘my wife and her associates’. (101) a. Ne-maayol loqu ut 1sg.alien-woman pl garden ‘My wives went to the garden.’

yaa. go:ipfv

b. Ne-maayol we ut yaa. 1sg.alien-woman assoc garden go:ipfv ‘My wife and her associates go to the garden.’ In addition to marking plurality, loqu can also be used in the nominalization of verbs, adjectives, and place names, a function that has become relatively widespread.

4.4.2 Numerals Abui has, like some other AP languages, a mixed 5–10 base numeral (Schapper and Klamer 2017). The Abui numerals are shown in Table 8 (adapted from Kratochvíl 2007: 119).

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Table 8: Abui cardinal numerals. 1 2 3 4 5

nuku ayoqu sua buti yeting

6 7 8 9 10

talaama yeting ayoqu yeti sua yeting buti karnuku

Examples of higher order numerals are presented in (102). (102) karnuku wal nuku karyeting ayoqu wal yeting ayoqu aisaha nuku aisaha talaama karyeting wal nuku rifi nuku rifi buti rat nuku

‘11’ ‘77’ ‘100’ ‘651’ ‘1000’ ‘4000’ ‘1,000,000’

The order for the numeral phrase is: n num, as shown in (103). A number of nouns require numeral classifiers before they can be quantified; see section 4.4.3. (103) a. n num wi sua stone three ‘three stones’ b. tuung yeting year five ‘five years’ Ordinal numerals are constructed by attaching the third person possessive prefix he- to the numeral, as in (104). (104) Yal dikaang he-sua Now again 3.alien-three ‘and now the third one, right?

ho? tag

(Kratochvíl corpus)

Ordinal constructions with numerals appositioned appear after the head noun as in (105a-b). They often but not always need to be relativized, as in (105b).

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(105) a. war he-teitu sun 3.alien-first ‘first day, Monday’ b. Nedo moqu ba 1sg.foc child rel ‘I am the third child.’

(Kratochvíl 2007: 119) he-sua. 3.alien-three

(Kratochvíl corpus)

Numerals may also be used predicatively using the dynamic aspect markers. In (106), the numeral ayoqu ‘two’ is verbalized using the suffix -da, where it is used in a resultative construction. (106) Maayol nuku di kabala nu woman one 3.agt cloth dist ‘A man rips a piece of cloth into two.’

fiet ba tear:pfv lnk

hoo-ayoq-da. 3.goal-two-ipfv

4.4.3 Numeral classifiers As mentioned above, nouns are not classified for gender or number. However, a head may combine with another noun (labeled here a numeral classifier) when enumerated. In (107a-c), the use of the numeral classifier nouns bika ‘kernel’, upi ‘fruit’, and tuku ‘piece’ are illustrated. (107) a. na-wet bika nuku 1sg.alien-tooth clf one ‘one tooth of mine’ b. moqu upi talaama child clf three ‘six children’

(Kratochvíl 2007: 164)

(Kratochvíl 2007: 164)

c. bataa tuku buti tree clf four ‘four pieces of wood’

4.5 Relative clauses Relative clauses in Abui are restrictive, meaning that the relative clause is essential and relevant in determining the identity of the referent, as opposed to just

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offering additional information. A noun is relativized through the use of the relativizer ba which follows the head.7 Typically, a demonstrative may also follow the relative clause, as in (108a); however, this is not always the case, as in (108b). The head of a relative clause may be the A, S, or P argument of the relative clause as shown in examples (108a-c). (108) a. A argument of relative clause as head [Wiil neeng]rchead ba [konrek kika meng]rc child man rel t.shirt red wear di kabei la marak-di. 3.agt a.bit adv startle-inch:pfv ‘The child who was wearing a red t-shirt got startled.’ b. S argument of relative clause as head [Wiil neeng]rchead ba [e mit ba yatul]rc yo… child man rel before sit lnk daze.off:ipfv med.addr ‘That young man who was sitting and dozing off earlier…’ c.

P argument of relative clause as head [sura]rchead ba [ha-lak-da]rc nu… letter rel 3.pat-examine-inch.ipfv dist ‘the letter which (we) read…’

4.6 Demonstratives This section discusses the primary functions of Abui demonstratives, which include marking spatial and anaphoric relations with respect to their head noun. Abui demonstratives encode distance and viewpoint, as illustrated in Table 9 (modified from Kratochvíl 2011a). Some demonstratives can appear adnominally or pronominally. Pronominal demonstratives are formed by adding he- to the demonstrative bases, as shown in the table.

7 The form ba is used as both a relativizer and a generic clause linker (as discussed in section 3.6).

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Table 9: Abui adnominal demonstratives. viewpoint Proximal Medial Distal

speaker

addressee

do / hedo ‘prox’ o / - ‘med’ nu / henu ‘dist’

to / heto ‘prox.addr’ yo / - ‘med.addr’ hu / - ‘dist.addr’

Adnominal demonstratives, such as do co-occur with other NP elements, such as a head noun in (109a). Pronominal demonstratives, such as hedo in (109b) stand in for a whole NP. As example (109b) shows, pronominal demonstratives are composed of the third person possessive prefix he- prefixed onto the demonstratives. (109) a. Adnominal demonstrative [Neeng nuku do]np yang ha-ne man one prox maybe 3.inal-name ‘This man, maybe his name is George.’

George. George

b. Pronominal demonstrative Hedo yang ha-ne George. pro.prox maybe 3.inal-name George ‘This one, maybe his name is George.’ In this sketch, only the core functions of demonstratives are discussed, and distinctions in form are made with respect to how they modify a noun: adnominally (section 4.6.1) vs. pronominally (section 4.6.2). For extended uses of demonstratives used clause-finally, for example, to mark stance and evidentiality, see Kratochvíl (2011a; 2017). In addition, this analysis makes a distinction between demonstratives and elevationals (which are treated as deictic demonstratives in previous accounts, e.g. Kratochvíl 2011a, 2017). Abui demonstratives must modify either an NP (following an NP) or a clause (clause-finally), while elevationals are positioned predicatively, preceding the verb (see section 3.4.1). Because demonstratives may be used anaphorically, there are no restrictions in terms of combining various demonstratives with elevationals (see examples (56) to (59) for demonstrative phrases involving elevationals and demonstratives). In (110) the proximal demonstrative do is used anaphorically to refer to ‘this woman’ and is combined with the distal level elevational oro.

5 Abui 

dem ele (110) [Maayol nuku do]NP oro mit ba woman one prox dist.level sit lnk ‘This woman is sitting there laughing.’

 305

da-lal-e. 3.refl.pat-laugh-ipfv

4.6.1 Adnominal demonstratives Abui distinguishes between speaker-based and addressee-based demonstratives (Kratochvíl 2007). Examples (111) and (112) illustrate this distinction in the proximal domain. Both examples are extracted from a recording where two girls are sitting next to each other and making jewelry. Typically, when one speaker refers to an object they themselves are holding, they use the speaker-based proximal do, while when they refer to an object that the addressee is holding, they use the addressee-based proximal to. In example (111), the speaker is holding a seed and a piece of string in demonstration of how to make a bracelet. As a result, the proximal, speaker-orientated demonstrative do is used to modify tila ‘string’ because the object in question is proximal to the speaker. (111) Tila do mi he-tukola. string prox take 3.loc-insert ‘Insert this string inside (as I am doing now).’ In example (112), the speaker is referring to a needle that the addressee is holding; this is encoded by the addressee-based proximal to. (112) Korbai ting to di faq-e. soon needle prox.add 3.agt break-ipfv ‘That needle (which you are holding) might break.’

4.6.2 Pronominal demonstratives Similarly to adnominal demonstratives, pronominal demonstratives may encode deictic relationships in the domains of space or anaphora. For example, the pronominal proximal addressee-based demonstrative heto may be used spatially as in (113a) and anaphorically as in (113b).

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(113) a. Spatial proximity to addressee Ni-ya, heto enra naha baai! 1pl.excl-mother pro.prox.add cry neg emph ‘Mother/Madam, that one (that you are holding) doesn’t cry much!’ b. Anaphoric proximity to addressee Heto neeng wida yo! pro.prox.addr male like med.addr ‘That one (that you just referred to) is like a boy!’ Pronominal demonstratives typically occur in two types of constructions. In their most basic sense, they can modify a referent already mentioned in discourse or in visual proximity as in (114a). Another usage is to modify a preposed clause in a type of cleft construction as in (114b). In (114a), heto ‘pro.prox.add’ refers to a ‘bundle of betel nut’ close to the interlocutor and mentioned already by the interlocutor. In (114b), henu ‘pro.dist’ modifies the preceding clause nuku takai 'chewing one'. (114) Pronominal demonstratives a. Modifying NP Ma heto wan riifi yeting. disc pro.prox.addr already thousand five ‘Well, that (which is close to you) is already five thousand Rupiah.’ b.

Modifying clause Nuku takai, henu kaka~adik nu. one chew:ipfv pro.dist siblings.ml dist ‘Chewing one (betel nut together), that is (what is meant by) being siblings.’

4.7 Possession In a third person possessive phrase, possession is marked on the possessed noun using the prefixes he-/ha-, henceforth hV (the vowel alternation marks an alienability distinction, discussed in section 4.7.1.). The possessor always precedes the possessed item as illustrated in (115). (115) Npsr poss-Npsd The order of possessor and possessed nouns is illustrated in examples (116a-b).

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(116)

 307

possessor possessed a. Ata he-maama Ata 3.alien-father ‘Ata’s father’ b. Ata Ata ‘Ata’s hand’

ha-tang 3.inal-hand

Possessed NPs can be embedded, one after the other, and thus function as both possessed and possessor nouns as in example (117). Three nouns, heya ‘his mother’, hefala ‘her house’, and heui ‘its back’ all function as both possessors and possessees. Some of these possessive constructions refer to more or less fixed collocations. Simon heya ‘Simon’s mother’, for example, is a standard form of reference or address towards a parent, as there are some taboos against using a given name, especially when referring to them in the third person. Similarly, ui hieng ‘backside’ (lit.) ‘the eye of the back/behind’ is a nominal compound, also commonly used in a fixed construction (see section 4.2 for compounds).8 (117) Na 1sg.agt

oro Simon dist.level Simon

he-ya he-fala 3.alien-mother 3.alien-house

he-ui h-ieng we aisa. 3.alien-back 3.inal-eye go pee:ipfv ‘I want to go pee there, in the hole behind Simon’s mother’s house (lit. ‘in the eye of Simon’s mother’s house’s behind’).’

4.7.1 Alienability Abui has an alienability distinction, which is lexically rather than semantically based. The possessive prefix on alienably possessed nouns is optional for most nouns, while on inalienably possessed nouns, it is obligatory (Kratochvíl 2007: 140). In the domain of body parts, most body parts, such as ‘hand’ (118a) are inalienably possessed; however, a few, such as ‘leg’ (118b) are alienably possessed. Kinship terms are alienably possessed, as in (118c).

8 I thank František Kratochvíl for pointing this out.

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(118) a. ha-tang 3.inal-hand ‘his/her/their hand’ b. he-toqu 3.alien-leg ‘his/her/their leg’ c. ne-ura 1sg.alien-sibling.of.opposite.sex ‘my sister/brother’ In examples (118a–c), inalienability is denoted by the theme vowel /a/ while alienability is denoted by the theme vowel /ɛ/. This holds for first and second person singular as well as third person. In the plural persons, the alienability distinction is not marked morphologically (see Table 10).9 Abui has a clusivity distinction in the first person plural. Further, there is no number distinction in the third person. However, third person does encode a reflexivity distinction: the third person reflexive possessive dV- binds the possessed noun to the A argument of a clause, while the nonreflexive possessive hV- binds the possessed noun to an NP outside the clause (see section 4.7.2). In addition, the distributive is used on referents which by definition can only be possessed by one individual at a time (see section 4.7.3). Table 10: Abui possessive prefixes.

1sg 2sg 3 3.refl distr 1pl.incl 1pl.excl 2pl

Alienable

Inalienable10

neehedetepiniri-

naahadatapiniri-

Further, there also seems to be some internal dialectical variation within Abui with respect to which vowels are selected to mark alienability. The Petleng-Welai9 In terms of the reconstruction of the forms themselves, Klamer (2017: 26) illustrates how the possessive with theme vowel /a/ is a reflex of the proto-AP patient indexing morpheme. She also shows how those with the vowel /ɛ/ are a reflex of the proto-AP genitive prefix. 10 Recall that the inalienable paradigm also has another set of allomorphs discussed in section 2.6.1.

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Mola variety, also spoken on the northern coastline, denotes the alienable possessor with the theme vowel /o/.

4.7.2 Reflexivity in third person possession Abui makes a distinction between a nonreflexive third person possessive marker hV- and a reflexive third person possessive marker dV-. The term ‘reflexive possessive’ is the term used in the literature for the AP languages (e.g. Robinson and Haan 2014 for Adang). The reflexive possessive is used to bind the possessor of a P argument to the A argument of the clause, as in (119a). In (119a), the reflexive possessive prefix de- in dewiil ‘his child’ binds the possessor to the A argument, Simon; the possessor of ‘child’ must be the A argument of verb ‘cradle’. This stands in contrast to the use of the nonreflexive possessive prefix he- in (119b), which binds the possessor P argument hewiil ‘his child’ to an NP outside the clause, thus creating the reading ‘someone other than Simon’s child’. (119) a. [Simon]A [de-wiil]P ha-buk-e. Simon 3.refl.alien-child 3.pat-cradle:ipfv-ipfv ‘Simon cradles his (own) child.’ not ‘Simon cradles his (someone else’s) child.’ b. [Simon]A [he-wiil]P ha-buk-e. Simon 3.alien-child 3.pat-cradle:ipfv-ipfv ‘Simon cradles his (someone else’s) child.’ not ‘Simon cradles his (own) child.’ It must be pointed out that example (119b) may also invoke two additional readings. The noun Simon may also be interpreted as being the lexical possessor of hewiil ‘his child’, as in Simon hewiil ‘Simon’s child’. This NP as a whole can then either be treated as an A argument as in (120a) or as a P argument in (120b). In order to disambiguate (120a) from (120b), Abui speakers use pitch to signal phrase boundaries between subject and predicate. Further research is required to exactly how this is done (but see Delpada 2016: 119 for a discussion on A vs. P disambiguation in monosyllabic words through intonation). (120) a. [Simon he-wiil]A ha-buk-e. Simon 3.alien-child 3.pat-cradle:ipfv-ipfv ‘Simon’s child cradles him (Simon).’

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b. [Simon he-wiil]P ha-buk-e. Simon 3.alien-child 3.pat-cradle:ipfv-ipfv ‘Cradle Simon’s child!’ or ‘Simon’s child was cradled.’

4.7.3 Distributive possessor The distributive possessive prefix tV- is used in opposition to the other plural markers (including third person) which all denote collective possession. It is commonly used to express body parts with multiple possessors, since a body part typically cannot be possessed by more than one person, as in (121) and te-pikai ‘our head/each of our head’ in (122). (121) ta-tang distr.inal-hand ‘our hands/each of our hands’ (122) Pi dowir ba te-pikai henil 1pl.incl.agt thus.do:pfv lnk distr.alien-head do.like.this:ipfv baai kaang? also good ‘If we do this on our heads, is that also fine?’ Example (121) is often translated into Malay using the first person plural, kita punya tangan ‘our (incl.) hands’. In example (122), the A argument is marked by the first person plural inclusive pronoun pi, while the NP te-pikai ‘our head/each of our head’ is possessed using a distributive prefix. The reason for this discrepancy is that Abui does not have a distributive pronoun the way some other AP languages, such as Western Pantar for example, do; see Holton (2014: 71).

5 Pronouns As discussed in section 3.1, I adopt an A, S, P system for referring to the expression of arguments: A (most agent-like argument in a transitive clause), S (single argument of intransitive clause), and P (most patient-like argument in a transitive clause). Abui uses two strategies to express these arguments pronominally: free pronouns and verbal indexation. Which of the two is used depends on the argument role in question, in addition to semantic factors and verb class membership. A arguments are

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expressed using agentive free pronouns. S arguments are expressed using agentive free pronouns, nonagentive free pronouns, or agreement prefixes. P arguments are expressed using nonagentive free pronouns, or agreement prefixes. Free pronouns are explored in this section, while agreement prefixes are discussed in section 6. Abui argument structure is highly sensitive to the inflectional class of the verb: some verbs show fluid alignment depending on semantic factors of the event in question. S arguments can be expressed either as agentive pronouns, nonagentive pronouns, or prefixes. Some more volitional events may encode S arguments with an agentive free pronoun, while less volitional events may index S arguments using a nonagentive free pronoun or a prefix. An argument may be expressed i) using a pronoun/agreement prefix only, ii) using an NP only, or iii) using both an NP and a pronoun/prefix. In this analysis, there are at least 12 different paradigms for Abui pronouns shown in Table 11.11 Table 11: Abui Pronouns.

1sg 2sg 3 3.refl distr 1pl.excl 1pl.incl 2pl

1sg 2sg 3 3.refl distr 1pl.excl 1pl.incl 2pl

Basic pronouns Agentive non-agentive

involuntary agent pronouns

Modal Pronouns

na a di – – ni pi ri

nel el hel del tel nil pil ril

nang ang ding – – ning ping ring

neng eng heng – teng niing piing riing

Possessive Pronouns

Reflexive Pronouns

all

alone

nei ei hei dei tei nii pii rii

neina eina deina – – niina piina riina

– – dotafuda – – nutafuda putafuda rutafuda

nonakal(a) onakal(a) donakal(a) – – nunakal(a) punakal(a) runakal(a)

Quantifying Pronouns

11 This sketch takes these complex items to be pronouns, while Kratochvíl (2007; 2011b; 2014a) treats them as verbal predicates.

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Table 11 (continued) Focus Pronouns Focus

Restrictive

Contrastive

Additive

1sg 2sg 3 3.refl distr 1pl.excl 1pl.incl

nedo edo hedo – – nido pido

nede ede hede – – nide pide

nedi edi hedi – – nidi pidi

nelbaai elbaai helbaai – – nilbaai pilbaai

2pl

rido

ride

ridi

rilbaai

5.1 Agentive pronouns Agentive pronouns may encode an A argument or a volitional S argument (Kratochvíl 2007). Examples (123) and (124) illustrate the use of the first person singular agentive pronoun na expressing an A and an S argument respectively. In (123), the A acts on a third person P argument, which is indexed on the verb using the prefix he-. In (124), the S is the sole argument of the verb ayon-i ‘swim:pfv-pfv’. (123) A argument [Na]A [he]P-faling-di. 1sg.agt 3.loc-listen-pfv ‘I listened to it.’ (124) S argument Afeida war-weria [na]S yesterday noon 1sg.agt ‘Yesterday at noon, I swam.’

ayon-i. swim:pfv-pfv

(Kratochvíl 2014a: 560)

In the third person, the use of the agentive pronoun di may mark discourserelated as well as semantic information. It can be used both adnominally and pronominally to mark discourse-related functions. In example (125), the third person agentive pronoun di is used alongside the full NP which it encodes, neeng nuku ‘one man’ because the NP neeng nuku ‘one man’ is presented as novel information. In (126), the agentive pronoun di stands on its own, with the NP it encodes already referred to in earlier discourse, that is, the previous clause.

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de-feela ha-fik-e. (125) [Neeng nuku di]A man one 3.agt 3.refl.alien-friend 3.pat-pull-ipfv ‘A man is pulling his friend.’ (126) Neeng nuku natet ba [di]A [he]P-do-m-pang-pang. man one stand:pfv lnk 3.agt 3.loc.3.refl.rec-be.in-rdp~think ‘A man stood there, thinking about it.’ In addition, the adnominal use of di may be used to mark semantic factors on the A argument, such as volition and/or definiteness (Kratochvíl 2011b; Fedden et al. 2014; Kratochvíl and Delpada 2015). This is shown with the minimal pair in (127a–b). In (127a), the adnominal use of di alongside the NP moqu loqu ‘children’ marks it as definite. In (127b), the absence of di implies that the NP is indefinite. (127) a. Definite A Moqu loqu di kuul sakola he-sei. kid pl 3.agt must school 3.loc-come.down:ipfv ‘The children must attend school.’ (Kratochvíl and Delpada 2015: 188) b.

Indefinite A Moqu loqu kuul sakola he-sei. kid pl must school 3.loc-come.down:ipfv ‘Children must attend school.’ (Kratochvíl and Delpada 2015: 188)

Furthermore, the use of di to mark volition is illustrated in (128a-b). Fedden et al. (2014: 64) suggest that in reflexive clauses, there is a difference between volitional reflexive clauses and nonvolitional reflexive clauses. They suggest that combining a pronoun with a reflexive agreement prefix creates a reflexive reading in which a participant is both the instigator of an action and affected by it. In (128a-b), the reflexive prefix da- is obligatory; however, the use of the pronoun di marks volitionality. In (128a), the use of the pronoun di adds volitionality to the event of ‘showering’, putting emphasis on the fact that the A, Fani, washed himself with intent. Example (128b), on the other hand, implies that Fani ‘had a shower’; however, it does not put emphasis on himself as being the volitional actor. (128) a. With agentive pronoun Fani di el da-wel-i. Fani 3.agt before 3.refl.pat-wash-pfv ‘Fani has washed himself.’

(Kratochvíl 2014a: 562)

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b. Without agentive pronoun Fani el da-wel-i. Fani before 3.refl.pat-wash-pfv ‘Fani already had a shower.’

(Kratochvíl 2014a: 562)

Currently, further research is required to determine which factors trigger the marking of definiteness and which ones trigger volitionality; however, reflexive constructions with the use of di seem to favor volitional readings.

5.2 Nonagentive pronouns This section discusses the class of verbs which may encode S or P arguments using a nonagentive pronoun.12 In this class, animacy may be marked by the use of these pronouns: Only animate S or P arguments are encoded using pronouns, while inanimates are left unindexed or unencoded.13 Example (129a) illustrates the use of the second person plural nonagentive pronoun used with the verb takai ‘bite’. In example (129b), the inanimate P, fat ma ‘cooked corn’, is not encoded using a pronoun. (129) a. Animate P Korbai kaai di ril takai! soon dog 3.agt 2pl.nagt bite:ipfv ‘Soon, the dog will bite you (pl.)!’ b. Inanimate P Na fat ma takei=se. 1sg.agt corn cooked bite:pfv=prior ‘I’m about to eat (cooked corn or anything else cooked).’

12 Speakers can index an S or P argument using either a series of nonagentive pronouns or agreement prefixes (agreement prefixes are discussed in section 6). To a large extent, the lexical class as well as the semantics of the event determine whether a pronoun or a prefix will be used. 13 These pronouns have been described in previous accounts as consisting of a serial verb construction involving the locative prefix paradigm and the verb ‘give’ -l (e.g. Kratochvíl 2007, 2011b, 2014a). However, they are argued here to be strictly pronominal as they show no verbal characteristics. For example, they are never inflected for aspect. These pronouns may index either an S or a P argument and are more similar in function to the pronominal prefixes which are located on the verb (discussed in section 6).

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In addition, when used with animate Ps in third person, nonagentive pronouns can also be used to mark specificity. This is done through the adnominal use of a pronoun alongside a full NP as shown in examples (130a–b). In (130a), the use of hel indicates a specific, known referent, i.e. ‘her husband, Bapak Likeus’. The absence of hel in (130b) suggests generic reference to an unknown, unspecified person. (130) a. Ni-ya Lis de-neeng hel tahai. 1pl.excl.alien-mother Lis 3.refl.alien-man 3.nagt search.for:ipfv ‘Niya Lis is searching for her husband (Bapak Likeus).’ b. Ni-ya Lis de-neeng tahai. 1pl.excl.alien-mother Lis 3.refl.alien -man search.for:ipfv ‘Niya Lis is searching for her (future) husband.’ It is not always clear exactly which verbs fall under this class. However, one tendency seems to be, as suggested by Klamer and Kratochvíl (2018: 16), that this applies to ‘typical transitive verbs’ (Comrie 1989), such as ‘kill’, ‘hit’, ‘kick’, ‘carry’, ‘search for’, ‘take’, and ‘hold’, which ‘have a highly agentive A and a highly patientive P. Another subtype of verbs that fall under this class include derived verbs, which receive the inchoative suffixes -di/-da/-dia. This is illustrated with the use of the third person reflexive nonagentive pronoun del in combination with the verb amakaangdi ‘became human’ as in (131). (131) Tekok nu la del amakaang-di. lizard dist adv 3.refl.nagt human-inch:pfv ‘(After falling into the fire), the lizard became human.’ (Kratochvíl corpus) It is also frequently used in verbs inserted from Malay to refer to animate P arguments, such as demaama ‘his father’, used with the inserted verb sandardia ‘lean on’ in (132). (132) Moqu di de-maama hel sandar-dia. child 3.agt 3.refl.alien-father 3.nagt lean.on.ML-inch.ipfv ‘A child leans on his father.’

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5.3 Involuntary agent pronouns This series encodes agents “lacking volition … [and thus] acting mistakenly or in confusion” (Kratochvíl 2014a: 570), as shown in (133a-b) and (134a-b). (133) a. Na wan anang-ri. 1sg.agt already talk-pfv ‘I have already talked about it.’ b. Nang wan anang-ri. 1sg.invl.agt already talk-pfv ‘I had to talk (against my will).’

(Kratochvíl 2014a: 570)

(134) a. Na yaa. 1sg.agt go:ipfv ‘I am going, I go.’ b. Nang yaa. 1sg.invl.agt go:ipfv ‘I happen to go.’

(Kratochvíl 2014a: 570)

5.4 Deontic pronouns Abui deontic pronouns mark deontic modality on the predicate. They often but not always occur in imperative constructions. In this sense, they are similar to potentive pronouns in Sawila (Kratochvíl 2014b) and Kula (Williams 2017) which also mark modality through pronouns. Kratochvíl (2007: 381) describes that they are used when “the participant should (try to) do something.” Kratochvíl (2014a: 574) states that they mark “restricted agents who are deprived of other possibilities of acting than the one described by the main verb.” A common translation is “X has no choice but to VERB.” In terms of form, they have been described in earlier accounts as consisting of verbal predicates (Kratochvíl 2007; 2014a); however, here they are treated as pronouns because they appear in a pronominal slot and are monomorphemic. Examples (135) to (137) illustrate the use of this pronoun using the second person form, which often occurs with imperatives. In (135), an old lady is yelling at a toddler to come to her. In (136), a young man is trying to be funny and trying to force a child to laugh at his jokes. In (137), the speaker is encouraging her friend to remain where she is.

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(135) Fiaku, eng me! Fiaku 2sg.deont come ‘Fiaku, you must come (here)!/ ‘You have no choice but to come (here)!’ (136) Eng a-lal-e! 2sg.deont 2sg.pat-laugh-ipfv ‘You, (you have no choice but to) laugh!’ (137) Ama di el tahai, eng marang naha! person 3.agt 2sg.nagt search.for:ipfv 2sg.deont go.up:ipfv neg ‘People are looking for you, you have no choice but not to go up!’ With first person referents, they are used as “hedges in conversations to reduce one’s responsibility” (Kratochvíl 2014a: 574). In (138), a speaker is describing what he would have done had he not received medicine for a headache. (138) … naha maiye henir ba neng taa. neg cond do.like.this:pfv lnk 1sg.deont sleep:ipfv ‘if not, just like this, I would have no choice but to sleep (without it).’ (Kratochvíl corpus) Kratochvíl (2014a: 574) suggests that this pronoun is only attested with first and second person. However, the form heng, which is found throughout the Saad and Kratochvíl corpora, appears to be the form used for third person, as it carries similar properties. (139) Hel=loqu heng la dakol~da-kol-ri. 3pl 3.deont adv rdp~3.refl.pat-naughty-inch:pfv ‘They couldn’t help but cheat.’ (Kratochvíl corpus) (140) Ha-rik haba heng laak kaang. 3.pat-sick but 3.deont walk Good ‘He is able to walk despite his illness.’ (lit. ‘He is sick, yet he could not help but walk.’) (Kratochvíl corpus) In nominal predicate constructions, it may add the sense ‘indeed’, as in (141). (141) He-naha, heng kar-nuku to 3.alien-neg 3.deont ten-one prox.addr ‘The debt is indeed ten (pieces), sir [as you said].’

maama. father (Kratochvíl corpus)

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5.5 Possessive pronouns Abui possessive pronouns replace a possessed noun, as in (142) to (144). In (142) and (143), the possessed nouns which are alluded to are ‘necklace(s)’, while in (144), it is ‘way/custom’. (142) Adie, nei dara do! exclam 1sg.poss still prox ‘Oh no, mine isn’t (finished) yet!’ (143) Ma ei oo-pa disc 2sg.poss 2sg.goal-have ‘Wait, yours isn’t with you?’

naha? neg

(144) O, masi rii nu, henu mi=ng akun mai… exclam so 2pl.poss dist pro.dist be.in=alla be.dark cond ‘Oh, so yours (pl.) is such that, when it’s early (one group goes first, and then the other).’ Possessive pronouns may be used predicatively and may also be combined with demonstratives, as in (145). (145) Hedo nei pro.prox 1sg.poss ‘This is mine.’

do. prox

(Kratochvíl corpus)

Third person possessive pronouns may take on a lexical possessor, which precedes the possessive pronoun (following the word order described in section 4.7). Typically, the possessed noun is inferred based on its presence in real time and space (146) or has already been mentioned in earlier discourse (147). These constructions may be literally translated as ‘that which is associated/belongs to X’. (146) ta-wata hei yo! distr.inal-neck 3.poss med.addr ‘that necklace!’ (lit. ‘that which belongs to the neck!’) (147) Qu: pelajaran re nahaba nala henu lesson.ML or whatever what pro.dist ‘…what sort of subjects do you like?’

oo-kaang? 2sg.goal-good

5 Abui 

An: Ma komputer hei disc komputer 3.poss ‘The computer one.’

 319

yo. med.addr

This construction is frequently used to nominalize verb phrases as in (148) and (149). (148) [te-toku=ng i-a]VP hei distr.alien-foot=alla put-ipfv 3.poss ‘foot bracelet’ (lit. ‘that which is put on the foot’) (149) [Buut neei]vp hei henu piing anang-ra re? drink:pfv eat:pfv 3.poss pro.dist 1pl.incl.deont talk-ipfv tag ‘Is it eating and drinking that we must talk  about?’ (Lit. ‘That which is associated with eating and drinking, is it that we must talk about?’

5.6 Reflexive pronouns Reflexive pronouns typically add emphasis and are often used alongside other pronouns. However, reflexivity is often expressed using other agreement markers, not per se using these pronouns (see section 6.6). (150) Pi-maama di we mai deina bataa ha-muk-di. 1pl.incl.alien-father 3.agt go cond 3.refl tree 3.pat-grab-pfv ‘As our father went along, he himself grabbed the tree.’ (151) Eina hooq-fanga 2sg.refl 3.dat-talk:ipfv ‘You talk to him yourself!’

yo! med.addr

(Kratochvíl corpus)

5.7 Quantifying pronouns Quantifying pronouns, common in other AP languages, encode a certain quantity to their referents, namely ‘alone’ (onakal series) and ‘all’ (tafuda series). The onakal ‘alone’ series, as its name suggests, indicates that the referent is alone in the given predicate involved, as in (152) and (153). (152) Neeng nuku donakal firei-e. man one 3.alone run:ipfv-ipfv ‘A man is running on his own.’

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(153) Nonakala wala tinei. 1sg.alone just weave ‘I wove (it) on my own.’ The tafuda ‘all’ series indicates that a full quantity of given participants took part in the predicate, as in (154) and (155). (154) Moqu loqu ya pi-muknehi George child pl conj 1pl.incl.alien-sibling George

baai also

nutafuda sama~sama we-i hare. 1pl.excl.all together.ML go-pfv so ‘The kids and our brother George as well, we all went together, so (it was quite busy).’ (155) Rutafuda kelas ba yeting-buti marei 2pl.all class rel five-four go.up:pfv ‘Did you all make it to ninth grade?’

re naha? or neg

5.8 Focus pronouns Focus pronouns (edo series) bring a referent into focus, that is, they bring the attention of the interlocutor to the referent in question. They may encode an A, S, or P argument. They are never obligatory and may be ‘doubled’, that is, they may occur with other pronouns or with agreement prefixes. In example (156), the first person focus pronoun nedo occurs with the first person agentive pronoun na encoding an S argument. In (157), nedo occurs alongside the first person locative prefix ne-, encoding a P argument. (156) Haba ma nedo na kabei laak~laak-i but disc 1sg.foc 1sg.agt a.bit rdp~walk-pfv ‘Alright, but I, here, am going to go for a little stroll!’

lol-e! wander-ipfv

(157) Nedo ne-r naha. 1sg.foc 1sg.loc-give:pfv neg ‘It was not given to me.’ They may also reference a possessor of a possessed argument as in (158), where edo ‘second person focus pronoun’ puts focus on the possessor of e-tung ‘2sg.alien-year’.

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(158) Na-tahang ba “ma edo e-tung yeng=e?” 1sg.pat-ask lnk disc 2sg.foc 2sg.alien-year how.much=pres ‘I was asked/(he) asked me, “What about you, how old are you?”’ Abui has a set of contrastive focus pronouns, labeled here as the edi series. They contrast a set of participants with one another, as shown in (159) to (160). They typically only encode A or S arguments. (159) Nedi re edi? 1sg.contr or 2sg.contr ‘Me or you?’ (160) Nedi mai, yeikoi ya luka~luka nu n-ieng=laka. 1sg.contr cond turtle conj monkey dist 1sg.pat-see=know ‘As for me (as opposed to you), I know (the story about) turtle and monkey.’ In (161), speaker A initially uses the unmarked focus pronoun, nido, without the intention of emphasizing the contrast and exclusion of speaker B because he is probably unaware of speaker B’s proposition. Speaker B responds by using the contrastive forms. (161) A: Nido wan mon he-ame 1pl.excl.foc already snake 3.alien-family ‘we (excl.) are the family of the snake.’ B: O ya, ridi rebai, pidi disc 2pl.contr neg.excl 1pl.contr ‘Right, not just you (pl.), but us (incl.) as well!’

to. prox.add baai! also (Kratochvíl corpus)

Similar to Kamang, a restrictive focus pronoun in Abui “identifies its referent as precisely the one for whom the proposition expressed by the predicate holds” (Schapper 2014: 250). Examples (162) and (163) illustrate two instances of restrictive pronouns. (162) Hede donakal tanga. 3.restr 3.alone speak ‘She is the only one that speaks/ She speaks alone.’ (163) Ni-ya, ede he-anang-ra. 1pl.excl.alien-mother 2sg.restr 3.loc-talk-ipfv ‘Ma’am, you are the one that will tell it (the story).’ (Kratochvíl corpus)

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Additive pronouns are composed of the particle baai ‘also’ but synchronically appear to be bound to one another as in example (164a-b). Like other focus pronouns, they may co-occur with other pronominal and agreement markers such as agentive pronouns, prefixes, or possessed NP arguments. In example (164a), nelbaai ‘I too’ co-occurs with the first person agentive pronoun na. In (164b), elbaai ‘you too’ co-occurs with the possessed NP a-nooting (2sg.inal-spirit) and the prefix oo- (2sg.goal). (164) a. Nelbaai na me kabei he-wahai=se yo! 1sg.add 1sg.agt come a.bit 3.loc-look.at=prior med.addr ‘I too want to come and have a look at it!’ b. Elbaai a-nooting oo-pa mia 2sg.add 2sg.inal-spirit 2sg.goal-touch be.at ‘You also don’t remember?’

naha do? neg prox

6 Agreement prefixes Abui indexes P arguments and some S arguments on the verb through prefixation.14 A template of verb prefixation is given in (165). An Abui verb may index up to two affected arguments. This is common in ditransitive constructions (‘He told him something’; see (182)) as well as in emotion predicates which index two affected arguments on the verb (‘I am angry at you’; see (174)). The second (outer) slot is typically optional, while for some verbs, the first (inner) slot is obligatory. Verb prefix template (165) (agr2-)agr1-V Abui has six paradigms for agreement markers. These agreement prefixes serve multiple functions: 1) they indicate the person and number of the argument, 2) they establish semantic relationships between arguments, and 3) they may alternate with one another and interact with the stem to derive new meanings.

14 Other P or S arguments may be encoded using NPs and/or pronouns (as discussed in section 5), while for some verb classes, they are only expressed by lexical NPs.

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The paradigms are listed in Table 12. As with possessive prefixes in Table 10 and pronouns in Table 11, the consonant indicates person and number. The theme vowel, however, gives rise to six paradigms,15 characterized by their semantic gloss.16 The six paradigms are elaborated in more detail in sections 6.1 to 6.5. Section 6.6 discusses the dV- series which marks third person reflexive constructions as well as the tV- series which marks distributive and reciprocal constructions. Table 12: Abui agreement prefixes.

1sg 2sg 3 3.refl distr 1pl.incl 1pl.excl 2pl

patientive

locative

recipient

goal

benefactive

dative

naahadata-

neehedete-

noohodoto-

noooohoodootoo-

neeeeheedeetee-

nooqooqhooq – tooq-

piniri-

piniri-

pu-/ponu-/noru-/ro-

puu-/poonuu-/nooruu-/roo-

piiniirii-

pooqnooqrooq-

6.1 Patientive prefix The patientive prefix indexes P arguments which are specific, significantly affected and individuated; they are prototypical patients (Kratochvíl 2007: 189). It is the most frequently attested agreement prefix and it is also the only agreement prefix that is also reduplicated in a reduplicated verb (see section 2.6.3). It is historically the oldest agreement prefix, reconstructible to pAP (Holton et al. 2012; Klamer and Kratochvíl 2018). Its distribution can be divided based on two types of verbs: obligatorily prefixed and alternating. On some verbs, it is the obligatory prefix for any referent, regardless of the semantic properties of the referent or of the event (Klamer and Kratochvíl 2018). For example, the verbal stem fik ‘pull’ obligatorily indexes the P argument (namely the referent which is pulled) using the patientive prefix, as

15 This analysis differs from previous accounts (Kratochvíl 2007; 2011b; 2014b; Fedden et al. 2014) which treated paradigm VI as a verbal element in a serial verb construction. 16 As Kratochvíl (2011) cautions, the glosses attributed to these paradigms are meant to be approximations and do not denote fixed semantic roles as such.

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in (166a–b). In (166a), the ha- prefix indexes the animate P argument defeela ‘his friend’, while in (166b), it indexes the inanimate P argument bataa tuku nuku ‘a log’. The verb fik is not compatible with any other prefix, as shown in (166c). (166) a. Ata di [de-feela]P (patientive) ha-fik-e. Ata 3.agt 3.refl.alien-friend 3.pat-pull-ipfv ‘Ata is pulling his friend.’ b. Ama nuku di [bataa tuku nuku]P (patientive) ha-fik-e. person one 3.agt wood clf one 3.pat-pull-ipfv ‘A person is pulling a log.’ c. *[tila nu]P (locative) he-fik rope dist 3.loc-pull intended reading: ‘pull the rope (and tighten it) a bit’ (Kratochvíl corpus) As previously mentioned, both Ps and Ss may be indexed on the verb. Examples (167) and (168) illustrate the indexation of S arguments on the verbs wel ‘bathe’ and quoil ‘fall over’ respectively. These verbs also obligatorily index their S argument using the patientive prefix. (167) Ata, a a-wel-i? Ata 2sg.agt 2sg.pat-bathe-pfv ‘Ata, have you showered?’ (168) Na kaberang-di ba 1sg.agt trip-inch.pfv lnk ‘I stumbled and fell over.’

na-quoil-i. 1sg.pat-fall.over-pfv (Kratochvíl corpus)

In the second class of verbs, the patientive prefix may alternate with other prefixes, such as, for example, the locative prefix to express differences in affectedness. These alternations are discussed further in section 6.2.

6.2 Locative prefix The locative prefix may express a broad range of functions depending on the lexical semantics of the verb as well as its inflectional class. Typically, some verbs use the locative prefix to index a locative-like argument; however, the locative

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prefix also has other functions as well. For example, it often combines with the verb wahai ‘look at’ to index the referent being ‘looked at’, such as faling ‘axe’, in (169). (169) Neeng nuku me [faling]P (locative) he-wahai. man one come axe 3.loc-look.at ‘A man comes to look at the axe.’ The locative prefix may alternate with a bare verb stem to encode the semantic property of specificity and/or definiteness (see also sections 5.1–5.2 for discussion on a similar property found in pronouns). In example (170a), the locative prefix indexes the P argument, bataa ‘wood’ and marks it with it the property of definiteness. In example (170b), the verb stem is left bare, signaling that the P argument bataa ‘wood’ is unspecified. (170) a. Locative prefix: Definite undergoer Maama [bataa]P (locative) he-faaq-da. Father wood 3.loc-chop-ipfv ‘Father is chopping the wood (a certain/known quantity of wood).’ (Kratochvíl 2014a: 586) b. No prefix: Indefinite undergoer Maama [bataa]P faaq-da Father wood chop-ipfv ‘Father is chopping wood.’

(Kratochvíl 2014a: 586)

The locative prefix may alternate with the patientive prefix to encode varying levels of affectedness in a certain subset of verbs. The patientive prefix may be used productively to combine with the lexical semantics of the root to encode a high level of affectedness while the locative prefix he- encodes a low level of affectedness as shown in Table 13 (taken from Kratochvíl and Delpada 2015: 222) Table 13: Patientive ~ locative alternation. patientive ‘ha-’ [+ affected]

locative ‘he-’ [– affected]

ha-lilri ‘boil it’ ha-kuya ‘expose it’ ha-taang ‘give it away’ ha-bel ‘pull it out’ ha-ril ‘ram it in’

he-lilri ‘warm it up’ he-kuya ‘peel it’ he-taang ‘pass it along’ he-bel ‘pluck it’ he-ril ‘plant it in’

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6.3 Recipient prefix The recipient prefix, called as such to adhere to previous accounts (Kratochvíl 2011b, 2014a; Fedden et al. 2013, 2014), is still rather poorly understood in terms of its semantic role. A common pattern found in constructions involving the recipient prefix is that it encodes S arguments or is co-indexed with the A argument in a reflexive clause.17 Kratochvíl (2014a: 558) refers to arguments indexed by this prefix as “human […] self-benefactors who are involved [in a state or event] alone, without others”. An example of its semantics denoting the meaning of ‘alone, without others’ is given in (171), which derives the sense of ‘becoming better alone, internally’ or ‘healing’. (171) Do-kaang. 3.refl.rec-good ‘He is healing (getting better).’

(Kratochvíl 2014a: 563)

Another example with similar semantics is given in (172a–b). Here, its use is illustrated on the verb laak ‘walk’ along with the agentive pronoun di. This invokes a reading of ‘returning (to his returning location)’ or ‘walk back to his own point of departure’. (172) a. Di laak. 3.agt walk ‘He leaves, he is going (to some place).’ b. Di do-laak. 3.agt 3.refl.rec-walk ‘He returns (to his original location).’

(Kratochvíl 2014a: 562)

(Kratochvíl 2014a: 562)

It can also be combined with other prefixes (and thus other P arguments), while still retaining its sense of ‘alone, without others’. This is illustrated with the verb nuhapai ‘keep her with us’ in (173). The P argument maayol moqu ‘daughter’ is indexed using the patientive prefix ha- while the first person plural exclusive A argument is encoded using the pronoun ni and is also co-indexed on the verb using the recipient prefix to create the reading ‘keep her with us (without others)’. 17 Note, however, that other prefixes may also be involved in reflexive constructions (see section 6.6.1.).

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(173) Ni maayol moqu nu-ha-pai. 1pl.excl.agt girl child 1pl.excl.rec-3.pat-keep ‘We keep our daughter with us.’ (Kratochvíl 2014a: 565) In addition to these uses, it may also appear in emotion predicates alongside another prefix. This use is illustrated in (174). Here, both the person generating the anger and the person to whom the anger is directed at are marked as P arguments, highlighting the default, non-agentive interpretation of the expression of anger. (174) O-ne-baai. 2sg.rec-1sg.loc-angry ‘You are angry at me.’

(Kratochvíl corpus)

6.4 Goal prefix The goal prefix often indexes animate arguments. For example, it may contrast with the locative prefix to distinguish animate from inanimate P arguments, as in (175a– b). In (175a), the goal prefix hoo- on the verb hoo-hab-i ‘3.goal-lean.on:pfv-pfv’ indexes the animate P argument, neeng nuku do ‘this man’. In (175b), the locative prefix he- indexes the inanimate P argument fala ‘house’ on the verb he-hab-i ‘3.loc-lean.on:pfv-pfv’. (175) a. Animate P argument: Goal prefix [Neeng nuku do]P (goal) he-wiil di del mi man one prox 3.alien-child 3.agt 3.refl.nagt take ba hoo-hab-i ba natea. lnk 3.goal-lean.on:pfv-pfv lnk stand:ipfv ‘This man here, his child is standing and leaning on him.’ b. Inanimate P argument: Locative prefix Neeng nuku del mi [fala]P (locative) man one 3.refl.nagt take house he-hab-i ba natet-i. 3.loc-lean.on:pfv-pfv lnk stand:pfv-pfv ‘A man stood (there) leaning on the wall.’

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This is also illustrated using the verb laak ‘walk’, as in (176a-b). In (176a), the goal prefix hoo- indexes the animate P ama nuku ‘a person’ on the verb hoolaak-i ‘3.goal-walk-pfv’. In (176b), the locative prefix he- indexes the inanimate P he-toqu ‘3.alien-leg’ on the verb he-laak-e ‘3.loc-walk-ipfv’. (176) a. Animate P argument: Goal prefix [Ama nuku]S/P (goal) taa hu moqu nuku di person one sleep:ipfv dist.addr child one 3.agt laak-i ba miei hoo-laak-i. walk-pfv lnk come:pfv 3.goal-walk-pfv ‘A person was sleeping when a child came walking by and walked on him.’ b. Inanimate P argument: Locative prefix Moqu fila nuku di [de-maama he-toqu]P (locative) child small one 3.agt 3.refl.alien-father 3.alien-leg he-laak-e. 3.loc-walk-ipfv ‘A child walked on his father’s leg.’ Similarly, the goal prefix may also alternate with the patientive prefix to mark an animacy distinction. In (177a), the goal prefix hoo- indexes the animate P argument de-feela ‘3.refl.alien-friend’, while in (179b), the patientive prefix ha- indexes the inanimate P argument roti ‘bread’. (177) a. Animate P argument: Goal prefix Neeng nuku [de-feela]P (goal) man one 3.refl.alien-friend ‘A man smells his friend.’

hoo-munang. 3.goal-smell

b. Inanimate P argument: Patientive prefix [Roti]P (patientive) ha-munang. bread 3.pat-smell ‘(He) smells bread.’ The goal~locative/patientive alternation to mark animacy is an alternation that only applies to a subset of verbs, such as verbs which do not involve a change of state. However, as shown in sections 6.1 and 6.2, verbs such as fik ‘pull’ and wahai ‘look at’ do not undergo this alternation and thus do not express animacy distinctions morphologically.

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6.5 Benefactive prefix This prefix, as its name suggests, indexes a benefactor argument. This is shown in example (178), where the benefactive ee- indexes a second person benefactor. (178) Ma na ee-bol. disc 1sg.agt 2sg.ben-hit ‘Let me hit [it] for you.’

(Klamer and Kratochvíl 2018: 16)

Example (179a–b) contrasts the use of the locative prefix he- and the benefactive prefix hee- on the verb wik ‘carry in cloth’. In (179a), the locative prefix heindexes the theme being carried. In (179b), the theme is not indexed on the verb, but the benefactor is, using the benefactive prefix hee-. (179) a. Locative prefix A-tang do mi 2sg.inal-hand prox take ‘Carry it in your hands.’

he-wik. 3.loc-carry.in.cloth:ipfv (Kratochvíl 2014a: 559)

b. Benefactive prefix Hee-wik-e! 3.ben-carry.in.cloth:ipfv-ipfv ‘Carry it for him!’

(Kratochvíl 2014a: 559)

6.6 Dative prefix The dative prefix18 indexes ‘distal human goals’ (Kratochvíl 2014a: 580). This prefix typically combines with transitive verbs of laughter (180a), (loco)motion (181), communication (182), as well as with verbs of bodily processes (see Kratochvíl 2014a: 580–581). It is strictly used to index P arguments in transitive constructions (180a). Intransitive and reflexive uses are unattested (180b).

18 The dative series of prefixes were previously described as being verbs combining the recipient prefix o-, and in later accounts, the goal prefix oo-, with the generic verb -k ‘throw’ (Kratochvíl 2007, 2011a, 2014a). However, they are analyzed here as agreement prefixes, as there is little evidence in favor of them exhibiting any verbal features. In addition, they are expressed using the uvular plosive /q/ instead of the velar plosive /k/, following Delpada (2016) (see also section 2.1). Their status as prefixes is illustrated in (182).

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(180) a. Fanmalei nooq-yai Fanmalei 1sg.dat-laugh:pfv ‘Fanmalei laughed at me.’

(Kratochvíl 2011b: 592)

b. *Na nooq-yai 1sg.agt 1sg.dat-laugh:pfv ‘I laughed at myself.’ When used with verbs of (loco)motion, it typically indexes an argument which is ‘remote’, as shown in (181a). In addition, an argument expressed by the dative prefix is typically also unaffected (Kratochvíl 2014a: 580). This is illustrated in the dative~goal alternation in (181a-b). The P, raha ‘chief’, indexed by the dative prefix hooq- is unaffected in (181a), while the first person singular P in (181b), indexed by the goal prefix noo-, is much more affected. (181) a. Pi raha hooq-sei. 1pl.incl.agt chief 3.dat-come.down:ipfv ‘We go down to meet the [far away] chief.’ b. Anui beeqa noo-saai. rain bad 1sg.goal-come.down:pfv ‘I got caught up in the storm [and got wet].’

(Kratochvíl 2014a: 580)

(Kratochvíl 2014a: 580)

The dative prefix is argued to be a prefix and not a verb (see footnote 18) because it may take up the agr1 slot in between the agr2 slot and the verbal stem (165), as shown in (182). In this example, the verb fanga ‘speak:ipfv’ indexes two arguments: the hooq- prefix, situated in the pro1 slot, indexes a third person human, while the he- prefix, situated in the pro2 slot, indexes the NP, de-pengalaman ‘his experience’. (182) He-walangra 3.alien-Malay/Indonesian

tanga speech

maye cond

de-pengalaman mi ba he-hooq-fanga. 3.refl.alien-experience.ml take lnk 3.loc-3.dat-speak:ipfv ‘He spoke to him about what is referred to in Indonesian as his “experience”.’ (Kratochvíl corpus)

6.7 Reflexive, distributive, and reciprocal constructions This subsection discusses reflexivity distinctions in third person using the dV- series as well as the marking of distributivity and reciprocity using the tV- series.

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6.7.1 Third person reflexive constructions Abui has two third person paradigms, a hV- paradigm used for third person P arguments, and a dV- paradigm used for third person S arguments and reflexive P arguments. Similarly to the possessive prefixes, both these forms and functions are direct reflexes of the pTAP forms (Schapper 2017: 10). Their difference is illustrated in examples (183a-b). In (183a), the third person (nonreflexive) prefix ha- is used, indexing a P argument not co-referential with the A argument, Fani. In (183a), the prefix third person reflexive prefix da- is used to index the same referent of the A argument, Fani. (183) a. hV- paradigm Fani di el ha-wel-i. Fani 3.agt before 3.pat-pour-pfv ‘Fani has washed him.’ b. dVparadigm Fani di el da-wel-i. Fani 3.agt before 3.pat.refl-pour-pfv ‘Fani has washed himself.’

(Kratochvíl 2014a: 562)

(Kratochvíl 2014a: 562)

6.7.2 Distributive and reciprocal constructions The distributive, denoted by the tV- paradigm, is a category found across the AP languages (Klamer 2017). It is highly sensitive to the lexical semantics and valency of a particular verb. Unlike other persons, it has a wide scope of reference. It can express both distributive readings as well as reciprocal readings. In addition, it may index third person referents as well as first person plural referents, depending on its interaction with agentive pronouns. Whether the tV- prefix will trigger a distributive reading or a reciprocal reading depends on the configuration of the NPs in a clause. To trigger a distributive reading, there must be at least two distinct NPs, with one clear A argument and one (plural) or more P arguments. In example (184), the A argument is expressed by ama ‘people’ and the five P arguments are expressed by all the various village names. The distributive prefix ta- signals that the villages are separate entities and that the event of ‘ordering’ was done to each and every one of these entities.

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(184) Distributive reading A P1 P2 P3 P4 Ama Al Yoka Wat, Ateng Melang, Kuya Tai, Balet Me, person village.name village.name village.name village.name P5 Fui Miang ta-bot-i village.name distr.pat-order-pfv ‘People ordered each of Al Yoka Wat, Ateng Melang, Kuya Tai, Balet Me, Fui Miang (to come fight).’ (Kratochvíl 2007: 186) The key trigger of a distributive reading is the presence of an overt A argument and an overt P argument; these can take the forms of pronouns as well. In Abui, there are no distributive pronouns as there are in some AP languages; in example (185), the A argument is simply expressed using the third person agentive pronoun di, while the P argument is expressed by the full NP ama loqu ‘people’. The ta- prefix implies that the A ‘hits each and every one of the people’. (185) Distributive reading [Di]A [ama loqu]P ta-luk. 3.agt person pl distr.pat-hit ‘He hits all of the people one by one.’ or ‘He hits each and every one of the people.’ (Kratochvíl 2007: 80) To trigger a reciprocal reading, there must be only one S argument expressed as an overt NP, as in ama ayoqu ‘two people’ and the dimorphemic ming must be used, as in (186a).19 The role of ming in a reciprocal construction is such that when used alongside a distributive, it triggers a reciprocal, third person reading. The use of ming is crucial in establishing both a reciprocal reading and third person reference as in (186a). The absence of ming triggers a distributive reading with first person reference, as shown in (186b). (186) a. Reciprocal reading Ama ayoqu mi=ng ta-fik-e. person two be.in=alla distr.pat-pull-ipfv ‘Two people pulled one another.’ 19 It is unclear what the overarching function of ming is precisely. Kratochvíl (2014a: 576–79) states that it is used for inanimate, specific goals where the NP is not syntactically adjacent to the clitic =ng or to describe a consequence. More work is required to understand it more clearly.

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b. Distributive reading Ama ayoqu ta-fik-e. person two distr.pat-pull-ipfv ‘Two people pulled each one of us.’

7 Serial verb constructions Abui serial verb constructions (SVCs) are similar to SVCs in other TAP languages. They typically consist of two or more verbs, forming a single clause under one intonation contour. They are not joined together by conjunctions. They share at least one argument. They also share negation and aspect marking (Kratochvíl 2007: 348). This section discusses four types of SVCs: argument-adding SVCs, motion SVCs, locative SVCs, and causative SVCs. For a full discussion on SVCs in Abui, see Kratochvíl (2007).

7.1 Argument-adding SVCs using mi ‘take’ SVCs may be used to introduce event participants in verbs that syntactically can only index one P argument (Kratchvíl 2007). In (187), the verb i ‘put’ is bivalent, with neeng nuku ‘one man’ serving as the A and deui taai ‘on his back’ serving as the P. In order to add an additional theme argument, namely wi ‘stone’, the verb mi ‘take’ must be serialized. (187) Neeng nuku wi mi de-ui taai i. man one stone take 3.refl.alien-back on.top put ‘A man put a stone on his back.’ (lit. ‘A man took a rock, put on his back.’) SVCs with mi ‘take’ often result in instrumental type readings, where an event, such as ‘hitting’ is done ‘using an object’, as in (188). (188) Di palootang mi nel 3.agt rattan take 1sg.nagt ‘He hit me with a rattan (stick).’

bol. hit

(Kratochvíl 2007: 592)

In addition, like many other AP languages, give-constructions are expressed using SVCs consisting of the verb -l/-r ‘give’ which indexes the recipient argument, as expressed by ne- (first person singular locative) in (189). The ‘theme’ (the referent which is given), is expressed as a full NP alongside the verb mi ‘take’ as in (189).

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(189) Bantal mi ne-r=te! cushion.ML take 1sg.loc-give:pfv=prior ‘Give me a cushion!’

7.2 Motion SVCs In these constructions, two types of motion verbs are paired together. The first verb in the serialization is a motion verb encoding manner while the second verb is a motion verb encoding direction with respect to a deictic center. In (190), the verb laak-i ‘walk-pfv’ indicates the manner, while miei ‘come:pfv’ indicates the direction towards the deictic center. (190) Ama nuku laak-i miei. person one walk-pfv come:pfv ‘A man came walking.’ or ‘A man walked over.’ In (191), the directional verb sei ‘come.down:ipfv’ is combined with the manner verb furai ‘run:ipfv’ to derive the sense ‘run down’. (191) Di=ning ayoqu di 3.agt=hum.clf two 3.agt ‘Two of them ran down.’

furai run:ipfv

sei. come.down:ipfv (Kratochvíl 2007: 363)

7.3 Locative SVCs A locative SVC combines the locative verb mia ‘be at’ with motion verbs to express motion away from a location (Kratochvíl 2007: 355), as shown in (192) and (193). (192) Moqu fila nuku oro child small-stat one dist.level ‘A small child came from there.’ (193) Moqu fila

lik

mia be.at

ha-pong

miei. come:pfv

mia

hayeei.

child small-stat bamboo.platform 3.inal-face be.at fall.from.above ‘A small child fell from the front of the bamboo platform.’ (Kratochvíl 2007: 356)

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7.4 Causative SVCs Causative SVCs consist of the verb ong ‘make/do’+ main verb. In example (194), the verb ong ‘make/do’ combines with the verb hayeei ‘fall from above’ to derive the meaning ‘drop’. The A argument of this SVC is expressed by moqu nuku do ‘this child’, while the P argument is expressed by bataa ‘log’. In example (195), ong ‘make/do’ causativizes the stative verb damaai ‘short’ to derive the meaning ‘shorten’. (194)

Moqu nuku do, oro bataa ha-fik ba child one prox dist.level log 3.pat-pull lnk ong hayeei. make/do fall.from.above ‘This child pulls a log there and then drops it.’

(195)

Di tanga do ong 3.agt speech prox make/do ‘He shortens his speech.’

damaai. short

8 Aspect marking Abui does not have a tense system. Aspect, however, is expressed morphologically using stem alternation, suffixation, and encliticization (For expression of aspect using serial verb constructions, see Kratochvíl (2007)). The expression of aspect in Abui is complex, resulting in a number of irregular forms. This is possibly due to diachronic developments discussed in (Schapper 2017: 28). Imperfective and perfective aspect is expressed using both stem alternation and suffixation (section 8.1). Marked stative verbs may receive dynamic aspectual suffixes encoding imperfective or perfective aspect in addition to encoding other functions such as inchoativity and verbal derivation (section 8.2). Additionally, the prioritive, a prominent category in the AP languages and in Alor Malay is expressed as a clitic (section 8.3). Furthermore, Abui may use aspectual adverbs such as wan ‘already’ and dara ‘still’ in conjunction with morphological aspect; see section 3.3.1.

8.1 Perfective and imperfective aspect Most Abui verbs have a perfective and an imperfective stem. Additionally, many, though not all, verbs can add aspectual suffixes to their stem. A small subset of

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verbs does not undergo stem alternation, but do receive suffixes. These classes are illustrated in Table 14. Table 14: Imperfective and perfective aspect alternation. Imperfective

Perfective

Class (i): Stem alternation and suffixation buuk-e

buut-i

drink:ipfv-ipfv

drink:pfv-pfv

‘drink(s)/is drinking’

‘drunk/has drunk’

ong-e

on-i

make:ipfv-ipfv

make:pfv-pfv

‘make(s)/is making’

‘made/has made’

Class (ii): Stem alternation, no suffixation taa

tadei

sleep:ipfv

sleep:pfv

‘sleep(s)/is sleeping’

‘slept/has slept’

me

miei

come:ipfv

come:pfv

‘comes/is coming’

‘came/has come’

Class (iii): Suffixation, no stem alternation laak-e

laak-i

walk-ipfv

walk-pfv

‘walk(s)/is walking’

‘walked/has walked’

marak-da

marak-di

startle-ipfv

startle-pfv

‘becoming startled’

‘became startled’

In class (i), there are subsets of verb classes which show predictable alternations, some of which include the following: k∼t, ng∼n, l∼r and. The l∼r alternation of the verb maal∼maar ‘cook:ipfv∼cook:pfv’ is illustrated in (196a–b). In these examples, stem alternation occurs alongside suffixation. (196) a. Nala hu mi dieng maal-e? what dist.addr take pot.lid cook:ipfv-ipfv ‘How (using what) are you going to cook?’

5 Abui 

b.

Nala what

ma, cooked

henu e pro.dist before

 337

ni maar-i 1pl.excl.agt cook:pfv-pfv

yo. med.addr ‘Rice (lit. ‘cooked stuff’) is what we cooked before.’ Verbs marked for the perfective appear both as final and nonfinal verbs. Nonfinal verbs often take the perfective form, for reasons that are still not well understood. Nonfinal verbs appear before (sequential) linkers (197a) and the prioritive (197b). However, this ‘perfective’ verb form is argued not to carry any perfective function; it is simply the default form for verbs in these positions. (197) a. Clause linker Baleei san tai laak-i ya nahare da-kuoil-i. banana ripe on.top walk-pfv seq almost 3.refl-fall.over-pfv ‘(He) stepped on a ripe banana and then almost fell over.’ b. Prioritive Fuu meeting nu betel.nut betel.nut.vine dist

baai wit ba also carry.with.cloth:pfv lnk

miei=se. come:pfv=prior ‘Bring over some betel nut and vine.’ The perfective form appears with both clause linkers ya and ba (see section 3.6). The linker ya signals sequential relationship between clauses, while the linker ba may signal a simultaneous relation, as shown by wit ‘carry.with.cloth:pfv’ in (197c). Despite its perfective form, the verb preceding ba may still get an imperfective reading, as in (198). In this example, the verb hoo-fahat ‘3.goal-embrace:pfv appears in the perfective, as it precedes the linker ba. However, it is tied to the main verb natea ‘stand:ipfv’ which appears in imperfective form. (198) Ama nuku bataa hoo-fahat person one tree 3.goal-embrace:pfv ‘A person is embracing a tree while standing.’

ba lnk

natea. stand:ipfv

There appears to be an exception to this tendency. When posture verbs appear before the linkers ya and ba, they may appear in their imperfective form.

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8.2 Marked stative verbs When stative verbs receive dynamic readings, they receive a distinct set of aspectual suffixes (see Schapper 2017). These include but are not limited to: -da∼-di, -ra∼-ri, -na∼-ni. This set of aspectual suffixes merge aspect marking with derivation. In addition to marking aspect, these suffixes can also i) add an inchoative reading to stative verbs and ii) verbalize nominal roots. In addition, Klamer and Kratochvíl (2010) have also argued that these roots mark lexical aspect as well. Examples (199a-c) illustrate the use of -da /-di as markers of inchoative reading to stative verbs.20 (199) a. He-isi foq-a. 3.alien-body big-stat ‘His body is big.’ or ‘big body’ b. He-isi foq-da. 3.alien-body big-inch.ipfv ‘His body is becoming big.’ c. He-isi foq-di. 3.alien-body big-inch.pfv ‘His body has become big.’ Kratochvíl (2017) has also argued that the form -dia may replace -da when the change of state is gradual, as in (200). (200)

weria-dia mai noon-inch.ipfv cond ‘when it (gradually) became noon’

(Kratochvíl corpus)

In example (201), the nominal root amakaang ‘human’ is verbalized using the suffix -di. It receives an inchoative reading. (201) Tekok nu la del amakaang-di. lizard dist adv 3.refl.nagt human-inch.pfv ‘(After falling into the fire), the lizard became human.’

(Kratochvíl corpus)

20  These aspect markers are often glossed as inch.(i)pfv but may sometimes also be glossed as (i)pfv depending on whether an inchoative reading is derived or not.

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Similar readings are derived using the suffixes -na/ni, which also involve stem alternation, as in (202a-c). (202) a. He-isi ameet-a. 3.alien-body small-stat ‘His body is small.’ or ‘small body’ b. He-isi ameek-na. 3.alien-body small-inch.ipfv ‘His body is becoming small.’ c. He-isi ameek-ni. 3.alien-body small-inch.pfv ‘His body has become small.’ In the analysis presented in this sketch, it is unclear whether there is a semantic difference between the various dynamic suffixes or whether they are simply assigned to a given verb class.21 There are only a handful examples in the literature of minimal pairs, illustrated in (203). These examples illustrate the derivation of meaning using the ø~ri~di alternation. Here, the use of -ri adds an inchoative reading involving more affectedness than -di. There is more focus on the result than with the meanings derived using -di, which involve more focus on the process (Kratochvíl and Delpada 2019). (203) ø~ri~di alternation (Klamer and Kratochvíl 2010: 214) a. kaang b. kaang-ri c. kaang-di good good-inch.pfv good-inch.pfv ‘good’ ‘made good, finished, ready’ ‘became good, ready’ (204) ø~ri~di alternation (Kratochvíl and Delpada 2019: 28) a. meli b. mel-ri c. mel-di tasty tasty-inch.pfv tasty-inch.pfv ‘tasty’ ‘became tasty’ ‘became tastier’

21 These suffixes have been previously described as being composed of generic verbs (Klamer & Kratochvíl 2010). In this sketch, they are analyzed as one portmanteau suffix.

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8.3 Prioritive =te/se In Abui a prioritive clitic may attach onto the verb. This clitic can be roughly translated as ‘first’. It implies that the event of the verb attached to it will be done before any other activity. This makes it a useful resource for which to construct several other utterances: 1) immediate future, 2) imperative, 3) sequential clauses. It appears to be almost identical in function to the Alor Malay particle dulu ‘first’. Its high salience in Abui, Alor Malay, and other (T)AP languages suggests that this is an areal feature. The prioritive is used extensively to mark the immediate future. This construction occurs often in Abui greetings, when speakers ask each other where they are going, as in (205). (205) Qu: A te=ng 2sg.agt where=alla ‘Where are you going?’

yaa? go:ipfv

An: Na fui saai=se. 1sg.agt flat.land come.down:pfv=prior ‘I’m going to the flat part of the village.’ It is often also used for other immediate future announcements such as announcing that one is about to start eating or drinking – a cornerstone of Abui etiquette. Example (206) is a standard politeness formula before the commencement of a meal (irrespective of the type of food). (206)

Na fat ma 1sg.agt corn cooked ‘I’m about to eat.’

takei=se. chew:pfv=prior

Similar to Kafoa (Baird 2017) and Kui (Windschuttel and Asako 2017), it is used to soften requests for politeness reasons, and is thus employed in imperative constructions as shown in (207), where it is encliticized to the verb -r ‘give’. (207) Yeting hei mi ne-r=te. five 3.poss take 1sg.loc-give:pfv=prior ‘Give me five thousand IDR worth (of cake).’ Furthermore, it is also used to signal sequentiality when discussing multiple events. In example (208), it is encliticized to the verb kaangri ‘finish’, signaling that another event is about to take place.

5 Abui 

(208) Masi kurbai ama so soon person

 341

moop-i kaangri=te pi pray:pfv-pfv finish:pfv=prior 1pl.incl.agt

we? go ‘So after people have finished praying, we (can) go (there and work)?’ In example (209), it is encliticized to the verb dayemfi ‘be unaware’, signaling that this event has been completed first, before the upcoming clause can be realized. (209) ... kabei tadei a.bit sleep:pfv

da-yemf-i=te 3.refl.pat-unaware-pfv=prior

dikaang then

da-minang-di. 3.refl.pat-conscious-inch.pfv ‘… he was fast asleep for a while and then woke up.’ In terms of form, there are two important related points. First, the prioritive must always be attached to a perfective root and a perfective suffix. This can be seen in examples (205) to (210). Second, concerning the complementary distribution of the forms, =te and =se, there does not appear to be a difference in function. The variation might be explained by several factors. There appears to be both inter- and intra-speaker variation. Further, there also seems to be dialectal variation between =te and =se as observed by comparing other varieties of Abui. Since the inhabitants of Takalelang are relocated migrants from multiple mountain villages, it is possible that this variation reflects a form of dialect leveling. In addition, it has been observed, although not tested empirically, that some verbs have a preference for =te while others have a preference for =se. This suggests that the variation might be lexically and/or phonologically conditioned. For example, the verb fangi ‘talk:pfv’ always receives the =te prioritive, while saai ‘come.down:pfv’ receives the =se form, as in (210a-b). (210) a. =te Na he-falaaqa he-fang-i=te. 1sg.agt 3.alien-bright 3.loc-speak-pfv=prior ‘Let me clarify.’ (lit. ‘I will first speak its brightness.’) (Kratochvíl corpus) b. =se Edo a do=ng 2sg.foc 2sg.agt prox=alla ‘You, come down here!’

saai=se baai! come.down:pfv=prior emph

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9 Discussion Abui is the most extensively studied TAP languages. Apart from being the first Alor-Pantar language and ethnic group to be investigated (e.g. Du Bois 1944), it also has a wide range of researchers currently working on a number of different topics (see Saad 2020: 23–25), including Abui researchers themselves. As such, the analysis of Abui presented in this sketch has evolved since the first comprehensive linguistic treatment of Abui (Kratochvíl 2007). Therefore, the reader will notice differences in morphosyntactic segmentation and glossing. One of the main differences is the treatment of free pronouns, which here constitute a much larger class than in previous accounts. This is mainly due to the fact that they are analyzed as free morphemes in this sketch, while described as verbal elements elsewhere (e.g. Kratochvíl 2007, 2011b, 2014a). Another difference is the analysis of demonstratives and elevationals, argued to be two distinct categories in this sketch with a more limited system than discussed elsewhere. Despite Abui being relatively well studied, there remain many areas requiring further investigation. In phonology, it remains to be seen how widespread lexical tone is and how it interacts with vowel length, lexical stress, and phrase boundary pitch. More work is also required with respect to elevationals, locative nouns, and the form ming. In addition, it is still not fully clear whether Abui has an even larger set of pronouns than discussed in this sketch. It is also not understood which pronouns may co-occur with one another and which may not. Furthermore, despite a lot of research having already been done on the complex semantic alignment system, there are still some gaps in understanding. One main issue is the role and exact function of the recipient prefix. In addition, because vowel length determines distinctions in prefix alternations, it remains to be seen how this interacts with stress. This makes it challenging at times to tease apart certain prefixes from one another (e.g. the recipient vs. the goal prefix, or the locative vs. the benefactive). Another issue surrounds the topic of fluidity in semantic alignment vs. inflectional class membership. Some verbs appear to be more fluid than others, allowing for a wider range of prefixes depending on semantic factors. Other verbs select a prefix in a more obligatory, lexicalized manner. Despite these challenges, there is some current, exciting work being done on the Kratochvíl corpus using machine learning to build models to determine the distribution of prefixes amongst verbs across the lexicon (Zamaraeva et al. 2017). Recent work has also focused more on the sociolinguistic situation of language shift to Alor Malay. This intense contact with Alor Malay has resulted in the simplification and/or transfer of certain features within only one or two generations. The reflexive possessive distinction as well as lexical distinctions in verbal semantics are undergoing simplification, while the Abui reduplication

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system is converging towards the Alor Malay system (Saad, Klamer and Moro 2019; Saad 2020). With much of the recent work being done on the Takalelang dialect, it remains to be seen how much dialectical variation exists, especially given that Abui is the largest AP language. Word lists of numerous dialects exist, but there is little in terms of grammatical description. However, there are some indications that the southern dialects, particularly in the Mataru region, contain significant differences across all aspects of language. Furthermore, since much of the early work focused on the Atengmelang variety (e.g. Nicolspeyer 1940; Du Bois 1944; Stokhof 1975), another fruitful avenue for future research involves the extent to which the current Atengmelang variety has evolved since then. Acknowledgments: Fieldwork for this sketch was supported by the NWO grant 277–70–012 ‘Reconstructing the past through the languages of the present: The lesser Sundas’, led by Marian Klamer. Publication of this sketch was supported by the NWO grant, VI.Vidi.195.008 / 8196. ‘Exceptions rule: Lexical conditions on grammatical structure’ led by Eva van Lier. Thanks go to the Abui community of Takalelang for their hospitality during and assistance of this research, as well as to Marian Klamer, Francesca Moro, František Kratochvíl, Owen Edwards, Jeroen Willemsen, Antoinette Schapper, and two anonymous reviewers for reading and commenting on various drafts of this sketch.

References Baird, Louise. 2017. Kafoa. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor, and Pantar: Volume 2, 55–108. Boston/Berlin: Mouton De Gruyter. Blake, A.L. 2018. Abui botanical knowledge and categorization. Talk presented at the Seventh East Nusantara Conference, May 14, 2018, Kupang, Indonesia. Chan, Wan Ting. 2016. The pragmatics behind the medical and health knowledge in Alor: An understanding of how disease is conceptualized in the Abui language. Singapore: Nanyang Technological University dissertation. Comrie, Bernard. 1989. Language universals and linguistic typology. Oxford: Blackwell. Delpada, Benediktus. 2016. Abui phonology. Singapore: Nanyang Technological University dissertation. Du Bois, Cora. 1944. The people of Alor: A social-psychological study of an East Indian island. Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota Press. Fedden, Sebastian, Dunstan Brown, Greville Corbett, Gary Holton, Marian Klamer, Laura C. Robinson & Antoinette Schapper. 2013. Conditions on pronominal marking in the Alor-Pantar languages. Linguistics 51(1). 33–74. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2013-0002 Fedden, Sebastian, Dunstan Brown, František Kratochvíl, Laura C. Robinson & Antoinette Schapper. 2014. Variation in pronominal indexing: lexical stipulation vs. referential

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properties in Alor-Pantar languages. Studies in Language 38(1). 44–79. DOI: https://doi. org/10.1075/sl.38.1.02fed Gil, David. 2018. Who is your name? Paper presented at Leiden University, August 1, 2018, Leiden University. Holton, Gary. 2014. Western Pantar. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar: Volume 1: Sketch grammars, 23–96. Boston/Berlin: Mouton De Gruyter. Holton, Gary, Marian Klamer, František Kratochvíl, Laura C. Robinson & Antoinette Schapper. 2012. The historical relations of the Papuan languages of Alor and Pantar. Oceanic Linguistics 51(1). 86–122. Klamer, Marian (ed.). 2017. The Alor-Pantar languages: History and typology 2nd edition. Berlin: Language Science Press. Klamer, Marian & František Kratochvíl. 2010. Abui tripartite verbs: Exploring the limits of compositionality. Rara and Rarissima: Documenting the Fringes of Linguistic Diversity 185–210. Klamer, Marian & František Kratochvíl. 2018. The evolution of differential object marking in Alor-Pantar languages. In Ilja A. Seržant & Alena Witzlack-Makarevich (eds.), Diachrony of differential argument marking, Vol. 19, 69–98. Berlin: Language Science Press. Klamer, Marian, Antoinette Schapper & Greville Corbett. 2017. Plural number words in the Alor-Pantar languages. In Marian Klamer (ed.), The Alor-Pantar languages: History and typology, 2nd edition, 365–404. Berlin: Language Science Press. Klamer, Marian, Antoinette Schapper, Greville Corbett, Gary Holton, František Kratochvíl & Laura C. Robinson. 2017. Numeral words and arithmetic operations in the Alor-Pantar languages. In Marian Klamer (ed.), The Alor-Pantar languages: History and typology, 2nd edition, 329–364. Berlin: Language Science Press. Kratochvíl, František. 2007. A grammar of Abui: A Papuan language of Alor. Leiden: Leiden University dissertation. Kratochvíl, František. 2011a. Discourse-structure functions of Abui demonstratives. In Foong Ha Yap, Harsta Grunow-H, & Janick Wrona (eds.), Nominalization in Asian Languages. Diachronic and typological perspectives, 757–788. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Kratochvíl, František. 2011b. Transitivity in Abui. Studies in Language 35(3). 588–635. Kratochvíl, František. 2014a. Differential argument realization in Abui. Linguistics 52(2). 543–602. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2013-0072 Kratochvíl, František. 2014b. Sawila. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar: Volume 1: Sketch grammars, 351–438. Boston/Berlin: Mouton De Gruyter. Kratochvíl, František. 2017. Grammaticalisation of engagement marking in Abui (Papuan). Talk presented at Palacký University Olomouc, October 5, 2017. Kratochvíl, František & Benediktus Delpada. 2015. Degrees of affectedness and verbal prefixation in Abui (Papuan). In Stefan Mueller (ed.), Proceedings of the 22nd International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar, Nanyang Technological University (NTU) Singapore, 216–233. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications. Kratochvíl, František & Benidiktus Delpada. 2008. Abui-Indonesian-English Dictionary 1st ed. Unpublished manuscript. Kratochvíl, Frantişek & Benidiktus Delpada. 2015. Definiteness and specificity in Abui. In Proceedings of the Second International Workshop on Information Structure of Austronesian

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Languages, 179–208. Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa (ILCAA), Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. Kratochvíl, František & Benidiktus Delpada. 2019. The role of the lexicon in aspectuality in Abui. Talk presented at the 13th Conference of the Association for Linguistic Typology, Pavia (Italy), September 4–6, 2019. Nicolspeyer, Martha Margaretha. 1940. De sociale structuur van een Aloreesche bevolkingsgroep. Leiden: Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden dissertation. Payne, Thomas Edward. 1997. Describing morphosyntax: A guide for field linguists. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Perono Cacciafoco, Francesco & Francesco Cavallaro. 2018. Lamòling Bèaka: Immanence, Rituals, and Sacred Objects in an Unwritten Legend in Alor. Religions 9(7). 1–15. Robinson, Laura C. & John W. Haan. 2014. Adang. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor, and Pantar: Volume 1, 221–284. Boston/Berlin: Mouton De Gruyter. Saad, George. 2019. 2015 Field notes on Abui-Takalelang. In Gereon Kaiping, Owen Edwards, & Marian Klamer (eds.), LexiRumah 2.1.2,. Leiden: Leiden University Centre for Linguistics. Saad, George. 2020. Variation and change in Abui: The impact of Alor Malay on an indigenous language of Indonesia. Leiden: Leiden University dissertation. Saad, George, Marian Klamer & Francesca Moro. 2019. Identifying agents of change: Simplification of possessive marking in Abui-Malay bilinguals. Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics 4(1). 1–29. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.846 Schapper, Antoinette. 2014. Kamang. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor, and Pantar: Volume 1, 285–350. Boston/Berlin: Mouton De Gruyter. Schapper, Antoinette. 2017. Introduction. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan Languages of Timor, Alor, and Pantar: Volume 2, 185–266. Boston/Berlin: Mouton De Gruyter. Schapper, Antoinette & Marian Klamer. 2017. Numeral systems in the Alor-Pantar languages. In Marian Klamer (ed.), The Alor-Pantar languages: History and typology, 2nd edition, 277–328. Berlin: Language Science Press. Stokhof, Willem Arnoldus Laurens. 1975. Preliminary notes on the Alor and Pantar languages (East Indonesia). Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Williams, Nicholas J. 2017. Kula. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor, and Pantar: Volume 2, 185–266. Boston/Berlin: Mouton De Gruyter. Windschuttel, Glenn & Shiohara Asako. 2017. Kui. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor, and Pantar: Volume 2, 109–184. Boston/Berlin: Mouton De Gruyter. Zamaraeva, Olga, František Kratochvíl, Emily M. Bender, Fei Xia & Kristen Howell. 2017. Computational Support for Finding Word Classes: A Case Study of Abui. In Proceedings of ComputEL-2,. Honolulu, Hawaii, March 6–7, 2017.

Aone van Engelenhoven and Juliette Huber

6 East Fataluku 1

The language scene 

 349

2 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.5.1 2.5.2 2.5.3 2.5.4 2.6 2.6.1 2.6.2 2.7

 350 Phonology  Consonant phonemes   350 Vowel phonemes   352 Phonotactics   354 Stress   357 Morpho(phono)logy   359 Compounding   359 Initial consonant mutations on verbs  Reduplication   361 Derivational morphology   363 Other Fataluku dialects   365 South Fataluku   366 Central Fataluku   368 Orthography   370

3 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4

 370 Basic clausal syntax  Verbal predicates   372 Verbal compounds   373 Non-verbal predicates   374 Negation   376

4 4.1 4.1.1 4.1.2 4.2 4.2.1 4.2.2 4.3 4.4

 377 Noun phrases  Attributes   378 Numerals   379 Relative clauses   382 Determiners   383 Plural markers   384 Reference markers   387 The prenominal demonstrative  Possession   389

https://doi.org/10.1515/9781501511158-006

 388

 360

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5 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4

Pronouns and other pro-forms   393 Personal pronouns   393 Reflexive and reciprocal pronouns   395 Interrogative pronouns   396 Other interrogative pro-forms   397

6 6.1 6.2

 398 Agreement and verbal morphology  Number agreement on verbs   398 Object vowel prothesis   401

7 7.1 7.1.1 7.1.2 7.2 7.3 7.3.1 7.3.2 7.3.3 7.3.4 7.3.5 7.4 7.4.1 7.4.2

Serial verb constructions and other multi-verb constructions  Direction verb SVCs   404 Directed motion SVCs   404 Allative SVCs   405 Prospective SVCs   407 ‘Take’ SVCs   408 Instrumental ‘take’ SVCs   409 Causative ‘take’ SVCs   409 Transfer ‘take’ SVCs   411 ‘Take’ SVCs with verbs of saying   412 Postpositional ‘take’ SVCs   412 Biclausal multi-verb constructions   413 Ablative constructions   414 Modal verb constructions   415

8 8.1 8.1.1 8.1.2 8.2 8.2.1 8.2.2

 416 Aspect and mood marking  Mood   417 mood1 marker   417 mood2 markers   418 Aspect   419 aspect1 markers   419 aspect2 markers   420

9

Discussion 

References 

 425

 423

 403

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1 The language scene Fataluku (ISO 639-3 code: ddg) is spoken in Timor-Leste’s easternmost district, Lautém. It is referred to by its speakers as Fatalukunu, which translates as ‘correct speech’ (fata ‘correct’, luku ‘speak’, -n nmlz; -u is a paragogic vowel). In early Portuguese sources, an alternative name for the language, Dagada, can be found. However, McWilliam (2007: 360) reports that speakers were unfamiliar with the term and speculates that it may be an exonym used by Makasae speakers (cf. Hull 2004: 24). Fataluku is part of the Eastern Timor subgroup of the TAP family, which includes Fataluku, Oirata, Makasae and Makalero (Schapper, Huber and van Engelenhoven 2012). Fataluku and Oirata form a low-level subgroup called Frata by Schapper, Huber and van Engelenhoven (2012). The split of Frata into Fataluku and Oirata can be dated with a high degree of accuracy: according to Riedel (1886: 403), the Oirata fled to Kisar island from Loikera, in the Fataluku-speaking area, in 1721. Oirata is reportedly still mutually intelligible with some Fataluku dialects (Schapper 2017a: 3). In the Tutuala subdistrict, at the far eastern tip of Lautém, Fataluku appears to have expanded into territory previously occupied by speakers of an Austronesian language, Makuva (also known as Lóvaia). Makuva is reported to have been spoken in a handful of remote villages up until the 1960s (van Engelenhoven 2009: 335). According to Timor-Leste’s 2015 census (Statistics Timor-Leste 2015), Fataluku is spoken by a population of 41,500, making it one of the major TAP languages. Eberhard, Simons and Fennig (2019) classify it as vigorous. This assessment is confirmed by Heston (2015: 5–6). However, the vast majority of speakers are at least bilingual with Tetun, and it is possible that a switch to that language may take place in the future (cf. McWilliam 2007: 360). There is a fair number of linguistic materials on Fataluku: Campagnolo (1973) is an early French-language grammar. A grammar sketch in English is presented in Hull (2005). The same author published a rather extensive grammatical and lexical comparison of the TAP languages of Timor (Hull 2004). Papers on various aspects of Fataluku structure have been produced by van Engelenhoven (2009, 2010) and Stoel (2008). Heston (2015) completed a substantial thesis on Fataluku phonology, and various sociolinguistic issues are discussed in Conceição Savio (2016). Heston has also published several further articles (e.g. Heston 2016; Heston 2020). There is also a useful Fataluku-Portuguese dictionary (Nácher 2012; originally published in two parts in 2003 and 2004). Despite the comparative wealth of materials, however, Fataluku remains the

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only TAP language of Timor that still lacks a comprehensive English-language reference grammar. Following Hull (2005), van Engelenhoven (2009: 334) distinguishes five main Fataluku dialects: East Fataluku, South Fataluku, Central Fataluku, North Fataluku and Northwest Fataluku. The differences that exist between those dialects, especially beyond phonology, are unclear and require more research. This sketch focuses on East Fataluku, which is spoken in the Tutuala subdistrict. It is based on some 12 hours of recorded speech collected by van Engelenhoven between 2001 and 2011. In addition, the corpus includes emails and phone calls from East Fataluku speakers to van Engelenhoven.

2 Phonology The segmental phonology of Fataluku is largely similar to that of its neighbors of the Eastern Timor subgroup, Makalero and Makasae (cf. Huber 2017). A notable exception is the presence of palatal obstruent phonemes in Fataluku. Individual Fataluku dialects differ with respect to the phonetic realization of these obstruents, the presence of a glottal stop phoneme and a voicing distinction in stops, as well as aspects of the stress system. Lacking voiced and glottal stops as well as phonemic vowel length, East Fataluku is the least complex of all Fataluku dialects. Sections 2.1 to 2.5 give a description of East Fataluku phonology. A concise comparison with other Fataluku dialects follows in 2.6. Section 2.7 briefly discusses the Fataluku orthography.

2.1 Consonant phonemes Table 1 sets out the 15 consonant phonemes of East Fataluku. Segments in round brackets are loan phonemes. Orthographic symbols are shown in angled brackets. The minimal pairs presented in Table 2 demonstrate the contrastiveness of the consonant phonemes in initial and medial position. The loan phonemes /b/ and /d/ are found mainly in the speech of younger people and those who frequently travel outside of Tutuala. Older, less traveled, speakers tend to devoice /b/ into /p/ and replace /d/ with the voiceless palatal stop /c/, as in [bisikileta ~ pisikileta] ‘bicycle’ (> Portuguese bicicleta) and [modo ~ moco] ‘vegetables’ (> Tetun modo), respectively. There is no phonemic glottal stop in East Fataluku. It is retained clearly only at morpheme boundaries

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in reference stacks which would otherwise result in a sequence of two vowels (see section 4.2.2). The glottal stop is phonemic in other Fataluku dialects (see section 2.6).1 Table 1: Consonant phonemes. Bilabial Stop Nasal Fricative Approximant Lateral Trill

p

(b) m

Labio-dental

f

ʋ

Alveo-dental

Palatal

Velar

t

c

k

s

(d) n

ɟ

Glottal

h

l r

Table 2: Minimal pairs. Initial position

Medial position

/p/ ≠ /m/ /p/ ≠ /f/ /f/ ≠ /ʋ/ /m/ ≠ /n/ /p/ ≠ /t/

/palu/ ‘father’ /pani/ ‘but’ /fata/ ‘truly’ /mau/ ‘come’ /paru/ ‘widow’

/malu/ ‘loincloth’ /fani/ ‘tasty’ /ʋata/ ‘coconut’ /nau/ ‘really’ /taru/ ‘liana’

/hapa/ ‘snake sp.’ /apa/ ‘mountain’ /kafa/ ‘eight’ /numu/ ‘very’ /apu/ ‘with’

/hama/ ‘banyan sp.’ /afa/ ‘1pl.incl.sbj’ /kaʋa/ ‘short’ /nunu/ ‘banyan sp.’ /atu/ ‘belly’

/t/ ≠ /n/ /t/ ≠ /s/ /l/ ≠ /r/ /t/ ≠ /c/ /c/ ≠ /ɟ/ /t/ ≠ /k/ /s/ ≠ /h/

/taru/ ‘liana’ /tai/ ‘stutter’ /lata/ ‘domain’ /tura/ ‘more’ /cala/ ‘net’† /tara/ ‘first’ /sala/ ‘shelf’

/naru/ ‘hole’ /sai/ ‘finished’ /rata/ ‘long ago’ /cura/ ‘rat’ /ɟala/ ‘rooster’ /kara/ ‘banyan sp.’ /hala/ ‘only’

/matu/ ‘old’ /pata/ ‘trunk’ /pali/ ‘absent’ /moto/ ‘reed’ /cece/ ‘clean’ /utu/ ‘off’ /asi/ ‘shrimp’

/manu/ ‘wound’ /pasa/ ‘wet’ /pari/ ‘wind’ /moco/ ‘child’ /ɟe~ɟe/ ‘rdp~alone’ /uku/ ‘thorn’ /ahi/ ‘devil’

† > Indonesian jala ‘net’

1 Note, however, that according to Heston (2015: 109–110), it is rarely realized as a full glottal closure in Central Fataluku. Instead, it may be deleted altogether, possibly suggesting that it is in the process of being lost (cf. Huber 2017: 274 on the weakness of the glottal stop in neighboring Makalero).

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2.2 Vowel phonemes Table 3 gives the vowel phonemes of East Fataluku. Table 3: Vowel phonemes. Front High Mid Low

i e

Central

Back u o

a

Table 4 illustrates the contrastiveness of the five vowel phonemes in initial and second syllables. Table 4: Minimal pairs. Initial syllable

Second syllable

/i/ ≠ /u/ /i/ ≠ /e/ /i/ ≠ /o/ /i/ ≠/a/ /u/ ≠/e/

/pira/ ‘bronze’ /pili/ ‘nut sp.’ /pila/ ‘battery’† /ina/ ‘eye’ /hula/ ‘spoon’

/pura/ ‘sell’ /peli/ ‘tie’ /pola/ ‘ball’‡ /ana/ ‘1sg.sbj’ /hela/ ‘remove’

/ʋari/ ‘ear’ /ori/ ‘deceive’ /osi/ ‘to force’ /ʋani/ ‘bee’ /matu/ ‘old’

/ʋaru/ ‘Hibiscus sp.’ /ore/ ‘sticky rice’ /oso/ ‘plaited net’ /ʋana/ ‘night’ /mate/ ‘charm’

/u/ ≠ /o/ /u/ ≠ /a/ /o/ ≠ /e/ /o/ ≠ /a/ /a/ ≠/e/

/punu/ ‘sacred’ /pula/ ‘pea’ /toku/ ‘valley’ /poli/ ‘kettle’ /mata/ ‘ocean’

/ponu/ ‘tap’ /pala/ ‘garden’ /teku/ ‘mix’ /pali/ ‘absent’ /meta/ ‘mourn’

/kolu/ ‘split’ /fanu/ ‘face’ /koto/ ‘bean’※ /toto/ ‘see’ /maka/ ‘tread on’

/kolo/ ‘stalk’ /fana/ ‘advise’ /kote/ ‘correct’ /tota/ ‘talk rapidly’ /make/ ‘scold’⁑

† > Portuguese pilha ‘battery’ ‡ > Indonesian bola ‘ball’ ※ > Tetun koto ‘bean’ ⁑ > Indonesian maki ‘insult, abusive words’

The high vowels /i/ and /u/ have palatal and bilabial glide allophones, which occur as onglides in syllable onsets and as offglides in complex nuclei (cf. section 2.3). As offglides, they result in eight diphthongs. As onglides, they are mostly found before /a/ only. Some examples are given in (1). Syllable boundaries are indicated in the phonetic transcriptions with [.].

6 East Fataluku 

(1) Phonemic /uane/ /tau/ /tau-ete/ /kaiare/ /loiasu/

Phonetic [ʔwa.ne] [taw] [ta.we.te ~ ta.wɛ.tɛ]

‘be under’ ‘pumpkin’ ‘pumpkin plant’

[ka.ja.re] [lo.ja.su ~ lɔ.ja.su]

‘be tired’ ‘ship’

 353

The mid vowel phonemes have closed ([e], [o]) and open ([ɛ], [ɔ]) allophones, conditioned by the height of the following vowel. If a lexeme consists of two syllables with mid vowel nuclei, both mid vowels can be realized as either open or closed. In monosyllabic morphemes, /e/ tends to be realized as [e], whereas /o/ can be heard as either [o] or [ɔ]. In diphthongs, they are always closed. This is exemplified in (2). (2) Phonemic /meta/ /meti/ /ete/ /tei/ /taraleu/ /ropa/ /hoku/ /moko/ /oj/ /rou/

Phonetic [mɛ.ta] [me.ti] [Ɂɛ.tɛ ~ Ɂe.te] [tej] [ta.ra.lew]

‘mourning’ ‘low tide’ ‘tree’ ‘sacred’ ‘rooster’

[rɔ.pa] [ho.ku] [mɔ.kɔ ~ mo.ko] [Ɂɔj ~ Ɂoj] [row]

‘trousers’ (< Portuguese roupa ‘clothes’) ‘mud’ ‘child’ ‘Corky Bark Tree (Carallia brachiata)’ ‘leafy’

All five vowels furthermore have short, half-long and long allophones. Long vowels occur in monosyllabic lexical morphemes of the shape (C)V. Monosyllabic lexical morphemes of the shape (C)VC have half-long vowel nuclei. Short vowels appear everywhere else, i.e. in polysyllabic morphemes as well as monosyllabic lexical morphemes of the shape (C)VG(C). Some examples are shown in (3) (see section 2.3 for more information on phonotactics). Note that vowel length is maintained in monosyllabic (C)V and (C)VC morphemes even if they are suffixed with the derivational morphemes discussed in 2.5.4. This accounts for length-based minimal pairs such as that seen in (4). The forms with the adjectivizing suffix /-ana/ show clearly that the final /e/ is part of the root in (4b), but not in (4a).2 2 More research is necessary on the behavior of long vowels in monosyllabic roots if they appear in longer forms. For instance, the lengthening seems to disappear if a noun appears in a

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(3) Monosyllabic (C)V /la/ [laː] ‘go’

Monosyllabic (C)VC /lan/ [laˑn] ‘friend’

Polysyllabic (C)V /lata/ [lata] ‘domain’

Polysyllabic (C)VC /lalan/ [lalan] ‘murky’

(4) a. /ner-e/ [neˑre] /ner-ana/ [neˑrana]

‘be flat’ (flat-vblz) ‘flat (thing)’ (flat-adjz)

b. /nere/ [nere] ‘follow’ /nere-n-ana/ [nerenana] ‘following (thing)’ (follow-adjz)

2.3 Phonotactics East Fataluku distinguishes between monosyllabic and polysyllabic lexical morphemes, which differ with respect to syllable structure as well as the distribution of segments within syllables. The syllable structures found in Fataluku are listed and exemplified in (5). (C)VGC syllables are restricted to monosyllabic lexical morphemes. The remaining syllable patterns occur in all types of roots. Closed syllables appear morphemefinally only; there are thus no consonant clusters in monomorphemic items. A paragogic vowel /u/ is commonly added to break up a consonant cluster when a word ending in a closed syllable is followed by a consonant-initial word, or when a closed syllable appears at the end of a phonological phrase (see also section 2.5.4). When a morpheme ending in an open syllable is followed by a vowel-initial morpheme, an epenthetic /n/ is frequently inserted (section 2.5.4). (5) Syllable structure (C)V (C)VC (C)VG (C)VGC

Monosyllabic morpheme /la/ [laː] ‘go’ /lan/ [laˑn] ‘friend’ /lai/ [laj] ‘lord’ /laik/ [lajk] ‘rosewood’

Polysyllabic morpheme /pala/ [pala] ‘field’ /lalan/ [lalan] ‘murky’ /malai/ [malaj] ‘king’

bisyllabic form with the paragogic vowel /u/ (see section 2.3), or if it is the first element in a compound: /cal/ [caˑl] ‘grandchild’, /cal-u/ [cal-u] ‘grandchild’, /cal-nami/ [cal-nami] ‘grandson’ (literally ‘grandchild man’).

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Inherited lexical morphemes in East Fataluku typically consist of two and maximally of three syllables. Longer words are either morphologically complex or loans, as in the examples in (6). The examples also show that consonant clusters in loans are commonly broken up by epenthetic vowels. (6) /sapuraki/ /leteratu/ /perecua/ /turupasa/

[sapuraki] [lɛtɛratu ~ leteratu] [pɛrɛcuwa ~ perecuwa] [turupasa]

‘orange’ ‘photo’ ‘pardon’ ‘interpreter’

< Tetun sabraka < Portuguese retrato < Portuguese perdoar < Indonesian juru bahasa

Table 5 summarizes the distribution of the consonant phonemes, including both inherited and loan phonemes. All consonants can occur as syllable onsets, but there are some minor differences between initial and non-initial syllables. The palatal glide [j] appears root-medially only. The bilabial glide [w] is found as an onset both initially and medially, but is rare in this function and is hence bracketed in Table 5. A non-phonemic glottal stop appears before [w] in rootinitial position, as well as before root-initial vowels. Intervocalically, [ʔ] is found exclusively in reference stacks (see section 4.2.2). The voiced palatal stop /ɟ/ is restricted to root-initial position. The only instance where it is found medially is when a root with initial /ɟ/ is reduplicated (e.g. /ɟe~ɟe-nu/ (rdp~alone-nmlz) ‘uniqueness’, from /ɟe/ ‘alone’). The loan phoneme /b/ has been attested only as an onset in initial position, e.g. /bis/ ‘bus’ (from Indonesian bis). In contrast, the loan phoneme /d/ is found as an onset initially and medially, e.g. /dosi/ ‘candy’ (from Tetun dosi) and /modo/ ‘vegetables’ (from Tetun modo). With respect to the coda position, there are different restrictions for monosyllabic and polysyllabic roots. The fricatives, the nasals and the liquids can all appear in coda position, both in monosyllabic and polysyllabic roots; among the stops, only /t/ and /k/ can. The bilabial and palatal stops, /p/ and /c/, are found as codas only in monosyllabic, but not in polysyllabic, roots. The labiodental approximant /ʋ/ can appear in the coda of polysyllabic roots only. Finally, only /n/ and /l/ can appear at the end of a phonological phrase, as in the one-word answers in (7). In all other cases, coda consonants are resyllabified as onsets when either a paragogic /u/ or a derivational suffix (section 2.5.4) are added. (7) a. /ina=i/ − /macen/ what=pred food ‘What is this?’ – ‘Food.’ b. /uman=i/ − /a=pal/ who=pred 1sg.poss=father ‘Who is this?’ – ‘My father.’

V_#

Coda

V_#

Coda

V_V

#_V

Onset ✓

−

✓

✓

/p/ ✓

−

−

−

/b/ ✓

✓

✓

✓

/m/ ✓

✓

✓

✓

/f/ ✓

✓

−

✓

/ʋ/

Table 5: Distribution of consonants.

✓

✓

(✓)

(✓)

[w] ✓

✓

✓

✓

/t/ ✓

✓

−

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

/s/ ✓

✓

✓

✓

/l/

Polysyllabic roots

−

✓

/n/

Monosyllabic roots

✓

✓

/d/ ✓

✓

✓

✓

/r/ ✓

−

✓

✓

/c/ ✓

−

−

(✓)

/ɟ/

✓

✓

−

✓

[j] ✓

✓

✓

✓

/k/ ✓

✓

✓

✓

/h/

✓

−

−

(✓)

[ʔ]

356   Aone van Engelenhoven and Juliette Huber

6 East Fataluku 

 357

The high vowels /i/ and /u/ can combine into diphthongs with all other vowels, resulting in eight diphthongs. Examples are given in (8). (8) /ei/ /ai/ /ui/ /oi/ /iu/ /eu/ /au/ /ou/

/kei/ /kai/ /kuikui/ /koi/ /kiukiu/ /keu/ /kau/ /kou/

‘nearby’ ‘pipe’ ‘bird species’ ‘parakeet’ ‘chirp’ ‘kind of bracelet’ ‘Baumea grass’ ‘tree species’

Three sequences of three vowels have been found in East Fataluku: /aia/, /aiu/ and /oia/. Example (9) shows that they are pronounced as two syllables, with intervocalic /i/ functioning as the onset of the second syllable. While the sequence /aia/ is relatively frequent, /aiu/ and /oia/ are found in only one example each, one of which (/loiasu/ ‘ship’) is a compound (loi ‘boat’ + asu ‘steel’, < Portuguese aço), although it is not synchronically analyzable for native speakers. (9) /aia/ /paiah/ /paiur/ /loiasu/

[ʔa.ja] [pa.jah] [pa.jur] [lɔ.ja.su]

‘rain’ ‘mango’ ‘paddle’ ‘ship’

2.4 Stress The accent systems of various Fataluku dialects have been analyzed, sometimes in contradictory ways, in Campagnolo (1973), Stoel (2008), and Heston (2015). There is to date no detailed analysis of the accent system in East Fataluku. This section provides a preliminary account, and much work remains to be done. East Fataluku is a pitch-accent language. In every lexical morpheme, there is one syllable that is prosodically marked by a slight rise in pitch. Function words, which can be either monosyllabic or disyllabic (e.g. /nara/ ‘if’), have no pitch accent with the exception of the third person possessive pronoun /i/ ~ /ih/, the reflexive possessive /hin/ and the second person singular subject pronoun /a/. Lexical morphemes fall into the three types of prosodic words illustrated in Table 6.

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Table 6: Prosodic word types in East Fataluku. Class

Syllables

Feet

Example

1

1 2 3 4

trochee dactyl trochee ~ dactyl

/le/ /lipal/ /mukeʋe/ /sapuraki/

2 3

[ˈleː] [ˈlipal] [ˈmukeʋe] [ˈsapuˈraki ~ saˈpuraki]

‘house’ ‘wed’ ‘fragrant’ ‘orange’

Class 1 lexemes are either monosyllabic or disyllabic. A minimal phonological word is bimoraic; for this reason, the nucleus of monosyllabic lexical morphemes is lengthened if they are uttered in isolation (see section 2.2). When a bisyllabic Class 1 root is combined with the paragogic vowel /u/ or the verbalizer /-e/ (cf. section 2.5.4), resulting in a trisyllabic prosodic word, accent placement varies. In isolation, the accent may either remain on the initial syllable of the lexeme or shift to the penultimate of the word. In a larger phrase, the accent remains on the initial syllable. This is illustrated in (10). (10) [ˈtupur] [ˈtupur-u] ~ [tuˈpur-u] [ˈtupur-e] ~ [tuˈpur-e] [ˈtahi-ˈtupur-u] [ˈtupur-ˈmoco]

‘woman’ ‘woman’ (+ paragogic /u/) ‘be female’ (+ verbalizer /-e/) ‘Banda sea’ (toponym, literally ‘sea-woman-nmlz’) ‘girl’ (literally ‘woman-child’)

Class 2 words consist of three light syllables. The accent lies on the initial syllable and remains on this syllable even in affixation and compounding, as seen in (11) and (12), respectively. (11) /fulehe/ /fulehe-nana/

[ˈfulɛhɛ] [ˈfulɛhɛ-nana]

‘return’ ‘the returning one’ (return-adjz)

(12) /mumina/ [ˈmumina] ‘iron’ /mumina-karas-u/ [ˈmumina-ˈkaras-u] ‘brass’ (iron-yellow-nmlz) Class 3 words, finally, consist of four light syllables and can be stressed either according to a trochaic or a dactylic pattern. Ongoing research suggests that the trochaic pattern is associated with casual speech, while dactylic stress is preferred in careful speech. Stress remains constant in compounding and affixation, as shown in (13) and (14).

6 East Fataluku 

(13)

(14)

 359

Casual speech Careful speech /saʋarika/ [ˈsaʋaˈrika] [saˈʋarika] ‘scorpion’ /saʋarika-karan/ [ˈsaʋaˈrika-ˈkaran] [saˈʋarika-ˈkaran] ‘scorpion-pincer’

/eceremu/ /eceremu-nu/

Casual speech [ˈʔeceˈremu] [ˈʔeceˈremu-n]

Careful speech [ʔeˈceremu] [Ɂeˈceremu-n]

‘think’ (root) ‘thought’

2.5 Morpho(phono)logy East Fataluku has a number of productive morphophonological and morphological processes, including compounding (section 2.5.1), initial consonant mutations on verbs in verbal compounds (section 2.5.2), and reduplication (section 2.5.3). There are also several productive derivational processes (section 2.5.4), setting Fataluku apart from the neighboring Eastern Timor languages Makalero and Makasae, which tend towards isolating (Huber 2017).

2.5.1 Compounding Compounding is a very productive process in East Fataluku. Nominal compounds are head-final, as seen in (15); some further examples, along with information on stress in compounds, are given in section 2.4. Compounds consisting of three elements are also fairly common and may create rather long phonotactic structures; examples are given in (16). Some nominal compounds are not fully transparent, as one of their constituent parts has been lost. Such cases can, however, still be recognized as compounds if they contain consonant clusters, which do not occur in monomorphemic words. Verbal compounds are also very common; their properties are discussed in more detail in section 3.2 (see also section 7.3.5). (15) a. /ʋata-ira/ coconut-water b. /saʋarika-karan-u/ scorpion-pincer-pv (16) a. /mua-cau-ʋele/ [mu.wa.caw.ʋɛ.lɛ] soil-head-skin b.

/lahuna-paia~paia-asa/ [la.hu.na.pa.ja.pa.ja.a.sa] onion-rdp~necklace-leaf

‘coconut milk’ ‘scorpion pincer’ ‘world’ ‘kind of onion’

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2.5.2 Initial consonant mutations on verbs A majority of East Fataluku verbs exhibit initial consonant mutations, where forms with altered initial consonants appear when they are used as the second element in a verbal compound (see section 3.2). There are five types of initial consonant mutation, shown in (17). (17) /f/ → /p/ /t/ → /c/ /h/ → /c/ /h/ → /s/ /s/ → /c/ Examples of these mutations are given in Table 7. Not all mutations are equally frequent: for instance, /h/ →/s/ and /s/ → /c/ are known from only a handful of examples each. A smaller set of verbs does not exhibit this alternation. This includes all loans and verbs which start with phonemes other than /f/, /t/, /h/ and /s/; in addition, there are a few verbs with these initial phonemes that are non-alternating, as shown in (18). A similar mutation is found in Makalero and Makasae, although it is a much less pervasive phenomenon in these languages (Huber 2017: 282). Table 7: Initial consonant mutation on verbs. f→p

/fulu/ /fetil/ /fo/ /fai/

→ /-pulu/ → /-petil/ → /-po/ → /-pai/

‘spit’ ‘stumble’ ‘be inside (pl)’ ‘do’

t→c

/tipal/ /tutef/ /te/ /to/ /taja/

→ /-cipal/ → /-cutef/ → /-ce/ → /-co/ → /-caja/

‘play drum’ ‘blow’ ‘measure’ ‘be inside (sg)’ ‘sleep’

h→c

/hina/ /hura/ /here/ /ha/

→ /-cina/ → /-cura/ → /-cere/ → /-ca/

‘plait’ ‘take from the fire’ ‘dry’ ‘warp’

h→s

/hufak/ /holok/

→ /-sufak/ → /-solok/

‘excrete’ ‘be stepped on’

s→c

/sil/

→ /-cil/

‘bind’

6 East Fataluku 

(18) /foil/ /tene/ /har/ /suk/

 361

‘angry’ ‘distribute’ ‘order’ ‘slip’

The sentences in (19) illustrate the contexts in which the two verb forms appear. The verb /fai/ ‘do’ appears in the unaltered form with initial /f/ if used as a simple predicate as in (19a). In (19b), where the same verb is compounded with /masu/ ‘good (adv)’, it appears in the form /pai/. (19) a. /taʋa hil hai=fai/ 3sg trap initial=do ‘He made a trap.’ b. /i haliʋana hai=m masu-pai/ 3.poss place initial=take good.adv-mut.do ‘(He) repaired (lit. made good) his place’ 2.5.3 Reduplication Reduplication is a productive process in East Fataluku as well as in all other Fataluku dialects. Almost all content words can be reduplicated. Reduplication of nouns signals either diversity of the referents or similarity of the referent with that of the base noun. Reduplication of activity verbs marks pluractionality: with certain transitive verbs, it implies a plurality of object referents where the simplex is understood to have a single object referent. It may also signal repetition or continuation of an action. With stative verbs, reduplication signals intensity, i.e. that the state is holding to a high degree. Some adverbials can also be reduplicated. Again, this has an intensifying effect. East Fataluku uses both full and partial reduplication, depending on the length of the root (with reduplication apparently occurring before derivation, cf. section 2.5.4). In the case of morphemes with an uneven number of syllables (i.e. monosyllabic and trisyllabic morphemes), the initial syllable is reduplicated, as illustrated in Table 8. Vowel length in monosyllabic morphemes appears to be lost in the process. The accent is copied to the reduplicated syllable and maintained on the base syllable, resulting in a sequence of two accented syllables. Final consonants are never copied. If the initial syllable has the shape VG, the offglide of the reduplicant functions as the onset for the base syllable. Morphemes with an even number of syllables (i.e. disyllabic and tetrasyllabic ones) with a simple vowel nucleus in the initial syllable reduplicate the initial (C)VCV.

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Table 8: Reduplication of monosyllabic and trisyllabic lexical morphemes.

Monosyllabic root Trisyllabic root

Input

Output

#(C)V(G)(C)

#(C)V(G)~CV(G)(C)

/i/ [ˈʔiː] ‘to spin’

/i~i/ [ˈʔi.ˈi] ‘to twine’†

/ne/ [ˈneː] ‘name’

/ne~ne/ [ˈne.ˈne] ‘nickname’

/leul/ [ˈlewl] ‘play’‡

/leu~leul/ [ˈlew.ˈlewl] ‘be playful’‡

#(C)VCVCV

#(C)V~(C)VCVCV

/fulehe/ [ˈfu.lε.hε] ‘to return’

/fu~fulehe/ [ˈfu.ˈfu.lε.hε] ‘keep returning’

/kurisa/ [ˈku.ri.sa] ‘chili’

/ku~kurisa/ [ˈku.ˈku.ri.sa] ‘spice’

/nairete/ [ˈnaj.rε.tε] ‘hang (intr.)’

/nai~nairete/ [ˈnajˈnajrεtε] ‘keep hanging’

† Audible in careful speech only. In rapid speech unreduplicated /i/ and reduplicated /i~i/ are indistinguishable. ‡ In order to be used as predicates, these forms would need to be suffixed with the verbalizer /-e/ (section 2.5.4).

In other words, disyllabic morphemes are fully reduplicated. The resulting reduplicated forms have four or six syllables, respectively, and as such have two prosodic realizations. In casual speech, pitch accent follows a trochaic pattern, but a dactylic one in careful speech (see section 2.4). The examples in Table 9 are from casual speech. Disyllabic lexemes where the initial syllable has the shape CVG copy that syllable only. As in the case of monosyllabic and trisyllabic morphemes, the accent is also copied to the reduplicant. All tetrasyllabic bases that have been attested in reduplicated forms have the form (C)VCVCVCV, and it is unclear if a tetrasyllabic morpheme with an initial CVG syllable would follow the same pattern. Table 9: Reduplication of disyllabic or tetrasyllabic lexical morphemes. Input Disyllabic Root

Tetrasyllabic Root

Output

#(C)VCV

#(C)VCV~CVCV

/ili/ [ˈʔi.li] ‘mountain’

/ili~ili/ [ˈʔi.li.ˈi.li] ‘mountain range’

/pula/ [ˈpu.la] ‘pea’

/pula~pula/ [ˈpu.la.ˈpu.la] ‘Vitex trifolia’

/kukus/ [ˈku.kus] ‘illness’

/kuku~kukus/ [ˈku.ku.ˈku.kus] ‘rough’

#CVGCV

#CVG~CVGCV

/seura/ [ˈsew.ra] ‘Java sparrow’

/seu~seura/ [ˈsew.ˈsew.ra] ‘Timor sparrow’

/mautul/ [ˈmaw.tul] ‘tired’

/mau~mautul/ [ˈmaw.ˈmaw.tul] ‘lazy’

#(C)VCVCVCV

#(C)VCV~CVCVCVCV

/afatula/ [ˈʔa.fa.ˈtu.la] ‘bamboo’

/afa~afatula/ [ˈʔa.fa.ˈa.fa.ˈtu.la] ‘Kurowai grass’

/piapara/ [ˈpi.ja.ˈpa.ra] ‘feed’

/pia~piapara/ [ˈpi.ja.ˈpi.ja.ˈpa.ra] ‘look after’

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2.5.4 Derivational morphology East Fataluku has three productive derivational suffixes whose main functions are to derive verbs, nouns and adjectives, respectively. The suffix /-e/ is a verbalizer. The main function of /-n/ is that of a nominalizer, but it is also used to form adverbials and sometimes adjectives. Finally, /-ana/ derives forms which are prototypically used as attributes in NPs (see section 4.1) and is hence called an adjectivizer here. Sometimes lexemes derived with this suffix are also used nominally.3 This is summarized in Table 10, where a bold x marks the main function of each affix. None of these suffixes has a parallel in Makalero and Makasae or any of the remaining languages of the family, suggesting they are innovative. Table 10: Derivational morphemes. Nominalization

Adjectivization

x x

x x

/-e/ /-n/ /-ana/

Verbalization x

Most consonant-final roots are analyzed as nominal. Consequently, they occur unsuffixed if used as arguments. If used as predicates, they appear with the /-e/ suffix, and with the /-ana/ suffix if used as adnominal modifiers. Some examples are shown in Table 11. Where one of these nouns appears at the end of a phonological phrase, a paragogic /u/ is added (cf. section 2.3). For instance, in lexical elicitation, verbs will appear with the /-e/ suffix and nouns with a final /u/. In fact, the vast majority of cases where the paragogic vowel appears is on nouns, such that a final /u/ usually implies nominal status (cf. van Engelenhoven 2009, where it is actually analyzed as a nominalizing suffix). Table 11: Derivational suffixes with consonant-final roots. root /matar/ /karas/ /lauh/

‘stone’ ‘gold’ ‘life’

Elicitation form

Derived verb

Derived adjective

/mataru/ /karasu/ /lauhu/

/matar-e/ /karas-e/ /lauh-e/

/matar-ana/ /karas-ana/ /lauh-ana/

‘stone’ ‘gold’ ‘life’

‘be stony’ ‘be gold’ ‘live’

‘stony’ ‘golden’ ‘living, alive’

3 Heston (2015: 21–22) analyzes /-ana/ as a nominalizer forming abstract nouns in Central Fataluku.

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The suffixation potential of vowel-final roots is determined by their category: adverbial roots can occur with all three suffixes. Verbal roots can be nominalized with /-n/ and adjectivized with /-ana/, but cannot combine with the verbalizer /-e/. Nominal roots can combine with the nominalizer /-n/ to derive a related concept and may also form the basis of derived adjectives with /-ana/. Denominal verbs are rare, although the verbalizer /-e/ is sometimes found with nominal roots. Examples of the derivational suffixes with various types of roots are shown in Table 12. Where the verbalizer /-e/ and the adjectivizer /-ana/ are used on vowel-final roots, an epenthetic /n/ is inserted to avoid a hiatus. Table 12: Derivational suffixes on vowel-final roots. Root Adverb Verb Noun

/ɟe/ ‘alone’ /aci/ ‘see’ /raka/ ‘firewood’

Derived verb

Derived noun

Derived adjective

/ɟe-n-e/ ‘be alone’ –

/ɟe-n/ ‘difference’ /aci-n/ ‘vision’ /raka-n/ ‘attic’

/ɟe-n-ana/ ‘different’ /aci-n-ana/ ‘(thing) seen’ /raka-n-ana/ ‘(thing) fire-dried, smoked’

/raka-n-e/ ‘dry over fire’

There are in East Fataluku a number of vowel-final roots where, exceptionally, no epenthetic /n/ is inserted. This can be explained by assuming that these roots originally had a final glottal stop. This phoneme has been lost in East Fataluku, making the roots vowel-final. Indeed, in other Fataluku dialects which retain this phoneme, a glottal stop appears in these items between the root and the suffix. Table 13 shows the comparison between /oto/ ‘inside’ in East Fataluku and the corresponding Central Fataluku form.4 In addition to the productive adjectivizer /-ana/, there are two unproductive adjectivizing suffixes, /-ina/ and /-aka/. These are lexically determined and are found only with seventeen and six lexical roots, respectively. Most of these roots also occur with the /-ana/ suffix, which seems to be replacing the other suffixes. There appears to be no semantic distinction between the two variants, as shown in (20).

4 Whether or not the final glottal stop is synchronically part of the root in Central Fataluku is unclear. According to Heston (2015: 81), it is non-phonemic and inserted to avoid a vowel hiatus.

6 East Fataluku 

 365

Table 13: Derived forms without epenthetic /n/.

Root Derived verb Derived adjective

East Fataluku

Central Fataluku

Gloss

/oto/ [ɔtɔ] /oto-e/ [ɔtɔe] /oto-ana/ [ɔtɔana]

/ɔtɔ(ʔ)/ /ɔtɔʔ-e/ /ɔtɔʔ-ana/

‘inside (something)’ ‘be inside (something)’ ‘internal’

(20) Derived verb /laik-e/ ‘honor’

Derived adjectives /laik-ina/ /laik-ana/ ‘honorable’ ‘honorable’

/oto-e/ ‘be inside (sg)’

/oto-ina/ ‘internal’

/oto-ana/ ‘internal’

/somil-e/ ‘mix’

/somil-aka/ ‘mixed’

/somil-ana/ ‘mixed’

/meit-e/ ‘be stupid’

/meit-aka/ ‘stupid’

/mei-meit-ana/ ‘very stupid’

There is also a semi-productive suffix /-r/, associated mostly with the nominal domain. It functions as a plural marker with a small class of nouns, mostly kinship terms. It is likely also the base of most other nominal and verbal plural markers (see section 4.2.1 and section 6.1). In some cases, it derives nouns from other nouns without an apparent change in meaning, as illustrated in Table 14. The derived forms can in turn be verbalized with the /-e/ suffix. Finally, /-r/ is also found in emphatic pronoun forms (see section 5.1). A nominalizing /-r/ formative is also found in Makalero (Huber 2017: 289). Table 14: The /-r/ formative. Root

Derived form with /-r/

Verbalized form

/moko/ ‘child’ /noko/ ‘younger sibling’ /kaka/ ‘older sibling’

/moko-r/ ‘child’ /noko-r/ ‘younger sibling’ /kaka-r/ ‘older sibling’

/moko-r-e/ ‘be small’ /noko-r-e/ ‘be young(er)’ /kaka-r-e/ ‘be old(er)’

2.6 Other Fataluku dialects Fataluku dialects show some differences in their segmental and suprasegmental phonologies. The most conspicuous differences concern the realization of

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the phonemes that correspond to the East Fataluku palatal stops, /c/ and /ɟ/, the presence of a /ʔ/ phoneme, the nature of vowel length, and prosody. The following sections give brief summaries of these differences. South Fataluku and Central Fataluku have been described by Campagnolo (1973) and Heston (2014, 2015), respectively, and the examples in the following sections are taken from these sources unless otherwise indicated. North and Northwest Fataluku are very poorly known and no comparison is included in this sketch. However, a conspicuous characteristic of the Northwest dialect is the presence of voiced plosives (in particular /b/ and postalveolar /d/).

2.6.1 South Fataluku South Fataluku has an apico-dental affricate phoneme /ts/ that corresponds to the East Fataluku voiceless palatal stop phoneme /c/ (Campagnolo 1973: 27–28). It also has a /j/ phoneme which is realized as a voiced alveopalatal fricative [ʒ] in initial position and as a palatal glide [j] in intervocalic position (Campagnolo 1973: 31). The [ʒ] allophone corresponds in most instances to East Fataluku /ɟ/, which is restricted to root-initial position (cf. section 2.3). The [j] allophone corresponds to the [j] allophone of the vowel /i/ in East Fataluku. In both dialects, [j] is found morpheme-internally only. The fact that they are treated as allomorphs of different sounds in the two dialects is thus essentially a matter of analysis. Examples are shown in (21). (21)

South Fataluku Phonemic Phonetic a. /atsi/ [ʔatsi] b. /jeu/ [ʒeːw] c. /taja/ [taja]

East Fataluku Phonemic Phonetic /aci/ [ʔaci] /ɟeu / [ɟew] /taia/ [taja]

‘see’ ‘wife’ ‘sleep’

South Fataluku furthermore has a glottal stop phoneme /ʔ/ in intervocalic position (Campagnolo 1973: 32–33), as shown in (22). This phoneme has been lost from East Fataluku. (22) South Fataluku Phonemic Phonetic /raʔu/ [raʔu]

East Fataluku Phonemic Phonetic /rau/ [raw]

‘plate’

There are also subtle differences between South Fataluku and East Fataluku with respect to vowel length. Long vowels occur in South Fataluku in two

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phonotactic contexts: firstly, all monosyllabic lexemes have a long vowel nucleus, including those with the shape (C)VG and (C)VC; see (23a) as well as (21b) above. This is in contrast to East Fataluku, where the nuclei of (C)V monosyllables are long, those in (C)VC syllables half-long, and those in (C)VG syllables short (see section 2.2). Like in East Fataluku, vowel length is maintained in monosyllabic morphemes with derivational suffixes such as the verbalizer /-e/ in (23b). Secondly, a long vowel appears in the first syllable of bisyllabic morphemes of the form (C)VCVG in South Fataluku, as in (23c); in East Fataluku, these morphemes always have short vowels. (23)

South Fataluku Phonemic Phonetic a. /le/ [leː] b. /lor-e/ [loːre] c. /lafai/ [laːfaj]

East Fataluku Phonemic Phonetic /le/ [leː] /lor-e/ [loˑre] /lafai/ [lafaj]

‘house’ ‘fold-vblz’ ‘be big (sg)’

There are some rather noticeable differences between East Fataluku and South Fataluku with respect to suprasegmental phonology. Whilst Campagnolo (1973) described the prosody of South Fataluku in terms of pitch accent and distinguished seven accent classes, Stoel (2008) proposes an analysis in terms of tone. In this analysis, a syllable may either have a high tone or no tone, and there are two types of high tones: boundary tones and lexical tones. Boundary tones are high tones associated with the final syllable of a prosodic phrase and indicate that another phrase follows. There are three classes of prosodic words: (a) words with a lexical tone on the first syllable (e.g. /lafai/ [ˈlaːfai] ‘be big (sg)’; (b) words with a lexical tone on the second syllable (e.g. /posi/ [poˈsi] ‘cat’); and (c) words without lexical tone, for example /nara [nara] ‘if’. However, lexical tones shift to other syllables or are deleted in certain contexts; for instance, there is a rule which forbids a lexical H tone from appearing on the final syllable of a prosodic phrase. A similar rule does not exist in East Fataluku. Some of the prosodic differences between South Fataluku and East Fataluku are illustrated in (24). In South Fataluku, both /posi/ ‘cat’ and /toto/ ‘see’ have a lexical H tone on the second syllable, while in East Fataluku, they are accented according to a trochaic pattern, i.e. have a pitch accent on the first syllable. A syntagm /posi toto/ can be interpreted either as a verb preceded by its P argument, with no overt subject (i.e. ‘(he) sees the cat’), or as a verb with its A argument, with no overt object (‘the cat sees (him)’). In East Fataluku, these two readings are not prosodically distinct, but they are differentiated in South

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Fataluku, due to the fact that an object-verb construction in that dialect forms a single prosodic phrase, while a subject forms a prosodic phrase separate from the verb. Thus in (24a), where /posi/ is the object of /toto/, there is a single prosodic phrase, while there are two in (24b), where /posi/ is the subject of /toto/ (see Stoel 2008 for details). (24)

South Fataluku /posi toto/ cat see a. [poˈsi toto] ‘(He) sees the cat.’

East Fataluku /posi toto/ cat see [ˈposi ˈtoto] ‘(He) sees the cat.’

b. [posi ˈtoto] [ˈposi ˈtoto] ‘The cat sees (him)’. ‘The cat sees (him).’ (adapted from Stoel 2008)

2.6.2 Central Fataluku The Central Fataluku equivalent of East Fataluku /ɟ/ and South Fataluku /j/ is the voiced alveolar fricative /z/. According to Heston (2015: 68–69), this phoneme has a fricative allophone [z] and an affricate allophone [dz], which are in free variation, as shown in (25a, b). There is also a phonemic palatal glide /j/, which has an alveolar fricative allophone [z] in some lexical items (25c). Heston (2015: 78) characterizes this variation as idiolectal and dialectal. (25)

Central Fataluku Phonemic Phonetic a. /zeu/ [zew] ~ [dzew] b. /aza/ [ʔaza] ~ [ʔadza] c. /taja/ [taza] ~ [taja]

East Fataluku Phonemic Phonetic /ɟeu/ [ɟew] ‘wife’ ʔ /aia/ [ aja] ‘rain’ /taia/ [taja] ‘sleep’

Like South Fataluku, Central Fataluku has a voiceless affricate phoneme /ts/ corresponding to East Fataluku /c/. This phoneme can be realized either as a dental or an alveolar affricate and is lightly aspirated (Heston 2015: 63). There is also an intervocalic /ʔ/, which in rapid speech is realized as a period of creakiness on the following vowel or deleted altogether. In cases where the preceding and the following vowels are identical, deletion of /ʔ/ thus results in a long vowel. Examples are given in (26).

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(26)

Central Fataluku Phonemic Phonetic a. /itsa/ [[ʔitsa] b. /taʔa/ [taʔa]~[taa̰]~[taː]

East Fataluku Phonemic Phonetic /ica/ [ʔica] /ta/ [taː]

 369

‘some’ ‘say’

Other long vowels are, according to Heston (2015: 86–87), “not predictable either from the segmental or the suprasegmental environment”. He concludes that vowel length has to be analyzed as phonemic, although its functional load is low.5 The prosody of Central Fataluku is analyzed in Heston (2015: 120–143) not in terms of pitch accent assigned on the lexical level, but rather in terms of intonational phrases, where pitch peaks are assigned on a post-lexical level based on weight-sensitive feet following a roughly trochaic pattern. Heavy syllables (those with long vowels or a diphthong) attract pitch peaks. While Heston’s analysis is phrased in rather different terms from that presented in section 2.4. for East Fataluku, the intonation patterns for words uttered in isolation are largely identical between the two dialects, as illustrated in (27) for words with a heavy initial syllable, and (28) for words with a light initial syllable. Like East Fataluku, but unlike South Fataluku, there are no words in which the pitch peak falls on the final syllable. (27)

Central Fataluku Phonemic Phonetic a. /toː/ [ˈtoː] b. /leura/ [ˈlewra] c. /hoːtsaʋa/ [ˈhoːtsaʋa]

East Fataluku Phonemic Phonetic /to/ [ˈtoː] ‘coconut shell’6 /leura/ [ˈlewra] ‘meat’ /ocaʋa/ [ˈʔocaʋa] ‘lord’

(28)

Central Fataluku Phonemic Phonetic a. /ʋani/ [ˈʋani] b. /anukai/ [ˈʔanukaj] c. /sapuraki/ [ˈsapuraki]

East Fataluku Phonemic Phonetic /ʋani/ [ˈʋani] ‘bee’ /anukai/ [ˈʔanukaj] ‘thread’ /sapuraki/ [ˈsapuˈraki] ‘orange’

5 In our analysis, many of the examples given in Heston (2014) could in fact be accounted for as a) monosyllabic roots (which predictably have long or half-long vowel nuclei) suffixed with the verbalizer /-e/, b) morphologically complex lexemes involving a monosyllabic morpheme, or c) actually involving a VʔV sequence. 6 ‘bowl’ according to Heston (2015: 130).

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2.7 Orthography The first Fataluku orthography was devised in 2002 by Justino Valentim, a native speaker of Central Fataluku. Because of some idiosyncrasies, however, it did not become widely accepted. In the same year Timor-Leste’s newly founded National Institute of Linguistics (INL) proposed a National Orthography intended to be used for all of the nation’s languages, which was likewise never adopted by Fataluku society. In 2004, linguists in van Engelenhoven’s Fataluku Language Project (FLP) were tasked with devising a Fataluku orthography based on the National Orthography. It is this orthography which is used in this sketch. It is largely phonetic, with and being used for the palatal glide and the voiced labial fricative, respectively, and and for the palatal plosives, irrespective of their concrete phonetic value in individual Fataluku dialects. We depart from the FLP phonology only in two instances, viz. in representing the glottal stop in reference stacks as , and in using an equal sign between clitics and their hosts. According to the FLP orthography, they would be spelled as separate words. Following the implementation of Timor-Leste’s policy of mother tonguebased early education, a Fataluku Language Council was established in Lospalos in 2011. The Council introduced yet another orthography for the language, which differs from the FLP orthography in a few points. For instance, it stipulates that clitics should be spelled as one word with their host; thus, where the FLP orthography had a le (1sg.poss house) ‘my house’, the Council’s orthography has ale. In this sketch, we use a=le. Furthermore, the Council proposes that phonemes whose phonetic value differs across dialects be represented phonetically, effectively resulting in alternative orthographies for different dialects.

3 Basic clausal syntax East Fataluku has the SV/APV constituent order typical of the TAP languages. Figure 1 shows the basic template of a simple clause. The possible positions of the S/A argument are marked with asterisks. For the position of the P argument, which is analyzed as part of the verbal predicate, see section 3.1. A clause minimally consists of a predicate, whose head may either be verbal or nominal. Both types of predicates and their internal structures are discussed in section 3.1 and 3.3, respectively. The predicate is preceded by four slots. Of these, the second (temp) contains temporal adjuncts, and the third (loc) locational adjuncts. The first and the fourth slots (mood1 and mood2) are for modal particles

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(see section 8.1 for a brief discussion). Examples illustrating the position of the S/A argument and the various pre-predicate modifiers are given in (29). * (MOOD1) * (TEMP) * (LOC) * (MOOD2) PREDICATE Figure 1: East Fataluku clausal template.

(29) a. Ulamood1 tavas/a rahintemp [hai=fai]pred... epis 1sg.sbj yesterday initial=do ‘He probably did (it) yesterday already…’ b. Ait-vacitemp [fat-atere=i=a]s/a [e na-e]loc now-day four-pl.hum=neut.dem=spec prox.dem at-vblz [e uku nava]pred? prox.dem all eat? ‘Did the four of them eat all of this in here today?’ c. Karu=atemp [Maria=e i lata na-e]loc iras/a now=emph Maria=prox.dem 3.poss village at-vblz water varimood2=an-epred... ipfv=exist-vblz ‘Now there is always water in Maria’s village...’ Elements that appear in the temp slot may be nominal, as in (29b), or verbal. This is clearly evidenced by the presence of the verbalizing suffix -e (see section 2.5.4) on the temporal adjuncts in (30a). However, the verbalizing suffix may variably be absent, with no apparent change in meaning, as in (30b). It is possible that this is a dialectal difference. The use of the verbalizer with temporal adjuncts appears most common in East Fataluku. A temporal adjunct missing the verbalizer suffix could be termed an adverb. (30) a. … nop-etemp tatu-n-etemp umupred…    tomorrow-vblz day.after.tomorrow-ep-vblz die ‘...(they) die tomorrow or the day after tomorrow…’ b. ... noptemp [vacu piti]temp inas/a lapred [Tutuala mara]pred.    tomorrow sun white 1pl.excl.sbj go Tutuala go ‘… tomorrow at noon we go to Tutuala.’ Locative adjuncts with na- ‘in, on, at’, as in (29b) and (29c), are obligatorily verbalized. Other locational bases such as mucu ‘inside’ and mica ‘on top’ cannot be ver-

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balized if used in the loc slot, where they function as genuine postpositions. This is exemplified in (31a) with the postpositional phrase i mucu (neut.dem inside) ‘inside this’. If it is verbalized, as in (31b), it can no longer appear in the loc slot. Instead, it functions as a separate predicate, as seen by the presence of the conjunction =n. (31) a. … [i mucu]loc [ih ia=m an-e]pred… neut.dem inside 3.poss leg=take exist-vblz ‘… put its legs inside…’ b. ... [i pal=a]s/a [le mucu-n-e]pred=n [hai=vari]pred... 3.poss father=spec house inside-ep=vblz=sim initial=hear ‘... his father in the house heard (it)...’

3.1 Verbal predicates The basic template of a verbal predicate is given in Figure 2. The verbal head appears in the final position and is preceded by five modifier slots. The first of these contains the negator (neg), while the second and fourth are for aspect markers (aspect1 and aspect2; see section 8.2). The position of an aspect marker in either the aspect1 or aspect2 slot is lexically specified. The third slot, located between the two aspect slots, holds the P argument of a transitive verb. The fifth preverbal slot holds a small set of adverbs (adv). Examples are given in (32). (NEG) (ASPECT1) (ARGP) (ASPECT2) (ADV) V Figure 2: East Fataluku verbal predicate template.

(32) a. ...

cal pal [onoasp1 afip=variasp2=tolun-ev]pred. ancestor father cont 1pl.incl.obj=ipfv=help-vblz ‘… the ancestors will always help us.’

b. I leren [akaneg onoasp1 mara~mara]pred. 3.poss sister neg cont rdp~go ‘Their sister never went out.’ The template in Figure 2 shows that there is a single argument position within the predicate. The S/A argument stands outside the predicate (see section 3 above). States of affairs involving more than two participants have to make use of a serial verb construction with the light verb =m ‘take’, as in (33) (see section 7.3).

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The same holds for clauses in which an adjunct forms a verbal compound with the verb (section 3.2). (33)

Mar e-n hai=m tava ina. person prox.dem-ep initial=take 3sg give ‘The person has given this to him’

Arguments can be topicalized or focalized, as in (34b), in which case they appear as extra-clausal constituents preceding the remainder of the clause. (34a) shows the regular constituent order. (34) a. ... tavas/a [hin sei=e]p fal-epred... 3sg refl.poss bean=prox.dem grab-vblz ‘... he took his bean...’ b. [Ih upa=t]top ulamood1 tavas/a akamneg u-fal-epred. 3.poss sugarcane=top epis 3sg neg obj-grab-vblz ‘Its cane, she probably didn’t take it.’

3.2 Verbal compounds Both transitive and intransitive verbs can combine with certain preverbal elements to form verbal compounds. Most commonly, such verbal compounds involve locative postpositions. There are thus two ways in which locative adjuncts can be expressed in East Fataluku: either in the pre-predicate loc slot shown in the clause template in Figure 1, or as part of a verbal compound. In a locative verbal compound, the verb is immediately preceded by a postposition with which it forms a morphosyntactic unit. This is particularly clear with verbs which undergo initial consonant mutation (section 2.5.2), which appear in verbal compounds in the alternated forms, as illustrated in (35a) and (36a). For comparison, the unalternated forms of the same verbs are seen in (35b) and (36b). The transitivity of verbal compounds is determined by the compound’s first element. Thus, locative verbal compounds are monotransitive, irrespective of the transitivity of the head verb. The verbal compound’s P argument slot is occupied by the object of the postposition; in (35a), this is i puku~pukur ‘his fists’. Serika ‘few’, the logical object of the transitive verb hura ‘spoon, scoop’, is expressed as the object of the light verb =m ‘take’ (see also section 7.3.5). (35b) shows that the light verb does not appear when hura ‘spoon, scoop’ is not part of a verbal compound. In (36),

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taia ‘sleep’ is an intransitive verb and has no P argument (36b). In a verbal compound, the object of the postposition appears in the P argument position (36a). (35) a. … serika=m i puku~pukur mucu-cura... few=take 3.poss rdp~fist in-mut.spoon ‘… (he) scooped a bit into his hands…’ b. Tavar la i kaka apoi-n=i hura. 3pl go 3.poss older.sibling cook-nmlz=neut.dem spoon ‘They scoop the food of her older brother.’ (36) a. halivana nita=puhu~puhu-caia-tere place recp=rdp~on-mut.sleep-pl ‘bunkbed’  (lit.: ‘place where they sleep on top of each other’)7 b. Hair un-u taia. imm one-pv sleep ‘One is about to go to sleep.’ The verbal compounds of Fataluku correspond to what has been described as a type of incorporation in Makalero and Makasae (Huber 2017). Like in Fataluku, locative and manner adjuncts in those languages form morphological units with the following verb, triggering initial consonant mutations and causing the verb’s logical object to be expressed as an argument of the light verb ‘take’.

3.3 Non-verbal predicates Non-verbal predicates are headed by a noun or NP, or an adjective formed with the suffix -ana. The otherwise productive derivational morphology of East Fataluku is rarely used to derive denominal verbs (see section 2.5.4). With non-verbal predicates, the subject argument appears obligatorily. This is in contrast with verbal predicates, where the subject argument may be omitted if its reference is clear. Non-verbal predicates are characterized by the obligatory presence of a predicate marker =i in final position. This marker is homophonous with and

7 The example is taken from the Oxford Fataluku Internet Dictionary, which is based on the Central and South Fataluku dialects. In East Fataluku, alivana ‘place’ does not have an initial /h/.

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probably cognate with the neutral demonstrative (see section 4.2.2). They have two aspect slots and an adverb slot, as illustrated by the template in Figure 3. Note that, unlike verbal predicates illustrated in Figure 2, the non-verbal predicate is not straightforwardly head-final, with the aspect2 and the adv slots following the head. (NEG) (ASPECT1) (NP) (ASPECT2) (ADV)=PRED Figure 3: East Fataluku non-verbal predicate template.

A simple non-verbal predicate is illustrated in (37). In rapid speech, the clausefinal predicate marker =i appears to be deleted. However, in cases like (38a) and (38b), the epenthetic n still appears on the preceding adverb nau ‘really’, which suggests that it is underlyingly present. The predicate marker is always clearly pronounced in cases like (39a), where =i constitutes the non-verbal predicate by itself. If a modifier such as an aspect marker or an adverb appears, final =i may be dropped again. This is shown in (39b), where the initial boundary marker hai= appears in the aspect2 slot (section 8.2.2). (37) E-n ula [[a=jeu]np=i]pred. prox.dem-ep epis 1sg.poss=wife=pred ‘This might be my wife.’ (38) a. Esubj-n [onoasp1 moconp nauadv-n(=i)]pred. prox.dem-ep cont child really-ep=pred ‘This is still really a child.’ b. Esubj [moconp haiasp2=nauadv-n(=i)]pred. prox.dem child initial=really-ep=pred ‘This is already really a child.’ (39) a. Esubj-n[=i]pred. prox.dem-ep=pred ‘This is it.’ b. Ivisubj [haiasp2-n=i]pred. dist.dem initial-ep=pred ‘That is it already.’

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3.4 Negation Like its neighbors Makalero and Makasae (Huber 2017), but unlike other languages of the TAP family (Schapper 2014; Schapper 2017b), Fataluku has predicate-initial negation, as the templates in Figures 2 and 3 show. The form of the negator in East Fataluku is aka. Even among older speakers, however, aka frequently alternates with akam, which is the form of the negator in the Western dialects:8 the sentences in (40a) and (40b), which were uttered by the same storyteller, in the same story, with an interval of three lines, exemplify this variation. Aka(m) is used to negate both verbal (40a, b) and non-verbal predicates (40c). In casual speech, aka(m) is frequently abbreviated to ka(m) or ak. (40) a. I jeu=a [akaneg navar-ev]pred. 3.poss wife=spec neg know-vblz ‘His wife did not know (it).’ b. I jeu=a [akamneg navar-ev]pred. 3.poss wife=spec neg know-vblz ‘His wife did not know (it).’ c. E-n [akaneg a=moco ih ariNP=i]PRED prox.dem-ep neg 1sg.poss=child 3.poss liver=pred ‘This is not my child’s liver…’ East Fataluku has two inherently negative verbs, upe ‘be none’ (41a) and pali ‘not exist’. Upe may be negated with aka(m), resulting in a positive meaning, as in the example from the Fataluku translation of the Gospel According to Luke in (41b). It is also often used in short replies to negate a previous remark (42). (41) a. Aka e na-e upe. monster prox.dem at-vblz be.none ‘There is no monster here.’ b. ...

mace~mace-n akam upe. rdp~eat-nmlz neg be.none ‘... (they) have bread enough.’ (Luke 15:17) (lit.: ‘... meals are not none.’)

8 Van Engelenhoven (2010: 198) hypothesizes that akam is morphologically complex, consisting of the negator aka and the light verb =m ‘take’.

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(42) Er=o a Tava i lan-u un-u! – Ana 2sg.emph=too 2sg.sbj 3sg 3.poss friend-pv one-pv 1sg.sbj upe. be.none ‘You are one of His friends! – I am not.’ (Luke 22:58) Upe ‘be none’ can be used to negate a nominalized clause. The resulting construction, in which the nominalized clause functions as the subject of upe, superficially resembles a clause with a predicate-final negator, as shown in (43). This type of negation is rare and considered very marked. (43)

… [i 3.poss

hiar=a la i nal ho i pal=a]s/a pay=spec go 3.poss mother and 3.poss father=spec

upepred. be.none ‘...he did not even pay her parents.’ (lit.: ‘... his payment to her mother and her father was none.’) Pali ‘not exist’ negates the existence of the subject referent (44). There are no attested instances where pali is negated by aka(m). (44) a. ... ahar afi=Fataluku i ne-mana pali. report 1pl.incl.poss=Fataluku 3.poss name-fruit not.exist ‘… (they say) that our Fataluku is meaningless.’ (lit.: ‘… the meaning of our Fataluku does not exist.’) b. Afi=moco pali… 1pl.incl.poss=child not.exist ‘We do not have children…’ (lit.: ‘… our children do not exist…’)

4 Noun phrases The structure of the Fataluku noun phrase is given in Figure 4. The head noun (nHEAD) is followed by two slots: an attribute slot (attr) and a determiner slot (det). It may be preceded by adnominal possessors (poss) and a special emphatic demonstrative (emph.dem). The possessor slot is minimally occupied by a possessive pronoun, which is optionally preceded by a possessor NP. The individual

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components of the Fataluku NP are illustrated in more detail in the following sections, starting with the post-nominal slots. [EMPH.DEM – POSS – NHEAD – ATTR – DET]NP Figure 4: East Fataluku NP template.

4.1 Attributes The attribute slot can be filled by either a noun, a verb, or an adjective. Nominal attributes predominantly give information on the age and/or sex of the head noun, as in (45a, b), or its location or origin, as in (45c). The head-initial order distinguishes them from nominal compounds as in (46), where the modifying noun precedes the head noun (see section 2.5.1). (45) a. pain nal-uattr pig mother-pv

‘sow’

b. pain mokoattr pig child

‘piglet’

c. latan village

‘Timorese village’

Timorattr Timor

(46) savarika-karan-u scorpion-pincer-pv

‘scorpion pincer’

Verbal and adjectival attributes are more frequent than nominal ones. The examples in (47) show that the same kind of information may be expressed either as a verbal or as an adjectival attribute: in (47a), the root lever ‘spread’ is verbalized, but adjectivized in (47b) (see section 2.5.4), with no apparent difference in meaning. It is also possible to mark the adjectivized attribute with an attributive marker, i ‘attr’, as in (47c).9 Example (47c) is characteristic of careful speech, (47b) of fast speech. Verbal attributes as in (47a) are more frequent in the speech of young speakers.

9 The attributive marker is formally identical to the possessive marker i. For this reason, Campagnolo (1973) and Hull (2005) analyze these attributes as nominalizations (see van Engelenhoven 2009, and Huber 2017 for a comparison with Makalero and Makasae).

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(47) a. mu-asa lever-e=i banana-leaf spread-vblz=neut.dem ‘the spread-out banana leaf’ b. mu-asa lever-ana=i banana-leaf spread-adjz=neut.dem ‘the spread-out banana leaf’ c. mu-asa i lever-ana=i banana-leaf attr spread-adjz=neut.dem ‘the spread-out banana leaf’ The main formal difference between adjectival and verbal attributes is that a verbal attribute is essentially a subordinated clause which may appear with predicate modifiers such as aspect markers; in the example in (48), alah-e ‘be startled’ is modified by the aspect marker hai=. (48) ... [i jeu=ra 3.poss wife=pl

[hain=alah-e]attr=i]np, tavar initial=startled-vblz=neut.dem 3pl

nita=hain=aci ta... recp=initial=see say ‘… their wives who were startled, they said to each other…’ The neutral demonstrative =i signals the end of the bracketed NP in (48), showing clearly that the verbal predicate hain=alah-e ‘be startled’ is a complex attribute embedded in the NP. An alternative construction involves a sequence of two predicates, optionally marked with the conjunction =n, which signals a relation of simultaneity, as in (49). The pragmatics of this construction are unclear. (49)

... mar-lauh-ana lafan-e(=n) hai=malufe. person-live-adjz many-vblz(=sim) initial=forget ‘… many people have forgotten (it).’ (lit.: ‘… people are many and have forgotten (it).’)

4.1.1 Numerals Table 15 shows the basic numerals of East Fataluku, which also occupy the attribute slot, occurring after all other attributes. Except for ‘one’, ‘two’, ‘three’ and ‘ten’, all numerals are Austronesian loans. Instead of the Fataluku numerals, most East Fataluku speakers prefer to use Indonesian numerals. The only Fata-

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Table 15: East Fataluku numerals. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 100 1,000

un, ukan, ukan-e ec-e utu-e fat-e lim-e nem-e fitu kafa siva tan-e rah-e rehun-e

luku numeral to be used consistently is un, ukan ‘one’. For ‘two’ and ‘three’, both the Indonesian and the Fataluku forms occur frequently. With the exception of the numerals ‘seven’, ‘eight’, and ‘nine’, East Fataluku numerals are most commonly used with the verbalizer suffix -e. The numeral ‘one’ has three forms, un, ukan, and ukan-e. The form un can only be used as an adnominal attribute, as in (50a). Ukan and ukan-e, on the other hand, can only be used predicatively. The form ukan occurs in non-verbal predicates (see section 3.3), as in (50b). Ukan-e, with the verbalizing suffix, is a regular verbal predicate (50c). (50)

a. [tau lafai un=i]np pumpkin big.sg one=neut.dem       ‘the one big pumpkin’ b. ... [i cau-leu]np ukan=ipred=n-u hai=pukal-epred.   3.poss head-hair one=pred=sim-pv initial=drop-vblz       ‘... one of her hairs fell off.’       (lit.: ‘among her hairs was one and it fell off.’) c. ... [i cau-leu]np nau-n=ukan-epred=n hai=pukal-epred.  3.poss head-hair really-ep=one-vblz=sim initial=drop-vblz       ‘... her only hair fell off.’       (lit.: ‘her hair is really one and fell off.’)

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There are two contexts where numerals are used without the verbalizer: when they function as arguments by themselves, as in (51a), and in ordinal numerals, where they are constructed with the attributive marker i, as in (51b). (51)

a. Ana ec-u fal-e. 1sg.sbj two-pv grab-vblz         ‘I took two.’ b. le i lim-u house attr five-pv         ‘the fifth house’ The numerals from ‘two’ to ‘ten’ can appear with a plural marker (section 4.2.1), as seen in Table 16. This is a property they share with a subgroup of intransitive verbs (see section 6.1). Most numerals take a special numeral plural marker, -atere. If it refers to humans, the numeral ‘two’ can also be combined with the [+hum] plural marker -afu. Indonesian numerals, which are commonly used by East Fataluku speakers, cannot take a plural marker. Table 16: East Fataluku numerals with plural markers. No plural marker 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 100 1,000

un, ukan, ukan-e ec-e utu-e fat-e lim-e nem-e fitu kafa siva tan-e rah-e rehun-e

With plural marker ec-atere utu-atere fat-atere lim-atere nem-atere fitu-atere kafa-tere siva-tere tan-atere

Plural marking on numerals is optional and only possible when a numeral is used attributively, as in the possessor NP in (52). It is more common in the speech of older people and in careful speech. Younger speakers tend to use the verbalized forms in the same contexts (i.e. using ec-e ‘two’ instead of ec-atere in the example below). Numerals in predicative function cannot be marked for plurality, as seen in (52).

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(52) Rata-n [nami=rara ec-atere]np formerly-nmlz male=pl.hum two-pl.num                

ih ipar=a 3.poss dog=spec

ec-e=npred… two=vblz=sim ‘Once upon a time, there were two men who had two dogs...’ (lit.: ‘Formerly, the dogs of two men were two…’)

4.1.2 Relative clauses The attribute slot may also contain relative clauses, as in (53). They are introduced by the relative clause marker it. Relativization of both subjects (53a) and objects (53b) is possible. If both a simple attribute and a relative clause are coordinated, the relative clause always follows the simple attribute, as in (54). Note also that any verbal attribute can be expanded into a relative clause; compare (55) with (47a) above. (53) a. afi=cal Paula [it le na-e]attr 1pl.incl.poss=ancestor Paula rel house at-vblz        ‘our grandmother Paula who is at home’ b. sorot [it kaka e-m Ingles na-kere~kere]attr letter rel older.sibling obj-take English at-rdp~write        ‘the letter that you wrote in English’ (54) mu-asa [lever-e]attr [it ana toto]attr=i banana-leaf spread-vblz rel 1sg.sbj see=neut.dem     ‘the spread out banana leaf that I see’ (55) mu-asa [it lever-e]attr banana-leaf rel spread-vblz     ‘the banana leaf that is spread out’ Etymologically, the relative clause marker it is made up of the neutral demonstrative i and the sequential conjunction =t. This grammaticalization may be due to contact: in Tetun, the Austronesian lingua franca of Timor-Leste, the relativizer ne’ebe likewise involves a demonstrative ne’e. Relative clauses can sometimes be found to be concluded by the sequential conjunction =t (56), showing that they may indeed originate in sequential constructions.

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(56) Po i leren [it ahar apul moco vai]attr (=t) akam But 3.poss sister rel report illegitimate child lap=SEQ NEG      semu=ni!      receive-exclam      ‘But his sister who they said was pregnant with an illegitimate child did not get (anything), you know!’      (lit.: ‘His sister, they said she was pregnant with an illegitimate child and then she did not get anything’) The sequential conjunction =t furthermore appears to be grammaticalizing into a relative clause marker by itself. In (57a), =t can be interpreted either as a coordinating conjunction linking two clauses (reading A), or as relativizer introducing a relative clause (reading B). Example (57b) shows that =t cannot be used to construct headless relative clauses. This property is likely inherited from the origin of =t as a sequential conjunction, which cannot be used without a preceding clause. (57) a. Navar-ana=t-u e navar-e. know-adjz=seq/rel-pv prox.dem know-vblz   A: ‘(He is an) expert so (he) know this.’   B: ‘(He is an) expert who knows this.’ b. * t-u navar-e seq/rel-pv know-vblz (intended: ‘(one) who knows’)

4.2 Determiners There are seven clitic markers which can be grouped into two sets that can occur in the determiner slot of the East Fataluku NP: (i) plural markers and (ii) reference markers. Their forms and functions are summarized in Table 17. The two types of determiners are mutually exclusive and cannot cooccur within a single noun phrase. Thus, NPs that are modified by a reference marker cannot additionally be plural-marked, and vice versa, NPs which are plural-marked cannot contain a reference marker, as seen in (58).

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Table 17: East Fataluku determiners. Form

Gloss

Plural markers

=ere =ra ~ =ara ~ =rara =afu

pl pl.hum pl.hum

Reference markers

=a =(q)i =(q)e~=(q)en ivi

spec neut.dem prox.dem dist.dem

(58) a. pipi=i goat=neut.dem ‘the goat’

‘the, the one’ ‘this’ ‘that’

b. pipi=ere goat=pl ‘goats’

c. * pipi=i=ere / goat=neut.dem=pl

* pipi=ere=i goat=pl=neut.dem

There is one type of construction, however, where both a reference marker and a plural marker are found in the same NP, namely that with a postposed possessor using the possessive marker hin or its allomorphs (see section 4.4). In (59), hin is followed by the reference marker =i ‘neut.dem’ and the plural marker =ere. The reason that this is possible is because the reference marker is part of the embedded possessor NP, while the plural marker has scope over the whole of the NP. (59) [cau-hafa [Timor i hin=i]=ere] head-bone Timor 3.poss poss.n=neut.dem=pl      ‘the leaders of Timor’ Within a single NP, there are limited possibilities for the co-occurrence of multiple plural markers, or multiple reference markers. These are discussed in sections 4.2.1 and 4.2.2, along with further details on the distribution of the plural markers and the reference markers, respectively.

4.2.1 Plural markers Plural marking in East Fataluku divides nouns into four lexically defined classes. Some examples are given in Table 18. The plural suffix -r does not appear in

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the determiner slot, but is suffixed to the head noun. The plural markers are not obligatory and do not commonly appear if the plural meaning is implied or overtly expressed elsewhere. For instance, they do not appear if subject number is encoded in the verb (section 6.1). i.

=ere has the widest distribution: it is used with the vast majority of nouns, including nouns with human, non-human animate and inanimate referents. New nouns borrowed into Fataluku are incorporated into this class. ii. =ra, =ara or =rara are used with a small closed class of nouns with human referents.10 iii. =afu is used with a small closed class of [+hum] nouns, mostly denoting kin relations.11 iv. -r is used with a small closed class of [+hum] nouns, mostly denoting kin relations. Table 18: Classes of nouns with plural markings. Unspecified

Plural-marked

Gloss

Class (i)

api le matar mavalin kareta pacain

api=ere le=ere matar=ere mavalin=ere kareta=ere pacain=ere

‘fish’ ‘house’ ‘stone’ ‘enemy’ ‘car’ < Port. carreta ‘artisan’ < Tet. badaen

Class (ii)

lan leren tupur eleh jeu nami

lan(-u)=ra leren(-u)=ra tupur=ara eleh(-u)=ra jeu=ra nami=ra nami=rara

‘friend’ ‘sister’ ‘woman’ ‘husband’ ‘wife’ ‘man’

Class (iii)

cal nal pal mar

cal=afu nal=afu pal=afu mar=afu

‘ancestor’ ‘mother’ ‘father’ ‘person’

Class (iv)

tamu noko moco ocava

tamu-r noko-r moco-r ocava-r

‘father’s sister’ ‘younger sibling’ ‘child’ ‘lord’

10 A cognate plural suffix is used with kinship terms in Makalero (cf. Huber 2017). 11 This marker is also found on the numeral ‘two’, see section 4.1.1.

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The plural clitic =afu (Class iii) has an allomorph =afur. The form =afur appears to be used in vocative constructions (60a) and in contrastive contexts (60b). (60) a. Mar=afur-u, ana vacu piti meci una! person=pl.hum-pv 1sg.sbj sun white palolo.worm eat        ‘People, in the afternoon I eat palolo worm!’ b. ... afi=pal=afur ih eceremu-n ucut-e. 1pl.incl.poss=father=pl.hum 3.poss think-nmlz ask-vblz        ‘... (we) ask the opinion of our fathers (not someone else’s).’ Several instances of double plural marking have been observed in East Fataluku. These appear to be on different levels within the NP. For instance, in (61), a complex NP consisting of five coordinated plural-marked NPs is as a whole marked for plural with =ere. (61) ... [[afi=nal]np  1pl.incl.poss=mother

ho and

[afi=pal]np, 1pl.incl.poss=father

[afi=noko-r]np [afi=pain-u=ra]np 1pl.incl.poss=younger.sibling-pl.hum 1pl.incl=parent.in.law-pv=pl.hum nau=uku ica rau~rau=ere. [afi=cal=afur]np=ere]np 1pl.incl=ancestor=pl.hum=pl really=all heart rdp~good=pl       ‘… our mother and our father, our younger siblings, our parents-in-law, our grandparents are all feeling fine.’ For object NPs, another way of indicating that multiple referents are intended is the use of a reduplicated verb (see section 2.5.3). Whereas the clitic plural marker in the NP signals plurality, verb reduplication implies a diversity of referents of the object NP. If the verb is reduplicated, the object NP cannot appear with a clitic plural marker. The sentences in (62) show the possible constructions: in (62a), a single action affecting a single undergoer is described. In (62b), the action affects multiple individuals, and in (62c), multiple (diverse) actions affect a diverse set of individuals. Finally, (62d) shows that verb reduplication and plural marking of the object NP cannot be combined. (62) a. Mai=o ini=aca-moko pair-e. eagle=too 1pl.excl.poss=chicken-child drill-vblz ‘And an eagle grabs our chick.’

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b. Mai=o ini=aca-moko=ere pair-e. eagle=too 1pl.excl.poss=chicken-child=pl drill-vblz ‘And an eagle grabs our chicks.’ c. Mai=o ini=aca-moko pai~pair-e. eagle-too 1pl.excl.poss=chicken-child red~drill-vblz ‘And an eagle grabs many (different ones) of our chicks.’ d. * Mai=o ini=aca-moko=ere pai~pair-e. eagle-also 1pl.excl.poss=chicken-child=pl red~drill-vblz Interestingly, NPs with attributes which include verbs and numerals with plural suffixes cannot include a reference marker, as seen in (63) and (64). In both examples, the plural suffixes are clearly verbal (section 6.1); there are no nominal plural clitics with these forms. Verbal and numeral plural markers thus seem to occupy the NP’s determiner slot. Indeed, the most common verbal plural markers are formally identical or similar to the nominal plural marker =ere. (63) a. nami lauh-oro man live-pl        ‘living men’

b. * nami  man

(64) a. moco ec-atere child two-pl.num        ‘two children’

b. * moco  child

lauh-oro live-pl

ivi dist.dem

ec-atere=a two-pl.num=spec

4.2.2 Reference markers East Fataluku has a four-term system of reference as follows. The term ‘reference’ is used to include both the specifier as well as the three postnominal demonstratives. i. =a ‘spec’ signals that an entity is known to the speaker. ii. =(q)i ‘neut.dem’ is neutral with respect to the speaker’s location and serves to point at the precise entity that is of issue in the discourse, i.e. ‘the one (precisely)’. iii. =(q)e ~ (q)e ‘prox.dem’ locates an entity in space near the speaker. iv. ivi ‘dist.dem’ locates an entity in space far away from the speaker. The distal demonstrative ivi carries a pitch accent and is therefore treated as an independent word. The remaining forms are unstressed if they modify a head

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noun and are hence represented as clitics. However, all demonstratives, including the neutral and the proximal demonstratives, can function as NPs by themselves. In contrast, the specifier =a is always an NP clitic. East Fataluku allows particular combinations of reference markers. The pragmatic functions of these reference stacks are unclear and require further research. Table 19 illustrates the reference stacks found in the data with the noun le ‘house’. The only markers which cannot co-occur are the proximal and distal demonstratives. However, both proximal and distal markers can be combined with the specific marker and the neutral demonstrative, which can also be combined with each other. The sequence in which the markers are combined appears to be fixed. For instance, the distal marker ivi can only occur as a left stack member. Table 19: Reference markers and reference stacks in combination with le ‘house’.

Left stack member

Right stack member

spec =a neut.dem =i prox.dem (q)e dist.dem ivi

spec =a

neut.dem =(q)i

prox.dem =(q)e

dist.dem ivi

le=a

le=i

le=qe

le ivi

– le=i=a le qe-n=a le iv(i)=a

– le=i=qi le qe-n=i(=a) le ivi=qi

– – le qe-n=e-n(=i)† –

– – – –

† Reference stacks of two proximal and a neutral demonstrative with a specific marker have been found in emphatic exclamations: Le qe-n=e-n=i=a! “(It’s) this house here!”

If the proximal demonstrative (q)e is followed by another reference marker, the epenthetic n is inserted. As the left member of a reference stack, it carries a pitch accent. Like the distal demonstrative ivi, it is therefore treated as an independent word in such contexts. If it is added to a noun with a final vowel -e, it appears with an initial glottal stop q-. An obligatory glottal stop also appears on the neutral demonstrative =qi if it is the second member of a reference stack and the preceding vowel is high. These are the only contexts where a glottal stop occurs in East Fataluku (cf. section 2.1).

4.3 The prenominal demonstrative Only one item, the emphatic demonstrative fan (emph.dem) can appear in the prenominal demonstrative slot. It can be combined with all postnominal demonstratives in the determiner slot (65a, b); however, it cannot co-occur with the specific marker =a (65c).

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(65) a. ... fan tupur ivi eluh-e=n apur-kave. emph.dem woman dist.dem want-vblz=sim with-marry ‘... that woman over there wanted to marry (him).’ b. ... fan tupur=i eluh-e=n apur-kave. emph.dem woman=neut.dem want-vblz=sim with-marry ‘... that woman wanted to marry (him).’  c. *... fan tupur=a eluh-e=n apur-kave. emph.dem woman=spec want-vblz=sim with-marry

4.4 Possession In the default possessive construction, the possessor precedes the possessed noun, as seen in Figure 4 (section 4). The possessive pronouns of the 1st and 2nd persons are treated as clitics because they are always unstressed. The possessive pronoun for the 3rd person, on the other hand, has its own pitch accent and is thus represented as a free form. If the possessed noun is vowel-initial, there are distinct possessive pronouns for alienable and inalienable possession in the 1st and 2nd persons singular and the 2nd person plural, as shown in Table 20. An alienable possessive relation is signaled by a possessive pronoun with a final -h, whereas inalienable possession is indicated by a possessive pronoun with a final -n. The possessive pronoun of the 3rd person distinguishes neither number nor (in)alienability, but has a final -h before all nouns with an initial vowel. Table 20: Possessive pronouns with vowel-initial possessed nouns. sg alienable

pl inalienable

1

ah=

an=

2 3

eh=

en=

ih

alienable

ih=

inalienable

afi= (incl) ini= (excl)

in=

The distinction between alienable and inalienable possession is illustrated in (66). In (66a), the vowel-initial inalienable noun ina ‘eye’ requires the inalienable possessive pronoun an= ‘1.sg.inal’, while the alienably possessed noun ipar combines with the pronoun ah= (66b).

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(66) a. an=ina 1sg.poss.inal=eye ‘my eye’ b. ah=ipar 1sg.poss.alien=dog ‘my dog’ Table 21 shows the possessive pronouns that occur with consonant-initial possessed nouns. In these cases, East Fataluku makes no formal distinction between alienable and inalienable possessive marking. However, inalienable nouns are obligatorily marked for possession, whereas alienable nouns may freely occur with or without possessive marking. The third person possessive pronoun i ~ ih is also used where the possessor is a full NP, as in (67). Table 21: Possessive pronouns with consonant-initial possessed nouns. sg

pl

1

a=

2 3

e=

afi= (incl) ini= (excl) i=

i

(67) [Timor i]poss cau-hafa=ere Timor 3.poss head-bone=pl ‘the leaders of Timor’ There is furthermore a reflexive possessive pronoun, hin. It occurs with object NPs when the possessor is co-referent with the subject of the clause (68a). It can also occur in subject NPs, in which case it refers back to the subject of the preceding clause, which is bracketed in the example in (68b). In rapid speech, hin is realized as a clitic n=, as seen in (69). (68) a. Tava hin pala mica-n-e... 3sg refl.poss garden up-ep-vblz ‘He was up in his garden…’

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hai=sai=t b. ... [afi=eleh-u=ra]s/a  1pl.incl.poss=husband-pv=pl initial=finish=seq

 391

hin refl.poss

ipar=ere  hain=ura=vah-e. dog=pl   initial=backwards=go-vblz ‘... (perhaps) our husbands died, because their dogs have come back.’ (69) ... inir=o ina n=ina nau=m toto…   1pl.excl.emph=also 1pl.excl.sbj refl.poss=eye really=take see ‘... we see (it) with our own eyes…’ Hin contrasts with the 3rd person possessive pronoun, which implies noncoreference of the possessor with the subject. Thus, in (70a), the inalienable noun o ‘mouth’ is marked with the reflexive possessive hin where it refers to the agent’s own mouth; in (70b), on the other hand, the use of the 3rd person possessive pronoun ih ‘3.poss’ implies that it is someone else’s mouth. (70) a. ... e-m hin o na-e=n mau.   obj-take refl.poss mouth at-vblz=sim come ‘... (he) takes it from his (own) mouth.’ b. ... e-m ih o na-e=n mau.   obj-take 3.poss mouth at-vblz=sim come ‘... (he) takes it from his (someone else’s) mouth.’ There is an additional possessive marking strategy which makes use of hVn ‘poss.n’. HVn is a noun which functions as the possessum and is preceded by the possessive pronouns given in Table 21. The combination of the possessive noun and the possessive pronoun results in what is essentially an unmarked possessive construction. This construction is placed in the attribute slot of the NP, as in (71), resulting in a postnominal possessor; compare the default possessive construction in (67), where the possessor is prenominal. (71)

cau-hafapossessed [Timor i hin=i]possessor=ere head-bone Timor 3.poss poss.n=neut.dem=pl ‘the leaders of Timor’

The V in hVn is a vowel that harmonizes with the final vowel of the possessive pronoun preceding it, as seen in Table 22. If the possessor is a lexical noun or a third person pronoun, a possessive construction equivalent to (67), where the possessor noun precedes the 3rd person possessive pronoun i ~ ih, is

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used.12 For 1st and 2nd person possessors, possessive constructions with hVn are not found in NPs as attributes, but only predicatively (e.g. ‘it is mine’), or as separate NPs (e.g. ‘my one’). The forms illustrated in Table 22 can be full NPs, as shown by the presence of the neutral determiner =i, which occupies the last slot of an NP, or nominal predicates. Table 22: Possession with hVn “poss.n”. pron.poss=poss.n=neut.dem 1sg 2sg 1pl.incl 1pl.excl 2pl

a=han=i e=hen=i afi=hin=i ini=hin=i i=hin=i

‘mine’ ‘yours’ ‘ours (incl)’ ‘ours (excl)’ ‘yours (pl)’

3sg/3pl/noun + 3.poss + poss.n=neut.dem 3sg 3pl father

(tava) i hin=i tavar i hin=i pal i hin=i

‘his, hers’ ‘theirs’ ‘father’s (one)’

The inverted possessive construction with hVn is commonly used if the possessed NP is particularly long and complex, as in (72a), where it consists of three coordinated nouns; as a comparison, the regular possessive construction is shown in (72b). The inverted possessive construction is also used in cases where the NP contains borrowed words (73). (72) a. [fai~fai-n, rdp~do-nmlz

luku-n ho hopon=i speak-nmlz and inform=neut.dem

lauh=ana]possessed [Lospala-moco-r i hin=i]possessor live-adjz Lospalos-child-pl 3.poss poss.n=neut.dem ‘the deeds, speech and message, the life of the Lospalos people’ b. Lospala-moco-r i fai~fai-n, luku-n ho lauh-ana Lospalos-child-pl 3.poss rdp~do-nmlz speak-nmlz and live-adjz ‘the deeds, speech and life of the Lospalos people’ (73) ... ana analize morofolojia Fataluku i hin=i fai...  1sg.sbj analysis morphology Fataluku 3.poss poss.n=neut.dem do ‘... I do the analysis of the Fataluku morphology…’ 12 Similarly, in Makalero, the third person pronouns kiloo and kilooraa are constructed in possessive constructions like lexical nouns (Huber 2017: 321).

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5 Pronouns and other pro-forms Section 5.1 discusses personal pronouns, section 5.2 the reflexive and reciprocal pronouns and section 5.3 the interrogative pronouns. Finally, section 5.4 briefly introduces other interrogative pro-forms.

5.1 Personal pronouns Table 23 summarizes the personal pronouns of East Fataluku. The 1st and 2nd person pronouns distinguish a subject, an object, and an emphatic form, whereas the 3rd person singular and plural have a single form, respectively. The third person plural pronoun tavar is transparently derived from singular tava with the -r suffix discussed in section 2.5.4. Table 23: Personal pronouns. sg

pl

Subject

Object

Emphatic

1

ana

a(n)=, ani

anir

2 3

a

e(n)=   tava

er

incl excl

Subject

Object

Emphatic

afa ina ia

afi= ini= i(n)= tavar

afir inir ir

The object pronouns in the 1st and 2nd person singular as well as the 2nd person plural have an allomorph with a final -n, which is used before vowels, and a form consisting of a single vowel, which is found before consonants. In the 1st person singular only, there is a second object form, ani ‘1sg.obj’, which occurs mainly in ritual and poetic language. Table 24 shows that the object pronouns are formally identical to possessive pronouns. As seen in section 4.4, the 1st person plural possessive pronouns afi= and ini= are used in all contexts. In the 1st person singular and the 2nd persons, possessive pronouns with a final -n are used in inalienable possession with vowel-initial nouns. Vowel-final possessive pronouns are used with consonant-initial nouns. Only the personal pronouns for the 3rd persons are formally unrelated to the possessive pronouns. The 3rd possessive pronoun i is a reflex of TAP *ga- (Schapper, Huber and van Engelenhoven 2017), whereas the personal pronoun form tava is an innovation; no cognates are found in other TAP languages, even closely related Oirata.

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Table 24: Possessive pronouns and object pronouns. n-final forms ia

‘foot’

aci

‘see’

1sg

an=

an=ia

‘my foot’

an=aci

‘see me’

2sg

en=

en=ia

‘your foot’

en=aci

‘see you’

1pl.incl

afi=

afi=ia

‘our (incl) feet’

afi=aci

‘see us (incl)’

1pl.excl

ini=

ini=ia

‘our (excl) feet’

ini=aci

‘see us (excl)’

2pl

in=

in=ia

‘your (pl) feet’

in=aci

‘see you (pl)’

Vowel-final forms le

‘house’

toto

‘see’

1sg

a=

a=le

‘my house’

a=toto

‘see me’

2sg

e=

e=le

‘your house’

e=toto

‘see you’

1pl.incl

afi=

afi=le

‘our (incl) house’

afi=toto

‘see us (incl)’

1pl.excl

ini=

ini=le

‘our (excl) house’

ini=toto

‘see us (excl)’

2pl

i=

i=le

‘your (pl) house’

i=toto

‘see you (pl)’

East Fataluku has a set of emphatic pronouns, which are derived from object pronouns with the -r formative (section 2.5.4). They are usually used in subject function and always co-occur with the regular subject pronouns, as seen in (74). An emphatic pronoun may be part of the same phonological phrase as the subject pronoun, in which case it is analyzed as sharing the S/A argument slot of the basic clausal template (section 3) with the subject pronoun; this is indicated with square brackets in (74a). An emphatic pronoun may also constitute a phonological phrase of its own, indicated in (74b) and (74c) with commas. In this case, they can be thought of as extra-clausal constituents and obligatorily appear in a form with a final vowel. In (74b), this is the paragogic vowel u (see section 2.3), and in (74c), the adverbial clitic =o ‘too’ ensures that the phonological phrase does not end in a consonant. (74) a.

[Inir ina]s/a rah keh-e... 1pl.excl.emph 1pl.excl.sbj hundred count-vblzr   ‘We ourselves counted a hundred (of them)...’

b. ... afir-u, afa kelu=n...   1pl.incl.emph-pv 1pl.incl.sbj refuse=sim   ‘... we refuse (it) ourselves and …’ c. ... anir=o, ana navar-e...   1sg.emph=too 1sg.sbj know-vblzr   ‘... me too, I know (it)…’

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Emphatic pronouns have been found in the corpus in object function only with the transfer verb ina ‘give’. In all cases, the emphatic object pronoun is separated from the verb which governs it through an aspect marker or an adverb (section 3.1). In (75a), these are the adverbs nau ‘really’ and uku ‘all’. Furthermore, the emphatic object pronoun does not co-occur with a regular object pronoun. In (75b), where the object pronoun is directly adjacent to the verb, the regular object form in= appears. (75) a. ... ana e-m ir nau=uku=ina...   1sg.sbj obj-take 2pl.emph really=all=give   ‘... I give it really to all of you…’ b. ... ana nau=uku=m in=ina...   1sg.sbj really=all=take 2pl.obj=give   ‘... I really give it all to you…’

5.2 Reflexive and reciprocal pronouns The reflexive pronoun ni= is mainly used in serial verb constructions with ‘take’ (section 7.3). An example is given in (76a). More commonly used as a reflexive marker is jen, a nominalization of the adverbial je ‘alone’. Jen can be used by itself (76b), or as part of a complex marker jen hin (76c). Section 4.4 shows that hin is also used as a reflexive possessive. Thus, as with the personal pronouns discussed in 5.1, the object function and the possessive function are expressed by the same pronominal forms. (76)

a. Ana ni=m ipinaka na-liar-e... 1sg.sbj refl=take star at-turn-vblz   ‘I transformed (lit. ‘changed myself’) into a star.’ b. ... afa jen ukun-e...   1pl.incl.sbj refl rule-vblz   ‘... we are independent...’   (lit. ‘we rule ourselves’) c. Tava jen hin liar-e=n... 3sg refl poss.n turn-vblz=sim ‘She changed herself and...’

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The reciprocal pronoun nita= is exemplified in (77a) and (77b). It too is known to function as a possessive pronoun, as seen e.g. in (122). (77) a. ... afa nita=vari=hef-e...   1pl.incl.sbj recp=always=know-vblz   ‘... we always recognize each other…’ b. Ratu hala~hala=i=po nita=m o-leura fai. clan rdp~just=neut.dem=but recp=take mouth-meat make   ‘It is exclusively the clans who make rations for each other.’

5.3 Interrogative pronouns East Fataluku has three interrogative pronouns, uman ‘who’, ina ‘what’, and te= ‘where, how’. Uman ‘who’ and ina ‘what’ are used as S/A or P arguments or in the possessor slot of an NP. Argument uses of both pronouns are shown in (78a). In (78b), ina ‘what’ appears in the possessor slot of the NP headed by le ‘house’; this translates as ‘what kind of’. A possessive use of uman ‘who’ translates as ‘whose’. If it has multiple referents, uman ‘who’ can be plural-marked with =afu(r) ‘pl.hum’ (79). This is not possible with ina ‘what’. (78) a. Uman e na-e ina fai? who prox.dem at=vblz what do ‘Who does what around here?’ b. Tava ina=le hai=m Tutuhala na-pai? 3sg what=house initial=take Tutuala at-mut.make ‘What kind of house did he build in Tutuala?’ (79) Uman=afur=i olo? who=pl.hum=pred exclam ‘Who may these be?’ Similarly, te= ‘where, how’ can be used as a possessor or as a P argument, although not as an S/A argument. As a P argument in a predicate headed by a position or movement verb, it translates as ‘where’, as in (80a); if it is headed by the verb va-n-e ‘be like’, it yields the meaning ‘how’ (80b). As an adnominal possessor (80c), it translates as ‘which’. With the predicate marker =i (see section 3.3), te= is also very commonly used as a nonverbal-predicate, as in (81).

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(80) a. Hai=m te=na-e? initial=take interr=at-vblz ‘Where did you put it?’ b. Kaka te=hai=va-n-e? older.sibling interr=initial=like-ep-vblz ‘How are you, brother?’ c. A te=ratu na-e=n mau? 2sg.sbj interr=clan at-vblz=sim come ‘Which clan are you from?’ (81)

Te-n=i? interr-ep=pred ‘Which one (is it)?’

5.4 Other interrogative pro-forms There are two interrogative words derived from the base taru, namely tarute ‘when’ and tarupaha ‘how much’. By itself, taru ‘how’ appears confined to sung poetry texts. Tarute ‘when’ stands in the temp slot of the clause, as in (82) (cf. section 3). Tarupaha ‘how much’ can be used either as an argument by itself, as in (83a), or as an attribute within an NP (section 4.1), as seen in (83b). It cannot, however, co-occur with any other elements in the attribute slot. Tarupaha is also commonly used predicatively, as in (84). Example (84) also shows that it can be marked with the numeral plural -tere ‘pl.num’. (82) Afa tarute meci ali una? 1pl.incl.sbj when palolo.worm again eat ‘When is it that we eat palolo worm again?’ (83) a. Ia tarupaha fal-e? 2pl.sbj how.many grab-vblz ‘How many did you take?’ b. Ipar tarupaha ivi na-e? dog how.many dist.dem at-vblz ‘How many dogs are over there?’

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(84) Tarupaha-tere? how.many-pl.num ‘How many (are they)?’

6 Agreement and verbal morphology A subset of East Fataluku verbs agree with their subject in number, and another set indexes a P argument with a prothetic vowel. Subject number agreement (section 6.1) is quite restricted, but prothetic object vowels (section 6.2) are found on a substantial number of verbs.

6.1 Number agreement on verbs A small class of mostly intransitive verbs agree with their subject in number. The list in Table 25 is intended to be exhaustive, but excludes numerals, which are analyzed as stative verbs and may also occur with plural marking. The suffix -e in the singular (and some plural) forms is the verbalizer (section 2.5.4). The verbs can be assigned to four groups, i.e. states, actions, positions and locations. Plural forms are either suppletive or derived from the singular form using a plural suffix. In cases where the singular form occurs with the verbalizer -e, the plural form is formed by replacing the verbalizer with the plural suffix. The plural suffix has a variety of allomorphs whose distribution is mostly predictable: -ere generally appears after consonant-final roots; with vowel-final roots, the form -re is used. If the final vowel of the verb root is /u/, the plural suffix is -oro (or a similar form). In some cases, we find an unpredictable initial consonant on the suffix, e.g. umu-noro ‘die (pl)’, taia-tere ‘sleep (pl)’, and with some vowel-final verbs, the suffix -ere is found instead of the expected -re, e.g. mucuere ‘be inside (pl)’, mica-ere ‘be on top (pl)’. All of the plural suffix allomorphs involve the -r-formative, which, among others, marks plurality on nouns. In fact, the most common plural marker in the NP is formally identical with the verbal plural suffix -ere (section 2.5.4; section 4.2.1). With the exception of -fo- ‘be inside (pl)’, all suppletive plural roots either end in -r or -rV, possibly also reflecting the -r-formative. Three suppletive plural forms are homophonous with semantically unrelated verbs which do not distinguish singular and plural subject forms, i.e. heler-e ‘flow’, neher-e ‘follow’, teper-e ‘be silent’.

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Table 25: Verbs which agree with subject number.

State

Suppletive Suffixal

Action

Suppletive Suffixal

Gloss

Singular form

Plural form

‘big’ ‘high/long’ ‘full’ ‘dead’ ‘live’ ‘sleep’

lafai lohai polu umu lauh-e taia

laficar-e lohicar-e polu-re umu-noro lauh-oro taia-tere

‘hide’ (intr.) ‘run, flee’ ‘laugh’ ‘come’ ‘eat’ (intr.) ‘fly’ ‘disappear’ ‘slip’

palak-e tifar-e kel-e mau mace ipil-e molu suk-e

peler-e heler-e kel-ere mau-ere mace-re ipil-ere molu-re suk-oro

Position

Suppletive

‘stand’ ‘sit’ ‘lay’ ‘hang’ ‘stand upright’ ‘extend’

nat-e imir-e laku vaiak-e cumai kusina

neher-e icuar-e teper-e verir-e cutoro kusevere

Location

Suppletive

‘be inside’ ‘be placed (at etc.)’ ‘be at’ ‘be at’ ‘be inside’ ‘be on top’

-to-e PP-mai na-e hici-n-e mucu-n-e mica-n-e

-fo-e PP-ere, PP-iri na-ere hici-n-ere mucu-ere mica-ere

Suffixal

Two of the singular verb forms given in Table 25, cumai ‘stand upright’ and PP-mai ‘be placed (at etc.)’, involve the form mai ‘be placed, located’, which is combined with various postpositional elements into a verbal compound (section 2.5.1, section 3.2). Cumai ‘stand upright’ is not segmented in this sketch because the element cu ‘upright (?)’ is not found in other contexts. Cumai, as in (85a), can be assumed to be a verbal compound equivalent to na-mai ‘be at’ in (85c), although with an unproductive first element. This is supported by the fact that, like na-mai, cumai requires serialization with the light verb =m ‘take’ (section 7.3.5) both in the singular and in the plural form, as seen in (85a) and (85b). Mai ‘be placed’ has a variety of suppletive plural forms which are used in verbal compounds with specific first elements. With cu-, for instance, the plural of mai is toro (85b); with the locative postposition na, it is iri (85d). Note that in all of the sentences in (85), the object of the light verb =m ‘take’ is the subject of mai ‘be placed, located’.

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(85) a. ... e-m loiasu-tutu hia-cumai…   obj-take boat-mast up-stand.upright.sg ‘... (they) placed him up the mast…’ b. … e-m rakan hia-cutoro.   obj-take attic up-stand.upright.pl ‘... (they) put them in the attic.’ c. Kaka-r mutu un-u=m ili na-mai. older.sibling-pl.hum torch one-pv=take mountain at-be.placed.sg ‘The older brothers put one torch on the mountain.’ d. Kaka-r mutu ec-atere=m ili older.sibling-pl.hum torch two-pl.num=take mountain na-iri. at-be.placed.pl ‘The older brothers put two torches on the mountain.’ The subject of a plural-marked verb may or may not appear with an explicit plural marker. This is seen in (86), which shows two consecutive sentences from a fairy tale. In (86a), plural marking appears on the verb only, whereas in (86b), both the subject and the verb are marked. It is not possible, however, for plural marking to appear only on the subject, but not on the verb, as in (86c). (86) a. … lua hai=mau-ere.   monkey initial=come-pl ‘… the monkeys came.’ b. ... lua=ere nau=uku=heler-e...   monkey=pl really=all=run.pl-vblz ‘... the monkeys all ran away…’ c. * Lua=ere hai=mau. monkey=pl initial=come (Intended: ‘The monkeys came.’) As shown in section 4.2, if a verb with a plural suffix is embedded within an NP, the plural suffix appears to be interpreted as occupying the determiner slot of the NP. The determiner slot contains either a plural marker or a reference marker. The two types of markers are mutually exclusive. Thus, the demonstratives and the specifier cannot appear in an NP with an embedded verb with a suffixal plural marker. If, on the other hand, the verb’s plural form is suppletive, reference markers can appear with it, as in (87).

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(87) cau-leu=t-u e kusever-e=i=a head-hair=rel-pv prox.dem extend.pl-vblz=neut.dem=spec ‘those (head) hairs that are this long’ In the attribute slot of the NP, verbal plural suffixes are sometimes found with verbs which are not normally plural-marking. For instance, louk-e ‘jump’ is never plural-marked if used as a predicate of an independent clause. In (88), however, it appears with the plural marker -oro. This is a plural suffix found only with verbs with the vowel /u/ in the last syllable; it is not used as a plural marker in the determiner slot of the NP. The nature of the plural marker in NPs with embedded verbs is thus somewhat ambiguous in that it behaves like a verbal plural marker in some respects, but like a nominal plural marker in others. (88) lua it ira mucu-louk-oro monkey rel water in-jump-pl ‘the monkeys that jump in the water’

6.2 Object vowel prothesis A substantial set of East Fataluku verbs – the majority of consonant-initial transitive ones – have forms with a prothetic vowel. Whether or not a given verb has a vowel-initial form and which vowel is used is a lexical property. Table 26 provides a selection of verbal allomorphs with and without the prothetic vowel. If the first vowel of the verbal root is a mid vowel, the prothetic vowel is nearly always a copy. In other cases, however, the prothetic vowel is unpredictable and can either be /i/, /u/ or /a/. Table 26 also shows that some of the verbs which take vowel prothesis have allomorphs with initial consonant mutation (section 2.5.2). Table 26: Verb forms with prothetic vowels. Prothetic vowel i

Root i-pah-e i-cuar-e i-mir-e i-tih-e i-hir-e i-sil-e

-pah-e -cuar-e -mir-e -tih-e -hir-e -sil-e

Alternated form

Gloss

-cih-e -cir-e -cil-e

‘disseminate’ ‘sit (pl)’ ‘sit (sg)’ ‘reheat’ ‘wait’ ‘bind’

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Prothetic vowel u

e

o

a

Root u-nam-e u-lavere u-lur-e u-fal-e u-fan-e u-tu-e u-huleve

-nam-e -lavere -lur-e -fal-e -fan-e -tu-e -huleve

e-m-e e-ler-e e-keh-e e-fer-e e-te

-m-e -ler-e -keh-e -fer-e -te

o-kolev-e o-nof-e o-fot-e o-fo o-to

-kolev-e -nof-e -fot-e -fo -to

a-har-e a-kan-e a-pe a-ruka a-ha

-har-e -kan-e -pe -ruka -ha

Alternated form

Gloss

-pal-e -pan-e -cu-e -culeve

‘catch in the hands’ ‘clothe’ ‘sweep’ ‘grab’ ‘feed’ ‘plant’ ‘spoon up’

-per-e -ce

‘take’ ‘read’ ‘count’ ‘wipe’ ‘measure’

-pot-e -po -co

‘embrace’ ‘recognize’ ‘cut up’ ‘be.inside.pl’ ‘be.inside.sg’

-ca

‘send’ ‘flare’ ‘move on (sth.)’ ‘send’ ‘warp’

The prothetic vowel anaphorically refers to a previously mentioned object. The consonant-initial form is used when the object is overtly expressed in the same clause, as in (89a) and (90a). In the (89b) and (90b), where the P arguments are realized as extraclausal constituents, they are indexed on the verbs by the prothetic vowel. The prothetic vowel does not agree with the left-dislocated argument in either person or number. In (89b), for-instance, the argument indexed by the vowel is a 3rd person, but a 2nd person in (90b). The vowel-initial form is also used as the citation form for transitive verbs in elicitation, referring to a generic object as it were. (89) a. ... ana rahin kaka i mensajem=i   1sg.sbj yesterday older.sibling 3.poss message=neut.dem hai=ler-e... initial=read-vblz ‘... I read your message yesterday...’

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b. Rahin kaka i sms, ana hai=m yesterday older.sibling 3.poss SMS 1sg.sbj initial=take afi=nal ina=t-u hai=e-ler-e. 1pl.incl.poss=mother give=seq-pv initial=obj-read-vblz ‘Your SMS yesterday, I gave it to our mother and she has read it.’ (90) a. Tava e=seil-e. 3sg 2sg.obj-pull-vblz ‘He abducted you.’ b. Er=i=t tava a-seil-e... 2sg.emph=pred=top 3sg obj-pull-vblz ‘It is you that he abducted...’ The subset of verbs with prothetic object vowels includes position verbs such as -mir-e ‘sit (sg)’ and -nat-e ‘stand (sg)’. These verbs imply a location, which is expressed by means of a locative postposition in a verbal compound. Whenever a PP is absent, the verb has to appear with the prothetic vowel, as in (91a). In a verbal compound with a locative postposition as in (91b), the consonant-initial form is used. (91c) shows that it is not possible to use the allomorph with the prothetic vowel in this context. With position verbs, the locative PP thus counts as an argument. (91)

a. Tava i-mir-e. 3sg obj-sit.sg-vblz ‘She is sitting.’ b. Tava kacera na-mir-e. 3sg chair at-sit.sg-vblz ‘She is sitting on a chair.’ c. * Tava kacera na-i-mir-e. 3sg chair at-obj-sit.sg-vblz (Intended: ‘She is sitting on a chair.’)

7 Serial verb constructions and other multi-verb constructions Like in the neighboring Eastern Timor languages Makalero and Makasae (Huber 2017), there are two main types of serial verb constructions in East Fataluku: those involving direction verbs (section 7.1) and those where an additional par-

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ticipant is introduced with a partially grammaticalized ‘take’ verb (section 7.3). There is a third, minor, type of SVC involving direction verbs which expresses an aspectual notion (section 7.2). Aspectual SVCs are nowhere near as pervasive as in Bunaq and the Alor-Pantar languages. All East Fataluku serial verb constructions are asymmetrical, i.e. one of the verbs involved comes from a restricted set. Formally, all verbs used in SVCs are independent and can be used as predicates by themselves; in other words, morphemes which require verbal derivation to function as predicates are indeed verbalized in SVCs. No conjunction can appear between the verbs, and they share at least one argument. Predicate-internal modifiers (see 3.1) precede the first verb in the sequence, and the V2 cannot be independently modified. Section 7.4 briefly discusses a set of partially grammaticalized multi-verb constructions which involve coordinated clauses. They show a number of semantic and syntactic parallels to SVCs, but are conjoined by conjunctions.

7.1 Direction verb SVCs Direction verb SVCs involve the verbs mau ‘come’ and la ‘go’, which signal movement toward the deictic center versus movement elsewhere, respectively. They occur in a number of different constructions either as V1s or V2s.

7.1.1 Directed motion SVCs In the directed motion SVC, the V1 is a motion or transfer verb and the V2 one of the two direction verbs. The constructions are represented schematically in the template in Figure 5. For simplicity, all predicate-internal modifiers are subsumed in modpred. They precede the V1, but have scope over the whole construction. SBJ (MODPRED) VMOTION VDIRECTION SBJ (MODPRED) OBJ (MODPRED) VTRANSFER VDIRECTION Figure 5: Directed motion SVCs.

The sentences in (92) illustrate directed motion SVCs with a motion verb and a transfer verb, respectively. As seen in (92a), the aspect marker hai= precedes the V1. The verbalizer -e, while obligatory in principle, may be deleted in rapid speech, as in (92b).

6 East Fataluku 

(92) a. I lan-u=ra  … 3.poss friend-pv=hum.pl  ‘Her friends... came back.’

 405

hai=fulehe mau. initial=return come

b. ... un-u napa titip(-e) mau ana.   one-pv please scoop-vblz come or ‘... scoop one up for me please.’

7.1.2 Allative SVCs There are two types of allative SVCs, both of which involve the direction verbs la ‘go’ and mau ‘come’. The first resembles the directed motion SVC (section 7.1.1) in that the direction verb is the V2. The V1 is a verbal compound with -pe ‘move’, a verb which only occurs with a preceding postpositional marker whose object is the goal of the movement.13 The SVC is schematically represented in Figure 6. SBJ (MODPRED) OBJ (MODPRED) PP-pe VDIRECTION Figure 6: Allative SVC with -pe ‘move’.

Examples are given in (93). The locative postposition na- as in (93a) implies that the goal is reached, while it is not reached if hau- ‘for’ is used (93b). (93) a. … i jeu kaka i le na-pe mau...   3.poss wife older.sibling 3.poss house at-move come ‘... his first wife arrived at his house…’ b. … e=ta tasu hau-pe la.   2sg.obj=top frying.pan for-move go ‘... and then you head for the frying pan.’

13 Heston (2015: 25), in his grammatical outline of Central Fataluku, analyzes -pe as a combination of a suffix -p, which indicates movement towards a goal, and the verbalizer -e. In his analysis, the -p suffix contrasts with -n, which indicates static location, thus e.g. mucu-n-e ‘be inside’ and mucu-p-e ‘go inside’. In our analysis, -n is not a meaningful morpheme, but an epenthetic consonant which is commonly inserted between vowels to avoid a hiatus. That the morphological make-up of mucu-n-e ‘be inside’ and mucu-pe ‘go inside’ is not identical is shown clearly when they are adjectivized: the adjective describing stative location is mucu-n-ana ‘internal’, where -ana replaces the verbalizer -e. In mucu-pe-n-ana ‘entering’, on the other hand, the adjectivizer is suffixed to mucu-pe as a whole, showing that the final -e of -pe cannot be the verbalizer suffix.

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Figure 7 shows that the direction verb is the V1 in the second allative SVC. The V2 is either a stative location verb or the telic movement verb mara ‘go’. Either is transitive and is directly preceded by its object; the object of a location verb encodes the location, while the object of mara ‘go’ encodes the goal of the movement. Again, all predicate modifiers precede the V1. SBJ (MODPRED) VDIRECTION OBJ VLOCATION SBJ (MODPRED) VDIRECTION OBJ mara Figure 7: Allative SVCs with location verb or mara ‘go’.

An example of the allative construction with the stative location verb mica-n-e ‘be on top (of)’ is given in (94). The literal translation illustrates that the construction is time-iconic, with the dynamic V1 expressing the movement and the stative V2 the resulting location (cf. section 7.4.1 on ablative constructions). (94) Tava hai=la ili mica-n-e. 3sg initial=go mountain on.top-ep-vblz ‘He climbed the mountain.’ (lit.: ‘He went (and) was on the top of the mountain.’) (95) illustrates the allative construction with mara ‘go’. While (95a) resembles (92a) in that both involve a sequence of the verbs fulehe ‘return’ and mau ‘come’, note that fulehe is followed in (95a) by the conjunction =n, showing that that verb is not part of the SVC. (95b) illustrates the position of a predicate-internal modifier, the aspect marker hai=, preceding the V1. (95a) also shows that the deictic center to which the movement expressed by mau ‘come’ is directed may be different from the location of the speaker: the sentence comes from a conversation in which the speaker and the addressee were discussing their shared village of origin while outside of Timor. (95) a. Ana=ta fulehe=n mau afi=lata Timor mara. 1sg.sbj=top return=sim come 1pl.incl.poss=village Timor go ‘I return to our Timorese village.’ b. Vaci un-u na-e ih eleh=e hai=la day one-pv at-vblz 3poss husband=prox.dem initial=go pala mara. garden go ‘One day this husband of hers went to the garden.’

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In rapid speech, mara ‘go’ may be omitted, as in (96). This results in a construction in which the direction verb is followed by an NP denoting the goal of the movement (see Huber 2018 for a similar construction in Makalero). (96) Fan la i=qi. emph.dem go neut.dem=neut.dem ‘That one goes there.’ Finally, there is a complex hybrid allative SVC which seems to be a combination of the two types of allative SVCs discussed above. In this hybrid construction, the V1 is a direction verb, while the complex V2 is itself an allative SVC, that with -pe ‘move’ illustrated in Figure 6. As seen in Figure 8, the direction verb occurs twice in this construction: as V1 and as part of the complex V2. SBJ (MODPRED) VDIRECTION OBJ PP-pe VDIRECTION Figure 8: Hybrid allative SVC.

The brackets in (97a) illustrate the structure of this complex SVC. The ungrammatical sentences in (97b) and (97c) show that the two direction verbs that appear in this construction have to be identical. (97) a. Tava… hai=[mau]V1 le [na-[pe]V1 [mau]V2]V2. 3sg initial=come house at-move come ‘He... came home.’ b. * Tava… hai=la le na-pe  3sg initial=go house at-move

mau. come

c. * Tava… hai=mau le na-pe la.  3sg initial=come house at-move go

7.2 Prospective SVCs The direction verbs la ‘go’ and mau ‘come’, used as V1s in an SVC, may signal an aspectual notion called here prospective, i.e. that the event expressed by the V2 is expected to take place shortly. An unusual property of the prospective SVC is that some modifiers can appear with the V2; in all other SVCs discussed in this chapter, only the V1 can be modified.

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SBJ (MODPRED) VDIRECTION (MODPRED) (OBJ) (MODPRED) V Figure 9: Prospective SVC.

La ‘go’ is probably used as a prospective aspect marker somewhat more commonly than mau ‘come’; an example is given in (98a). The use of mau ‘come’, as in (98b), implies the speaker’s personal involvement in the action in some way. Thus, (98b) could be used e.g. if the speaker is in Dili, or has some connection to the place the subject is moving to. Note that (98b) cannot be interpreted as an allative construction (section 7.1.2), even though it corresponds to the allative SVC template in Figure 7; in order for the construction to be read as expressing allative motion, mara ‘go’ would have to be used instead of the stative location verb na-e ‘be at’. The prospective aspect SVC appears to be somewhat less grammaticalized than the other East Fataluku SVCs, because some modifiers, such as the adverbs ali ‘again’ and helu ‘again’ in (98a), can appear with the V2. However, not all predicate-internal modifiers can appear; for instance, the V2 could not be negated. (98) a. Tava ali la ali helu jeu-val-e... 3sg again go again again wife-possess-vblz ‘He is about to remarry...’ b. Tava mau Dili na-e... 3sg come Dili at-vblz ‘She is about to stay in Dili...’

7.3 ‘Take’ SVCs As noted in section 3, a simple mono-predicative clause can encode two arguments at most, the S/A and the P. States of affairs involving more than two participants are expressed using ‘take’ SVCs. In these constructions, the V1 is the light verb -m-e ‘take’. The V2 contains the semantically main verb. The verbalizer -e is commonly deleted from the ‘take’ verb in phonotactic contexts where the preceding argument is vowel-final or the following word vowel-initial; in these contexts, =m is treated as a clitic.14 ‘Take’ SVCs are used to express instruments (7.3.1), causees in causatives (7.3.2), themes in transfer constructions (7.3.3) and with verbs of saying (7.3.4), and P arguments of postpositional verbal compounds (7.3.5). 14 Hull (2005) analyzes -m as a suffixal dative marker.

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7.3.1 Instrumental ‘take’ SVCs In instrumental ‘take’ SVCs, the ‘take’ verb introduces either an instrument used to perform the action expressed by the V2, or, if the V2 has the appropriate semantics, the material out of which something is made. Figure 10 shows the SVC template for both intransitive and transitive V2s. SBJ (MODPRED) OBJINSTR (MODPRED)=m VITR SBJ (MODPRED) OBJINSTR/MATERIAL (MODPRED)=m OBJPAT VTRANS Figure 10: Instrumental ‘take’ SVCs.

The sentences (99a) and (99b) illustrate examples of instrumental ‘take’ SVC with an intransitive and a transitive V2, respectively. If the V2 is a verb of producing or creating something, as in (99c), the object of =m ‘take’ refers to the material out of which the V2’s P argument is made. (99d) shows that aspect is marked on the V1, i.e. =m ‘take’. (99) a. ... e=lan-u=ra tour ina=m cicirai=nani?   2sg.poss=friend-pv=pl crowd what=take play=qm ‘... with what did all your friends play?’ b. Tava lapizera=m sorot fai. 3sg pencil=take letter make ‘He writes a letter with a pencil.’ c. ... anir=o lavan=i=m oi~oil fai.   1sg.emph=also gold=neut.dem=take rdp~whistle do ‘... me too, I make a flute out of this gold.’ d. Ratu hala~hala... nita=hai=m o-leura fai. noble rdp~only recp=initial=take mouth-meat make ‘Noble clans... prepare rations for each other.’

7.3.2 Causative ‘take’ SVCs In causative ‘take’ SVCs, =m ‘take’ is the V1; the V2 is either an intransitive movement verb, an intransitive verbal compound with the verb fai ‘make, do’, or a transitive verbal compound with a location verb. The first element in the verbal compounds with fai ‘make, do’ is an adjective, an adverb or an intransitive verb. Fai ‘make, do’ is one of the verbs which undergo initial consonant mutation in verbal compounds

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(section 2.5.2) and appears in these causative constructions in the mutated form -pai. The first element in the verbal compounds with location verbs are generally postpositions. The causative constructions are schematically represented in Figure 11. SBJ (MODPRED) OBJCAUSEE (MODPRED)=m VMOVEMENT SBJ (MODPRED) OBJCAUSEE (MODPRED)=m VITR/ADJ/ADV-pai SBJ (MODPRED) OBJCAUSEE (MODPRED)=m OBJLOCATION PP-VLOCATION Figure 11: Causative ‘take’ SVCs.

A causative construction with a movement verb, fulehe ‘return’, is shown in (100). Causative constructions with fai ‘do, make’ are given in (101). In (101a), the first element of the verbal compound is a stative intransitive verb, kapar ‘be bad’; in (101b) it is a deverbal adjective, tahan-ana ‘suffering’, and in (101c) an adverb, ura ‘away’. (100) ... karu lepur hai=m fulehe.   now book initial=take return ‘... now (they) have returned the book.’ (101) a. Tapa e=m kapar-u-pai. proh obj=take bad-pv-mut.do ‘Don’t destroy it.’ b. ... tapa jen hin=i=m tahan-ana-pai.   proh refl poss.n=neut.dem=take suffer-adjz-mut.do ‘... do not torment yourself.’ c. E=ta ira-olo utu-pai-n=i=m 2sg.obj=top water-jar off-mut.do-nmlz=neut.dem=take ura-pai. away-mut.do ‘You take the lid of the water jar away.’ Caused location SVCs are shown in (102). The object of =m ‘take’ is a theme which undergoes a change of location, and the object of the verbal compound is the location. (102) a. ... pot-ina aratana=e=m e na-co-n-e...   ill-adjz plague=prox.dem=take prox.dem at-far-ep-vblz ‘(The ancestors come to) let his illness and plague be far from here...’

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b. Ana la proposta-tolun-ana=e=m governu 1sg.sbj go proposal-help-adjz=prox.dem=take government na~na-cu-e... rdp~at-plant-vblz ‘I definitely go submit this aid proposal to the government...’

7.3.3 Transfer ‘take’ SVCs In a simple East Fataluku clause, two arguments at most can be expressed (section 3). Transfer events, which logically involve three participants, therefore make use of a ‘take’ SVC. The theme is encoded as the object of =m ‘take’, while the semantically main verb’s object encodes the recipient. Figure 12 shows a schematic representation of this construction. An example is given in (103). SBJ (MODPRED) OBJTHEME (MODPRED)=m OBJRECIPIENT VTRANSFER Figure 12: Transfer ‘take’ SVC.

(103) Mar e-n hai=m tava ina. person prox.dem-ep initial=take 3sg give ‘The person has given this to him’ Either of the object NPs may be omitted if its referent is known. If the theme is not overtly expressed, the ‘take’ verb appears with a prothetic object vowel. Transfer verbs do not have forms with object vowels (section 6.2). Thus, in (104a), the vowel-initial form e-m of the ‘take’ verb indexes the non-overt theme NP. In (104b), the recipient NP is omitted but implied even though it is not indexed on mesen- ‘hand over’. (104) a. Tava e-m kacera na-mor-e. 3sg obj-take chair at-put-vblz ‘He puts (it) on the chair.’ b. … cau-vari ivi=m Ø mesen-e.   head-hair dist.dem=take hand.over-vblz ‘... (they) present that hair (to them).’

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7.3.4 ‘Take’ SVCs with verbs of saying A rather complex SVC, with two light verbs, is used with verbs of saying. The V1 is =m ‘take’, whose object encodes the theme (what is said). The addressee is encoded as the object of aci ‘see’, which is the V2. Finally, the verb of saying, which does not have an argument in this construction, is the V3.15 Like in all SVCs, predicate modifiers appear with the V1. A template for this construction is given in Figure 13. The sentence in (105) is an example. SBJ (MODPRED) OBJTHEME (MODPRED)=m OBJADDRESSEE aci VSAYING Figure 13: ‘Take’ SVCs with verbs of saying.

(105) Cal=afur rata=m afi=aci lolo… grandparent=pl.hum tale=take 1pl.incl.obj=see tell ‘Our grandparents told us stories…’ Where no addressee is expressed, the theme is the object of the verb of saying; no SVC is used (106). (106) Cau-hafa un-u lolo=ni. head-bone one-pv tell=imp ‘You tell one (a story), sir.’

7.3.5 Postpositional ‘take’ SVCs A very common type of ‘take’ SVC is used with verbal compounds in which the first element is a postposition and the second element a transitive verb. As discussed in section 3.2, the argument position of the compound is occupied by the postpositional argument. The main verb’s logical argument is expressed as the object of =m ‘take’, as shown in Figure 14.

15 It appears that the theme can be encoded as the object of the verb of saying in other Fataluku dialects (see Nácher 2012: 133 for Central Fataluku).

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SBJ (MODPRED) OBJV (MODPRED)=m OBJPP PP-V Figure 14: Postpositional ‘take’ SVCs.

Probably the most common postpositional ‘take’ SVCs are those that involve verbal compounds with locative postpositions like mucu- ‘in(side)’ in (107a). (107b) shows that hura ‘spoon, scoop’ can also appear as a transitive verb by itself. However, other postpositions are also found in compounds. For instance, (108a), with ahu- ‘for’, is a benefactive construction. In (108b), the verbal compound consisting of the locative postposition na- and the transitive verb liar-e ‘change’ expresses a change of state or transformation. (107) a. … serika=m i puku~pukur mucu-cura...   few=take 3.poss rdp~fist in-mut.spoon ‘… (he) scooped a bit into his hands…’ b. Tavar la i kaka apoi-n=i hura. 3pl go 3.poss older.sibling cook-nmlz=neut.dem spoon ‘They scoop the food of her older brother.’ (108) a. Ana akam sorot nau=m kaka ahu-pai. 1sg.subj neg letter really=take older-sibling for-mut.do ‘I did not really write (lit. ‘make’) a letter for you.’ b. Ana ni=m ipinaka na-liar-e. 1sg.subj refl=take star at-turn-vblz ‘I transformed (lit. ‘changed myself’) into a star.’

7.4 Biclausal multi-verb constructions This section briefly discusses two further types of multi-verb constructions, ablative constructions (7.4.1) and modal verb constructions (7.4.2). Both constructions involve two verbs, but because a conjunction is cliticized to the first verb, they cannot be analyzed as serial verb constructions. Nevertheless, they share some properties with SVCs: they are asymmetrical in that one verb comes from a restricted set and semantically modifies the other. Furthermore, in the modal verb construction, we find restrictions on the predicate modifiers that appear in the second clause in some cases. The ablative construction, on the other hand, mirrors the allative SVC both semantically and syntactically.

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7.4.1 Ablative constructions Figure 15 shows that movement away from a location is expressed in a construction which is essentially the reverse of the allative SVC shown in Figure 7 (section 7.1.2): The first verb in the sequence is a location verb (either the general locative verb na-e ‘be in, on, at (sg)’ or -to-e ‘be inside (sg)’). The second clause contains one of the two direction verbs, la ‘go’ and mau ‘come’. An important difference between the two constructions, however, is that the simultaneous conjunction =n is used in the ablative construction, making the construction biclausal. An example is given in (109a). If the conjunction is omitted, the result is not read as ablative motion; instead, as (109b) shows, the locative verb and its object are understood as a clause-level locative adverbial (see section 3). SBJ OBJ VLOCATION =n VDIRECTION Figure 15: Ablative construction.

(109) a. I pal Leti na-e=n hai=mau. 3.poss father Leti at-vblz=sim initial=come ‘His father came from Leti.’ b. I pal [Leti na-e]loc hai=mau. 3.poss father Leti at-vblz initial=come ‘His father came (to some place while) in Leti.’ Na-e ‘be in, on, at (sg)’ belongs to the subgroup of East Fataluku verbs which agree with their subject in number (section 6.1); it appears in the form na-ere, with a suffixal plural marker, if the subject is plural. In the ablative construction, however, only the singular form can be used, even if the subject is marked as plural, as seen in the examples in (110). This shows that the construction is partly grammaticalized. Likewise, -to- ‘be inside (sg)’ agrees with subject number. However, no example of an ablative construction with a plural subject has been found with that verb; it is hence unclear whether it would behave like na- in this context. (110) a. I pal=afu Leti na-e=n hai=mau-ere. 3.poss father=pl.hum Leti at-vblz=sim initial=come-pl ‘His uncles had come from Leti.’ b. * I pal=afu Leti na-ere=n hai=mau-ere.  3.poss father=pl.hum Leti at-pl=sim initial=come-pl

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7.4.2 Modal verb constructions There are three modal verbs in East Fataluku: uhul-e ‘can’, eluh-e ‘want’ and keluh-e ‘refuse’. The clause containing the modal verb is followed by the clause expressing the semantically main verb. Where the actor of the second clause is identical to the subject of the modal verb, the two clauses are conjoined with the simultaneous conjunction =n, and the subject of the second clause is omitted. Where the two clauses have different subjects, the different subject sequential conjunction =t is used, as shown in Figure 16. An example of a same-subject modal verb construction is shown in (111a). Example (111b) shows a differentsubject construction. SBJ VMODAL=n (OBJ) V

SBJ1 VMODAL=t SBJ2 (OBJ) V Figure 16: Modal verb constructions.

(111) a. Ana eluh-e=n nacun ta. 1sg.sbj want-vblz=sim thing say ‘I want to say something.’ b. ... ina eluh-e=t-u a horu-pe-n-u   1pl.excl.sbj want-vblz=seq-pv 2sg.sbj with-move-nmlz-pv somon-e... carry-vblz ‘... we (excl) want you to carry the luggage…’ Eluh-e ‘want’ cannot be negated with aka(m); instead, the inherently negative keluh-e ‘refuse’ is used.16 Where the actor of the semantically main verb in the second clause is identical to that of keluh-e, the second clause has to be negated, as in (112) and (113a). If the negator is not present, the second clause is not interpreted as being modified by the modal verb, but as being conceptually independent, as in (113b). If the two clauses have different subjects, as in (113c) and (114), the second clause is not negated.

16 Hull (2004: 91, footnote 99) suggests that keluh-e ‘refuse-vblz’ is a contraction of akam eluh-e ‘neg want-vblz’.

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(112) Mar keluh-e=n aka afi=fiar-e. person refuse-vblz=sim neg 1pl.incl.obj=believe-vblz ‘People don’t want to believe us.’ (113) a. I jeu keluh-e=n aka pai uca. 3.poss wife refuse-vblz=sim neg pig kill ‘His wife does not want to kill the pig.’ b. I jeu keluh-e=n pai uca. 3.poss wife refuse-vblz=sim pig kill ‘His wife refuses and kills the pig.’ c. I jeu keluh-e=t ana pai uca. 3.poss wife refuse-vblz=seq 1sg.sbj pig kill ‘His wife does not want me to kill the pig.’ or: ‘His wife refuses, and I kill the pig.’ (114) ... ina keluh-e=t-u mar tapa mau...   1pl.excl.sbj refuse-vblz=seq-pv person proh come ‘... we do not want people to come...’ The modal verb -hul- ‘be able’ always appears with a prothetic object vowel as u-hul-e, as in (115a) and (115b). Unlike eluh-e ‘want’ and keluh-e ‘refuse’, -hul-e ‘be able’ can be negated (115b). (115) a. Afa u-hul-e=n e-ler-e. 1pl.incl.sbj obj-able-vblz=sim obj-read-vblz ‘We can read (it).’ (lit. ‘We can do (it) and read (it)’). b. Ana aka u-hul-e=n kaka i sms 1sg.sbj neg obj-able-vblz=sim older.sibling 3.poss SMS liar-e... turn-vblz ‘I cannot reply to your SMS, brother…’

8 Aspect and mood marking The primary means of aspect and mood marking in East Fataluku are preverbal and pre-predicate particles, respectively. Other, more restricted, means of aspect

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marking include verb reduplication (sections 2.5.3, 4.2.1) and verb serialization (section 7.2). There are two positions for aspect particles within the predicate, aspect1 and aspect2 (see section 3.1). Likewise, there are two positions for mood particles, mood1 and mood2, analyzed as part of the clause rather than the predicate (section 3). Whether a given marker appears in aspect1 or aspect2, or mood1 and mood2, is lexically defined. Table 27 summarizes the mood and aspect markers and shows with which slot they are associated. There are no grammaticalized tense markers. Instead, adverbial indications of time are expressed in the temp slot of the clause. Table 27: Mood and aspect markers. mood1

mood2

ula

ten(e) (a)har

epistemic

aspect1 ‘may’ ‘must’

on(o) hair

aspect2 continuative imminent

hai(n) vari(n)

initial habitual

8.1 Mood Figure 1 in section 3 shows the two slots for mood markers. The particles that occupy them express epistemic modality and deontic modality, respectively. Section 8.1.1 introduces the single marker that appears in the mood1 slot and section 8.1.2 discusses the markers that go into the mood2 slot.

8.1.1 mood1 marker The mood1 slot, which precedes the clause’s subject, is reserved for the marker ula. Ula is a marker of epistemic modality and signals the speaker’s uncertainty about his or her statement. Examples are given in (116). (116) a. Ula afi=eleh-u=ra hai=sai... epis 1pl.incl.poss=husband-pv=pl.hum initial=finish ‘Our husbands may be dead...’ b. … ula afa hala=laru-suk-oro.   epis 1pl.incl.sbj just=return-slip-pl.hum ‘... we may just slip back (in).’

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8.1.2 mood2 markers The mood2 slot, which directly precedes the predicate, expresses deontic modality. There are two mutually exclusive markers that can occupy it, ten(e) ‘may’ and (a)har ‘must’. Van Engelenhoven (2010: 192) suggests that ten(e) ‘may’ is derived from the lexical verb te-n-e (try-ep-vblz). Example (117a) shows that this marker can be combined with the epistemic modality marker ula in the mood1 slot. The consonant-final form ten is used when the marker is followed by a vowel-initial morpheme like the neutral demonstrative in (117a). The form tene, with a final vowel, appears when the following morpheme is consonant-initial, as in (117b). (117) a. Ula ten i tapi=va-n-e. epis may neut.dem very=like-ep-vblz  ‘Perhaps it may be like that.’ b. Tene fa=i-sil-e=ne? may very=obj-bind-vblz=exclam ‘Can it be tied well?’ The marker (a)har ‘must’ is transparently derived from -har-e ‘send, order’ (van Engelenhoven 2010: 191–192), which is used in a sequential construction as in (118). As a mood2 marker, it lacks the verbalizer, as seen in (119a). Where the S/A argument is a personal pronoun, the object form of the pronoun is used; (119b) shows that the use of the subject form of the pronoun results in an ungrammatical sentence. The mood2 marker differs from the lexical verb also in the distribution of the vowel-initial and the consonant-initial allomorphs: on the verb, the initial vowel a- indexes an object (see section 6.2), whereas the vowel-initial form ahar of the mood2 marker occurs mainly with 1st person singular pronouns, as seen in (120). (118) Rei hin mar-lauh-ana hai=har-e=t-u la toto. king refl.poss person-live-adjz initial=order-vblz=seq-pv go see ‘The king ordered his people to go and see.’ (119) a. … afi=har hala=fata-ca.   1pl.incl.obj=must just=correct-mut.say ‘... we just have to talk correctly.’ b. * afa har hala=fata-ca  1pl.incl.sbj must just=correct-mut.say

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(120) An=ahar fulehe=n le mara. 1sg.obj-must return=sim house go  ‘I have to go home.’ It appears that the grammaticalization of -har- from a lexical verb to a mood2 marker is not fully complete, and many transitional forms with the verbalizer suffix are found in the corpus.

8.2 Aspect There are two positions for aspect markers within the predicate: the aspect1 position precedes the P argument of a transitive verb, while the aspect2 marker follows it (see section 3.1). With intransitive verbs, they are adjacent to one another.

8.2.1 aspect1 markers There are two aspect markers which appear in the aspect1 position, the continuative on(o) and the imminent action marker hair. The distribution of the ono ~ on allomorphs is equivalent to that of the mood2 marker ten(e): the form ono appears when the following morpheme is consonant-initial, as in (121a), while the form on is used when the marker is followed by a vowel-initial morpheme (121b). The combination of on(o) with the negator aka(m) translates as ‘not yet’, as in (122). (121)

a. I jeu=a ono le na-e… 3.poss wife=spec cont house at-vblz ‘His wife was still at home...’ b. Ana on a=nal ih aca kokot-ana vari. 1sg.sbj cont 1sg.poss=mother 3.poss chicken crow-adjz hear ‘I still hear the crowing of my mother’s chicken.’

(122) Tavar aka on nita=sapa navar-e.... 3pl neg cont recp=kindness know-vblz ‘They don’t know each other’s kindness yet.’ The continuative marker is mutually exclusive with hair, which signals that an action is about to start, as in (123a) and (123b). It is also commonly used in imperatives (124).

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(123) a. Ana hair nau=uku=m masu-pai… 1sg.sbj imm really=all=take good-mut.do ‘I am about to correct everything…’ b. An=ta hair eh=alivana na-e=n la. 1sg.obj=top imm 2sg.poss.alien=place at-vblz=sim go ‘I am about to set off from your place.’ (lit. ‘I am about to go.’) (124) … olo i nal=a i ta ‘hair la!’   bird 3.poss mother=spec neut.dem say imm go ‘... the bird’s mother said this: “get going!”’

8.2.2 aspect2 markers The aspect markers that can occupy the aspect2 slot are hai(n) and vari(n). Like its cognates in Makalero and Makasae (Huber 2017), hai(n) is the most common aspect marker in East Fataluku and marks a category called ‘initial boundary’, which is described in Huber and Schapper (2014) as expressing the inception of an event, or the entry into a state. With stative verbs, hai(n) refers to the initial boundary of the state, as in (125). (125) A=moco-r hai=laficar-e. 1sg.poss=child-pl initial=big.pl-vblz ‘My children are already big.’ With activity verbs, hai(n) selects either the initial boundary, as in (126), or the final boundary, as in (127). According to Huber (2017: 343–344), the cognate markers in Makalero and Makasae are read as inchoative with unbounded activities, and as perfective with activities with a prominent endpoint. The examples in (126) and (127) suggest that this holds for East Fataluku hai(n) as well. (126) Mar un le hia hain=aru~arur-e… person one house up initial=rdp~cry-vblz  ‘Someone in the house started to cry...’ (127) Ana ale hai=tapul-e. 1sg.sbj rice initial=buy-vblz ‘I already bought rice.’

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Hai(n) is also used in narrations where a series of actions takes place one after the other, as in the short extract from a folk tale shown in (128).17 In a sequence of events, “the termination of each event is seen as setting the stage for the next event to happen” (Huber and Schapper 2014: 162). (128) I lan-u=ra hai=mau=n hai=atan-e... 3.poss friend-pv=hum.pl initial-come=sim initial=ask-vblz ‘Her friends came and asked...’ In non-verbal predicates, the hai= allomorph occurs before consonant-initial morphemes, while hain= is used before vowel-initial morphemes, as seen in (129). This is consistent with an analysis of -n as the epenthetic consonant found also in other contexts to avoid a hiatus. (129) a. tavar hai=katuas=i 3pl initial=old.person=pred ‘they who are old’ b. ... i=t mar-lauh-ana   neut.dem=seq person-live-adj hain=e-n=e-n=i. initial=prox.dem-ep=prox.dem-ep=pred ‘... it is that this one is already a human.’ In verbal predicates, however, the distribution of the allomorphs is more complex and not fully understood. For instance, the allomorph hain= occurs in front of vowel-initial verbs if it is preceded by a monosyllabic object pronoun, as in (130a), where the 1st person singular object form a= is used. If no object is overtly expressed and the marker is preceded by the homophonous 2nd singular subject pronoun, the form hai= appears, as in (130b). (130c) shows that the allomorph hai= also appears if the preceding object pronoun is bisyllabic rather than monosyllabic.18

17 The conjunction =n, glossed here as sim ‘simultaneous’ for simplicity, is actually semantically underspecified with respect to simultaneity or sequentiality. It signals a very close connection between the clauses involved and is thus commonly associated with simultaneity and subject continuity (cf. Huber 2011: 457, on the Makalero cognate =ini). 18 The only exception to this rule is the reciprocal pronoun nita=, after which hain is used, e.g. nita=hain=aci ‘see each other’. This may be attributed to nita= originally being a morphologically complex form; cf. ni= (refl; see 5.2).

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(130) a. Kaka a=hain=aci. older.sibling 1sg.obj=initial=see ‘You see me.’ b. A hai=aci an=upe? 2sg.sbj initial=see or=be.none ‘Have you seen (it) or not?’ c. Kaka ini=hai=aci. older.sibling 1pl.excl.obj=initial=see ‘You see us.’ Vari(n)= is an imperfective aspect marker, signaling that an action or state is ongoing or habitual, as seen in (131). It is most commonly combined with reduplication of a part of the predicate. (131)

a. I nal=a poko vari=helu~helu-cina... 3.poss mother=spec box ipfv=rdp~again-mut.weave ‘His mother is still replaiting the box.’ b. I jeu hai=vari=paha~paha. 3.poss wife initial=ipfv=rdp~beat ‘He (habitually) beats his wife.’ c. ... i lanu-u-ra tour vari=a-nekul-e...   3.poss friend-pv-hum.pl crowd ipfv=obj-angry-vblz ‘... his friends are still angry with (him)…’

The distribution of the allomorphs, vari= and varin=, is unclear. In East Fataluku, vari is much more common; examples are shown in (131). Varin=, as in (132), is found in isolated instances. It is possible that this form is more common in Central Fataluku. (132) Po=luku~luku-n tara-ceru-n=e varin=eceremu. but=rdp~speak-nmlz first-call-nmlz=prox.dem hab=think ‘So, keep this salute (lit. first called word) in mind.’ The aspect2 markers are occasionally combined into the sequence hai=vari=. In (133), this sequence highlights the initial boundary and the ensuing state.

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(133) ... i nami hai=vari=sikir=ere...   3.poss man initial=ipfv=dance=pl ‘... his men who were still dancing…’

9 Discussion Representative for Fataluku in general, this sketch of East Fataluku shows that this language is far from being “a Papuan language with the typology of Chinese”, as it has previously been described (McWhorter 2008: 179). Indeed, as Schapper (forthcoming) shows, any study of Fataluku language structure that goes beyond the most superficial level demonstrates this clearly. Fataluku shares many properties with the closely related Eastern Timor languages, Makalero and Makasae, that set this subgroup apart from the remainder of the TAP family. Among them are the (almost) complete absence of aspectual and mood serial verb constructions. Only one serial verb construction with aspectual semantics, the prospective SVC, has been identified in Fataluku. It has been shown, however, that this construction seems somewhat less grammaticalized than the more common direction verb and ‘take’ SVCs. ‘Take’ SVCs are probably the most pervasive type of serial verb construction in Fataluku, and as in the other Eastern Timor languages, they are intimately connected to another characteristic of this subgroup, namely the extensive compounding of locative elements with verbs and the associated transitivity effects. Another characteristic of the Eastern Timor languages that is not found elsewhere in the family is the use of special bound verb forms characterized by initial consonant mutations in such verb compounds. There is evidence that these consonant mutations are in the process of being lost from Makasae (Huber 2017: 282), and while it is still robust in Makalero, the alternation is found with a relatively limited set of verbs. In Fataluku and its relative Oirata, however, a large set of verbs undergo initial consonant mutation. Another property Fataluku and Oirata have in common with Makalero and Makasae is the presence of suppletive number agreement with a limited set of intransitive verbs. Again, this is not found elsewhere in the TAP family. While Makalero and Makasae have been characterized as “the least complex languages of the family” (Huber 2017: 348), Fataluku shows more complexity in various domains. Examples are the pervasiveness of verb forms with initial consonant mutations mentioned above, as well as the extent of plural marking on verbs and nouns (Schapper forthcoming). Similarly, a majority of consonantinitial transitive verbs in Fataluku are marked with an unpredictable, lexically determined prothetic vowel whenever the P argument is not in the unmarked

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position. The object vowels are clearly reflexes of the TAP 3rd person prefix (Schapper, Huber and van Engelenhoven 2017: 102), although in some cases, vowels that were originally part of the root appear to have been reanalyzed as object vowels (Schapper forthcoming). In Makalero and Makasae, reflexes of these prefixes are very restricted, and indeed present only in fossilized forms in Makasae. Fataluku, like Oirata, has also retained a distinction between subject and object forms in personal pronouns, and has a special set of emphatic pronouns. We also find a distinction between alienable and inalienable possessive pronouns in some person/number combinations. Makalero and Makasae, in contrast, have a single set of personal pronouns and a single set of possessive pronouns. Fataluku also displays a range of properties which are unusual within the TAP family. Schapper (forthcoming) demonstrates that they are also found in closely related Oirata (see also Josselin de Jong 1937) and can thus be said to be characteristic of the Frata subgroup in general. Most striking is the productive derivational morphology through which verbs, nouns and adjectives (or, in other analyses, abstract nouns) can be derived. Furthermore, suffixal or clitic number marking, which is found on both nouns and on verbs, is highly productive. Together with Makalero, East Fataluku is also unique in the family in lacking straight forward voicing distinctions in the plosives. Within Timor-Leste, the phonology of Fataluku dialects is furthermore distinctive due to the palatal plosives /c/ and /j/. Palatal plosives are found in several TAP languages, but are not found in the Eastern Timor subgroup, and are indeed unusual in the languages of Timor-Leste. In sum, this sketch shows that Fataluku (and in many cases Oirata), while sharing many characteristics with the Eastern Timor languages Makalero and Makasae, has a range of unique structures. However, our knowledge of this intriguing language is far from complete: despite the relative wealth of linguistic publications on Fataluku, it remains the only TAP language of Timor for which we do not have a modern English-language reference grammar. Many of the existing resources have, furthermore, made reference to individual Fataluku dialects, but little is known about the extent of the differences between them, especially beyond the phonology. Acknowledgments: A substantial part of the data on which this sketch is based were collected during van Engelenhoven’s Fataluku Language Project (FLP; Dutch Research Council NWO project number 256-70-560). We thank Antoinette Schapper for her insightful comments and patience.

6 East Fataluku 

 425

References Campagnolo, Henri. 1973. La langue des Fataluku de Lórehe (Timor Portugais). Paris: Université René Descartes PhD thesis. Conceição Savio, Edegar da. 2016. Studi sosioliguistik bahasa Fataluku di Lautém [A sociolinguistic study of Fataluku in Lautém]. Leiden: Leiden University PhD thesis. Eberhard, David M., Gary F. Simons & Charles D. Fennig (eds.). 2019. Ethnologue: Languages of the world. 22nd edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. http://www.ethnologue.com. Heston, Tyler. 2014. The nature and underlying representations of long vowels and diphthongs in Fataluku. Oceanic Linguistics 53 (2). 467–479. Heston, Tyler. 2015. The segmental and suprasegmental phonology of Fataluku. Mānoa: University of Hawai’i at Mānoa PhD thesis. Heston, Tyler. 2016. The role of rhythm in intonational melody: A case study from Fataluku. Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 1. 1–8. Heston, Tyler M. 2020. Variation in the voiced coronals of two Fataluku-speaking villages. Journal of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society 12 (2). 71–90. Huber, Juliette. 2011. A grammar of Makalero: A Papuan language of East Timor. Utrecht: LOT. Huber, Juliette. 2017. Makalero and Makasae. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan Languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar: Sketch grammars, vol. 2, 267–352. Berlin: Mouton. Huber, Juliette. 2018. Natural locations and the distinction between ‘what’ and ‘where’ concepts: Evidence from differential locative marking in Makalero. Linguistics 56 (3). 477–512. Huber, Juliette & Antoinette Schapper. 2014. The relationship between aspect and universal quantification: Evidence from three Papuan languages of Timor and Alor. In Marian Klamer & František Kratochvíl (eds.), Number and quantity in East Nusantara: Papers from 12-ICAL, 152–169. Canberra: Asia-Pacific Linguistics. Hull, Geoffrey. 2004. The Papuan languages of East Timor. Studies in Languages and Cultures of East Timor 6. 23–99. Hull, Geoffrey. 2005. Fataluku (East Timor Language Profiles 7). Dili: Instituto Nacional de Linguística, Universidade Nacional Timor Lorosa’e. Josselin de Jong, Jan Petrus Benjamin de. 1937. Studies in Indonesian Culture I: Oirata, a Timorese settlement on Kisar. Amsterdam: Noord-Hollandsche Uitgevers-Maatschappij. McWhorter, John. 2008. Why does a language undress? Strange cases in Indonesia. In Matti Miestamo, Kaius Sinnemäki & Fred Karlsson (eds.), Language complexity: Typology, contact, change, 167–190. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. McWilliam, Andrew. 2007. Austronesians in linguistic disguise: Fataluku cultural fusion in East Timor. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 38 (2). 355–375. Nácher, Alfonso. 2012. Léxico Fataluco-Português (Introdução e edição de Geoffrey Hull) [Fataluku-Portuguese dictionary (Introduction and edition by Geoffrey Hull)]. Dili: Gráfica Patria. Riedel, J. G. F. 1886. De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua [The straightand curly-haired races between Celebes and Papua]. ’s Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff. Schapper, Antoinette (ed.). 2014. The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar: Sketch grammars, vol. 1. Berlin: Mouton. Schapper, Antoinette. 2017a. Introduction. In Antoinette Schapper (ed.), The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar: Sketch grammars, vol. 2, 1–53. Berlin: Mouton.

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Schapper, Antoinette (ed.). 2017b. The Papuan languages of Timor, Alor and Pantar: Sketch grammars, vol. 2. Berlin: Mouton. Schapper, Antoinette. forthcoming. The origins of isolating word structure in eastern Timor. In David Gil & Antoinette Schapper (eds.), Austronesian undressed: How and why languages become isolating. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Schapper, Antoinette, Juliette Huber & Aone van Engelenhoven. 2012. The historical relation of the Papuan languages of Timor and Kisar. In Harald Hammarström & Wilco van der Heuvel (eds.), Contact and classification of Papuan languages (Language and Linguistics in Melanesia Special Issue 2012), vol. 1, 194–242. Port Moresby: Linguistic Society of New Guinea. Schapper, Antoinette, Juliette Huber & Aone van Engelenhoven. 2017. The relatedness of Timor-Kisar and Alor-Pantar languages: A preliminary demonstration. In Marian Klamer (ed.), The Alor-Pantar languages: History and typology, 2nd edition, 91–147. Berlin: Language Science Press. Statistics Timor-Leste. 2015. Timor-Leste population and housing census. Online at http://www. statistics.gov.tl/category/publications/census-publications/2015-census-publications/. Accessed 09.10.2019. Stoel, Ruben. 2008. Fataluku as a tone language. In Paul Sidwell & Uri Tadmor (eds.), SEALS XVI: Papers from the 16th Annual Meeting of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society, 75–84. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Van Engelenhoven, Aone. 2009. On derivational processes in Fataluku, a non-Austronesian language in East Timor. In W.L. Wetzels (ed.), The linguistics of endangered languages: Contributions to morphology and morphosyntax, 331–362. Utrecht: LOT. Van Engelenhoven, Aone. 2010. Verb serialization in Fataluku: The case of ‘take.’ In Sascha Völlmin, Azeb Amha, Christian Rapold & Silvia Zaugg-Coretti (eds.), Converbs, medial verbs, clause chaining and related issues (Frankfurter Afrikanistische Blätter), 185–212. Köln: Rüdiger Köppe Verlag.

Index Bold page numbers indicate figures; italics indicate tables. Abui 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 18, 23, 26, 36, 42, 91, 263, 267–344 Adang 4, 9 – comparison with other languages 19, 21, 23, 24, 29–30, 36, 189, 254, 264, 309 adjectives – adjectival predicates/clauses 76–77, 299 – attributive 88 – in compounds 150–152, 409 – and derivation 363–365, 421 – distinct class 76, 88, 107–108, 163–164, 216, 298, 376 – lack of distinct class 35 – and reduplication 279 – semantic properties 76, 89 adverbs 283 – demonstrative adverbials 94, 127, 281 – in serialization 131–132, 407 – temporal and aspectual 132, 240, 284–285, 335, 373 – manner 157 – modal 285–287 – locational 287, 414 – and reduplication 361 – and derivation 363 Air Panas 55 Alor Malay 269, 287, 335, 340, 342, 343 – see also Malay Alorese 18, 55, 67, 90, 189 animacy 112, 127, 201, 236, 237 – distinctions in individual languages 237, 238, 282, 299, 314–315, 324, 327–328, 332, 382, 385 – and possession 96, 99, 100, 300 – in the TAP family in general 100 apocope 61, 73 applicatives – in individual languages 70, 115, 125, 136, 225, 234, 241–244, 253, 263 – in the TAP family in general 29, 30 assimilation 141, 142, 192, 195 associative plurals 28, 29, 223, 300 https://doi.org/10.1515/9781501511158-007

Austronesian languages 14, 16–18, 21, 36, 37, 55, 142, 216, 349, 379, 382 Bahasa Baranusa 55 Bakalang 140, 186 Bakuluka 140 Balungada 55 Baolang 42, 55 benefactives 323, 329, 342, 413 bilingualism, multilingualism 4, 55, 189, 349 – see also passive bilingualism bimoraic words, see morae Bird’s Head of Alor 13, 14 Bird’s Head of New Guinea 13, 21 Bismarck archipelago 13 Blagar 4, 5, 9, 140, 141, – and Bukalabang 140, 141, 142, 156, 176, 178, 181, 182, 185, 186 – comparison with other languages 20, 21, 23, 26, 29, 32, 84, 96, 136, 185, 233 – grammatical features of 13, 16, 19, 26, 33 – and PTAP 13 – and Reta 189, 190, 192, 206, 226, 227, 263–264 blending 73–74 Bobonaro 5 body part nouns 96–98, 98, 172, 225–226, 226, 297, 307, 310 Bol 5 borrowing, see loans Bukalabang 4, 4, 9, 13, 21, 23, 26, 29, 41, 42, 42, 139–186 Bunaq 8–9, 11 – contact with other languages 16–17, 18 – grammatical features 26, 100, 131, 404 – location, position in subgroup, and self identification 2, 3, 5, 6, 12 – typological comparison 15, 16, 19–23, 25, 26, 27, 29, 31–38

428 

 Index

causatives 177, 203, 238, 258 – causative serialization 37, 38, 40, 131, 252–253, 333–335 – incorporated causatives 39–40 – suffixes 29, 176 – with ‘take’ 127, 407, 408–410 change, see language change classifiers – human 90, 91, 92, 231 – numeral 89, 90, 91, 301, 302 – possessive 88, 92, 96, 99, 100, 112 codas 63, 69, 70, 135, 272, 272, 355, 356 code–switching 87, 110 comparative method and reconstruction 11, 15, 14, 18, 22 compounds 142, 147, 165, 202, 297, 385, 389 – N Adj 150–151, 150, 215 – NN 92, 104, 151, 151, 307, 354 – phonological 73 – possessive 102 – verbal 373–374, 399, 403, 405, 408, 409, 410, 412, 413, 423 consonant clusters 67, 195, 352 consonant inventory  – large 59, 190, 263 – small 20, 263 constituent order  – in individual languages 151–152, 204–206, 281–282, 287, 370–371, 373, 378 – in questions 85 – possessive order 36 – in TAP languages in general 30, 34, 35, 37, 38, 136 contact – Austronesian 16, 17, 18, 382 – Malay 342 – other 186 copula 298 – lack of 216, 283 dactylic pattern 358, 362 Dagada 349 – see also Fataluku definiteness/indefiniteness 111–112, 218, 221–222, 280, 313, 314, 325 deictics

– nonverbal deictic words 156–157, 158, 159, 168, 281, 288, 304–305 – in PTAP 13 – in the TAP family 35, 36 – verbs 130, 152, 157, 245, 245, 245–249, 257, 334, 404 demonstratives, see deictics derivational morphology – in individual languages 125, 135, 353, 361–363, 367, 374, 404 – in TAP languages in general 29, 424 Di’ang 4 diphthongs 59, 63, 69, 194, 197, 276, 352, 353, 357, 369 – as vowel sequences 20, 58–59 ditransitive clauses 322 – absence of 81 – ‘give’ constructions 34, 75, 124, 124, 206, 251, 256 – in the TAP family in general 34 – and word order 34, 75 Dolabang 9 Dolap 141 dual number marking – free pronouns 103, 103, 104, 110–111, 166, 228, 232–233 – in the TAP family in general 15, 16, 29 dummy pronouns 70, 72, 73, 112–115 Dutch colonial times 141 East Fataluku/Fataluku – grammatical characteristics 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 29, 30, 347–426 – location and status 2, 3, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 42 – as a Timor language 6, 17, 32, 40 Eastern Alor languages 136 Eastern Timor languages – Austronesian influence in 17 – grammatical characteristics 23, 25, 28, 29, 30–32, 37–39, 136 – Proto-Eastern-Timor, Eastern Timor subgroup 12, 12, 15, 17, 100, 347, 403–404, 349–350, 423–424 elevation – as a grammatical category 36, 94, 136, 156–157, 208, 221, 221, 264, 281, 304

Index 

– in serial verb constructions 244–248, 245, 248 endangerment 7, 10, 55, 135, 189, 269–270 Ethnologue 6, 189, 349 evidentiality marking  – in demonstratives 304 – lack of 132, 182 existential clauses 78, 79, 157, 208–209, 210, 245 Fafuna, see Papuna Fataluku, see East Fataluku focus, grammatically marked – particles 208, 213, 218, 229–230, 256, 258, 262 – pronouns 105–106, 312, 320–322 fossilized forms 15, 23, 25, 93, 203, 264, 424 Frata 17, 25, 349, 424 Gaiʹ 5 – see also Bunaq geminate – consonants 20–21, 23, 59, 60, 60–61, 64, 68, 72–73, 135 – degemination 57 – geminate vowels 193, 194, 224 – and stress 68, 69, 70, 197, 198 ‘give’ constructions, see ditransitive clauses Glottolog 56 glottonyms 5, 6, 56, 189, 349 grammaticalization 132 – of non-serial verb constructions 30, 89, 232, 250, 253, 294, 296, 382, 414, 417, 419 – of serial verb constructions 10, 125, 126, 132, 404, 408, 423 Greater West Bomberai family, see West Bomberai Hamap 4, 10 homophony 62, 99, 134, 277, 374, 398, 421 incorporation 30, 37, 39, 40, 225, 237, 255, 374 indefiniteness, see definiteness Indonesian 5, 7, 83, 142, 156, 184 – loans from, see loans – see also Malay

 429

Indonesian Badan Pengembangan Bahasa dan Perbukuan (Language and Book Development Agency) 56 initial consonant mutations 359–360, 373, 374, 401, 409, 423 – in TAP family 25, 26 juxtaposition 82, 164, 292 Kabola 4, 9, 10 Kaera 4, 13, 19, 21, 23, 26, 29, 178, 185, 186, 263 Kafoa 4, 10, 16, 18, 19, 21, 30, 32–33, 340 Kalabahi 42, 56, 189, 245, 269 Kalamang 15, 16 Kamang 4, 5, 9 – comparison with other languages 18, 19, 30, 32, 91, 263, 321 – grammatical features 21, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 33, 34 kinship nouns 97, 97, 173–174, 174, 307, 365, 385 Kiraman 4, 26, 35 Kisar 2, 3, 3, 6, 8, 17, 349 Klamu 5, 55 Klon 4, 9, 189 – comparison with other languages 16, 18, 19, 21, 22, 30, 233, 263 – grammatical features 15, 22 Kolijahi 140, 141 Kroku 4 – see also Bukalabang Kui 4, 7, 9, 10 – comparison with other languages 16, 18, 19, 21, 22, 26, 29, 30, 34, 254, 263, 340 Kula 4, 5, 9, 10, 11, 37 – comparison with other languages 19, 20, 21, 22, 26, 27, 30 Lamma 5, 9 language change 7, 10, 16, 22 – language shift 6, 7, 55, 341 – see also contact Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia (LIPI) (Indonesian Institute of Sciences) 10 LexiRumah 190

430 

 Index

loans – from Dutch 67, 142, 143, 145, 202 – from Indonesian 142, 147, 351, 352, 355, 380, 381 – from Portuguese 145, 349, 350, 352, 353, 355, 357 – from Tetun 17, 350, 352, 355, 382 – see also contact Loikera 349 Lospalos 370 Lóvaia, see Makuva Luro 6 Luul 4 Makalero 3, 3, 6, 9, 404 – comparison with other languages 19, 20, 20, 21, 23, 25, 27–30, 36, 40, 385, 392, 407 – and Makasae 22, 39, 41, 349, 359–360, 365, 365, 374–376, 403, 423–424 Makasae 2, 3, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 18, 349 – grammatical features of 21, 22, 25, 29, 34, 39, 40 – and Makalero, see Makalero Makuva 349 Malay 55, 56, 147, 286, 310, 315, 335, 340 – bilingualism in/pressure from 7, 189, 269, 270, 341, 342–343 – loans from 67, 74, 87, 90, 110, 192, 201 – see also Indonesian; loans from Indonesian; Alor Malay Maliana 5 Manet 4, 5 Marae 6 marginal phonemes 19, 21, 141, 142, 143, 190 Meher 3 Meng Abang 42 metathesis 15, 22, 27 middle voice 120 modal adverbs/verbs/particles 205, 259, 259, 262, 281, 286–288, 311, 413, 415–417, 418 Modebur 4, 140 – see also Bukalabang Moo 4, 5 Mor 14 morae 23, 274, 358

Mulibur 140, 141 multilingualism, see bilingualism mutual intelligibility 4, 189, 349 naming practices, see glottonyms Nedebang 53–137 – linguistic situation 4, 5, 6, 42 – comparison with other languages 13, 19, 20, 21, 23, 29–30, 35, 38, 188, 238 negation – double 33 – embracing negation 205, 209–211, 212, 240, 260, 263 – standard 83–85, 153, 154, 281, 291, 376–377 – in TAP languages in general 32–33 New Guinea 2, 3, 13, 14, 16 nominal inflection 27, 28, 56 numerals – cardinal 90, 90, 164, 164–165, 217, 216–218, 301, 300–301, 379, 380, 381 – human/nonhuman 100 – morphosyntax of 91, 149, 199, 243, 280, 301–302, 379, 380–382, 397–398 – ordinal 159, 165, 217–218, 225, 255, 301, 380 – quinary 90 Oirata – comparison with other languages 15, 17, 25, 41, 393, 423, 424 – grammatical features 28, 29, 29, 40, 41 – location and language status 2, 3, 6, 7–8, 10, 349 – phonology 21, 22 Onin-Bomberai zone 14 onomatopoeia 21, 66, 143, 145 onsets – geminate 68, 69 – word initial 22, 62, 191, 272, 272, 352, 355, 356 – word medial 63, 272, 272, 352, 355, 356, 357, 361 optional prefixation 135, 178–181 orthography 74–75, 370

Index 

Papuna 4, 6 PARADISEC 11 passive bilingualism 4, 5, 7, 186, 189, 270 phonaesthemes 190, 192 phrasal position inflection 26 pitch-accent system 23, 357 – see also tone Portuguese 8, 349 – see also loans, from Portuguese possession – alienable-inalienable distinction 27, 96, 98, 169–170, 172, 279, 308, 389, 390, 424 – direct-indirect distinction 18, 27, 96–102, 136 prosody 366, 367, 369 Proto- Greater West Bomberai 14 Proto-Eastern-Timor 17 Proto-Fataluku-Oirata 17 Proto-Kisar-Luang 17 Proto-Maka 17 Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (PMP) 17, 18 Proto-Timor Alor Pantar (PTAP) 13, 15, 16, 18, 29, 34, 64, 330 Pulau Rusa 55 Pura Island 9, 141 Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa/ Pusat Bahasa/ Badan Pengembangan dan Pembinaan Bahasa (Centre for Language Development and Cultivation/Center for Language) 9 quinary numerals, see numerals Reta (=Retta) 187–266 – comparison with other languages 19, 21, 29–30, 38, 42, 181, 185 – linguistic situation 4, 42 retroflexion 21 Saʹani 6 Sar 4, 6, 13 Sawila 4, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 26, 27, 30, 316 South Bird’s Head 14 stem alternations 335, 336, 336, 339 Suboo 4, 5, 10

 431

Sulawesi 18 suprasegmentals 22, 277, 293, 298, 365, 367, 369 syllables  – heavy 23, 65, 194, 197, 263, 274, 275, 276, 369 – light 23, 69, 194, 274, 275, 276, 358, 369 – syllable codas, see codas – syllable onsets, see onsets Takalelang 42, 269, 270, 276, 341, 343 Tanahmerah 14 Tanglapui 5 Teiwa – comparison with Nedebang 4, 67, 91, 116, 135, 136, 186 – comparison with other languages 13, 19, 21, 22, 23, 25, 30, 100, 257, 263 – language situation 4, 5, 7, 9, 10 Ternate 189, 190 Tetun 6, 17, 36, 349, 382 – see also loans, from Tetun The Language Archive 11, 56 Tiee 4, 5 tone 23, 277, 289, 342, 367 – see also pitch-accent system Trans-New Guinea (TNG) 13, 14, 15 trivalent constructions, see ditransitive clauses trochees 23, 358 Tuntuli 140 Tutuala 42, 349, 350 Uab Meto 18, 142 verbs, irregular 26, 124, 206 Voirata, see Oirata vowels – vowel flip 15 – vowel harmony 206 – vowel length 74, 185, 193, 276, 342, 350, 353, 361, 366–367, 369 – vowel prothesis 401 Warsalelang 140 Wersing

432 

 Index

– comparison to other languages 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 27, 30, 32, 33, 134 – language situation 4, 5, 9, 27 West Bomberai/Greater West Bomberai family 14, 15, 16 Western Pantar – comparison to other languages 31, 38, 94, 107, 109, 134, 135, 136, 186, 263–264, 310

– language situation 2, 4, 6, 10, 11, 55, 56 Woirata, see Oirata Woisika, see Kamang word order, see constituent order