The Papers of William Penn, Volume 2: 168-1684 9781512821420

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THE PAPERS OF WILLIAM PENN

Volume Two • 1680-1684

THE PAPERS OF

WILLIAM PENN Volume Two • 1680—1684

EDITORS

Richard S. Dunn • Mary Maples Dunn ASSOCIATE EDITORS

Scott M. Wilds • Richard A. Ryerson • Jean R. Soderlund Special Editor • Ned C. Landsman

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PRESS 1982

Copyright © 1982 by the University of Pennsylvania Press All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Penn, William, 1644-1718. (Revised) The papers of William Penn. Includes biographical references and indexes.

CONTENTS: v. 1. 1644-1679—v. 2 1680-1684. 1. Penn, William, 1644-1718. 2. Pennsylvania—History — Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775 — Sources. 3. Friends, Society of— History — 1 7th century — Sources. 4. Friends, Society of— History — 18th century — Sources. 5. Friends, Society of— Biography. 6. Pioneers — Pennsylvania— Correspondence. I. Dunn, Mary Maples. II. Dunn, Richard S. III. Title. F152.2P3956 1982 974.8'02'0924 [B] 80-54052 ISBN 0-8122-7800-3 (v. 1) ISBN 0-8122-7852-6 (v. 2)

Designed by Adrianne Onderdonk Dudden Maps by Quentin Fiore

To

CAROLINE ROBBINS and to the memory of ALBERT COOK MYERS HANNAH BENNER ROACH and FREDERICK B. TOLLES

Preparation and publication of this volume was made possible by a major grant from the Program for Editions The National Endowment for the Humanities an independent federal agency

and by generous supporting grants from The American Philosophical Society The Atlantic Richfield Foundation The Barra Foundation Bryn Mawr College Haverford College The Historical Foundation of Pennsylvania The Historical Society of Pennsylvania The McLean Contributionship The National Historical Publications and Records Commission The Philadelphia Center for Early American Studies The Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends The Philadelphia Quartz Foundation Adolph G. Rosengarten, Jr. The University of Pennsylvania The Yarway Foundation

ADVISORY BOARD Whitfield J. Bell, Jr., The American Philosophical Society Edwin B. Bronner, Haverford College Edward C. Carter, II, The Papers of Benjamin Henry Latrobe J. William Frost, Swarthmore College Christopher J. Holdsworth, The Journal of the Friends' Historical Society James E. Mooney, The Historical Society of Pennsylvania Caroline Robbins, Bryn Mawr College

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The editors are deeply grateful to the following for permitting us to publish documents from their collections: the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia; the Bedford Record Office, Bedford, England; the Bodleian Library, Oxford University; the British Library, London; the Office of the Register of Deeds, Bucks County Court House, Doylestown, Pennsylvania; the Chester County Historical Society, West Chester, Pennsylvania; the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, Williamsburg, Virginia; the Darlington Memorial Library, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; the Hall of Records, Dover, Delaware; the Historical Society of Delaware, Wilmington; the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia; the Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, California; the Library Company of Philadelphia; the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.; the Library of the Religious Society of Friends, London; Mr. Henry Bradley Martin, New York City; the Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore, Maryland; the Archives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Boston; the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York City; the New-York Historical Society, New York City; the New York Public Library, New York City; the Philadelphia Monthly Meeting and the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends, Philadelphia; the Bureau of Archives and History and the Division of Land Records, Historical and Museum Commission, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania; the Public Record Office, London; the John Rylands Library, University of Manchester, Manchester, England; the Philip H. and A. S. W. Rosenbach Foundation, Philadelphia; and the Tulane University Library, New Orleans, Louisiana. Four institutions, Bryn Mawr College, Haverford College, the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and the University of Pennsylvania—all participants in the Philadelphia Center for Early American Studies — are the sponsors of this edition. The editors are deeply appreciative of this cooperative institutional support. We are also very grateful to the National Endowment for the Humanities and the vii

National Historical Publications and Records Commission, and to the American Philosophical Society, the Atlantic Richfield Foundation, the Barra Foundation, the Historical Foundation of Pennsylvania, the McLean Contributionship, the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends, the Philadelphia Quartz Foundation, Adolph G. Rosengarten, Jr., and the Yarway Foundation for their generous grants. A special word of thanks is due to James E. Mooney, Director of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, to Peter J. Parker, Chief of Manuscripts, to John H. Platt, Jr., Librarian, and to the other members of the Society staff, for providing the editors with attractive working space and congenial company, free access to the Society's manuscript and book collections, and expert help whenever needed. The editors have also received indispensable assistance from Edwin Wolf 2nd and his staff at the Library Company of Philadelphia; J. William Frost and the staff of the Friends Historical Library at Swarthmore College; Edwin B. Bronner and the staff of the Quaker Collection at Haverford College; James Tanis at the library of Bryn Mawr College; and the staff at the Van Pelt Library at the University of Pennsylvania. Farther afield, we have been courteously received by Rowland Baumann and Martha L. Simonetti at the Pennsylvania State Archives, and by Barbara E. Benson at the Historical Society of Delaware. Former Pennsylvania state historian William A. Hunter of Mechanicsburg helped greatly in identifying individual Indians. In London, we were helped by the staffs of the Public Record Office, the British Library, and the Library of the Religious Society of Friends; in Oxford, the Bodleian Library; in Bedford, the Bedfordshire Record Office. The editors also wish to thank Lucy Kerman, Jack Michel, and Marcus Rediker for their work on the First Purchasers' lists, David Dauer for his work on the charter of the Free Society of Traders, Linda Salvucci for her work on documents dealing with the PennBaltimore controversy, and Marilyn Westerkamp for expert word processing; all were fellows of the Philadelphia Center for Early American Studies. Elizabeth Homsey searched for documents in the Delaware Hall of Records and at the Historical Society of Delaware. Ned Landsman, who served as Associate Editor in 1979, has done invaluable work in organizing, transcribing, and interpreting the various drafts of WP's Frame of Government. Sister Irma Corcoran's index to the microfilm edition of The Papers of William Penn has been very useful to us. Members of our Advisory Board have been extremely helpful whenever called upon. Marjorie George assisted with word processing, Patricia Wells did the index, and Janet Greenviii

wood did the copy editing. Adrianne Onderdonk Dudden designed the book, and Quentin Fiore designed the maps. Walter Heppenstall and Barton L. Craig at the Winchell Company, and Maurice English and his staff at the University of Pennsylvania Press have worked closely with us to produce this complex volume expeditiously. Finally, we wish in particular to thank George F. Farr, Jr., of the National Endowment for the Humanities and Frank G. Burke of the National Historical Publications and Records Commission. Without the active and continuing support of the federal agencies they represent, this volume could never have been produced.

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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS •

vii

ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS • xix INTRODUCTION • 3 EDITORIAL METHOD • 7 ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES • 1 1 A WILLIAM PENN CHRONOLOGY, 1680–1684 • 16

NEGOTIATING THE CHARTER FOR PENNSYLVANIA, January 1680–February 1681 • 19 From Robert Barclay, 31 January 1680 • 23 To William, Prince of Orange, 26 February 1680 • 26 From Henry Sidney, 21 May 1680 • 29 Petition to Charles II, May? 1680 • 32 Minute of the King's Report on William Penn's Petition, 1 June 1680 • 33 6. Minute of the Committee of Trade, 14 June 1680 • 35 7. Lord Baltimore's Agents to William Blathwayt, 23 June 1680 • 36 8. Sir John Werden to William Blathwayt, 23 June 1680 • 37 9. Minute of the Committee of Trade, 25 June 1680 • 39 10. John Darnall's Outline for the Charter of Pennsylvania, July? 1680 • 40 11. Sir Creswell Levinz to the Committee of Trade, October 1680? • 43 12. Sir John Werden to William Blathwayt, 16 October 1680 • 44 13. Sir Creswell Levinz's Notes on William Penn's Draft for the Charter, 11 November 1680 • 46 14. Sir John Werden to William Blathwayt, 20 November 1680 • 47 15. Sir John Werden to William Blathwayt, 23 November 1680 • 49 16. Petition to Parliament, November 1680 ? • 49 17. Minute of the Committee of Trade, 22 January 1681 • 57 18. Chief Justice North's Memorandum on William Penn's Draft Charter, c. January 1681 • 58 19. Chief Justice North's Proposed Restrictions on William Penn's Patent, c. January 1681 • 60 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

xi

20. William Blathwayt's Draft of the Charter of Pennsylvania, 24 February 1681 • 63 21. Minute of the Committee of Trade, 24 February 1681 • 77 22. Warrant to the Privy Seal Office, 28 February 1681 • 77 PLANNING 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49.

FOR A NEW COLONY, March-December 1681

•

79

To Robert Turner, 5 March 1681 • 83 To the Inhabitants of Pennsylvania, 8 April 1681 • 84 Commission to William Markham, 10 April 1681 • 85 To Lord Baltimore, 10 April 1681 • 87 To Robert Turner, Anthony Sharp, and Roger Roberts, 12 April 1681 • 88 From Robert Barclay, 15 April 1681 • 90 To Henry Sidney, c. April 1681 • 92 Minutes of the London Meeting for Sufferings, 29 April and 20 May 1681 • 93 From Robert Barclay, 25 June 1681 • 95 Conditions or Concessions to the First Purchasers, 11 July 1681 • 98 Land Sale to Philip Ford, 14 July 1681 • 102 From Sir John Werden, 16 July 1681 • 103 From Robert Barclay, 19 August 1681 • 104 To Thomas Janney, 21 August 1681 • 106 To James Harrison, 25 August 1681 • 107 To Robert Turner, 25 August 1681 • 110 To Planters in Maryland, 16 September 1681 • 111 From Robert Barclay, 23 September 1681 • 115 Initial Plans for Philadelphia, 30 September 1681 • 118 From Robert Barclay, 10 October 1681 • 123 To Algernon Sidney, 13 October 1681 • 124 To William Markham, 18 October 1681 • 126 To the Kings of the Indians, 18 October 1681 • 127 Additional Instructions to William Markham, 28 October 1681 • 129 To Lady Elizabeth Petty, 3 November 1681 • 130 From Robert Barclay, 19 November 1681 • 132 From Robert Barclay, 17 December 1681 • 133

THE FRAME OF GOVERNMENT 1681–1682 • 135

OF

PENNSYLVANIA,

50. The Fundamental Constitutions, summer 1681? • 140 51. John Darnall's First Chart of Government • 158 xii

52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62.

John Darnall's Third Chart of Government • 160 First Draft of the Frame of Government • 163 Counselor Bamfield's Draft Constitution, 1681 • 166 Second Draft of the Frame of Government • 178 Thomas Rudyard's Commentary on the Frame of Government, 13 January 1682 • 184 Sixth Draft of the Frame of Government, c. January 1682 • 189 Tenth Draft of the Frame of Government, March 1682 • 197 Draft of Laws Agreed Upon in England, c. April 1682 • 203 The Frame of Government and Laws Agreed Upon in England, c. May 1682 • 211 Benjamin Furly's Comparison of the Fundamental Constitutions with The Frame of Government, post May 1682 • 228 Benjamin Furly's Criticism of The Frame of Government, post May 1682 • 229

PREPARING TO LEAVE FOR PENNSYLVANIA, January–August 1682 • 239 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77.

Bill for Lasse Cock's Services, 1682 • 242 To James Harrison, 19 January 1682 • 243 To Elizabeth Woodhouse, 8 March 1682 • 245 Charter for the Free Society of Traders, 24 March 1682 • 246 Lord Baltimore to William Markham, 5 June 1682 • 256 To the Emperor of Canada, 21 June 1682 • 261 Deed from the Delaware Indians, 15 July 1682 • 261 To Gulielma Penn and Children, 4 August 1682 • 269 To Margaret Fox, 14 August 1682 • 277 From Sir William Petty, 14 August 1682 • 278 To Springett Penn, Laetitia Penn, and William Penn, Jr., 19 August 1682 • 280 Deed for New Castle, 24 August 1682 • 281 From Moses Charas, 25 August 1682 • 284 Account of Plate at Warminghurst, c. 1682 • 287 Business Agreements with Philip Ford, 24, 26 August 1682 • 290

FIRST MONTHS IN AMERICA, September–December, 1682 78. From John Darnall, 14 September 1682 • 300 79. From Philip Ford, 19 September 1682 • 302

xiii

•

297

80. John Moll's Account of the Surrender of the Three Lower Counties to William Penn, 1682 • 305 81. To Augustine Herrman, 2 November 1682 • 308 82. Writ to Peter Baucomb to Call an Election, 8 November 1682 • 309 83. Writ to John Vines to Call an Election, 8 November 1682 • 310 84. To William Blathwayt and Francis Gwyn, 21 November 1682 • 311 85. John Vines's Election Return, 21 November 1682 • 312 86. To Thomas Holme, 28 November 1682 • 313 87. To William Markham, 28 November 1682 • 314 88. William Penn's Account of his Title to Land in West New Jersey, 4 December 1682 • 316 89. Petition for an Act of Union, 6 December 1682 • 318 90. From George Heathcote, 7 December 1682 • 320 91. From Sir Henry Chicheley, 15 December 1682 • 321 92. To Justices of the Peace, 21 December 1682 • 323 93. To the Justices of Kent County, 21 December 1682 • 323 94. To the Justices of Sussex County, 26 December 1682 • 325

SETTLING IN PENNSYLVANIA, 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114.

January–April, 1683

•

327

From John Tucker, 8 January 1683 • 330 Minute of the Philadelphia Monthly Meeting, 9 January 1683 • 333 Naturalization of Swedish Inhabitants, 11 January 1683 • 337 From Thomas Rudyard, 13 January 1683 • 339 From William Clarke, 13 January 1683 • 343 To William Clarke, c. February 1683 • 344 To Jasper Batt, 5 February 1683 • 346 To Lord Culpeper, 5 February 1683 • 350 To the Earl of Rochester, 5 February 1683 • 351 To William Markham, 5 February 1683 • 352 Assignment of Land from John Moll, 21 February 1683 • 353 From James Nevill, 3 March 1683 • 355 To Lord Baltimore, 12 March 1683 • 357 Laying Out Philadelphia Lots, 17 March 1683 • 358 From George Hutchinson, 18 March 1683 • 361 The Act of Settlement, 19 March 1683 • 362 Tavern Regulations, c. 23 March 1683 • 367 From James Claypoole, 1 April 1683 • 369 From Justices of the Peace, 14 April 1683 • 374 To John Blaykling and Others, 16 April 1683 • 375

xiv

CONFLICT WITH LORD BALTIMORE, April–August 1683

•

379

To Lord Baltimore, 23 April 1683 • 383 From Joseph Harris, 19 May 1683 • 385 To Lord Baltimore, 30 May 1683 • 388 To Lord Baltimore, 6 June 1683 • 389 To the Governor and Council of West New Jersey, 11 June 1683 • 390 To Christopher Taylor and Others, 11 June 1683 • 392 To John Aubrey, 13 June 1683 • 394 To the Earl of Rochester, 14 June 1683 • 397 To the Governor and Council of West New Jersey, 20 June 1683 • 398 From William Clarke, 21 June 1683 • 400 Deed from the Delaware Indians, 23 June 1683 • 404 From Lord Baltimore, 24 June 1683 • 405 To William Markham, James Harrison, and William Clarke, 2 July 1683 • 410 128. Release of Customs Duty, 2 July 1683 • 411 129. To the Proprietors of East New Jersey, 11 July 1683 • 412 130. To Lord North, 24 July 1683 • 414 131. To the Earl of Sunderland, 28 July 1683 • 416 132. To Thomas Taylor, 31 July 1683 • 418 133. Commission and Instructions to James Graham and William Haige, 2 August 1683 • 423 134. To Anthony Brockholls and John West, 3 August 1683 • 424 135. From Margaret Lowther, 4 August 1683 • 425 136. From Anthony Lowther, 5 August 1683 • 427 137. To Charles II, 13 August 1683 • 428 138. To the Committee of Trade, 14 August 1683 • 431

115. 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127.

NEGOTIATING WITH THE INDIANS, August–December 1683

•

439

139. To the Free Society of Traders, 16 August 1683 • 442 140. Gulielma Penn to Margaret Fox, 21 August 1683 • 460 141. From Jasper Batt, August? 1683 • 462 142. From William Haige, 29 August 1683 • 469 143. To William Markham, c. 1 September 1683 • 472 144. From William Haige, 4 September 1683 • 479 145. Minute of the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, 4 September 1683 • 480 146. The Mohawk Indians' Answer to William Haige and James Graham, 7 September 1683 • 481 147. To Thomas Fairman, 8 September 1683 • 483 148. From James Walliam and John White, 8 September 1683 • 485 xv

149. To James Walliam and John White, 9 September 1683 • 486 150. Thomas Dongan to the Commissioners of Albany, 14 September 1683 • 487 151. From Thomas Dongan, 10 October 1683 • 488 152. The Surveying of Germantown, 12 October 1683 • 490 153. Purchase of the Mouth of the Susquehanna River, 18 October 1683 • 492 154. From Thomas Dongan, 22 October 1683 • 492 155. Account of Controversy with Lord Baltimore, 31 October 1683 • 494 156. To Tenants in New Castle, Chester, Philadelphia, and Bucks Counties, 9 November 1683 • 500 157. From Thomas Holme, c. 9 November 1683 • 501 158. To John Alloway, 29 November 1683 • 502

FRICTION WITH THE COLONISTS, January–July, 1684

•

507

159. To the Earl of Arran, 9 January 1684 • 510 160. Proclamation about City Lots on the Schuylkill, 9 January 1684 • 514 161. From William Clarke, 15 January 1684 • 516 162. To the Duke of York, 2 February 1684 • 518 163. From John Richardson, 10 February 1684 • 521 164. From William Welch, 18 February 1684 • 522 165. From Thomas Dongan, 19 February 1684 • 523 166. From James Harrison, 23 February 1684 • 524 167. Warrant to Survey a Welsh Barony, 13 March 1684 • 526 168. To Friends in Great Britain, 17 March 1684 • 528 169. From Thomas Dongan, 17 March 1684 • 532 170. From Elizabeth Gretton, 20 March 1684 • 533 171. From William Markham, 27 March 1684 • 534 172. To Robert Turner, 31 March 1684 • 539 173. From Samuel Carpenter, c. April 1684 • 541 174. To John Simcock and Others, 2 April 1684 • 543 175. To Ralph Fretwell, 3 April 1684 • 546 176. From William Welch, 5 April 1684 • 547 177. From Nicholas Bayard, 16 April 1684 • 549 178. From William Clarke, post 18 April 1684 • 551 179. From Thomas Dongan, 1 May 1684 • 554 180. From John Purvis, 21 May 1684 • 556 181. From Samuel Land, 25 May 1684 • 557 182. Petition from Philadelphia Merchants, 30 May 1684 • 558 183. To the Duke of York, 8 June 1684 • 560 184. From Richard Davies, 7 July 1684 • 561 185. From Benjamin Furly, 23 July 1684 • 566 xvi

186. To James Harrison, July 1684 • 568 187. Remonstrance from the Inhabitants of Philadelphia, c. July 1684 • 569

RETURN TO ENGLAND, August–December, 1684

•

579

188. Commission to President Thomas Lloyd and the Provincial Council, 6 August 1684 • 583 189. Gardening Directions for Ralph Smyth, August? 1684 • 584 190. Last Will and Testament, 6 August 1684 • 585 191. To Gulielma Penn, 6 August 1684 • 587 192. Appointment of Guardians for Springett Penn, 7 August 1684 • 588 193. From the Earl of Arran, 10 August 1684 • 589 194. Farewell to Pennsylvania, 12 August 1684 • 590 195. From Jan Vandewalle, 24 August 1684 • 591 196. Gulielma Penn to Margaret Fox, 24 August 1684 • 597 197. From Philip Theodore Lehnmann, 23 September 1684 • 599 198. To James Harrison, 7 October 1684 • 601 199. To Thomas Lloyd, 7 October 1684 • 604 200. To Margaret Fox, 29 October 1684 • 605 201. From Nicholas More, 1 December 1684 • 607 202. From Samuel Carpenter, 25 December 1684 • 610

APPENDIX • 617 203. Petitions from Freeholders in Chester, Kent, New Castle, and Sussex Counties, c. 20 February 1683 • 619 204. Lord Baltimore to Richard Burke, 7 November 1683 and 7 December 1683 • 624 205. The First Purchasers of Pennsylvania, 1681–1685 • 630 206. Reputed First Purchasers • 657 CALENDAR OF MICROFILMED WP DOCUMENTS 1680–1684 • 665

CALENDAR OF DOCUMENTS NOT FILMED 1680–1684 • 679

INDEX • 681

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ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS

Penn's Treaty with the Indians, by Benjamin West (Detail), The Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts • Frontispiece A Map of Some of the South and east bounds of Pennsylvania in America, by John Thornton and John Seller. London, 1681. (Detail) • 113 John Darnall's Third Chart of Government, c. 1681 (Detail) • 157 The First Draft of the Frame of Government, c. 1681, HSP • 164 The Pennsylvania-Maryland Border Dispute, 1681-1684 • 257 The Delaware Valley, 1680-1684 • 307 The Site of Philadelphia about 1681, adapted from a map in PMHB, 92:15 • 334 Penn's Treaty with the Indians, by Benjamin West • 453 William Penns Purchases from the Indians, 1682-1684

491

•

A Portraiture of the City of Philadelphia, 1683, by Thomas Holme, Library Company of Philadelphia • 515 The Geographical Origins of First Purchasers, 1681-1685

•

633

William Penn's letter of 8 April 1681 to the Inhabitants of Pennsylvania [see pp. 84-85], HSP • Endpapers

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THE PAPERS OF WILLIAM PENN

Volume Two • 1680—1684

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INTRODUCTION

This is the second volume in a select edition of The Papers of William Penn, designed to present the most interesting and representative correspondence, religious and political papers, journals, and business records of WP — as he will be referred to henceforth. The overall plan of the work is described in the introduction to our first volume. The present volume differs markedly in character from its predecessor. Volume One spans the first thirty-five years of WP's life, from 1644 through 1679; while Volume Two covers only five years. Volume One mainly documents WP's religious activities as a young Quaker controversialist, missionary, and lobbyist in England, Ireland, Holland, and Germany; while Volume Two is almost entirely concerned with his proceedings as a colonizer. In the mid-16708, WP had helped to promote Quaker colonization in New Jersey, but there is little in the surviving record to indicate that he was developing a strong interest in America. Out of the blue, shortly before i June 1680 (see doc. 4 in this volume), he petitioned Charles II for a grant of land in America. From that date onward, Pennsylvania became his central concern. The years 1680-1684 were the most creative, and on the whole the most productive, in WP's career. He was in his late thirties, and at the prime of his powers. Benjamin West, in his famous painting of the Indian Treaty at Shackamaxon, reproduced as the frontispiece to this volume, portrayed WP as a portly and benign patriarch. But West misrepresented the Quaker founder, for in the early i68os he was a dynamic figure, who plunged into his new role of colonizer with the greatest of gusto. WP was the creator of Pennsylvania in a very full sense; he set in motion a design more personal and more comprehensive than Raleigh's design for Virginia or Winthrop's for Massachusetts or Baltimore's for Maryland or Shaftesbury's for Carolina. Because his plan was so distinctive, it stirred immediate controversy. In the following pages, we attempt to illustrate all aspects of WP's colonizing

3

design — and all important contemporary criticisms of his plan by friends and foes alike. For a chronology of WP's actions in 1680-1684, see pp. 16-17. The documents in this second volume are arranged in ten sections, designed to articulate the principal stages through which WP passed, as he planned and supervised the settlement of Pennsylvania. Within each section, headnotes introduce groups of documents or individual documents, and supply a running commentary upon WP's activities. The many hundreds of persons and places mentioned in these documents are identified (whenever possible) in the footnotes; these identifications may easily be located in the index, where the page references to them are set in boldface type. The maps illustrating this volume are likewise designed to aid the reader in locating most places mentioned in the text. The appendix includes lists of the First Purchasers who bought land in Pennsylvania from WP, and petitions from early Pennsylvania and Delaware residents. A larger number of Penn manuscripts survive for the five years covered in Volume Two than for the thirty-five years covered in Volume One. The microfilm edition of The Papers of William Penn, issued by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania (HSP) in 1975, contains 331 documents for the years 1644-1679, and 512 documents for the years 1680-1684 (see the list on pp. 665-78, below). We have added to our master file another 72 documents dating from these five years (see the list on pp. 679-80, below). In preparing the present volume, we have selected 217 documents for publication. Only 105 of them have previously been published, and these are scattered in dozens of books and journals, most of them printed long ago, with inaccurate texts and without annotation. Ours is the first extensive compilation of documents concerning the founding of Pennsylvania to be issued in 130 years, since Samuel Hazard edited two volumes of early Pennsylvania materials in 1850-1852.l When Hazard was searching in the Harrisburg state government offices for early Pennsylvania documents, he was able to find very few letters to or from WP.2 In the 18508 most of WP's manuscripts were in England, held by the Penn family; after the family collection was broken up, the HSP acquired many basic documents on the founding of Pennsylvania.3 Other American and English archives, particularly the Public Record Office, have manuscripts detailing WP's activities in these crucial years. Consequently, the documentary record is far more extensive than Hazard supposed. Nonetheless, the gaps are serious. As in Volume One, most of WP's family correspondence for the early i68os is lost or destroyed. Docs. 70, 73, and 191 are WP's only surviving letters from this period to his wife and children; there are no letters from Gulielma to WP during his two-year stay in AmerIntroduction

•

4

ica. WP's accounts with his steward Philip Ford, which supply important evidence about his business affairs and living habits in the 16705, are unfortunately also missing after March 1680. WP was busier in the early i68os than at any other time in his life, and he seems to have abandoned some of his earlier recordkeeping habits. There is no evidence, for instance, that he kept an American journal, equivalent to his Irish journal of 1669-1670 or his Holland journal of 1677; hence we have no day-by-day record of WP's movements during his visit to Pennsylvania. The clerk who accompanied him to America, Philip Theodore Lehnmann, was a sloppy worker (see docs. 198-99), who apparently did not compile a letterbook, equivalent to WP's letterbook of 1667-1675; hence we have few drafts of WP's tracts and correspondence for this period. In consequence, the present volume contains disappointingly little personal information about WP, his family, and his social circle. In sharp contrast to Volume One, we find little information here about his religious activities either in England or in America. Our documentation for 1680-1684 is largely political and economic, and it is prevailingly impersonal in character — formal correspondence with public officials, commissions, instructions, warrants, and depositions. Such documentation reveals more about the external development of the new colony than about the interior life of its founder. Admitting these shortcomings, the documentation in The Papers of William Penn for the years 1680-1684 is of vital importance for anyone interested in the beginnings of Pennsylvania. Docs. 4-22 describe WP's negotiations with the royal government between June 1680 and March 1681 over the terms of the Pennsylvania charter. Many key details are missing, but these documents nevertheless present the most complete record of charter negotiations that we have for any seventeenth-century colony. Once WP obtained title to 45,000 square miles of American real estate, he spent the next year and a half, from March 1681 to August 1682, advertising his colony, recruiting settlers, selling land, planning the government, and preparing for his own departure. All of these activities are illustrated in this volume. WP's correspondence with Robert Turner, Robert Barclay, and James Harrison in 1681-1682 exhibits his techniques for selling land and recruiting colonists. By the summer of 1682, he had sold half a million acres, and had persuaded several hundred First Purchasers to join him in America. WP's steward, Ford, and his lawyers, Thomas Rudyard and Herbert Springett, drew up seven lists of 589 people in England, Wales, Ireland, Scotland, and Holland who paid WP a total of £9,070 for Pennsylvania land between 1681 and 1685; these lists, which contain much more individual information about the First Purchasers than has previously been published, are consolidated Introduction • 5

into a master list of First Purchasers in the appendix (doc. 205). Docs. 50-62 present an extraordinary series of draft constitutions (and critiques of constitutions) prepared by WP and his associates, that trace in fascinating detail the evolution of The Frame of Government (doc. 60), Pennsylvania's first published constitution. These drafts provide a rare illustration of political thought in action; they are printed here for the first time. In August 1682 (docs. 70-77), WP himself embarked for Pennsylvania. The majority of the documents in Volume Two illustrate his two-year stay in America, from October 1682 through August 1684, and the management of his "holy experiment." Docs. 80-94 supply much information about the organization of county government in what is now Delaware. Docs. 41 and 108 discuss the founding of Philadelphia. Docs. 69 and 125 illustrate WP's early Indian treaties. Docs. 120 and 134 describe his dealings with his English neighbors in New Jersey and New York. In his correspondence with officials in England, WP reported enthusiastically on the rapid growth of Pennsylvania (see docs. 84, 122, 130-31, and 159). Very quickly, however, signs of friction began to appear. WP became embroiled in an acrimonious boundary dispute with Lord Baltimore, which diverted him from the internal administration of his colony. A long series of documents trace WP's deteriorating relations with his neighbors in Maryland, culminating in an outright border war (see docs. 163 and 174). Within Pennsylvania, WP received a stream of complaints from his Quaker colleagues about the form of government and the allocation of land; by the summer of 1684 (docs. 182 and 187), the colonists were lodging formal protests with the proprietor. In August 1684 (docs. 188-94), WP returned to England in order to appeal to the royal government against Lord Baltimore. He left the colony without clear leadership. In December 1684, only four months after his departure, Samuel Carpenter gloomily reported to him (doc. 202) that the holy experiment was slipping into disarray. "I hope the Lord in mercy to us will restore thee to us again," Carpenter lamented; "the want of thee in all respects is more then I can Expresse." For WP, unhappily, his "opening of joy" in America (see doc. 27) was already turning to grief. 1. Samuel Hazard, ed., Annals of Pennsylvania, 1609-1682 (Philadelphia, 1850) prints extracts from numerous documents dating from 1680-1682 on pp. 474-643. Samuel Hazard, ed., PA, ist ser., i (1852), prints 55 documents dating from 1681-1684 on pp. 37-92. 2. Samuel Hazard's report to Gov. Johnston of Pennsylvania, 31 Dec. 1851, in Hazard, ed., PA, istser., 1:17. 3. For the history of the Penn papers, see PWP, i :^-6.

Introduction • 6

EDITORIAL METHOD

In this edition we pursue a literal, rather than a modernized, method of textual reproduction. Our reasons for doing so are discussed in PWP, 1:15-16. We aim to print a completely faithful transcript of each original text, including blemishes and errors. When the original text has been lost, we aim to print a completely faithful transcript of the best surviving copy. In this way we try to preserve the form and style of WP's seventeenth-century papers, and to introduce no further changes into his modernized papers. In general, our editorial interpolations [enclosed in square brackets] within the text are minimal. On the other hand, we provide considerable annotation. In the footnotes we clarify textual passages and identify persons and places. In the headnotes and footnotes we comment on the chief substantive issues raised in the documents. In this way we try to make each text fully intelligible to the reader. Some editors prefer to let the texts speak for themselves, but we believe that many of WP's documents are difficult to understand or appreciate without considerable editorial assistance. Our editorial rules may be summarized as follows: 1. Each document selected for publication in The Papers of William Penn is printed in full. The only exception to this rule occurs in the appendix, where we have combined seven lists of First Purchasers into a single master list (doc. 205), and where we have abstracted two letters from Lord Baltimore (doc. 204). 2. Each document is numbered, for convenient cross-reference, and is supplied with a short title. 3. The format of each document (including the salutation and complimentary closure in letters) is rendered as in the original or copy, with the following two exceptions. Endorsements are treated as dockets, and entered into the provenance note (see below). If a document is undated, an initial date line is supplied [within square brack7

ets]. If a document is dated at the close but not at the top, an initial date line is supplied [within square brackets], and the closing date line is retained. 4. The dating of documents poses a further editorial problem. Englishmen in WP's lifetime employed the Julian or Old Style calendar, which was ten days behind the Gregorian or New Style calendar used by most continental Europeans — and adopted by Englishmen and Americans after 1752. Seventeenth-century Englishmen started the new year officially on 25 March, but since i January also had currency as New Year's Day, some writers double-dated for the period i January to 24 March. In addition, the Quakers employed their own nomenclature. They numbered the months, March being the first month and February the twelfth. They also numbered the days of the week, Sunday being the first day and Saturday the seventh. In this edition, when a document is dated in Quaker form, a "heathen" translation of the month is supplied [within square brackets]. When a document written between i January and 24 March is dated according to the previous year, a "modern" translation of the year is supplied [within square brackets]. Otherwise, the Old Style calendar is retained. For example, the date of the Pennsylvania charter, 4 March 1681, is not changed to 14 March, the Gregorian, or New Style, date for the charter. 5. The text of each document is rendered as follows: a. Spelling is retained as written. Misspelled words are not marked with an editorial [sic]. If the sense of a word is obscured through misspelling, its meaning is clarified in a footnote. b. Capitalization is retained as written. In seventeenth-century manuscripts, the capitalization of such letters as "c," "k," "p," "s," and "w" is often a matter of judgment, and we cannot claim that our readings are definitive. Whenever it is clear to us that the initial letter in a sentence has not been capitalized, it is left lower case. c. Punctuation and paragraphing are retained as written. When a sentence is not closed with a period, we have inserted an extra space. d. Words or phrases inserted into the text are placed {within braces}. e. Words or phrases deleted from the text are crossed through. f. Slips of the pen are retained as written, and are not marked by [sic]. g. Contractions, abbreviations, superscript letters, and ampersands are retained as written. When a contraction is marked by a tilde, it is expanded. h. The thorn is rendered as "th," and superscript contractions Editorial Method • 8

attached to the thorn are brought down to the line and expanded: as "the," "them," or "that." Our justification for this procedure is that we no longer have a thorn, and modern readers mistake it for "y." Likewise, since modern readers do not recognize that "u" and "v" were used interchangeably in the seventeenth century, we have rendered "u" as "v," or "v" as "u," whenever appropriate. i. The £ sign in superscript is rendered as "1." j. The tailed "p" is expanded into "per," "pro," or "pre," as indicated by the rest of the word. k. The long "s" is presented as a short "s." The double "ff" is presented as a capital "F." 1. Words underlined in manuscript are italicized. m. Blanks in the manuscript, missing words, and illegible words are rendered as [blank] or [missing word] or [illegible word] or [illegible deletion]. If a missing word can be supplied, it is inserted [within square brackets]. If the supplied word is conjectural, it is followed by a question mark. 6. Immediately following each document, a provenance note supplies the following information: a. A symbol indicating the nature of the document: such as ALS or Draft. See the list of Abbreviations and Short Titles, pp. 1i15, for the explanation of these symbols. b. A reference to the source of the document: such as the manuscript collection where the original is located, or the book where the best surviving transcript is located. See the list of Abbreviations and Short Titles, pp. 11-15, f°r the symbols used to identify the chief depositories and printed sources. c. A reference to the HSP microfilm edition of The Papers of William Penn (1975), indicating on which reel and frame the document in question can be found. For example, Micro. 3:270 means that the document begins on the 27oth frame of the third microfilm reel. See the Calendar of Microfilmed WP Documents, 1680-1684, on pp. 665-78. Documents not included in the microfilm edition are listed on pp. 679-80. d. The docket and address, if any. Comments on the physical condition of the document are added here, whenever appropriate. In preparing the text and editorial apparatus for the printer, we have used a Wang Word Processor, System 5. Each document selected for the volume was keyed onto a magnetic disk, compared twice with the original manuscript (or best surviving transcript), and corrected as necessary. Footnote numbers, editorial interpolations, provenance Editorial Method

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notes, headnotes, document titles, and footnotes were also entered into the word processor. We also used the word processor to compile and sort the index for this volume. When our text was in finished form, we inserted onto the magnetic disks a series of codes designed to command a computer-driven typesetter to produce different sizes and styles of type for headings, text, and notes, to lead and space the lines of type, and to position the text on each page. From our encoded disks, the Winchell Company of Philadelphia then processed the text through its Penta computer and produced galley and page proofs in Baskerville type on its Linotron 202 typesetter. Thanks to these technical procedures, we have been able to produce a complex volume in a matter of months.

Editorial Method

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ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES t Mr Pen's Patent. Docketed in another hand: B. A. P. 10. 1. William Blathwayt to Sir John Werden, 18 Nov. 1680, Micro. 2:842. The letter invited Werden to present the duke of York's objections to WP's patent at a meeting on 20 Nov. 2. Francis, Lord North, chief justice of the Court of Common Pleas, presented his settlement of the boundary to the Lords of Trade on 15 Jan. 1681. Micro. 3:028, 3:147. See the headnote to doc. 13. 3. Doc. 12. 4. See docs. 7, 9, and 15 on the confusion concerning the location of the 4oth degree of latitude. Werden's estimate was quite accurate, as New Castle lies about twenty-three miles south of the 4oth degree.

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15 SIR JOHN WERDEN TO WILLIAM BLATHWAYT St. James's. 23d Novr [i6](8o)

Sr

M r Pen having fallen into discourse with me of His Concernes in America, since I wrote to You on Saturday, I have told him the Substance of what I wrote; & he seemes to feare that if his South Limitts be strictly set at .20. or .30. miles north from New Castle Towne, he shall have soe little of the River left, as very much to prevent the hopes he hath of Improveing the Rest within his Pattent; but on the other Side, He is willing that 12. English miles north of Newcastle be his Boundary, & beleeves that that Distance will fall under the begining of the 4oth Degree of Latitude:1 I have allready signifyed to you all I know of the Duke's mind herein, which is in generall to keep some Convenient Distance from Newcastle Northwards for a boundary to that Colony; but I confesse I doe not understand why 'tis precisely Necessary to insist on Just such a Number of Miles more or lesse, in a Country of which we know soe little, & where All the benefits are intended to this Pattentee, that others enjoy. Soe as I submitt this poynt to theire Lordships Consideration, & doe not thinke it materiall for me to adde more at present from Sr

Your very Affectionate Freind & Servant Jo Werden

Mr. Blaythwayte

ALS. CO 1/46/118, PRO. (Micro. 3:024). Addressed: For my honour'd Freind | Wm Blathwayte Esqr Secry | to the Rt Honble the Lds Com™ for Trade | & Forreigne Plantations | Whitehall St James. 23 Novr (80) | Jo Werden. Docketed: 23 Novr 1680 | From Sr J. Werden | afr Mr Pen. i. WP probably drew his information about the location of the 4Oth degree of latitude from A Map of Virginia and Maryland [1676], engraved by F. Lamb (see doc. 9, n. 5). On this map, the 4Oth degree was drawn twelve miles north of New Castle. WP was correct in worrying about a southern limit thirty miles north of New Castle, for with this boundary his southernmost location for a river port would have been as far north as present-day Bristol, Pa.

16 PETITION TO PARLIAMENT While WP was negotiating his charter for Pennsylvania and planning his "holy experiment" in religious freedom, he continued to work with the Quaker Meeting for Sufferings to alleviate the persecution of Friends in England. Though he attended fewer than a dozen meetings of that body from the beginning of 1680 until March 1682, he played November 1680

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a vital role as intermediary with key English officials to have Friends released from jail. In October 1680 the Meeting for Sufferings geared up to lobby at the second Whig Parliament, then beginning its term. Twenty-two Friends, including WP, each attended sessions three days per week; they drafted and presented papers to protest the harassment of Quakers as Roman Catholic recusants. The elaborate petition printed below was composed in whole or in part by WP. It is undated, and could have been presented to Parliament in either 1678 or 1680 (see nn. i and 5, below). WP's strong emphasis in this petition upon the economic sufferings of Englishmen in general and Quakers in particular fits very well with his advocacy of American colonization in 1680. Having listened to WP and other Quakers, the House of Lords drafted an act to distinguish Protestant dissenters from Catholic recusants, and the House of Commons passed a resolution to relieve Protestants from prosecution under the penal laws, but Parliament was prorogued before either measure could become law. Minutes of the Meeting for Sufferings, vols. i and 2, FLL; Historical Manuscripts Commission, Eleventh Report, Appendix, Part II, The Manuscripts of the House of Lords: 1678-1688 (London, 1887), pp. 201-4; David Ogg, England in the Reign of Charles II, 2d ed. (Oxford, 1955), 2:605-6. [November 168O?]1 To The King Lord8 and Commons ascmblcd2 In Parlcm11 Assembled in P A Memoriall from thos true Christians in life & doctrine, that are disdainfully cal {called in scorn} Quakers. Many and Greatt have been the Sufferings wee have sustained For the pure Exercise of our peacable conciencies toward8 God, And thatt not only before but since the Kings restauration; Wee have been stript Imprisond and banished and that by Lawes of your Makeing3 And performed with more severity then is any where practised upon the most Lewd & Immorall persons in the Kingdom, yett have wee had our conversations toward8 you in Christian patience and innoffencive Liveing: nor is this all {our hardship for} the execution of the Lawes you have made, hath soe vastly exceeded the severity of the Lawes themselves thatt where perhaps you only intended a chastisment there hes been brought anef Utter ruen {upon several of us upon Severall of us ftot Sweaping {away} away Cattle goods, working tooles, [illegible deletion] victualls behind them from us} U butt which seems more

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agravating and unreasonable wee are daily Exstreame sufferers by the Execution of Lawes upon us that were never made or intended against us, nor are wee Directly rior indirectly concernd in any of those quallifications against which those Lawes are planly Levelld as apeares by thire owne preambles — namly those in the raings of quen Eliz and King James.4 it is fey {under} these Lawes thatt wee poore protestant disenters {do cheifly} Languish and by the constant and violent Execution of them them {numbers of us are {have been} torne from our famlies Kindred and Callings} thatt many uscfull inhabitants arc flung into many nasty and cast into nastty a«d darke {& Strait} Dungions, wher many {have been stencht & poyson'd to death,} have laid Downc thirc innocent lives and {whilest multitudes of others} have been and daily are prosecuted and distraind upon by the Law of 20 pound a month {not leavcing so much as their beds working tools or victualls behind them takeing much more than the vallue of their pretended dues:} and of the {& severall} convicted as Romish {by laws agst} recussantts and two thirds of thire reall estate Sequestred {seizd & taken from them as Romish} upon such convictions {upon those convictions}. You have now satt above these 16 years and maney have been the remonstrances that wee have made {presented} unto you,5 {from time to time} of our Lamentable case, butt not {one} stepe have you made {all this tedious while} to mittigate or remove those Extreamities {wee have laine under} nay our Yoake is Doubled and our burthen encreased, by the revivall of {& unmercifull} {& execution of the sd} Lawes upon us, that were never made agans1 us, f this wee present to you as a memoriall of our Case, often laid before you, nott one precept nor command hast Christ Jesus given {you} for such proceedings {that we can find} though they are very frequently {found seen did ever} one7 the part of his enimyes, nor is thire any reason in nature why men that Live quietly in this world should be disturbd aboutt thire faith of the othr world, especially when that very faith hath a Direct influence £e to a quiett Living heer, of which, you have had a cloud of wittnesses on our behalffe; nor can wee understand any the least pollicy in this proceeding for you ar all Sencible that the Kingdome is under a great decay both of people and traid, {it is the Common Cry.} its true you have many ships butt whatt arc they full off. In a gratt mcasur off Forancg Commodities whilst our ownc arc neglected our ancient {you Cannot but See wth what wantonness all forreign Commiditys & fashons are embracd & thos of our own Country neglected & dispised, till our best} Staple is almost lost; thousands hundreds formerly maintaind by the Woollen manufactory abcgging {are now upon their march from door to door for bread.}6 The handycroffts and Mechanick {frequently} breaking every day, and For the poore Farmer he {scarcely} getts «ot the value of his Labour: his corne and his Wooll are brought to soe Low a price, {that he is forc'd to fling up his lease Before half expired perhaps} as-it

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may be itt {Rents generally fallen, & great is are the miserys( of the husbandmen of this nation}7 It is not one ycarc in four that he brings both ends together {so that his privilcdgc is to break by degrees, men he cannot keep nor tcamcs: it will not quit cost &} The Land in the meane while {must} remain^ undrest, and {unjimproved, the consequence of whch is a plane and Manifest decay of the {very} Nature of the Land Soyle its Selff — these things Seariously Considered Can it be the interest of this Kingdome to have {many} of all thes sorts of usefull people in the Land {Discouradged} Wasted and Distroyed {& that by the rudest & vilest people of the land that spend & Sport away our estates & labours, too tedious to be mention'd.} if this soe be the polecey of Govermlt which way shall Manufactores goe one? Rents be paid to the Land lord a«d takses to the King {& Rates to the Poor that maintain their famclys & their famelys maintaind,} what is this butt to {to expect it is as unreasonable as to bid men,} make bricke without straw, {the nation is upon a broak & thcs things help it on.} give us Leave to Expostulate the Case {we beseech you give us leave we beseech y° to cpostulatc the case} with you, {our Supcriours} for God {geeb} { H Give us leave we beseech y° to expostulate the case wth you, & god he} & he knowes wk if ever wee shall Doe itt again; And wee shall Doc itt with all Christian humillity yea {In And the first place} wee Cannot forgett our selves to be {our Country, & who we are, & from whence discended, we are} English men, a Title full of Liberty and Property, the foundation of the Goverment of this Kingdom «ot to Claime which, is not only our interest but our Duty. And to neglect itt a sin against Gods providence as well as our ancestors {Care} and a base {great} treachery to the present age and the adges yett unborne; f Wee have a right to our lives libertys and Estats {this is the Cornerstone of the cnglish fabrick of} & that none of thes are to be taken from us butt by the Judgm" of {12 of} our peers and {those of our} nighberhood, this for adges hes been the Common Law of England, & acknowledged and Confirmed see by above 30 parlaments, yet* {But we Entreat you to Consider} if your Late act aganst conventickles8 {doth not} Directly opposeite to this common {& fundamental!} Law, by which, you have given that power to two Justices of the peace, which the {said} Common Law of this Land, hath {only lodg'd &} Fixed in 12 honest men of the Nighberhood; {tis true} a like Case {often represented to you} is mcnt mentiond per the late chief justice cooke9 in H: 7th tym butt the End theroff {&} is notorious and the reprehension {given} of by that Great Lawer upon itt, {is} very Sever, wee further take leave to remind you thatt the Civell Society or Govermtl or pollicy {of this Country} is antesedent either to protestancy or popery {it is of an higher date} and itt seems & it looks & oulder Standing, & it Looks seems very hard thatt those that Love respect & obey the Civell Goverrn" and that Live {vertuously} peacably & Laboriously under itt paying thire {just} tribute and taxes to the Main-

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tenance of itt, should be Discouradged, Disowned, severly prosecuted a«4 and perhaps uterly Distroyed, {too too both} in Liffe liberty or Estate, because, for meer Conscience sake they can not conforme to the those or the {or any other} modes and fashions of any othr religion whatever; is not this to Loose our civell rights where no evill is commited against the nature of Civell goverm"; {& what is this but} to Exalt the Church above the State and Maken-g obedience to her as wes the reason of injoying our Libertyes and properties as it is the rise to favour and preferment {& not our Conformity to the {civil} Govern^}? f In fine {will not is not will not} this Course of sort of proceeding is to bring {the national religion} religion into Contempt {wth mcn Of Justice} because thcrs more lost by it then there is gotten. {does not this way of proceedure lesson the civil empire {imperial Crown & dignity of this Realm {if it ruins trade} lessons & impoverishes the people, & encreases beggery in the Kingdom {equally become} the Burden & shame of the Country.} {if it impoverishes the People, lessons the trade, for}} because it {& wch is yett {hard more} nccrcr to the throne Crown it sclfc. does it not} make some thing elce necessary to live quietly and Comfortably then the nature of the English goverm1 requires {wch is to be honest industrious & peacable} ¥&? {Since} by this notion noe man is fitt to be a subject {to his Prince} butt he that is a {Son to the} Church mat* which is a plane translation of English Gouverm" {from} Civell to Ecclessiasticall from Stat to Churgh {church} from princ to Bishop: F And it is very well worth yor Consideration, {whether} Goeing to parish churches, hearing {of} Common prayer and receaving confirmation by the hands of a Bishope ar {are} they such absolute and neccessary qualifications to {the being good shiprights, cloathiers masons husbandmen &c:} Building ships and houses Making of Cloath {the {great} requisits of {in} govern^} and every othr nccccssary immploymu in Covcrm** as that noe man refusing conformity to those {such} things {church Ceremonys} is Capable thcroff {of being expert at {expert at or employed in} thos Arts & employs trades} whcras every Day wee live is a demonstration to the Contrary. { 1f And} becaus parts, a«d arts {& Industry} are shared without regard to oppinion {by him that made the world} and {that} that it is the {interest} wisdome {& duty} of every Goverm" to value itself upon the parts a«d arts {& Industry of its People} of every member that belongs to itt, {& that as the both as its {as} interest & {^} inheritance} they arc the proper inheritance of the Covcrm" {too} and shall {yea that} by which the Goverm" {must in a Civil sense ea« best} support^ itts selff and therefore {such Persons So qualified justly} meritt to be protected, and Cherished and not stigmatized Suprest and ruened {{for} sober & Industrious people are the Riches {& Strength} of a govern^} Soc that there can be nothing more destructive to rigilligion10 Nature and pollicy then these forced Gonformitycs and punishd nonconformitycs aboutt matters of Religion

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{ f Besides that it is unnatural} Is it just or natural in a father to dis disown & distroy every child but that wch is like him, though equally his children. {Industrious people arc the riches of a govcrmt.} ftOf would any man in his common wittc refuse the aid or service of anyone because {«et} of his bclcifc is {it} not the interest of a {And It is the wisdom of other} govermts to have {to gctt to gett} aft {{an} honest} Populous, Industreous & wealthy na People Country; {And} this Can only be done, by recommending & rewarding vertue {under every Perswasion} & leaveing men with the tenderness of their own Consciences in matters of faith {& worship.} wch leads us to f lett us {now} further expostulate w th you on Xts accompt. Doe you acknowledge Christ too be yr Lord and Saviour? {lett us beseech you to} obey him then! and rememb{er} that love, even to Enimyes, 11 is the {one of the} Greatest precepts of his religion And can you thus beate us and yett Love us? if you Doe love us, ceartainly you have taken a strange way of showing itt; to spoile soe many thousand families for the Exercise of a peaceable Conscience is ane ill instance of Christianity the Kingdome of Jesus is not of this world, 12 what use then can there be of worldly weapons to erect or maintaine it. Would not he Call Legions of angels13 that had all power in heaven & in earth to vindicat his heavenly {& divine sacred} personal {&} messadg from the scorne and abuse of his Enimyes and Can you with soe Litle reluctancy Encouradge nay Command, Informers Constables Justices Sec. to discouradge terrify and spoile thirc yr peacable Nighbours and Countrymen Dus Ever truth use force or employ the weapons of its Enimy Is there not greater force & {powr} in sweetnes and perswasion {m truth & evidence} then in Clubes and Staves or can the intellect of man be Conquered in the misteries of faith by worldly penelties, how can any honestly profese the scripture to be the rule of faith and life & ventur upon thire owne head8 to use other Method8 then {X1 Jesus hath therein} they prescribed and Countinanc'd {was he wanting to Xtians in precept or example. Surely no.} And is it possible that a persecuting ministry that can be the Disciples of the persecuted Jesus or {can} that {be} his religion which suffers noe man to buy or sell that will not first receave its mark. {But brands others [illegible deletion] willfull, obstinate rebellious seditious &c: that conscientiously dissent. It is tyme for the proffesors of Christianity to leave of coertion upon conscience who have scandled the meekest of all religions that ever was in the world per a persecution of 13°° hud years standing: this only were enough to diswade all turkes {Jewes} and Indians From soe much as hearking after the very history of the Christian faith, especially Since they use no force {the Turkes themselves use no} such force}14 And It is Matter of Extreame Grief to us when wee Consider how much more Care ther hes been taken to Suppres harmles oppinion then odious vice and to ruen Consciencious Disenters then to Rebucke and Chastise open ranters 15 as if a worldly Interest under

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the Cloake of Christian proffesion and not reale piety were the Great designe in hand, this practicall athism of Denying rejecting and Disobeying the pure and Jealous God by a Lewd {and} vitious Conversation {& constant breach of his holy commands} overspreds the Land and affects most of the Countries and familcs {Places.} For which the Wrath of God is very nigh to be revealed, and Many and Dreadfull are those Judgm tts thatt are att the Doore, ready to breake in upon us and at the hand8 will God require this brave Nation and this Great people, Be not you therefor deceaved for god will not be Mocked,16 Lett not the Long Suffering {& forbearance} of God harden any to Impenitency there is a tyme when iniquity shall be at the full and when oppression accomplished this Know From the God that made you and all mankind, God {he} will never foresake this Land and that there is a people in itt wh {to} whom his regard is whose Cryes are heard and whose sighs and sorrowes are before him for whose sake he is ready to arise and will plead terribly {wth them} that have with stood his mercies Dispised his prophesies {vidences} perse {disregarded his judgements &} persecuted his people and Lived wantonly upon the earth, Wherefore in the Name of God revocke yr Lawes by which Conscientious and peassable Disenters are made a daily pray to ravenous and envyous informers &c: Lett the Nationall Church maintain her Cause with Christ weapons {as X* & his Apostles did} or lett her fall; make Lawes speedilly agl all whoredoms Drunkenes swearing and othr Debaucheries17 for which Gods spirit is Greved, {Christianity dispised & dishonor'd} and the Land mornes, revive the antient industry and Manufactor of the Nation rebuke {excesses in apparrell} and prohibitt the Wanton youth {people} of this Land thatt Neglect our owne and Consume forrang Growthes, provide for the poore and regullat thire collectiones that there may not be a begger in the Land and God may yett vouchaff to bless and prosper you otherwise, it is to be feared {the day {time} will come in wch you will repent you did not do good in your day in th your day} the Lord will Deliver you a prey into the hands of yr Enimycs. {This is} From Them that Lovetf yr soules and bodies who and wishes yr temporall and Eternall wcllfarc happines that have never flattered any of the powers of the Earth to this day, nor told them onlye in the name of the Lord who have beene & still are his suffering people & your true freinds in scorne Called Quakers Draft. Philadelphia Land Grants, Penn Papers, HSP. (Micro. 3:012). Docketed: To the Lds & | Commons | Frds. Some of the insertions are in WP's hand. The microfilm copy is incomplete. 1. The draft is undated. WP presented a paper to a committee of the House of Lords on 26 Nov. 1680. HMC, Eleventh Report, Appendix, Part II, The Manuscripts of the House of Lords: 1678-1688, pp. 201-2. See also n. 5, below. 2. This session of Parliament lasted from 21 Oct. 1680 to 10 Jan. 1681. Dominated

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by the Whigs, the Commons' primary concern was the exclusion of the duke of York from the succession. K. H. D. Haley, The First Earl of Shaftesbury (Oxford, 1968), pp. 593-6i93. Hostile laws included the Quaker Act of 1662 which specifically banned the Society of Friends, the Conventicle Acts of 1664 and 1670 which outlawed religious meetings other than those using the liturgy of the Church of England, and the Five Mile Act of 1665 which required preachers to take oaths. William Wayne Spurrier, "The Persecution of the Quakers in England: 1650-1714" (Ph.D. diss., University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1976), pp. 111-12; PWP, i:52n, 2O4n; Braithwaite, Second Period, pp. 21-87. 4. Local authorities often used writs of praemunire facias, first created in 1353 and strengthened under Elizabeth I (in 1581, 1587, and 1593) and James I (in 1605), to suppress Quakers. These laws required Roman Catholic recusants who failed to attend Anglican services to swear allegiance to the English monarch; the statutes were used effectively against Quakers, because magistrates knew that they would not swear an oath. The penalties of praemunire included imprisonment for life or at the king's pleasure, loss of the king's protection, fines of £20 per month, and confiscation of all goods and two-thirds of lands. Danby Pickering, ed., The Statutes at Large, from Magna Carta to 1806. (Cambridge, England, 1762-1807), 6:332-35, 394,95, 7:150-62; PWP, i:29in, 374-76, 533-42. 5. This passage can be construed to mean that WP was addressing the Cavalier Parliament of Charles II, elected in 1661 and dissolved in 1679. In the 16708 WP had helped to write a series of unsuccessful Quaker petitions to this parliament. By 1678, when WP made one of his strongest appeals, this parliament had sat for over sixteen years (see PWP, 1:205-8, 259-61, 533-42). Alternately, however, WP may be referring in this passage to the sixteen years since passage of the Conventicle Act, which would place this petition in 1680. 6. Although English overseas trade as a whole was buoyant in the late seventeenth century, the export of woolen textiles continued a decline that began about 1600. In place of locally produced woolen cloth, the English were importing, finishing, and reexporting textiles from abroad, such as raw silk, linen yarn, and raw cotton. D. C. Coleman, The Economy of England 1450-1750 (London, 1977), pp. 131-40. 7. English grain and wool prices fell steadily during the seventeenth century, and many small farmers in wheat- and sheep-raising areas were driven out of production. Several governmental policies, including prohibition of wool exports and the Irish Cattle Act (1666) which forced cattle raisers in Ireland to turn to sheep, exacerbated this situation. For the most part, beef and dairy farmers did not suffer so badly. Joan Thirsk, "Seventeenth-Century Agriculture and Social Change," Seventeenth-Century England: Society in an Age of Revolution, ed. Paul S. Seaver (New York, 1976), pp. 72-76. 8. Under the Conventicle Act of 1670 (22 Car. II, cap. i), justices of the peace could convict and fine persons, without trial by jury, for attending illegal religious gatherings. Andrew Browning, ed., English Historical Documents 1660-1714 (London, 1953)' PP- 384-859. Sir Edward Coke (1552-1634) was chief justice of the Court of Common Pleas and the King's Bench between 1606 and 1616. 10. "Religion"? 11. Matt. 5:44. 12. John 18:36. 13. Matt. 26:53. 14. Though Christians were denied certain political privileges under the Ottoman Empire, they enjoyed religious freedom. Lord Kinross, The Ottoman Centuries: The Rise and Fall of the Turkish Empire (New York, 1977), pp. 111-15. 15. WP was always critical of the Ranters, one of the radical religious groups spawned — like the Quakers — by the English Civil War. Ranters rejected organized religion, denied the existence of sin, and were often charged with blasphemy and sexual promiscuity because some followers recommended free love. See also PWP, 1:2 i8n. 16. Gal. 6:7. 17. In seventeenth-century England, two local authorities had the power to enforce standards of morality. Archdeacons' courts of the Church of England could denounce offenders but were generally ineffectual because their punishments rested on shame. Local constables could arrest adulterers but used this power less frequently after the Restoration. Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 15001800 (New York, 1977), pp. 144-45.

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17 MINUTE OF THE COMMITTEE

OF TRADE

At the Committee of Trade & Plantations in the Council-Chamber at Whitehall Saturday the 22 th of January 1680/1 Present Lord Privy Seal1 Lord Ch: Just: North.3 Earl of Clarendon Mr Seymour.4 r 2 M Hyde. Mr Secrr Jenkins. Upon reading the Draught of a Patent for Mr Pen constituting him absolute Proprietary of a Tract of Land in America Northerly of Maryland; The Lords of the Committee desire my Lord Cheif Justice North to take the said Patent into his consideration and to provide, by fit clauses therein, that all Acts of Sovereignty as to Peace and Warr bee reserved unto the King, and that all Acts of Parliament concerning Trade and Navigation and his Matie's Customs bee duly observed And in general that the Patent bee soe drawn that it may consist with the King's interest and service and give sufficient encouragement to Planters to settle under it. A Paper being alsoe read wherein my Lord Bishop of London desires that Mr Pen bee obliged by his patent to admit a Chaplain of his LOP'S appointmt upon the request of any number of Planters, the same is alsoe referrd to my Lord Cheif Justice North. MBE. CO 391/3, PRO. (Micro. 3:150). Marginal notation: Mr Pen. 1. Arthur Annesley (1614-1686), Earl of Annesley, Lord Privy Seal, had been a royalist, though sympathetic to the Presbyterians during the Commonwealth. At the Restoration he became vice-treasurer and receiver-general for Ireland, and he was also a member of the commission for executing the Act of Settlement for Ireland. In 16671668 he was treasurer of the navy. In 1672 he became lord privy seal, and in 1679 he was appointed a member of the reformed Privy Council; he was dismissed in 1682 for criticizing the king's government. DNB. Annesley's presence at this meeting of the Committee of Trade is particularly interesting, given his past connections with the Restoration settlement in Ireland and the treasury of the navy, both of which had some bearing on WP's grant. 2. Laurence Hyde (1641-1711), later Earl of Rochester, was the second son of the first earl of Clarendon. In the 16705 he had been an M.P. and an English envoy in Europe. In 1679 he was again elected to Parliament as a member of the Court Party, and was made a lord of the Treasury. An intimate of the duke of York, he was made first lord of the Treasury in Nov. 1679 and a privy councilor. With Sunderland and Godolphin, he was a member of the Tory ministry known as "The Chits." He stood staunchly against Exclusion, and in 1681 was made viscount Hyde and earl of Rochester. In 1684 he was made lord president of the council, and through the duke of York's influence, lord lieutenant of Ireland. James II appointed him lord treasurer in 1685. Under William III he became viceroy of Ireland. DNB. Apparently Hyde was helpful to WP in negotiating the charter. See docs. 40 and 103. 3. Francis North (1637-1685), Lord North, entered the Middle Temple in 1655 and was called to the bar in 1661. In 1668 he gained the court's favor and was appointed king's counsel. In 1673 he succeeded Sir Heneage Finch as attorney-general, resigning

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that office in 1675 to become chief justice of the Court of Common Pleas, an office he held for the next eight years. The Parliament of 1680 ordered North impeached because he had drafted a royal proclamation against "tumultuous petitions," but Parliament was dissolved in Jan. 1681, and the issue was dropped. In 1682 North became lord keeper of the privy seal. In 1683 he was created baron Guildford. DNB. 4. Edward Seymour (1633-1708), later Sir Edward, was a staunch royalist and a firm Protestant who had been speaker of the House of Commons from 1673 to 1679. In 1673 he became treasurer of the navy and a privy councilor. Seymour's re-election as speaker by the House in 1679 was opposed by Charles II, and though a compromise candidate was agreed upon, the incident established Parliament's right to choose its own speaker. He opposed the Exclusion Bill, and in the aftermath of its defeat, was charged with abusing his office in the navy, but his impeachment — as in the case of Lord North—was stopped by the dissolution of Parliament. In the Parliament of 1685 he opposed James II's policies, and in 1688 he joined William of Orange at Exeter. After the Revolution he served as a lord of the treasury. DNB; Ogg, England in the Reign of Charles II, vol. 2; CTB, 1672-1675, p. 363.

18 CHIEF JUSTICE NORTH'S MEMORANDUM ON WILLIAM PENN'S DRAFT CHARTER [c. January 1681] The Grant to Erect the Lands within the bounds into a Province and Seignory with all Franchises &c by name1 A Grant of all the Lands in Fee Simple to him his Heires [and] Assignes Of Power to grant or enfeoffe other persons in Fee Simple to hold of the said Seignory. That his Feoffees may by his Licence erect Manners and Grant in fee to Undertennants to hold of the said Mannors2 but noe further Tenures to be but all further Alienations to be held of the same Lord of whom the Alienor holds3 To divide the Country into Townes Hundreds & Count[ies] To Erect Courts of Justice and constitute Officers of Justice and Officers relating to the keeping the Peace according to the Lawes of England To Pardon all Offences except Treason {All offences comitted within the Limitts of this Province Treason & Murder Excepted}4 To make Corporations and Borough Townes Faires and Marketts Sea Ports Havens and Keys5 To appoint a Councill put Lord Baltimores6 To call Assemblyes and by their consent to make Law and raise money for Publick uses To Transmitt all such Lawes to the Privy Councill {or Commrs for the Plantations} as soone as conveniently may be or at least within six monthes after the passing them and that unless his Mafjesty] shall within two yeares {after they are Received} declare them null they shall be and remaine in force {untill repealed by the same Authority that passed them}7 Negotiating the Charter for Pennsylvania

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A Strict Provision to be inserted for observing the Acts of Navigation and for receiving such Officers or their Deputyes as his Mats Commrs of the Customes shall appoint. {And the Proprietor to be enjoyned to take care hereof or else a Scire facias to Lye ag1 the Patent for any misdemeanor in this case}8 They are not to Trade with any Prince or State or Count[ry] in Christendome that is in Warr with the King Nor make Warr with any that is in Amity with the King. But they may make Peace or Warr with the Indians as they shall think fitt. {Except his Maty shall otherwise and especially direct}9 Appeales to be reserved to the King If any Inhabitants to the number of shall be desireous to have a Minister or Ministers of Gods word to reside among them for theiref instruction and shall apply themselves for the same to the Bishop of London for the time being that such Minister as he shall approve shall have liberty to be and remaine there without molestation10 The Lawes of Property both for the descent and enjoym* of Lands and for the enjoym1 and succession of Goods to be the same as in England and the course of Justice for Property to be the same Felonies and Treasons to be the same as by the Comon Laws and Tryalls to be in the same manner The Grantee to have the Probate of Wills and granting Administration and all Admirall Jurisdiction {Admirall Jurisdiction belongs to the Duke of York and can not be Granted [by] the King. Nor is it proper to be Granted in all its extent.}11 This further Clause is Submitted. Provided also And our will and pleasure is that all and singular the Powers and Authorities hereby given unto the said William Penn his heires and Assignes for and concerning matters both Ecclesiasticall Civill and Military within the said Province and Premises shall be subordinate and Subject to the Power and regulation of the Lords of the Privy Council of Us Our Heires and Successors or of our or their Comrs for the affaires relating to Forrein Plantations for the time being. But for all or whatsoever doth shall or may concern the Propriety of the Province or any part thereof or any Ownership or Interest in any Lands Tenemts or other Hereditamts Goods or Chattells the same is left wholly to the said Wm Pen his Heires or Assigns according to the true intent & meaning of these presents12 D. CO 1/46/101, PRO. (Micro. 2:824). Docketed in William Blathwayt's hand: My Ld C. Justice North's | Mem dm | Concerning | Upon M r Pens Patent. The memorandum, written on half-margin on two sheets, is a fair copy. Phrases reproduced here in braces appear in the left margin in the original. The text on the right margin of the document has been covered by tape; the editors have supplied obscured letters or words in square brackets. The editors have indented each clause, for ease in reading, and have not printed the text of a third page, in North's hand with interlineations by Blathwayt, the draft of an additional clause providing for an agent resident in London who would be responsible for infringements of the Acts of Navigation. This clause

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appears nearly unchanged in the final charter. See doc. 20, note 48. The best commentary on North's memorandum is in Stephen S. Webb, "'The Peaceable Kingdom:' Quaker Pennsylvania in the Stuart Empire" (paper read at the World of William Penn conference, Philadelphia, 21 March 1981), pp. 16-19. 1. This paragraph corresponds to sect. 18 of the Maryland charter, reproduced word for word in WP's charter, which gives the proprietor the power to sell or assign land to others to be held of the proprietor as of the seigniory of Windsor, the statute quia emptores notwithstanding. See doc. 13, n. 8, and doc. 20, n. 66. 2. The second paragraph and first part of the third paragraph of doc. 18 correspond to sect. 19 of the Maryland charter, which also appears verbatim in WP's charter. It allows the proprietor to create manors, to be held of himself, and empowers these manors to hold courts-baron, a necessary feature of any manor. William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England (Oxford, 1778), 2:90. 3. This restrictive clause appears in WP's charter but not in Lord Baltimore's. It limits the creation of manors to those held of WP directly, and disallows further subinfeudation by WP's tenants. Both the Lords of Trade and WP would be hostile to the establishment of a titled nobility. 4. The evolution of WP's power to pardon can be traced through docs. 10, 13, and 18. 5. Levinz had objected to giving WP power to make corporations (doc. 13), and the final charter contains no such provision (doc. 20). 6. Perhaps North means "put Lord Baltimore's clause here," though the Maryland charter contains no reference to councils or councilors. 7. See doc. 19, n. 2. 8. A scire facias is a writ in Chancery which allows the king to revoke a patent on forfeiture of certain of its provisions. Blackstone, Commentaries, 3:260-61. In the final version of the charter, the revoking clause is attached not to the provision requiring the admittance of customs agents, but to the clause requiring WP to comply with the Acts of Navigation. See doc. 20, n. 34. 9. In the final version of the charter, Blathwayt deleted WP's power to make war with the Indians and substituted a captains-general clause taken from Baltimore's charter. See doc. 20, n. 62. 10. This clause was suggested by the bishop of London; see doc. 17. In the final version the number of Anglican inhabitants is set at twenty. See doc. 20, n. 77. 11. Darnall's outline for WP's charter (doc. 10) gave WP the power to erect courts, including Admiralty courts. In the final version of the charter (doc. 20), this power does not appear. North's objections based on the duke of York's position as lord high admiral are curious, since York had been forced to give up the position in 1673. 12. WP must have protested this clause, which does not appear in the final version of the charter (doc. 20). It would have made WP subservient to the Privy Council and Lords of Trade in all matters pertaining to the government of the colony, while reserving to WP only rights in the soil.

19 CHIEF JUSTICE NORTH'S PROPOSED RESTRICTIONS ON WILLIAM PENN'S PATENT [c. January 1681] The restrictions proposed: The power of making laws, to bind property & rays money is in M r Penne & the Assembly. The power to make ordinances for Gouvernment is in M r Penne alone. & but to determine when the Assembly meets:1

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As by the draught. There wants a Clause to enable the King within years to repeal the laws or Ordinances of either sort, of {&.} to controul the Ordinances of Mr Pen for gouvernment.2 in the Clause to compell a Compensation upon any breach of the Act of Navigation. These are the words to be considered, (willfull default or necglect of the Gouvernor.) qu3 whether that will extend to charge him for the acts of his subjects. & therefore it may be fit to word it more clearly.4 AD. CO 1/46/1593, PRO. (Micro. 2:827). Docketed: Restrictions prosed | for Mr Pen's Patent. Docketed in William Blathwayt's hand: by my Ld C. Justice North. Further docketed in another hand: B: A | P: 19: 1. In the final version of the charter, WP does not have the independent power to issue governmental ordinances. All laws are made by WP or his deputies, whom WP convenes. Cf. docs. 18 and 20. 2. In North's memo (doc. 18), the assembly was given six months to transmit laws, and the king was given two years in which to reject laws passed by the assembly. In the final version the assembly was given five years to transmit laws to the king in council, who then had only six months in which to reject legislation. See docs. 18 and 20. 3. "Quare" or "query." 4. In the final version, WP's London agent is held responsible for "any misdemeanors that shall be committed or by any willful default or neglect permitted by the said William Penn his heires or assignes against our Laws of Trade or Navigacon." See doc. 20. The clause was drafted by North (Micro. 2:824). Cf. doc. 18, nn. 8, 12.

Document 20 is the only extant draft version of the Pennsylvania charter. Written in a clerk's hand with extensive revisions by secretary to the Lords of Trade, William Blathwayt, it probably was the copy that Blathwayt prepared for a meeting of the Committee of Trade on 24 February 1681 (doc. 21). After the Lords approved the text, a copy was transmitted to the king in council (Micro. 3:178), who on 25 February named the colony "Pensilvania," approved the text of the charter, and ordered a bill prepared for its passage. The king's bill, which included the text of the charter, then went through the hands of the secretary of state, the attorney-general, the clerk of patents, the privy signet office, and the privy seal office. Charles II signed the king's bill on 28 February 1681. Lord Chancellor Heneage Finch prepared the charter for the great seal, which it passed on 4 March 1681. Nicholas B. Wainwright, "The Mystery of Pennsylvania's Royal Charter," PMHB, 73:417-20, is the best summary of this complicated process. If the text of Blathwayt's draft (doc. 20) was prepared on or before 24 February, it was subsequently amended; Blathwayt himself filled in the name of the province, and someone else, possibly Sir

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Richard Pigott, Chief of the Patents, added the concluding witnessing sentence, with the date of final passage, 4 March. Blathwayt's draft of the charter includes many of the changes suggested by the attorney-general and the lord chief justice (see docs. 13, 18, and 19). More significantly, it includes several passages deleted, added, or altered by Blathwayt himself and indicates that several features of WP's original draft not objected to by Sir Creswell Levinz or Lord North were challenged by Blathwayt. Someone, presumably WP himself, had inserted in the charter draft a long clause taken nearly verbatim from the Rhode Island charter of 1663 guaranteeing religious liberty; Blathwayt eliminated this religious freedom clause altogether. Another clause in the charter draft gave WP as proprietor the full powers of a captain-general in the army; Blathwayt substituted a clause from Baltimore's charter, giving WP all powers of a captaingeneral except that of proclaiming martial law. The evolution of WP's charter can be traced in detail through docs. 10, 13, 18, 19, and 20. WP had begun with a text, modeled on Lord Baltimore's, which made him virtually absolute ruler of his colony. The charter which passed the great seal on 4 March 1681, however, conferred more limited powers. WP could not build forts or confer honors or titles, his pardoning power did not extend to treason or murder, and he could grant to manor lords only limited powers. As proprietor, WP was specifically required to enforce the Acts of Navigation and to admit customs inspectors to the province, two provisos not required of Baltimore. The rights of Pennsylvanians were also restricted: they were not given English citizenship automatically and could not trade with Ireland, their laws were subject to review by the king in council, and Parliament could impose customs duties without their consent. Lord North (doc. 18) had proposed going further than this, making WP's government a puppet of the Privy Council and Lords of Trade. North's proposed clause was not adopted in the final charter, but WP's powers in government were strictly limited and subject to the home government. WP did, however, retain virtually absolute rights in the soil. Much later WP, in defending his proprietary, would cite the opinion of his lawyer, former attorney-general Sir William Jones, that political power followed property. It was Jones, perhaps, who prevented the inclusion of some of North's most restrictive ideas. (See Stephen S. Webb, '"The Peaceable Kingdom': Quaker Pennsylvania in the Stuart Empire" [paper presented at the World of William Penn conference, Philadelphia, 21 March 1681].) Even in the very last stage of the process of granting the charter, WP's powers as proprietor faced a serious threat. Accompanying the text for the king's bill, though not attached to it, was an additional Negotiating the Charter for Pennsylvania • 62

text for the king's bill, though not attached to it, was an additional sheet containing a "proviso to be put in the Patent after The Clerk of the Pattes by my Ld Chancelers direction," according to the docket in Blathwayt's hand. The clause would have allowed the king or six or more privy councilors to revoke and make "utterly voyd and of noe effect" WP's charter if they found it "prejudiciall or inconvenient and not of publique use or benefitt." Just why Lord Chancellor Finch's "proviso" did not appear in the final charter will never be known. In the end, while WP was successful in heading off attempts like North's and Finch's to severely limit his power as proprietor, he was forced to settle for much less than Baltimore had received nearly fifty years before. The literature on the charter is extensive. Hampton L. Carson, "The Genesis of the Charter of Pennsylvania," PMHB, 93:289-331, and William R. Shepherd, History of Proprietary Government in Pennsylvania (New York, 1896) are still useful. Wainwright details the process by which the charter passed the seals and traces the provenance of the final charter from seventeenth-century London to nineteenth-century Pennsylvania. Philip S. Haffenden, "The Crown and the Colonial Charters, 1675-1688," WMQ, 3d ser., 15:297-311, 45266; Joseph E. Illick, "The Pennsylvania Grant: A Re-evaluation," PMHB, 86:375-95; and Webb place the charter in the context of evolving colonial policy and administration. The editors have compared the text of Blathwayt's draft (doc. 20) with the text prepared for the king's bill of 25 February 1681, and now in the state archives in Harrisburg, and with the final charter issued on 4 March 1681, also owned by the Commonwealth. In the notes to doc. 20 we have identified differences in wording, though not in spelling, capitalization, or punctuation, between Blathwayt's draft, the king's bill text, and the final charter. The so-called "conformed copy" of the charter, supposed to have been made at the time of the original charter, once part of the Chew Family Papers and now in private hands, is very close, though not identical, in wording to the Harrisburg final charter.

20 WILLIAM BLATHWAYT'S DRAFT OF THE CHARTER OF PENNSYLVANIA [24 February 1681] Charles the Second by the grace of god King of England Scotland France and Ireland 1 Defend r of the Faith Sec To all to whom these presents shall come greeting Whereas our truste and well beloved February 1681

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subject William Penn Esquire sonne and heire of Sr William Penn deceased out of a comendable desire to enlarge our English Empire and promote such usefull comodities as may be of benefit to us and our dominions as also to reduce the Savage Natives by Gentle and just manners to the Love of civill Society and Christian Religion hath humbly besought leave of us to transport an ample Colony unto a certaine Country hereinafter described in the parte of America not yet cultivated and planted And hath likewise humbly besought our Royall Matie to give grant and confirme all the said Country with certaine priviledges and Jurisdicions requisite for the good government and safety of the said Country and Colony to him and his heires for ever Know yee therefore that wee favoring the petition and good purpose of the said William Penn and haveing regard to the memory and merits of his late Father in diverse services and particularly to his conduct courage and dircctionc {discretion} under our dearest Brother James Duke of Yorke in that signall Battle and Victorie fought and obtained against the Dutch Fleet comanded by [illegible word deleted] {The}2 Heer Van Obdam in the yeare i6653 In consideration thereof of our speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion have given and granted and by this our present Charter for us our heires and successors doe give and grant unto the said William Penn his heires and Assignes All that Tract or part of Land of {in}4 America with all the Islands therein contained as the same is bounded on the East by Delaware River from Twelve miles distance Northwards of Newcastle Towne unto the Three and Fortieth degree of Northerne Latitude If the said River doth extend soe farr northwards But if the said River shall not extend soe farr northward then by the said River soe farr as it doth extend, and from the Head of the said River the Eastern-bounds are to be determined by a Meridian Line to bee drawne from the head of the said River unto the said Three and Fortieth degree; The said Lands {to} extend westward Five degrees in longitude to be computed from the said Eastern bounds and the said Lands to be bounded on the north by the begining of the Three and Fortieth degree of northerne Latitude and on the South by a Circle drawne of {at}5 12 miles distance from Newcastle northwards 6 and westwards unto the begining of the Fortieth degree of northerne Latitude and then by a streight line westwards to the limit of Longitude above mentioned7 Wee doe alsoe give and grant unto the said William Penn his heires and Assignes The free and undisturbed use and continuance in and passage into and out of all and singular Ports Harbours Bayes Waters Rivers Isles and Inletts belonging unto aftd {or} leading to and from the Country or Islands aforesaid And all the Soyle Lands Feilds woods underwoods mountaines hills Fenns Isles Lakes Rivers Waters Rivuletts Bayes and Inletts scituate or being within or belonging unto the Limitts and bounds aforesaid together with the fishing of all sorts of Fish whales {sturgeons} and all Royall and other Fishes in the Sea

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Bayes Inletts waters or Rivers within the premisses and the Fish therein taken And alsoe all veines Mines and Quarries aswell discovered as not discovered of gold silver gemms and other {pretious} stones and all other whatsoever bee it of stones mettalls or of any other thing or matter whatsoever found or to be found within the Country Isles or limitts aforesaid And him the said William Penn his heires and Assignes Wee doe by this our Royall Charter for us our heires and successors make create and constitute the true and absolute Proprietaries of the countryerf aforesaid and of all other the premisses saveing alwayes {to us our heirs and successors}8 the Faith and allegiance of the said William Penn his heires and Assignes and of all other {the proprietaries tenants and}9 the inhabitants that are or shall be within the Territories and precincts aforesaid, and {saving alsoe every unto us our Heirs and successors the soveraignty of the aforsd country}10 the sovcrcigncty Dominion thereof due unto us our hcircs and successors To have hold possesse and enjoy the said Tract of Land Country Isles Inletts and other the premisses unto the said William Penn his heires and Assignes To the only proper use and behoofe of the said William Penn his heires & Assignes forever To be holden of us our heires and successors Kings of England as of our Castle of Windsor in our County of Windsor Berks in Free and comon Soccage by fealty only for all Services and not in Capite or by Knights Service11 Yeilding and paying therefore to us our heires and successors Two Beavere skins to be delivered {at our said Castle of Windsor} on the First day of January in everie year if demanded And alsoe the Fifth part of all gold and silver Oar which shall from time to time happen to be found within the limitts aforesaid {clear of al charges}12 And of our further grace certaine knowledge and meere motion wee have thought fit to erect and wee doe hereby erect the {afore}said Country and Islands into a province and Segniory13 and doe call it Pennsilvania and soe from henceforth wee will have it called Pennsilvania14 And forasmuch as wee have hereby made and ordained the aforesaid William Penn his heires and Assignes the true and absolute Proprietaries of all the Lands and dominions aforesaid Know yee {therefore} that wee reposeing speciall trust and confidence in the fidelitie wisdome Justice and provident circumspection of the said William Penn for us our heires and successors Doe grant free full and absolute power by virtue of these presents to him and his heires and to his and their Deputies and Leiutenants for the good and happy government of the said Countryes to ordaine make enact and under his and their seals to publish any Laws whatsoever for the raiseing of money for the publick uses of the said Province or for any other end appertaining either unto the publick state peace or safety of the said Country or unto the private utility of particular persons according unto their best discretions by and with the advise assent and approbation of the Freemen of the said Countryes or the greater part of them or of their

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Delegates or Deputies whome for the enacting of the said Laws when and as often as need shall require {x}15 Wee will that the said William Penn and his heires shall assemble in such sort and forme as to him and them shall seeme best and the same Lawes duely to execute unto and upon all people within the said countryes and limitts thereof {x x}16 And wee doe likewise give and grant unto the said William Penn and his heires and to his and their Deputies and Leiutennts full power17 and authority to appoint and establish any Judges and Justices Magistrates and officers whatsoever for what Causes soever for the probates of wills and for the granting of Administrations within the precincts aforesaid and with what power soever and in such forme as {to} the said William Penn or his heires shall seeme most convenient Alsoe to remit release pardon and abolish whether before Judgment or after all Crimes and offences whatsoever committed within the said Country against the said Laws Treason and willfull and malicious murders onely excepted18 and in those cases to grant repreives untill our pleasured may bee knowne therein and to doe all and everie other thing and things which unto the compleat establishment of Justice unto Courts and Tribunalls formes of Judicature and manner of proceedings doe belong Altho in these presents expresse mention be not made thereof And by Judges by them delegated to award processe hold pleased and determine in all the said Courts and Tribunalls all actions suits and causes whatsoever aswell Criminall as Civill personall reall and mixt which Laws soe as aforesaid to be published Our pleasure is and so wee enjoyne require and command shall be most absolute and available in Law and that all the Leige people {and subjects} of us our heires and Successors doe observe and keepe the same unavoidably19 in those parts soe farr as they concerne them under the paine therein expressed {or to be expressed} Provided Neverthelesse that the said Laws be consonant to reason and bee not repugnant or contrarie but as neare as conveniently may bee agreeable to the Laws Statutes and rights of this our Kingdome of England And saveing and reserveing to us our heires and successors the receiving hearing and determining of the appeale & appeales of all or any person or persons of in or belonging to the Territories aforesaid or touching any Judgment to be there made or given And forasmuch as in the government of soe great a Country sudden accidents doe often happen whereunto it will be necessary to apply a Remedy before the Freeholders of the said Province or their Delegates or Deputies can be assembled to the makeing of laws neither will it bee convenient that instantly upon everie such emergent occasion soe great a multitude should be called together Therefore for the better government of the said Country wee will and ordaine and by these presents for us our heires and Successrs Doe grant unto the said William Penn and his heires by themselves or by their magistrates and Officers in that

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behalf duely to bee ordained as aforesaid to make and constitute fit and wholsome ordinances from time to time within the said Country to be kept and observed aswell for the preservation of the peace as for the better government of the people there inhabiting and publickly to notifie the same to all persons whome the same doth or any way may concerne Which ordinances our will and pleasure is shall be kept {observed} inviolably within the said Province under paines therein to be expressed {[illegible deletion]} Soe as the said ordinances be consonant to reason and bee not repugnant nor contrarie but soe farr as conveniently may bee agreeable with the Laws of our Kingdome of England and soe as the said Ordinances be not extended in any sort to bind charge or take away the right or interest of any person or persons of or in20 their Life members21 Freehold goods or Chatties22 And our further Will and pleasure is that the [illegible deletion] Laws for regulateing and governing of propertie within the said province aswell for the descent and enjoyment of Lands as likewise for the enjoyment and possession {succession} of goods and Chatties and likewise as to the trcasonc and {to} Felonies shall be and continue the same as they shall bee for the time being by the generall course of the Law in our Kingdome of England untill the said Laws shall bee altered by the said William Penn his heires or Assignes and by the Freemen of the said Province their Delegates or Deputies or the greater part of them23 { x x x And to the end the said William Penn or his24 Heirs, or other the Planters, Owners, or Inhabitants of the said Province, may not at any time hereafter, by misconstruction of the Powers aforesaid, through inadvertancy or design, depart from that faith & due allegiance wch by the Laws of this Our Realm of England, they & all Our subjects in Our Dominions & Territoryes always owe to Us, our Heirs, & Successors, by colour of any Extent or Largeness of [illegible deletion] {Powers} hereby given or pretended to be given Or by force or colour of any Laws hereafter to be made in the said Province {by virtue of any such Powers} Our further Will & Pleasure is, That a Transcript or Duplicate of all Laws, wch shall be so as aforesaid made & published, within the said Province, shall within 5. years after the making thereof be transmitted & delivered to the Privy Councill for the time being of Us, Our Heirs & Successors. And if any of the said Laws, within the Space of 6. months, after that they shall be so transmitted & delivered be declared by Us, Our Heirs, or Successors, in Our or their Privy Councill, inconsistent wth the Sovereignety or lawful Prerogative of Us, Our Heirs, or Successors, or contrary to the Faith & Allegiance due by the Legal Governm1 of this Realm from the said Wm Penn, or his Heirs, or of the Planters or of the Planters, & Inhabitants of the said Province, And that thereupon any of the said Laws shall be adjudged & declared to be voyd by Us, Our Heirs, or Successors, by order of their, or Our Privy Councill, or by our or their

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c:

ignct & Sign Manuel, that, {under our or their Privy Seal that} then, & from thenceforth, such Laws concerning wch such Judgement & Declaration shall be made, shall become voyd, & otherwayes the said Laws so transmitted shall remain & stand in full force, according to the true intent & meaning thereof.}25 Furthermore that this new Collony may the more happyly increase by the multitude of people resorting thither Therefore wee for us our heires and successors Do give and grant by these presents power License and libertie unto all the Leigh people and subjects both present and furthc future for26 us our heires and successors Excepting those who shall bee specially forbidden to transport themselves and Familyes unto the said Country with such convenient shipping as by the Laws of this our Kingdome of England they ought to use and27 with fiting provisions paying onely the customes therefore due and there to settle themselves dwell and inhabite and plant for there public and their owne private advantage.28 And furthermore that our subjects may be the rather encouraged to undertake this expedition with the ready and chearfull mindes Know yee that wee of our especiall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion doe give and grant by vertue of these presents aswell unto the said William Penn and his heires As to all others who shall from time to time29 repaire {un}to the said Country with a purpose to inhabite there or to trade with the natives of there said Country full License to lade and freight in any ports whatsoever of us our heires and Successors {[illegible deletion]}30 {according to the Laws cstab made or to be made within our kingdome of England}31 and unto 32 the said Country by them their Servants or33 Assignes to transport all and singular their goods wares34 and merchandizes As likewise all sorts of graine whatsoever and all other things whatsoever necessary for Food or cloathing not prohibited by the Laws of and Statutes of our Kingdomes and Dominions to be carryed out of the said Kingdoms without any let or molestation of us our heires and successors {or} of any the officers of us our heires and successors (saveing alwayes to us our heires and successors the legall impositions customes and other duties and payments for the said wares and merchandize by any Law or statute due or to be due to us our heires and successors)35 {and provided also that nothing}36 And wee do further for us our heires and Successors give and grant unto the said William Penn his heires and Assignes Free and absolute power to divide the said Country and Islands into Townes hundreds and Countyes and to erect and incorporate Townes into Burroughs and Burroughs into Cityes and to make and constitute Faires and Marketts therein with all other convenient Priviledges and Immunities according to the Meritt of the Inhabitants and the Fitness of the places to doe all and every other thing and things touching the premisses which to him or them shall seeme meet and requisite37 Albeit they be such as of their owne nature

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[in the margin: Quare] might otherwise require a more Especiall Comandment and warrant then in these presents is expressed.38 Wee will alsoe and by these presents For us our heires and Successors Wee doe give and Grant Lyscence by this our Charter Unto the said William Penn his heires and Assignes and to all the Inhabitants and dwellers in the province aforesaid both present and to come to import or unlade by themselves or their Servants Factors or Assignes all merchandizes and Goods whatsoever that shall arise of the Fruits and Comodities of the said Province either by Land or Sea into any of the ports of us our heires & successors in our Kingdome of England and not into any other Countrey whatsoever And we give him Full power to dispose of the said Goods in the said Ports And if need be within One Yeare next after the Unladeing of the same to Lade the said merchandizes and Goods againe into the same or other shipps and to export the same into any other Countreyes either of our Dominions or Foreigne according to Law Provided {alwayes} that they pay such Customes and Impositions subsidies and duties For the same to us our heires and successors as The rest of our subjects of our Kingdome of England {for the time being} shalbe bound to pay39 And doe Observe the Acts of Navigation and other lawes in that behalf made And furthermore of our more ample and speciall Grace Certaine Knowledge and meere motion Wee doe for us our heires and successors Grant Unto the said William Penn his heires and Assignes Full and absolute power and Authority to make erect and Constitute within the said Province & the Isles and Isletts aforesaid {such} and soe many Sea Ports Harbours Creekes Havens Keyes and other places For discharge & unladeing of Goods and Merchandizes40 out of the Shipps Boates and Other Vessells and ladeing them41 and in such and soe many places and with such rights Jurisdictions Liberties and Privelidges Unto the said Ports belonging as to him or them shall seeme most expedient And that all and singuler the shipps Boates and other Vessells which shall come For Merchandize and Trade unto the said Province or out of the same shall depart shalbe laden or Unladen only at such ports as shall be soe erected and constituted by the said William Penn his heires or42 Assignes any use Custome or other thing to the Contrary notwithstanding43 Provided that the said William Penn and his heires and the Leiftennants & Governors for the time being shall admitt and receive in and about {all} such Ports havens Creekes and keyes all Officers and their deputies who shall from time to time be appointed For that Purpose by the Farmers or Comissioners of our Customes For the time being44 And Wee do further appoint and Ordayne And by these prsents for Us our heires and Successors Wee do grant unto the sayd William Penn his heires and assignes that he the sayd William Penn his heires and assignes may from time to time for ever have and enjoy the Customes and subsidies in the Ports Harbours and other Creekes and places aforesayd within the Province

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aforesaid payable or due for Merchandizes and Wares there to be laded and unladed the said Customes and Subsidies to be reasonably assessed (upon any occasion) by themselves and the People there as aforesaid to be Assembled to whom We give power by these presents for us our heires and successors upon just cause and in a due proportion to assesse and impose the same Saveing unto Us Our heires and Successors such impositions and Customes {as} by Act of Parliament are and shall be appointed45 And it is Our further Will and pleasure that the sayd William Penn his heires Successors46 and assignes shall from time to time Constitute and appoint an Attorney or Agent to reside in or neare Our City of London who shall make knowne the place where he shall dwell or may be found unto the Clerkes of Our Privie Councell for the time being or one of them and shall be ready to appeare in any of Our Courts at Westminster to answer for any misdemeanors that shall be committed or by any wilfull default or neglect permitted by the said William Penn his heires47 or assignes against the {our} Laws of {Trade or} Navigacon {or otherwise against the true intent of these presents.}48 and after it shall be ascertained in any of Our said Courts what damages Wee or our {heires or} Successors shall have susteyned by such default or neglect the sayd William Penn his heires and assignes shall pay the same within one yeare after such taxation and demand thereof fw {from} such Attorney Or in case there shall be noe such Attorney by the space of One yeare {after such taxation}49 or {in case}50 such Attorney shall not make payment of such damages within the space of a yeare51 {& answer such other forfeitures and penalties {within the sayd time} as by the Acts of Parliament in England are or shall be provided}52 according to the true intent and meaneing of these presents Then it shall be lawfull for Us Our heires and Successors to seise and resume the government of the sayd Province or Countrey and the same to retaine until payment shall be made thereof But Notwithstanding any such Seisure or resumption of the Government Nothing concerning the propriety or ownershipp of any Lands tenements or other hereditaments or goods or chattells of any the Adventurers Planters or Owners {other then the respective offenders}53 there shall be any way affected or molested thereby Provided alwayes and Our Will and pleasure is that neither the sayd William Penn nor his heires nor any other the Inhabitants of the said Province shall at any time hereafter trade or {have or}54 maintaine any commerce to or {correspondance}55 with any other King Prince or state in Europe {or their or with any of their subjects}56 who shall then be in Warr against Us Our heires or Successors Nor shall the sayd William Penn or his heires or any other the Inhabitants of the said Province make Warr or do any act of hostility against any other King Prince or state in Europe {or any of their subjects}57 who shall then be in League or amity with us Our heires or Successors:58 {x x x} Negotiating the Charter for Pennsylvania • 70

{X x X And because in so remote a Country, & situate [illegible deletion] {near so59} many barbarous Nations, the Incursions as well of the Savages themselves, as of other Enemies, Pirates & Robbers, may probably be feared: Therefore we have given, & for Us, Our Heirs & Successors doe give Power by these Presents unto the said Lord Baltcmorc, said {W. Penn,} his Heirs, & Assigns, by themselves, or their Captains, or other their officers, to leavy, muster, & traine, all sorts of Men, of what Condition, or wheresoever born in the said Province of Mary-land {Pennsilvania},60 for the time being, & to make war, & pursue the Enemyes & Robbers aforesaid, aswell by Sea, as by Land, yea, even w th out the Limits of the said Province, & (by God's assistance) to vanquish & take them, & being taken, to putt them to death by the Law of War, or to save them at their Pleasure, & to doe all & every61 other thing wch unto the charge & office of a Captain Generall of an army belongeth, or hath accustomed to belong, as fully & freely as any Captain General of an Army hath ever had the same.}62 But that it shall and may be lawfull to and for the sayd William Pcnn & his hcircs by themselves or their officers to make Warr and pursue the Indians and other Enemies in or ncarc the sayd Province aswell by Land as by Sea And to doc every other thing which belongeth to the office of a Captain Generall of an Army—x x x—And because it may happen that some of the People and Inhabitants of the said Province may not in their private opinions be able to conformc to the publick exercize of Religion according to the Liturgy Form'd & Ceremonies of the Church of England or take or subscribe the Oaths & Articles made and Established in this Nation in that bchalfc; And for that the same by reason of the remote distances of those places will (as Wee hope) be noc breach of the Unity and Uniformity Established in [missing folio] Licentiousness nor to the civill injury Nor outward disturbance of others Any Law Statute or Clause contained or to be contained, usage, or Customc of Our Rcalmc of England to the contrary thereof in any wise Notwithstanding63 And furthermore of Our speciall grace and of Our certaine knowledge and meere motion {Wee} have given and granted and by these presents for Us Our heires and Successors doe give and grant unto the sayd William Penn his heires and assignes full and absolute power license and authority that hee the sayd William Penn his heires and assignes from time to time hereafter for ever at his or their Will or pleasure may assigne alien grant demise or Enfeoffe of the premisses soe many and such parts and parcells to him or them that shall be willing to purchase the same as they shall think fitt To have and to hold to them the sayd person or persons willing to take or purchase their heires and assignes in Fee-Simple or Fee-Tayle or for terme of life64 or lives or yeares To be held of the said William

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Penn his heires and assignes as of the sayd Seigniory of Windsor65 by such services Customes and rents as shall seeme fitt to the sayd William Penn his heires and assignes And not immediately of Us Our heires and Successors And to the same person or persons and to all and every of them Wee do give and grant by these presents for Us Our heires and Successors lycense authority and power that such person or persons may take the premisses or any parcell thereof of the aforesaid William Penn his heires or assignes and the same hold to themselves their heires and assignes in what estate of Inheritance soever in Fee Simple or in Fee-Tayle or otherwise as to them the sayd William Penn his heires and assignes shall seeme expedient The Statute made in the Parliament of Edward sonn of King Henry late King of England Our Predecessor commonly called the Statute Quia Emptores Terrarum lately published in Our Kingdome of England in any Wise Notwithstanding66 And by these presents Wee give and grant License unto the sayd William Penn and his heires likewise to all and every such person and persons to whom the said William Penn or his heires shall at any time hereafter grant any estate of Inheritance as aforesaid to Erect any parcells of land within the Province aforesayd into Mannors by and with the License to67 be first had and obteyned for that purpose under the hand and Seale of the sayd William Penn or his heires and in every of the sayd Manners to have and to hold a CourtBaron with all things whatsoever which to a Court Baron do belong and to have and to hold view of franckpledge (for the conservation of the peace and the better government of those parts) by themselves or their Stewards or by the Lords for the time being of other Mannors to be deputed when they shall be Erected and in the same to use all things belonging to view of Franck-pledge68 And Wee doe further grant license and authority that every such person and persons who shall Erect any such Mannor or Mannors as aforesayd shall or may grant all or any part of the {his} said lands to any person or persons in Fee-Simple or any other estate of Inheritance to be held of the sayd Mannors respectively soe as noe further tenures shall be created but that upon all further and other Alienations thereafter to f» bee made the said Lands so aliened shall be held of the same Lord and his heires of whom the Alienor did then before hold and by the like Rents and services which were before due and Accustomed69 And further Our pleasure is and by these presents for Us Our heires and Successors Wee do Covenant and grant to and with the sayd William Penn and his heires and assignes That Wee Our heires and Successors shall at no time hereafter set or make or cause to be sett any Imposition Custome or other Taxation Rate or Contribution whatsoever in and upon the Dwellers and Inhabitants of the aforesaid Province for their Lands tenements goods or Chattells within the sayd Province or in and upon any goods or Merchandize within the sayd Province or to be laden or unladen within the Ports or harbours of the sayd Province

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unless the same be with the consent of the Proprietary or chiefe Governor & {&}70 Assembly or by Act of Parliament in England And Our pleasure is and for us Our heires and Successors Wee charge and Command that this Our Declaration shall from hence forward from time to time be received and allowed71 in all our Courts and before all the judges of Us Our heires and Successors for a sufficient and lawfull discharge payment and Acquittance Commanding all and singular [illegible deletion] {the} Officers and Ministers of Us Our heires and Successors and enjoyning them upon pain of Our high displeasure that they doe not presume at any time to attempt any thing to the contrary of the premisses or that they doe in any sort withstand the same but that they be at all times aydeing and assisting as is fitting unto the sayd William Penn and his heires and to the Inhabitants and Merchants of the Province aforesayd their Servants Ministers Factors and assignes in the full use and fruition of the benefitt of this Our Charter 72 And Our further pleasure73 is and Wee doe hereby for Us Our heires & Successors charge and require that if any of the Inhabitants of the said Province to the number of twenty shall at any time hereafter be desirous and shall by any Writing or by any person Deputed for them signify such their desire to the Bishop of London for the time being74 that any Preacher {or Preachers to be approved of by the said Bishop}75 may be sent unto them for their Instruction to be approved of by the sayd Bishop That then such Preacher {or Preachers}76 shall and may be and reside within the sayd Province without any denyall or Molestation whatsoever77 And if perchance hereafter it should happen any doubts or questions should arise concerning the true sense and meaneing of any Word Clause or Sentence contained in this Our present Charter Wee will Ordaine and Command that at all times and in all things such interpretation be made thereof and allowed in any of Our Courts whatsoever as shall be adjudged most advantageous and favourable unto the sayd William Penn his heires and assignes Provided alwayes that no interpretation be admitted thereof by which the Allegiance due unto Us Our heires and Successors may suffer any prejudice or diminution78 Although express mention be not made in these presents of the true yearely value or certainty of the premisses or of any part thereof or of other guifts and grants made by Us Our heires and79 Predecessors unto the sayd William Penn or any Statute Act Ordinance Provision Proclamation or restraint heretofore had made published ordeyned or provided or any other thing cause or matter whatsoever to the contrary thereof in any wise Notwithstanding In Witnesse whereof We have caused these Our Letters to be made Patents Witness Ourselfe at Westmr the 4th day of March In the three and Thirtieth yeare of Our Reigne i68o/i 80 Pigott81

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Draft. William Blathwayt Papers, The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation Research Center. (Not filmed). Docketed: Draught of a | Graunt to W m | Penn:. Docketed in William Blathwayt's hand: This Grant is not to | passe without such | restrictions as my Lords | shall think fit. Further docketed in another hand: No power to annull laws by assembly nor to limitt ordinances: | nor to oblige the Calling assemblyse.82 Docketed in a fourth hand: Rec'd the 24 Feb. | 1680/1. Docketed in a fifth hand: 4 March 1680/1. Docketed in a sixth hand: Ent d . Endorsed: x fo. 5. | x fo. 8. | fo. 13. 14.83 1. One word has been rubbed out after "Ireland" and replaced with an ornament. 2. Inserted in the hand of William Blathwayt. 3. On 3 June 1665, the English under James, Duke of York, as lord high admiral and Sir William Penn as captain, routed the Dutch fleet, at the battle of Lowestoft. They sank the ship of the Dutch commander, Jacob, Baron van Wassenaer, Heer van Obdam en Zuidwijk (1610-1665), and killed him. Admiral Penn commanded the duke's flagship, the Royal Charles. Granville Penn, Memorials, 2:316-59; John Charnock, Biographia Navalis, 1:121; A. J. van der Aa, ed., Biographisch Woordenboek der Nederlanden (Haarlem, 1877), 20:65-68. 4. Inserted in the hand of William Blathwayt. 5. Inserted in the hand of William Blathwayt. 6. "Northward" in the final charter. 7. The boundary clause from "as the same is bounded" to "above mentioned" copies the settlement proposed by Lord North (Micro. 3:028) as modified by the Lords of Trade after consultation with Sir John Werden, James's secretary, 15 Jan. 1681 (Micro. 3:147). The Lords of Trade deleted a stipulation that excluded from WP's territory "all lands within twelve miles of the Towne of Newcastle now in the possession of the his Royall Highnes or his Tenants or Assignes that shall happen to lye within the said bounds," probably because it was superfluous given the boundaries denned before. 8. Added in the margin in the hand of William Blathwayt. 9. Inserted in the hand of William Blathwayt. 10. Inserted in the hand of William Blathwayt. 11. That is, with none of the feudal incidents, like marriage, wardship, livery, and license to alien, which attached to socage in capite or to knights-service. George L. Haskins, "Gavelkind and the Charter of Massachusetts Bay," Transactions of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, 34:484. For conflicting views of the significance of colonial land tenure "as of our Castle of Windsor," or "as of our manor of East Greenwich," see Haskins, "Gavelkind," esp. p. 496; Haskins, "The Beginnings of Partible Inheritance in the American Colonies," Yale Law Journal, 51:1280-1315; and Richard B. Morris, Studies in the History of American Law, 2d ed. (Philadelphia, 1959), esp. pp. 105-11. 12. Inserted in the hand of William Blathwayt. 13. See doc. 10, n. 3, and doc. 18, n. i. 14. "Pennsilvania" is inserted in both places in the hand of William Blathwayt in a space left by the clerk. The draft for the king's bill and the final charter do not contain the second mention of Pennsylvania, but end "and soe from henceforth we will have it called." The final charter spells the colony's name "Pensilvania." 15. Here a cross mark indicates a passage to be added, but no addition is preserved in Blathwayt's copy, nor is there additional text inserted at this place in the engrossed copy. 16. Here two crosses indicate an insertion, but again no text for an insertion is attached nor is any text inserted in the engrossed copy. 17. The final charter reads "such power." 18. The exceptions in WP's pardoning power can be traced in doc. 10, n. 4; doc. 13, n. i; and doc. 18, n. 4. 19. In the draft for the king's bill, "unavoidable" is crossed out, and "inviolably" is inserted. The final charter reads "inviolable." 20. Both the draft for the king's bill and final charter read "persons for or in." 21. The draft for the king's bill reads "Life members e*= Freehold goods." 22. This clause, from "And forasmuch" to "Chatties," is taken verbatim from sect. 8 of the Maryland charter. 23. Cf. doc. 18. 24. "His" is dropped in the final charter. 25. This paragraph, from "And to the end" to "true intent & meaning thereof,"

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is inserted in the margin in William Blathwayt's hand. Three crosses mark the place in the text where it is to be inserted. This clause, while providing for the review of laws passed in Pennsylvania by the king in council, is considerably weaker than Lord North's proposal for legislative review; see doc. 18, n. 7. Sir William Jones, acting as WP's counsel, probably negotiated the change in late Jan. or Feb. 1681. See WP to Thomas Lloyd, 21 Sept. 1686 (Micro. 5:511); and Joseph E. Illick, "The Pennsylvania Grant: A Re-Evaluation," PMHB, 86:389-90. 26. The draft for the king's bill reads "future of." 27. "And" is eliminated in the final charter. According to the navigation laws of 1660, 1663, and 1673, only English shipping could be used. In Baltimore's charter, immigrants could transport themselves to Maryland "with fitting Vessels." 28. This clause is similar to sect. 9 of the Maryland charter, but Baltimore (unlike WP) was empowered to "build and fortify Castles, Forts, and other Places of Strength." 29. "To time" is inserted in the draft for the king's bill. 30. Inserted in the hand of William Blathwayt. 31. Inserted in the hand of William Blathwayt. 32. "Into" in the draft for the king's bill and in the final charter. 33. "A«4 {or}" in the draft for the king's bill. 34. "Wares goods" in the final charter. 35. This clause is identical with sect. 11 of the Maryland charter. 36. Inserted and deleted in the hand of William Blathwayt. 37. "Requisite and meet" in the final charter. 38. This clause is adapted from sect. 14 of the Maryland charter, which also gave Baltimore the power to confer honors and titles. Darnall had proposed this power for WP; see doc. 10. 39. This clause is adapted from sect. 15 of the Maryland charter and is identical to it with two exceptions. Baltimore's charter allowed him to import goods to any ports in England and Ireland, while WP's provides for England only. The final phrase "And doe Observe the Acts of Navigation and other lawes in that behalf made" is not found in the Maryland charter. See doc. 13, n. 5. 40. "Merchandize" in the final charter. 41. "And" is crossed out in the draft for the king's bill. 42. "Heires and" in the final charter. 43. This clause is taken from sect. 16 of the Maryland charter. The rest of that clause, which reserves certain rights in fishing and woodcutting to the king, is not reproduced in WP's charter. Cf. Darnall's outline, doc. 10, which reserved to WP "all mann r of royall {& othr} fish wtsoevr" and "woods undrwoods tymbr & trees." 44. See doc. 18, n. 8. 45. This clause is similar to sect. 17 of the Maryland charter, but it reserves to Parliament the right to impose customs, a right that Parliament had asserted in the Plantation Duty Act of 1673. Cf. doc. 13. 46. "Successors" is marked out in the draft for the king's bill and eliminated in the final charter. 47. "And {or}" in the draft for the king's bill. 48. This clause was drafted by Lord North (Micro. 2:824); see doc. 18, n. 8. "Our" is added in the hand of William Blathwayt. 49. Inserted in the hand of William Blathwayt. 50. Inserted in the hand of William Blathwayt. 51. "One yeare" in the final charter. 52. "{And answer . . . shall be provided}" is interlined in the draft for the king's bill. 53. Inserted in the hand of William Blathwayt. 54. Inserted in the hand of William Blathwayt. 55. Inserted in the hand of William Blathwayt. 56. Inserted in the hand of William Blathwayt. 57. Inserted in the hand of William Blathwayt. 58. Cf. this clause with doc. 18, n. 8. The passage from "Nor shall the sayd William Penn" to "of the said Province" has been crossed out and restored with "stet" written across two lines in Blathwayt's hand. 59. "So" is deleted in the draft for the king's bill and is eliminated in the final charter.

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60. "Maryland" is deleted and "Pennsilvania" inserted in the draft for the king's bill. "Of Pensilvania" is inserted above the line in the final charter. 61. The final charter reads "every other Act and thing." 62. This paragraph is inserted in the margin in Blathwayt's hand, its location in the text indicated with three crosses. Blathwayt has taken it verbatim from sect. 12 of the Maryland charter, to replace the clause deleted below it from WP's draft, conferring all the powers of a captain-general on the proprietor. But Blathwayt does not incorporate sect. 13 of the Maryland charter, which gives Baltimore the power of a captaingeneral to impose martial law. 63. This clause, providing for religious toleration, is found on ff. 15 and 17 of the manuscript. The entire passage is deleted, and apparently f. 16 was discarded. The passage is taken almost verbatim from the Rhode Island charter of 1663 and is similar to a clause in the Carolina charter of 1663. Blathwayt seems to have crossed out the words "in this Nation" on first reading this clause, and then to have deleted the entire clause with large X's. The text on the missing page can be restored from the Rhode Island charter to read [. . . the Unity and Uniformity Established in] "this nation: Have therefore thought Fit, and doe hereby publish, graunt, ordeyne and declare, That our royall will and pleasure is, that noe person within the sayd colonye, at any tyme hereafter, shall bee any wise molested, punished, disquieted, or called in question, for any differences in opinione in matters of religion, and doe not actually disturb the civil! peace of our sayd colony; but that all and ever ye person and persons may, from tyme to tyme, and at all tymes hereafter, freelye and fullye have and enjoye his and theire owne judgments and consciences, in matters of religious concernments, throughout the tract of lande hereafter mentioned; they behaving themselves peaceablie and quietlie, and not useing this libertie to" [Licentiousness nor to the civill injury . . . ]. William Macdonald, Select Charters and Other Documents Illustrative of American History, 1606-1775 (New York, 1899), p. 128. 64. The final charter reads "for the terme of life." 65. "Windsor" is inserted in the hand of William Blathwayt in a space left by the clerk. 66. This clause is taken verbatim from sect. 18 of the Maryland charter. 67. "To" is overwritten with "of" in the draft for the king's bill. 68. This clause is taken verbatim from sect. 19 of the Maryland charter. Views of frankpledge, or courts-leet, were yearly assemblies of freemen within a manor or lordship. Originally held to view the frankpledges, or freemen, who were all mutually pledged for the good behavior of the others, they evolved into courts at which juries made presentments and petty misdemeanors were punished. A court-baron was an essential element of every manor. Though it existed primarily to settle property disputes within the manor, it also sought redress in small debt cases, misdemeanors, and trespass. William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England (Oxford, 1778), 2:90, 3 : 33> 4:273-7469. This clause is not found in the Maryland charter; see doc. 18, n. 3. 70. The draft for the king's bill reads "or" for "and." 71. The final charter reads "from hence forward be received and allowed from time to time." 72. This clause is similar to sect. 20 of the Maryland charter, with the phrase "unless the same be with the consent of the Proprietary or chiefe Governor & Assembly or by Act of Parliament in England" added here. See doc. 13, n. 9. 73. The draft for the king's bill reads "Our further will and pleasure." 74. "For the time being" is eliminated in the final charter. 75. Inserted in the hand of William Blathwayt. 76. Inserted in the hand of William Blathwayt. 77. This is the clause requested by the bishop of London and drafted by Lord North. See doc. 17 and doc. 18, n. 10. 78. In the Maryland charter, sect. 22, a different formulation is used: "Provided always that no Interpretation thereof be made, whereby God's holy and true Christian Religion, or the Allegiance due to Us, our Heirs and Successors, may in any wise suffer by Change, Prejudice, or Diminution." 79. The draft for the king's bill reads "by us our hcires and {progenitors or} Predecessors." The alteration is in the hand of William Blathwayt. The final charter reads "by Us Our progenitors or Predecessors."

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80. The draft for the king's bill has no year. 81. This final clause, beginning "In Witnesse whereof," was added in another hand (perhaps Pigott's), presumably after final passage of the charter. Sir Richard Pigott (d. 1699) of London and Woodford, Essex, the third son of a London grocer, was knighted and made a farmer of the hearth money in 1666. In 1667 he became clerk of the patents in Chancery for life. CSPD, 1665-1666, p. 290; CSPD, 1667, P138; George W. Marshall, ed., Le Neve's Pedigrees of Knights (London, 1873), P- 2O382. Cf. docs. 18 and 19. 83. Fols. 5 and 8 contain marginal additions denoted in the text by Xs. See nn. 15-16. Fols. 13 and 14 contain no substantial additions or changes, and the meaning of the endorsement here is unclear.

MINUTE

21 OF THE COMMITTEE

OF TRADE

At the Committee of Trade & Plantations in the Council-chamber at Whitehall Thursd: the 24th of February i68o[/i] Present Lord President1 Earl of Clarendon Earl of Conway2 E: of Chesterfeild3 Mr Secty Jenkins A Draft of a Patent for M r Pen is read and there being a blank left for the name, their LoPs agree to leave the nomination of it to the King. MBE. CO 391/3/253, PRO. (Micro. 3:152). Marginal notation: Mr Pen. 1. John, Lord Robartes. See doc. 6. 2. Edward Conway (c. 1623-1683), Viscount and Earl of Conway, a Tory and a privy councilor, was made secretary of state for the northern department on 2 Feb. 1681, after Sunderland's dismissal. WP had helped convince his wife, Lady Anne Conway (1631-1679), to Quakerism about 1677; the earl remained a staunch Anglican. PWP, i:326n, 358n; DNB; Peerage, 3:401-2; CSPD, 1680-1681, p. 155. 3. Philip Stanhope (1633-1713), Earl of Chesterfield, had been appointed to the Privy Council in Jan. 1681. A wild rake in his youth, Chesterfield was circumspect in politics and played as passive a role as possible in the reigns of James, William, and Anne. DNB.

22

WARRANT TO THE PRIVY SEAL OFFICE [28 February 1681] His Maly is pleased to grant unto William Penn Esqr his Heires and Assignes for ever, a certain Tract of Land in America, to be erected into a province and to be called by the name of PENSILVANIA. And also to make the said William Penn his Heires and Assignes Cheife Gov-

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ernor thereof, With divers prviledges powers and Authorities granted to the said William penn his Heires and Assignes in Order to the good Governm1 of the said province. Subscribed by Mr Sollr Grail,1 by Warrant &t supra. MBE. Privy Seal Office Docket Book, 1679-1685, PRO. (Micro. 3:177). Docketed: Penn | Grant. i. Heneage Finch (c. 1647-1719), son of the lord chancellor, Sir Heneage Finch, was made solicitor-general in 1679, having previously served as king's counsel. In 1686 James II deprived him of the solicitor-generalship, and two years later he served as counsel to the seven bishops. DNB; PWP, \ :^4^n.

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PLANNING FOR A NEW COLONY March—December 1681

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Founding a successful proprietary colony in late seventeenth-century America was hard work. A proprietor had to be an aggressive, pragmatic businessman who could publicize his colony widely; offer land, trading rights, and powers of government to a broad variety of settlers on attractive terms; and compete effectively with other proprietors who had the same basic objective — making their colonies pay. Promptly upon receiving his Charter (see docs. 4-15, 17-22), WP plunged into the work of colonizing with tremendous energy and zeal. In his first letters announcing his colony — to an Irish Friend (doc. 23), to settlers already in Pennsylvania (doc. 24), and to his colonial neighbor, Lord Baltimore (doc. 26) — WP revealed an enormous confidence, born of his conviction that both God and Charles II favored his venture. His first major task was to describe his colony and issue a call for investors and settlers in the enthusiastic yet realistic pamphlet Some Account of the Province of Pennsilvania (c. March-April 1681), and in the broadside A Brief Account of the Province of Pennsilvania (c. May-June 1681). Penn supplemented these publications with letters to Friends in Ireland (docs. 23, 27, 38), in Cheshire and Lancashire (docs. 36, 37), and in Scotland (see doc. 28). He appointed his cousin William Markham as his deputy-governor (doc. 25) and another cousin and several fellow Quakers as his commissioners for establishing Philadelphia (docs. 41, 44, 46). WP's next task was to devise terms for selling or renting land that would be lucrative enough to bring in a profit, yet attractive enough both to lure investors and settlers and to compete with the offers of other proprietors, especially those of West New Jersey. His basic policy, set out in Some Account and Brief Account, and in his 11 July 1681 "Concessions" to the First Purchasers (doc. 32), was to sell as many 5ooo-acre "proprietary shares," each for £100, as possible, to make available partial shares as small as 250 acres, and to pledge that colonists would receive a fifty-acre headright for every servant they sent over. Each servant would also receive fifty acres from the propri-

81

etor upon the completion of his or her labor. WP charged an annual quitrent of one shilling per hundred acres, but investors could eliminate this annual charge by paying a somewhat higher initial price for their land. Prospective Pennsylvania colonists were sometimes hard to please, as is illustrated in Robert Barclay's reports on the demands of potential Scottish investors and settlers for more information, better terms for trade, and lower prices for land (docs. 31, 35, 40, 42, 48, 49)To develop his colony fully, WP had to control as much of the entrance to the Delaware River as possible; this would allow him to build the valley's dominant port city. Upon receiving his charter, he opened negotiations with James, Duke of York, then in Scotland, to obtain title to New Castle and the lower counties (later Delaware), which the duke had controlled for over a decade. WP's Scottish ally, Robert Barclay, who was on excellent terms with the duke, reported that James would do nothing unless WP could deal with him personally (see docs. 28, 31, 35, 40), and the duke's secretary, Sir John Werden, responded negatively to WP's letters (see doc. 34). Personal diplomacy ultimately did prove the key to success, as it had for WP so often before; in August 1682, shortly after James's return from Scotland and immediately prior to his own departure for America, WP secured title to New Castle. WP's land sales also proceeded well. Between July and October 1681, he sold over 300,000 acres of land to nearly 300 investors, primarily Quaker merchants, craftsmen, shopkeepers, and farmers from southern and western England and from Wales (see doc. 33, and appendix, doc. 205). To secure his claim to his colony and stake out its boundaries to the fullest extent, he wrote paternalistic letters of greeting to his new neighbors — the Indian leaders, from whom he was preparing to buy land (doc. 45), and settlers in northern Maryland (doc. 39), an area to which he thought he had a clear title. Finally, WP began one of the most difficult and exacting labors of his life — the drafting of a plan of government for his new colony. Although this work (described in section 3, below) culminated in 1682, it was on his mind throughout 1681, and by October it had soured his warm friendship with Algernon Sidney (doc. 43), who strongly criticized an early draft of the Pennsylvania constitution. But WP forged ahead. As he told Lady Elizabeth Petty (doc. 47), "a good country God has made it, and a good Government I hope I and the Adventurers shall make."

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23 TO ROBERT TURNER [5 March 1681] Dr: Frd.1 My true love in the Lord salutes thee & Dr: Frds that love the Lords precious truth in thos parts, thyn I have2 & for my business here, know that after many waitings, watchings, solicitings & disputes in councel, this day my country was confirm'd to me under the great seal of England wth large powers & priviledges.3 by the name of Pennsilvania, a name the King would give it in honour to my Father, I chose New-Wales, being as this a pritty hilly country but Penn being Welch for a head, as Penman moire in Wales4 & Penrith in Cumberland5 & Penn in Buckinghamshire the highest land in England,6 called this Pennsilvania wch is the high or head woodlands; for I proposed when the secretary a Welchman7 refused to have it called New-Wales, Silvania & they added Penn to it & tho I much opposed it & went to the King to have it struck out & alter'd, he said twas past & he would take it upon him; nor could twenty Guinys move the under Secretarys8 to vary the name, for I feared least it should be lookt on as a vanity in me & not as a respect in the King as it truly was to my Father whom he often mentions with praise. Thou mayst communicate my graunt to Frds, & expect shortly my proposals;9 tis a cleer & just thing & my God that has given it me through many difficultys will I believe bless & make it the seed of a nation I shall have a tender care to the Govern^ that it be well laid at first, no more now, but Dr love in the truth thy true Frd gthxmoSi. W Penn Transcript. John Penn's10 Commonplace Book, HSR (Micro. 3:200). Appended to the copy of this letter is the following statement by John Penn: "Wm Penn's letter of advice of his purchase & grant, confirmed by the king, dated 5 i/mo 1680. The copy from which this is taken was the immediate copy of the original in the hands of M r Samuel Shoemaker,11 & was taken, 4th January 1776 — Directed, to Robert Turner, shopkeeper, in Dublin; & superscribed, Recd 11 i/mo 1680, from W. Pen." 1. Robert Turner (1635-1700), a cloth merchant of Dublin, was one of the earliest Friends in Ireland. He bought proprietary shares in both East and West Jersey and recruited Irish purchasers of Pennsylvania land for WP. Turner himself bought 5000 acres of land in the new colony, and later added another 1000 acres. He immigrated there with his daughter in 1683. In Pennsylvania he held several high offices, including that of provincial treasurer, and sat on the Board of Propriety, the provincial court, and the governing committee of the Free Society of Traders. Albert Cook Myers, The Immigration of the Irish Quakers into Pennsylvania 1682-1750 (Swarthmore, Pa., 1902), pp. 257-62; Nash, Quakers and Politics, pp. 15, 23, 26-27; PWP, i:i36n. 2. This letter has not been found. 3. See doc. 20. 4. Penmaenmawr, a mountain on the northern coast of Wales in Caernarvon; its precipitous cliffs drop from great height into the sea. 5. Penrith, a market town on the Eamont in southeastern Cumberland. 6. Penn, three miles northwest of Beaconsfield in Bucks., is located in the Chiltern

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Hills at an altitude of about 500 feet. It is by no means the highest point in England. 7. Probably Sir Leoline Jenkins, a secretary of state, who was born in Llantrissant, Glamorgan. DNB. See doc. i, n. 5. 8. The two undersecretaries of state at this time were John Cooke and Francis Gwyn. Cooke was elected M.P. from Midhurst Borough in Sussex in Mar. 1681 and was appointed Latin secretary to the king in Dec. 1681. Francis Gwyn (1648?-1734) was undersecretary of state from Feb. 1681 to Jan. 1683. He was also a clerk of the Privy Council in 1679-1685. John Romeyn Brodhead, ed., Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York (Albany, 1853), 3:x; Parliaments of England, 1213-1702, pt. i, p. 550; CTB, 1681-1685, 7:766; DNB. 9. WP sent a promotional pamphlet, Some Account (Micro. 3:132), to Turner on 12 Apr. 1681 (see doc. 27). This ten-page tract argued why settlement in America benefited England, described the climate and resources of the province, suggested who should go and what they should take with them, and listed the prices and conditions of buying land. 10. John Penn (1729-1795), eldest child of Richard Pennand grandson of WP. He spent most of his life after 1752 in Pennsylvania and was the last proprietary governor of the province. Howard M. Jenkins, "The Family of William Penn," PMHB, 22:76-86. 11. Samuel Shoemaker (c. 1725-1800), Quaker merchant, loyalist, and prominent officeholder of Philadelphia. His family migrated to Pennsylvania from Kriegsheim, Germany, in 1686. Hinshaw, 2:420, 650; "A Pennsylvania Loyalist's Interview with George III"PMHB, 2:35-36.

24

TO THE INHABITANTS OF PENNSYLVANIA [8 April 1681] My Freinds1 I wish you all happiness, here & here after. Thes are to lett you know that it hath pleased god In his providence to cast you within my Lott & Care. It is a business, that though I never undertook before, yet god has given me an understanding of my duty & an honest minde to doe it uprightly. I hope you will not be troubled at yr chainge & the Kings choice, for you are now fixt, at the mercy of no Governour that comes to make his fortune great, you shall be govern'd by laws of yr own makeing,2 & live a free & if you will, a sober & industreous People. I shall not usurp the right of any, or oppress his person. God has furnisht me w th a Better resolution, & has given me his grace to Keep it. In short, wlever sober & free men can reasonably desire for the security & improvem1 of their own happiness I shall heartely Comply w th & in five months resolve, if it pleas god, to see you.3 In the mean time, pray submitt to the commands of my deputy 4 so farr as they are consistant w th the law, & pay him thos dues (that formerly you paid to the order of the Governour of new york 5 ) for my use & benefitt. & so I beseech god to direct you in the way of righteousness, & therein prosper you & yr children after you. I am Your true Frd th London 8 of Wm Penn the month call'd Aprill 1681 Planning for a New Colony

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ALS. Dreer Collection, HSR (Micro. 3:218). Addressed: For the Inhabi-1 tants of | Pennsilvania | To be read by my Deputy. Docketed: The Proprietors Lettr | to the Inhabitants | of Pensilvania from London | 8th April 1681. 1. WP was addressing the English, Swedish, Finnish, and Dutch residents of the territory on the west bank of the Delaware, in what is now the states of Delaware and Pennsylvania. From 1664 to 1681 these people were subject to the government of New York. Courts existed at Upland (now Chester, Pa.), New Castle, and Deal (now Lewes, Del.). The jurisdiction of the Upland court extended north from Christiana Creek to the edge of European settlement. According to a tax list for 1677, there were about 142 men between the ages of sixteen and sixty living in Upland, most of whom were Swedes, Finns, and Dutch. The few English who lived in Pennsylvania in 1681 had come primarily with immigrants to West Jersey. Between Apr. and Aug. 1681, WP came to believe that his territory extended as far south as the Sassafras River in Maryland; A Map of Some of the South and eastbounds of Pennsylvania in America, being partly Inhabited (London, [1681]), prepared for him around July 1681 by the cartographers John Thornton and John Seller, depicts the 4oth degree of latitude just south of this point. Thus by Sept. (see doc. 39), WP supposed that the inhabitants of his province included everyone living in northern Maryland as well as Delaware. Jeannette D. Black, ed., The Blathwayt Atlas, Vol. 2: Commentary (Providence, 1975), pp. 102-8; Futhey and Cope, pp. 13-16. 2. See doc. 60. 3. WP originally planned to depart for Pennsylvania in the late summer of 1681, but by Aug. he had decided not to go until the following spring. See doc. 36. 4. William Markham (c. 1635-1704) was probably the son of one of Admiral Penn's sisters. He was an officer in the British army. WP commissioned him as deputygovernor on 10 Apr. 1681 (doc. 25), and he served until WP's arrival in Pennsylvania in 1682. He was also provincial secretary in 1685-1691, deputy-governor of the lower counties in 1691-1699, and deputy-governor of Pennsylvania in 1693-1699. DAB;PWP, 1:15in; Scharf and Westcott, 1:84. 5. Sir Edmund Andros (1637-1714) was governor of New York from 1674 to 1681, but had been recalled to London in late 1680. He left Lt. Anthony Brockholls in charge as his deputy. DNB; David S. Lovejoy, The Glorious Revolution in America (New York, 1972), p. 110.

25 COMMISSION TO WILLIAM MARKHAM The Commission given by Wm Penn Governor & Proprietor of the Province off Pennsilvania to His Cosen William Markham to be Deputy Governor for him of the aforesaid Province. Att Westministr this ioth of 2mo [April i6]8i. WHEREAS the King hath Gratiously Pleased upon Diverse good Considerations to settle upon me & my heires for ever by his Letters Pattents und r the greate Seale of England dated the 4th of March last past,1 A Tract of Land in America by the name of Pensilvania lyeing & bounded as in the said Letters Pattents is perticulerly Expressed with Ample Powers & Authorityes requisite for the well Governing of the Same to be Excercised by me or my Deputy. Out of the speciall April 1681

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regard that I have to the Care & fidelity of my Cosen Wm Markham, I Doe hereby appoint him my Deputy & fully Authorize him in my Stead & for my behoofe, & for the beneffitt of the Sd Province, To act & performe what may be Justly needfull to the Peace & Safety thereoff till I myselfe shall arrive or he shall receive further Ordr.2 That is to Say he has hereby Power. First to Call a Councell & that to Consist of nine he prsideing3 2 dl Y That he does there read my Letter to the Inhabitants4 & the Kings Declaration of Subjection,5 There take the Inhabitants Acknowledgem1 of My Authority & Propriety.6 3!Y To Settle bounds betwixt me & my Neighbours; to Survey Sett out, Rent or Sell Lands according to Instructions beareing Date the 8th of the month Called Aprill 8i. 7 4!Y To Erect Courts make Sherriffs, Justices of the Peace & other requisite Inferiour officers,8 that Right may be Done, the Peace Kept & all vice Punished without Partiallity according to the good Law of England. 5Jy To Call to his Ayde & Command the Assistance of any of the Inhabitants of the Said Province for the Legall Suppression of Tumults or Ryouts & Correction of the Offenders Still according to Law And to make or Ordaine any Ordinances & to Doe any thing or things that to the Peace & Safety of the Said Province he may Lawfully Doe by the Powers granted to me in the Letters Patients, Calling Assemblys to make Laws only Excepted Given und r my hand & Seale this io th of the month called Aprill 1681 Wittnesses Wm Penn Hen: West9 John West.10 Copy. Archives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Boston. (Micro. 3:228). 1. See doc. 20. 2. William Markham left England soon after he received this commission and arrived in New York c. 15 June 1681. There, on 21 June, he received a proclamation from acting governor Anthony Brockholls instructing the inhabitants of Pennsylvania to transfer their allegiance to WP. Markham then proceeded to the new colony on the Delaware. He arrived in Upland by 3 Aug. Lewis Morris to WP, 25 June 1681, Micro. 3:247; Futhey and Cope, p. 18; B. Fernow, ed., Documents Relating to the History of the Dutch and Swedish Settlements on the Delaware River (Albany, N. Y., 1877), 12:666-67. 3. Markham chose a council of nine from among the local residents. These officials included both English Quakers, who had come to America with West Jersey settlers, and Swedes; they were Robert Wade, Morgan Drewet, William Woodmanson, William Warner, Thomas Fairman, James Sandelands, William Clayton, Otto Ernest Cock, and Lasse Cock. Futhey and Cope, p. 18. 4. Doc. 24. 5. Charles II's letter of 2 Apr. 1681 to the inhabitants of Pennsylvania (Micro. 3:209) instructed persons living within the bounds described in the charter to obey WP and his deputies or officials. 6. There is no record that this acknowledgment was made.

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7. This date has been corrected by the copyist, and may be 6 Apr.; WP's instructions have not been found. 8. On 13 Sept. 1681, Markham reorganized the Upland court. He appointed nine justices, of whom six also served on his council (n. 3, above), and selected John Test as sheriff and Thomas Revell as court clerk. Markham presided at the next meeting of the Upland court on 30 Nov. Record of the Courts of Chester County, Pennsylvania 1681-1697 (Philadelphia, 1910), pp. 3, 8. 9. Probably Henry West of St. Margaret's Parish, Westminster, a member of the Westminster Monthly Meeting. Digests of Quaker Records, London and Middlx., GSP. 10. Perhaps John West (c. 1623-1699) of London, a citizen and girdler, and member of Peel Monthly Meeting. Digests of Quaker Records, London and Middlx., GSP.

26

TO LORD BALTIMORE Westminster ioth 2mo Ap: 1681. It haveing graciously pleas'd the King upon divers good considerations, to make me a neighbour to Mary-land, I thought it necessary to make some offer of Freindship, & give a fitt rise for a future good correspondence; I omitt the Perticulers of my pretentions, they are so kindly & amply exprest in the Kings letter,1 & to a man of good sense, 'tis enough to be once told of the matter. The Bearer is a Gentleman & my Kinsman, 2 to whom I have left the manage of my affaires; as his integrety will insist upon my right, his prudence & experience will always guide him from an indecent thing. I only begg one thing, 'tis short, but the text of all that can be said, do to me as thou wouldst be done to3 [illegible deletion]. I am a strainger in the affaires of the Country, he can have little light from me, I do so much depend upon the influence & prevalence the Kings goodness will have upon thee that I omitt to be any further solicitous, beleiveing that a great & prudent man, will always act wth caution & obedience to the mind of his Prince; So that this lettr was rather to be civil, then to pass so ill a complem[ent] upon the Lord Baltimore, or the Kings letter, as to think it could give any aide to the one, or light to the other. I shall Conclude wth this request, that It would please thee to give my cousen & Deputy, all the dispatch possible in the business of the bounds,4 that observing our just limitts in that & all other things we may begin & mantaine a Just & freindly intercourse, wch I do here promess to endeavour & observe on my part wth all the truth & care Imaginable; Be whatever favours he receives, I shall place to my account; & perhaps there are many ways by wch I may discharge them, wcn may give the Lord Baltim[ore] reason to beleive I do not undeserve usage & quality of his very true Freind my Respects to thy lady5 Wm Penn my Kinsmans name is William Markham.

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ALS. MS 174, #1069, Manuscripts Division, Maryland Historical Society. (Micro. 3:222). Addressed: For my Honord | Freind the Lord | Baltimore | Govr & Proprtr of Maryland. Docketed: W m Pens Letter to my Lord Baltemore of the ioth of aprill | 1681. 1. Charles II wrote to Lord Baltimore on 2 Apr. 1681, informing the proprietor of Maryland that WP had been granted Pennsylvania "from regard to the merits and services of his father Sir William Penn." The letter described the boundaries, asked Baltimore to assist WP's deputies and officers, and told him to assign persons to meet with WP's agents to define the boundaries of Maryland and Pennsylvania in accordance with the charter (doc. 20). CSPC, 1681-1685, pp. 25-26. 2. William Markham delivered this letter to Baltimore in Maryland in late Aug. 1681. Md. Archives, 5:374. 3. Luke 6:31, commonly called "the golden rule." 4. For discussion of the Maryland-Pennsylvania boundary controversy, see the headnote to doc. 67. See also doc. 7, n. 2; doc. 24, n. i; and the headnote to doc. 39. 5. Baltimore's second wife, Jane, was the widow of Dr. Henry Sewall and the daughter of Vincent Lowe of Denby in Derby. They were married in 1666, she died in 1701. John Bailey Calvert Nicklin, "The Calvert Family," Maryland Historical Magazine, 16:56.

27 TO ROBERT TURNER, ANTHONY SHARP, AND ROGER ROBERTS The next document, addressed to three Friends in Dublin, illustrates WP's mode of advertising his new colony among Quakers. WP directed another letter, much like this one (Micro. 3:319), to an unnamed Quaker community, and we may suppose that he sent similar letters to most of the leading Quakers he knew in England, Ireland, Scotland, Wales, and Holland. Westminster, 12th 2d month. [April i6]8i

Fr: R. Turner Ant. Sharp1 & Roger Roberts2 My love salutes you in the abideing truth of our God, that is precious in all lands; the Lord God of righteousness keep us in it, & then shall we be the daily wittnesses of the Comforts and refreshments that come from it to his praise, that is the fountain of all good. — Haveing published a paper with relation to my Province in America;3 (at least, w 1 1 thought adviseable to publish) I here inclose one that you may know & inform others of it; I have been these 13 years the Servant of Truth & Friends,4 & for my Testemony Sake lost much, not only by the greatness & preferments of this world, but iGooo1 of my Estate,5 that had I not been wt1 am I had long agoe obtained—But I murmur not, the Lord is good to me, & the interest his Truth with his people, may more than repaire it. For many are drawn forth to be concerned Planning for a New Colony

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with me, & perhaps, this way of Satisfaction has more of the hand of God in it, then a downright payment; this I can say, that I had an opening of joy as to thes parts in the Year 1661 at Oxford, 20 Years Since;6 & as my understanding & inclinations have been much directed to observe & reprove mischeifs in Government, So it is now putt into my powr to settle one. For the matters of liberty & priviledge, I purpose that wch is extreordinary, & to leave myselfe & successors noe powr of doeing mischief, that the will of one man may not hinder the good of an whole Country; but to publish thos things now, & here as matters stand, would not be wise,7 & I was advised to reserve that that till I came there, Yr ancient love to me8 makes me beleive you will have a brotherly eye to my honest concern, & wl truth makes you free to do, you will, & more I expect not, Tis a cleer unintangled, & I may say, honorable bottom. — No more, but lett Frds know it, as you are free. Wth my fr: love in That which no waters can quench,9 nor time make wax ould, nor distance ware out. Your frd & Bro: Wm Penn The inclosed was first read to Traders, Planters & Shipmasters that know thos parts, & finally to the most eminent of frds hereaway, & so comes forth, I have forborne pains10 & allurem* & with Truth W. P. There are Severall inhabitants on the place11 already able to yeild accommodation to such as at first goe & care is taken already for to look out a convenient tract of land for a first settlem1.12 Transcript. American Philosophical Society. (Micro. 3:232). Addressed: For Robert Turner | at his house delivered in Dublin. Docketed: Recd the 21. 2d month 1681. Endorsed: Datted 12th 2d/mo me. 1681 | William Penn his advise | about his Country Pensilvania | came with the printed Booke | & how he is perswaded of it, | — & his inclination thereto— longe past. 1. Anthony Sharp (1642-1706) of Dublin, was a wealthy merchant and eminent Quaker. He bought extensive lands in New Jersey but did not emigrate there. His nephew Thomas Sharp was one of the leaders of the Irish Quaker settlement on Newton Creek in West Jersey. Albert Cook Myers, Immigration of the Irish Quakers into Pennsylvania 1682-1750 (Swarthmore, 1902), pp. 383-84; Besse, 2:483; Pomfret, West New Jersey, pp. 123, 285. 2. Roger Roberts, a Dublin innholder, was another weighty Friend. Like Anthony Sharp, he invested in West Jersey lands in 1677 but did not migrate there. Besse, 2:483; Pomfret, West New Jersey, pp. 123, 285. 3. Some Account (Micro. 3:132). See doc. 23, n. 9. 4. WP became a Quaker in late 1667 while he was in Ireland overseeing his father's estates. He was converted after hearing Thomas Loe, a travelling minister, speak in Cork. PWP, i :49. 5. In his petition to Charles II (doc. 4), WP described his debt of "at least 11,000!;" with interest, this sum could total £16,000 by 1680. In addressing the king, WP blamed the Stop of the Exchequer for his financial problems, but here he presents himself to fellow Quakers as a victim of religious persecution. 6. WP entered Christ Church College, Oxford, in October 1660, and was expelled a little over a year later for religious nonconformity. PWP, i :2g. 7. Having received his charter through the benevolence of Charles and James, WP did not wish to alienate his court supporters by advertising plans for a government far more popular in style than the Stuart administration in England.

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8. WP knew Turner and Sharp as early as Nov. 1669, when he visited Dublin during his Irish trip of 1669-1670. PWP, 1:106, 109. 9. Song of Sol. 8:7. 10. Perhaps the copyist misread "gains." 11. See doc. 24, n. i. 12. See doc. 25.

The most informative extant WP correspondence for 1681 is a series of letters from Robert Barclay (docs. 28, 31, 35,40,42,48, and 49) that illustrates the problems of establishing an effective proprietary colony. Although none of the letters WP wrote to Barclay in 1681 survive, Barclay's replies indicate what WP wrote, and show the reaction of a warm friend and an intelligent, well-connected gentleman to WP's colonizing venture. Barclay's letters are mostly concerned with two problems: WP's efforts to persuade the duke of York to grant him New Castle and the lower counties (now Delaware), and his efforts to sell Pennsylvania land to the Scots. Barclay carefully traced his negotiations with the duke in docs. 28, 31, and 40, and urged WP to take the politically risky step of courting the Catholic James openly by visiting him in Edinburgh—which WP did not do. As an informal land agent for WP, the canny Barclay proved a sensitive barometer to the prospects for Scottish colonization in America. He doubted whether WP's terms would be attractive enough to secure purchasers, especially since Gawen Lawrie and Edward Byllynge were offering better terms for West New Jersey land (docs. 40, 42), and he pointedly urged WP to be more generous (doc. 48). By December 1681 Barclay had discovered that several Scottish Presbyterians were interested in investing in America (doc. 49). But this led him to abandon his agency for WP and accept, instead, the absentee governorship of East New Jersey in 1682. During the next half-dozen years, Barclay worked vigorously to recruit Scottish investors and colonists for East New Jersey, not Pennsylvania.

28 FROM ROBERT BARCLAY Edinburgh the 15 of the 2nd Mo [April] 1681

dear W P by my Last thou did know I receaved thy parchment, 1 which was so great a pacquet as was enough to raise a jealousie at the posthous of some wonderfull correspondence, I delivered it to Sr Jo W2 & spoke to the Duke3 of it but they say it is improper for him to give a graunt

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of what he has not a patent for himself4 other objections they have also against it, but as to the letter in such terme[s?] as will satisfie it is promised when the extract from Blaithwayt comes and I have given G K5 directions how to look after it having occasione to see the Lady Lockart6 I thought it not improper to desire her recommendation to Lewine7 which she very readily gave vale at quantum potest,8 only after perusal seal it & be carefull of it because of what thou will see she writts of her owne matters, being to goe homeward this day my love to thy selff and frinds I am Thy affectunat frind & brother in the truth RB My love to Dear G F9 show him wee have brought to a good conclusion the matter of Rich Ree10 and he hath judged the wrong & satisfied frinds at present dear W P after I had finished this I had a letter from D B F 1 1 showeing he heard of S F marradge with W M12 & expecting by my recommendation to her W M may be prevailed with to consigne the commissions he took from him upon the tumble with J S,13 in this he dealt hardly B F oweing him nothing & the other he used since not doeing so well & it proved the harder that it gave occasione to others to doe the like, I doubt not thy readines to interpose thy influence bothe with her & dear G & M F14 to be urgent in this matter it being the seasone, yet le^t my earnest desire contribute to thy serious interposing in it (as I Intend also to doe to S F) & herein thou will not a litle oblidge thine RB because I may not by this post gett writt to S F pray presse it to her also in my name ALS. Dreer Collection, HSR (Micro. 3:239). Addressed: For Thomas Rudyard | At his house in Georg yard | Lumber street | To W Penn London | iod. Docketed: R Barclay | 81. 1. Barclay's earlier letter has not been found. "Thy parchment" was possibly a copy of WP's charter for Pennsylvania, or perhaps a petition to the duke. 2. Sir John Werden. 3. James, Duke of York, who had withdrawn to Scotland in Oct. 1680 (see doc. 12, n. i); James resided at Holyrood Castle in Edinburgh as high commissioner until Mar. 1682. David Ogg, England in the Reign of Charles II (Oxford, 1955), 2:584, 631-34. 4. The duke had no patent confirming his right to control and govern New Castle and the lower counties, although he had exercised this right since Charles II granted him New York and New Jersey in 1664. 5. George Keith (1639?-1716) was, with Barclay, the leader of Scottish Quakerism; he had known WP for a decade. He moved from Scotland to England after June 1681 to keep Quaker schools, first in Middlx. and then in Herts., with the sons of several prominent Quakers, including Barclay's son, in attendance. Keith was imprisoned for Quaker activity for over a year in 1683-1684 and then immigrated to East New Jersey. His schismatic movement of the 16908 in Pennsylvania, and his violent quarrel with WP and other Quakers, will be treated in our next volume. PWP, 1:32311; Ethyn Williams Kirby, George Keith (New York, 1942), chap. 3. 6. Lady Philadelphia Lockhart (d. 1722), daughter of Lord Wharton, married Sir

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George Lockhart (1630-1689) in 1679. Her husband was dean of the Faculty of Advocates from 1672 and was the most eminent barrister in Scotland. He sat in the Scottish Parliament for Lanark in 1681 -1682, and 1685-1686, and in 1685 became lord president of the Court of Session. DNB. 7. Sir Creswell Levinz; see doc. 11. 8. Probably a variation of valeat quantum valere potest, "let it prevail as far as it may." 9. George Fox (1624-1691), founder of the Society of Friends, and a close friend and colleague of WP from 1669. In the i68os, Fox remained an active Quaker leader and itinerant preacher, although he travelled less and spent more time in the London area than he had earlier in his career. PWP, i: i32n. 10. Richard Ray (d. 4 May 1681) was a poor Edinburgh shoemaker, imprisoned for Quaker worship in Aberdeen in 1663. This was probably the same Richard Ray who was one of the earliest Quaker preachers in Scotland, and who joined several other Friends to speak out against John Wilkinson and John Story in the fall of 1677. PWP, 1:513, 5i4n; Besse, 2:494, 497; Braithwaite, Second Period, p. 533; Digests of Quaker Records, Scotland, GSP. 11. Benjamin Furly. 12. Sarah Fell (c. 1643-1714), was the fourth daughter of Margaret Askew Fell Fox (1614-1702), the "nursing mother" of Quakerism who was convinced by George Fox in 1652, and married him in 1669. Sarah Fell married William Mead (1628-1713), WP's fellow defendant in the Penn-Mead trial of 1670 and a leading London Quaker merchant, in June 1681, at Devonshire House, London. Mead, who had a reputation as a sharp dealer, had apparently involved Furly in the business collapse of John Swinton (see below). PWP, i: 132n, 174n; Isabel Ross, Margaret Fell, Mother of Quakerism (London, 1949), family tree following p. 343, p. 411; William I. Hull, Benjamin Furly and Quakerism in Rotterdam (Lancaster, Pa., 1941), p. 79. 13. The reference is probably to John Swinton, Jr., the son of John Swinton (1621?1679), a prominent Scottish Quaker and close friend of Robert Barclay. Young Swinton was a Quaker merchant of Water Lane, London, who married Sarah Welch in 1674; three of his children were given Quaker burials between 1675 anc^ 1 ^79- ^ n J ^79 hi§ business failed and he moved thereafter to Amsterdam. Barclay had tried to help Swinton in 1679 and would try again in 1682, but in 1681 he was more interested in helping Furly. PWP, i:37on; Fox, 1:453, 4^6; Digests of Quaker Records, London and Middlx., GSP; Braithwaite, Second Period, pp. 335-37; Balderston, pp. 84, 123, 124. 14. George and Margaret Fox.

29 TO HENRY SIDNEY [c.April 1681]! My Kind Frd The world thats chaing'd & chaingeing, makes me mighty careless of the Comforts of it, & you Courtiers must & will learn to think so too when yr disapointmts come home, & if I have any prospect,2 yr turn may be next, 'tis a pretty thing to see how finely the great Monarchs of the world play at nine pins w th their Ministers, distroy their Creatures that they may create again, the Corruption of one thing is the generation of an other, if philosophy be true, & perhaps order may arise from our confusion, if one could be sure of that, 'twould mittigate the Pain, wch of us two shall be embassador {then} I cant tell, well, I perceive the dutch aire is takeing, & that thou art resolv'd to keep out of harms way.3 so shall I too, when I am gott to my new granted Province in America, where the charge of the Voyage will secure [illegible deletion]

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me from the revenge of my enimys. but not to be tedious, lett me begg a lettr to Colonel Russell4 in Ll Cooks5 behalf, he has faild of his promess, the Place is gone, & the man ruin'd if he will not give him the vallue of the Colours of that Ensigne of the Regim1 that has it. he professes to do it. till then, that the man may have his pay, seems reasonable, perhaps this is like to be the last trouble thou [are?] willt receive by the means of Thy very true ould Frd for me at one Wm Penn Fords in Bow-lane London ble

ALS. Add. MSS 32681, British Library. (Micro. 3:436;). Addressed: For the HonColonel Hen: Sidney | at the Hague. Docketed: Penn.

1. WP received his province on 4 Mar. 1681, Henry Sidney returned to England from Holland on 18 June 1681, and Col. John Russell resigned his commission in Dec. 1681, thus dating this letter to the spring of 1681. 2. Knowledge of the future. OED. WP appears to be commenting here on the recent political upheaval in England: Charles II's abrupt dismissal of Sidney's nephew Sunderland in Jan. 1681; the king's abrupt dissolution of the Oxford Parliament in Mar. 1681; and his de facto alliance with Louis XIV rather than with the prince of Orange. It was now clear that the Whigs' three-year campaign to exclude James from the throne had failed, and that Sidney's embassy in Holland would soon be terminated. 3. Sidney had been in Holland since late 1679; see doc. 34. Col. John Russell (c. 1615-1687), son of the earl of Bedford, had fought with the royalists in the Civil War, and was colonel of the King's Own Regiment of Foot Guards from the Restoration until Dec. 1681. Col. Sidney was a colleague of Col. Russell in the late 16705, and a natural contact for WP's request. CSPD, 1661-1662, p. 253; CSPD, 1679-1680, pp. 88, no, 124-25; CSPD, 1680-1681, pp. 166,610, 616', DNB. 5. Richard Cooke had been commissioned lieutenant in Col. John Russell's regiment on 22 Apr. 1679. CSPD, 1679-1680, p. 322. Why WP was trying to help Cooke is unknown.

30 MINUTES OF THE LONDON MEETING FOR SUFFERINGS While planning his new colony, WP was subject to an old annoyance: prosecution by government agents on the grounds that Quakers were popish recusants. In 1678-1679 WP had been identified as a recusant (PWP, i :543~45). In January 1681, the second Whig Parliament failed to exempt Protestants from the penal statutes; thus, Quakers continued to suffer under these laws (see doc. 16). WP was among twenty Friends indicted at a Court of Assizes held in Horsham, Sussex, in early 1681. His case was referred to the Exchequer for enforcement but was dropped when he convinced the lords of the Treasury that he was not a Catholic. Braithwaite, Second Period, pp. 100-4; Besse, 1:723.

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[sg April 1681] {Mozely}1 A Letter of the ig th Instant from Tho: Mozely of the Clift in Sussex about the prosecution of Friends for Recusancy was Read wherein hee gives Account that hee cannot gett Copyes of the Indictment against Friends there The Clerk of the Assize which is One Lee having Carryed them away with him. his Chamber is in Lincolnes Inne. 2 The Letter gives Account that Excheqer processe3 is Come into the Sherriffs hands against the Estates of Wm Penn Nicholas Beard4 and Richard Scarse.5 Thomas Rudiard 6 is desired to give Wm Penn Accompt thereof And Thomas Rudiard is alsoe desired after he hath Conferred with W m Penn That hee take Care about those Indictmts And give Accompt thereof to this Meeting Lettre delivered to Ellis Hookes7 to keepe amongst the Sufferrings for that County [20 May 1681] {W. Pens discharge}8 Wm Penn brought here this day a Discharge from the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury9 for himselfe. Certifying he was no papist but a protestant & therefore ought to be discharg'd from a fine of 2Ol a month for a months absence from Church wch is to be Entred in the Book of this Meeteinge. MBE. Minutes of Meeting for Sufferings, vol. 2, FLL. (Not filmed). 1. Thomas Moseley (d. 1689), of Lewes and Chichester Monthly Meeting, suffered often during 1673-1683 for attending Friends' meetings, including one which met at his house. Digests of Quaker Records, Sus. and Sur., GSP; Besse, 1:717-27. 2. Four lawyers named Lee were admitted to Lincoln's Inn, London, between 1647 and 1679. 3. In 1680 procedures were drawn up for confiscating real estate and collecting fines under the penal laws. Local justices reported persons convicted as recusants to the Exchequer, who then referred each case to a receiver-general. This official assessed the recusant's estates and ordered the county sheriff to schedule a hearing to decide if the valuation was correct. A recusant could choose to pay £20 for each month he did not attend church, in lieu of forfeiting two-thirds of his lands. CTB, 1679-1680, pp. 601-3. 4. Nicholas Beard (c. 1615-1702), of Rottingdean, Sus., joined the Society of Friends in 1655 and was a frequent sufferer beginning in 1657. WP visited his house in 1672. PWP, 1:246, 248n; Besse, 1:709-35. 5. Richard Scrase (d. 1691), of Blatchington, was a member of Lewes and Chichester Monthly Meeting. He was jailed at least four times between 1659 and 1672. WP possibly visited him in 1672. Digest of Quaker Records, Sus. and Sur., GSP; PWP, 1:246, 248n; Besse, 1:712-19. 6. Rudyard was very active in the Meeting for Sufferings during the early i68os. Like WP, he helped to write several petitions against persecution and frequently interceded with English officials on behalf of imprisoned Friends. Minutes of the Meeting for Sufferings, vols. i and 2, FLL. 7. Ellis Hookes (c. 1630-1681) was appointed the first salaried recording clerk of the London Friends in 1653. He had begun gathering accounts of Quaker sufferings by 1660 and had collected 1300 folio pages at the time of his death. These manuscripts formed the basis of Besse's Sufferings published in 1753. See PWP, i:2O9n, 2g8n, and 36sn. 8. The lords of the Treasury signed this release on 30 Apr. 1681, "being very well satisfied that said Penn is not or ever was a Popish Recusant." CTB, 1681-1685, p. 131. A copy of the discharge is in the Meeting for Sufferings Book of Cases, vol. i (16611695), pp. 87-88, FLL; transcript in ACM, vol. 58. 9. All five commissioners signed WP's release: Lawrence Hyde, Viscount of Kenilworth, created earl of Rochester in 1682, first lord of the Treasury and a friend to WP;

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Sir John Ernie, chancellor of the Exchequer; Sir Edward Bering (1625-1684), who had helped the Penns secure their Irish estates in 1667; Sidney Godolphin (1645-1712), created ist earl of Godolphin in 1706; and Sir Stephen Fox (1627-1716). CTB, 16811685, p. 1942; DNB; Peerage; PWP, i :45n, 552n.

31 FROM ROBERT BARCLAY Ury 1 the 2 5 of the 4th Mo: [June] 1681

dear W P I had thy letter2 some time agoe and would have retourned thee ane answere sooner but that I expected ane answere from thee of my last wherein I writt to thee concerning John Skeene3 or what encouragdment may be offered to any other willing to goe, for no paper of thine of that kind have I yet seen, as to what thou desires to know concerning, my frinds 4 character of thee, I find it favorable for tho he judge thy principles in goverment to be a litle Hetrodox yet he conceaves himself as to the so waited5 that in generosity & honesty he thinks thou cannot be his unfreind, as to my thoughts of him I can only Say this that iff he be what he seriously affirms he is to it is very well, and I am sure it is his interest to be alwayes realy so, and as to what relaits to my particular I have found him still very kind and civil, I know not what more to say at this distance, only there has a thing pressed upon me several dayes, which may look odd at first view, but when weighed thou may perhapps find somewhat considerable in it, that is considering the desein before thee in the west indies & the consequence of his hearty concurrence in it, I Judge it may be worth thy paines to make a suddain step here to Visit him ere thou goe, a work in a month to be done with ease, tho thou should not ride therow by post but take the coach to York wh is 4 dayes & then 3 from thence to Edinburgh easy post, for besids the influence such ane oblidging act might have to procure all thou could desire in that affair to the furtherance of thy desein, considering what is judged will be the work of our parliment now approaching6 (& about the opening of which thou might fall to be here,) & also how in the dispositione of providence things are like to [become?], such a step at this juncture might be well worth thy paines, & may both doe good & prevent hurt afterwards, besids other expedients to advance thy plantation might be here found, & thy visit tho short to frinds would be very acceptable, and that which seemes the only difficulty easily solved, viz the drawing ane odyum otherwayes since the necessity of thy concern would be a sufficient pretence for the jorney, considering his interest in [thy?] parts & the way of his governors I could offer many more reasons, which makes the thing weighty but judging they will aboundantly arise In thy self will forbear, only I

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presume if thou come thou will bring T R7 or some such with thee, and make a sudden step with litle noise at or just before the Parliments sitting downe will be fittest, & upon advertisment I will meet thee at Edinburgh I wish some or other would have given me a particular accompt how things past with W R at the meeting8 & w{h}ither my part was medled with or iff there be anything needfull or expe[cted] from me in that point, this I leave to thee & with my love to thy wiffe I rest Thy brother in the unchangeable truth RB ALS. Penn-Forbes Papers, HSP. (Micro. 3:205). Addressed: For | William Penn | To be delivred in haist | These. Docketed: R Barclay | i mo 81. This docketing is incorrect, for Barclay wrote this letter in the 4th month. 1. Urie was Barclay's estate, a few miles west of Stonehaven, a small port on the North Sea fourteen miles south of Aberdeen; there was a small Quaker meeting on the estate. PWP, 1:27511; D. Elton Trueblood, Robert Barclay (New York, 1968), pp. 24, 3°-322. Not found. 3. John Skene (d. 1690) was an Aberdeen merchant imprisoned for Quaker worship along with Barclay and George Keith in 1676-1677; upon his release, he accompanied Barclay to London, where he met WP. By 1681 his business had failed, and he had turned to practicing "physic" to support his family. Barclay, in a 26 Apr. 1681 letter to WP (Micro. 3:242), urged him to encourage Skene to emigrate to America. After receiving this second letter, WP sent Skene some advice in a letter to Barclay (see doc. 35, below). Besse, 2:503-28. 4. The duke of York. 5. The text is uncertain here. 6. The Scottish Parliament convened on 28 July 1681. F. C. Turner, James II (New York, 1948), p. 187. 7. Thomas Rudyard. 8. "W R" is William Rogers, a Bristol merchant; "the meeting" is the Meeting for Sufferings in London, held 13 May 1681. Rogers was a principal figure in the WilkinsonStory schism of 1675-1679 within Quakerism (see PWP, 1:327-28). Barclay had been drawn into the Wilkinson-Story controversy when Rogers attacked the ideas of church government that Barclay had expressed in The Anarchy of the Ranters (1676). The two men debated the issue in London in 1677; Rogers then attacked Barclay in a circulated manuscript copy of part 3 of his The Christian-Quaker (published Nov. 1680), and Barclay replied with his Vindication (written in Mar. 1679). Barclay's Anarchy and Vindication quickly became quasi-official Quaker responses to the Wilkinson-Story schism. Barclay thought it profitless to continue his debate with Rogers, but he wanted to be sure that his colleagues in London supported his definition of a church, which Rogers had attacked. See Barclay to WP, 26 Apr. 1681, Micro. 3:242; Minutes of the Meeting for Sufferings, vol. 2, FLL; Braithwaite, Second Period, pp. 340-50.

In devising a policy for renting, selling, and distributing land in Pennsylvania, WP had three objectives: to secure a substantial and steady income for himself, to offer land on terms that would be competitive with those advertised by the proprietors of other colonies, and to insure the rapid, yet orderly development of his new colony. WP modified this land policy somewhat during the spring and summer of 1681 to

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make it more attractive and practical. In April 1681, he set out his basic conditions in Some Account (Micro. 3:132): he would sell 5ooo-acre lots for £100; all land would be subject to a quitrent of one shilling per 100 acres, beginning in 1684; a part of each purchaser's land would be located on a navigable river; each purchaser would receive lots in a town or towns to be laid out, roughly equalling one-tenth of his purchase; and each settler who brought over a servant would receive another fifty acres free. Each male servant would also receive fifty acres upon the expiration of his service; and anyone could rent up to 200 acres of land from the proprietor for one penny per acre. WP soon discovered that only a small number of prospective buyers were willing to invest as much as £ i oo in Pennsylvania wilderness land. Accordingly, in Brief Account (i) (Micro. 3:138), probably published in May or June, WP added three provisions: ten purchasers could join together to buy a 50oo-acre share; purchasers could play a role in determining the location of the acres purchased; and women servants as well as men could claim fifty acres at the end of their time. By mid-July, WP realized that further revisions were needed. In "Certain Conditions or Concessions" to the First Purchasers (doc. 32), he added three qualifications. First, no purchaser would receive more than 1000 acres in one location, unless he could place a family upon each looo-acre lot within three years. Second, servants would have to pay a quitrent of two shillings for their fifty-acre reward, and masters four shillings for their fifty-acre headright; these rents were, respectively, four and eight times the quitrent for purchasers. Finally, purchasers would receive bonus lots in "a large Towne or Citty" (the future Philadelphia) at the rate of one acre for every fifty purchased. By these "Concessions," WP discouraged large-scale land engrossing and speculation, limited the amount of free land he would be forced to give to servants and masters (see doc. 37), and obligated himself to lay out a capital city of considerable size. With the "Concessions," WP's land system reached its final form. His promotional map of July (see p. 113), his September instructions to his first commissioners (doc. 41), and his additional instructions of October (doc. 46) added only minor details. WP's land sales now proceeded briskly. Appropriately, the first deed of sale (doc. 33) was for a 5ooo-acre share to Philip Ford, who was, with Thomas Rudyard, one of WP's chief London land agents. See Brief Account (i), Map of Pennsylvania, Brief Account (2), and Hope Frances Kane, "Notes on Early Pennsylvania Promotional Literature," PMHB, 63:144-68.

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CONDITIONS

32 OR CONCESSIONS TO THE FIRST PURCHASERS

Certaine Conditions or Concessions agreed upon by William Penn Proprietary & Governor of the Province of Pensilvania, & those who are the adventur[ers] and purchasers in the same Province The 11 of July iGSi. 1 {ist} That so Soone as it pleaseth God that the abovesaid persons Arrive there, a certaine Quantity] of Land or Ground platt shall be laid out for a large Towne or Citty in the most Convenient pla[ce] upon the River for health & Navigation, and every Purchaser & Adventurer shall by lott have soe much Land therein, as will Answer to the Proportion he hath bought or Taken up upon Rent;2 but it is stt to be Noted that the Surveyors shall Consider wha[t] Roades or high wayes will be Necessary to the Cittyes, Townes, or through the Lands, Great Roades from Citty to Citty not to Containe Less then Fourty foot in breadth, shall be first laid Out { & declared to be} for this highwayes, before the Divident of Acres be laid out for the purchaser, a[nd the] like Observation to be had for Streets in the Townes & Cittyes, that there may be Convenient] Roads & Streets preserved not to be Incroached upon by any planter or Builder, and [that] none may build Iregulerly to the dammage of another, in this Custome guide. {2^} That the Land in the Towne be laid out Together, after the proportion of 10000 Acres of the whole Country, that is 200 Acres if the place will bear it, however that the proportion] be by lott and Entire, So as those that desire to be Together, Especially those that are by the Catalogue laid together may be so laid Together both in the Towne & Country.3 (3dly} That when the Country Lotts are laid out, every Purchaser from 1000 to io[ooo Acres?] or more not to have above 1000 {acres} Together, unless in 3 Yeares they plant a [Family?] upon every 1000 Acres4 but that all such as purchasse Together lye Together, & [if as many as] Comply with this Condition, that the whole be laid out Together. {4^} That where any Number of Purchasers more or less, whose Number of Acres Afmounts to five] or Tenn thousand Acres desire to Sitt Together in a Lott, or Towneshipp, they sha[ll have their Lott] or Towne Shipp Cast Together in such places as have Condition Convenient h[arbours or?] Navigable Rivers Attending it, if such can be found, & in case any One or mo[re Purchasers] Plant not according to Agreem1 in this Concession to the prejudice of othe[rs of the same?] Towneshipp, upon Complaint thereof made to the Governor or his Deputy w[th Assistance,?] they may award (if they see Cause,) that the Complaining Purchaser m[ay, paying] the Survey money, & the pur-

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chase money, & Interest thereof &c. [be]5 Intituled, Inrowled, and Lawfully Invested in the Lands Soe not Seated. {5^} That the proportion of lands that shall be Laid Out in First great Towne or Citty for every purchaser, shall be after the proportion of Tenn Acres for every Five hundred Acres purchased, if the place will allow it. {6ty} That notwithstanding there be no Mention made in the Severall Deeds made to the Purchasers, yet the said William Penn does accord & Declare that all Rivers, Riveletts, Woods & Underwoods, Waters, Watercourses, Quarryes, Mines & Minerall[s] (except Mines Royall,) shall be Freely and Fully Enjoyed and wholely by the Purchasers into whose Lott they Fall. {*jty} That for every 50 Acres, that shall be Allotted to a Servant at the end of his Servi[ce] his Quitt rent shall be Two shillings per Annum, and the Master or Owner of the Serv[ant] when he shall take up the other 50 Acres his Quitt rent shall be Four shilling[s] by the Yeare, or if the Master of the Servant (by Reason in the Indenture] he is soe obliged to doe,) Allott out to the Servant 50 Acres in his own division, the?] said Master shall have on demand Allotted him from the Governor the One hundr[ed Acres] at the Cheife Rent of Six Shillings per Annum. 6 {8ty} And for the Encouragement of Such as are Ingenious & willing to Search Out Gold & Silver Mines in this Province, it is hereby agreed that they have Libertie to bore & Digg in any mans Property fully paying the Dammage done and in Case a Discovery Should be made, that the Discoverer have One 5th the Owner of the Soyle if not the Discoverer a ioth part, The Governor 2: Fifths, & the rest to the publick Treasury, Saving to the King the Share reserved by Patent.7 {gly} In Every hundred thousand Acres the Governor & Proprietary by Lott reservall Tenn to himselfe which shall Lye but in One place.8 {loty} That Every man shall be bound to Plant or mann soe much of his share, or Land as Shall be Sett out and [Su]rveyed {within Three Yeares after it is soe sett out & Surveyed} or else it shall be Lawfull for New Commer[s] to be Settled thereupon, paying to them their Survey Money, and they goeing on higher for their Shares, {i ity} There shall be no buying and Selling, be it with the Indians, or One among An Other, of any Goods to be exported, but what shall be performed in Publick Markett when such places shall be sett apart, or erected, where they shall Pass the publick Stamp or Marke, if badd ware and prized as good, and [de]ceitfull in proportion or weights, to Forfeite the Vallue as if good [an]d in full in weight and proportion, to the Publick Treasury of the [Pro]vince, whether it be the merchandize of the Indian or that of the Planters. [{igty} An]d for as much as it is usuall with the Planters to Overreach the poore [Nat]ives of the Country in Trade, by Goods not being good of the Kind, or debased [wi]th mixtures, with which they are Sensibly

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aggrived, it is agreed what[eve]r is sold to the Indians in Consideration of their Furrs shall be sold in [the] Markett place, and there Suffer the Test whether good or bad, if good to pass, if not good, not to be Sold for good; that the Natives may not be abused nor provoked. {i31y} That noe man shall by any wayes or meanes in word or Deed, affront or wrong any Indian, but he shall Incurr the Same Pennalty of the Law as if he had Comitted it against his Fellow Planter, & if any Indian Shall abuse in word or Deed, any planter of this province, that he shall not be his owne Judge upon the Indian, but he shall make his Complaint to the Governor of the province or his Leiutenant or Deputy, or Some Inferiour Magistrate Neare him, who shall to the Uttmost of his Power, Take Care with the King of the said Indian; that all reasonable Sattisfaction be made to the said Injured Planter. {i41y} That all Differences between the Planters and the Natives shall also be ended by Twelve Men, that is by Six Planters and Six Natives, that so wee may Live friendly Together, and as much as in us Lyeth, Prevent all Occassions of Heart Burnings and Mischeifes.9 {i51y} That the Indians shall have Liberty to doe all things Relateing to the Improvem1 of their ground & provideing Sustenance for their Familyes, that any of the planters shall enjoy[.] [{i6!y} That the Laws, as to Slanders, Drunkenness, Swearing, Cursing, Pride in Apparel, Trespasses, Distresses, Replevins, Weights and Measures, shall be the same as in England, till altered by Law in this Province.]10 {17^} That all shall Marke their Hoggs, Sheepe & Other Cattle, and what are not Marked with in three months after it is in their Possession, be it young or Old it shall be Forfeited to the Governor that Soe People may be Compelled to Avoid the Occasion of much Strife between Planters. {i8!y} That in Clearing the Ground, Care be Taken to Leave One Acree of Trees for every five Acres Cleared, especially to Preserve Oak & Mulberries for Silk & Shipping. {igly} That all Shipp Masters shall give an accot of their Country's, Names, Shipps, Owners Freights, and Passengers to an officer to be appointed for that purpose, which shall be registred within two dayes after their arrivall, & if they shall refuse Soe to doe, that then none presume to Trade wth them, upon Forfeiture thereof, & that such Mastrs be lookt upon as [havi]ng an evill Intentio[n] to the Province[.] {20^} That noe Person Leave the province, w th out Publication being made there[of in] the markett place three weeks before, & a Certificate from Some Justice [of] the peace of his Clearnesse with his neighbours and those he hath de[alt] with all, Soe farr as Such an Assureance Cann be attained & given; And if any Master of a Shipp shall Contrary here unto receive & Carry away any Person that hath not given that publick Notice, The said Master shall be Lyeable to all Debts Oweing by the said person, So Secrettly Transported from that Province.]11 Lastly

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that these are to be added to, or Corrected by and with th[e consent?] of the parties hereunto Subscribed. Wm P[enn] [Sealed and delivered in the presence of

William Boelham, Harbert Springet, Thomas Pudyard.]

[Sealed and delivered in the presence of all the Proprietors, who have hereunto subscribed, except Thomas Farrinborrough and John Goodson, in presence of

Hugh Chamberlen, R. Murray, Harbert Springet, Humphrey South, Thomas Barker, Samuel Jobson, John Joseph Moore, William Powel, Richard Davie, Griffith Jones, Hugh Lambe, Thomas Farrinborrough, John Goodson.]12

Copy. Fallen Scrap Book, HSP. (Micro. 3:249). Docketed: Conditions or Concesions agreed | upon by Wm Penn &c. This copy is torn along one side; missing letters are supplied within brackets. 1. As of 11 July, WP had apparently sold no land; the first extant deed is dated 14 July, to Philip Ford (doc. 33, below). The signers of this document (see n. 12, below) were stating their intention to buy land. 2. This is the first appearance in WP's plans for setting out lands in Pennsylvania of the provision that settlers would receive town lots in proportion to the size of their purchases of country acres. See Hannah Benner Roach, "The Planting of Philadelphia: A Seventeenth-Century Real Estate Development,"PMHB, 92: 9-11. 3. This clause sets the proportion of town to country acreage, 1:50. The "Catalogue" is probably the list of First Purchasers that WP sent to America with his commissioners in Oct. 1681 (Micro. 3:359, incorporated into the appendix, doc. 205, below); this list arranged 259 purchasers into thirty-two io,ooo-acre sections. 4. This is the first appearance in WP's plans for Pennsylvania of a prohibition against settlers' holding large, undeveloped, contiguous plots that would slow down settlement. 5. Added by the editors for clarity. 6. Note that the quitrents on land received by headright and servant service are much higher than those paid on purchased land, for which WP charged only one shilling per one hundred acres. Clearly WP wanted some long term income from this land, which he was giving away rather than selling. 7. WP's charter to Pennsylvania (doc. 20, above) reserved one fifth of all gold and silver found in the colony for the crown. In these "Concessions," WP sets the residual share to the public treasury in Pennsylvania at either twenty or ten percent, depending upon whether the discoverer was also the owner of the land where treasure was found. 8. WP had the chartered right to create proprietary manors; this is his first reference to their establishment. 9. Compare similar provisions in the West New Jersey Concessions, PWP, i :^ooi,chap. 25. 10. This clause does not appear in the HSP MS, and is supplied from the printed version of the document in PA, 8th sen, i :xliv. The provision was modified in 1682, both

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in The Laws Agreed Upon (doc. 60, law 37), and in WP's "Rules for Ordinaries" (doc. 111). 11. Compare the similar provision in the West New Jersey Concessions, PWP, 1:401, § 27. 12. The signatures following WP's are missing in this copy of the "Concessions," but were undoubtedly affixed to another copy, and may be found in Robert Proud, The History of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1797), vol. 2, app., p. 5 (followed here); in Hazard, Annals, p. 520; and in PA, 8th ser., i :v-xlvi, which essentially agree on the text. Thomas "Pudyard" is, of course, Thomas Rudyard. All of the signers, except "William Boelham" and "R. Murray," are known to have been major purchasers of Pennsylvania land and appear in doc. 205, in the appendix; and Boelham could be the purchaser William Bowman. "John Joseph Moore" represents two purchasers, John and Joseph Moore, who purchased jointly. All of these purchasers, except the Welshman Richard Davies, were residents of greater London. For the residence, occupation, and size of purchase of each signer, see doc. 205.

33 LAND SALE TO PHILIP FORD [14 July 1681] Know All men by these presents That I William Penn of Worminghurst in the County of Sussex Esquire have had and received of and from Philip Ford of London Merchant The Sum of One hundred pounds of Lawful English money, which said one hundred pounds is the Consideration money for the purchase of Five Thousand Acres of Land in PENNSYLVANIA mentioned and Expressed in one pair of Indentures of bargain Sale and Release thereof bearing even Date herewith and made or mentioned to be made between me the said William Penn of the one part and Philip Ford of the other part; Of and from which said one hundred pounds I the said William Penn do hereby for myself my heirs and Assignes Remise1 and Release and quit Claim the said Philip Ford his heirs Executors, Adm rs and Assignes and every of them by these presents. Witness my hand this Fourteenth day of July—Anno Dm one thousand six hundred Eighty and one, Annoque RRs Car Scdi xxxiii02 Sealed and Delivered Wm Penn in the presense of Harb1 Springett Tho: Coxe3 Isaac Swintone4 DS. Wynne DDWY/743, Bedfordshire Record Office. (Not filmed). 1. Surrender. OED. 2. "And in the year of the reign of King Charles II the thirty-third." 3. Thomas Coxe was a Quaker and a London vintner who would invest in East New Jersey in the mid-i68os. He also frequently attended the London Meeting for Sufferings in early 1681, along with Thomas Rudyard, Griffith Jones, James Claypoole, and other men interested in colonization. Pomfret, East New Jersey, pp. 135, 234; Minutes of the Meeting for Sufferings, vol. 2, FLL. 4. Isaac Swinton has not been identified; he was perhaps related to John Swinton, Jr. (see doc. 28, n. 13, above).

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34 FROM SIR JOHN

WERDEN Edinburgh* 16* July [i6](8i)

Sr:

Two or three days agoe, the Duke shewed yor Lettr to him, of the 30 June (if at least June be meant by 4™) and gave me his Comands to returne you in answer, wl I said to him upon reading it.2 Viz1 First, that whereas you seeme to complaine that You had noe answer from Me, in reply to some of yor Lettrs sent hither, I did then imediately convince both yor freinds here, particularly (Mr Barkley and Mr Keeth3) that I really did for you, all that I believed necessary for yor satisfaction, and had writt to the Governr of New Yorke (Sr Edmd Andros) to the purposes that you desired; that is, to Informe him of yor pattent of pensilvania, and to desire all necessary Ordrs from him to facilitate yor quiett takeing possession thereof. And that both yor sd freinds appeared satisfyed w th , and promised me to give you an ace1 of all. As to Yor fresh proposition to the Duke, repeated in yr last lettre, 1 Viz , That his R11 Hs would conferr on You the rest of wl he possesseth in and about Newcastle on Delaware River, und r certaine Conditions and Limitations, such as You thinke fitt to offer. I told your freinds then, wl I now repeate to You, that the Duke was not pleased to come to any resolution as yet in that particular, and I doe not yet find that His R11 Hs hath altered his thoughts therein.4 Yor last Request, for a lettr to the Governr of New Yorke that you may have quiet possession, is in effect already answered, and graunted;5 But whereas You mention in the lettre, Isles that lye above Newcastle in Delaware River, I must take notice to You, that that is quite a new proposall haveing (as I believe) never heard you mention Isles (in that River) till now; neither had I ever any Comands from the Duke touching the passing of them to You. But all along, have believed that the River it selfe, (that is the Shoare of it) was to be Your East Boundary, and I believe you will find the words of yor pattent that describe your Boundaryes to import noe more.6 so as if any Gen11 words afterwards have Isles inserted amongst them 'tis wt I cannot say any thing for, neither can I judge how far such an enumeration of particulars can include any more, then the gen11 Boundaryes doe. I hope you will perceive by this cleare answer, as well as wn you reflect on all the progresse of this Bussiness, that I have beene and am willing to Comply wth all your conveniences, as far as I have authority from the Duke my R11 Mastr soe to doe, and I assure you that I doe very heartily wish you good success in Your American Voyadge as being. To Wm: Penn Esqr: etc. Edinburgh i6th July (81) r I send you here inclosed a Lett (open, for you to read, scale and th

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cause to be delivered) to M r Perm, in reply to One he hath lately sent the Duke, and I believe it necessary you should know all I write of this nature, least further mistakes should happen, or things be lesse cleerly understood, then is necessary for mutuall satisfaction. I am To Sr Edmd Andros etc. or in his absence To M r Blaythwaite 7 Copy. CO 5/112/290, PRO. (Micro. 3:258). Marginal notation: Sr John Werden | to M r Penn. Werden's letters to WP and to Andros are clerk's copies, retained in Blathwayt's colonial office files. 1. Sir John Werden, the duke of York's secretary, was attending James in his retirement in Scotland; see doc. 28, n. 3. 2. WP's letter to the duke of York has not been found. 3. Robert Barclay and George Keith. Both were trying to help WP in his negotiations with the duke of York over title to New Castle and the lower western shore of the Delaware River. See the headnote to doc. 28. 4. The duke of York held the land around New Castle by conquest of the Dutch, but held no patent for it from the king; Lord Baltimore's patent for Maryland included this area. See John A. Munroe, Colonial Delaware: A History (Millwood, N.Y, 1978), P-775. As early as 21 June 1681, Anthony Brockholls, Sir Edmund Andros's deputy in New York, had issued a proclamation to justices residing in Pennsylvania releasing them from their allegiance to the duke of York and instructing them to submit to WP's government. B. Per now, ed., Documents Relating to the History of the Dutch and Swedish Settlements on the Delaware River (Albany, N.Y, 1877), 12:666-67. 6. WP's charter gave him a territory "bounded on the East by Delaware River," but the charter also mentioned islands contained within the province's bounds, thus leaving the status of islands within the Delaware somewhat uncertain. See doc. 20, p. 64. WP's own paraphrase of his charter, in his tract Some Account (1681), said the eastern boundary "runs all along upon the side of Delaware River." Albert Cook Myers, ed., Narratives of Early Pennsylvania, West New Jersey, and Delaware, 1630-1707 (New York, 1912), p. 212. 7. Andros had been recalled to England in 1680; he was apparently in London in mid-July, and then went to see the duke in Edinburgh. See doc. 35.

35 FROM ROBERT BARCLAY

Edinburgh Leith1 the 19 of the 6th Mo: [August] 1681

dear W P I receaved thy letter2 some time agoe at my arrival here & desired T R3 in a letter he I writt to him to signify so much to thee, I take notice of thy answere to Jo: Skein4 & have signified it, as to thy owne bussinesse I am of the mind The want of its successe proceeds from the secretary5 to whom the D I see wholy devolves thes concerns of the Frnds, The Governor6 has been here these several weeks Thy advice & observation in the main I observe and approve of, thou may remember thy desire to gett some to be concerned with thee I have spoke to severals & doe find divers considerable persons willing to Planning for a New Colony

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come in as Tarbott7 with whom wee dined at J Clepols8 Be others, therfore lett me know thy mind further & some further accompt, but unlesse I engadge with them they will hardly doe, now I neither have any great genius for such adventures nor yet money to spare that way but iff thou judges it may doe thy self kindnesse to lett me have a propriety {without money}9 to bring in several others, I may concurr to the stoking of it, in this I can assure thee, tho at first view it may appear otherwayes I mind thy interest more then my owne, as to my self being wholy indifferent publick fame will lett thee know what our parliment has done in short the Duke has gott all he desired,10 & will so to the end of the chapter, My dear love to thy wiffe and all faithfull frinds I rest Thy faithfull frnd and brother

RB lett me have a speedy answere. ALS. William Logan Fisher Collection, HSR (Micro. 3:264). Addressed: For | William Penn | These. Docketed: R Barclay | 6mo 81. 1. Leith is the port of Edinburgh, two miles north of the city on the Firth of Forth. 2. Not found. 3. Thomas Rudyard. 4. See doc. 31, n. 3. Rather than immigrating to Pennsylvania, Skene bought land in West New Jersey from WP's rival in land sales to Scotsmen, Edward Byllynge, in June 1682. By December he was in Burlington, already a prominent member of the Friends monthly meeting there. In 1683 Skene entered the West New Jersey Assembly, and then the Council, and in 1685 Byllynge appointed him deputy governor of the colony, a position he held until 1688, when New Jersey was absorbed into the Dominion of New England. Pomfret, West New Jersey, pp. 130, 138, 147-49, 151-53, 160, 232. 5. Sir John Werden, secretary to the duke of York. As docs. 8, 34, and 95 illustrate, Werden was indeed hostile to WP's aims — first for a grant to Pennsylvania, then for a grant to the lower Delaware. 6. Sir Edmund Andros, governor of New York. 7. George Mackenzie (1630-1714), Lord Tarbat, became a shareholder in East New Jersey when Barclay took over the management of that colony in 1682. He was a prominent politician: in 1678 he was appointed lord justice general of Scotland and a privy councilor, and in 1682 he became the king's chief minister in Scotland. At the close of his career, as earl of Cromarty, he supported the Act of Union between England and Scotland. Pomfret, East New Jersey, pp. 137-40, 187, 244; DNB. 8. James Claypoole (1634-1687) was a London Quaker merchant active in the Six Weeks Meeting and the Meeting for Sufferings, who had known WP since at least 1672, when he witnessed WP's marriage. In 1683 Claypoole immigrated to Pennsylvania, where he became a leading member of the Free Society of Traders and of the Provincial Council. In a letter to Barclay, 20 June 1682, he remarked that he had not seen him for three years, so Barclay, WP, and Tarbat may have dined at Claypoole's some years prior to this letter. PWP, i:24on; Balderston, p. 123. 9. WP gave away a number of proprietary shares (5000 acres each) to relatives and close friends. But while he would soon offer a share to Barclay (doc. 40), in the end Barclay preferred to set up on his own as absentee governor of East New Jersey. 10. The Scottish Parliament confirmed the line of succession, specifically stating that no heir to the throne would be disqualified by his or her religion. The Parliament also legislated harsh penalties for all Scottish covenanters and other dissenters who held public worship services, aiming particularly against radical congregations of Presbyterians. F. C. Turner, James II, pp. 188-89.

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36 TO THOMAS JANNEY London 21 6/mo [August i6]8i Dear T: J 1 My tender & brotherly Love in the Ld salutes thee & thine wth gods truly begotten Children, the sons of faith & heirs of the promiss, in those parts. & my god keep you all in his preserving feare & Love, to whom be glory for ever. Thine of the 6 6/mo2 I Rec'd not till Just now being the i st day of the week. Thy tender Love I am sencible of & consolated w th : And as to my Country it is the Effect of much patience & faith as well as cost & Charges:3 for in no outward thing have I knowne, a greater exercise, & my minde more inwardly resigned to feele the Lds hand to bring it to pass, & truly I owne it their, & so it came to me thorough?] great opposition of envious grl men, & Since I have been maid to Look to the Ld, & beleive in him, as to the obtaining of it, more then ever as to any outward substance, it comforts me, & I am firme in my faith that the Ld will prosper it, if I & they that are & may be ingaged, do not greeve him by an unworthy use of it. Now dear T: many whose eyes & mindes are tow much abroad may imagin & talke, but that's little to me. 11 shall not I thinke go till next Spring: but a ship goes soon next month: & those that desire to have their land Lye in the best places, & be laid out wth the first must deale before that ship & comissioners goes, wch may be by the io th of next month. 4 so if any there away desire to have land w th me, they must write to me what & how much, [illegible deletion] & I [w]ill have the deeds prepared at Thomas Rudyards whither if they send their money they may have it as the rest have. I sell from loo1 wch byes a share, to a 4th parte or to a 1000 Achre wch Corns but to so1 5 mine eye is to a blessed governm1, & a vertuous ingenious & industrious society, so as people may Live well & have more time to serve the Ld, then in this Crowded land. God will plan[t] Americha & it shall have its day: {the 5th kingdom}6 or Gloryous day of [Jesus?] Christ in us Reserved to the last dayes, may have the last parte of the world, the setting of the son or western world to shine in. So if thou write to me: to be Left w th Philip Forde in Bow lane Lond[on] it will come safe & quick: & if any desire to be concerned I shall set downe their names in the callender or Cattologue7 to have their shares e£ the or parte of them w th the first & best Thus dear Tho: in the Lds indeared Kindeness I take leave remaining in the truith, Thy faithfull freind & brother William Penn Severall in London, Bristoll, Wiltshire, Somerset, Sussex, Barkshire, Hampshire &c: have ingaged, & I have signed about 34 deeds & about 20 reddy8 wch I write not to draw you, but that thou may know it prospers let the Ld for ever be looked unto above all Amen Planning for a New Colony

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Copy. Society Miscellaneous Collection, HSR (Micro. 3:269). Endorsed: London 6 month. 21 1681 — | Wm Penn to Thos Janney soon after his Grant. 1. Thomas Janney (1633-1697) of Pownall-Fee in Cheshire, a Quaker minister and sufferer. He wrote a preface to Alexander Lawrence's An Answer to a Book published by Richard Smith, of West Chester, &c. in 1677. Janney immigrated to Pennsylvania in 1683 and took up land in Makefield Township, Bucks County. He served as justice of the peace and provincial councilor and was a minister of the Falls Monthly Meeting. Miles White, Jr., "Thomas Janney, Provincial Councillor," PMHB, 27:212-37; Besse, 1:100-5. 2. Not found. 3. Unfortunately, Philip Ford's account of WP's expenditures for his colony in 1680-1682 is missing, but the cost of negotiating the charter, of advertising the colony, and of establishing an administrative staff in Pennsylvania must have been very considerable. 4. On 12 July, James Claypoole had supposed that WP would sail for Pennsylvania "in a few weeks." Instead, WP appointed Nathaniel Allen, John Bezar, William Haige, and William Crispin as commissioners to help deputy-governor Markham until he arrived. Allen and Bezar sailed from Bristol in October on the Bristol Factor; Haige and Crispin left from London on the John &f Sarah later the same month. See doc. 41. Hannah Benner Roach, "The First Purchasers of Pennsylvania," in Walter Lee Sheppard, Jr., ed., Passengers and Ships Prior to 1684 (Baltimore, 1970), p. 195; Marion Balderston, "William Penn's Twenty-Three Ships," PGM, 23:27-67; James Claypoole to Samuel Claridge, 12 July 1681; Claypoole to Arthur Cotton, 24 Sept. 1681; and Claypoole to Samuel Claridge, 22 Oct. 1681; all in Claypoole's Letter Book, HSP. 5. See doc. 32. 6. Dan. 2:44. 7. WP prepared a catalog entitled "An Accompt of the Lands in Pennsylvania Granted by William Penn Esqr." (Micro. 3:359), which he gave to his commissioners before they sailed to America. WP had decided that the purchasers of the first 100 shares, or 500,000 acres, would receive ten acres in the first urban settlement for each 500 acres they bought (see doc. 32). The buyers of the first sixty-four shares are included in this first catalog; those who purchased the remaining thirty-six shares are listed in a second catalog drawn up in Apr. 1682. Roach, "First Purchasers," pp. 195-96. 8. Philip Ford kept two accounts of moneys received for land in Pennsylvania for the periods July 1681 to 6 July 1682 (Micro. 3:117) and July 1681 to 23 Aug. 1682 (Micro. 3:127). They identify the purchasers by county. Another list (Micro. 4:649) enumerated the deeds prepared by Rudyard and Springett for the First Purchasers. See doc. 205 for persons appearing on these several lists.

TO JAMES

37 HARRISON

WP had an extensive correspondence with the Lancashire Quaker James Harrison. Twenty-eight WP letters to Harrison—but only one Harrison letter to WP — have survived; they cover the years 1684 to 1687 especially well. Five of these letters appear in this volume (docs. 37, 64, 166, 186, and 198). James Harrison was WP's first steward at his manor of Pennsbury and a proprietary administrator after WP's return to England in 1684. In this letter, WP commissions Harrison as one of his land agents, and explains his rent and quitrent policy for settlers and servants. He also delivers his most memorable description of his new colony as a "holy experiment," a model to all for a better world. August 1681

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1

25th 6mo [August i6]8i

Dear J. Harrison: In the fellowship of the Gospel of love, life & peace wch god our father that hath brought w th Jesus from the dead, do I tenderly Salute thee, owning thy love & Kindness to me, of wch thyn of the 5mo 2 gave me a sense & fresh remembrance wch mett me at london o[n] my returne from the west,3 whe[re the] Lord prospered me beyond words, [blesjsed be his honored name. As to my voyage, it is not like to be s[o] quick as I hoped; for the people upon w[hose] goeing both my resolutions & ser[vice]4 in goeing depended, tho they buy [Sc] most send Servts to clear & sowe a [piece?] of land agst they come, not one [fifth?]5 can now gett rid of their concerns h[ere] till Spring, when they goe I goe, [but?] my goeing wth Servts & will not s[ettle?] a govern^ the {great} end of my goeing.6 [Besides?] many flock in to be Concerned wth [me] I am like to have many from fra[nce,]7 some from holland,8 Sc I hear [some] scotch9 would will goe. for my Country [I see?]10 the lord in the obtaineing of it: & mor[e was] I drawn inward to looke to him, & to o[we it?] to his hand & powr then to any ot[her way. ?] I have so obtained it Sc des[ire] that I may not be unworthy of his love, but do that wch may answear his Kind providence Sc serve his truth & people; that an example may be Sett up to the nations, there may be room there, tho not here, for such an holy experiment. Now dear James, for the 50 Acres a serv1 to the master, & 50 to the serv1. this is done for there sakes that cant buy. for I must either be pay'd by pur[ch]ass or rent, that is. thos that cant buy, may take up, if a master of a fa[m]ely 200 Acres at a penny an Acre, [Sc ?]n after wards, 50 Acres per head for [ev]ery man & maid serv1 but still at [the] same rent, else none would buy or rent, Sc so I should make nothing of [m]y Country, however; to Encourage [p]oor servts to goe Sc be laborious I have [a]bated the i d to V2d per Acre when [t]hey are out of their time. Now if [a]ny about thee will engage & {buy} there [m]ay be 10 yea twenty to one share. [w]ch will be but 5! a peice, for wch they [e]ach will have 250 Acres.12 for thos that [ca]nt pay theire passage, lett me know [th]eir names, & numbers & ages; [th]ey must pay double rent to them that [he]lp them over; but this Know [that this rent is?] never to be raised & they are so to enjoy it for ever for the [acre,] it is the common statute Acre as by our law allowed. So dr: James, thou mayst lett [me] hear of thee Sc how things encline; I shall encourage {perswade} none; tis a good country. wth a good conscience it will do well. I am satisfied in it Sc leave it & with the lord. And in the love Sc fellowship of the Truth, I end Thy Freind Sc Brofther] Wm Penn {my love to thy famely & honest Frds:} I here signe thee an Authority to sell, about thee, to any that will buy. {a ship goes w th Commisrs

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suddainly in 5 weeks,13 to lay out the first & best land to the first adventurers; if any deal lett me know. I clear the kings & Indians Title.14 the Purchasser pays the scrivener & Surve[yor.] I signe the deeds at Tho: Rudiards when I Know who & w*.} Dr: James Harrison, I do hereby [nomjinate & appoint thee my lawf[ull] Agent in my name & to my behoof, to bargain & sell (according to printed instructions)15 any parcell of land {in pennsilvania} (not below 250 Acres to any one person) from time to time, & I shall ratefy by dee deed under my ha[nd] all such sales.16 wittness my hand th[is] 2 ^th

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Wm Penn ALS. Penn Papers, HSP (Micro. 3:272). Addressed: For James Harrison w*h a | Parcell at | Boulton.17 The first page of this letter is worn away along one side, and missing material has been inserted in brackets. The editors have drawn upon the readings of J. Francis Fisher (1807-1873) in the Penn Papers, HSP; upon Hazard, Annals (1850), pp. 522-23; and upon Janney, Life of Penn (1852), pp. 164-65. Readings about which the editors are uncertain are followed by a "?." Where Fisher, Hazard, and Janney offer conflicting plausible readings, these variants are noted. 1. James Harrison (c. 1628-1687), born in Kendal, Westm., became a Quaker in the 16508 and was an itinerant preacher in Scotland and northern England before marrying and settling in Bolton, Lanes., where he became a prosperous shoemaker and shopkeeper. On 21 Apr. 1682, he bought 5000 acres of land from WP for £100 (Micro. 3:480), and on 5 Sept. he sailed for Pennsylvania, where he soon became WP's first steward at Pennsbury. Fox, 2:326, 469. 2. Not found. 3. WP had travelled to Bristol to sell land and had returned to London by 21 Aug., when he wrote to Harrison's brother-in-law Thomas Janney (doc. 36). 4. Fisher and Janney read "service"; Hazard has "services." 5. Fisher and Hazard read "fifth"; Janney has "of them." 6. When he wrote this letter, WP had begun work on a constitution for his colony, but he did not complete his Frame of Government until Apr. 1682 (see docs. 43, 50-60, below). 7. See doc. 75, below. 8. See docs. 61-62, below. 9. See docs. 28, 31, and 35, above; and docs. 40, 42, 48, and 49, below. 10. Fisher reads "I see," Hazard reads "I bless," and Janney reads "I eyed." 11. Fisher reads "&" here; Hazard and Janney do not. 12. In Brief Account (i), WP had said that ten persons could join together to purchase a 5OOO-acre share. Now he is willing to double the number in order to encourage small investors. 13. See docs. 41 and 46, below. 14. See docs. 45, 68, and 69, below, for WP's clearing of titles with the Indians between 18 Oct. 1681 and 15 July 1682, before he left for Pennsylvania. 15. The "Parcell" accompanying this letter (see the address in the provenance note) probably included copies of WP's Some Account or his Brief Account. 16. Harrison probably helped to sell a few parcels of Pennsylvania land, although Lanes, was not an area in which many Quakers bought land from WP. See doc. 205, below. 17. Bolton, about ten miles northwest of Manchester, was the site of a Friends meeting place.

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38 TO ROBERT TURNER 25 th 6th month: [August i6]8i

Dear Frd. My endeared love in the Truth of God, that is Sweet and patient, long-Suffering & beleives & hopes to the end, Salutes thee and thy famely w th faithfull Frds in those parts. Thy remembrance by Severall notes1 thro' the hands of J. Hall2 I tenderly receive; and tho' I order'd P. Ford to answear thy said lettrs & Send the things by the desired, & writt & sent maps & accounts too3 by Fr. Tho: Lurting,4 I thought good to Send thee afwe (a few)5 lines. I have lately been in the West of England,6 and had a prosperous Journy in the lord's service. At my returne found thyn to me.7 The most materiall is about the quit rent Sec. Philip will be large to thee upon it. I am contented to sell it to a Beaver Skin, which is about a crown vallue, at 10 Years purchass.8 I did refuse a great temptation last 2d day,9 wch was Sooo1 & pay the the Indian for 6 Shares & make the purchassers a Company to have wholly to itselfe the Indian Trade from So. to No. between the Susquahanagh and Delaware rivers; paying me 2l/2 per Cent acknowledgment or rent.10 But as the [illegible deletion] lord gave it me over all & great opposition, & that I never had my mind So exercised to the lord about any outward Substance, I would not abase his love nor act unworthy of his Providence & So defile wl came to me clean. No, lett the Lord guide me by his wisdom & preserve me to honour his name & serve his truth & people, that an example, a standard may be Sett up to the nations, there may be room there, tho' none here. So frd: Rob1, take no notice of this, Tho: Lurting may guess the man, he knows him, & spoak of him to me the last man upon the staires head when he leaft me. No more at present, but that I am in the love of the lord Thy true friend Wm Penn Transcript. American Philosophical Society. (Micro. 3:278). Addressed: For Rob* Turner | Mer* in Dublin Irland. Endorsed by Robert Turner: Datted 25 6/mo 1681 Wm Pen adviseth the books [illegible deletion] or printed proposalls with maps is sent me by Tho. Lurttin, about Pensilvania, & that the quit rent may taken off at 10 Years purchase; paying yearly viz: a beavers skin«e for 5000 acres — also that he was offered Gooo1 for 6 snares. Written below in the same hand: Thos Lurtin said Sam' Groom11 spoake to Wm Penn for the land at the request of [blank] Thurston, 12 in Maryland [another two lines of Turner's note were illegible to the transcriber]. 1. Turner's letters to WP have not been found. 2. Perhaps John Hall (1637-1719), clerk of the Yorkshire Quarterly Meeting. Braithwaite, Second Period, p. 475; Fox, 2:476. 3. Probably Map of Pennsylvania and Brief Account (2). WP apparently issued these publications simultaneously in mid-summer 1681. Hope Frances Kane, "Notes on Early Pennsylvania Promotion Literature," PMHB, 63:146, 155-62.

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4. Thomas Lurting (c. 1630-1713) of Stepney, Middlx., a Quaker sea captain. His autobiography, The Fighting Sailor Turn'd peaceable Christian (London, 1710), detailed his convincement to pacifism while fighting the Spanish West Indian fleet under Admiral Robert Blake (1599-1657) at Santa Cruz in 1657. Thereafter, he carried no cannon on his ships and reputedly escaped an attack of Turkish pirates though completely unarmed. Lurting went to Ireland in late Aug. or early Sept. 1681, intending to carry Irish immigrants to New Jersey on his ship Owner's Adventure. He fell ill, however, and returned to England; his ship sailed without him. DNB; Braithwaite, Beginnings, pp. 521-22; Smith, 2:137-38; Balderston, p. 52. 5. The transcriber probably added the words in parentheses. 6. WP left London for Bristol by 26 July 1681 and returned sometime between 9 and 21 Aug. James Claypoole to Samuel Claridge, 26 July 1681 and 9 Aug. 1681, Claypoole's Letter Book; doc. 36. 7. This letter has not been found. 8. During the year following his acquisition of Pennsylvania, WP changed the terms on quitrents several times. In his first proposal, Some Account, he assessed quitrents at one shilling annually per 100 acres; the rent on 5000 acres would total 50 shillings per year. In this letter and in the text of the Thornton and Seller map issued in midsummer 1681 (see n. 3, above), however, WP agreed to drop quitrents after the purchaser of 5000 acres paid five shillings per year for ten years. WP perhaps hoped to stimulate land sales during these last months before his commissioners set sail (see doc. 36). By Feb. 1682, WP had again raised the charge and requested a lump sum payment of £120 to waive quitrents altogether on 5000 acres. James Claypoole to Samuel Claridge, 10 Sept. 1681, and Claypoole to Francis and George Rogers, 11 Feb. 1682, Claypoole's Letter Book. 9. 22 Aug. 1681. 10. James Claypoole wrote on 10 Sept. 1681 that WP "is offred great things 6000! for a Monopoly in Trade: wch he refuses: and for Islands & particular places great sums of Money." WP could certainly have used this money, but he recognized that a monopolistic company of Indian traders — even if they were Quakers—could ruin his colony. Hence his stipulation that all trading with the Indians should be conducted in an open market in an effort to prevent fraud; see doc. 32. James Claypoole to Samuel Claridge, 10 Sept. 1681, Claypoole's Letter Book. 11. Either Samuel Groom (d. 1683), prominent Quaker and sea captain, of Stepney, Middlx.; or his son Samuel, Jr., also a mariner and trader. Both men plied the routes to Maryland and elsewhere in America on the ship Globe; one or both were in Maryland as recently as May 1681. PWP, i:2gon, 418; CSPC, 1681-1685, p. 165. 12. Probably Thomas Thurston (c. 1622-1693), trader and cordwainer, originally of Gloucs. During the 16505 he visited New England, Virginia, and Maryland as a Quaker missionary, but he sided with John Perrot and other schismatics after he settled in Maryland in 1663 and was eventually disowned. Thurston possessed six plantations in Baltimore County and on the Eastern Shore and was elected to the Maryland Assembly in 1685. Kenneth L. Carroll, "Thomas Thurston, Renegade Maryland Quaker," Maryland Historical Magazine, 62:170-92.

39 TO PLANTERS IN MARYLAND With this letter (doc. 39), WP claimed jurisdiction over all inhabitants of Maryland who lived within what is now the northern quarter of that state. In 1680-1681 no one knew the precise location of the 4oth degree of latitude, the stated boundary between Maryland and Pennsylvania. WP was particularly confused and misinformed. In November 1680 (doc. 15), he believed that the 4oth degree lay twelve miles north of New Castle. Now he was setting the boundary twenty miles

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south of that town. Probably the promotional Map of Some of the South and eastbounds of Pennsylvania, engraved for WP by John Thornton and John Seller in the summer of 1681, affected his thinking; Thornton and Seller mistakenly placed the Pennsylvania border at the Gunpowder River on the western shore of Chesapeake Bay and at the Sassafras River on the eastern shore. In any case, WP's claim in doc. 39 triggered an acrimonious controversy with Lord Baltimore (see doc. 67), which was to consume much of WP's time and energy, and divert him from his central objectives in Pennsylvania. London i6th 7bre [September] 1681.

My Freinds I hope I do not improperly call you so, because in being so, you will extreamly befreind your selves, as well as perform an act of Duty to the King & Justice to me. I am equally a Strainger to you all, but yr {being} represented men of substance & reputation in that part of the bay,1 wch I presume falls within my Pattent,2 I chose to take this opertunity to begin our acquaintance, & by you w th the rest of the people on yr side of my Country. & do assure you & them, that I will be so farr from takeing any advantage to draw great proffits to my selfe, that you shall find me & my govern^ easy free & Just, and as you shall study to be faire & respectfull to me & my Just Interests, I will not be short of giveing you all reasonable assurances on my part, that I will live kindly & well w th vou & for this you have my word under my hand. I think fitt to Caution you, (if within my bounds, as I am ready to beleive, but I desire no more then my own) that none of you pay any more Taxes or Sessmts by any order or law of Maryland; for if you do it will be greatly to your own wrong as well as my prejudice; though I am not Conscious to my selfe of such an insufficiency of powr here w th mv superiors, as not to be able to weather that difficulty if you should. But the opinion I have of the Lord Baltimores Prudence as well as Justice & of your regard to your own Interests & future good of your Posterity, makes {me} to wave all objections of that nature, & to hope, we shall all do the thing that is Just & honest (wch is allways wise) & according to our respective stations. I have no more to add, but my good wishes for all yr happiness, & that by the help of Almigh Almighty god, next Spring, y[ou] shall have some testemony of my best endeavours to Contribute towards it, as becomes my Duty to god, to the King & to their people. I am Your Reall Frd: Pray Salute Wm Penn me to all yr Neighbours

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ALS. MS 174, Doc. #1070, Manuscripts Division, Maryland Historical Society. (Micro. 3:287). Addressed: For James | Frisby,3 Edw^: | Jones:4 August: | Herman. 5 George | Ouldfeild, 6 Henry | Ward 7 & Henry | Johnson8 at | their Plantations | in | Pennsylvania. Endorsed: received this Lettr out of the | hands of Jno Highland, com- | ming from sqr Wm Penn from | London, with M r Haige,9 — | at my house in Bohemia Man°r | the 14. January. AO 1681/2. into my Custody. | Teste | Augustine Herman. Docketed: Wm Penn's Lettre of | the iG'h 7ber 1681 to | some Inhabitants | of Baltemore County | and Cecill County. 1. WP probably obtained the names of the six residents of Cecil and Baltimore Counties he addressed in this letter from Samuel Groom, who sailed frequently to Maryland and with whom WP had recently spoken (see doc. 38). WP's letter created considerable turmoil in Maryland in early 1682, as some residents of the disputed area refused to pay their taxes. Lord Baltimore was understandably alarmed; he pressed William Markham repeatedly for a meeting to determine the bounds (see doc. 67) and, on 11 Mar. 1682, sent a copy of this letter to William Blathwayt, secretary to the Lords of Trade and Plantations. Md. Archives, 5:374-75; CSPC, 1681-1685, pp. 206-8. 2. See doc. 24, n. i. 3. James Frisby (c. 1651-1704), a wealthy planter and merchant of Cecil County who had immigrated to Maryland as a child. He served in the lower house of the Maryland Assembly in 1676-1684 and in the upper house in 1691-1692 and 1694-1704. Frisby was a firm supporter of Lord Baltimore; the proprietor stayed at his plantation on the Sassafras River in May 1683 (Micro. 4:201). Papenfuse, 1:331; Carr and Jordan, Maryland's Revolution of Government 1689-1692, pp. 87, 165-66, 176, 186, 290-91. 4. Edward Jones (d. 1697), Anglican planter, migrated to Maryland and settled in Cecil County by 1661. Like Frisby he was a prominent officeholder but was accused of factiousness and was removed from his posts in 1687. Md. Archives, 5:508, 546; Carr and Jordan, Maryland's Revolution of Government, pp. 265-66. 5. Augustine Herrman (c. 1623-1686), famous for his map Virginia and Maryland as it is Planted and Inhabited this present Year 1670 (London, 1673), was born in Prague, grew up in Holland, and immigrated to New Amsterdam by 1644. In 1659 he travelled to Maryland to negotiate a boundary dispute on behalf of Gov. Peter Stuyvesant of New Netherland; while there he agreed to draw a map in return for land. Herrman settled on Bohemia Manor in 1661 and served as a justice of the peace of both Baltimore and Cecil counties. His lands eventually totalled 25,000 acres. Papenfuse, 1:438; Jeannette D. Black, ed., The Blathwayt Atlas, 2:109-12; PWP, 1:41511. 6. George Oldfield, an immigrant to Maryland, settled in Cecil County in 1673. He was clerk of the county court in 1686. Gust Skordas, The Early Settlers of Maryland (Baltimore, 1968), p. 341; Md. Archives, 5:509. 7. Henry Ward (d. 1684) represented Cecil County in the Assembly in 1674. He was married to Augustine Herrman's daughter. Papenfuse, 1:438; Md. Archives, 2:422, 487. 8. Henry Johnson represented Baltimore County in the Assembly during 16821684. In 1686 he served as justice of the peace in that same county. Carr and Jordan, Maryland's Revolution of Government, p. 291; Md. Archives, 5:524. 9. William Haige (1646-1688), Quaker merchant of London, signer of the West New Jersey Concessions, and son-in-law of Gawen Lawrie (see doc. i). WP appointed Haige as a commissioner for settling Pennsylvania on 25 Oct. 1681 (Micro. 3:357). In this capacity, he assumed the task of determining the location of the 4oth degree of latitude and aided William Markham in the dispute with Lord Baltimore over the boundary (see doc. 67). Haige also served on the Pennsylvania Provincial Council in 1683-1684 and was an officer of the Free Society of Traders. He purchased 500 acres in Pennsylvania and owned extensive lands in East and West Jersey. CSPC, 1681-1685, pp. 206-8, 351; Miles White, Jr., "William Haige," PMHB, 24:81-100; Fox, Short Journal, p. 370.

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40 FROM ROBERT BARCLAY Ury the 23 of the 7th Mo. [September] 1681

dear W P The salutation of thy love I dearly receave and owne, thy letter1 I receaved yeasternight about 2 weeks after my retourn from Edinburgh which place after I had waited about 7 weeks during the sitting of the Parliment, I left, being sufficiently wearied of my attendance there, tho I am satisfied it was not without use, for tho: I did not effectual what I would viz a particular exemption for frinds from the lawes against dissenters, yet I hindered there being particularly inluded & smote at which by some was intentioned and tho motioned yet was turned by.2 but to come to thy affaire, iff thy letter had found me at Edinburgh, I could not have answered thy desire, The L Hide3 & Sr Ed. Andross being both gone without whom I could not advance one step, for whatever my interest may be judged to be, (which yet is not such as is noised) it reacheth not so farr as to carryone ane affaire of that nature, which I cannot presse but upon a remote information and what ever I may say from thy fathers merit and thy owne upon which I might and am very free to enlarge, yet I can say nothing of the value or consequence of his dispencing with what thou desires4 and of the nature of his interest in that point to which he knowes me wholy a stranger and could best of all have come from the governor,5 so that my advice to thee as to that is to deal with the L Hide who is thy frind to call for the governor now at London and after he has fully informed himself from him to gett him then to writt to the Duke and use his influence to perswade him to it, and in this it will be needfull to lett fall to the L Hide so farr as in prudence thou shall find fitt how thou judges the secratary6 stands affected to thee, that he may so use his interest that he may be [illegible deletion] as he may not be capable to putt a barr in the way and what can be reasonably presumed proper for me to doe towards the advancing of it here once being fairly sett a foot neither my interest nor diligence shall be wanting but what is graunted to Bill:7 in my judgment is not a fitt argument to be used which the D8 will never [treat?] as iff he had done it for fear of his railing but because of his word he having said he would submitt to Sr Will: Jones judgment in the caise, and yet Worden, & others I perceave reckne he was trapaned in it9 so to presse any thing from that will be ungratious, but that he promised that to thee I never understood at least all he said to me was, he was willing to doe thee a favor having once first understood the consequence of it which can best be done in the manner before mentioned, care as above said being takne to prevent the secretaries giving it here

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a wrong touch, as to the other point of procurring some persons to engadge to be concerned to take some proprieties, had thy letter found me at Edinburgh I could perhapps have done something in it and I would not spare my paines to goe ther to do it (tho I be most unwilling so soon to return from home to that place) but that this day my wiffe fell unwell, and that I shall be altogeather uncertain of finding tho[se] there I should have dealt with for the parliment having continued imediatly after terme time and takne up a great part of the vacation, every body will be gone out of towne to follow there occasions in the country that they may retourn again the next terme or sessions as wee call them which is the beginning] of the gth,10 and I bele[a]ve it will be some time after ere they retourn they being now to continue 3 mon[ths] togeather the summer session being by act of this parliment discharged, however I intend this post [to] writt to them & see what can be done especialy as to one who thought he might influence ma[ny] of the presbiters11 to goe and it may be (tho: I can promise litle) I may endeavour to gett 5 shares or [more?] takne, of or so for more I have no hopes of I doe kindly accept of thy frindly offer to me, but un[less?] I be found capable to doe thee service in this matter I see no reason why I should have it, 12 GL & B have sent paper here & are useing ther intrest to advance there plantation13 but I beleave will come no speed, I should have been loath to enterfair with GL [matter?], but he hath Luckily eased me, by ma[king?] no aplication for my asistance, this I thought fitt to take notice of to thee, ! [illegible deletion] not anything most nccdfull from me to this circumstance of my not meeting with those persons who might purchais will hinder me from being able to gett to speed [yr?] subscription as thou desired, tho I shall desire them i[n] the answere of the letters to me to signify under ther hands there willingnesse to give a loo1 for 5000 acres which may be equivalent, yet they will think it hard to be excluded from a share in the first and best parti{ti}on, so that I Judge it were a good expedient to lay by each put by in the first division 30000 acres which is 6 proprietes for the Scotish purchasers14 & iff it filt15 it is well iff not it will st[ill] be ready for next commers, I mind not any thing more needfull for me to writt at presant but I shall expect ane answer from thee and shall give thee ane accompt of my diligence so with my dear love to thy wiffe & other frinds I am Thy affectionat frind and brother in the truth RB Thou must be advert that any that purchaise here will hardly pay the money at london so that thou must take thy hazard of the exchange, but I beleave it will be the midle of winter ere I can bring anything to purpose tho I have this post writt divers letters about it. I understand from poor J S that he is setting up at Amsterdam and that among many other discouradgments S C has used his influence

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[to] crush him there,16 his circumstancs required something else it were charity for thee to use thy influence with frinds there that they may rather pitty & chersh him, & deal with G F17 to the same import ALS. Society Collection, HSR (Micro. 3:298). Addressed: For | William Penn | To be left with | Benjamine Clerk18 Stationer | in Georgyard | Lumberstreet | London. Docketed: R Barclay | 7 mo -8i. 1. Not found. 2. The Scottish Parliament passed an act which, in effect, outlawed the Covenanters, those radical Presbyterians who had staged a brief but violent rebellion against the king and his bishops in 1679. F. C. Turner, James II, pp. 188-89. 3. Viscount Hyde; see doc. 17, n. 2. 4. The grant of New Castle and the lower counties; WP secured this in Aug. 1682. See doc. 74, below. 5. Sir Edmund Andros, the duke's governor for New York. 6. Sir John Werden, the duke's secretary. 7. Edward Byllynge, governor and chief proprietor of West New Jersey. 8. The duke of York. 9. Byllynge and his trustees, WP, Gawen Lawr;e, and Nicholas Lucas, had asked Barclay, at the end of 1679, to persuade the duke to surrender his claim to a five percent customs duty in New Jersey, and all rights to the government of that colony. The duke agreed to submit the matter to Sir William Jones, who had recently been England's attorney-general, and when Jones ruled against him, the duke surrendered his claim in Aug. Werden apparently thought that WP and his Quaker colleagues had "trapaned" — cheated or taken unfair advantage of — the duke at a time when he was politically weak because of popular hysteria over the Popish Plot. 10. The ninth month, November. 11. Presbyterians, who would form the bulk of Scottish immigrants to East New Jersey in the i68os, under Barclay's encouragement. See Pomfret, East New Jersey, chap. 9; and Ned Landsman, "Scottish Communities in the Old and New Worlds 16801760," (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1979). 12. Probably WP had offered Barclay a proprietary share — 5000 acres — in Pennsylvania; see doc. 35, n. 9. Barclay did not become a Pennsylvania landholder. 13. Gawen Lawrie and Edward Byllynge were apparently advertising West New Jersey in Scotland. See doc. i, n. 3, above; and PWP, 1:383-87, 410-11, 415. 14. Because potential Scottish purchasers might come in too late to be included among WP's First Purchasers, Barclay asks that WP reserve 30,000 acres for the six proprietorships that he thinks he can sell in Scotland. This would allow the Scotsmen to partake of First Purchaser benefits — frontage on a navigable river and lots in Philadelphia. See doc. 32. 15. Possibly "fill" or "sell." 16. Probably Stephen Crisp (1628-1692), a Colchester Quaker who made missionary journeys to Holland almost every year from 1663 to 1683 and became a major figure in Dutch Quakerism. Crisp had worked closely with Benjamin Furly, one party to John Swinton's financial difficulties, for two decades. Doc. 28, nn. 11-13, above; William I. Hull, Benjamin Furly and Quakerism in Rotterdam (Lancaster, Pa., 1941), pp. 18-19, 42, 50, 229-31, 233-34, 240-42, 258-61; PWP, 1:333. 17. George Fox. 18. Benjamin Clark was a London Quaker printer, publisher, and bookseller, and, along with Philip Ford and Thomas Rudyard, a land agent for Pennsylvania. WP had conducted business with him as early as 1673 (see PWP, 1:608). Clark printed WP's Some Account and A Brief Account of the Province of East-Jersey and distributed WP's Brief Account and A Map of Pennsylvania.

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41 INITIAL PLANS FOR PHILADELPHIA Having promised, in July 1681, to lay out "a large Towne or Citty" in Pennsylvania (see doc. 32), WP drew up his specifications for this town in doc. 41. He named his cousin, William Crispin, and two West Country Friends, Nathaniel Allen and John Bezar, as his commissioners and instructed them to set aside 10,000 acres on the best site for a port along the Delaware. WP did not want to build a conventionally nucleated town, but rather a long row of widely separated houses stretching some fifteen miles along the river. Each full shareholder among the First Purchasers was to have over 800 feet of river frontage, providing ample space for gardens, orchards, and fields surrounding his home. WP's own house would stand at the center of the town, presumably near to the quay and business buildings. After receiving their instructions to lay out this unusually extensive town, two of WP's commissioners, Allen and Bezar, promptly sailed for America. A month later, WP issued additional instructions (doc. 46), that were carried over by Crispin and William Haige, a London Friend whom he had just appointed as his fourth commissioner. In these additional instructions, WP revealed his name for his "great Towne"—Philadelphia. [30 September 1681] Instructions given by me William Penn Proprietor and Governor of Pennsylvania To My Trusty and loving Friends, William Crispin1 John Bezar,2 and Nathaniel Allen,3 my Commissioners for the settleing of the present Collony this yeare transported into the said Province {First} That so soon as it shall please Almighty God to bring you well there, you take an especiall Care of the people that shall embarque with you, that they may be accommodated w th conveniences as to Food, Lodging and safe places for their goods, Concerning wch my Cosen William Markham, my Deputy, and now on the Spott, will in a good measure be able to direct, that so none may be Injured in their healths or Estate in wch if you find the Dutch Sweeds or English of my side hard or gripeing, takeing ad an advantage of your Circumstances, give them to know, that they will hurt themselves thereby, for you can for a time be supply'd on the other side,4 wch may Awe them to moderate prices J2d} That having taken wl Care you can for the Peoples good in the respects above said let the Rivers and Creeks be sounded on my Side Planning for a New Colony

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of Delaware River, especially Upland5 in order to Settle a great Towne, and be sure to make your choice where it is most Navigable, high, dry, and healthy, That is where most Ships may best ride, of deepest draught of Water, if possible to Load, or unload at the Bank, or Keyside, without boating and Litering of it. It would do well if the River comeing into the Creek be navigable, at least for Boats up into the Country, and that the Scituation be high, at least dry and sound, and not swampy, wch is best knowne by diging up two or three Earths, and seeing the bottome (3dly} Such a place being found out, for Navigation, healthy Scituation, and good Soyle for PROVISION, lay out ten Thousand Acres contiguous to it in the best manner you can as the bounds and extent of the Libertyes of the said Towne J4thly} The proportion in the said Towne is to be thus, every share or five Thousand Acres shall have an hundred Acres of Land, out of that ten Thousand Acres, If more then one be concerned in the share, as it may easily fallout; then they to agree of the dividing the same as they shall think fitt, still keeping to proportion as if one hundred pounds will have an hundred Acres, five pounds will have five Acres6 {^thly} That no more Land be surveyed or sett out, till this be first fixt, and the people upon it, wch is best, both for Comfort, safety and Traffique. In the next season the Lord willing I shall be with you, and then I shall proceed to larger Lotte; This was the Resolution of a great part of the Purchassers at London the fifteenth day of Septemr 16817 and I find it generally approved {gthly} if it should happen that the most Convenient place for this great Towne should be already taken up in greater quantity of Land then is Consisting wth the Town Platt, and that Land not {already} improved, you must use yor utmost skill to perswade them to part wth so much as will be necessary, that so necessary and good a designe be not spoiled, that is, where they have Ten Acres by the Water side, to abate five, and to take five more backward, and so proportionably, because that by the Settlement of this Towne, the remaining five in two or three years time will be worth twice as much as those Ten before, yea wl they take backward for their Waterside Land will in a little more time, be really more vallueable then all their Ten forward was before; urging {my} regard to them if they will not break this great, and good Contrivance; and in my Name promise them wl gratuity or priviledge you think fitt, as having a new gra{u}nt at their old rent; nay, halfe their quit rent, abated, yea, make them as free as Purchasers, rather then disappoint my mind in this Township:8 though herein, be as sparing as ever you can, and urge the weak bottome of their Graunte; the D: of Yorke having never had a gra{u}nt from the King, &c9 Be impartially just and Courteous to all, That is both pleasing to the Lord, and wise in it selfe {^thly} if yOU gain yor point in this respect, (of wch be very carefull) September 1681

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fall to dividing as before according to Shares; then subdivide in wch observe, that you must narrower spread by the Waterside, and run Backwards more or lesse, according to the compass you have by the Water side, to bring in the hundred Share10 for their Proportion in the said Ten Thousand Acres {8thly} But if you cannot find Land enough by the Water side to allow an Hundred Acres to five Thousand Acres. Get w* you can, and proportionably divide it, though it were but fifty Acres for a share {gthly} Becing tender of offending the Indians, and hearken by honest spyes, if you can hear that any body inveighs the Indians not to sell, or to stand off, and raise the vallue upon you, you cannot want those that will inform you. but to soften them to mee and the people, lett them know that you are come to sit downe Lovingly among them. Let my Letter and Conditions w th my Purchasers11 about just dealing with them be read in their Tongue, that they may see, wee have their good in our eye, equall w th our own Interest, and after reading my Letter and the said Conditions, then present their Kings w th what I send them, and make a Frien{d}shipp and League w th them according to those Conditions, wch carefully observe, and get them to comply wth w th you; be Grave they love not to be smiled on {10thly} From time to time in my Name and for my use buy Land of them, where any justly pretend, for they will sell one anothers, if you be not Carefull, that so such as buy and come after these Adventurers may have Land ready but by no means sell any Land till I come, allow no old Patents, they have forfeited them by not planting according to the Law of the place and it cost mee too dear to allow such old Storyes, rather then fail offer them the Patent Charge, and where Survey'd the Survey money, but this understood only of unplanted places only {nthly} Let no Islands be disposed of to any Body, but all things remaine as they were in that respect till I come {i 2thlx} Be sure to settle the figure of the Towne so as that the Streets hereafter may be uniforme downe to the Water from the Country bounds, lett the place for the Store {house} be on the middle of the Key,12 wch will yet serve for Market and State houses too. This may be ordered when I come, only let the Houses built be in a line, or upon a Line as much as may be. Leave a distance for the figure of the j. o \vnc {x gthly} pitch upon the very middle of the Platt where the Towne or line of Houses is to be laid or run facing the Harbour and great River for the Scituation of my house, and let it be not the tenth part of the Towne, as the Conditions say (viz) that out of every hundred Thousand Acres shall be reserved to mee Ten,13 But I shall be contented wth lesse then a thirtyeth part, to witt Three-Hundred Acres, whereas severall will have Two by purchaseing Two Shares, that is Ten Thousand Acres and it may be fitting for mee to exceede a little {i4thly} Th[e] Distance of each House from the Creek or Harbor

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Should be, in my Judgt a measured quarter of a Mile, at least two hundred paces,14 because of building here after Streets downewards to the Harbor {i5thly} Let every House be placed, if the Person pleases in the middle of its platt as to the breadth way of it, that so there may be ground on each side, for Gardens or Orchards or feilds, that it may be a greene Country Towne, wch will never be burnt, and allways be wholsome {i6thly} I Judge that you must be guided in yor breadth of Land by wl you can get, that is unplanted, and will not be parted w th , but so far as I can guesse at this Distance methinks in a Citty, each share to have fifty Poles15 upon the Front to the River, and the rest Backward will be Sufficient. But perhaps you may have more, and perhaps you will not have so much Space to allow. Herein follow yor Land and Scituation, being allways just to proportion {xythly} Lastly. Be sure to keep the Conditions hereunto affixed, And see that no Vice or evil Conversation goe uncomplained or Punished in any, that God be not provoked to wrath against the Country In witness hereof I do hereunto the 3oth 7br 81 Sett to my hand & Seal present as witnessess16 Wm Penn 17 18 Richard Vickris Thomas Callowhill Charles Jones Jr.19 Philip Th. Lehnmann20 Ralph Withers21 DS. Penn Manuscripts, Miscellaneous, HSR (Micro. 3:310). Docketed: Instructions to William | Crispin Jon Beazer & | Natha11 Allen from Wm Penn. The editors have moved marginal numbers at the beginning of each section into the text and enclosed them in braces. 1. William Crispin (1627-1681?), husband of WP's first cousin Rebecca Bradshaw, was a naval colleague of Admiral Penn in the 16408 and 16505 and deputy-victualler, clerk of cheque, and muster master at Kinsale, Ireland, in the i66os and 16705. WP had done business with Crispin since 1667, and Crispin and his son Silas were First Purchasers of Pennsylvania, buying 5000 acres from WP in 1681. WP appointed him chief justice of Pennsylvania and assistant to Governor Markham, as well as land commissioner. Crispin sailed from the Thames for America at the end of Oct. 1681, but his ship was blown off course and arrived in Barbados, where he died in late 1681 or early 1682. PWP, i:47n, no, 127, 164-65; M. Jackson Crispin, "Captain William Crispin," PMHB, 53:97-131, 193-202; doc. 205, below. 2. John Bezar (d. 1684), a Quaker maltster from Bishops Canning, Wilts., bought 1500 acres in Pennsylvania in 1681. He sailed from Bristol in Oct. on the Bristol Factor, reached the Delaware on 15 Dec. 1681, and served as commissioner until his death in Sept. 1684. Two other Wiltshire Bezars also bought land from WP in 1681. Marion Balderston, "William Penn's Twenty-Three Ships, With Notes on Some of their Passengers," PGM, 23:31-34; PMHB, 53:129; doc. 205, below. 3. Nathaniel Allen (d. 1692), a Bristol cooper, suffered for his Quaker faith in 1664 and 1670. He bought 2000 acres from WP in 1681 and sailed with Bezar for Pennsylvania in Oct. Balderston, "William Penn's Twenty-Three Ships," p. 32; PMHB, 53:129; Mortimer, p. 193; doc. 205, below. 4. From West New Jersey. 5. Upland, renamed Chester, Pennsylvania, was founded about 1644 by the Swedish immigrant Joren Kyn (c. i62o-c. 1690). Its name may have derived from the province of Upland in Sweden, or from the Swedish for "high land," or from the Dutch "Optlandt" ("on the land"), referring to an earlier fort in the area. WP first called the

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town Chester in Nov. 1682. Samuel T. Wiley, Biographical and Historical Cyclopedia of Delaware County, Pennsylvania (Richmond, Ind., and New York, 1894), p. 37; George R. Stewart, American Place-Names, A Concise and Selective Dictionary for the Continental United States of America (New York, 1970); PMHB, 2:325-31; docs. 82, and 85-88, below. 6. £100 purchased 5000 acres of country land and 100 acres in town; £5 purchased 250 acres of country land (the smallest amount that WP wished to sell; see doc. 37) and five acres in town. 7. This "Resolution" has not been found. 8. On arriving in America, the commissioners discovered that they could not lay out a town with anything approaching the river frontage WP asked for. Settlers had already taken up most of the good land upon the west bank of the Delaware from New Castle to the fall line (opposite present-day Trenton, New Jersey). The commissioners concluded that the best site for WP's town was a few miles north of the mouth of the Schuylkill River on land patented by the Swanson family, and in the spring of 1682 they obtained 300 acres of river frontage from the Swansons. Hannah Benner Roach, "The Planting of Philadelphia," PMHB, 92:12-25. 9. In 1664, Charles II granted James, Duke of York, the provinces of New York and New Jersey, but not the western bank of the Delaware River, which James ruled without a patent after his agents conquered it from the Dutch. James formally deeded over all his interest in New Castle and the lower counties (now Delaware) to WP on 24 Aug. 1682. See doc. 74, below. 10. The 100 proprietary shares, each receiving 100 acres of town land, totaling 10,000 acres in all. 11. The "Letter" is probably doc. 45; "Conditions" is either WP's 11 July 1681 "Concessions" (doc. 32 above), or the 15 Sept. 1681 "Resolution" that has not been found. 12. Quay, or landing place. 13. See doc. 32, sect. 9, above. 14. Two hundred "Roman," or "geometric," paces would set each house 1000 feet back from the river; a quarter of a mile would set dwellings even farther back: 1320 feet. 15. 825 feet. 16. The last sentence, "In witness hereof . . . ," and "present as witnessess" are in WP's hand. The signing and sealing occurred in Bristol, where WP had gone to see Nathaniel Allen and John Bezar off to Pennsylvania with a shipload of settlers. 17. Richard Vickris (1650?-1700) was a Bristol merchant and a Quaker. He was imprisoned and even sentenced to death for Quaker activity in 1684, but escaped execution. Vickris had had business dealings with WP since 1673, bought 2000 acres in Pennsylvania in 1681, and would witness WP's marriage to Hannah Callowhill in 1695, but did not go to Pennsylvania. PWP, i: 373n, 612, 620, 625, 628, 632, 644; PMHB, 20:438; Mortimer, pp. 218-19; doc. 205, below. 18. Thomas Callowhill (c. 1640-1712), who started as a button-maker and weaver, became an eminent Bristol merchant and linen-draper and a prominent Quaker. Callowhill served on the Bristol Corporation for the Poor for many years. He bought 5500 acres in Pennsylvania in 1681 but never went to America. In 1695 his daughter Hannah married WP, and in 1708 Callowhill joined other Bristol merchants in loaning WP £6000, in return for the right to collect quitrents from most settled Pennsylvania land. At his death, Callowhill left property in Bristol, Monmouth, and Gloucs., and shares in packet ships and English industrial ventures. Mortimer, p. 196; Howard M. Jenkins, "The Family of William Penn," PMHB, 20:435, 454-55; PMHB, 23:63-65; doc. 205, below. 19. Charles Jones, Jr. (d. 1701) was a Bristol merchant and Quaker who bought 2000 acres in Pennsylvania in 1681, but did not go to the colony. He was elected to the Bristol Common Council in 1685 anc^ served on the Corporation for the Poor from 1696 to his death. In 1699 his daughter Mary (b. 1677) married WP's son William (b. 1681). Mortimer, p. 206; PMHB, 21:137-40; doc. 205, below. 20. Philip Theodore Lehnmann, whom WP sometimes called "Philip the German," had been WP's secretary since about 1673. ^ n *68i ne bought 1000 acres in Pennsylvania, and in 1682 he accompanied WP to America. PWP, i: 594, 600-2, 604, 606, 608, 625; docs. 68, 198-99, 205, below. 21. Ralph Withers (i63i-c. 1683) of Bishops Canning, Wilts., was a Quaker

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yeoman arrested for worship in 1657. He bought 1000 acres in Pennsylvania in 1681, and came to the colony by 1682, where he became deputy-treasurer of the Free Society of Traders and a provincial councilor. Doc. 205, below: Willard Heiss, ed., Quaker Biographical Sketches of Ministers and Elders (Indianapolis, 1972), p. 60; Balderston, pp. 18, 153-54, 156, 204-6, 241.

42 FROM ROBERT BARCLAY Ury the 10 of the 8th Mo. [October] 1681

dear W. P. Since my last1 I have been discoursing with several persons here away touching thy plantation, and doe find that wee are generally so ignorant in such matters, by reason there is none belongs to this country that neither thy printed paper,2 nor any account I can give q«e frorm 3 thy letters, gives that satisfactione as to the method and manner of proceeding in order to the profitt which people would desire to know before they engadge, as for thy proposition of transporting the poor scots & sett them downe at easy raits, it is impracticable, for such is the humeior4 of that gang of people here, that none who are able to pay there fraught will stirr from home such a journey, & to send over & pay for them will run to a great charge, therefore I must desire of thee a plain & full accompt how & after what manner one that has a propriety must impr[ove] at first so that In a year or two he may expect tollerable rent for his money laid out, as ist how many servants will be fitt to be sent over by one who has one propriety5 for this end & of what sort what tools & other commodieties, & to what value what is the nature of there work when they come there whence arises the first profit, & demonstrate how in a year or two they may expect there interest or more, that it may be knowne how much money will be needed beside the bying the propriety to bring in a sutable advantadge, in this I desire thou may sa[tis]fie fully & clearly for it will much contribute toward the advancing [o]f the matter & because it may be too much trouble to thee canst doe it by some other hand at Large for thou uses to writt over superficialy of it, next because it would be a great accessione to the charge to send those who are to goe over, first to london, thou must not fall short of Billings proposition, sent abroad here in print, that for 20 or 30 passengers security being found at London for there passadge a ship may be ordered to take them in at Leith or Aberdeen or any port one this cost,6 Thy answer hereto send with all speed, for litle advance can be made unti[l] it come which with my love in the truth to thy self wiffe and all frnds I rest Thy affechenat frnd & brother in the truth RB

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ALS. Gratz Collection, HSR (Micro. 3:320). Docketed: Robert Barclay. Ink blots and Barclay's difficult hand make the reading of a few words questionable. 1. Probably doc. 40, above. 2. By the date of this letter, WP had produced at least four printed papers advertising Pennsylvania: Some Account, Brief Account (\},Map of Pennsylvania, and Brief Account (2), which differs from its predecessor of the same title. 3. "From." 4. Possibly "humeur." 5. One proprietary share, 5000 acres. 6. Edward Byllynge proposed this in The Present State of the Colony of West-Jersey, in America. September, Anno Dom. 1681. ([London, 1681]), sect. 18. Byllynge and WP used several of the same persons to publicize their respective colonies; Benjamin Clark was distributor for both West Jersey and Pennsylvania literature, and Thomas Rudyard handled land sales in both colonies. Pomfret, West New Jersey, pp. 113-14.

43 TO ALGERNON SIDNEY During 1681 WP took great pains to design a virtuous, just, and humane government for his colony; his efforts to devise the best written constitution for Pennsylvania are discussed in the headnote to doc. 50, below. WP consulted a number of lawyers and political theorists; among the latter was the zealous republican Algernon Sidney. Doc. 43 is addressed to "Colonel" Sidney, who for reasons explained in n. i, below, was almost certainly Algernon. This letter has been interpreted as showing that Sidney played an influential role in framing the government of Pennsylvania, but WP's remarks more plausibly demonstrate that Sidney had little or no influence in that effort. Sidney's draft of the Pennsylvania frame of government, mentioned in doc. 43, is either lost or unidentifiable; however, in his Discourses Concerning Government, written around 1680, Sidney strenuously objected to any fixed, fundamental constitution such as WP was devising. And WP, for his part, was clearly deeply wounded by Sidney's jibes against his idealistic constitution-making. 13^ October 1681 There are many things make a mans life uneasy in the world which are great abates to the pleasure of & liveing: but scarcely one equall to that of the unkindness or Injustice of Friends. I have been askt by severall since I came last to town if Coll Sydney1 & I were fallen out, and when I deny'd it, and laught at it; they [illegible deletion] tould me I was mistaken, & to Convince me, {tould me that} he had used me very ill to severall persons, if not Companys; saying, I had a good County 2 but the basest laws in the world, not to be endured or lived under, and that the Turk 3 was not more absolute than I. This made me remember the discours we had at my house Planning for a New Colony

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about my drawing Constitutions, not as proposals but as if fixt to the hand: And that as my Act, to which the rest were to comply if they would be Concerned with me. but withall I could not but call to mind that thy objections were presently complyed with both by my verbal denyall of all such Construction as the words might bear as if they were imposed, and not yet free from for debate, and also {that 1} took my Pen & immediately alter'd the Termes so as to they Corresponded (and truly I thought more properly) with th^y objection & sense. Upon this thou didst draw a draught as to the Frame of the Government gave it me to read, {Be} we discourst it, with a considerable agrement: {it} was {afterwards} Called for back by thee, to finish and polish. I suspended proceeding in the Business of the Government, ever since (that being to be done after of other Matters) instead of any farther Conference about it. I meet with this sort of language in the Mouths of Severall; I shall not yet believe it, t'were not well in me to an enemy, less so to a Friend; but If it be true, I shall be sorry we were ever so well acquainted, or that I have given so much occasion to them that hate us to laugh at me for more true friendship & steady Kindness than I have been guilty of to any man I know liveing. It becomes not my pretences to the things of another life to be much in paine about the uncertaintys of this; but be it as it will, I am yet worth a line, I would pray one of the truth of the fact, for the Injury it has done me already is nothing to the trouble it will give me if I have deserved it, and if I have not, of losing a Friend upon a mistake, not that I meanly Creep for a Friendship that is deny'd me. I were unfitt for it then: I can be but where I was before, not less in my self nor my own peace which a steady virtue will make a sufficient Comfort & Sanctuary Thy reale Frd Wm Penn Transcript. Brinton Coxe Papers, J. F. Fisher Section, HSR (Micro. 3:328). 1. Both Algernon Sidney and his brother Henry had the title "colonel," but Henry's politics were too conventionally Whiggish, and his relationship with WP was too formal, for the role described in this letter. Algernon Sidney (1622-1683) fought for Parliament in the Civil War, served some of the republican governments that followed, and lived in exile from 1660 to 1677. Returning to England, from 1679 to 1681 he sought unsuccessfully to enter Parliament, with WP's enthusiastic support. In 1683 he was arrested in the Rye House Plot and executed, becoming England's most celebrated Whig martyr. His chief political work, the Discourses Concerning Government, justified violent rebellion against any form of oppression, constant change in government, and warfare as the test of freedom—ideas that could scarcely have been congenial to WP. See PWP, i:i62n, 544, 546-48, 549, 577; DNB; Philip Sidney, The Sidneys of Penshurst (London, 1901), chap. 9; Caroline Robbins, "Algernon Sidney's Discourses Concerning Government: Textbook of Revolution," WMQ, 3d ser., 4:267-96. 2. Probably the copyist's error for "country." 3. The sultan, or emperor of the Turkish empire, the most common model of absolute power for seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Englishmen.

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44 TO WILLIAM MARKHAM Lond: 18* 8™ [October] 1681 Cosen Markham My sincere love salutes thee, wishing thy prosperity every way. w th this comes Instructions, & Concessions,1 w th [illegible deleted] some Company. I hope thou hast made Convenient provision for them. I have sent My Cosen William Crispin to be thy Assistant, as by Commission will appear.2 his skill, experience Industry & Integrety are well Known to me, & perticulerly in Court keeping Sec: so that it is my will & pleasure, that he be as cheif Justice to keep the seal, the Courts & Sessions; & he shall be accountable to me for it. the proffitts redounding are to his proper behoof, he will show thee my Instructions, wch will guide you all in the business, the rest is Left to your discretion; that is, to thee, thy two Assistants3 & the Councel.4 Now I shall tell thee, that if thy Inclinations rather run to a sea life, I shall putt thee in Commander of a vessel to carry People & goods betwixt this Country and that. wch if thou chuscs [illegible deleted] come w th all the speed thou canst, that thou mayst be here before I goe & command a vessel backwards, the proffit is more, & I think the creditt not less, but this Is left to thee to come, or stay till I come theither.5 pray be very respectfull to my Cosen Crispin he is a man my father had great confidence in & Vallue for. also strive to give Content to the Planters, & w th meekness & Sweetness, mixt w th Authority, carry it so as thou mayst honour me as well as thy selfe; & I do hereby promess thee I will effectually answear it to thee & thyn. give the Inclosed in sweed, to the sweeds Preis6 to read to the sweeds; it comes from the sweeds embassador in england the Ld Liembergh, whos lady is lately dead.7 also myn to the Natives & the Inhabitants.8 & be tender of my Creditt w th all. watching to prevent all fals storys; & inculcate all the honest & advantageous things on my behalfe that may be, in wch be diligent. I can say no more, but wish you all prosperity, in the fear of the lord, to whom I committ you all. & rest Thy true Frd & Affect: Kinsman I mention the ship Wm Penn because it was thy motion to me. ALS. Dreer Collection, HSR (Micro. 3:331). Addressed: For William Markham | Dept Goverr of | Pennsylvania. Docketed in another hand: The Proprietors Letter j Dated i8th 8ber | 1681 | to Govr Markam. 1. Docs. 41 and 32. 2. Crispin's commissions would be drawn up a week later, 25 Oct. 1681 (Micro. 3:357). See WP's instructions to William Crispin, doc. 41. 3. Markham's second assistant at this time has not been identified. Later, Thomas Holme and Silas Crispin, who replaced his father, were assistant deputy governors.

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Nash, Quakers and Politics, p. 26. Thomas Holme (1624-1695) obtained lands in Ireland in the 16505, probably as an officer in Cromwell's army. There he became a prominent Friend, and with Abraham Fuller wrote A Brief Relation . . . of the Sufferings of the True Christians, the people of God (in Scorn called Quakers) in Ireland (1672). After William Crispin died en route to Pennsylvania, WP commissioned Holme surveyor-general for the colony on 18 Apr. 1682. He was a First Purchaser and subscribed to £50 of stock in the Free Society of Traders. Arriving in Pennsylvania in 1682, he witnessed several important Indian treaties, was elected to the first Assembly, and represented Philadelphia County in the Provincial Council, 1683-1685, serving several times as president pro tern. In 1683 he was a member of the joint committee of the Assembly and Council to draw up a new Frame of government. In 1688 WP confirmed him as surveyorgeneral of Pennsylvania and the lower counties for life. He acquired large tracts of land in Pennsylvania, the most prominent of which was his plantation, Well-Spring, in Dublin Township, Philadelphia County. He also owned a townhouse at Front and Mulberry in Philadelphia. Holme is perhaps best remembered for his plan for Philadelphia, A Portraiture of the City of Philadelphia (London, 1683), and for his map of the province, A Mapp of the Improved Part of Pensilvania in America (London, 1687). Oliver Hough, "Captain Thomas Holme, Surveyor-General of Pennsylvania and Provincial Councillor," PMHB, 19:413-27, 20:128-31, 248-56; Hazel Shields Garrison, "Cartography of Pennsylvania before 1800," PMHB, 59:263-67. Silas Crispin (c. 1655-1711), William Crispin's son, married Thomas Holme's daughter Esther by 1683. He was a First Purchaser and acquired large amounts of land in Pennsylvania. Nash, Quakers and Politics, p. 26; M. Jackson Crispin, "Captain William Crispin," PMHB, 53:289-99; App., doc. 205. 4. For the membership of the council, see doc. 25, n. 3. 5. Markham stayed in Pennsylvania until c. i Sept. 1683, when he went to England as WP's agent. See doc. 143, n. i, below. 6. Probably WP means the Rev. Lars Lock (d. 1688), who preached at Tinicum and Christina, and survived the transition from Swedish to Dutch rule, and then from Dutch to English rule. In 1681 the Rev. Jacob Fabritius (d. c. 1692), who had preached for the Dutch in New York, preached in Dutch to the Swedes at Wicaco. Jehu C. Clay, Annals of the Swedes on the Delaware (Chicago, 1914), pp. 37-38, 125-26. 7. Johan Barkman Leijonbergh (1625-1691), long-time Swedish envoy in London, had been an acquaintance of WP's father, and in 1679 he had sent WP a package of wheat seeds for his garden. His second wife, who died in Sept. 1681, was an Englishwoman, a widow Whitkell. No letter of Leijonbergh to a Swedish priest in Pennsylvania survives, but a copy of his 20 Sept. 1681 letter of introduction for WP in Swedish to one Peter Calles, described as a prominent Swede living in Pennsylvania, is preserved in the Riksarkivet, Stockholm. Letter to the editors from Folke Ludwigs, Riksarkivet, Stockholm, 10 Aug. 1981; Svenskt Biografiskt Lexikon (Stockholm, 1978), 108:457. 8. WP's letter to the Indians is doc. 45. Perhaps the letter to the inhabitants refers to doc. 39, which William Crispin and William Haige carried to Pennsylvania when they sailed in late Oct. 1681.

45 TO THE KINGS OF THE INDIANS On the eve of European colonization, the Lenni Lenape, or Delaware, Indians, a loose confederation of Algonkian-speaking tribes, inhabited the region from northern Maryland into New York, from the Atlantic Ocean to the western edge of the Delaware River watershed. Like the closely related tribes to the north and south, the Lenni Lenape (Algonkian for "Original People") lived a seminomadic village existence and raised crops of corn, beans, and squash. In the winter-

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time they left their small villages of six to eight houses to hunt. In the spring they returned to their villages to plant their crops. By 1680 the Lenni Lenape had been in contact with Europeans for nearly eighty years, and the use of European cloth, kettles, blankets, guns, liquor, hatchets and other tools had become common. European contact also brought new diseases to the Lenni Lenape, such as smallpox, tuberculosis, and measles, against which the natives had no immunity; hence the native population was sparse. Before the arrival of the Quakers, the Swedish and Dutch colonists had fortified their settlements against Indian attack. WP intended to dispense with fortifications and live in peace with the Indians, but he also intended to purchase large tracts of land from them before allowing his settlers to come. In doc. 41, WP had instructed his agents to deal fairly with the Indians. Doc. 45, WP's first letter to the Lenni Lenape, outlines more directly his ideas for Indian-white relations. London: i8th 8™ [October i6]8i.

My Freinds There is one great God and Power that hath made the world and all things therein, to whom you and I and all People owe their being and wellbeing, and to whom you and I must one Day give an account, for all that we do in this1 world: this great Power {God} hath written his law in our hearts, by which we are taught and commanded to love and help and do good to one an other, and {not} to do harme and mischeif one unto {one}2 another: Now this great God hath been pleased to make me concerned in yr parts of the World, and the king of the Countrey where I live, hath given unto me a great Province therein, but I desire to enjoy it with your Love and Consent, that we may always live together as Neighbours and freinds, else what would the great God say to us, who hath made us not to de devoure and destroy one an other but live Soberly and kindly together in the world Now I would have you well to3 observe, that I am very Sensible of the unkindness and Injustice that hath been too much exersised towards you by the People of thes Parts off the world, who have sought themselvs, and to make great Advantages by you, rather then be examples of Good (Justice and Goodness} unto you, which I hear, hath been matter of trouble to you, and caused great Grudgeings and Animosities, sometimes to the shedding of blood, which hath made the great God Angry, but I am not such a Man, as is well known in my {own} Country: I have great love and regard towards you, and I desire to [illegible deletion] Winn and gain your Love & freindship by a kind, just and peaceable life; and the People I send are of the same mind, & shall in all things behave themselvs accordingly; and if {in} any thing any shall offend you or your People, you shall have a full and Speedy Satisfaction for the same by men just men on both Planning for a New Colony

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sides {by an equall number of honest4 men on both sides}5 that by no means you may have just Occasion of being offended against them; I shall shortly come to you my selfe. I shall shortly come to you my ^ir^ ovJllC. At what time we may more largely and freely confer & discourse of thes matters; in the mean time, {I have sent my Commissioners to treat with you about land & a firm league of peace.} lett me desire you to be kind to my {them and the} People, and receive thes Presents and Tokens which I have sent to you, as a Testimony of my Good will to you, and my resolution to live Justly peaceably and friendly with you, I am your6 Freind. Wm Penn LS. Penn-Forbes Collection, HSR (Micro. 3:337). Addressed in WP's hand: For the Kings | of the Indians | in Pennsylvania. Docketed in WP's hand: Emperor Ba & co. Further docketed in another hand: Wm Penn's First letter | to the Indians 1681. There is another version of this letter, copied from the Penn-Forbes letter and also signed by WP, in the Dreer Collection, HSR 1. "The" in the Dreer copy. 2. This inserted word is missing in the Dreer copy. 3. This word is missing in the Dreer copy. 4. "Just" in the Dreer copy. 5. Similar provisions for juries of Indians and whites were provided for in the West New Jersey Concessions (PWP, i :4OO-i), and in WP's "Conditions or Concessions to the First Purchasers," doc. 32, sect. 14. 6. "Loveing" is added here in the Dreer copy.

46 ADDITIONAL INSTRUCTIONS TO WILLIAM MARKHAM [28 October 1681] Memorandum of Additionall Instructions to Wm Markham & Wm Crispin & Jn° Bezer First, To Act all in my Name as Proprietary & Govrnr l Secondly To buy Land of the true Owners wch I thinke is the Susquehanna People2 Thirdly To treat Speedily w th the Indians for Land before they are Furnisht by others wth things that Please them take advice in this 4 thl y That all Evidence or Engagements be without Oaths, thus I. A.B. doe Promise in the Sight of God & them that heare me to speake the Truth, the whole Truth and nothing but the whole Truth A.B.3 5 8. 16. Under the Act of Union passed by the Assembly on 7 Dec. 1682, landowning foreigners residing in Pennsylvania or the lower counties were given three months after the publication of the act to be naturalized by swearing allegiance to the king of England and obedience to WP as governor and by paying a fee of twenty shillings sterling. The Laws of Pennsylvania and Territories, 1682, Penn Papers, HSP. 17. According to the transcript of the court record (now apparently lost) printed in Watson's Annals, 1:298-99, the first court in Philadelphia met on 11 Jan. 1683.

98 FROM THOMAS

RUDYARD

While WP was primarily concerned with Pennsylvania and the lower counties, he also had a proprietary interest in both West and East New Jersey. He had visited Elizabethtown in East New Jersey in November 1682 (see doc. 90); shortly after that visit, his old friend Thomas Rudyard became deputy-governor of the colony. As doc. 98 shows, Rudyard turned to WP for aid in his struggles with surveyorgeneral Samuel Groom. In response to Rudyard's appeal, WP came to Elizabethtown to sit on the Provincial Council during the March 1683 assembly session. He found much disagreement over East New Jersey land development among settlers who held patents issued by the governor of New York, by Sir George Carteret, and by the present East New Jersey proprietors. WP tried to act as a peacemaker in these disputes (see doc. 129, below), but he never devoted the time or effort to the colony's tangled affairs that peacemaking required. Later WP himself became caught up in East New Jersey land disputes (see doc. 154, below).

m

1

Eliz: Town 13th n mo [January] i682[/3]

Dear W Penn. Had the Season of the Year favour'd me, I had before this seen thee in Pennsilvania. I have heard of some passing by, but had not the sight of any one design'd for Delaware till this Bearer Sam11 Stirridge,2 whose purpose is, (as he tells me) to be wth thee first Opportunity of Travell, I presume thou hast been informd of the late Governrs January 1683

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Death, And how I am constrain'd to be Deputy Governor till the place be better supplyed.3 I cannot be very particular wth thee touching the Affairs of this Colony, the Messenger being in haste to be gone, only to acquaint thee, that the People in general were not a little satisfied wth thy late visit,4 & bear thee a very reverent Respect. And by thy inoffensive Obliging Carriage thou layd that foundation for an amicable Complyance on their parts to the Proprietors,5 that the Work cannot prove so difficult as hath been imagin'd. And if thy Affairs wth the Ld Baltimore would permitt thee to be here, when our Assembly sitts (viz1) the i st i st mo:6 I hope there will be a good Issue in our Concerns in these parts Dr William, it happens so, that I have something of a Taste of wl thou long indurest by S. Groome,7 he is grown into an angry pettish humor, & in a manner intreatable,8 grounded partly by a little Unfairness in Acctts wch I chargd him betwixt him & I, & taking Offence, would open the Case before his own & my men keeping Store, was found faulty, & partly about Choyce of a Councill for the Governor, w th out wch, according to Concessions, he cannot act.9 I desire to have Lewis Morris,10 Cap1 Berry 11 Cap1 Palmer12 & about 3 more grave men, & of Reputation in the Country; 13 He is for Lepraire, the old Surveyor; 14 Capt Vickars,15 Sam. Edsall16 Sec. the old Councill men, having neither Interest or repute in the Country, but People as will creep & may assist him in private Trade & Commerce; here we want thee to interpose; for such Persons he will have, as are obnoxious to the Country, or I must act w th out him. I should be glad to have a Line from thee & to him, & desire him to have some respect & reverence to his undertaken Voyage. Yesterday went hence Lewis Morris Capt. Palmer, Ja. Graham, 17 Jo. West, Delavall18 &c. came here the Day before as Visitors; I entertain'd them so well as the Straitness of our house & our Provision would permitt. They all visited S. Groome in this part of the House, who invited them yesterday morning to Breakfast, & when they came to him, he let them eat alone, the humor then taking him to write for England by way of Barbadoes; and as Lewis Morris & Ja. Graham said, they thought it was his Resentmt of me; He layd himself open to them, although he cannot give either of them a good word behinde their backs, & account them both great Enemies to the Proprietors Interest; I hope this humor of his will not last long, he doth the Proprietors little Service And when he converses w th any that are disaffected w th former Procedures, he treats them not as grieved, which maketh them take Offence, & now I am informed by L. Morris & Ja. Graham, that R. Hartshow 19 by reason he was not treated by him, & as acceptable to him as S. Edsal, one of the late Governors Councill; he hath headed all the Friends & People of Never sinks20 to stand on G. Nichols Patent, wch before they intended to give up. Lewis Morris hath promised next week the Weather permitting to carry me there in his Sloop, if possible to quench the Flame. Their great Disgust is, that all the old Councill in that stand, wch I believe Settling in Pennsylvania

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S.G. hath said to some particulars, & so it hath spread to the inflaming the People in general. As thou findest freedom, a Letter from thee to the Friends in those parts might be very serviceable & acceptable from thee. I have trespassed on the patience of the Messenger, & may on thine, wch pray excuse, & accept of the tender of my dearest Affections, wch is all from Thy truly Cordial friend Tho: Rudyard Copy. Penn MSS, FLL, London. (Micro. 4:024). The handwriting suggests that the copyist may have been WP's secretary, Philip Theodore Lehnmann. 1. Following the salutation is the following comment in a later hand: "(Thos Rudyard was governor of East New Jersey. He withdrew from the Society of Friends) Gm I." Rudyard was appointed secretary and register of East New Jersey on 16 Sept. 1682 and arrived in Elizabethtown on 13 Nov., accompanied by the new receiver- and surveyor-general, Samuel Groom. Rudyard served as deputy-governor of the colony from the death of Philip Carteret, c. Dec. 1682, until Jan. 1684. Shortly thereafter he wrote to WP to recover the office of Master of the Rolls of Pennsylvania, which he had surrendered to become the deputy-governor of East New Jersey. But WP, concerned that Rudyard was not firmly committed to Pennsylvania, and upset because Rudyard had fallen out with the Quakers and acquired a bad reputation, gave him a cool reply. Rudyard immigrated to Barbados in 1685 and died there in 1692. See PWP, 1:2400; docs, i and 56, above; NJA, 1:376-77, 481, 492-500; Pomfret, East New Jersey, chap. 8, and pp. 203, 223, 231-32; WP to Rudyard, 24 June 1684, Micro. 4:913. 2. Samuel Stirridge was an Elizabethtown yeoman; his will is dated 10 Apr. 1683. NJA, 21:56. 3. Philip Carteret (c. 1639-^ 1682), a cousin of Sir George Carteret (d. 1680), proprietor of East New Jersey, was governor of all of New Jersey from 1665 to 1676 and of East Jersey from 1676 until his death, which occurred shortly after 10 Dec. 1682, the date of his will. Edwin F. Hatfield, History of Elizabeth, New Jersey (New York, 1868), pp. 43, 211-12; Pomfret, East New Jersey, pp. 32-33. 4. WP had visited Elizabethtown in Nov. 1682; see doc. 90. 5. The proprietors of East New Jersey were originally twelve investors, led by WP; they purchased the colony at auction in Feb. 1682 from the estate of Sir George Carteret. Rudyard and Samuel Groom were among the twelve. In Aug.-Sept., twelve more investors, including Robert Barclay and several other Scotsmen, joined the original proprietors. Pomfret, East New Jersey, pp. 130, 132. 6. i Mar. 1683. WP did attend the East Jersey Provincial Council, as a proprietor, from i to 6 Mar. NJA, 13:6-15. 7. Samuel Groom, a Quaker sea captain, was appointed receiver- and surveyorgeneral of East New Jersey in Sept. 1682 and accompanied Thomas Rudyard to Elizabethtown. He died late in 1683, after several months of contention with Rudyard. Groom followed the proprietors' instructions to keep land in reserve and resisted Rudyard's policy of rapid development by offering land on favorable terms. It is not known what difficulties WP had experienced with Groom; the two men had dealt with each other since 1676. Thomas Rudyard to WP, 30 July 1683, Micro. 4:359; NJA, i '.37879, 432, 446-51, 492-500, 13:102-5; Pomfret, East New Jersey, p. 203; PWP, 1:416-17, 4i8n. 8. Inexorable. OED. 9. "The Concessions and Agreement of the Lords Proprietors o f . . . New Jersey," signed on 10 Feb. 1665 by proprietors John Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, was the constitution of East New Jersey until 1702. The first two clauses require the governor to appoint a council. See NJA, 1:28. 10. Colonel Lewis Morris (d. 1691), a Barbados Quaker, lived in the Bronx, New York, from 1674 and had a large estate and iron works at Tinton in Monmouth Co., N.J.NJA, 1:134, 21:219, 23:329; DAB, 13:213; Pomfret, East New Jersey, p. 166; Robert C. Ritchie, The Duke's Province, A Study of New York Politics and Society, 1664-1691 (Chapel Hill, 1977), pp. 90, 99, 180, 274n. 11. John Berry (d. 1715), also of Barbados, lived in Bergen Co. from 1670. He

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joined Gov. Carteret's Council in 1671, was deputy-governor in 1672 and 1673, and again in 1680, and remained a councilor until 1692. NJA, 1:81, 107-8, lion, i 2 2 n , 29596, 21:35. 12. John Palmer, from Barbados, was a merchant and judge in New York City through the i68os, where he became closely allied with Govs. Dongan and Andros. Palmer also had an estate near Elizabethtown, which qualified him for office in New Jersey. NJA, 21:351; Ritchie, The Duke's Province, pp. 180-81, 194, 198. 13. The other three councilors whom Rudyard would appoint were Lawrence Andress (d. 1693), a Dutch resident of Bergen since the i66os and a member of Carteret's Council from 1672; Benjamin Price (d. 1712), a resident of Elizabethtown since the i66os; and William Sandford (d. 1694) of Bergen, another Barbadian, a councilor from 1673, and a strong supporter of Gov. Carteret. NJA, 1:49, 89, 23:14 (Andress), 1:50, 23:374-75 (Price), 1:65, 110, 23:401 (Sandford); Pomfret, East New Jersey, p. 154. 14. Robert Vauquellin (d. 1698) of Woodbridge was also known as La Priere, De La Praire, and Van Quellen. He came to East New Jersey with Gov. Carteret in 1665 as his surveyor-general and had joined the Council by 1671; he held both posts until Rudyard reorganized the government in Feb. 1683. NJA, 1:26-27, 61, 76n, 350; Pomfret, East New Jersey, p. 60. 15. Robert Vicars, provincial secretary under Gov. Carteret in 1681-1682, was roundly attacked by the East New Jersey Assembly in Mar. 1683 an-i6«4

153 PURCHASE OF THE MOUTH OF THE SUSQUEHANNA RIVER [18 October 1683] William Perm Proprietary & Governr of the Province of Pennsilvania & the Territories thereunto belonging I do hereby declare, that I have bought of Machaloha 1 all his Land lying between Delaware River the Bay of Cheasepeck bay and Susquahannah River; And do warn all Persons, that they presume not to settle there on w th out my Leave, & that those that are already or shall hereafter settle upon any part of the same, do behave themselves justly & lovingly towards him & his fellow Indians. Given at New Castle, the 18^ October 1683 Wm Penn DS. CO 5/1257/233, PRO. (Micro. 4:575). Docketed: M r Penns paper of purchase of lands from the savages | 8ber 1683.

his

i. Machaloha was perhaps a Susquehannock who had assumed a Delaware name. His deed to WP for this land is printed in PA, ist sen, 1:67; Micro. 4:573. Ownership of the tract, which included the mouth of the Susquehanna on Chesapeake Bay, was uncertain; Lord Baltimore did not have an Indian deed to this area. With this doc. WP was trying to solidify his claim and to notify the Lords of Trade. See the headnote to doc. 142. Francis Jennings, "Glory, Death, and Transfiguration: The Susquehannock Indians in the Seventeenth Century," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 112:46-47.

154 FROM THOMAS DONGAN As a proprietor of East New Jersey, WP had generally acted as a peacemaker since November 1682; he had tried to settle the colonists' fractious disputes over land ownership and had supported the acting governor, Thomas Rudyard (see docs. 90, 98, and 129, above). In July 1683, however, WP departed from this policy by purchasing Luke Watson's interest in the Elizabethtown patent, issued by New York's Governor Richard Nicholls in 1664. The East New Jersey proprietors had been trying for years to extinguish all land claims arising from this patent. Why WP took this step is unclear. Perhaps he was trying to prevent Dongan from buying into the Elizabethtown patent, figuring that the New York governor would play an exceedingly disruptive role as an East New Jersey landholder. Perhaps he was trying to secure control of a trade route connecting the Delaware and Hudson valleys as a countermove to Dongan's intrusion into the Susquehanna

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Indian trade route (see the headnote to doc. 133, above). Whatever his motive, his actions quickly damaged his relationship with Rudyard (see below; WP to Rudyard, 24 June 1684, Micro. 4:913; and doc. 187, below) and then with Rudyard's successor, Governor Gawen Lawrie (see docs. 165 and 199, below). Sr

~ [22 October 1683] 1

1

I was Surprized when Cap Baker came to me and told me, that you would purchase his interest of Governor Nicolls his Patent,2 which Seemed very Strange to me because you advised me to it, and I told you I resolved upon it in Particular; Governor Rudiard came to me, and seemed mighty angry that I should offer to buy it, he alleadging that it is to Countenance the people to be Mutinous against that Government,3 the which is absolutely contrary to my Principles, and thoughts; if I have any Land there, as I question not but I shall, before I see you, I shall as Willingly Submitt to the Laws of the government, as any one Liveing, and Lay down my Proportion of Payments with as great willingness as any of them all. he seems not to be well pleased with you, becaus he has heard you Designed to buy one of the Patentees Interests, I Doubt not but what you doe is for the Interest of his Royall Highness in this particular affaire, if possibly I can see you before Winter comes on, I will; All business goes on here to great Satisfaction; the Sesquehannok River is given me by the Indians, by a Second gift, about which you and I shall not fall Out4 I desire we may Joyne heartily to gether to advance the Interest of my Master, and your good Friend,5 I Expect to hear from you, how you would have me proceed. Dear S^ I am your affectionate friend, and humble Serv1, 6 Fort James Tho: Dongan October 22 th 1683 LS. Society Collection, HSR (Micro. 4:578). Addressed: For | William Penn Esquire | Governor of Pensilva | nia. Docketed in WP's hand: Govr Dungan | 8br 22. 83. Docketed in another hand: Thomas Dungan | to | William Penn — | Oct. 22 nd 17683. 1. Captain John Baker (d. 1702), an Englishman living in New Amsterdam before the English conquered New York in 1664, served Gov. Nicolls as commander of the garrison at Albany from 1665 to 1670. Thereafter he lived in Elizabethtown, East New Jersey, where he had been a major landowner since 1664. He may have been the John Baker who purchased half a proprietary share in the colony in 1687. Edwin F. Hatfield, History of Elizabeth, New Jersey (New York, 1868), pp. 57, 63-64, 219; Pomfret, East New Jersey, pp. 149, 397; NJA, 1:151, 529, 23:24. 2. On i Dec. 1664, New York's Gov. Nicolls granted the Elizabethtown tract to several Long Islanders and to Baker, who had served as their interpreter in their negotiations with the Indians for the purchase of the land in Oct. From the 16705,

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Baker was the most adamant defender of the Elizabethtown patentees' claims, first against the Carterets and then against the East New Jersey proprietors. His resistance to authority, in which he was closely allied with the unpopular Robert Vicars (see doc. 98, above), led to his impeachment by the Assembly and removal from office as county coroner and member of the Court of Common Right, the colony's highest court, by the Council in Dec. 1683. Baker's interest in selling his share of the patent in the fall of 1683 probably resulted from his impending failure to secure acceptance of the patentees' extensive claims of rights in this land. Gov. Dongan quickly concluded that WP, who had already bought Luke Watson's share in the Elizabethtown patent (see Micro. 4:285), wanted to buy Baker's share, and then open up a trade route from Pennsylvania to the fur trading tribes of New York. Hatfield, History of Elizabeth, pp. 219, 228-29; NJA, 1:457, 13:115' Pomfret, East New Jersey, pp. 35, 157, 164-65, 171, 221, 254; docs. 98, 129, above. 3. Of East New Jersey. 4. The "Second gift" was the Iroquois' confirmatory grant to Dongan of 26 Sept. 1683; Micro. 4:528. Dongan's confidence that his — and New York's — securing of the Iroquois-Susquehanna trading route would not lead to friction with WP was misplaced. WP had been working vigorously since July to secure this area for Pennsylvania; after Dongan frustrated his plans, the relationship between the two governors quickly cooled. See the headnotes to docs. 133 and 142, above; and docs. 165 and 169, below. 5. The duke of York. 6. Fort James, built by the Dutch in 1626 as Ft. Amsterdam and renamed by Gov. Nicolls in 1664, was on the present Battery in New York City. Michael Kammen, Colonial New York, A History (New York, 1975), p. 30; Robert C. Ritchie, The Duke's Province: A Study of New York Politics and Society, 1664-1691 (Chapel Hill, 1977), p. 22.

755 ACCOUNT OF CONTROVERSY WITH LORD BALTIMORE [31 October 1683] Charles Ld Baltimore, absolute Lord & Proprietary of the Provinces of Maryland & Avalon, &c {(L: S:)} To our dear Cousin & Councellr Colonel George Talbot Esqr Reposing special Confidence in yor Wisdom & Integrity, I do* hereby nominate & appoint you, to repaire forthwth to the Skoolkill att Delaware, & in my name to demand of William Penn Esqr or his Deputy, All that part of Land on the West side of the sd River, that lyeth to the southward of the 4oth degree Northerly Latitude, 1 According to an East Line run out From two Observations, the one taken the ioth of June, 1682, & the other the 27 th of 7bre 1682 in Obedience to his Maty 8 Commands, exprest in a Letter of the 2d Aprill, 1681: wch Commands were att that time rejected by the Agents of the sd Penn (Notw th standing that by severall Lettrs & Writtings under their hands it may Appear) they promised a Compliance with his Ma^8 Commands aforesd & For wl you shall do herein, this shall be to you a sufficient power Given under my hand & scale the 17th day of 7bre Anno 1683 Vera Copia Attestata C. Baltemore. per me Geo: Talbott.

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By Virtue of his Lordships Comission Whereof the Above is a true Copy I, George Talbot, do in the Name of the Right honourable Charles Ld Baltemo[re] absolute Ld & Proprietary of Maryland & Avalon, demand of you Nicholas Moore, Deputy to William Penn Esqr all the Land lying on the Westside of Delaware River, and to the southward of the Fortieth degree of Northerly latitude According to a line run East, From two observations the one taken the io th day of June, 1682, 8c the other on the 27 th of 7bre 1682, in Obedience to his MalYs Commands exprest in a letter of the 2d April, 1681, wch Commands were att the time rejected, by the sd William Penn's Agents, not W th standing that by severall Lettrs & other Writings under their hands, it appears, that they promised Complyance to his Malys Commands aforesd The Land so Claymed by me For the Ld Baltemore's use, being part of the sd Province of Mary Land granted to his Ldships Father by King Charles the First of sacred Memory, & now wrongfully detain'd by the sd Wm Penn From his Ldship: And in Wittness that I make this demand, I have hereunto sett my hand & seal, the 24th day of September 1683 Geo: Talbott, (L. S.) An Answer To a Demand made to Nicholas Moore, as my Deputy, by Coll Geo: Talbott, the 24th 7bre 1683 in pursuance of a Commission From the Ld Baltemore, Proprietary of Maryland & Avalon, dated the 17th of the same Month. The Demand being grounded upon the Commission I will take things in their ordr; & begin with the Commission; The Ld Baltimore doth Commissionate Colonel Talbott to go to the Westsyde of the Skulkill, to demand of William Penn Esqr or his Deputy all that part of Land on the Westside of the River that lyeth to the south of the 4Oth degree of Northerly latitude {:i:} I Answer, It seems very slight, abrupt & unpresidented For any person that is in the Quality of a Proprietary of a Country to send to an other in the same Circumstance, any Extraordinary Messenger, Agent, or Commissioner, without some Letter or Memorial to state the Demand with the Reasons of it. The Practice2 of the Greatest Princes, & might therefore (I Conceive) be the Condescension of Lesser Seigniories. {:2:} In the Next place, William Penn Esqr & the sd Penn (the Language of the Comission) is not my American style, nor that Wch belongs to me in the matter in question, For as such, I keep no Deputies. {13:} I Live Not on the Westside of Skulkill, nor any Deputy of mine, & I Conceive, Colonel Talbott could not by that Commission come to the Eastside to make his Demand, wch yett he did {14:} I was Absent & at New York, when this Commissioner came; & I never did, nor never will Commissionat any Deputy to treat & Conclude away mine Inheritance, wthout my Particular Direction & October 1683

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Command; though if I were to go For England, I would not disown the Laws he should make in my Absence For publick good, when I came back. {15:} Colonel Talbott is directed in the Commission to make the Demand, According to a Line t^tm, said to be {run} in Obedience to his Maty8 Comands3 {In his letter of the 2 d of Aprill 1681. But I say that no line is yett run in obedience to his ma1)78 Command} For the letter expresly saith, That the Ld Baltimore, or his Agent, shall together w th my Agent agree the Latitude & then Run the Lyne, & bound the Provinces Accordingly, wch is not yett done, For those Observations & the line run by them are perform'd by the Ld Bakemore & his Agents only & therefore not according to his Maty8 Command in his Letter of the 2 d of Aprill 1681 nor in my opinion, Common equity; For I knew nothing of them. {:6:} To Say, (as this Commission doth) that my Commissionrs refused to Comply w th the sd Letter, is hard For me to doe, since the Chiefest of them 4 brought it in my Favour: But the truth is (if they say true) & Circumstances Favour them) the thing is Improbable; For the Ld Baltemore would have had them agreed to have taken an observation upon the River Delaware, when as the Kings Letter (stating my Bounds as they are exprest in my Patent5) begin Twelve Miles above Newcastle upon the West side of Delaware River & so to run to the 43th Degree of North Latitude upon the sd River wch makes it Impossible, that the Ld Baltemore could come w th in those Lymits, to take an Observation, or run a Line, in pursuance of his Majty8 Commands in the sd Letter, since taking an Observation on Delaware River (wch say they, he prest) is a plain Violation of it — They Further say, that they never refus'd, but prest the taking of an Observation, according to his MalYs Letter, wch is grounded on the bounds of my Patent, & When the Ld Baltemore & my Agent had Agreed to Meet att Newcastle, & to precede according to his Maty8 Letters6 tis true that my Agent came not, & as true saith he, that the Reason was, the Ld Baltemore call'd I mediately att Chichester, Alias Marcus hook, as he went to Newcastle, & Forbad the Inhabitants to pay me Quit Rent, & Named the place by a New Name, before any Line was run, or any observation] Agreed, wch being a Declared Breach of the Kings Commands, & their treaty; in the opinion of my Agent, he refus'd to meet the next day about a matter the Ld Baltemore had in such a Manner Already determin'd.7 {17:} But Wl Fault soever they werein, sure I am, that before an observation was agreed, or any Line was run, I came in, & suddenly after waiting upon the Ld Baltemore, I presented him w th another Letter From his Maty 8 wch he was so Farr From Complying w th that he Lookt upon the King as mistaken, & sett his patent in direct [Opposition, & to this day would never hear of Complying with it in ei[ther o]f the t[wo Po]ints i[t relat]ed to[; that is] to say, his having

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but two degrees, & that beginning them att Watkings Point, [he] should admeasur[e] them att sixty Miles to a degree, to terminate the North Bounds of his province Now, in my Opinion, it was not proper to ground his proceedings upon a Former letter, in Neglect of a later advice & Command From his MalY Nor doth it look very just, to make the caution or Neglect of an Agent in the Absence of his Principal, a Reason to procede against his principal when present wth other Instructions, without due Regard had9 to him or his Allegations. And I must say, that att Newcastle,10 when I prest the Lord Baltemore to sett in one house, with his Councell, & I would sett with mine in another that we might treat by written Memorials, under our hands to prevent Mistakes, ill Memory, or ill will, he refused, Alledging, he was not well. I did then tell him, I would wave wl Force or Advantage I thought I ha[d] by the second Letter, & procede to meet him att the place he desired, wch was the hea[d] of Cheasepeak Bay, & there try to Find the 4oth degree of North [Latitude] provided he would First please to sett me a Gentleman's price, so much per Mile, in Case I should have no pt of the Bay by Latitude, that so I might have a Back port to this Province: This I writt according to his desire, & sent after him.11 To sell he Refus'd; but started an Exchange of pl of that Bay For the Lower Counties on the Bay of Delaware. This I presume he knew I could not do; For his Royal Highness had the one half 12 & I did not prize the thing I desired att such a Rate. Soon after this Meeting I understood that he had issued a«o Forth a Proclamation sometime before, to Invite people to plant those pts in my possession under his Royall Highness,13 and that also before any Demand had been made, or our Friendly treaty ended; wch I took so ill in Right of his Royall Highness, & that wch his goodness had made mine that I sent Commissionrs (First to know the truth of it From his on14 mouth, befor[e] I would Creditt the Intelligence I had Receiv'd, & if true) to Complaine of the breach of our Friendly treaty, & that it might be repaired,15 wch he hath taken so ill (how deservedly lett the whole World Judge) that he hath sent me letters of a very Course style,16 such as Indeed could not be Answered w th out those terms wch unbecome men in our publicke stations, who in the midst of all disagreemM ought to mannage themselves with Coolness 8c Exact Civility; & if in this I have att any time been short, let me but know it, & I that think it a meanness of spirit to Justifie an Error when Committed, am not too stiff to ask him pardon. Here I left him, Expecting his News, when he came to the head of the Bay in Septemb1, as I thought he promis'd me; but in stead of that an observation is taken, a Lyne Run, & trees Mark'd without my Notice,17 & a Demand made thereupon, & all grounded on his Maties Letters of the 2 d Aprill, 81 in wch I must again say, I Find no such direction wch bringeth me to the demand it self {:8:} To the Demand (viz1) of all that Land on Delaware River to October 1683

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the south of the 4oth Degree of Northerly latitude. I have this to say, that t'is very odd, the demand should be made severall Months after the Proclamation was putt Forth to encourage people to plant most of the parts demanded; but much more strange, that after the Ld Baltemore had declared under his hand, that he did not by that Intend to break our Amicable treaty, he should w th out Further provocation given, precede to demand those pts. Certainly this was not Intended to Continue our Friendship; Nor did it look w th Common Decency that Colonel Talbott should not think me worth leaving a Letter att my House, where he lodged[, w]hen he [went away], as well as the Land worth such a Demand. But Indeed, his Carriage all along shows, he came to dene me, not treat me like either Neighbour or Gentleman. A Suddain Change! amusing the King's People under my Charge, by threats or drawing them of their Obedience, by degrading mine & Invitations to the Ld Baltemore's Governm1 This I Found att my return; in his Conduct (though not in his Commission) as some of the People do Averr. {:g:} But in the Next Place, the Ld Baltimore hath no Warrant to run his Line to the River of Delaware neither by the Kings Letters, nor his own patent, if he peruseth it18 well, Where he Will Find the Bay, but no River of Delaware.19 {no:} The Land Demanded is not a part of the Province of Maryland, as is exprest in the Demand For it is of the Jurisdiction of Delaware (alias Newcastle) wch is by severall Acts of the Assembly of Maryland distinguisht & disown'd From being any pl of that Province.20 {:i i:} The Ld Baltemore hath no Land given him by Patent but Wl was unplanted of any but savage Natives; & this West side of the River Delaware before, & att the passing of his patent, was Actually bought & possest by a Civil & Christian state, in Amitie wth the Crown of England, 21 & by the treaty of Peace in 53.22 between the English & Dutch, it was pt of one Article of the Treaty, that the Dutch should Injoy those Territorys in America, of wch this was a Member; & we know Forreign Actions of that time & kind Continued Firm after his MalYs Restauration; For Jamaica still Remains to us23 & Dunkerque it self was not render'd but sold.24 To [be] short I Conceive, It is more For the Ld Baltemore's Honour & Safety, that it should be as I say, than otherwise; For if he claimeth wl was possest of the Dutch on Delaware River south of the 4oth degree of North latitude, as wl was lawfully under the English soveraignty, how cometh he to suffer pl of his province to remaine under a strange & Foreingn soveraignty to that under wch he held his Claime. {•.12:} But if the Ld Baltemore had a just pretence to this River, & Former possession too, wch he never had yett being by the Dutch taken, & by the King taken From the Dutch it becometh the Conquerors: For it is Known, that if any of our English Merchants ships

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be taken & possest but 24 houres by an Enemy, if retaken by the Crown, they are prize; & this place was more than 24 years in the hands of the Dutch, not demanded of them; 25 this made his Royal Highness take out Frefsh] Patents, upon the Opinion of Councell (since the Last Conquest) For his Territorys in America. Nor is the Ld Baltemore in the Condition of an Ordinary subject (in whose Favour some thing might be alledged[)] For he hath Regalia, Principality, though subordinate to the king as his style shows,26 & I Conceive he is bound to keep his own dominion[s] or elce loose them; & if lost to a Forreigner, and taken by the soveraign, the soveraign hath the Right, an other Conquerour Could plead. This is the present Jus Gentium & law of Nations, wch in Forreign Acquests prevaileth; & the King accordingly hath granted it under his great seal to his Royal Highness. And if there were no truth in this; but the Ld Baltemore's [Pa]tent [were title good enough for what was] Actually anothers before and [which] he ne[ver] Injoy[ed Si]nce, Conneti[cot] Colony might put in For New York as Raisonably as the Lord Baltemore can For Delaware; their Patent having that pl of the Dutch Territory, w th in its Bounds on the same mistake: wch is yett out of Dispute From the Ld Baltemore's own patent that saith New england begins where he leaveth, wch being att 40 North Latitude, it Follows that New york &p l of East&r Westjarsey & Pennsylvania, will Fall to New england;27 Libera nos Domine!28 {113:} I shall Conclude wth this, That the King by Articles of Peace between him & the States of Holland29 is the Allowed Owner of all that Territory in America once Call'd New Netherland, of wch this is a pl. He hath been gratiously pleas'd to grant it by two patenfts] & this in Controversy, by one under the Great Seal of Engfland, to] his dearest brother James Duke of York & Albany &c;30 & his Royal Highness out of his Princely Goodness and the Singular Regard he was pleas'd to have to the services & losses of my deceased Father, hath Interested me in pt of the same; so that he is Lord (8c I am Tenant) of him I hold, & to him I pay my Rent (wch his Governor of New york hath now sent For)31 and For him I Improve as well as my self: And therefore I must take leave to referr the Ld Baltemore to his Royal Highness, who is a Prince, doubtless, of too much Honour to keep any mans Right, & of too great Resolution to deliver up his own, whose example, I am Resolved to Follow. Wm Penn Philadelphia the 3i th October 1683 DS. Boundaries, Pennsylvania and Maryland, 1680-1768, vol. 11, Penn Papers, HSR (Micro. 4:582). Docketed: Ld Baltemore & | Gov^ Penn's Answer | B B. Further docketed: Ld Baltemores Commission to | Colonel Talbot with his Demand of | Land &c | Govr Penns answer. See Micro. 4:544 for another copy signed by WP and dated 4 Oct. 1683. The earlier copy lacks Talbot's commission and demand, and several passages from WP's text; except for minor variations in spelling and punctuation, all differences

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between the two documents are noted below. Another copy dated 31 Oct., not signed by WP, is in vol. 11 of the Penn Papers, HSP. Missing text has been supplied in brackets from these two copies. 1. See the headnotes to docs. 67, 115, and 143 on how the boundary controversy had evolved since Aug. 1681. 2. "Practices" in Micro. 4:544. 3. "Command" in Micro. 4:544. 4. William Markham; see doc. 26. 5. Doc. 20, p. 64. 6. "Letter" in Micro. 4:544. 7. For Markham's 1685 narrative of these events, see Md. Archives, 5:430-35. 8. Charles II to Lord Baltimore, 19 Aug. 1682; see the headnote to doc. 115. 9. "Had" is not in Micro. 4:544. 10. At the second conference between WP and Lord Baltimore, 29 May 1683. 11. See doc. 117. 12. See the headnote to doc. 74. 13. See doc. 124. 14. "Own" in Micro. 4:544. 15. See doc. 127. 16. See doc. 126. 17. See doc. 148. 18. "Them" in Micro. 4:544. 19. The text from "Where" to the end of the sentence is not in Micro. 4:544. 20. See doc. 143, n. 20. 21. See doc. 100, n. 9. 22. The Treaty of Westminster of 1654. 23. Jamaica, seized from Spain in 1655 by an expeditionary force sent by Oliver Cromwell, was retained by Charles II as a royal colony. Richard S. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624-1713 (Chapel Hill, !97 2 )> PP- 20-21, 153-54. 24. The French ceded Dunkirk to Cromwell in 1658 in return for English help in the Battle of the Dunes; Charles II sold the seaport to Louis XIV in 1662. David Ogg, England in the Reign of Charles II, 2d ed. (Oxford, 1955), 1:204-5. 25. "Not demanded of them;" is not in Micro. 4:544. 26. The Maryland charter included the Bishop of Durham clause, which granted nearly regal powers to the proprietor. WP's patent did not include this clause; see doc. 10. 27. For WP's instructions to Markham on this point, see doc. 143. 28. "Lord, spare us from this!" The text from "And if there were no truth" to "Libera nos Domine!" is not in Micro. 4:544. 29. The Treaty of Westminster of 1674. Ogg, England in the Reign of Charles II, 1:386-88. 30. See doc. 95, n. i. 31. In Micro. 4:544, WP inserted "lately sent for, by his Governor." See doc. 151 for Gov. Dongan's suggestion that WP send him the rents due, and Micro. 4:624 for a receipt dated 5 Dec. 1683 for 55. quitrent for the town of New Castle that WP paid to the duke of York.

156 TO TENANTS IN NEW CASTLE, CHESTER, PHILADELPHIA, AND BUCKS COUNTIES Philadelphia the g th gbr [November] 1683.

Loving Friends & Tenants I kindly salute you & wish you heartily well. I have sent the Bearer, James Atkinson, 1 to gather in my Quit Rents among you, 2 & Negotiating With the Indians

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you must not take it hard, that I press you in this Matter, for you know, that I receive neither Custom, nor Taxes, but maintain my Table & Government, at my own Cost & Charges, which is what no Governor doth besides my self:3 This makes me endeavour to get in my own Dues for my Winter Supply; I expect you will all strive to answer me herein, and so engage the Kindness of Your Friend & Landlord Wm Penn. Transcript by Robert Proud. Parrish Collection, HSP. (Micro. 4:604). Endorsement: To my Tenants, in the Counties of Newcastle, Chester, Philadel- phia & Bucks4 | per James Atkinson. 1. James Atkinson (d. 1711) arrived in Pennsylvania in Dec. 1682 from Belfast, Ireland; he was probably related to Quaker Atkinsons in Lanes., and Westm., England, and in County Armagh, Ireland. A member of the Philadelphia Monthly Meeting of Friends, he was appointed by WP to Philadelphia's first Common Council in 1701. PMHB, 8:329, 9:340; Hinshaw, 2:333; Besse, 1:175, 3°8-3o, 2:8-35, 467; Braithwaite, Beginnings, pp. 92, 163-65, 372; Braithwaite, Second Period, pp. 30, 39. 2. The quitrent for land in Bucks, Chester, and Phila. counties, set in Some Account, was i s. per 100 acres, and in that pamphlet WP announced that the rent would not be collected until 1684. Pressing financial need forced him to try to collect his rent before the beginning of that year. The quitrent for New Castle Co. was probably id. per acre (8s. 4d. per 100 acres), which was the quitrent for Kent and Sussex counties (see doc. 103, n. 6, above). 3. William Clarke, WP's chief agent in Sussex Co., would make an identical claim for WP's self-support in an Apr. 1684 address to unhappy settlers in Kent Co. (see doc. 178, below). 4. WP may have decided to collect his quitrents from Kent and Sussex counties separately; in those counties he had agreed to divide his rent revenue equally with the duke of York. See the headnote to doc. 74, above.

157 FROM THOMAS

HOLME

[c. g November 1683] Governr Please to excuse my further attendance on thee {tojday, y clock {an houre hence} this afternoon, being appointed for the buriall of my son's Corps.1 These few things I offer to thy consideration, The necessity of ascertaining the bounds of the Counties of Chester & this, as also betwixt this & Bucks, least hearafter, I may err, in placeing peopl.2 I finde it may be requisite for thy affaire in the concernes of this City, (where many peopl may (probably) come, more then formerly expected)3 to reduce the breadth of the high street lotts, and also to reduce the second streets & i other backward streets from {both} the river fronts,4 & yet leave sufficient room, to make way for new purchasers amongst them to some content, to prevent being {all} placed backward, of which many are unwilling; yet I

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intend not the altering or removeall of any in these back streets, that have already built or in the least improved. The orders for cutting trees in the Swamps for building, is not observed; but havock made on dry Lands, which Jo: Songhurst5 & I cannot avoyd, for it may not be expected, that we can go, & see our orders executed, therfore there is need for a certain man to be appointed for that service, & to be paid by those that have warrants to cutt trees, that he may see it done, in the Swampes, according to orders; and thy proclamation (finally) to forbid any to cut any trees, not onely out6 of Swampes, but also, not without that said certain person be present, may be serviceable, in the opinion, of Thine to serve thee Thos Holme ALS. Penn MSS, FLL. (Micro. 4:606). Addressed: For the Governr to peruse | P. L.7 give this to the Governor | after Dinner. | T.H. Docketed: Tho. Holmes. 1. William Holme (b. 1665), the tenth and youngest child of Thomas and Sarah Holme, died in Philadelphia on 8 Nov. 1683. Mary Irma Corcoran, "The Family of Thomas Holme," PGM, 26:13. 2. The boundaries between Bucks, Phila., and Chester counties were not fixed by the Provincial Council until i Apr. 1685. Minutes of the Provincial Council (Philadelphia, 1852), pp. 126-27. 3. Thirteen ships brought passengers to Pennsylvania from Sept. to Nov. 1683, and many of these newcomers wanted city lots. By Dec. 1683 Holme and his deputysurveyors had laid out about 170 lots in Philadelphia, and according to WP (see doc. 158), one-fifth of the 3000 settlers in Pennsylvania lived in the city. Gary B. Nash, "City Planning and Political Tension in the Seventeenth Century: The Case of Philadelphia," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 112:68-6g. 4. High Street lots were 132 feet wide; Second Street lots, like those on Front Street, were 102 feet wide. Despite Holme's recommendation, these dimensions were not changed. Nicholas B. Wainwright, "Plan of Philadelphia," PMHB, 80:164-226; Roach, "The Planting of Philadelphia," PMHB, 92:38-3911. 5. John Songhurst was a carpenter and thus especially qualified to survey woods and regulate the cutting of timber. See doc. 96, n. 3, above. 6. Outside. 7. Philip Lehnmann, WP's secretary.

158 TO JOHN ALLOWAY The year 1683 saw WP write a series of testimonials to his rising young colony, for example in docs. 102, 114, 121-22, 130-31, and 139. His letter to the Somerset Quaker John Alloway is a fitting close to this series. Although he repeats earlier descriptions of life in Pennsylvania, WP's focus is now upon other themes: the steady volume of ships bringing immigrants from all parts of Britain; the maturing of legislative, judicial, and religious institutions; and — most important — the "great Harvast" of Quaker convincement in America. A primary purpose of this letter was to point out to English doubters like Negotiating With the Indians

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Alloway that, no matter what they might have heard from Jasper Batt or other critics, God had blessed Pennsylvania with "a singular and precious providence," while Quakers at home were still suffering brutal persecution. [29 November 1683]

Deare J A.1

My deare and brotherly love in the Lord Jesus Christ our blessed Lord of Light & life tenderly salutes thee & thine, w th the faithfull flock of god in those partes, Especially such as this day suffer Bonds & Spoylings for the testimony of the Lords blessed truth, Grace mercy and peace from God, the father of our manifold mercyes & blessings be multiplied among you in the spirit of holinesse & godly sincerity that the name & work of him, who has called you to an Inheritance incorruptible may over all names and authorities be brought forth and Exalted by you, So shall you reape yor penny, yor lasting recompence, of wch god in the riches of his Love, and grace hath already largely made us possessors off a blessed Earnest. Deare John, I have often remembred thee in that brotherly dearnesse & precious fellowship wch truth hath led a remnant to, calling to mind the beginning of our acquaintance, wch was sowen in tryalls at thy owne house, and I was then made acquainted wth thy bottom, and witnessed to thy standing & Ministry in my selfe2 and since I received thee, my Love and fellowship has not decayed, Often has it bin revived; Especially the last sweet and precious oppertunity we had together at Bristoll,3 Glad I should be to see thee, but when and where in the body I know not, but in spirit, neither place, space nor waters can hinder our Communion. Thy kind and brotherly Letter of the 2 6th 6mo 4 came this weeke to my hande by two young women who are safely arrived,5 and shall want no advice or assistance I can give, wch wth my Love to theire father I desire thee to tell him whose Letter I also received. Thy concerne for my Christian reputation in the Governm1 and affaires of this province hath deeply affected me,6 I know thou hast a tast of my spirit, and a sence of my honest intention, and so I Leave my cause wth the Lord, who will sett me upright in the hearts of his people that stand and live in his universall spl in wch I have long and often commended to their Consciences my constant unwearied & well mean't services & travells Sec Now deare John, know that the Lord is very good to us, causing his most precious presence to shine upon us, that I may w th truth say is in a wonderfull manner Extended dayly to us in our assemblies, so that whatever Men may say Our Wilderness flourishes as a Garden, and our desert springs like a Greene field, We came not to be rich, but to plant the Lords Earth, and righteousnesse in it, Content for November 1683

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what I know dwells w th us generally. The ayre and waters are good, provisions soe reasonable, that insteed of want we have Corne for 3s 6d a bushell, good English wheat, and Beef e that is very fatt is sold in the markett for 2d per1* wch after 3000 soules arrivall in the province is not deare, The Towne of Philadelpia growes dayly, about 600 people in it, & ioo7 houses built, Many hundred Farmes setled & setling about her, In a yeare or two friends will have got on the other side the shifts,8 the lord giving them life & health. Here has bin in 15 moneths time about 45 shipps safely arrived, and not above 4 or 5 but came safely w th her passengers too. A Ketch from Liverpoole go tunn, brought 87 passengers all well, The Factor, Unicorne, Samuel & Mary Sec came well w th theire passengers This yeare only one shipp from Moston in Wales lost w th the bloody Flux 22 of ioo wch was caught by taking in a person sick of it at Dublin; London Leverpoole New Castle, Southampton shipps came also safely w th theire passengers wch I must needs remember as a singular Mercy of the Lord, Most of the masters Never having bin in the Bay and River before.9 Since mine to J. B.10 I have held two General! Assemblies w th precious Harmony, Scarce one Law that did not passe w th a Nemine Contradicente, and as our opening of them was deepe and w th heavenly Authority, So our Conclusions were w th the word & prayer.11 and men fearing god in power are both loved and feared, And god is adding dayly to us. And truly John here is a great Harvast in America, they weakely Err that thinke there is little to do for the Lord in those partes, I assure thee there is great and open people in these partes & provinces, where it is no reproach to the great Ones to come to Meetings. When I was at New York lately, the new Governor though a Papist,12 w th his fine folkes came all to meeting, and here poore truth is allowed power & place to spring up in, & use its authority, There it can hardly be endured in the Office of an head borough or a Constable. Well, sure I am, God had not cast my Lott here but for a service to his truth, and I know his hand was, and is in it, It is no such common and uncleane thinge, as some in theire rashnesse have said of it,13 But a singular and precious providence, For god hath made it matter of Religious Exercize to my soule in getting and setling this Land, And it is the Lords and to his service do I dedicate my dayes in the helpe of his people here, I am not Idle, I have not time for it, but good is the Lord to me in it all, my health and strength are continued and renewed. But my soule remembers my deare brethren in theire afflictions, &: woe to them that fly them, they will meet wth a thorne wherever they goe, and the Company of such I desire not, But such as stand cleare and are upright & Simple in theire hearts I gladly Embrace them. Ah Deare John, what if we should yet meet in America, I wish thee here often in the will of God, Thy Gravity, skill and Judgem1 in

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outward affaires were usefull in no small degree among us, but the will of god be done, We have faithfull men, & some of weighty understanding and they are helpefull to me though unskilfull in some respect in such affaires but come on finely. There be six Counties already setled, and they have each a County Court, where Every two moneths Justice is done; We have also in each County three peacemakers who meet once Every month certaine, and as often Else as there is occasion as common Arbitrators to reconcile persons. We have an Orphans Court, where the affaires of the widd and fatherlesse14 are considered apart, and this Court sitts Spring and Fall, as does our Gen11 Assembly, which is now made to consist, of Governor, provinciall Council and Assembly,15 Thus much of our outward matters. I have bin large, my many interruptions considered but I must before I leave tell thee, that we have had on the n th Inst. a most blessed yearely Generall Meeting, not only of this but neighboring Provinces and many good thinges setled, wch by the next yeares meeting will come to your hands in England.16 The lord god of might power & strength, be wth you there and us here, and blesse us all w th his presence, and guid us w th his Counsell, and bring us in the End of dayes to his glory that is boundlesse and Endlesse; To whom be all prayse and pure obedience through his Church in all ages; & for Ever. I am in the deare fellowshipp. Deare John Thy faithfull friend & brother Wm Penn th th Philadelphia the zg of g mo: 1683 Copy. Swarthmore MSS, FLL. (Micro. 4:611). 1. John Alloway, of Wiveliscombe, near Taunton, Som., was imprisoned for Quaker worship in 1660-1661, 1670, and Apr. 1684. Besse, 1:587, 609, 637, 2:588. 2. WP probably met Alloway in Somerset between 1667 and 1670, shortly after his own convincement, when he was en route to or from Ireland. PWP, 1:24-25, 50, 101-5, i66n. 3. Probably in July or Sept. 1681, when WP went to Bristol to sell land and to see the Bristol Factor, with his first commissioners and settlers, leave for Pennsylvania. See docs. 32, 41, and 46, above. 4. 26 Aug. 1683; this letter has not been found. 5. The two women have not been identified. They probably arrived on the Samuel and Mary, which sailed from Bristol about 20 Sept. and reached Philadelphia about 26 Nov. 1683. Balderston, "Pennsylvania's 1683 Ships and Some of their Passengers," PGM, 24:105-8. 6. Presumably Alloway had raised questions about WP's management of his colony. His concern was probably prompted by some of the charges made in Jasper Batt's critique of WP's government (doc. 141, above). 7. By this time, 170 city lots had been laid out; see doc. 157, n. 3. 8. Expedients to meet initial colonizing problems. OED. 9. WP's remarks about shipping to Pennsylvania are substantially correct. Marion Balderston has identified forty-four ships that came to Pennsylvania between 1681 and 1683 (a longer period than WP gives here). The Liverpool ketch was either the Endeavour, which arrived on 27 Sept., or the Lyon, which arrived by 14 Oct. 1683. The Bristol Factor arrived by 4 Oct., the Unicorn arrived on 30 Oct., and the Samuel and Mary arrived by 26 Nov. 1683. The ship that sailed from Mostyn, Flint, on the estuary of the Dee River near Chester, was the Morning Star; it arrived about 20 Nov. 1683. Balderston

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has identified six ships from London, six from Bristol, five from Liverpool, one from Newcastle, Northumb., and one from Southampton that arrived in Pennsylvania between 9 Feb. and 26 Nov. 1683. Eleven of these nineteen ships were making their first voyages up the Delaware River. Balderston, "Pennsylvania's 1683 Ships," PGM, 24:69114. 10. Probably Jasper Batt, who lived in Street, Som., about thirty miles east of Alloway's residence in Wiveliscombe. See docs. 101 and 141, above. 11. The Assembly sessions were held from 12 Mar. to 3 Apr. and on 24-25 Oct. 1683. Here WP paints a rather rosy picture of the first session, in which certain of his powers and several other features of his government were strongly challenged. See docs. 110, and 114, n. 7, above. 12. Governor Thomas Dongan was a Roman Catholic. See doc. 84, n. 3, above. 13. See the WP-Jasper Batt correspondence, docs. 101 and 141, above. 14. "The widow and the fatherless," from Exod. 22:22, Ps. 146:9, Zech. 7:10, Mai. 3:5, and Jas. 1:27. 15. The Mar. 1683 law that established county peacemakers was chap. 65. The Orphans' Court, also established in Mar. 1683 (chap. 77), sat on the first Tuesday in every Mar. and Oct. The Assembly's fall session was not constitutionally required, but in 1683 WP did call a fall session. Gail McKnight Beckman, ed., The Statutes at Large of Pennsylvania in the Time of William Penn (New York, 1976), pp. 145-46. 16. There is probably a transcription error in this sentence because the 1683 Philadelphia Yearly Meeting was held on 4 Sept., in Burlington, not on 11 Nov. It sought to embrace all Quakers from New England to Carolina, but only incorporated those in Pennsylvania and its "neighboring provinces," New Jersey and the lower counties. The 1683 meeting sent an epistle with news of its proceedings to the London Yearly Meeting, which convened every spring. See doc. 145, above.

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FRICTION WITH THE COLONISTS January—July 1684

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During his first year and a half in America, WP had played the role of benevolent father to his colonists with much success. During 16821683, while his relations with neighboring governments were frequently stressful, he kept in harmony with the settlers in Pennsylvania and the lower counties. In these early days WP was able to capitalize on his proprietary control over land grants and administrative offices, and since he obligingly paid for all governmental expenses out of his own pocket, he freed the colonists from burdensome taxes. Many of the early immigrants to Pennsylvania were humble folk, unused to sharing political power, and since they frequently arrived as strangers to one another, they required time to develop a common agenda. WP's only real internal defeats in 1682 and 1683 had been the Assembly's insistence upon revising his Frame of Government (see doc. no) and their refusal to endorse his commercial corporation, the Free Society of Traders. Otherwise, the proprietor and the colonists achieved a communal consensus. As WP reported to the earl of Arran, the settlers treated him with much kindness and respect (see doc. 159, below). Quakers from afar looked to him as a blessed instrument. Elizabeth Gretton in Barbados, who had never met WP, rejoiced at God's heavenly appearance in Pennsylvania (doc. 170). Richard Davies in Wales, on hearing of WP's loving care for the incoming settlers, quaintly told him: "thow art noe buble nor mussroom" (doc. 184). And on 4 May 1684 Stephen Crisp in England offered special prayers for "dear W.P., whose feet are upon a mountain, by which the eyes of many are upon thee" (Micro. 4:854). Crisp believed that WP was in need of special prayers because the proprietor's preoccupation with worldly interests was endangering his spiritual goals. And indeed, as WP's boundary quarrel with Lord Baltimore became ever more serious during the spring and summer of 1684, it did begin to damage his holy experiment. When the Maryland proprietor sent agents into the lower counties to claim the area, some of the inhabitants switched their allegiance from WP to Balti509

more. The rebellion in the lower counties is discussed in the headnotes to docs. 163 and 174. Most of the settlers along the lower Delaware were non-Quakers without strong personal commitment to WP or his policies, and they could be tempted by Maryland's offer of lower quitrents. Lord Baltimore could never have stirred a similar rebellion among the Quakers in Pennsylvania. But Baltimore's armed invasion convinced WP by May 1684 that he had to return to England in order to protect his colony (see docs. 179-80), and once the Pennsylvanians knew of his impending departure, they saw him as less of a patriarch and more of a landlord. For the first time he was openly criticized by his colonists. The leading Philadelphia merchants, with whom WP had worked in close partnership, blocked his efforts to establish a colonial revenue in May (doc. 182), and then in July presented him with their "Remonstrance and Addresse" (doc. 187) which criticized his policy on land grants and city lots. Nearly half the documents printed below detail the moves and countermoves made by WP and Lord Baltimore between January and July 1684. Other documents contain interesting information on a variety of topics. Docs. 160 and 173 illustrate the continuing growth of Philadelphia. Docs. 166 and 186 describe the beginnings of WP's country estate at Pennsbury in Bucks County. Docs. 167 and 184 shed light on early Welsh settlement in Pennsylvania. Doc. 168 is a letter from the Quaker ministers in Philadelphia to Quakers in England. Doc. 175 discusses a projected migration of Barbados Quakers that never materialized. And doc. 185 illuminates WP's relations with his Dutch agent, Benjamin Furly.

159 TO THE EARL OF ARRAN [9 January 1684] My Noble & old Freind Per mitt me! at this great distance, the best way that is left me, to Congratulate thy quiet & happy Regiment 1 in Irland; and to Salute thee wth that sincere affection & respect, which former obligations2 have raised in me & made indellible by time or distance. The Singular intimaces it pleas'd thee to Allowe me (above the men of my Ranck) in the Court of Irland, are remembred with adequate resentments;3 For I love gratitude, tho' I vanely lament my inability to show it; but it is some comfort, that great Men are borne to do good, & that they have their reward in the good they do, or it would undo Small Folks to be the object of their favour. But if it be below Great men to be Kind for recompence, & marchandize their Powr, it Friction With the Colonists

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is equally below all sensible Mindes to neglect to yeild their best acknowlegements, and therefore Great Freind, suffer mine to waite upon thee tho in homely Sort, which I have Confidence to hope will be taken in good part, when measur'd & vallu'd by the Respect & integrety of the heart that sends them. This Said, I wish thee length of days, health & true felicity, begging, by the old freedom & freindship that I have had with thee, that thy Moderation may be Known to all men, in all things, because God, our Judge[,] is at the Door; who will have the final Inspection of all our actions, at that great and generall Assize of the world where nothing can be dissembled or escape[d] that we have done. This is a lesson that affects all, but of all, Magistrates & of thos, Supream, who have not only their own, but the peoples sins to answear for, if by example and punishment they labour not teach and deter the People from impiety and the reason is plaine, for Justice & Sobriety are the end of Govern^ & the reason of that extreordinary powr. not to vex men for their beleifs & modest practise of that faith with respect to the other world, into wch Province & Soveraignety, temporall Powr reaches not, from its very nature & end. honeste vivere, alterum non ladere, et jus suum cuisq. tribuere 4 (Pardon my extent) are the Magistrates Mark. To take care of the worship of god, was a peculer commission to the Jewish Potentates, whos entire modell, in every ceremoneous act thereof, came from god, & wch stood in externall Rites, for the most part; but the Religion & Kingdom of Xt are not of this world, more mentall, inward and Spirituall; neither at the Mountane, nor at Jerusalem, the Rites of neither place, but Saies our blessed Savour, in spirit & in truth, with as little shew & pomp as may be, this is the worship Christian, not calculated to our Senses, but our Souls. This comes from heaven, overcomes & prevales by conviction; no fire from heaven to make conforme, much less from the earth. Christ Jesus, to whom all powr is given, is Sufficient for that part. As to him only it is appointed of the father, but lett vice be punisht, Corporall Ills have Corporall Sufferings and Corrections, that the Magistrate may be a terror to evil doers, not mistaken beleivers about t'other world, & Much less peaceable livers & worshipers, of all that falls under thy administration, in the love of god & the sincere affection of a Freind, lett me prevale with thee to avoide troubling Conscientious & quiet liveing dissenters; they are best for the Country and not the worst for the church, Since if Religeon be at heart in our Great churchmen, they will love the example of such vertue, and make it a Spurr to mend the pace of thos that they conceive of sounder principles in their own communion, for my part, I franckly declare, that I cannot think that god will damn any man for the errors of his Judgem1 & god forbid we should think that all, or the most part of the world err willingly in understanding; and if both be allow'd, the Conclusion is short, that there are but two Churches in the world, & they contain all the good & bad people in it; of wch christ & Satan are

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the Heads. So that damnation & Salvation goe not by names but natures & qualifications according to the unquestionable doctrine of St. Peter & St. Paul, that god is no respecter of Persons, but thos that in all nations feared him & worke7 righteousness shall be accepted, that men must reap wl they Sow, & his servants people are whom they obey; thus X1 overthrew the Jews great pretentions to Abraham, Moses, the Prophets, Law Temple & Rites; if you committ Sin, you are the servants of Sin. [Illegible deletion] {slighting} their conceits of heirship, & sonship by succession & peculier traditions, a snare too power full upon a great part of the world. Lett then the tares grow w th the wheat.5 errors in Judgem1 remain till remov'd by the powr of Light & conviction, a Religion without it is inhumain, since reason only makes humanity, should men Supercede that to be conformists that essentially makes them better then beasts, to witt understanding, to Conclude {men} by authority is coercive, to conclude by Conviction is manly & Christian. Lett it not, Noble Frd, be uneasy to thee that I am thus long & perticuler. tis a troublesome time in those parts of the world, & good & peacable men may suffer by the follys of other Pretenders, we hear of a Presbiterian Plott,6 & the severity that is exercised against our Freinds in divers parts on that occasion, tho to the Astonishm1 of our prosecutor there be none of them found in the list. 'Tis what I ever told both the King & Duke, & that at parting; if god should suffer men to be so farr infatuated as to raise commotions in the Kingdom, he would never find any of that Party among them at least of note or Credit, the Lord hyde was by, now Earl of Rochester; their designe being no more but to enjoy their Conscience & follow their vocations peaceably, that the labour of the week may not be the price of their Sabbath; I mean, worship; & that I beleived he would live to be convinced that we never carried the matter higher; lett others answear for themselves. This makes me press the more upon the in favour of our Friends in Irland, because upon their address to the King, (in wch they pleaded their innocency, & declared their abhorrance of plotts, & prayed) to be releived in their sufferings; the King gave them thanks, & said, he believed them, & promessed to take care to redress them. 7 I plead against my interest, for the severitys of thos parts encrease the plantation & improver^ of these; But I am for the Just & mercifull thing, whoever getts or looses by it, as ought all men of truth, honour & Conscience to be. wch Said, give me leave to say something of thes parts. I thank god I am Safely arrived in the province that the providence of god & Bounty of the King hath made myne, & which the Credit prudence & industry of the people concerned wth me must render Considerable. I was receiv'd by the ancient Inhabitants w th much Kindness & respect & the rest brought it with them, there may be about four thousand Soules in all, I Speak, I think, {with accuracy}

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within compass; we expect an increase from france Holland & Germany, as well as our Native Country. The land is generally good, well water'd & not So thick of wood as immagin'd; there are also many open places that have been old indian feilds. The trees that grow here, are the Mulberry white & read, walnut, black, gray & Hickery; Poplar, Cedar, Cyprus, chesnut, Ash, Sarsafrax, gum, pine, Spruce, oake, black white red, Spanish chesnut & Swamp, wch has a leafe like a willow, and is most lasting. The food, the woods yeild, is your Elks, deer, Racoons, Beaver, Rabbets, Turkeys, Phesants, heath-birds, Pidgeons & Patredge innumerably; we need no setting dogs to Ketch, they run by droves into the house in Cold weather. Our Rivers have also plenty of excellent fish & water foul as Sturgeon, Roe shad, Herring, cadfish, or flattheads, sheeps heads, Roach & Perch; & trout in inland Streames. of foule, the Swan, white, gray, & black goose & brands, the best duck & teal I ever eate & the Snipe & Curloe with the Snow bird, are also excellent. The Aire is sweet & clear, wch makes a screen & steady sky as in the more southern parts of france. our Summers & winters are commonly once in three years in extreames; but the winters Seldom last above ten weeks & rarely begin till the latter end of december. the days are above two hours longer, & the Sun much hotter here then with you, wch makes some recompense for the sharp nights of the winter season, as well as the woods that make cheap & great fires, we have of graine, wheat, maize, Rye, Barly, oates, severall excellent {sorts of} beans & pease; pumkens, water & musmellons, all englesh roots & Garden stuff; good fruit, & excellent Sider. The Peach we have in divers Kinds, & very good, & in great abundance, the vine (of severall sorts, & the signe w th us of rich land) is very fruitful!, & tho not so sweet as some I have eaten in Europe, yet it makes a good wine, & the worst, good vinegar; I have observed three Sorts, the Great grape, that has green, red & black, all ripe on the same tree, the muskedell, &: black little grape, which is the best, 8c may be improv'd to an excellent wine, thes are spontaneous. Of Cattle, we have the horse, not very handsome, but good. Cow cattle & hogs in much plenty, & sheep encrease apace. Our town of Philadelphia, is seated between two navigable rivers, haveing from 4 to 10 fathom water about 150 houses up in one year, & 400 Country settlements, thus do [we ?] labour to render our selves an Industreous Colony, to the honor & benefit! of the Crown as well as our own comfort & advantage, & lett them not be seperated say I. Pardon this history, & the imperfect dress it shows things in. I thought better offend by being troublesome a little, then by neglect of duty; The first ship that goes for Irland, shall Carry a Small present of the Countrys growth, as a Token of my Respect, which, I assure my selfe, will not be disagreable for the vallue, when tis consider'd as the all off testemony {that is}8 left me here to express my selfe by. who in all

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places & Conditions, shall with zeal & pleasure study to approve my selfe My Noble Freind Thy affec1 and faithfull freind to serve thee in wl I can Philadelphia Wm Penn gth l 1mo Janr 1683 I do perticulerly presume to recommend the case of John Burneyat & company,9 for whos inoffencive behavior I can pass my word, to King & Govern^ he is of y r Citty. vale. ALS. MS Carte 40, fol. 212, Bodleian Library, Oxford. (Micro. 4:691). 1. Rule or government. OED. Arran was lord deputy of Ireland, chief executive officer of the English government there in the absence of his father, the duke of Ormonde. 2. Richard Butler (1639-1686), Earl of Arran, fifth son of James, Duke of Ormonde. WP had served under Arran in 1666, and the entire Butler family had been helpful to WP and to the Irish Quakers. See PWP, 1:41-42. In 1683 Arran told two Irish Quakers that "he had a greater Love for us [the Quakers], than any other Dissenters, because he believed that we did mean honestly" The Truth Exalted in the Writings of . . . John Burnyeat (London, 1691), p. 81. 3. Grateful appreciation. OED. 4. "To live honorably, to do no harm to others, and to give each his due." WP paraphrases Cicero's De Officiis; he used the phrase earlier in a letter to William Burroughs, c. 1675. PWP, 1:302-3. 5. Matt. 13:24-30. 6. The Rye House Plot; see doc. 135. 7. The Irish Quakers' address and Charles II's response have not been located. 8. Inserted in another hand. 9. John Burnyeat (1631-1690), a Dublin Quaker, spent a good deal of time with WP in Ireland in 1669. PWP, i:84n, 107-9, 1J4- He was a First Purchaser (see doc. 205), but did not emigrate. In Aug.-Sept. 1683, Burnyeat and other Quakers were imprisoned for holding Quaker meeting in Dublin. They were released on Arran's order, and Arran was considered "favourable to Friends" in 1683. The Truth Exalted, pp. 78-81; Abraham Fuller and Thomas Holme, A Compendius View of Some Extraordinary Sufferings of the People call'd Quakers . . . in the Kingdom of Ireland (Dublin, 1731), p. 127.

160 PROCLAMATION ABOUT CITY LOTS ON THE SCHUYLKILL [9 January 1684] By

Wiliam Penn Proprietary Sec for the Encouragment of those hear that have their Citty Lotts on Skoolkill Side and for the moore Compact & Speedy Building & Comfortable Enjoyment of Neighbourhood there1 I doe her{e}by Friction With the Colonists

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Januvry1684·5

permitt & order that the Purchasers who have thaier Lotts in the front of Skoolkill & are allready in the Country may tay Lye and Build together and I also give Leave that all purchasers in the third Street may Remove in to the Second Street and those of the 4th Street in to the third and in Like manner those of the fifth and Sixth Streets in to the fouerth Street of which those Concernd are to take notice Given at phyladalphia the gth of the -i-t^ i i*n ^gg D. Division of Land Records, Bureau of Archives and History, Harrisburg, Pa. (Micro. 4:689). Docketed: Govern™ proclamation about Skoolkill new Selling. Marginal comment: Tho' men would fain this place or that adva[nce] | 'Twill thrive or starv according to its Chance. i. On the assigning, surveying, and development of city lots on the Schuylkill side of Philadelphia, see doc. 108, above.

161 FROM WILLIAM CLARKE r

Lewis the 15th i i mo [January]; i68^[l^\

Dear Govern Thine of the 23th of the gmo l And one by the hands of John Hill2 with no date Cam to my hands; but I had not An oppetuinety to send Answer untill now; I shall obsarve rwhat thee write as to the platman; 3 And As to the Lord Baltimore pretencons to these parts I hear nothing of it all things being Quiet and well as to him; I did Intend According to thy order that my wife should A4 pickled sume oysters to A sent thee5 and in order to it I sent my servants to get sume; And it being at the beginning of the hard weather they ware force to Leave the Connoa6 and Com a way with out it after they had got them; but as sone as the weather is fitt for it; I doe Intend to take Care about it; I have thy Commision to enter and Clear vessells and shall be as Carfull in it as I Can to prevent any damiage that may befall thee through the nedglect thereof; here is A Report as if the should say that any person may Transport Tobacco from these parts to new york with out paying A penny per Ib. or giving bond to pay it;7 But I have not nor shall not suffer any to be Transported to that or any other place (England excepted) untill I have thy order for it; I have severall times demanded An Account of John Hill of his Entres and Clearings; he hath told me that he would give it me but hath not; And now he is Just goeing from hence with the society sloop;8 it is Like he Intends to give the an Account thereof when he Corns there; sume persons here make a disput wheather wee should Elect A member for the provenciall Councill [&] Six for the Assembley on the ioth day of the first moneth According as the Act of settlement direct; unless there be a writ from thee for that purpose;9 I hear that thee have Friction With the Colonists

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bene pleased to send a new Commisson for Justices for the County of Kent; In which there is at Least Two persons Justly to be ofeexcepted Against; william Darvall10 have Lately A Barstard Child Laid to him; And John Betts11 at Least subspected to have done unjustly About the goods of Joseph Pheips;12 I hop thy wife will Com in the spring of the year if befor I Com to Philadelphia next first moneth shall be Carfull to goe out with a paylott;13 and when I shall goe hence Intend to Leave order about it; but I hope that she will be pleased to Com ashore here and Refrash hur selfe; I did speake to Cap1 Markham to desier hur soe to doe; Cornelis verhoofe14 is dead; And Halmainas wiltbanck15 on a sudd[en] taken speachles and have no use of his right side hand nor foot and have Layen soe ever sence the Last seaventh day was Two weekes not Likely to Live Long; I have not more at present save onely mine and my wife dear Love to thy selfe and all friends I Remaine thyne to sarve thee to My uttmost power whilst Wm; Clarke Sence my writing Halmainas wiltbanck departed this Life ALS. Penn Papers, Additional Miscellaneous Letters, vol. i, HSP. (Micro. 4:716). Addressed: This | To william Penn | Proprietary & Govern r | of the Provience of | Pensilvaina & the | Territories there unto belonging att Philadelphia deliver. Docketed: William Clark | Lewis the 15th i i m o 1683. 1. Letter not found. 2. John Hill (d. 1708), a prominent landowner in Kent and Sussex counties, was appointed a justice of Sussex Co. by WP in 1682, served as sheriff from 1684 to 1686 and from 1693 to 1696, and was elected an assemblyman in 1683, ^85, 1690, and 1700, and a councilor in 1689. Hill was a leader of lower county assemblymen and councilors in their struggle with Pennsylvania lawmakers from 1691 until the separation of the two legislatures in 1704. Scharf, Delaware, 1:124-25, 127-28,517, 2:1130, 121011, 1222; Leon deValinger, Jr., ed., Calendar of Sussex County Delaware Probate Records 1680-1800 (Dover, 1964), p. 23; Minutes of the Provincial Council, pp. 267-68; PA, 8th ser., 1:13, 58, 111, 243; PMHB, 54:217^ 228-29n, 233, 238n. 3. Either a surveyor, or a boatman who tended flat-bottomed boats. OED. 4. Clarke sometimes writes "A" for "have." 5. The oysters were probably from Rehoboth Bay, a few miles south of Lewes. For WP's love of oysters, see PWP, 1:576-645. 6. Canoe. 7. See doc. 142, n. 5. 8. In 1683 the Free Society of Traders began operating two whaling boats from a station near Lewes. The sloop referred to here probably communicated between the whaling station, the Society's manufacturing sites up the Delaware River, and its headquarters in Philadelphia. See doc. 139, above; Albert Cook Myers, ed., Narratives of Early Pennsylvania, West New Jersey and Delaware 1630-1707 (New York, 1912), pp. 229, 241; Balderston, pp. 239-40. 9. The Act of Settlement (Mar. 1683) and the second Frame of Government (Apr. 1683) directed the election in the form Clarke gives here, and no writ was required from the proprietor. Many voters probably thought that WP's writ was needed each year because he had initiated the electoral process with writs in Nov. 1682 and in Feb. 1683. See docs. 82, 83, 100, 104, and no, above. 10. Captain William Darvall (d. 1698?) was a merchant in New York City in the 16705 and sat on New York's Provincial Council from 1676 to 1681, when he was removed from office. He then moved to the lower counties and became a major land-

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owner in Kent Co. WP appointed Darvall a justice in Sussex Co. in 1682 and in Kent Co. just before this letter from Clarke; Darvall retained the latter office despite Clarke's objection here. Darvall was a major figure in lower county politics into the next decade and sat on the Provincial Council in 1684 and in 1688-1689. Robert C. Ritchie, The Duke's Province, A Study of New York Politics and Society, 1664-1691 (Chapel Hill, 1977), pp. 98-99, 155-56; Scharf, Delaware, 1:517, 2:io3in, 1078, 1082, 1153; Leon deValinger, Jr., ed., Court Records of Kent County, Delaware, 1680-1705 (Washington, D.C., 1959), pp. 48-49, 59, 61-63, 12^5 Minutes of the Provincial Council, pp. 106, 221-22. 11. John Betts (d. c. 1698), a landowner in Kent Co. from 1683 who was appointed a justice in 1687 and elected an assemblyman in 1688, 1690, and 1695, became sheriff in 1695. Scharf, Delaware, 2:1031, 1084-85; Kent County Probate Records, p. 19; C. H. B. Turner, ed., Some Records of Sussex County Delaware (Philadelphia, 1909), p. 134; Governor's Register: State of Delaware (Wilmington, 1926), 1:4, 6; PA, 8th ser., 1:82, 111, 117. 12. This may have been the Joseph Phipps who was a member of the Philadelphia Monthly Meeting of Friends in 1689. Hinshaw, 2:406. 13. Pilot. 14. See doc. 85, n. 7, above. 15. See doc. 143, n. 8, above.

162 TO THE DUKE OF YORK [2 February 1684] Great Prince If I had nothing to send but my humble Duty, that itself were too much to omitt, tho: it may be too mean to accept. In my last1 I presum'd to inclose my Answer to the Proprietary's of Maryland Demands, 2 by wch I humbly hope the Pretensions of that Person to any thing the King's & Duke's Grace & Favour have concern'd me in will appear groundless & unreasonable, to render wch more conspicuous & unquestionable, I humbly add, that he never was in possession, that he never askt for it till twenty six years after the Date of his Patent, &: of great part of it, to witt, that under the Swedes Governm1 not at all;3 So that his neglect hath made his Claim void, that time of Silence in an improved Country going for a Title much more here where the Wildness of the Soyl renders it not more than the sixtieth part to labour and Improvement. Further, he never run his Line for about fifty years after he had his Grant, a fault never to be placed to the account of the Possessor, no more than to the Crown for Granting it away. Nonimprovement & Neglect of fixing the Bounds, making the Loss just, on his side; for, as where there is no Law, there is no Transgression, so where no Bounds are sett after so many Years Pretension, nor Possessor found, no, nor a Claymant for so many Years in right of that Pretender, there can be (wth Submission) no Title against the actual Claimer, according to that saying of the (2 Civilians,4 Quae nullius sunt in bonis, dantur occupanti, (viz1) That is the possessors, wch belongs to nobody, & that must needs do so that had no Bounds, Marks, nor Claym1: I will yet add, that the Point in dispute never cost him anything, nor hath he ever receiv'd any thing from it, so no Looser, w n he looseth nothing that never he had. Nor is this all: Friction With the Colonists

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He needs it not, & I have comparatively nothing w th out it; for he hath 200 Miles on both sides, the best Bay in the World, Cheasapeak containing fourty brave Inlets & good Harbours, & that for Ships of 500 Tuns. I have but one side of an inferiour River & Bay where there are but two that Ships of 200 Tun can enter from the River Delaware. In the Bay there is not one but for small Craft.5 And tho: this were not enough, agl undoubted Right, yet Prudence & Proportion, I hope, w th my contrary Arguments of Right, will more than even the Scale. wth humble Confidence in the Dukes Generous & steady Temper I leave the whole matter, only taking leave to hint by the way, that if, after I have lead so great a Colony upon my personal Charge & Interest, to plant a Desart, for the Enlargment of the English Empire, & out of my own Pockett maintain'd hitherto both Governour & Government, wth their many appendent Charges,6 I should be stript of my poor Ewe Lamb,7 to compleat the great Number of one that lacks it not, & hath no right to it (if the Civil & English Law be {true &} binding) I shall be ruin'd instead of being reprized by this Expedition. I will make no Comparisons, but shall content myself to say, I gave the Duke no false measures of New York. I told him no Tayles of the Quakers inoffensive Principles to the Goverm1, the late Plott8 hath prov'd them such. I have alwaies carried an affectionate & cordial Heart to the Duke's Service; & he shall, I hope, al.lwaies finde me, while I live, a Man of Truth, that never needed, & alwaies hated Tricks, & one perhaps, tktrt not the least useful or grateful to my worthy Benefactors. I have the same date, Great Prince, writt at large to my Noble friend, the Ld. of Rochester;9 I most humbly pray the Duke would please to lay his Commands upon that Lord to favour my just cause before the King & Counsell; if there it must come. I had tother day a Letter from Governr Dungan,10 wch gave me an account of his Health & the good Estate of that place. Long Island the most doubtful in his Thoughts, he lately visited, & spent some time in hunting there; I hear the Inhabitants seem very easy & complacent, & he extreamly pleasd in his Charge. In general, That Province promiseth great Improvem1 the Conditions being easy to Planters, & not hard to Merchants, & the Governr of a franck, yet manly behaviour. Here came lately in a Scotch vessell w th Passengers; the Master produced a Pass under the Duke's hand & Seal, as Ld High Admiral of Scottland & the King's Plantations; but I presumed to seize her, as an unlawful bottom taking the Pass to extend no farther than agl Piracy & the Turks at least, I thought it for the Duke's Honour (& so my Duty) to give it that Construction, least the Laws of Navigation should be thought voydable by the Duke's Passes.11 In wch, If I have transgrest, I humbly pray pardon, & being the Informer myselfe, but an Errour of Judgm1 (if an Error) I doubt not to be absolved, as I hope I shall be for this freedom; Thy wonted Goodness making that easy, that my Distance & Degree would oth-

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erwise render presumtion; I have only to add my best wishes for thy temporal & Eternal felicity, & that I am w th Truth & Zeal Great Prince, Thy most thankful faithfull friend to serve thee Philadelphia, the W.R 2d 12th mo i6$j Copy. Penn MSS, FLL. (Micro. 4:731). Docketed: To the Duke of York | the 2 d i2 th /mo 1683. 1. Not found. 2. See doc. 155. 3. Lord Baltimore did demand the Delaware colony from the Swedes in 1654; see doc. 100, n. 10. 4. Civil lawyers. OED. 5. WP is complaining that he has only two major inlets along the Delaware River, presumably the Schuylkill River at Philadelphia and the Christiana River at presentday Wilmington, and no inlets along Delaware Bay. 6. See the headnote to doc. 128. 7. 2 Sam. 12:1-6. 8. The Rye House Plot; see doc. 135, nn. 5-7. 9. See Micro. 4:736 for a draft of this letter; WP made many of the same points to Rochester that he makes here. 10. Not found. 11. Sometime before 7 Nov. 1683, a ship called the Mary of Southampton, Anthony Pryor, master, arrived at Philadelphia. When it was discovered to be the Alexander of Inverness, Scotland, WP and his Provincial Council on 21 Nov. condemned it as a foreign bottom not free to trade in the English colonies. See Micro. 5:048 and CTB, 1681-1685, p. 1455, f°r a J5 Dec. 1684 letter from Henry Guy, secretary to the Treasury, instructing WP to pay the one-third part of the ship's proceeds due to the king. Marion Balderston, "Pennsylvania's 1683 Ships and Some of Their Passengers," PGM, 24:95-96; Minutes of the Provincial Council, 1:90-91.

In early 1684 the competing claims of WP and Lord Baltimore led to the realization of one of WP's worst fears: a number of Delaware residents rejected his government and sided with Lord Baltimore. The trouble started in Kent County, where Baltimore announced in May 1683 that colonists who seceded from WP's colony need pay only one-fourth the quitrents WP required (see doc. 124). By October 1683, Kent residents were demanding abatement of quitrents from WP. Beginning in February 1684, Lord Baltimore pushed even more vigorously for control of the lower counties by sending agents to renew his offer of reduced quitrents to Delaware residents in return for oaths of fidelity. In docs. 163 and 164, two provincial councilors from the lower counties, John Richardson and William Welch, report to WP on Baltimore's latest maneuver. Welch was entirely committed to WP's cause and was ready to arrest Baltimore's agent George Talbot if he should again venture into the lower counties. Richardson had a personal grievance against the Quaker proprietor; he claimed that

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WP's surveyor was stealing his land, and in April 1684 ne went over to Lord Baltimore's side. For the next stage in this crisis, see the headnote to doc. 174.

163 FROM JOHN RICHARDSON [10 February 1684]! May It please [illegible deletion] youre Honor There came to my house lately som of the Honorabl Lord Baltemores oncers who having Brought a leter to the Inhabitants of oure parts from the Lord Baltemore to signifie what Rent he would Require of them 2 But I gat a coppy of it of them which Coppy I have sent to youre Honor as in Respecte of the service as I should performe I hope youre Honor will not be unmindfull of the two servants as you promisd to send me which youre Honor sayde I should be sure to have This is to aquaynt youre honor that Richeard michell debuty serveysher has taken one thousand Eight hundred ackers of Land from me into youre^ Honors maner at the head of duck creeke with my house and Improvement3 I hope youre honor will be pleasd to consider it I thought fit to aquaynt youre honor as spedyly as I could I sent By Grifer Jones But since I thought that this might sooner com to youre hand But Having no more at present to trouble youre Honor with I Rest youre most humble servant from ducke creeke John Richeardson this ioth of the 12 month 1683/4 ALS. Penn Papers, Additional Miscellaneous Letters, vol. i, HSR (Micro. 4:752). Addressed: For | The Hand of the Honorable | Willeam Penn Esr Governor and | propryatery of the provence of penselvenya and terytorytyes there | unto Belonging Thise at philidellpha | per Mr wall.4 Docketed: John Richardson | the io th is/mo. 1683/4 | wth the Ld Baltimrs Proposi-1 tions to the inhabitants of | the lower Counties. 1. John Richardson (d. c. 1703), of Little Creek, Kent Co., a provincial councilor, joined the Kent Co. protest against WP's quitrent policy. He attended no Council meetings after 7 Nov. 1683, and unlike Francis Whitwell and John Hillyard, he did not sign the lower county acknowledgment of WP's authority as governor on 19 May 1684 (Micro. 4:860). Minutes of the Provincial Council, i :57~i 18; deValinger, Calendar of Kent County Delaware Probate Records, p. 26; Scharf, Delaware, 1:124. 2. On i Feb. 1684 George Talbot pledged in Lord Baltimore's name to confirm all land titles of inhabitants living along the Delaware between the Schuylkill River and Whorekill in return for their promise of fidelity. As in May 1683, Baltimore set annual quitrents at two shillings per 100 acres, about one-fourth WP's charge of id. per acre (see doc. 124), and waived payment of any arrears. A copy of Talbot's statement is in the Penn Papers, vol. 11, Boundaries Pennsylvania and Maryland, 1680-1768, p. 12, HSP 3. John Richardson owned several large tracts in the western part of Duck Creek Hundred, Kent Co., including a mill site on the north side of Duck Creek that he was granted jointly with Francis Whitwell in 1680. Scharf, Delaware, 2:1092. See Micro. 3:727 for WP's instructions of 26 Dec. 1682 to the Kent Co. justices to lay out two io,ooo-acre manors, for himself and for the duke of York.

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4- Possibly Thomas Wall, who was captain of the Friend's Adventure of Liverpool when it brought settlers to Pennsylvania in 1682. Balderston, "WP's Twenty-Three Ships," PGM, 23:46.

164 FROM WILLIAM WELCH [18 February 1684] My Honord Friend Through the mercy of the Lord I 1 came well to this place the last 4th Day2 where I found all things reasonable well; but soone after, I received some information, as if all things were not so well about Apoquimene 3 & those parts with refference to Baltimore, which beginnings of his stirring in that place may probably have its Influence upon this in a short time if not prevented. 4 I understand one J. G.5 is gone up to wait upon thee to Communicat the Matter more plainly by word of Mouth to thee whom I perceive knowes much more of that matter then I can tell thee & so to His relation I referr thee, And do Entreat a few Lines from thee, for My better Goverment in that Affaire, I do Humbly Offer with Submission to thy better Judgment whither if Talbott6 or any other should come hither upon such like Errand as To withdraw the people from theyr Obedience to thee the Legall Proprietary & Governor We might not seize them & Conveigh them to Philadelphia, or if He does not come, yet whither we might not send warrants for all who Appeare dissaffected to thee, & who have been Tampering with Him, To come & take the Engagement of Fidellity to thee, or Forfeit theyr Land according to the Law in that Case provided,7 And if in case Talbott should come hither in an Hostile manner How shall we Govern ourselves in that Case, I am of opinion that if thou doest not think fitt to putt 5 or 6 Men into the {Fort here} to Keep it from a surprize, it were better demolisht, or at least the Gunns & Armes removed to some remote parts, & not suffer them to fall into theyr hands; Griffith Jones (the bearer hereof) will relate to thee the baseness of some Men about Jones's where Baltimore has been Tampering & I will Assure thee here dos not want some here {in} this place that may be perffidious; I broke the buissness to Pr Aldrix8 whither He had any orders from thee or Capt Markham about the Fort. I gave him a Hint of what Intelligence I had of Baltimores underhand dealing & asked him whither it were not fitt to put a few Men {in} it, that it might not be surprized. He gave Me a kind of a Cold Answer that I did not Like & I had a reall sence upon Me that he is not Right to thy Intrest. I say no More, t'is thy own Concern to provide remedy in such matters & I may with Humility say it does deserve a Consideration To do somewhat by way

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of prevention not Inconsistent with the Truth, I Leave it with thee & Remain Thy Sincere Friend to serve thee Wm Welch Newcastle the i8 th 12th Mo: 1683 whither were it not fitt at the {next} Ellection to Caus all Ellectors take the Engagem1 of Fidellity as the Law in that Case directs ALS. Peter Force Papers, Series IX, Library of Congress. (Micro. 4:757). Addressed: For the Proprietary & Governor of the | Province of Pennsilvania & Terretories | thereunto Belonging at | Philadelphia | These. Docketed: William Welch | i8 th i2/mo 1683. 1. William Welch (d. 1684), a London Quaker merchant and associate of WP since at least 1672. He bought one proprietary share in West New Jersey and went there in 1683, but soon moved to New Castle Co., Delaware, where he purchased 1000 acres on the north side of White Clay Creek. He was a provincial councilor and served briefly as a provincial judge in 1684. William I. Hull, Benjamin Furly and Quakerism in Rotterdam (Lancaster, 1941), pp. 217-20; Nash, Quakers and Politics, pp. 25, 27; Scharf, Delaware, 2:914; PWP, i:24on. 2. 13 Feb. 1684. 3. Appoquinimink, in southern New Castle Co. 4. See doc. 163. 5. These initials could also be J. J., I. J., or I. G., but J. G. is most likely. This person was possibly John Glover (d. 1684), of Kent Co., who was a member of the Assembly in 1684 and who signed the lower county acknowledgment of WP as governor on 19 May 1684 (Micro. 4:860). He owned a tract on the St. Jones's River jointly with Griffith Jones. Scharf, Delaware, 2:1080; PA, 8th sen, 1:46-47; deValinger, Calendar of Kent County Delaware Probate Records, p. 12. 6. George Talbot; see doc. 144, n. 5. 7. This law was passed at the Assembly of 12 Mar.-3 Apr. 1683. Gail McKnight Beckman, ed., The Statutes at Large of Pennsylvania in the Time of William Penn (New York, 1976), p. 152. 8. Peter Alricks; see doc. 87, n. 2. Despite Welch's suspicion of his loyalty, Alricks was reappointed justice of the peace in New Castle Co. in Oct. 1684 and Apr. 1685. Scharf, Delaware, 2:623.

165 FROM THOMAS DONGAN N. York Feb. igth [16183/4 Honord Sr I give you my hearty thanks for your kind enquiry after my good health, & the good news of an assurance of your own The Weather, as hard as it is, I find my self very well, god be thank'd, ther is no news here, but a report from Boston by shipps from Bilboe1 of the English p being possessed of Gibraltar.2 Governor Lowry is here & seems much discontented w th prosidings at West Jersey;3 & it is reported by som that you are an Encourager of them.4 Shipps coming to that place will prove very preiudiciall to this province which

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I cannot tell how to privent untill I hear his R11 Hss 5 pleasur about it. I should be very gladd to have your opinion in an Affaire so important. I received a letter from the Ld Baltimore, wch tells me that Coll Talbott being at New Castle6 was told you had reflected on my Lord to me wh ch I know nothing of, & have acquainted my Lord so. I intend to begin now to plant trees about the Fort; in the Interior,7 the Messenger staying for this letter I shall only assure you that I am Dear Sr Y r most humble serv1 Tho. Dongan ALS. Dreer Collection, HSR (Micro. 4:761). Addressed: For my much honord Friend Governor Penn at Pensilvania. Docketed: Covernr Dungan | the ig th i2 mo 1683. 1. Bilbao is a port in northern Spain, on the Bay of Biscay. 2. This rumor was false. From Oct. 1683 to Feb. 1684, England had a large fleet in the Straits of Gibraltar, but its mission was to evacuate Tangiers, which the English surrendered to the Moors. England did not capture Gibraltar from Spain until Aug. 1704. G. N. Clark, The Later Stuarts (Oxford, 1940), pp. 201-2, 221; CSPD, Oct. 1683Apr. 1684, pp. 33-38, 98, 302, 305, 354, 388-89, 392, 397. 3. Gawen Lawrie, appointed governor of East New Jersey in July 1683, arrived at Elizabethtown in Jan. or early Feb. 1684 (see doc. 129, n. 7, above). Dongan must have intended East, not West, Jersey here; the following sentence about shipping that would hurt New York could only refer to East Jersey's efforts to establish a port at Perth Amboy. 4. See doc. 154, above. 5. The duke of York. 6. Col. George Talbot, Lord Baltimore's cousin and agent, was in the lower counties on i Feb. 1684 to announce that Lord Baltimore was offering low quitrents to settlers who shifted their allegiance from WP to him. See doc. 144, n. 5, and docs. 163 and 164, above. 7. Fort James, in New York City.

166 FROM JAMES HARRISON In 1683 and 1684 WP began to stake out his country seat and build his large brick manor house at Pennsbury in Bucks County. Very little is known about the beginnings of Pennsbury. Doc. 166 indicates that WP bought the place from a troublesome character named Thomas King. We know that WP had acquired the property by 21 July 1683 when he issued a commission from Pennsbury (Micro. 4:310). WP hosted a Bucks County court session there on 11 March 1684, when James Harrison sat as a justice. It appears from doc. 166 that Harrison, who became the steward of Pennsbury when WP returned to England (see doc. 186, below), was already looking after the place in February 1684. According to Harrison's letter, WP did not start his country estate from scratch: there were already on the premises a corn

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crib, fenced fields, a peach orchard, and a house or barn with a lockable door—to which King had kept the key. On early Pennsbury, see Terry A. McNealy, A History of Bucks County (Fallsington, 1970), pp. 27, 40-45. [BPJux 1 the 23th of i2 th mo [February] 1683^4]

Will: penn My much Esteemed friend, And renowned Governor Aftr true Love with reverance unto thee prsented These are to Lett thee know of divers great & unsufferable trespe[sses] & abuses commited, here {by Thomas King} Sence thou bought the plantation of him, 2 first he with som to asist him pulled downe 14 pannals3 of railes in fence, 2dly he has pulled downe & burned, & otherwise disposed a place that was for secureing of Indea[n] corn in the eare, & husk, t«7 & hath impaired the fence in divers p[laces] soe that bease4 & swine com in where I had s[ow]ne A[nd planted?] som thousands, wheate clover, & other seeds even when I h[ad] made good 14 pannals with new railes {gotten} in the wood, Likewise he hath cut in peces som clifte5 that was to be palasadas, & have Carried away divers of the palasadas belonging to the bulding (he never swett for) Bought of Samuell field6 not yett paid for & worst of all he is gon & keeps the kea of the dore to my preiudise, altho he has beene heare sence he had brought his bease to the new place Likwise there is in the neck7 about 2 or 3OOlb clap boards in the Rough, now my request is that thou wold commannd him to bring Againe those peeces of the bulding he has taken away sett up [& make?] good the place as itt w[as] in, provid so many railes to those that [he & ?] g:B:8 carried away {out of thire place} & sett well up where I shall apoint him o[n] the plantation and {make} another place to Lay Indean corn in, give satisfaction for treading the Corn, & Causing the peach trees to be eaten & broaken, to carry away noe more timber nor clap bord & with all to bring me the kea furthwith, because I was never in Laigell possecon, Therefore I thus trouble thee, but humbley desire thee to use thy powr for I & mine are kept at a distance from our busines, & besids that he dos it in contempt, & to provok, thou has beene Long Looked for up, & I hope wilbe well when com, to most,9 which is all but Love & good respects from thy reale friend in truth. Ja: Harison ALS. Society Collection, HSR (Micro. 4:766). Addresed: To | Govrnor penn. | these. Docketed: James Harrison | the 23d of the 12th mo 1683. 1. The first letter is obscured by a tear. Harrison apparently means Bucks Co., where WP's manor of Pennsbury was located. 2. Little is known about the man who sold Pennsbury to WP. Probably he was the Thomas King of Bucks Co. who accused Joan Searle of being a witch in 1690 but was then tried and convicted of defaming her; he died intestate in 1693. However, we have

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no definite evidence that he held land in the Crewcorne area, where Pennsbury would be located. Records of the Courts of Quarter Sessions and Common Pleas of Bucks County, 1684-1700 (Meadville, 1943), pp. 147-48; Hannah Benner Roach, "The Planting of Philadelphia," PMHB, 92:13-17. The editors wish to thank Nancy Kolb, at Pennsbury Manor, Meadville, Pa., and Terry A. McNealy, Librarian of the Bucks County Historical Society, Doylestown, Pa., for their assistance in identifying King, as well as Samuel Field and "G. B." (George Brown) in nn. 6 and 8, below. 3. Panels or sections of fence. OED. 4. Beasts, probably cattle. 5. "Cleft," split pieces of wood. OED. 6. Samuel Field was one of about a dozen early settlers at Crewcorne (including George Brown, n. 8, below) who signed petitions to New York's Gov. Andros in 1680 complaining that a neighbor was selling rum to the Indians. B. Fernow, ed., Documents Relating to the History of the Dutch and Swedish Settlements on the Delaware River (Albany, 1877), 12:645-46,658-59. 7. Perhaps the neck of land between Welcome Creek and the Delaware River, on which the Pennsbury manor house was built. 8. George Brown (c. 1644-1726) emigrated from Leicester to New Castle in 1679, and then to Crewcorne, where he became a justice of the peace in 1680. His land, purchased from Andros, was adjacent to Pennsbury Manor. William W. H. Davis, History of Bucks County (New York, 1905), 1:65-67, 72; Fernow, Documents Relating to Dutch and Swedish Settlements, 12:645-46, 658-59. 9. WP would be at Pennsbury on 11 Mar. 1684, for a court session. McNealy, History of Bucks County, p. 45.

167 WARRANT TO SURVEY A WELSH BARONY Among the First Purchasers who bought Pennsylvania land from WP between 1681 and 1685 were twenty-three people who can be identified on doc. 205 as from Wales; they acquired a total of 49,500 acres. Much of the land purchased by these Welsh subscribers was immediately subdivided; thus, nine purchasers who bought 30,000 acres from WP resold most of this land to sixty-three fellow Welshmen. The leaders of the Welsh migration to Pennsylvania included several substantial gentry, but the majority of those who came were subsistence farmers who could afford to buy only small allotments. The first Welsh emigrants reached Pennsylvania in August 1682 and settled in Merion on the west side of the Schuylkill River. Others soon staked out homesteads in what later became Haverford and Radnor townships. They shared Quakerism with WP's other colonists, but they were separated from the majority by language and custom, and they strongly wished to preserve their own identity by living together in a single enclave. Thus they pressed WP to survey for them a Welsh Tract of 40,000 acres which they intended to shape into a self-contained "barony" with its own administrative and court systems. Doc. 167 is WP's reply to the Welsh request. Although he agreed to let them have their own tract, his surveyors did not lay out the boundaries of the Welsh Tract until 1687, and three years later the tract was divided administratively, Friction With the Colonists

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with part in Chester County and part in Philadelphia County. Individually, a number of Welsh settlers played prominent roles in early Pennsylvania, but collectively they were never numerous enough to secure exclusive control over this sprawling territory in what is now the Main Line suburbs west of Philadelphia. For further evidence of early Welsh settlement, see doc. 116, above, and doc. 184, below; Charles H. Browning, Welsh Settlement of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1912), pp. 25, 33, 47, 141, 163, 175, 195, 207, 213-14, 352-63; Barry J. Levy, "Religious Awakening and Family Perception: The Social Context of Welsh and Cheshire Quakers' Emigration to Pennsylvania, 1660-1700" (Paper read at the World of William Penn Conference, Phildelphia, 20 March 1981). [13 March 1684] William Penn Proprietary & Governr of the Province of Pennsilvania & the Territories thereunto belonging— Whereas divers considerable Persons among the Welsh Friends have requested me that all the Land purchased of me by those of North & South Wales together w th the adjacent Counties to them as Herefordshire, Shropshire & Cheshire,1 {(above forty thousand Acres)} may be layd out contiguously, as one Baroney alledging that the Number already come & suddenly to come, are such as will be capable of planting the same much w th in the Proportion allow'd by the Custom of the Country, & so not lye in large & useless Vacancies: And, because I am inclined & determin'd to agree & favour them w th any reasonable Conveniency & Priviledge; I do hereby Charge thee, & strictly require thee to lay out the said Tract of Land in as uniform a manner as conveniently may be upon the West side of Skulkill River, running Three Miles upon the same, & two Miles backward, & then extend the parallel Line with the River Six Miles & to run westwardly so far as [this the ?] said Quantity of Land be compleatly surveyed unto them. Given at Pennsberry, the thirteenth day of the first month 1684.2 For Thomas Holme, Wm Penn Surveyr General 4th 2 mo ordered David Powell3 to execute this war1. DS. Bureau of Land Records, Department of Archives and History, Harrisburg, Pa. (Micro. 4:773). 1. Among the First Purchasers of 1681-1685, sixty-two can be identified as coming from these three Welsh border counties; see the map on p. 633. They bought a total of 53,250 acres from WP. 2. The final sentence and signature are in WP's hand. 3. David Powell, probably of north Wales, moved to Pennsylvania about 1683. He was a deputy-surveyor of the province. Thomas Allen Glenn, Welsh Founders of Pennsylvania (Oxford, 1911-1913), 2:202.

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168 TO FRIENDS IN GREAT BRITAIN Philadelphia in Pennsilvania the 17 of the i st m° [March] 1683174] Dear and beloved Friends & Brethren In the everlasting kindred of the heavenly truth of or god, we who are therein as Flesh of yor Flesh and bone of yor bone,1 send yu the salutation, of or endeared Love: Frds Bren & sisters, parents & Children, masters mistrises & servts yor whole families whether you be little children, young men or Fathers in the honourable truth, the God of Eternall Love & power that Visited & gathered us in or own Land, and kept us while we lived in it, who hath brought us safely in to this part of his own Earth, & that so unutterably appears to us & among us in all or Assemblies, to refresh bless and Establish us hath laid it upon us in the name of many Friends prsent at a select & solemn meeting of Elders & faithfull Bren of Pennsilvania & Jersey at the Citty of Philadelphia2 (where the Glory of the Lord Jesus Christ did wonderfully overshadow us) to greet you all in the Lord Jesus Christ, & to lett you know, how it is w th us both inwardly and outwardly, & blessed be the God of Abraham & of Isaac & of Jacob, that called us not hither in Vain & this was the testimony of Life in or Living Assembly through many faithfull Brethren that god was w th us & is w th us, yea he hath made or way for us, & proved & Confirmed to us his word and faithfulnesse, for he hath adorned this Wilderness w th his Presence, & contented or hearts in his providence, yea Established them wth his goodnesse & while this humility this Brokenness, this self abasement dwells w th us, shall it not goe well with us? yes; & w th all that so dwell, or god hath engaged us, yea he hath over Come us w th his Antient glory, the Desert sounds, the wildernesse rejoices A Visitation inwardly & outwardly is Come to America, God is Lord of all the Earth &3 or setting of the sun will his name be famous, Frds we rejoice in his salvation, we see his work, we are in or places & god w th us, & much here is to doe for him, & It is in or hearts to deliver up or dayes & Lives, & strength to him &, we pray god be kept, & you to pray for us, O remember us, for wee Cannot forgett you, many waters Cannot quench our Love,4 nor distance wear out the dear Memorials5 of you, in the heavenly truth, we pray god preserve you in faithfulnesse, that discharging yor places & stewardship you may be honoured & Crowned w th the reward of them that endure to the end, and though the Lord hath ben pleased to remove us far away from you as to the other end of the earth, yitt are we prsent w th you, in that wch fills, all things, we suffer we rejoice, we Sympathise with you, yor Exercises are ours, our hearts are dissolved in the rembrance of you, Dear Brethren & sisters, in this heavenly Love, & the Lord

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of heaven & Earth, who is the father of or family, keep us in his Love & power & unitie Comfort, & build us all more & more to his Eternall prayse and our rejoicing And now dear Frds know that gods truth is in its authority amongst us, yea and a terror to the wicked, [& a] praise to them that doe well, and god daely gives the faithfull Dominion over the spts of the people, & they that are not Subject (for Love) to the truth in them Selves, are subject to its heavenly authority in those that Fear god, and the Dominion under this part of the whole heaven is A giving to the Saints of the most high and or part of the Kingdoms, of this end of the world growing to be the Kingdoms of or Lord & his Christ, whose authority is setting up within & so without that we may be a society compleat in him throughout as well in Body as {in} soul & spts wch are his, so will the Creation be delivered & the Earth obtaine her sabbaths again For our meetings more Especially of Worship there is in West Jersey one at the Falls of the river Delaware, another at Burlington, one at Assisconck6 one at Rancocas one at Newtown 7 & one at Salem: and 3 men & womens meetings, one at Burlington one at Newtown and one at Salem, & two half yearly meetings, one at Burlington & one at Salem to which the half yearly meetings of Frds in East Jersey are Joined, who alsoe have a Large meeting of them selves, a man & womans meeting and A yearly meeting at Shrewsberry.8 In Pennsilvania there is one at the Falls one at the Governors house,9 one at Colchester river,10 all in the County of Buckingham, one at Tawcony, one at Philadelphia both in that County, one at Darby at Jn° Blunstons, one at Chester one at Ridley11 at Jn° Symcocks & one at Wm Ruse12 at Chichester13 in Cheshire, there be 3 monthly meetings of men and Women, for truths service in the County of Chester one, in the County of Philadelphia another & in the County of Buckingham another & intend A yearly meeting in the 3d month next and here our Care is, as it was in or Native Land that we may serve the Lord Truth & people, & keep wl in us Lies, our holy Profession from the reflection of the Enemies thereof & our desires are that as we are the Joined of the Lord, & soe one people by his own power, we may ever Live in this dear and near Relation & have a mutuall regard to the honour of the Lords truth both here & there & in order to the same, that there may be free Communication and holy advises and Correspondencies, wch on or parts we intend (the Lord Willing) to observe & tenderly desire the same from yow, that we may be Comforted & Edified in each other to the Praise of the name of the great Lord, of or heavenly familie, particularly as we on the Lords behalf do agree, that if any shall Leave these parts & incline homewards they shall have a Certificatt, of their Clearnesse in respect of Conversation, Creditt, marriage & unity among us, or elce that you shall have Cause or shynesse towards them, so we intreat of you,

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that all desiring to Come into these parts may be Cautioned to Observe that good & Comely Care, as they hope to be received 8c helped of us, & such as are Certified of by the faithfull of the meetings where they have Lived,14 to be clere in Life, Creditt, marriage Engagmts & unity among gods people, where they inhabited, we shall Embrase and assist them as brethren in the service of Love And for our outward Condition as men, Blessed be god, we are satisfied, the Countries are good the Land the water the Ayr, room enough for many thousands to Live plentifully, & the back Lands much the best, good Increase of Labour all sorts of grain, provisions sufficient & by reason of many giving them selves to Husbandry there is like to be great Fulnesse in some time but they that come upon a meer outward Ace1 must work, or be able to maintaine such as Can Fowl Fish & Venison are plentifull & of pork and beef {is} noe want, considering that about 2000 people came into this river Last yeare Dear Frds & Brethren, wee have noe Cause to Murmur, our Lott is falln every way in A goodly place, & the Love of god is and growes among us & we are a family at Peace w th in our selves, & truly great is or Joy therefore so in the unchangable Love & Life of Truth, into wch we have ben w th you baptised, and so made to drinck into, the one pure & Etternall fellowship, where our souls dwell & Feed together before the Lord, we once more salute & Embrace you, remaining and praying that wee may ever remaine therein Your true tender & Faithfull Brethren Wm Penn Sam1 Jennings Christ Taylor James Harrison John Kennell15 Robert Stacey16 Isaac Marriot 17 Arthur Cook18 Hugh Roberts19

Wm Frampton Jn° Southworth Wm Yardley20 John Symcock Tho: Fitzwater 21 Lewis David22 Henry Lewis Wm Howell23 Tho: Winne

Ben: Chambers Tho: Brassie John Songhurst Griffith Jones Wm Clayton24 Rob1 Wade25 Tho: Duckett 26 Nich^: Walne27 John Blunston

Copy. American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia. (Micro. 4:776). 1. Gen. 2:23. The Delaware Valley Friends are comparing the regeneration of the Society of Friends in America with the creation of woman from the flesh of man. 2. The earliest extant minutes of the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of ministering Friends of Pennsylvania and West Jersey are for the meeting of 5 Mar. 1687. These minutes refer to earlier meetings but do not specify when the ministers began meeting together. The ministers met three times a year, in Mar., June, and Sept. Minutes of the Phila. Yearly Meeting of Ministers and Elders, vol. i, on microfilm at Friends Historical Library, Swarthmore, Pa. 3. Another copy of this document, in the Penington MSS, FLL, adds "at" to the text here. 4. Song of Sol. 8:7. WP paraphrased this same verse in doc. 27, above, and in doc. 194, below. 5. The copy in the Penington MSS, FLL, has "remembrance."

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6. Assiscunck Creek flowed into the Delaware at Burlington. The meeting was established by Friends settling east of the town. Pomfret, West New Jersey, pp. 104, 237. 7. Newton, on the Delaware, in northern Gloucester (now Camden) Co., West New Jersey, settled primarily by Irish Quakers in 1682. Pomfret, West New Jersey, p. 236. 8. Shrewsbury, in eastern Monmouth Co., East New Jersey, was settled by Quakers from Long Island and New England in 1665. g. At Pennsbury Manor. 10. Neshaminy Creek. 11. Ridley Twp., north of Chester, on the Delaware. 12. The FLL copy has "Wm Ruses." Probably this is William Hewes (or Huges), who lived in Marcus Hook (Chichester) as early as 1679 and who served as a juror in the Upland court. Futhey and Cope, pp. 17-18, 24. 13. Chichester, south of Chester, on the Delaware. 14. The early Friends' meetings in Pennsylvania and New Jersey sought to obtain certificates of removal from the emigrants' home meetings which stated whether they were Quakers in good standing and described their marital status. Each monthly meeting recorded these certificates in the minutes or in separate registers. See Albert Cook Myers, ed., Quaker Arrivals at Philadelphia 1682-1750, 2d ed. (Baltimore, 1957), for a published list of the certificates of removal received by the Philadelphia Monthly Meeting. 15. This Quaker has not been identified. Perhaps the copyist transcribed the name incorrectly. 16. Robert Stacy, of Burlington, and a member of Burlington Monthly Meeting. He signed the West New Jersey Concessions in 1676, sailed on the Kent in 1677, and served as a commissioner for the Yorkshire proprietors. Hinshaw, 2:263; Pomfret, West New Jersey, p. 103; PWP, 1:407, 409. 17. Isaac Marriot (d. 1712), of Burlington, emigrated from London c. 1681. He signed the West New Jersey Concessions and was a member of the Burlington Monthly Meeting. Hinshaw, 2:179, 241; NJA, 23:304; PWP, 1:408. 18. Arthur Cook (d. 1699), a currier, originally of Shadwell parish, Middlx., immigrated to Portsmouth, R.I., in 1678 and then moved to Pennsylvania where he purchased 5000 acres. He served as a provincial councilor and as chief justice of the Supreme Court. Nash, Quakers and Politics, p. 55; PWP, 1:354; doc. 206. 19. Hugh Roberts' name is omitted from the copy in the Penington MSS, FLL. Roberts (c. 1644-1702) was a yeoman and Quaker minister originally of Merionethshire, Wales, who immigrated to Pennsylvania and settled in Merion in the Welsh Tract in 1683. He served as a provincial councilor in 1692. Thomas Allen Glenn, Welsh Founders of Pennsylvania (Oxford, 1911-1913), 1:209; Browning, Welsh Settlement, pp. 95-101; PA, 2d ser., 9:643; doc. 206. 20. William Yardley (1632-1693), yeoman, originally of Rushton-Spencer, Stafford, purchased 500 acres in Pennsylvania. He was a member of Falls Monthly Meeting, served in the Assembly and the Provincial Council, and was a justice of the peace and sheriff of Bucks Co. Hinshaw, 2:1041; PA, 2d ser., 9:644, 760-71; Balderston, "William Penn's Twenty-Three Ships," PGM, 23:46-47; doc. 205. 21. Thomas Fitzwater (d. 1699), originally of Hanworth near Hampton Court, Middlx., came to Pennsylvania on the Welcome. He served as an assemblyman and coroner of Phila. Co. PA, 2d ser., 9:716, 732-34; Hinshaw, 2:524; Balderston, "William Penn's Twenty-Three Ships," p. 58. 22. Lewis David (d. 1708), of Pembroke, Wales, purchased 3000 acres and migrated to the Welsh Tract in 1682. Hinshaw, 2:501; Browning, Welsh Settlement, p. 195; Glenn, Welsh Founders, 1:156; doc. 205. 23. William Howell, yeoman, of Pembroke, Wales, purchased 500 acres and settled in the Welsh Tract. He was named to the Provincial Council in 1690 but did not serve. Hinshaw, 2:555; Browning, Welsh Settlement, p. 195; PA, 2d ser., 9:642; doc. 206. 24. William Clayton (d. c. 1689), carpenter, of Chichester Twp., Chester Co., came to America with immigrants to West Jersey c. 1677 an 334-35' 341-42. 2. This letter has not been found. 3. See doc. 180. 4. WP's letter of 8 June 1684 to Gulielma has not been found. 5. Thomas Lower, Margaret Fox's son-in-law, was imprisoned in Cornwall from 1683 to 1686, but was occasionally permitted to visit his wife, Mary, and their children at Marsh Grange, Furness, Lanes., five miles from Margaret Fox's home at Swarthmoor Hall. Margaret Fox's other daughter, Rachel Abraham, lived at Swarthmoor Hall, and five of her grandchildren were living at Marsh Grange or at Swarthmoor Hall in 1684. Ross, Margaret Fell, genealogical table after p. 342. 6. The persecution of Quakers in Lanes, was severe in 1684. By the date of this letter, over forty Friends had been imprisoned, and shortly afterward Margaret Fox's son-in-law Daniel Abraham was in prison. Margaret Fox herself was fined £100, and twenty-four of her cattle were confiscated. She travelled to London in Nov. 1684 to protest this treatment. Besse, 1:326-29; Ross, Margaret Fell, pp. 317, 320, 325-26. 7. Several Sussex Friends at Arundel, Lewes, and Steyning, all near Warminghurst, were imprisoned or had goods confiscated in 1684. They were less severely punished, however, than those in Lanes.; few remained in jail for more than a month. Besse, 1:727-32. 8. Rachel Fell had married Daniel Abraham in 1683; they lived at Swarthmoor Hall, which they inherited from Margaret Fox in 1702. 9. Actually, Margaret Fell had married George Fox fifteen years before the date of this letter.

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797 FROM PHILIP THEODORE LEHNMANN Philadelphia the 23d 7 th mo [September] 1684

Honour'd Patrn I writt per Francis Richardson's Ship; he & his Wife1 are now here came to the Yearly Meeting, wch was held in the Center of the City, where appointed for building.2 All thy Boards in the Society's Pink,3 4 wch Were to thy Share but 4504 foot, are near spent in & about it; the Cargo was sold to loss, & returns, as boards are sold now, one third short of wl was sent. The Meeting was very large, it is supposed far above a Thousand People, the inside was crowded & the outside surrounded double & tribble, continued for 3 dayes: The next yearly Meeting is appointed to be one week sooner, & a Letter orderd to be sent from the Meeting to friends in England. 5 —The Cask wth Bottles, filld w th scio6 wine by thy Bro. Lowther7 & Strong Beer, sent per Capt. East,8 was very ill packt, at least badly corkt, & was only tyed instead of iron'd, w th packthred; some of wch flying, caused the packthred to rott, & was run out to above one third of Wine, & the half of Beer, the fault whereof could not be found to be in the Stowadge, but not ironing of the bottles, all the other Goods came safe, except the Tinware, wch was by reason of wett somew1 damaged, & the Pistoles & Leeds9 by being too long at Sea. The ship is Dr isG 1 ogs iod It is supposed she must be sold or layd-up, either of wch will be Dammage; yet can it not be judged, that she is able by any further Accommodation or Employ to work herself out of Debt, rather to run out more & more, at wch Capt. East is somew1 concern'd having brought his Wife & family 10 & shall want Employ, besides that his {Eight pt Eight p1} in the ship must also lye & rott. The Governrs ordrs herein the sooner it could be had the better it would be The Ketch {Patience}11 from London is also arrived safe & brought the Goods sent, w th in 8 weeks passage well condition'd. Two dayes after a Ship from Lever port, {the Vine}12 victualing in Ireland came well over wth 80 Passengers. We hear for certain, that a ship13 wth People from Holland, intending for this Province, did arrive at New York & that aboat a Dousen are at Patience Story's house, whom Pres Loyd14 is gone to see. It is reported there be 2 Ships in the Bay, one said to be from Bristoll.15 The French Ship seized lyeth before the city, Capt Rappe is expected here in ordr for an Examination;16 Enoch Flower dyed lingering about a month since,17 & Jn° Bezer a week ago18 Ralph Frettwells Business goeth heavy,19 wl will be the end as yet is uncertain, sometimes it is off sometimes on. of wch & other publick news, I hope, Pres Loyd & Tho. Holme have informed Thee. Time groweth short, I cannot enlarge rest & remain, w th sincere wishes for

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a prosperous Success to thy Affairs here & there & true Respects & Service to Thy self & D"t Wife &c. Thy faithfull Servt Philip Th Lehnmann The Lettrs for thee not to be open'd are in James Harrisons hands. 20 ALS. ACM, Chester County Historical Society. (Micro. 4:074). Addressed: To Philip Ford M r ant in Bow Lane | in London | For William Penn | Proprietary & Govern r | of the Province of Penn- silvania, &c. Docketed: P. Lem the 23d y m 84. Docketed in another hand: Phil. Meet, house building | Yearly Meeting Cask of bottles per shipp wast d . 1. Francis Richardson (d. 1688), a Quaker merchant and ship captain, married Rebekah Hay ward (d. 1705) in London in 1680. In 1681 they moved to New York. He took out a warrant and patented a city lot at Second and Walnut streets, though he never lived in Philadelphia. After his death, Rebekah married Edward Shippen and moved with her children to Philadelphia. See doc. 112, n. 12. Mary Thomas Seaman, comp., Thomas Richardson of South Shields, Durham County, England (New York, 1929). Probably Lehnmann routed this letter through New York via Richardson. 2. The Philadelphia Monthly Meeting first considered building a permanent meeting house in Jan. 1683. See doc. 96, n. 2. At the Philadelphia Monthly Meeting on 6 May 1684, WP had contributed 2000 feet of boards, 3000 cedar shingles, and quarry stone for the Frierlds meeting house to be built at Center Square. In Aug. 1684 the monthly meeting approved a brick structure for the Center, but ordered that a wooden shed be built immediately. Apparently it was this wooden building for which WP's lumber was used; the brick structure was begun in 1685 and was not completed until 1686. At the monthly meeting of 25 Mar. 1687 it was reported that John Redman had bought the lumber from the old meeting shed for 258. Phila. Monthly Meeting, Abstracts of Minutes, GSP, vol. i; The Friend, 62:283, 301. 3. A ship with a narrow stern. OED. The name of the Free Society's ship is not known. 4. I.e., the meeting house at Center Square. 5. Apparently this was the first annual exchange of letters between the Philadelphia and London Yearly Meetings. Arthur J. Mekeel, "The Founding Years, 16811789," Friends in the Delaware Valley: Philadelphia Yearly Meeting 1681-1981, ed. John M. Moore (Haverford, 1981), p. 16. 6. Scio, now Chios, is an island in the Aegean, the legendary birthplace of Homer. 7. Anthony Lowther, WP's brother-in-law. 8. Capt. East's ship, of which WP owned 7/« and East '/s, has not been identified. Doc. 202 identifies this Capt. East as Benjamin, rather than his brother William. But William East also sailed a vessel belonging to WP; in 1684 he was captain of WP's ship the Gulielma. See doc. 202, n. 15 and ACM, vols. 119-21. 9. Leads, or bullets for the pistols. OED. 10. Benjamin East married Hannah West, daughter of John West of London, in 1680 at the Bull and Mouth Meeting. She survived him and in 1687 married Daniel Street, a carpenter, of Phila. Co. Benjamin and Hannah East had at least two children, John (i682-c. 1707) and Mary (b. 1685), who married Joseph Cook. The American Genealogist, 20:194-95. 11. The Patience, under captains Thomas Hudson and Emanuel Hudson, had made two previous voyages to the Delaware River, in 1678 and 1682. ACM, vols. 11920. See doc. 202, n. 17. 12. The Vine, of Liverpool, William Preeson, master, arrived at Philadelphia on 17 Sept. Its ninety-four passengers included many settlers from Wales and from the north of England. Hannah B. Roach, ed., "The Philadelphia and Bucks County Registers of Arrivals," Passengers and Ships Prior to 1684, ed. Walter Lee Sheppard, Jr. (Baltimore, 1970), pp. 162-63. 13. Perhaps this was the ship that brought Krefeld Quakers and other Dutch Quakers, including Jan William Bockenhoven of Haarlem, to Pennsylvania in 1684.

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Albert Cook Myers, ed., Quaker Arrivals at Philadelphia, 1682-1750 (Philadelphia, 1957), p. 13; William I. Hull, William Penn and the Dutch Quaker Migration to Pennsylvania (Swarthmore, 1935), pp. 239, 380-81. 14. Patience Story (d. c. 1724), widow of Robert Story (1617-1683) of New York. On 7 Oct. 1684 Thomas Lloyd announced to the Phila. Monthly Meeting his intention of marrying Patience Story; the meeting issued him a certificate of clearness to marry on 2 Dec. On 27 Dec. 1684 the Flushing Monthly Meeting gave her permission to remarry; shortly thereafter they were married and she moved with her children to Philadelphia. See doc. 202. Hinshaw, 3:301; Phila. Monthly Meeting, Abstracts of Minutes, GSP, 1:23, 26; Collections of the GSP, Genealogical Notes, 3:103. 15. For the ship from Bristol, see doc. 202, n. 18. The other ship may have been the Shield of Stockton, Daniel Toes, master, which arrived in Pennsylvania late in Oct. ACM, vols. 119-21; Roach, "Philadelphia and Bucks Registers," p. 171. 16. The Harp "of London" was seized in Sept. 1684 as an unfree bottom, a ship not English-built and hence not allowed under the Navigation Acts to trade in the colonies. It carried a French pilot and French Protestant passengers, and apparently had not paid alien duties or been cleared in London to sail to Pennsylvania. The Provincial Council constituted itself a court of admiralty to consider the case and ordered the ship forfeited and sold. Minutes of the Provincial Council, 1:121-23. Probably Capt. Gabriel Rappe, who arrived with Pastorius on the America in 1683, was being called as an interpreter. Balderston, "Pennsylvania's 1683 Ships," p. 78. 17. Enoch Flower of Wilts, was a First Purchaser of 2000 acres. Though recorded as a barber on the list of First Purchasers, after he arrived in Philadelphia in 1683 on the Bristol Comfort he opened a school. He made a codicil to his will on 2 Sept. 1684; the will was proved on 25 Sept. Phila. Will Bk. A, #13; Roach, "Philadelphia Business Directory, 1690," PGM, 23:123; Balderston, "Pennsylvania's 1683 Ships," PGM,24:86. 18. John Bezar made his will on 13 Sept. 1684; it was probated on 25 Sept. Phila. WillBk. A, #14. 19. Fretwell was trying to acquire a tract of twelve square miles on the Schuylkill for a group of Barbados investors. President Lloyd and the Council wanted to reduce the size of this tract and shift it into the back country of Chester Co. because they doubted that Fretwell had enough partners or enough money to justify such a large and centrally placed grant. On 9 Dec. 1684 Fretwell bound himself to pay WP £300 in 1685 for six square miles in Chester Co. adjoining the Welsh Tract. But in a stream of letters to WP he continued to complain that the Commissioners of Propriety and the surveyors in Pennsylvania were cheating him. In May 1685 he abandoned his efforts to stake out a township and shortly returned to Barbados. Minutes of the Provincial Council, 1:124; Phila. Monthly Meeting Minutes; Micro. 5:033, 5:036, 5:038, 5:089, 5:114,5:170,5:175. 20. See doc. 198, n. 25, below.

198 TO JAMES HARRISON [7 October 1684] Deare James Harrison my dear love salutes thee & thyn, my famely 1 & freinds there away, the presence of the Lord be with you. last 6th day being the 3d instant2 I gott safe to my dear famely & found them Well to my Joy in the lord. Phil. Lemain3 has most carelessly left behind, the york papers that T. Lloyd brought & should have come as the ground & very strength of my coming,4 so that I am now here w th my finger in my mouth, he could not have done me a wors injury nor balti.5 a greater service, if he had had the bribe of ioooo6 to do it. wherefore lett him October 1684

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be quickned to send them by the first ship that comes out of Maryland or Virginia; & lett him goe express away with it & search the first ship, & endorse on the letter to me, for his Roy all highness service*1 spead spead £s? care. & then lett Tho: Lloyd step to york & gett fresh affidavits of the 3 men that can swear the Dutch possession of River & bay before Baltimores Patent, in the Govenrs presence & under the seal of the Province.8 by east,9 came wine £ff strong bear, lett the bear be sold for as much proffit as is reasonable, some of the wine some may be Kept for me especially sack10 or such like, & be the better for age. there are seeds for Ralph 11 vallue here 41 odd mony. by an Irish ship12 comes, vallue 750! in provisions, butter cheese, beef shoes &c: some sell, & wl mony is maid, pay ]. Grayham & old Philips13 of york that wch is to be paid in mony. the rest is in corn14 wch thou mayst order his factor at lewis13 to receive when thou seest what it is. also pray lett wheeler16 be payd the treat Coll Dongan had, & wl is owing him lett it be of my & score17 distinct of that, {some of} the wine & bear will do that at iol sterl. a tun bear & wine at 2SS clarrett a bottle, see how ]. claypoole does, remember to take in & Cancell the 1,000* I gave the society for him when treasurer.18 the old President19 deliverd it up to him. watch over him his wife & famely for I fear that famelys prosperity,20 my love to them to friends of yr meeting,21 to thos of Philadelphia & Chester, especially ]. sim.22 C. Tayler, T. Loyd, T. Janny, T. holmes, w. clayton w. yardly; Frds of tother side.23 J. Songhurst. Lett Ralph follow his gardan & gett the yards fenced in, & doors to them expect news & further directions by the next ships come out of Mary land & Virginia the io th i i t h & 12 months, quicken T. Lloyd & P. lemain as aforesaid, farewell in the love of god. Thy true Frd worminghurst Wm Penn

7th 8ber 84.

I have sent some walnuts for Ralph to sett & other seeds of our own that are rare good. the letters P. F.24 sentt me by East that he does not forbid to be opened, open & read, because of the goods, also from Irland;25 out of Irland will goe on divers persons account 500 barrells of beef this year 7th 8mo 84

ALS. Penn Papers, Domestic and Miscellaneous Letters, HSP. (Micro. 5:008). Addressed: For James Har | rison cheif Stew | ard to the Governor | in Pennsilva | nia for the Cover service | speed & care. Docketed: The Case for 7th 8th mo

84.

1. WP's domestic staff at Pennsbury. 2. Friday, 3 Oct. 1684. 3. Philip Theodore Lehnmann, WP's secretary. 4. WP and the Council had sent Thomas Lloyd and William Welch to New York in Apr. 1684 to get transcripts of Dutch documents that would show that the Dutch had settled the lower counties on the Delaware River before the Calvert family got its

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charter to Maryland, thus invalidating Lord Baltimore's claim to the area. WP planned to submit these New York documents to the Lords of Trade in presenting his case against Baltimore. See doc. 177, n. 2, and doc. 179, above. 5. Lord Baltimore. 6. £10,000. WP was so angry with Lehnmann that in Mar. 1685 ne dismissed him as his secretary, putting William Markham in his place. Micro. 5:148; 5:175. 7. WP claimed to be representing the duke of York, rather than defending his own rights, as he contended with Lord Baltimore over possession of the lower counties. Shortly after returning to England, WP drew up his claim to the lower Delaware and entitled it "The State of the Case Between his Royal Highness and Charles Lord Baltemore concerning the Tract of Land about New-Castle in America" (Micro. 5:065). 8. WP's three deponents from New York were Peter Lowrenson, Catolina Trico, and Aaron Dirksen Horn. In Feb. 1683 Lowrenson had testified in New York that in 1630 he saw the Dutch settled at Whorekill on the Delaware in houses built of yellow Holland brick (Micro. 4:081). When WP came to England and drew up his "State of the Case" against Lord Baltimore, he apparently did not have a copy of this affidavit, but one of his eight points was that "There were houses built with Dutch Brick at the Hoorkills in the year 1630," for which he listed as proof the "Affidavid of one that saw them. 2 more [to] that effect" (Micro. 5:065). WP's agents secured fresh affidavits from Lowrenson, Trico, and Horn in Feb. and Mar. 1685, all certified by Gov. Dongan. Lowrenson repeated his earlier evidence; Trico testified that she settled among the Dutch on the Delaware about 1624; and Horn reported hearing in 1630 of a Dutch whale fishery on the Delaware, although he did not visit it. Micro. 5:100; 5:130; 5:153. 9. See doc. 197, n. 8. 10. A white wine from Spain, the Canary Islands, or Portugal. OED. 11. Ralph Smyth, WP's gardener at Pennsbury. See doc. 189, above. 12. Possibly the Vine of Liverpool, which put in at Ireland for provisions and reached Philadelphia on 17 Sept. 1684. Roach, "The Philadelphia and Bucks County Registers of Arrivals," in Passengers and Ships to 1684, PP- 162-63. 13. Frederick Philipse (1627-1702), the wealthiest merchant in New York, who regularly shipped tobacco from the lower counties. WP was probably indebted to Graham and Philipse for expenses connected with Graham's visit to the lower counties in Apr. 1684 (see d°c- 17^), or with WP's earlier visits to New York. James Graham's 1683 account with WP is Micro. 4:005. Patricia U. Bonomi, A Factious People: Politics and Society in Colonial New York (New York, 1971), pp. 60-61, 291. 14. Wheat. 15. Lewes, Del., where Philipse employed a factor or agent. 16. Possibly John Wheeler, a merchant from New England who built a brick house in Philadelphia on a Delaware bank lot near the Blue Anchor Tavern. If Wheeler entertained Gov. Dongan in Philadelphia, the date of Dongan's visit is not known. Gary B. Nash, "City Planning and Political Tension in the Seventeenth Century: The Case of Philadelphia," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 112:72; PMHB, 9:74. 17. Account. OED. 18. WP had subscribed £1000 to the Free Society of Traders in the names of his three children, probably in Mar. 1682, when James Claypoole was chosen treasurer of the company. Gary B. Nash, "The Free Society of Traders and the Early Politics of Pennsylvania," PMHB, 89:154-55; PMHB, \ i -.175. 19. Nicholas More, the first president of the Free Society of Traders, had withdrawn from management of the company by late 1684. Nash, "The Free Society of Traders," PMHB, 89:153, 170. 20. Claypoole had not settled all of his debts when he left England in 1683, his two brothers would not repay the money they had borrowed from him, his son John was a ne'er-do-well, and Claypoole himself was open to further difficulties as treasurer to the indebted Free Society of Traders. Balderston, pp. 13-20. 21. Falls Monthly Meeting in Bucks Co., of which Harrison was a member. 22. John Simcock. 23. Quakers in West New Jersey. 24. Philip Ford. 25. WP wants Harrison to open the letters from Ford, sent on Benjamin East's ship, and also on the Irish ship (see n. 12, above), that describe the cargo shipped to Pennsylvania on WP's account.

October 1684

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799 TO THOMAS

LLOYD worminghurst th 8ber[Qctober 16184. 7

Deare Tho: Lloyd The Lord hath brought us all safe to land after six weeks & 4 days passage,1 of wch time, we lay beating on the north west side of the Irish Coast about 18 days by cross winds. I found my Dear wife & famely well to my rejoyceing. I landed within 7 miles of my own home.2 but comeing to search & sett to rights my papers, To my astonishment I finde not one of y r york ones,3 no affidavit before the mayor 4 about seating delaware, River & Bay; the ground of my comeing & Strength of all my cause the Council5 fixing the point there The Duke has putt it off till December, 8c if I can gett it off till March, 'twill be all I can do.6 wherefore instantly away to york, & gett affidavits of the 37 that N Byars8 says can speak to that matter, both before the Mayor & the Governour under the seal of town & Province: the Governours to be sure, for that will be most authentick. 9 all depends on this. & if John white10 or sam11 Land 11 can see it done, & swears the hand of Governour & Mayor, it will be the stronger. Philip Lemain can never while he lives repaire me this wrong by his supine neglect, so often did I speak to thee where are the york papers, & to him, be sure I have the york Papers that T Lloyd has putt up & he said they were & not a scrap of them to be found this is a trouble beyond measure to me & an Injury to th[e] whole. I have no news to send for I Know little, east12 broug[ht] Sidneys & other tryalls. 13 more expect when I see the K. & D.14 & my freinds at Court, salute me to the Govr of york G. Lowry has writt a most wicked lettr about west Jersyey business against me.15 what shall I say of such men. I leave them to the Just Judge & pray they may repent, salute me dearly to Frds in the town & perticulerly to J. Sim:16 C. Tayler, J. Har.17 w. wood,18 T. Holmes. I am Thy true Frd my Dr love Wm Penn to thy Freind 19 & famely. twas the 3d instant I arrived. ALS. The Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, Calif. (Micro. 5:039). 1684.

1. WP landed in England on 3 Oct. 1684; he had left Lewes, Del., on 18 Aug.

2. Probably at Worthing, Sus., which WP called "Worden," the closest point on the English Channel to WP's home in Warminghurst (actually about ten miles due south). See WP's "Something begun towd a History of my Life from 84," Micro. 6:221, printed as "Fragments of an Apology for Himself" in Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1834), 3:235.

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3. See doc. 198, nn. 4, 8, above. 4. Peter Lowrenson's deposition of 24 Feb. 1683, taken by the deputy-mayor of New York, William Beekman (Micro. 4:081). See doc. 198, n. 8. 5. The Privy Council, or its subcommittee, the Lords of Trade; see doc. 171, n. 8, and doc. 177, n. 2, above. 6. At a meeting of the Lords of Trade on 30 Sept. 1684, the duke of York's solicitor, Sir Edward Herbert, asserted that the proofs in the case between WP and Lord Baltimore depended chiefly upon WP's arrival in England, so the Lords postponed their hearing until 9 Dec. 1684. On that day, they postponed the case again. They did not actually begin to consider WP's evidence and Baltimore's counterevidence until Sept. 1685. Journal of the Lords of Trade, 1684-1686, transcript at HSP, vol. 5, pp. 11, 54, 116, 179-80, 183, 188. 7. Peter Lowrenson, Catolina Trico, and Aaron Dirkson Horn. See doc. 198, n. 8. 8. Nicholas Bayard had helped WP find witnesses to early Dutch settlement on the Delaware, among both New York and Pennsylvania residents. See doc. 177, n. 2, above. 9. New depositions by Trico, Horn, and Lowrenson were taken in New York on 14 Feb., 16 Mar., and 24 Mar. 1685, all certified as WP specified by Gov. Dongan. 10. John White was a New Castle Co. official and attorney-general of Pennsylvania. 11. Samuel Land was the sheriff of New Castle Co. 12. Capt. Benjamin East. See doc. 197, n. 8. 13. Sidney's trial was recounted in The Arraignment, Tryal & Condemnation of Algernon Sidney (1684). A number of other pamphlets, published in London, recounted the treason trials, held between July 1683 anc^ Feb. 1684, of other prominent Whigs implicated in the Rye House Plot. WP is informing Lloyd that copies of these pamphlets had been sent to Pennsylvania in Capt. East's ship. 14. WP would see Charles II and the duke of York within the next two weeks; see doc. 200, n. 10, below. 15. Gawen Lawrie, the governor of East New Jersey, already upset over WP's attempt to buy into East Jersey's Elizabethtown patent in the fall of 1683, probably resented WP's intrusion into the quarrel between Edward Byllynge and the colonists of West New Jersey over the political control of that colony in 1684. In addition, in Aug. 1684 several Scottish proprietors of East New Jersey complained to the earl of Sunderland, the secretary of state, that WP was trying to infringe on the rights of their colony in order to build up trade on the Delaware River. See docs. 154, 165, 169, 172, above; Pomfret, West New Jersey, pp. 136-42; CSPD, May 1684 —Feb. 1685, p. 126. 16. John Simcock. 17. James Harrison. 18. William Wood (d. 1685), a Quaker merchant from Notts., was a First Purchaser of 5000 acres in partnership with William Shardlow. Wood came to Pennsylvania in 1683, had a city lot on Delaware Front Street, a tract on the Schuylkill, and his residence in Darby, Chester Co. He was a justice of the peace, a provincial judge, and a provincial councilor in 1684-1685. He died in Nov. 1685. Darby Monthly Meeting Records, GSP; Record of the Courts of Chester County, Pennsylvania, 1681-1697 (Philadelphia, 1910), pp. 35, 40, 44, 55, 57; PA, 2d ser., 9:644; PMHB, 26:47; Sheppard, Passengers and Ships Prior to 1684, p. 103. 19. Patience Story. See doc. 197, n. 14.

200 TO MARGARET FOX London 2g th gmo [October] 1684. Dr: M. Fox whom my heart loveth & honoreth in the lord remembring thee in the ancient love & path of life, wch the lord hath revealed in our October 1684

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day, & is most gloreous in myn eye, & the dear & sweet fellowship of it, precious in my sight; yea, excellent above all visible things; deare Margarett, here it is I see thee, & enjoy the fellowship of thy Spirit above time & distance, floods & many waters, & that it is so with me at this day, under my many exercises, my soul rejoyceth & giveth him praise that lives forever & ever. It is now a five1 days above three weeks since I arrived well in my native land. 2 it was within 7 miles of myn own house, where I found my deare wife 8c poor children well, to the overcomeing of my heart because of the mercys of the lord to us. I have not missed a meals meat or nights rest since I went to the Country, 3 & wonderfully has the lord preserved me through many troubles in the settlemts I have made both as to the Goverm1 & soyle. I finde many Storys here, too neerly lett in by some I love, but blessed be the lord, they are the effects of envy: & things are sweetly well w th freinds, & many grow in wisdome, & in their outward things they encrease finely: the loves of divers, especially of lancashire & Cheshire were to thee.4 blessed are our meetings, & I think 18 in number in the province.5 poor Cut Hurst 6 & brother deceast soon after arrivall, fixing on a low marshy place (tho a dry banck was not a Stones cast from them) for the rivers sake, they had the Ague & feaver. but no seasoning in any other settlem1. Since I came to the province J. Simcock, C. Tayler, T: Janny, wm yardly T: Brassy & James Harrison7 w th many more, I left well, & their famelys. My dr wife relates thy great love to her in my absence, & so she writt me word, wch affected my heart & soule, & I returne the my tender acknowledgemts in the lord, my love to thee is beyond expression, salute me {to} thy dear children there;8 to dear Rob1 wither, Tho: Camm, L: fell, J. Lan:9 & other faithfull Brethren. I have seen the K. & the duke, 10 They & their nobles were very Kind to me, & I hope the lord will make {way} for me in their hearts to serve his suffering people as well as my own Interest, no more now, but my Dr: love w th my wifes now here & that I shall be glad to hear of thy well being, who am w th much affection Thy faithfull frd & Bror in the Truth DrG:F:nis Wm Penn well, but w Gibson nigh death; 12 Ann whitehead ill.13 that day w m welch was to leave the place that in regard to his low estate, I had putt him in to go to Jersy, he fell sick, & in 3 or 4 days departed this life14 Transcript. ACM, Chester County Historical Society. (Micro. 5:019). Docketed: Wm penns Letter to my Dr and Honourd Grand Mothr M. Fox. The original MS of this letter was last reported owned by Wilfred Grace of Bristol in his Thirnbeck Collection.

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1. Maria Webb reads this as "few" in her transcript of this letter, in The Penns and Peningtons of the Seventeenth Century (London, 1867), p. 356. 2. WP landed in England on 3 Oct. 1684; see doc. 199, n. i, above. 3. WP is referring here to his stay in Pennsylvania, not his return to England. 4. These were the Pennsylvania settlers whom Margaret Fox most likely knew personally. Only a few Lancashire Quakers emigrated to Pennsylvania, but dozens emigrated from Cheshire. For their names and English residences, see docs. 205-6, below. 5. The 17 Mar. 1684 letter from WP and twenty-six Pennsylvania and New Jersey Quaker colleagues to Friends in England (doc. 168, above) lists nine meetings in Pennsylvania and six in West Jersey. 6. Cuthbert Hurst was a First Purchaser of 500 acres. The editors have discovered no trace of him or his brother in early Pennsylvania Quaker records. Cuthbert bought his Pennsylvania land in association with John Burnyeat (from Dublin) and Thomas Zachary (from London), and he probably died in 1682 or early 1683, for "Widow Hurst" had 200 acres surveyed in Bucks Co. on 9 Mar. 1683. Micro. 4:649; PA, 3d ser., 3:757. These prominent Pennsylvanians were from four shires in northern or western England — Cheshire, Lancashire, Staffordshire, and Yorkshire — and Margaret Fox probably knew them all. 8. Rachel Abraham and Mary Lower. See doc. 196, nn. 5, 8, above. 9. Robert Withers, Thomas Camm, and Leonard Fell were Quaker preachers of Lanes, or Westm. "J. Lan." could be either James Lancaster (d. 1699) of Lanes., or John Langstaff (d. 1694) of Bishop's Aukland, Durham; both were prominent Quakers. Fox, 1:408, 2:478. 10. WP saw both Charles II and the duke of York at Newmarket, Camb., where the royal brothers had gone for the autumn races, sometime between 9 and 21 Oct. 1684. WP's "Something begun towd a History of my Life from 84,"Micro. 6:221, printed as "Fragments of an Apology for Himself" in Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1834), 3:235; CSPD, May i684~Feb. 1685, pp. 166-82. 11. George Fox, Margaret's husband. See doc. 196, n. i, above. 12. William Gibson died on 20 Nov. 1684. Digests of Quaker Records, London and Middlx., GSP. 13. Ann Downer Whitehead (1624-1686), the first wife of George Whitehead, settled in London c. 1654 and was one of the earliest and most important Quaker preachers in the metropolis. Fox, 1:441. 14. WP had appointed William Welch to a judgeship in New Castle Co., and he seems to have commissioned him to help collect proprietary revenues in Philadelphia, and perhaps also in Salem, West Jersey. WP probably heard of Welch's death only after reaching England, for Welch attended a meeting of the Provincial Council on 18 Aug., after WP had departed, and his death was reported to the Council on 10 Sept. See Minutes of the Provincial Council, 1:117-19; doc. 202, n. 11, below.

201 FROM NICHOLAS MORE [i December 1684] Governour I hope that Jehovah has ben with you at Sea, and Now with you at land Wee all long to hear of your well faire, and to see you agine in this Wilderness, your presence is not so mutch whanted en England but it is mutch more in this province. I hope that the Lord; that hath Kings Hearts in his hand, is propitious to you and our Concers in these parts, of which we shall be glad to heare speedily, there is great Expectations of all sorts of people to have it determined some one way another another way I Need not (I supose to) tell you of the December 1684

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Death of Colonell rousby 1 in Maryland, by that old rebell Talbot and the Cause of that Murther, you having Many Writers in these parts, it is said that the Cause of their quarell was that Rousby accerted the autority of the King in Maryland and that Talbot Meinteined that of the Lord Baltemore in Maryland was Eqwall to that of the King in England, upon which words arisen bitwixt them Sec. but after that they where seemingly made freinds Rousby drinking was stabbed by Talbot. What I feared of your leaving of us is Come upon us, you may rembember what I told you we should find but I shall accuse no man. The Indians are Mutch displeased at our English settling upon their Land, and seeme to Threaten us, saying that William Penn hath deceived them not payeing for what he bought of them, And Ninichican2 is Mutch out of patience, sayeing that William Penn shall be his brother no More, and that he shall pay him more then was agreed before because he has not paid him. there is one thing which doth greeve him Mutch, one day being in Toune drunken a black of John Jones stole his Crowne and rune away with part of it, having sould some in Toune, little having ben done in it by the Majistrats; at last I Caused the Dutch Baker and his wife to be Inditted 3 at the fixt Provincial Court 4 which is to be the 17 of this Instant when we shall do the utmust of our power to pacify him. There {is} heare Mutch robrey in City and Countrey Breaking of houses, and stealing of Hoggs, we have had a Circuit5 in all the Six Countys where was little business to do. partly throw the Negligence of our sheriff 6 who left a felon to run away, and some Magistrats who Make up business that should not be put up. and Many are ha r dned thereby, so that Many persons do Murmure for whant of Justice, and for the Winking of Some, or at least affectng to have little Security, vicess Creepe in like the old Serpent and are Now almost to strong for them. Ra: Fretwell is become Burthensom to the Spirits of Most peoples, I supose you Know the Causes and effects, by your officers and Councell, wherefore I shall say Nothing of it, it being Not my business onely most that Wish you and the Province well, Whish him in barbados agine, he is become abusiff both to Councell and officers, onely to C. T.7 he has bought half Tinicong Island, some say now the other half. Corne8 is very scarce in this Province, there has ben in this River a shipe from bristol full of 150 Negros,9 I have bought four, and my tow best are rune away and another Servent, and have no tithings of them at all, all the Negros where sould for redy money, which has Caused Money to be Very scarce. I would desyre you to Consider some Expedient to satisfye the Indians speedily, the Sineker10 have rebucked them for what they have sould so Cheape to you. I supose that the souner you Satisfy them the better it will be for you and the province in generall. and Return to England

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you may asure yourself that no purchase will be made untill you Come yourself (if then.) you Know what has ben done at york, 11 it will have a universall Influence in the Province. This is my first days raising from the Secont fitt of Sickness sence your departure, a feaver and Ague, and Now the Gout and a feaver. My Wife has been Neare death of a feaver and Ague which in her Condition did threaden eather a thard misairiage or suden death, but the Lord has had Mercy on me and my little ons, in restoring her,12 she present her respects to you and your Lady. I also desyre the same and Conclude as Honoured Sr your affectioned freind and Servent N. More iober i. 1684 from Greenesprings13 ALS. ACM, Chester County Historical Society. (Micro. 5:027). Docketed: Dr Moore | Pensylvania Deber the ist 84. Docketed in another hand: Some mention of Fretwell. Docketed in a third hand: Pensylv. Letters | M. 1. On 31 Oct. 1684 George Talbot, Lord Baltimore's cousin and president of the Maryland Council, murdered Christopher Rousby, collector of the king's customs, on board the royal ketch Quaker, anchored in the Patuxent River. Rousby, a Protestant, had served in the Maryland Assembly from 1676 to 1682 for Calvert Co. Talbot fled from Maryland, was captured in Virginia, brought to trial in Apr. 1686, and found guilty of murder. James II pardoned Talbot, but his case led to renewed interest in quo warranto proceedings against the Maryland charter. See doc. 181, n. 2. Aubrey C. Land, Colonial Maryland: A History (Millwood, 1981), pp. 85-86; Lois Green Carr and David W. Jordan, Maryland's Revolution of Government, 1689-1692 (Ithaca, 1974), pp. 44, 147, 152, 290; CSPC, 1685-1688, pp. 173, 188, 213. 2. Nanacussey (Nannecheschan) had sold land at the Falls in 1682 and land between Pennypack Creek and the Schuylkill in 1683. See doc. 69, nn. 6, 31. 3. Either for selling liquor to the Indian Nanacussey or for buying part of Nanacussey's stolen crown from John Jones's slave. Cornelis Bom (d. 1689), a cake baker from Haarlem, immigrated in 1683 with his wife, Agnes Moye, the widow of Harman van Saney. Two of his letters from Pennsylvania were published in Rotterdam as promotional tracts. After his death Agnes Bom married a Mr. Morris. Phila. Admins. Bk. A, pp. 81-87; Phila. Monthly Meeting, Abstracts of Minutes, GSP, 1:123; William I. Hull, William Penn and the Dutch Quaker Migration to Pennsylvania (Swarthmore, 1935), pp. 244, 318, 320. 4. On 4 Aug. 1684 WP commissioned More, William Welch, William Wood, Robert Turner, and John Eckley as judges of the Provincial Court. The court was to sit twice a year at Philadelphia and also function twice a year as a circuit court to hear appeals from county courts, land title cases, and other cases not determinable by county courts. Minutes of the Provincial Council, 1:121; William R. Shepherd, History of Proprietary Government in Pennsylvania (New York, 1896), p. 371. 5. A circuit court; see n. 4. 6. Probably Samuel Hersent, a Quaker tradesman from London who had done much business with WP in the 16705. He was sheriff of Phila. Co. on 28 July 1685. Minutes of the Provincial Council, 1:149; PA, 2d ser., 9:697; PWP, 1:367^ 7. Christopher Taylor. Ralph Fretwell agreed to buy part or all of Tinicum Island in Chester Co. from Taylor, but at Taylor's death in 1686 Fretwell had not paid him. Taylor's heirs successfully took Fretwell's heirs to court in 1692-1694 to recover the island. For Fretwell's other land dealings,, see doc. 197, n. 19. Phila. Will Bk. A, #26; Phila. Admins. Bk. A, pp. 145, 154, 250, 251; William Markham to WP, 22 Aug. 1686, Micro. 5:474; Record of the Courts of Chester County, 1681-1697 (Phila., 1910), pp. 262, 270-71, 278,305,344. 8. Wheat. 9. The ship was the Isabella of Bristol, which returned to England in late May

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1685- Philip T. Lehnmann to WP, 29 May 1685, Micro. 5:175. The Isabella is the only recorded slave ship to reach Pennsylvania in the i68os; it probably came directly from Africa. Probate records indicate that a number of early settlers held slaves, but that over two-thirds of the bound laborers in the early years were indentured servants. Jean R. Soderlund, "Conscience, Interest, and Power: The Development of Quaker Opposition to Slavery in the Delaware Valley, 1688-1780" (Ph.D. diss., Temple University, 1981), chap. 4. 10. Seneca, one tribe of the Iroquois confederacy. See doc. 133, n. 2. 11. At Albany, N.Y., in Aug. 1684, the Onondaga and Cayuga sachems signed a treaty of allegiance with New York and Virginia which effectively blocked WP's plans for westward expansion. The Indians agreed that none of "Penns people shall settle upon the Susquehanne River." Gary B. Nash, "The Quest for the Susquehanna Valley: New York, Pennsylvania, and the Seventeenth-Century Fur Trade," New York History, 48:15. 12. Mary Hedge More, daughter of a wealthy London merchant, had married Nicholas in 1670. She probably suffered from malaria, in the seventeenth century frequently called ague and fever, which can cause miscarriage or spontaneous abortion. She had at least four children—Samuel (d. 1694), Rebecka (d. 1694), Nicholas, Jr., and Sarah — and survived her husband. Phila. Will Bk. A, #113; Phila. Admins. Bk. A, p. 28; Hinshaw, 2:446; PMHB, 8:291; Albert Cook Myers, ed., Narratives of Early Pennsylvania, West New Jersey, and Delaware (New York, 1912), p. 280. 13. Greensprings was More's estate in the Northern Liberties. See doc. 66, n. 5.

202 FROM SAMUEL CARPENTER Philadelphia the 25 th of iober [December] 1684 Dr Govr Sr

I am ashamed to write haveing forborne till now being not altogether Ignorant of Some Oppertunityes before by way of yorke & I Intreat thy Excuse haveing had many Occasions & hindrances that have letted1 as Filling up and Securing my wharfe 2 ags1 the Ice (which is Effectuall {but proved a great & Chargeable peece of worke}) Sicknesse, Streights, & Difficulties & dissapointments in my owne affaires For want of money & Effects to answr my Concernes & Engagemts, which have, discomposed me as also the affaires Publicke some of them I could not Soe well write of as I would, and lastly I have beene getting a wife3 which was accomplished the 12th Instant to the Generall Satisfaction of Friends, & to my owne Satisfaction beyond Expression, & I must Say that I am much Engaged to thee on that acc° For thy Encouragem1 & furtherance therin. Now If I may not be too Impertinent, I would give thee a Short acc° of things. President Loyd went to N Yorke the i i th Instant w th an Intent to take his wife,4 his Children are all there but Thomas & mary 5 I thinke this is the third Journey thither Since thy departure Thomas Holme is President in his absence. I Suppose he will Stay there untill the Frosty Season bef be over & I feare the Riches & Splendor of that place will Somewhat lessen his affections to this, but I hope bettr.6 Return to England

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Ralph Fretwell is Still here and I Suppose will Stay untill Spring7 he went downe yesterday to See his land run out. which is 6 mile Square in Chester County, he lookes upon himselfe unkindly dealt w th by Tho: L:, the Surveyor gen11 and some others as haveing Endeavoured to keepe him out of the Province by not accommodateing him wth Land according to thy warrt. There hath been a great deal of Time & words Spent about it Ralph Standing for the quantity in forme & place very Strictly as his right, the Others offering what they Could, not Interfering w thy perticuler ordrs for thy selfe & not too much disgusting & prejudiceing the Purchasers. Thus, {principally} the mattr hung in Difference; as also somewhat about paym1 for it, untill about 3 weekes Since8 and then after it had been publickly debated, and great Charges Ralph had given, The matter was composed by Roger Longworth9 & Christ0 Tayler & Ralph was perswaided to take 6 mile Square in Lieu of the 12 Mile Square. The paym1 of it the President (to remove Occasions) left to the Commissioners of Thy Revenue and {wee} will doe as well w th him as wee can10 Thou knowes he is a Tuff {Tough} man to Deal withall, but I don't doubt his Punctuall Compliance, and I hope as soone as could have beene Expected that is next Cropp to give Bills which will be payble lattr end of next Summer. Wee purpose to oblige him to give Bills of Exca next Cropp upon a Certaine day to a person appointed to receive them in Barbados or Else the Land to Returne to thee againe, or Something of the Same nature that may be Safe & Certaine, but present Bills, he will not give & / know he cannot. There is very litle or no more money gathered upon the voluntary Subscription, Wm Welch Dyeing Soone after thou went: there is no Treasurer nor receiver appointed, 11 I Purpose the next Counsell to put them in mind about it that those Subscriptions May be Collected, Though hetherto Since thou went I have not had Oppertunity to doe what I would in it, I hope for future to discharge that Duty I am obliged to by my owne act & Soe farr as I can answr thy desire therin, but I find it will lye heavy upon me Some Concerned being gone off & some growne Cold & some never was warme in it & some hindred by their Concernes that lyes heavy upon them besides I find {by Experience} that people grow Every day poorer or lesse able to part with any thing and some more unwilling then when thou was here, many being willing & or forward to let in discontents dissatisfactions and Prejudice upon Severall pretences, a great deale of which thy presence would remedy, but thou knowest the Natures & Tempers of many which are the same as they were, and are not like to be Otherwise. James Harrison is hard put to it to answr people, but he is wise & Discreet and does all that can be done to give Content, & I Suppose will answr the most discontented First.12 Benj. East arrived about a weeke after thou went out of the River, wee have done our Endeav-

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our to bring him to a Right acc° but wee we are chiefly guided by his, there appearing litle or nothing to Charge him w th , I hope its pretty well.13 he has Coppys of the Accos adjusted signed by us a Coppy wherof and an abstract of the Ships acc° is here Inclosed least he should not produce that. If in any thing he has done amisse in Either he is accountable to thee for there, wee haveing received them from him only Excepting Errors. The losse by this voyage is great viz1 i84:i6:2d of which thy % is 161:14:2 & 23:2:— is his Vs.14 In Consideration of which I could not Consent that Shee Should goe to Sea againe, but sell or let her Lye, but afterwards the Mr prevailed w th us to hire her by the month he findeing Victualls & wages & fitting her out. Soe that when shee comes there She will be in a Markett where shee may sell for something and not bring thee any more in Debt, {(but wee could not sell her here)} fetrt & Instead of that he will have to pay 20 or 25 pounds for wages Shee is hardly fit for any trade being of Soe Small burden and Sailes wth many hands & great Charge, therfore much lesse fit for this {place} Therfore I Intreat thee take my advise & sell her there For what shee will yeeld, for I am Certaine its bettr {for thee} to break her up then Send her to Sea againe As I remember he is to give 5 pounds per month and make good all as [he] found her. he has the agreem1 & Inventory. James Harrison has {the Other part} or I would have sent a Coppy. Wm East15 went downe wth his vessell & his wife {& family} about 6 weekes since Intending quite to leave the Countrey they are Still below at Jn° Richardsons and I suppose he will not saile a pretty while for want of tobacco Seasons. I purpose to write by him if Oppertunity Present to Convey it to him. Paine16 from London arrived as I remember Before thou went; since which Smith from London in a ketch {wth about 60}17 and Smith from Bristoll in the Bristoll Mercht. w th about 200 passengers18 and there is a ship {below} in the River from Hull 19 (,how many or what Passengers shee has I know not) these are all from Europe or the West Indies unlesse on Ketch from Barbados w th goods, wee are In Expectation of vessells from Ireland and also from England, but feare the Season of the yeare keeps them out, the Winter hetherto has beene moderate though Frosty about a month, not violent, mixed w th Thaws. Its now pretty hard & the River pretty full of Ice Things in Generall is pretty well {Indifferent well} & quiet & people Industrious and prety Chearfull for the most part Especially those that are honest and came upon good & honest grounds. Friends are generally well, & as thou left us, only Enoch Flower & Jn° Luff20 are dead, Jn° Songhurst is gone to Road Island wth Tho: Phillipps21 on truths acc° & hath left his wife in {some} Streights rt I feare it will be hard w th him in his outward affaires & soe much the worse in that he hath not Soe much place in the hearts of Some Friends as he had. I question not but thou knowes the Cause. Benj: Whitehead 22 keeps an ordinary in his owne house, Benjamin ChamReturn to England

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bers is goeing to undrtake the same Employ, he & Jn° Barnes23 & James Claypoole & my Neighbr J: M: 24 are Burdensome to honest Friends in their Preachings, Seaverall honest Publicke Friends that were here last winter are Scatered some one way some another, as by death, by removall to their Plantations & some Travelling abroad, that wee find a great want and misse of them, & of thee d r DF Govr Especially wee are most Sensible of the Loss of, but wee wr not worthy of thee, I hope the Lord in Mercy to us will restore thee to us agairie, & wth thee add to us some honest Faithfull Labourers for here is great want. The want of thee in all respects is more then I can Expresse, & I know as being truely sencible thereof & of thy Service among us by Doctrine & Example the Faithfull often Breath to the Lord for thy preservation Every way and that they may Enjoy thee here againe if it be the will of the Lord. Soe feareing I have beene to Tedious I Shall forbeare to add only mine & my Wifes d r Love to thee and thy wife & Children & d r Friends there, I Remaine Thy Friend to Serve thee Sam: Carpenter Tho: Ducket is gone towards Long Island & New England & Tho: Ellis25 Jn° Ecly26 & Jn° Bevan27 Intends for England at Spring, but Intend to returne againe. The Society would not pay me but told me I must take my Course at Law Soe I cast them at Common Law and then they appealed to the Provinciall Court for Equity, and there I cast them allso Soe they not likeing it they pretended to appeale for England to King & Counsill but not giveing Security before the Court broke up I Suppose they Cannot appeale,28 Friends are dissatisfied & I am kept out of my Money and have not as yet somuch as an Execution granted [illegible deletion] agst them, three of them being Provinciall Judges, Wm Clarke & Jn° Eccly w th our Judges, Bowman at Lewis at Provinciall Court there had the bettr also,29 Wm Wood30 is President at present, I desire thee be cautious, for nothing but shame & Confusion will attend them, Fe^ the way they Endeavr to uphold them selves pulls them downe as wth both hands and all things they und r take or doe goe as formerly their ship Lyes by and their Glasshouse comes to nothing, & their debts lyes out notwithstanding all their Counsells {Courts} & Comitties & grandure therin, & people unpaid to their Perpetual Shame & {the} dishonr of the Province, I am heartily Sorry thou and soe many good Friends should be Concerned, for Such actions as theirs cannot but Cast unkind reflections & have bad Effects I don't use to medle w th things of this nature, but their unkindnesse & Dissingenuity to me puts me forward, as also the desire that thou may not be further Engaged with.for or Entangled w th them Pray Pardon this my Boldnesse, for I dont wrong them, though I feare I trouble thee Sam: Carpenter December 1684

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ALS. ACM, Chester County Historical Society. (Micro. 5:052). Docketed: Sam. Carpenter 25 Decem | 1684. afr Fretwell. 1. Hindered. OED. 2. See doc. 173, above. 3. On 12 Dec. 1684 Carpenter married Hannah Hardiman (1646-1728), a Quaker from Haverfordwest, Pernb., who had come to Pennsylvania with her widowed mother in 1683. Though she was not a young bride, she and Samuel had six children. She was an influential elder and minister among Pennsylvania Friends and the author of several public epistles. Willard Heiss, ed., Quaker Biographical Sketches (Indianapolis, 1972), p. 110; James Usher, Genealogical and Historical Record of the Carpenter Family (New York, n.d.), pp. 5-6; Phila. Monthly Meeting, Abstracts of Minutes, 1682-1707, GSP; Edward Carpenter, Samuel Carpenter and His Descendants (Philadelphia, 1912), pp. 8-9. 4. See doc. 197, n. 14. 5. Thomas Lloyd had ten children by his first wife, Mary Jones; in 1684 they ranged in age from eighteen to infancy. Thomas was nine years old and Mary was ten. Thomas Allen Glenn, ed., Genealogical Notes Relating to the Families of Lloyd, Pemberton, Hutchinson, Hudson and Parke (Philadelphia, 1898), p. 13. 6. Partly because of Lloyd's absence, the Pennsylvania Council did not meet between 25 Oct. 1684 an d 30 Jan. 1685, when Thomas Holme presided. Lloyd had returned by the meeting of 7 Feb. 1685. Minutes of the Provincial Council, 1:125, 129. 7. See doc. 175, n. i. Fretwell, a fellow Barbadian, was the first of forty-four persons to sign Samuel and Hannah Carpenter's wedding certificate. Edward Carpenter, Samuel Carpenter and His Descendants, p. 9. 8. See doc. 197, n. 19. 9. Roger Longworth (c. 1630-1687), a shoemaker from Bolton, Lanes., was a travelling Friend on a visit to Pennsylvania. In 1681-1682 he had helped WP promote immigration to the colony, and he visited Pennsylvania three times. In 1683 ne stayed in WP's Philadelphia house; during the winter of 1684-1685 he probably stayed at Pennsbury; and in 1687 (shortly after arriving from Barbados) he died in Bucks Co. Longworth is said to have travelled nearly 40,000 miles by land and sea on Quaker journeys throughout the British Isles, Europe, and America. William I. Hull, William Penn and the Dutch Quaker Migration to Pennsylvania (Swarthmore, 1935), pp. 345-80. 10. Just before leaving Pennsylvania, WP had appointed James Harrison, Thomas Holme, Robert Turner, Samuel Carpenter, and Philip Theodore Lehnmann as his Commissioners of Estate and Revenue. They were empowered to draw up a proprietary quitrent roll, to press for systematic collection of rents, and to audit the accounts of the rent collectors. Micro. 4:018; Nash, Quakers and Politics, p. 85. 11. For the voluntary subscription, see doc. 182, above. William Welch was apparently the councilor in charge of collecting this money. The last Council meeting he attended was on 18 Aug., just after WP's departure from America; his death was reported to the Council on 10 Sept. 1684. Minutes of the Provincial Council, 1:118-19. 12. All of WP's rents and dues were payable to his steward, James Harrison, who presumably had to mollify the many people who objected to WP's quitrent policy. Micro. 4:018. 13. See doc. 197, n. 8. 14. In doc. 197, Philip Lehnmann had reported a smaller loss of £126 95. lod. 15. William East, brother to Benjamin, was also a ship captain. He had sailed the Hester and Hannah to Pennsylvania in 1682, and in 1683 was master of WP's ship Gulielma, which was perhaps the pinnace mentioned in doc. 176, n. 2. In Apr. 1683 he bought a city lot in Philadelphia. Walter Lee Sheppard, Jr., ed., Passengers and Ships Prior to 1684 (Baltimore, 1970), pp. 38-39, 153; PA, 2d ser., 19:533. 16. Edward Paine, master of the Charles of London, arrived in Pennsylvania in late Aug. 1684. Sheppard, Passengers and Ships Prior to 1684, p. 173. 17. Perhaps the Patience; see doc. 197, n. 11. 18. The Bristol Merchant made at least three voyages to Pennsylvania, arriving in Feb. 1683, in the fall of 1684, and in Nov. 1685. Her master, William Smith, was probably a First Purchaser of 1000 acres; he had a city lot on the Schuylkill side. Sheppard, Passengers and Ships Prior to 1684, pp. 77, 95; doc. 205. 19. Perhaps the Shield, Daniel Toes, master; she was from Stockton, Dur., but may have sailed from Hull, and arrived in Pennsylvania in late Oct. 1684. Sheppard, Passengers and Ships Prior to 1684, p. 171.

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20. John Luff, a shoemaker of Market Lavington, Wilts., was the son of Edward Luff, a Quaker First Purchaser of 500 acres. He came in 1683 with his father, his wife, and a son. His will was dated 27 Sept. 1684; it was not proved until 17 Feb. 1685. Sheppard, Passengers and Ships Prior to 1684, p. 93; Phila. Will Bk. A, #16; doc. 205. 21. Thomas Phillips, a Quaker possibly from Ireland, was a First Purchaser of 1000 acres who married Mercy Jefferson, the Quaker widow of another First Purchaser of 1500 acres. They patented 800 acres in Phila. Co. and held several city lots, but sold much of this land, and may have moved to Rhode Island. Sheppard, Passengers and Ships Prior to 1684, pp. 41, 45, 47, 50; Hannah Benner Roach, "Philadelphia Business Directory, 1690," PGM, 23:98; Phila. Monthly Meeting Abstracts; doc. 205. 22. Benjamin Whitehead (d. 1698) arrived on the America in 1683 and held a city lot and 250 acres in Bristol Township, Bucks Co. He was buried in Feb. 1698 in Philadelphia. He was not a Quaker. Sheppard, Passengers and Ships Prior to 1684, p. 85; Hinshaw, 2:449. 23. Two men of this name were First Purchasers, and both may have been in Pennsylvania in 1684. John Barnes of Bristol, a Quaker cordwainer, suffered imprisonment in 1681 and 1683; ne bought 500 acres from WP and is said to have emigrated in 1683. He had a city lot at Chestnut and Second streets, and appears in the Phila. Monthly Meeting records from Jan. 1684 to at least Feb. 1701. The second John Barnes of Chiltington, Sus., was a Quaker tailor who bought 1000 acres from WP. He was an associate of John Songhurst and had a city lot at Sassafras and Second streets; in 1686 "John Barnes, Sussex" was ordered to fill in the cave in his street. With his daughter Sarah Fuller, he held several tracts near Frankford Creek in Phila. Co. He seems to have been the John Barnes, tailor, of Abingdon Meeting who married in 1688, and he may be the John Barnes who served as provincial councilor for Bucks Co. in 16851687. Sheppard, Passengers and Ships Prior to 1684, p. 45; PA, 2d ser., 9:641; 3d ser., 2:705; Mortimer, p. 193; Besse, 1:55, 69; Hinshaw, 2:459; Albert Cook Myers, ed., Quaker Arrivals at Philadelphia, 1682-1750 (Baltimore, 1957), p. 15; Phila. Monthly Meeting Abstracts; Samuel W. Penny packer, Pennsylvania Colonial Cases (Philadelphia, 1892), p. 92; doc. 205. 24. Probably John Moon (d. 1717?), who lived on Second Street directly behind Carpenter's Front Street lot. He was a Quaker linendraper from Bristol and a First Purchaser of 500 acres, who was released from prison on condition that he emigrate. He was active in the Phila. Monthly Meeting, and in 1685 was made a justice of the peace for Phila. Co., but he was presented by the grand jury in 1686 for seducing his servant Martha. He was disowned by the Friends for disunity. Besse, 1:54-55; Braithwaite, Second Period, p. 411; Sheppard, Passengers and Ships Prior to 1684, p. 79; Phila. Monthly Meeting Abstracts; Hinshaw, 2:446, 599; PMHB, 18:421-22; Pennypacker, Pennsylvania Colonial Cases, pp. 104, 108; Balderston, p. 19. 25. Thomas Ellis (d. 1688), a Quaker minister from Dolserre, Merion., was an early purchaser of 1000 acres who arrived in 1683 with his wife and family and settled at Haverford. He became register-general of Pennsylvania in 1687. Charles H. Browning, Welsh Settlement of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1912), pp. 240-41; Sheppard, Passengers and Ships Prior to 1684, p. 120; Hinshaw, 2:514; PMHB, 4:327-28; PA, 2d ser., 9:645; doc. 206. 26. John Eckley (d. 1690), a Quaker merchant from Haverfordwest, Pemb., sold yard goods with his wife, Sarah, in a shop on Second Street; they also held 1250 acres in the Welsh Tract at Radnor. When the Provincial Council broke up the Welsh Tract in 1689 by putting Radnor and Haverford in Chester Co. and Merion in Philadelphia Co., Eckley led the protest. The Welsh tried to stay together by voting in a body for Eckley as provincial councilor for Phila. Co. in 1689, but the Council invalidated this election. Browning, Welsh Settlement of Pennsylvania, pp. 350-62; PA, 2d ser., 9:642; Hinshaw, 1:357; Hannah Benner Roach, "Philadelphia Business Directory, 1690," PGM, 23:9927. John Bevan (1646-1726), a Quaker minister from Treverigg, Glam., was a First Purchaser of 2750 acres, who sold much of this land to his Glamorganshire neighbors. He came to Pennsylvania in 1683 with his wife, Barbara, and family and settled in Haverford. He was a justice of the peace and served in the Assembly in 1687, 1693, and 1699-1700. He made several trips back to Wales and returned there permanently in 1704. Browning, Welsh Settlement of Pennsylvania, pp. 25, 33, 163-68; PA, 2d ser., 9:718, 732; PMHB, 17:404-5, 18:421; doc. 205. 28. Carpenter's successful suit against the Free Society of Traders was a severe

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blow to this corporation, chartered by WP in Mar. 1682 (see the headnote to doc. 66, above). Carpenter, being a Barbadian, had not subscribed to the London-based Free Society, and he resented its efforts to dominate trade on the Delaware. He also resented the company's use of political influence to avoid paying its debts. But despite the fact that all of the provincial judges in the fall of 1684 (Nicholas More, William Wood, Robert Turner, John Eckley, and William Clarke) were either Free Society shareholders or officers, Carpenter managed to obtain a judgment against the company. Minutes of the Provincial Council, 1:146-47, 149; Gary B. Nash, "The Free Society of Traders and the Early Politics of Pennsylvania," PMHB, 89:164-67; PMHB, 11:175, J7729. Henry Bowman, the supervisor of the Free Society's whale fishery at the Delaware Capes, sued the company for nonpayment of his salary and refused to release his harvest of whalebone and oil; he won a judgment of £500 in Sussex Co. Court. Charles H. B. Turner, ed., Some Records of Sussex County, Delaware (Philadelphia, 1909), p. 115; Nash, "The Free Society of Traders," PMHB, 89:166-67. 30. William Wood is said to have invested £100 in the Free Society of Traders, although he is not among the 226 subscribers listed in PMHB, 11 -.175-80.

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APPENDIX

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203 PETITIONS FROM FREEHOLDERS IN CHESTER, KENT, NEW CASTLE, AND SUSSEX COUNTIES In February 1683, when WP called an election for Pennsylvania's first bicameral legislative session, the freeholders objected to choosing seventy-two councilors and two hundred assemblymen, as the Frame of Government specified. Hearing of their complaint, WP permitted them to elect a smaller number of delegates to each house (see docs. 100 and 104, above). To effect this constitutional change, local leaders in Chester, Kent, New Castle, and Sussex counties, and probably in Bucks and Philadelphia counties as well, agreed upon a common strategy: each county would elect three councilors and nine assemblymen, and then petition for the proprietor's approval. The similar phrasing of the four surviving petitions, printed below, argues for a concerted campaign to make WP scale down his ambitious plan of government. Three of these petitions also identify a large number of settlers in the lower counties, and are somewhat equivalent to the First Purchaser lists printed in docs. 205-6, below. Finally, the signatures on the petitions graphically illustrate the petitioners' central contention: "that the numbers of the People are as yett Small And That we have few fitt for or acquainted [with] such Publick Business" (New Castle petition). Half of the New Castle signers and nearly two-thirds of those in Sussex were evidently not literate, and had to make their marks. On the Chester and Kent county petitions, where these marks do not appear, comparable proportions of the signatures are in one or two clerical hands, suggesting a similar lack of literacy there. The editors have not attempted to reproduce the marks of the illiterate signers, most of which are initials or single letters, but they have indicated the presence of each mark, and have noted each signature that appears to have been written by a clerk. The spellings of

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many names, especially the Swedish and Dutch names on the worn and faded New Castle petition, are highly conjectural; local historical and genealogical research would undoubtedly alter several of them.

A From Chester County [c. 20 February 1683] To Wm Penn Proprietary and Governor of the Province of Pennsilvania and Territorys thereof. The Petition of the Freeholders of the County of Chester. {Humbly sheweth} That in Obedience to the writ sent to [fc?] our sherrif we have Chosen Twelve Persons for our Delegates to serve in the Provinciall Councill but Considering that the Numbers of the People are as Yet small and that we have but few fit for or acquainted w th such Publick Bussness and also that we are unable to support the Charge of Greater Elections and Assemblys after our Humble Acknowlegmts of the favour Intended us therein wee take Leave Humbly to request that three of the Twelve which we have Chosen may serve for Provinciall Councillers and the Other Nine for the Assembly Which Provinciall Councillers are John Simcox for three Years Ralph Withers for Two Years & Wm Clayton for one Year Leaveing it to Thee to Increase the Number as Occasion shall serve hereafter. Thomas Coebourn Joshua Hastingsb James Browne Nathaniel Evansb William Woodmancy Joseph Richardsb Walter Martin b William [fross?] 3 Thomas Minshallb Thomas [Yarneall?] a William Rawsonb Robert Randall a John Martin b Edward Carter James Kennerley b Roberd [Yarnall?]* b William Clayton j u n r b John Sharples b Albert Hendrickson Copy, signed. Penn Papers, HSP. (Micro. 4:039). Docketed: The Petition of the Free- | holders to the Proprietor. This appears to be a copy of the original petition, now lost, although the first four signatures are probably original. All signatures marked with an a or a b appear to be in the hand of one of two clerks.

Petitions from Freeholders • 620

B From Kent County

[c. 20 February 1683] To the Proprietory and Govenor of Pensilvenia and Provinciall Councell. The humble petition of the Inhabitance of Kent County, shcwcth humbly prayeth that your honnour will Bee pleased to Except of these twelve persons to serve as out Representatives seeing our Country Is [Itt?] infantcey and very uncapable of produceing A greater number yett all obedeint and very Ready att your Command But trusting you will Exprefst?] of these Becase of the great Burthen wee must bee bound to ley under if the whole number should be sent wee hope your honnour will Ease us therein and as wee are Bound in obereince shall Ever pray — William Sherera Richard Willson Robart Pallmowrya Isaac Webb Danell Ruetia Robert Draughton thomas Bouldstockea Thomas Hill bryan onella T W [I W?] John Sharpea Patrick Grady Tempas Beathaa Richard (x) Walker Henory Paenmaina [George?] Colen Georg Martin Pater Bawcombe Ed Pinner DS. Cliveden-Chew Papers, HSR (Micro. 4:041). Docketed: The Petition of the Inhabitants | of Kent. All signatures marked with an a appear to be in the hand of a clerk.

C From New Castle County

[c. 20 February 1683] To the Honr William Penn Esquire Proprietary & Governor of Pennsylvania & Territorys thereof The Petition of the Freeholders of the County of New Castle Present at the Towne of New Castle on the day of Election Humbly Sheweth That in obedience [to] your Honours writt we have Chosen Twelve persons for our Delegates to serve in the Provinciall Councill but Considering that the numbers of the P[eo]ple are as yett Small And That we have few fitt for or acquainted [with] such Publick Business & also That we are unable to Support the Charge of greater Elections & Assemblys after our Humble acknowledgemts of your good Inten-

February 1683 • 621

tions to us therein as well as your Justice & favour to us on all Occasions we take Leave Humbly to pray that Three of the Twel[ve w]ch [we] have Chosen may Serve in Provinciall Councill & The other nine for the Assembly which Provinciall Councillors} have Cap1 Markham for 3 years Cap1 Cantwell for 2 years & M r Moll for one year Leaving it to yofur] Honour to Increase the number as you Shall see Cause hereafter And as In Duty bound we Shall ever Pray &c: Hance ® Hancen & Ambroas ® Baker & peter ® masland John ® Barnes olea ® Toarsen Gerrardus Wessels Joh[n] ® willeson Gerett ® Johnson Peiter ® Dewitt Robert ® Soames Lukas ® Stidden Aron ® Johnson John grubb Hendrik ® Gerettson Brewer ® Sinex Gisbert ® wallraven Sibrant ® Johnson David ® Hendrick[s?] Justa ® powlson Hance ® Peiterson Sittkefr?] markeson [Jan Bison?] Cornelis Jansson [Vries?] [f? francis?] Jan Ja[nvier?] Geret otto olea Thomsen [Peter?] Bayard [about four signatures lost in a tear]

Adam pietersen [H?]enry [Be?]ard Benj Gumley Job Joseph [illegible] Andrew Love [about three signatures lost in a tear]

Tho ® Harris John ® wabber Jonas ® askin Abraham ® Enloes [C]hristopher ® Ellitt John Smith Jun r [E]llis ® Humpfryes

George Moore Joseph Moore William Phillip Jan [boene?] henderick Lemmens [T]imen Stiddem John Ogle Robart Morton

Fabian Orme Thomas ® Bell Jan pieters Jacob ® aerson Hendrick ® [Corx?]horne olea ® Clementes Hybert ® Lowrens

Jan Hendricssen pieter Clasen hendrick [Ver?]havens Jan [Jensen?] Matth s De Ringh dirke willemson Johan andr[ies?]son [illegible]

Petitions from Freeholders • 622

pieter [illegible] Jacobus ® Andries A de Ringh Joh Nomers Gyles ® Barrett Thomas [Dalsmy?] yacop bison Isak (x) Tayne

[illegible] andra [saling?] [illegible (x)] Andries ® Stalcop Jurians ® Boassman olea ® olese Toarson Arnold [d]e la Grange hinrich Dalger

DS. Cliveden-Chew Papers, HSR (Micro. 4:034). Docketed: The P[eti]tion of | the freeholders of | New Castle. The manuscript is badly faded, and badly torn at the bottom of the first page. The phrases "the marke of" and "his marke" have been deleted from the signature list.

D From Sussex County

[20 February 1683] To Wm Penn Proprietary & Governour of Pensilvania & Territoryes; There Unto Belonging The Humble peticon of the free holders of the County of Sussex;

Sheweth That In obedience to thy writt; To the Sherife of this County Directed; wee did meet at the Towne of Lewis this Twentieth day of the Twelvth 1682; And did then and there Chose out of our selves Twelve persons to sarve as our Deligates in Provincial Council; But for as much as this County is but In its Infontse; And here being But few free holders and mostly un Capable of such service; And at this season of the year there Absence from their Bussines will be to their great Damadge; And if More should Goe to sarve In Generall Assimbly the Burthen would be greater then the County is Able to bear; Thy peticoners therefor Crave that the primisses Considered that the will be pleased to Accept of these Twelve persons to Act for us in Both Generall Assimbly And provincial Council to be divided as is below Exprassed; or as thee in thy Great wisedome shall bee directed see meet; And thy peticoners shall as in duty Bound for ever desier thy prospriety; Three parsons for the provinciall Council william Clark for three years Edward southrin for Two years John Roades for one year & the other nine for the Generall Assmbly

February 1683 • 623

Willam Carter Henry Strecther George young John Smith [Gande Wree?] Cornells (x) Johnson

Bryant ® Rowles Thomas ® Moulston John ® Barker Androw ® depree Robert ® Johnson

Richard ® Bundack Roger (x) Gum Stephen (x) whetman John ® Townsend John ® King [Hecules] Shepheard Jeffrey ® Sumerford phillip (x) Morrise Wm Wargent[s?] Richard ® Harvey

Robt ® Hart senr Robt ® Hart Jun r

Tho: ® Haward Francis ® williams Samwell ® Gray John Streete william ® Roades

Hendryck malestin Wm water Wm Townsend Anthony ® Inlose Robert ® Brasey Jun r Joseph ® Thorne Jn° [S]imons Charles ® Brighte Robert Willens Wm Emmatt sub sherrif

DS. Cliveden-Chew Papers, HSR (Micro. 4:072). Endorsed: All the persons within named signed to this peticon at the time | of the Election save onely Robert | Hart senior and Robert Hart Junior | and they Two | signed sence as giveing | their Consent there unto; | Test Wm; Clarke. Docketed: The freeholders of the | County of Sussex peticon | To the Governour dated | soth day i2/mo; 1682.

204 LORD BALTIMORE TO RICHARD BURKE In late 1683 Lord Baltimore dispatched two long letters to his agent Richard Burke in London. The ship on which Baltimore sent them was wrecked off the English coast in February 1684, and a quickwitted yeoman and Quaker minister, John Ellis (d. 1703) of Penzance, Cornwall (Fox, 1:447), made copies and sent them to WP's friends in London. William Markham received them by 27 March 1684 (see doc. 171); WP read them after he arrived in England the following October. The extracts printed below contain only those sections of Ellis's copies in which Baltimore discusses his border dispute with WP; passages concerning his family and financial matters have been omitted. Baltimore answers a series of letters that Burke had written describing Lord Baltimore to Richard Burke • 624

his efforts to prevent WP from gaining firm possession of Delaware, and he warns Burke that WP had sent "that Idle fellow" William Markham to England to complain about Baltimore's efforts to subvert the residents of the lower counties (see doc. 143). The proprietor of Maryland also alleges that WP wanted to sell Pennsylvania because he was unable to provide the lands he had promised to First Purchasers, which they were now demanding (see doc. 187 for evidence of this discontent). John Ellis made numerous mistakes in copying these letters: for example, "Cornwell Taillers" should be "Colonel Taillor's"; "Cavent" is "caveat" (see doc. 171, nn. 8, 10); and "Lord Graven" must be privy councilor William Craven, Earl of Craven. When Lord Baltimore refers in the 7 November letter to a Henry Darnall, he probably meant WP's lawyer John Darnall (see doc. 171, n. 13). Despite these problems, we gain considerable insight from these letters into Lord Baltimore's perspective in the boundary case. Like WP, Baltimore clearly believed that he was the aggrieved party and thought that WP had deceived him and treated him in a high-handed manner. According to the Maryland proprietor, both "Prince Penn" and his attorney Darnall were "Knaves, the first for Land & the Latter for his fee." A From Cornwell Taillers in Arundell Novembr 7th 1683 Dick Burk. This by Bowmann who being redey to saile, I can give you but little answer to severall Letters I have this shipping received from you. . . . I am now satisfyed that Henry Darnall the Lawyer has been unkind to me & not fayer in his practis, which he shall know, when I see him I am sory that you were so mistaken in him as I find you were when you gave him the perusall of the narrative & Conference, but it matters not much, for when I am heard in parson I have enough for a Defence it is past Darnall Law or witt to make my charter defective in any part: greater Lawyers then he will ever arrive to be; have made a better judgment then he is able to geve Penn & his Atorney are two Knaves, the first for Land & the Latter for his fee; I am glad that my Lord Graven is my fast friend, & that you thinke the Marquis of Hallifax is so allso Be the Earl of Bath; I take notis of what you mentioned, that my Lord North now Ld Keeper was the Cownsall that drew the Bownds of Penns Grand^ for Pensilvania; . . . I [pf^esumc?] you rcccavc {were} att the Couensale bord the 27 of April last & that the Ld Keeper & the Ld President were very Kind & favorable in what they then said to you theire advise was to petition the King which was good & you accordingly fallowed it in my behalf November 1683 • 625

which I thank you for; 'twas a strange Juggel that the Duck of Yorke was to have a grant of by the meanes of Pens Agents as if his Royall highnes wanted Penns Agents for a Solicitor in his affairs to the King but the Riddill is playne enough, & as to what you were told that; Delaware; was seuted before my Patent Maryland was granted & so consequently cultivated, which they farder aleaged my pattent would not reach to; I valow not at all that in the least I will answer all that in few words; & with as littil; sase[?]; the matter of Conquest; I am well armed for my defence & am still providing more weppons for this tryall; Blathwaiths advice in having a Cavent entred in my behalf was good althought I know him to be a friend to Wm Pen you did well to enter a Cavent & to get a Coppy of that straing Grant which has nether Jurisdiction certain nor bounds nothing certaine that I find in it but a destraction of my property. I am sorry Sr William Talboth memory faild him; his Intrest with the Duke has more impaired his memory where I am Concerned, then his late Siknes; he is like all the World, every one for himselfe I hope I shall not want his; aid; nor advice in this affair, you did also very well in causing a breefe to be drawn up by M r Allibond when I com I will draw ttp one up more fuller, I take notice of your petioning his Royall Highnes the Duke of York and thank you for your dilligence in that particular; I am now come to yours by Bowman which is of the 3oth June last, which mentions your derlivery of a petition to the Duke on my behalfe but that it had no successe upon which you presented the petition to the King & presented the same the 14. of May last att Windsor for which you fownd would not be read untill the 31 of may & that you had a summons to apeare before the Committe of Plantations, where you found Pens Agents & Darnill the Lawyer attending I take notice of the discovre you had with my Cosin Darnill the Lawer & how he declines serving me in the busnes between Penn & me; You did well to lett my Ld Keeper Know that there was a petition before the King, which put a stop to these proceedings for that time; the next day it seemes you went to Hamton Court there beeing a Counsell at which the petition was read; & by his Magesty referred to the Counsill of Plantations, as I find by a Coppy of the order of the 14 of June I reserved a Coppy of Wards breefe who you say pleaded well for me against Darnell the Lawer & that the Ld President put it to Mr Penns agents & their Lawer to prove that the Dutch were in possession of Delaware afore the Pattient of Maryland past the great Seal; which if they can doe will not hurt me att all beeing provided against that point likewise, but it seemes the busines of the Late plott put a Stop to any farder proceedings therein; I perseve that in the opening the black box where my Pattent for Maryland was you met with the bond from Wise & Lumberd which I had layen under the great Seall of the Pattent, & that you had layed it there againe; . . . your letter of the 5. of August makes mention of your recept of mine dated the 6. of

Lord Baltimore to Richard Burke • 626

June, which I sent by one Walkings a Bristolman the which you answer me you showed to m r Blathwait & those other parsons I gave you orders should see i t , . . . you mention that nothing more had ben done in Pens busnes since Bowmans setting forth — Which I was glad to understand the Ld Culpeper being removed from his imployments & under confinement was great newes & that the Ld Howard of Ephingam was to com Governer of Verginia, which I hope will prove a good change for that Governi1 & that by m r Bernards Howards means I may have a pretence to be honored with his happy acquaintance, which I shall be ambitious of; ... your Letter of the 18 of August mentions of your recept of mine bearing dat the 14 of Jul. which was sent by Norrinton; my Cort letters I hope were safly delivered by you & am glad you delivered not my letter to my Cosin Darnill the Lawer; for the reason you gave me in all which you have done very well my Ld North gave Penn good direction for finding by an observation the fortith degree of Northern latitude which is mr Penns southbounds, but he is not willing to come to the use of a proper Instrument for that purpose untill such time as he shall perswad me to let him have Susquehanna River upon his esey termes as will appeare to you by the letter he writ to me after my being from New-Castle last, what I have in possession you may be confident I will not be so much wanting to my selfe as to neglect the securing of; I hope that the Papers I last sent you will bee of great use for you to act by untill I can appeare in parson for I desire no other favor then to be fully heard in Parson before the King & Councill. . . . I am now come to your last letter of the 30. of August, in which you mention the Earl of Graven had sent you word to com to him about five of the Clocke in the morning his busnes being to let you Know that he had a pettion from me to deliver his Magestie which I am glad was not delivered for these same reasons you give me being very well satined with the advise you gave me; I am glad that mr Blathwait assewered you that what I had desired should be granted & that Pens agents would proceed no farder untill I appear in Parson to make my defence; I take notise that you got Alderman Jeffreys to deliver my letter to Sr Lyonell Jenkens as allso to discourse about the busnes betwext me & Penn; I am of your opinion, that it is better mr Penn should complain then I & therefore I approve of your advice, pray give me furder advice if you heare that Penn is {about} disposing of his patting of Pensilvania according to your promise; . . . Your lo: frind Baltemore Copy. Penn-Forbes Papers, vol. 2, p. 106, HSR (Not filmed). Endorsed in John Ellis's hand: This is a true Copy of the original sent Wm Smith m r of the happy Society of Selley wract in har way homwards att the Landsend of England the 5 day of febr. 1683 & taken deuly from the sd orignall the 12. of the same month and sent by | Jn° Ellis of Penzance in Cornwall. Docketed in WP's hand: a coppy of | Baltimores | letters to his | Agent at London | nov. 7. 83 wracht | at sea & | taken up.

November 1683 • 627

B

Mattapany the 7. December 1683 Dick Burck There being a small vessel now ready to sayle for Silly. I take this opportunity of sending you a duplicate of my letter of the 7. of Novembr. the original of which I sent you per Bowman, I will now give you my answer to such letters, as I have received of you from you; since my sending you my letter above mentioned Yours of the io th of Septembr makes mention: that mr Blathwayte told you mr Penn was upon selling his Pattent for Pennsilvania; being not able to make good to the Quakers such proportions of Land, as he stands obliged to furnish them with, you may be assured, that if he has occasion to buy of me; my land shall not want a price; but as yet, it is not my resolution to spare him any; for I like not his nighbourhood; And therefore shall not Encourage his stay in these parts; I doe believe that he may have gott above 15000! of his friends, some of which are very plaine in telling him, that he has not doen well by them; others a little more plaine in saying; that truely Wm Penn has cheated them; so that now I understand he has an uneasie life amongst them; & (as I suppose) is not so fond of his Principallity as he has been in the buisnes of delaware; he has dealt underhand falsly & treacherously with me; for whilst he was endevouring to gett a graunt of my Interest there, he made the greatest protestations of Kindness & friendship imaginable; And now his false dealings & treacherous proceedings begin to render him odious amongst such persons as afore had much Esteem for him; I am glad to heare the pattent will not passe, untill Wm Penn or his Agents have cleerd & answered the objections putt to them att the Councill board; which I am sure they cannot answere, for putt the case, there were Dutch seated on Deliaware before my pattent was granted (which will them give some difficulty to prove) yet that will not serve their turne; for if any such were seated, they were but usurpers; & disowned by the States of Holland, as I can sufficiently prouve And that Wm Penn is sensible I am provided for; it is for this & other reasons, that I have prest so much to be here heard in Person afore I be concluded; which you must take care to minde these Lds of the Councill off; that you know are my friends; assuring such that I am provided to clear all matters in relation to my Interest att Delaware; . . . I take notice that you signify, that my Ld Howard was provideing for his voyage, to whom I wish a safe arrivall; hoping I shall finde him a better neighbour then the Ld C. . . . I am now come to that of the 25. of September beeing the last that as yet I have received from you; therein you signify that there was a Report of M r Penns being come for England, & that mr Sl Leger had raised it; who possibly might think that Penn was arrived, because it had been reported hereafore Sl Leger went that Wm Penn was fully resolved for England, which he had certainly done, but that Lord Baltimore to Richard Burke • 628

the Quaker would not suffer him to quitt Pensilvania by reason that he had not, nor, as I think, will ever be able to comply with his engagemt to them, he having received money for Lands, which he is not able to find for them on the water, which is expected by them, When Penn found, that the friends would not suffer him to quitt Pennsylvania, he then resolved to send that Idle fellow his Cosen Capt. Wm Markham, of whom I made mention in the first long narrative I sent you; The sd Markham went from delaware in a small vessel the latter end of Aug. last, his errand & chief business being the complaine of me; for a proclamation I caused to be issued forth the 15th of May last, in which I caused my new conditions of Plantations to be published; And there being in the sd Proclamation mention made of the Lands on the seaboard side and att the whorekills; where the conditions of plantations were in my fathers time; as now they are in mine easier then in other part of my province; this gave offence to Prince Penn, upon which he sends commissrs to me; as by my lettres & papers sent you in the box designed by Eaton; as also by there duplicats sent by the way of Westchester; will fully appeare; & I hope that the originall or Duplicats my arrive at your hands; by that time Markham getts to London, & when you finde he is come, you may doe well to acquaint my Ld Bishopp m of London; the Earl of Graven, the Earl of Bath, the Earl of Chesterfield, Sr Lyonell Jenkins, & if you can my Ld Marquis of Hallifax, & as many more as you can of the Councill; that Capt. Markham is the person mentioned in the long narrative, to have refused complyinge with his Majes1 positive commands in the lettre of the 2d of april in the 33. Yeare of the Kings Reign, being the Kings first lettre commanding the setting forth our bounds, & the sd Markham skt slightinge & in contempt Refusing to comply with the same has been the occasion of of all the difference betwixt Penn & me; {And what was set downe in that long narrative in Relation to the proceedings betwixt Markham & me;} will be made out by me to his face; from lettres under his owne hand^, which let him know from me I will suddenly doe, as also when I see him in Engelland, Know his reasons for his dirty & rude carriage to me in that business, this is all at present I shall say in that business, by the first shipp bound for London; I will enlarge further; in the mean time watch the motions of the sd Markham; Tho I doe not fear his interest will be able to doe me any mischiefe; besides he has owned to my two Secrettaries; that both Penn & his Councill do expect I shall recover my right to Delaware; & that all Penns proceedings hitherto, were but only to make to make a better bargaine with me; thus much he owned to Secretary Sewall; & Secretary Darnall; when he came the last Summer one of the Commissrs from his master Penn. . . .

Your lo: friend C. Baltemore

December 1683 • 629

Copy. Penn-Forbes Papers, vol. 2, p. 107, HSP. (Not filmed). Endorsed in John Ellis's hand: This is a true copy of the originall sent by Wm Smith in the happy society of Scilly: wrakt in his way homeward att the Lands end of England: the 5th of February 1683/4 & taken duely from the sd originall lettre the 12th of the same month | & Sent by J° Ellis of Penzance in Cornwall. Docketed partly in WP's hand (with an incorrect date): Baltemore Dec. 7. 83/4 | Copie to his Agent at London.

205 THE FIRST PURCHASERS OF 1681-1685

PENNSYLVANIA,

The following list of 589 persons who bought 715,437 acres of Pennsylvania land from WP between July 1681 and March 1685 was compiled from seven lists kept by WP's business agents. Source 1 (see the explanatory key, below) is the so-called first catalogue of purchasers, dated 25 October 1681, with itemized information about 259 persons who bought the first 320,000 acres from WP. Source 2 is the so-called second catalogue, dated 31 April [sic] 1682, a list of 148 persons who bought the next 180,000 acres. The purchasers who appear on these first two lists received special bonuses of city lots and liberty lands near Philadelphia. Source 3 is Philip Ford's itemized account, dated 6 July 1682, of money received (or not received) from 204 purchasers. Source 4 is Ford's overlapping account, dated 23 August 1682, of money received (or not received) from 305 purchasers. Source 5 is Ford's undated list, drawn up sometime after 23 April 1683, of 30 purchasers who neither paid for their Pennsylvania deeds nor picked them up. Source 6 is Ford's bill to WP, probably drawn up in August 1682, charging him £234 for the expense of preparing 384 itemized Pennsylvania deeds. Source 7 is Ford's account, dated 21 March 1685, of money received from 69 purchasers since August 1682. In addition, the editors have located 55 of WP's deeds to the First Purchasers (source 14), including deeds dated between July 1681 and March 1685 for six purchasers who are not to be found in any of the abovementioned lists. Undoubtedly the names of further early purchasers could be supplied from other WP deeds surviving in archives or in private hands. Thus doc. 205 is not a complete listing of the First Purchasers. In preparing this list the editors have also drawn upon three later catalogues of the First Purchasers. Source 8 was probably drawn up by WP's representatives in Pennsylvania soon after 1685, and was published by Samuel Hazard in 1850. Source 9 appears to date from around 1700, and is found in a volume of cash accounts kept by the Penn family in the mid-eighteenth century. Source 10, the longest and least satisfactory of these lists, was compiled by John Reed to accompany his map of Philadelphia, issued in 1774. When John E. Pomfret The First Purchasers of Pennsylvania • 630

published "The First Purchasers of Pennsylvania, 1681-1700" in 1956 (PMHB, 80:137-63), he worked from lists 8-10 rather than 1-7, which considerably distorted his calculations. Nearly a tenth of the names on lists 1-7 are missing from lists 8-10, and over a quarter of the names on lists 8-10 do not appear on the earlier lists. Inspection of lists 8-10 shows that many of the new people bought their land from WP after 1685. Most of the others appear to be under-purchasers who bought their Pennsylvania land from the people on lists 1-7 rather than directly from the proprietor. While these later lists undoubtedly include some genuine First Purchasers not found in sources 1-7, the editors have decided to distinguish them from the purchasers listed in doc. 205 by compiling a separate list of 194 Reputed First Purchasers, almost all of whom are traceable to sources 8-10. This is presented below as doc. 206. The reader will find that doc. 206 is considerably less detailed than doc. 205 because list 9 supplies names and acreage only, and list 10 supplies names only, without any supporting information about the purchasers. It must be emphasized that docs. 205-206 by no means incorporate all of the early Pennsylvania landholders. Almost all of the Swedish, Dutch, and English settlers who came to the Delaware Valley before 1680 are excluded; thus none of the naturalized inhabitants listed in doc. 97, above, appear in doc. 205. The colonists who settled in the lower counties are also excluded; thus, practically none of the freeholders from New Castle, Kent, and Sussex counties listed in doc. 203 appear in docs. 205-206. And hundreds of early landholders in Pennsylvania who bought from other purchasers rather than directly from WP are likewise excluded; thus only ten of the nineteen freeholders from Chester County listed in doc. 203 appear in docs. 205206. The value of the First Purchaser lists kept by WP's agents is that they show who bought directly from WP, and supply information in most cases about residence and occupation, date of sale, acreage, and money paid to WP. In order to make docs. 205-206 more useful, the editors have endeavored to trace each purchaser's landholdings in Pennsylvania. Sources 11-13, the survey and patent books from the Division of Land Records in Harrisburg, and the printed property records in PA, provide information about warrants, surveys, and patents issued to the First Purchasers in Bucks, Chester, and Philadelphia counties and in the city of Philadelphia during the i68os and 16908. Sources 15-16, a medley of genealogical records itemized in the explanatory key below, provide auxiliary biographical data about many of the First Purchasers. The accompanying map shows where 531 of the First Purchasers listed in doc. 205 came from. Although WP established an international network, with clients from all regions of the British Isles, Hol1681-1685 • 631

land, France, Germany, and America, 88% of his purchasers lived in England, and 47% came from the cities of London and Bristol and the counties of Cheshire and Wiltshire. In general, WP recruited purchasers from districts where Quakerism was strong and where he had personally spent much time and was well known. WP's local agents were also very important: Richard Vickris recruited purchasers in Bristol; John Harris in Wiltshire; John Simcock and Thomas Brassey in Cheshire; Richard Davies, Lewis David, and Thomas Wynne in Wales. There are numerous examples in doc. 205 of neighbors joining together: eight purchasers came from the little town of Market Lavington, Wilts, and six from the village of Bucklebury, Berks. As the map shows, WP recruited almost no purchasers from the Puritan counties—Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk, Cambridgeshire, Lincolnshire — that had supplied many of the emigrants to Massachusetts fifty years before. He also drew few purchasers from among the Quakers in the counties north of Cheshire or in Scotland. The rather small number of Welsh purchasers is deceptive, since the 23 people identified on the map subdivided their land and sold it in small parcels to Welsh underpurchasers. Doc. 205 gives the occupations of 352 First Purchasers, and identifies 18 women as wives, widows, or spinsters. WP recruited an exceptionally diverse group of investors, for 84 separate occupations are listed. No members of the aristocracy bought from him, but 8% of the First Purchasers identified themselves as gentlemen. Another 6% were members of the professions; 14% were merchants or shopkeepers; and a very large 48% were craft workers, broadly defined. Only 23% identified themselves as farmers — the chief occupation in the new colony. Doc. 205 supplies the date of purchase for 229 of WP's buyers. Though this data is spotty, it agrees with other evidence that WP sold most of his Pennsylvania land early. People wanted to get the town lots that WP offered to early purchasers. Of these 229 purchasers, 53% contracted with WP during the first six months of sales, between 14 July and 31 December 1681; 42% had deeds dated in 1682; and only 5% in 1683-1684. Doc. 205 supplies acreage figures for all but fourteen purchasers. WP hoped to sell his land in 5Ooo-acre blocks, but most of his customers bought 1000 acres or less. Nevertheless, he recruited an important nucleus of large landholders; 11% of the First Purchasers bought 5000 acres or more. Collectively these large purchasers acquired nearly half of the land that WP sold during the years 16811685. Another 7% bought tracts of 2000-4999 acres; 27% bought 1000-1999 acres; 34% bought 500-999 acres; 19% bought 250-499 acres; and 2% bought under 250 acres. The total amount of land The First Purchasers of Pennsylvania • 632

The

Geographical Origins !, of First Purchasers, 1681-1685

Total with known origins: 531

granted to the First Purchasers was very considerable — equivalent to about half the acreage in Chester, Philadelphia, and Bucks counties. If the First Purchasers listed in doc. 205 had all paid for their land in full, WP would have received £14,309. He collected considerably less than this, but how much less is uncertain. The payments itemized in doc. 205 are taken from Philip Ford's accounts (sources 3, 4, 7). Ford credits 286 purchasers with £7,199 in payments for Pennsylvania land. In addition, Ford received £1,777 fr°m WP's land agents in Bristol, Wiltshire, Cheshire, and Wales on behalf of other (unnamed) purchasers, as well as £94 in quitrent payments. Inspection of doc. 205 shows that over one hundred First Purchasers who are not credited with payments by Ford took out land warrants, surveys, or patents in Pennsylvania; presumably these people also paid something, to WP if not to Ford. On the other hand, we know that at least 30 purchasers did not pay (source 5), others made partial payments, and others who were WP's relatives or close friends received their tracts as gifts. Altogether, WP received a minimum of £9,070 from the First Purchasers, and he probably received further payments unrecorded by Ford. Finally, doc. 205 supplies information about the First Purchasers' pattern of landholding in Pennsylvania, though here the data is much more faulty than on the English side. The recorded land warrants, surveys, and patents for early Pennsylvania are incomplete and misleading, since many of the purchasers who took up land never emigrated. According to doc. 205, almost exactly half of the First Purchasers took up land in Pennsylvania, but the percentage must have been considerably higher, since we know that many purchasers who do not appear in the survey and patent books became residents of Pennsylvania. Because WP offered city lots and liberty lands to those who bought the first 500,000 acres, a high percentage of First Purchasers took up claims in or near Philadelphia. Among those with recorded grants, 68% acquired lots in the city and 53% had tracts in rural Philadelphia County, with only 26% in Chester County and 19% in Bucks County. As might be expected, 52% of those with city lots were craft workers, and another 22% were merchants, shopkeepers, or members of the professions — the nucleus of an urban population. EXPLANATORY KEY

Name: 8c indicates a joint purchase by two members of the same family Date of Survey: 82w indicates warrant issued in 1682 83s indicates survey issued in 1683 84p indicates patent issued in 1684 The First Purchasers of Pennsylvania • 634

Sources: 1. An Accompt of the Lands in Pennsylvania Granted by William Penn . . . To several Purchasers within the Kingdom of England [The First Catalogue of Purchasers], 25 Oct. 1681. Patent Book AA-5/13O, Division of Land Records, Historical and Museum Commission, Harrisburg. Hannah Benner Roach, ed., "The First Purchasers of Pennsylvania," in Passengers and Ships Prior to 1684, ed. Walter Lee Sheppard, Jr. (Baltimore, 1970), pp. 197-204. (Micro. 3:359)2. The Second Catalogue of Purchasers. 31 Apr. 1682. Original lost. Roach, "The First Purchasers of Pennsylvania," pp. 205-8. (Micro. 3:359). 3. The Acct of Moneys Reed for Land in Pennsylvania sold as Follows. 14 July 1681 — 6 July 1682. Philip Ford accounts with William Penn, 16721694, Penn Papers, HSP. (Micro. 3:117). 4. An account of Money received for Land Sould In Pennsilvania. 23 Aug. 1682. Philip Ford accounts with William Penn, 1672-1694, Penn Papers, HSP. (Micro. 3:127). 5. List of Deeds left in Phillip Fords hands never paid for and taken upp from his Representation by Thomas Wynn, n. d. Wynne MSS, DDWY/74O, Bedford Record Office. (Micro. 14:637). 6. William Penn Dr for Pennsylvania Deeds, n. d. Accounts, Penn Papers, HSP. (Micro. 4:649). 7. An Account of Mony received for Land Sould in Pennsilvania Since the 23 6/mo 1682. 21 Mar. 1685. Philip Ford accounts with William Penn, 1672-1694, Penn Papers, HSP. (Micro. 3:577). 8. An account of the lands in Pennsylvania granted by William Penn . . . to several purchasers within the kingdom of England, Ireland, and Scotland, &c. 22 May 1682. Original lost. Hazard, Annals, pp. 637-42. Reprinted in PA, ist ser., 1:40-46. 9. Alphabetical List of the First Purchasers, n. d. Pennsylvania Cash Accounts, 1701-1778, pp. 242-49, Penn Papers, HSP. (Not filmed). 10. Alphabetical List of the First Purchasers, n. d. John Reed, An Explanation of the Map of the City and Liberties of Philadelphia (Philadelphia, 1774), following p. 24. Reprinted in PA, 3d ser., 3:327-44. 11. Survey Books, Division of Land Records, Historical and Museum Commission, Harrisburg. 12. Minutes of the Board of Property and Old Rights, PA, 2d ser., vol. 19; 3d ser., vols. 1-3. 13. Patent Books, Division of Land Records, Historical and Museum Commission, Harrisburg. 14. Loose deeds, HSP. 15. Genealogical sources as follows: Charles H. Browning, Welsh Settlement of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1912); Fox; ¥ox,Short Journal; Thomas Allen Glenn, Welsh Founders of Pennsylvania (Baltimore, 1970); Hinshaw; William I. Hull, William Penn and the Dutch Quaker Migration to Pennsylvania (Swarthmore, 1935); George E. McCracken, The Welcome Claimants Proved, Disproved and Doubtful (Baltimore, 1970); Albert Cook Myers, ed., Quaker Arrivals at Philadelphia, 1682-1750 (Baltimore, \g^)\PMHB; Hannah Benner Roach, "Philadelphia Business Directory, 1690," PGM, 23:95-130; Walter Lee Sheppard, Jr., ed., Passengers and Ships Prior to 1684 (Baltimore, 1970).

1681-1685 • 635

TheFirstpucaeof Pensylvai·63 o

English Occupation

Sale Date

\arne

English Residence

Abrahams, John [see Lloyd, William] Adams, Richard Adams, Robert

Bristol

Adams, Thomas Aldham, John Alford, Philip Allen, Nathaniel

Alfreston, Sus. Notts.? Oxf. Bristol

Cordwainer Cooper

Allen, Samuel Allington, John Alsop, John Amor, Richard & Amor, William Andrews, Francis Andrews, George Arets, Leonard Ashby, William Atkinson, Edward Atkinson, Samuel Aubrey, John

Chew Magna, Som. London Ingestrie, Staffs. Bucklebury, Berks. Bucklebury, Berks.

Shoemaker Salter Yeoman Husbandman Husbandman

3/82

Rowde, Wilts. Krevelt, Germany Hayes, Northants. Side, Yorks. Middlx. London

Sergemaker Merchant

9/81 3/83

Backmas, Edward Bacon, William Bailey, Thomas Bailey, William Baker, Richard Baker, William Ballin, Jacob Bance, John

Sus. Middle Temple, London Bristol Goatacre, Wilts. Biddlesdon, Bucks.

Acres Payment

Survey Date

City Lot

Sources

4

2/82

Upper Heyford, Northants. Barton, Oxf. Yeoman

7/81

500 500

!25

2OOO

250

4^5 250

835

2-4,6,9-10,12,15 3-4,8-9,11-13,15

83w,89p

1,5-6,8-10,15 4-5 2-3,6,8-10,13,15 1,8-13,16

82w,84p

Kent Phila. Bucks Bucks

8iw,9op 83w,84p 85s 835

835

£5 £5

1000

500

125

£10 £10 £2-10

84w

Phila.

83s

1000

10/81 9/81 9/81 2/82

835

250

500

Gentleman Lawyer Bodicemaker Yeoman Yeoman

£5 £2-10

2000

Yeoman

Chester Phila.

1250

250

7/81

£10 £10

300 10,000

250 500

Phila. £10

1OOO 1OOO

Ches. Marlborough, Wilts.

Pa. Land

500

250

£10 £5

8iw

1,8-12,15 1,4-5,8-10 2,4,6,8-10,14-15 2-4, 8-10,15 6 1,6,8-10,12,15 5 2-4,6,8-10 7,9,1 1-12

3-4,6,8-9 7

2,6 1,6,8-10,12-13,16 1,6,8-10,12 1,3-4,6,8-10,15 2-6,8-10,15 2,9-10 7 3-4^5

Banking, Nathaniel Banks, Thomas Barber, John Barber, John Barker, Samuel Barker, Thomas

168– 5·637

Barnes, John Barnes, John [and Songhurst, John] Barrett, Thomas Batchelor, Jane Bathurst, Charles & Bathurst, Grace Baunk, Richard Bayley, Edward Bayley, Henry Bayley, Susannah [see Sagar, Thomas] Baynes, Joseph Beakes, William Beaksbe, William Beardsley, Alexander Beck, Roger Beckly, John Behagell, Daniel Bendale, Arthur Bennet, Edmund Bennet, Henry Bennet, Samuel Bennet, William Bernard, Henry

Alfreston, Sus. London Shipley, Sus. Derby Seething Lane, London

Maltster Brewer Yeoman

Cordwainer Tailor

Staffs. Warminghurst, Sus. London London

Husbandman

Westm. Backwell, Som. Bristol? Worcester, Worcs. Bryan-Maund, Heref. London Frankfurt, Germany Yorks. Bristol Wilts.? London Harmondsworth, Middlx.

7/81 11/82

Wine Cooper

Bristol Chiltington, Sus.

Wilts.? Grindleton, Yorks. Hilmarton, Wilts.

7/81

500 1250 250 2500

£10

1OOO

£20 £20

1OOO

500

10/81

1250

£25

1000

£20

250

Yeoman Widow

6/82

1500

Yeoman

7/81

2300

500

1OOO

500

Glover Ironmonger Perfumer Merchant

3/82 10/81 1/83

1666

Tobacco Cutter

10/81

1000

500

250

500

Flaxdresser Husbandman

500

250

3/82

Chester Phila. Bucks Chester Phila. Phila.

825,845 83w,85p

6,8-9,11-13,15-16 1,9-10,13,15-16

83w,83s,85p

4,8-10,12 6,8-9,11-13 1,3-4,6,8-10

83s

625 250

Salter Wife of Charles

83w,84w,86p

83s 835,845 83s,84s,84p 83w,85p

£5

1000

4/82

82S

3-4 1,5-10, 15 1,3-4,6,8-10 1,8-10,15 7,9,11-12 1,3-4,6,8-13,16

1OOO

75°

£10 £20 £20 £10 £10 £5 £ 33 £10 £10 £5 £20

Chester

85s

Bucks Bucks

845 85

4 4,6,8-9 3-6,8-9,1 1-12,15 1,8-10,12,15

84w 835

Bucks

83w,83s,gop

835

Phila. Chester Chester

84w,84s,86p 835 845,855

845

7 1,3-4,6,8-10,15 3-4 1,3-4,6,8-12,15 2-4,6,8-10,12,15 1,3-4,8-10 !4-!5 7 1,6,8-13 3-4 1,3-4,8-13 7,9,11-12,15 1,6,8-12

TheFirstpuchae

ofPensylvai·638

Name

English Residence

English Occupation

Bettris, Edward Bevan, John Bezar, Edward Bezar, John

Oxford, Oxf. Treverigg, Glam. Rowde, Wilts. Bishop's Canning, Wilts.

Surgeon Gentleman Mason Maltster

Bezar, William Biddle, Edmund Bingley, William Birchell, John Bish, John Blake, Edward Bland, Peter Blandman, Edward Blaykling, John [and Holme, Thomas] Blunston, John

Bishop's Canning, Wilts. London? Oxford, Oxf. Sus.?

Husbandman

Blunston, Michael Bond, Thomas Bordale, Arthur Bostock, William Boswell, William Bourne, Thomas Bowman, Thomas & Bowman, William Boy, John Boyden, James Boyer, John Bradshaw, Samuel Branch, Israel

Sale Date

Acres Payment 2000

Survey Date

City Lot

Sources

Chester

828,838,848

838

Phila. Chester

838,848 8sw,84s

4,6,8-12,16 1,6,8-12,15 1,6,8-13,15-16

£40

2750

8/81

Pa. Land

1,6-10,12

500

1500

84s 82w,83s,83p 848

250 500

Maltster

500

£10

Phila.

838

£5 £10 £20

Chester Phila.

848 84P

£30

Phila. Chester Phila. Chester Bucks

83s

Chester

83w

Phila. Bucks

83w,83s,86p 82s,83w,86p

Bucks Phila. Chester

82S

83s

5OO

1OOO

London Kent? Som. Draw-well, Yorks.

Turner Clothier Quaker Minister

Little Hallam, Derby

3/82 6/82 4/82

Oxton, Notts. Warminghurst, Sus.

1000 1OOO

1500 500

Derby Woodacre, Lanes. Yorks. Ches.? Southwark, Sur. Crawley, Sus. Wandsworth, Sur. Wandsworth, Sur. Luckington, Wilts. Wapping, Middlx.

250 500

Husbandman

Poulterer Mercer Glazier Glazier Mercer

1681

1OOO

3/82

500

10/81

500 1250 5000

10/81

1000

500

1OOO

750 500 500

Husbandman

8/81

£10 £20 £10

838

2-4,6,8-12,15-16

83s,86p

2-4,6,8-13

84w,84s,gip

3-4,6,9-13,15 7 2,4,6-10,12-13 1,3-4,8-10 1,6,8-10,15 1,3-4,6,8-16

828

838

82w,83s,84p 83s,84s

£10

£100 £12-10 £20

£10 £10

1,6,8-12,15 7 1,3-4,8-12 6,8-9 2,6,8-10 1,3-4,8-12 3-4>8-9,i3 3-4,6,8-9,12 4-6,15-16

84w,88p 82w,83s

83w,83s,86p

848 848 838

1,3-4,6-12,15 3-4,6,8-12,15 4,11-13,15 2-4,6,8-13,15 1,6-10,14,16

168 – 5 · 39

Branson, Nathaniel Brassey, Thomas [see Simcock, John] Briggs, Thomas Bristow, John

Sonning, Berks. Willaston, Ches.

Shoemaker Yeoman

Acton, Ches. Bristol

Yeoman

Brock, John Bromley, Nathaniel Brothers, John [and Serghall, Robert] Brown, Arnold Brown, Edward Brown, John Brown, William Bryant, William Buckley, John Buckley, Thomas & Buckley, Samuel Buckman, Edward & Buckman, Thomas Bunce, John Bunyan, William Burbury, Thomas Burge, John Burke, John Burnyeat, John Burrough, Francis

Stockport, Ches. London? Market Lavington, Wilts.

Yeoman

Callowhill, Thomas Carpenter, Samuel Carr, Thomas Carter, Robert

Bristol? Marlborough, Wilts. Kingsley, Ches. Bristol Bucklebury, Berks. Melksham, Wilts. Rumford, Ches. Plumbley, Ches.

6/83

1250 5000

1OOO

Yeoman?

3/82

848

1,8-12

1,6,8-12,15 2,4,6,8-12,15 6-10 1,6,8-10,15

£40

500 300

2,6,8-10

250

1,6,8-10 7 1,3-4,8-10 4,6,8-9,11-33 i.S-4 1,5-6,8-10, 15-16 2,6-10,14

£10

250

1000

Maltster

Mercer Merchant

7,9,11-12,15 4,6-12,15-16

1,8-10 1,3-4,6,8-10,15 2,4,6,8-12,15 1,8-13 2-4,8-12,15 1,6,8-10,15 2,4,6,8-10,12

500

3/82

Bristol Bridgetown, Barbados

845 n.d.

1250

Husbandman

Shoemaker Clothier Maltster Yeoman Milliner

83s 9° 83s 845 845 83s

500

11/81

Marlborough, Wilts. London? London Haverford, Pern. Wilts. Dublin, Ireland London

Phila. Chester Chester Phila. Chester Bucks

500 500

2OOO

Customs Officer Yeoman Tanner Merchant

£25

250 250

£5

Chester Phila. Bucks

82S

83w,83s,8gp 83s

83s

1OOO

10/81 10/81 3/82 9/8 1

250

£5

250

£5

1000

£20

55°o 5000

£1 10 £40

750 500

500 500

Phila.

83s

83s,84p

Phila. Bucks

84w,84p 83w,83s,84p

84w,84p

Bucks

83s

1,3-4,6,8-10,12,14-16 1-2,6-13,15-16 6,9 1-2,6,9-12

TheFirstpucaeof Pensylvai·638

English Occupation

Name

English Residence

Carter, William Cartledge, Edmund Cartledge, Samuel [and Harris, John] Carver, John Carus, William Cecil, William Cerey, Thomas Chamberlain, Hugh Chambers, Benjamin Chambers, John Champion, William Charas, Moses Charley, William Child, Amy Child, Henry & Child, Amy Clare, John Claridge, Samuel Clark, John Jr. Claypoole, James

Wapping Middlx. Riddings, Derby

Turner

Hedly, Hants.

Maltster

Cloude, William Clouse, John Cobb, Thomas Coeburn, Thomas Coles, John Coles, Sabian [also see Moore, John] Collett, George

Longcomb, Oxf. Oxford, Oxf. London Kent Kent? Northumb.? France Ches.? Herts.? Coleshill, Herts. Coleshill, Herts. Frome-Selwood, Som. Dublin, Ireland Devizes, Wilts. London

Carpenter Farrier Physician Turner

5% 10/81

10/81 1/82 1/82

Apothecary

Acres Payment

500 250

£10 £5 £12

500 450 250 500 5000

£5 £9 £5 £10

1OOO

500 500 500

Spinster Yeoman Wife of Henry Butcher Merchant Bake.r Merchant

Yeoman Seend, Wilts. Poole, Ches. Yeoman Shoemaker London Lambourn Woodlands, Berks. Carpenter Sergemaker Moorlinch, Som. London Merchant Clonmel, Tipperary, Ire.

Sale Date

1/82 1/82

500 500

7/81 3/82

5000

9/81 4/83

1000

9/81 3/82 10/81 7/81 9/81 10/81

500

500 5000 500 1500

250

500 1OOO 1OOO

500

Pa. Land

Survey Date

Phila. Chester

838 83s

City Lot

Sources

838

1,3-4,6,8-12,15 1-4,6,8-12,15 3 1,4,6,8-10

7.9

Chester

82S

Phila.

835

83\v,83s

Phila.

835,845

835

£50

Phila. Bucks Chester

84w,85s,86p 845 845

83\v,83s,86p

£30 £5

Bucks

845

Chester

825,855

Phila. Chester Phila.

83\v,86p 83\v,87p 84\v

£20 £10 £10 £10 £10

£100

£20 £20

83w,83s 835,868

838

1,3-4,6,8-12 1,4,10 1,5-6,8-10 1,3-4,8-13,16 3-4,8-9 3-4,6,9-10 6,16 ,4,6,8-10 1-4,8-10 1-4,6,8-10,15 ,8-10,12,15 -4,6-12,16 ,6,8-10,12,15 1,3-4,6-13,16 1,6,8-13,15 1,2,4,6-12,14-15 1,3-4,8-10,12 1,6,8-12,15 1,3-4,6,8-10,12,15 1,3-4,6,8-13 l^!3'!5

168–5·41

Collett, John Collett, Richard

Walthamstow, Essex

Collins, Richard Comby, Henry Coomer, Robert Cope, Oliver Coppock, Bartholomew Cordary, Philip Cornetwhat, William Corslett, Richard Craven, James Crawley, Ann Crayton, Randle Crispin, Silas & Crispin, William Crosby, Richard

Bath, Som. Bristol Worcs. Avebury, Wilts. Northwood, Ches. London? Lanes. Bristol Limerick, Ireland Rowde, Wilts. Ches.? Kinsale, Ireland Kinsale, Ireland Bucklow, Ches.

Crosdale, Thomas Cross, Thomas Jr. Crow, Edward

New Hay, Yorks. Kingsley, Ches. London

Husbandman

Weaver Physician Tailor Yeoman

10/81

500 1500

9/81 7/81

1250 500

835 845 85s

855

Phila.

835,845

835

Chester

825

835

5000

Phila.

83w,83S,88p

845

,8-10,15 ,8-12,15 1 -2,6,9-10 1 ,6,8-10,15 1 -2,4,6,8-12,15 6-7 7>9 1,3-4,8-10 3-4,6,8-10,16 1,6,8-10,12,15 1-2,4,6,8-10 1,5-6,8-14,16

1OOO

Phila. Chester

84w 835,845

83w

1-2,4,6,8-13,15

Chester

845

1

21OO 250

3/82

750 250

£5

5OO

Goldsmith

10/81

1OOO 1000

Spinster Gentleman Gentleman Yeoman Yeoman

9/81 10/81

4/82

500 250

1000

250

10/81

250

Clerk

5/82

500

Gentleman Widow

3/82

3000

Gentleman

9/81 6/82 8/81

5000

Dell, Thomas

Yeoman

10/81

500

Carpenter

1,4,6,8-10 6-7,9,1 1-12,15

Phila. Bucks Chester

Dallie, Peter Poitou, France Davenport, Mary David, Lewis Llandewy Velfry, Pern. Davies, Margaret Holobran, Mont. [also see Lloyd, Charles] Davies, Richard Welshpool, Mont. [also see Lloyd, Charles] Day, John London Upton, Bucks.

£20

£20 £20

1250

2-4,6,8-9 1-2,4,6,8-9,11-12,15 3-4.8-9

£20 £5

2500

£50 £25

1250

£10

1

3,5-6,8-9,13 6 3-4,6,8-9,11-12,14-16 1,6,8-10,13-16

Phila. Phila.

835,885 8iw

835

Phila. Chester Phila. Chester

82w,84w 83w,84w 82w,84s 835,865

84w

1,3-4,6-10,12-16

83w,83s,84p

i>7-i3 1,3-4,6,8-10,12,15

Name

TheFirstpucaeof Pensylvai·642

Dennison, John Dicks, James Dilworth, James Dimsdale, Robert Dixon, Joan Dove, Francis Drew, Roger Duckett, Thomas Dunton, Robert East, Benjamin Edge, John Edwards, Edward Ellis, Josiah Ellis, Rowland [see Lloyd, Charles] Ellwood, Thomas Ellwood, Mary Elson, John Elton, Anthony Erbury, Edward Evan, Roger Evans, George Evans, Edward Evans, Nathaniel Fallowfield, Lancelot Farneborough, Thomas Fell, Leonard Fenn, Joshua Fincher, Francis

English Residence

English Occupation

Sale Date

Acres Payment

Pa. Land

Survey Date

City Lot

1250

Ches.? Thornley, Lanes. Edmonton, Middlx. Bristol London Bristol?

250

Husbandman Surgeon Widow Tallow chandler Mariner

Middlx.

Husbandman

Brookswharf, London Ches.? Brinkworth, Wilts. Ches.? Bryn Mawr, Merion.

Sugar Baker

Hunger Hill, Bucks. Hunger Hill, Bucks. London Yatesbury, Wilts. Bristol Drackott Foliatt, Wilts. Middle Temple, London

4/82

£20

Phila.

845

845

£10

Phila.

88s

835,848

Phila.

83s,84s,89p

Phila.

82w,82s,84s

5000

9/81

500

500 500

1/82

421

Yeoman

1,8-12

500

£10

1250

£25

250

Chester

1000

835,845

82W

848

Gentleman Gentleman Wife of Thomas Mason Soap Boiler

10/81

500

500

500 6/81 9/81

500

10/82

10,000

500

500

11/81

250 5000 500

Glover

12/82

1OOO

5/83

500

Phila.

845

Chester

825,835

845

£5

7 1,6,8-10,15 1,6,8-12,15 4.6,9 2,5-6,9-10 6 1,6,8-13 7»9»!2

£100 £10 £10 £20

1,3-4,6,8-13,16

4,6,8-9 1,3-4,6,8-10,15 4,6-9,11-13 1,10,15 2-4,6,8-10,12

£10 £10

500

Yeoman Chairmaker Yeoman

1-2,4,6,8-10 1,3-4,8-9,11-12,15 1,6,8-10,15 1,6,8-10,15 2-4,6,8-10 5-6,9-13,16 2-4,6,8-10,14

!25

Bristol? Great Strickland, Westm. London Baycliff in Furness, Lanes. Ashover, Derby Worcester, Worcs.

1OOO

Sources 2,8-10

Phila.

83w,83s,87p

84P 83s,84w,84s

1,3-4,6,8-10 2,6-10,12,14-16 2-4,6,8-13,15 1,3-4,6,8-13

168–5·43

£100

Fisher, Joseph Flower, Enoch

Dublin, Ireland Corsham, Wilts.

Yeoman Barber

3/82 9/81

5000 2OOO

£40

Ford, Philip

London

Merchant

7/81

5000

£100

Ford, Ann Ford, Bridget Ford, Philip, Jr. Ford, Susanna Forford, Christopher Foster, Allen

London London London London Frome, Som. Wales

Daughter of PF Daughter of PF Son of PF Daughter of PF Wire Drawer

8/82 8/82 8/82 8/82

1000

£20

Foster, Basilion Fox, George Fox, Samuel Frame, Robert Free Society of Traders Fue, Richard Sr. & Fue, Richard Jr. Fuller, Jacob Fuller, Joseph Fuller, Sarah Fuller, Thomas Furly, Benjamin

London? London Kent?

Quaker Leader

Market Lavington, Wilts.

Shoemaker

Gammel, Daniel Geary, Henry Geary, John Jr. Gee, John & Gee, Edward Gelius, Isaac Gerrish, Thomas Gibbons, John

Ireland? Ireland? West Chiltington, Sus. Peasenhall, Suff. Rotterdam, Netherlands

Merchant

2000

1000

Yeoman Yeoman Tanner

Bronham, Wilts. Warminster, Wilts.

Clothier Shoemaker

83w,83s,85p 835, 84p

2-4,6-13,15 1,3-4,6,8-13,15-16

848

1,6,8-14,16 !4

£20 £40 £20

M H !4

1,8-10,15

10/81 1/82

8/81

10/81 6/82 9/82

1100

£22

1OOO

£20

1250 1500 250

4/82 4/82 7/82

£20

Phila. Phila. Phila.

83s 83s 83^,838, 85p

£100

Phila.

84w,84s,86p

£25 £25

5000

£10

£10

500

£10

2500

£50

500

£10

Phila.

835,848 Bucks

5000

500

500

845

83s 838

1250 1250 500

82w,84p 845

Phila.

£400

1OOO

Phila. Bucks

£30

20,000 500

1650 Chesham, Bucks. Tring, Herts. Kings Co., Ireland Kings Co., Ireland

83w,83S,84w 838, 84p 83w,92p 84w,i7o6p 845

500

5/82

Spinster

1OOO

Phila. Phila. Bucks Phila. Bucks

Chester

83s

83w,83s

838, w 835

3-4,6,8-13 2,6-10 1,6,8-12,16 3-4,8-9 1,6,8-10 2,4,8-12,16 1,6,8-10,12,14-15 6-7,9,11-12 6-7,9,11-12 2,6,8-15 6-7*9 6,9-16 2,6,8-10 2-4,6,8-10,12,14-15 2-4,6,8-10,15 6-8,10-14

6,8-9 1,6,8-10 1,6,8-12,15

TheFirstpucaeof Pensylvai·64

Name

English Residence

Gibson, Francis Gibson, William Glen, George Goodson, John Grange, Matthew Gray, John Green, George Greene, Henry Greenway, Robert Grice, Richard Growden, Joseph

Hants. London Ches. London Ches.? London Farringdon, Berks. Kent? London

English Occupation

Sale Date

Acres Payment

Haberdasher

8/82 11/81

5000

Survey Date

City Lot

500 !25 500

Surgeon

Pa. Land

£10

Phila.

82w,83s,84s

£100

Phila.

845

Phila.

85s

85s,85P

Phila. Bucks

845 835,845

845

83w,83s

100

Gentleman Roper

6/84

Mariner

3/82

1500

£10 £30

Austell, Corn.

Gentleman

1681

5OOO

£100

Growden, Laurence Gunton, Richard Guy, Edward

Trevose, Corn. London Market Lavington, Wilts.

Gentleman

5000

£100 £20

Haige, William Hall, Joseph Hall, William Hands, Richard Hanks, Luke Harding, John

London Ches.?

Merchant

S war ford, Oxf. Notts. Marlborough, Wilts.

Yeoman

Harding, Nathaniel Harford, Charles Harford, Francis Harley, Thomas Harper, John Harris, John [see Cartledge, Sannuel]

London Bristol Taunton-Dean, Som. Heref. Bister, Oxf. Goatacre, Wilts,

Basketmaker Soapboiler Sergemaker

5000 2OOO 500

1000

250

Maltster 10/81 10/82

Maltster

500

£10

1000

500

£20 £10 £10

500

£10

1000

250

5000 Maltster Clothier

2/82 9/81

500

1500

5 6,8-9,12,16 2,4,6,8-10 1,3-4,8-13,16 4,6,8-9 7,9,11-12 1,6,8-10,15 3-4,8-9 1,4,6,8-13,16 6 1,3-4,6,8-12,15

1,3-4,6,8-10,15 2,6-10

1,6,8-10

500

500

Sources

£5 £100 £10 £30

Bucks

82w,82s,85p

83s,84s,84p

Phila. Bucks Chester

83s

83s 83w,85P

Phila.

85w

Phila. Chester

82w,84s,84p 845

82S

82w,83s

845 83w 83s

5-6,8-13,16 2,4,6-10 6 1,3-4,6,8-10,14 2-4,6,8-12 1,3-4,6,8-13,15 1,3-4,6,8-12,16 1,8-10,13,15 1,3-4,6,8-10,15 4> 6 '7>9 3-4,8-9,11-14 3-4,9,11-13,15

168–5·4

250

£5

5000

£100

Yeoman

1000

£20

Swarford, Oxf. Goatacre, Wilts. Charlecott, Wilts. Hammersmith, Middlx. Hurst-Pierrepoint, Sus. Warminghurst, Sus. Eccleshall, Staffs. London Beckington, Som. Beckington, Som. Marlborough, Wilts. Frodsham, Ches. London?

Yeoman Cordwainer Sergemaker Maltster Yeoman Spinster Husbandman Cheesemonger Shoemaker Shoemaker Yeoman

1000

£20

Chatham, Kent Waterford, Ireland Bridgewater, Som. Bristol Macclesfield, Ches. Macclesfield, Ches. Oxf. Llanwddyn, Mont.

Mariner

Harrison, Francis

London

Poulterer

Harrison, James

Bolton, Lanes.

Shoemaker

Hart, John

Witney, Oxf.

Hastings, Joshua Halt, Thomas Hay wood, Thomas Heming, Richard Herriott, Thomas Hersent, Sarah Heycock, John Hicks, John Hill, James Hill, John Hitchcock, William Hodgkinson, John Holegate, Robert & Holegate, Roger Holland, Joshua Holme, Thomas Hoope, Abraham Hort, John Hough, Richard Hudson, Thomas Hughes, John Humphrey, John [see Lloyd, Charles] Hunt, James Hunt, Richard Hurst, Cuthbert

Kent? Bramyard, Heref.

Joiner Currier Husbandman Collarmaker Gentleman

4/82

500 9/81 2/82 9/81 4/82

250

250 5000

500 250 250

500

500

8/82 3/82 4/83 4/83 12/81

5000 5000 250

£100

5000 500

Bucks

85s

Bucks

82W

6,8-16

83s,84s

1,3-4,6,8-13,15-16

83s,84s

1,3-4,6,8-13 1,4,6,8-10,15 1,3-4,8-13 1,5-6,8-10 1,6,8-12,15 1,6,8-10,12,16 1-2,4,6,8-10,12,15 1,3-4,8-10 1,8-10,12-13,15 1,6,8-10,15 1,3-4,8-13,15 2,4,6,8-10,13,15 3-4,8-9,! 1-12 6-7,9,12,15

£5

£10

Bucks Phila.

£10

845

84\v 83\v,86p 835 Phila.

£100

1,3-4,8-13

845

£5 £5

£40

84\v,84s

83w,83s,86p

83s,84P

2-4,6-13,15-16 1,3-4,8-10,15 1,9-10,15

85w 835,855

835 83s

7,9,11-13,15 7,9,11-12,15 3-4,6,8-9,15 1,10,15

1000

Surgeon

£5 £10

500

86s 825,845 838,845 82w,84s 8^,835,845 84s

£5

500 250 250

1OOO

Phila. Chester Phila. Bucks Phila. Bucks

500 500

835

£20

£10

3-4,8-9,11-12 2-4,6,8-10

Bucks

85s

6,8-10,12

Name

English Residence

Occupation

Sale Date

Acres

Ingoldsby, Sir Henry Isaac, William Isaacs, Jacob

Dublin, Ireland Wales? Krevelt, Germany

Army Officer

10/81

2OOO

Jackman, George Jefferson, Edward Jeffryes, Edward Jelson, Joel Jenkins, William Jenner, John Jennett, John Jobson, Samuel Ap John, John Jones, Charles, Sr. & Jones, Charles, Jr. Jones, Edward

Hants. Ashwell, Herts. Cirencester, Glos. Barton Regis, Glos. Tenby, Pern. London Bristol Bermondsey, Sur. Ruabon, Den. Bristol Bristol Bala, Merion.

Haberdasher Emasculator Haberdasher Silkweaver Fellmonger Yeoman Soapboiler Merchant Surgeon

Jones, Griffith

Bermondsey, Sur.

Glover

Jones, John Jones, Joseph Jones, Robert Jordain, Richard Jourden, Sylvester

Holborn, London Hants. Choulesbury, Bucks. London Nether Hayford, Oxf.

Glover Blacksmith Maltster Shoemaker Carpenter

9/81 6/82 2/82 10/81

Keith, George Kempton, Mark Kennerly, James [see Maddock, Henry] Kent, William Killinbert, Henry

Edinburgh, Scotland London Hoomhall, Ches.

Gentleman Carpenter Yeoman

10/81

London

Merchant

10/81

English

TheFirstpucaeof Pensylvai·64

Survey

Payment

Pa. Land

Date

City Lot

2,5-6,9-10,16 2,4-6,8-10 5>9

5OO

Baker

6/83

1000

10/81 10/81

1500

Bucks Phila. Phila.

8iw 845 848

84w,84s 845

£20 £100

Phila. Phila. Chester Phila.

848 83w,83s,86p 835 83s

84w,84s,85p ^3W'^3S'^4P 83w,84s,84p 835

4*9 1,3-4,8-10,13-14 7-i3 1,6,8-12 4,6,8-9,12 5.7 1,8-13,15 1,3-4,6,8-13,15 1,3-4,6-14,16 1,8-12,15-16 1,3,6,8-14

£100

83s,84s,84p

1,3-4,6,8-16

500

£10

8iw,83s 8iw 84w,84s,84p 845,855 845

835,848

5OOO

Phila. Chester Phila. Chester Phila.

5OO

Maltster

Sources

500

£30 £10

250

10/81 10/82

1OOO

10/81 9/81 9/81

1000

2500

9/81

2500

500 500

2OOO

500 5OO

£10

250

£5

83w,83s,84p

83s

2-4,6,8-10,12,15 1,4,8-10 1,6,9-1O

1000

500 !25

1-5,8-13 4,6,9,1 1-12

£10 £2-10

1,6,8-10,14,16 1,3-4,8-10 2,4,6,8-10

1250

1OOO

£25

3-4,6,8-10,12

83s

2,6,8-12

168–5·47

King, John King, Walter Kinsey, Ralph Kinsman, John Kirkman, Richard Kirton, John Knight, Robert

Hadbury, Bucks. Haveyard, Som. London Fifield, Wilts.

Lamb, Hugh Lambell, William Lancaster, James Lane, William Langhorne, Thomas Lawrence, William Lawson, Samuel Lawson, Thomas Lehnholm, Morris Lehnmann, Philip T Leicester, Peter Lewis, David Linsley, Thomas Litchfield, Henry Littlemore, Joseph Lloyd, Charles [and Davies, Margaret; Lloyd, William [and Abrahams, John] Lodge, Robert Love, John Lovett, Elizabeth Low, William Lownes, Jane Lowther, Anne

Middlx. Berks.?

12/81

1000

£20

1OOO

10/81 Yeoman

Kensington, Middlx. Godmersham, Kent Hosier

9/81

!25

£2-10

250 500 2500

£10

500

84w,84s,94p Phila. Phila.

835,845 845

2500

£50 625 £12-10

2-4,6,8-12 1,6,8-10,14-15 2,6,9-10 2-4,6,8-10 2,6,8-10,15 1,3-4,6,8-10,12,14

83s,84w,84s

Grocer 500 £10 Bristol 9/81 Husbandman 250 £5 Bucks 86s Hiltondale, Westm. 11/81 Woolen Draper 500 Bucks 86s Axbridge, Som. Merchant 1000 London 8/82 Gentleman 250 11/84 Sterling, Westm. 500 Pern.? Phila. 835,845 835 Gentleman 1OOO Bristol Chester 825,855 835 Ches.? !25 Chester 84w 2000 Wales w 250 Norton, Ches. 500 £10 7/81 Shrewsbury, Salop. !25 83s Ches.? Gentleman £130 Phila. 8iw,84w 9/81 10,000 Dolobran, Mont. Davies, Richard; Ellis, Rowland; Humphrey, John ; Owen, Lewis; Owen, Robert; & Thomas, Edward] Mariner 2000 Bristol Masham, Yorks. Bristol Sus.

Butcher Grocer Widow

Marske, Yorks.

Niece of WP

10/81

500

y.Q' 11 -^

6 1,8-10,14-15 1,6,7-12,14-16 1,8-12,15 5-6 1,5-6,8-10 4,6,8-9 1,6,8-12,16 2,4,6,8-10 4,i3 2,4,6,8-10,15 4,6,9,14-15 4,6,8-9,! 1-12 1,4,6-10,13-14,16

2,4,6,8-10,15 1,6,8-10,15-16

83w

1000

250 500 150 2500

2-4,6,8-13,15 1,8-12

£5

1,6,8-9,13,15 2,6-10

Phila.

835

2,9-10 2,4,6,8-10 1,6,8-12

TheFirstpucaeof Pensylvai·648

Name

English Residence

English Occupation

Lowther, John Lowther, Margaret, Jr. Lowther, William Luff, Edward & Luff, John Lyell, James

Marske, Yorks. Marske, Yorks. Marske, Yorks. Market Lavington, Wilts. Market Lavington, Wilts. London

Nephew of WP Niece of WP Nephew of WP Shoemaker Shoemaker Merchant

10/81

5000

Mace, Gilbert Maddock, Henry [and Kennerly, James] Malin, Randle March, John Markham, William Marks, Matthew Marsh, Richard

London Hoomhall, Ches.

Weaver Yeoman

1 2/8 1 3/82

1500

Great Barrow, Ches. Nether Hayford, Oxf. London Folkstone, Kent Bristol

Quaker Minister Carpenter 10/81 Gentleman 10/81

Bristol Wilts. London Millbrook, Hants. Bucks. London Westmeston, Sus. Bristol Bristol Charley, Berks. Devizes, Wilts. Bucklebury, Berks.

Physician Son of Charles Feltmaker Maltster

Marshall, Charles & Marshall, Charles, Jr. Martin, Isaac Martin, John Martin, John Martin, Joseph Martin, Walter Martindale, Edward Martindale, Margaret Mason, John May, Jane May, John [see Sansom, John] Middleton, Joshua [see Wardell, Robert]

Durham?

Sale Date

Payment

2500 2500 2500 500

500

£10 £20

5000 5000 10,000

£200

6000

£70

4/82

500

£10

10/81

10,000 500

9/8 1

1000

5/82

Pa. Land

Survey Date

Phila. Phila. Bucks Phila. Bucks

83s 848 83s 845 83s

Chester

83s

City Lot

Sources

84s 835,845

1,6,8-12,16 1,6,8-12,16 1,6,8-12,16 1,6,8-12,15-16 1,5-6,8-10 3-4,8-9,12,14 2,4,6,8-12

Phila. Chester Phila.

848 845 835, 85w

845

2,4,6,8-10,15 1,3-4,8-10 1,5-6,8-10,16 6,9,12,15 1,3-4,8-10,12,15

835, 85w

1,4,6-13,15

Chester

838

83w,83s,gop

250 1000

Merchant

Merchant Husbandman Merchant Wife of Edward Tanner Widow Button Maker

Acres

500 500

£10 £10 £10

1000

£20 £20

1OOO

£20

250

845

Phila.

82w,84p,87p

2-4,6,8-10,14 2,4,6,8-13,15 3-4,6,10 1,5-6,8-10 1,3-4,8-12,15 1,3-4,6,8-10,14-15 1,4,6,8-10,15 3-4,6-9,13-15 1,6,8-10 1,4,8-10,15 3-4,6

Midlecot, Daniel Millington, John & Millington, Mary Mills, Richard Milnor, Joseph & Milnor, Daniel Minchin, Henry Minchin, Thomas Minshall, Thomas

168–5·49

Ratlinghope, Salop. Shrewsbury, Salop. Shrewsbury, Salop. Bridgewater, Som. Pownal, Ches. Pownal, Ches.

Husbandman

8/82 Wife of John Tailor Blacksmith

9/81

£8

250 250

£5

Phila.

835

83s

Bucks

83s

83s

2,4,6,8-12,15 4*6,9 1,3-4,6,8-10,12,15 2,4,6,8-12,15

6 500 625

Stoke, Ches.

Mitchell, Nathaniel Redwith, Middlx. Mitchell, Nehemiah Moon, John Bristol London Moore, John & London Moore, Joseph [and Coles, Sabian; Parker, Thomas] Moore, William London Mordant, William Wales London More, Nicholas New York, N.Y. Morrey, Humphrey Morris, Thomas London Murrey, Henry London

400 500

Cooper Linendraper Merchant Merchant

250 500 500

1/82

Plasterer Gentleman Merchant Merchant Tailor

1OOO

£10

10,000

£200

250 500

250

1250

Napper, John Neale, William Neild, John Nichols, Amos Nixon, John Noyes, Samuel

Southwark, Sur. Benton, Ches. London Pownal, Ches. Devizes, Wilts.

Wool Stapler Husbandman Distiller Husbandman Sergemaker

Oldham, John Olive, Ann

Notts.? Oxford, Oxf.

Widow

10/81 3/82 10/81

9/81

£20

500

500 5/82

£10

£5 £5

250

£5 £5

500

£5-12

250 250

500

250

500

£5 £10

Phila. Chester

845

Phila. Phila Chester Phila.

845

84P

82W

82w,84p 83w,8yp 83w,83s,86p

84p,88p 82w,84p

82w,83s,84p

83s

2*9

2-4,6,8,10-13 1,4,6,8-10,15-16 1,3-4,6,8-13

83w,83s,86p

835 Phila. Phila.

1,6,8-9 4,6,8-13,15

83w,83s

83s 83s

1,3-4,8-10 4,6,8-9,11-12 1,6-13,15-16

M.9

5-6,8-9

i>3-4>9-!3>i5

2,8-10

84P Chester

83w,83s

Phila.

83s

835

2,4,6,8-10,15 4,6,8-9,14 1,3-4,8-10,12 2,4,6,8-13,15 1,4,6,8-10,15 2-3,6,8-10 1,3-4,8-12

Name

TheFirstpucaeof Pensylvai·650

English Residence

English Occupation

Merion. Owen, Lewis [see Lloyd, Charles] Seven Oaks, Kent? Owen, Nathaniel [see Rigge, Ambrose & Piggot, William] Owen, Robert Merion. [see Lloyd, Charles]

Gentleman

Pagett, Thomas Palmer, George & Palmer, Elizabeth Pardoe, William & Pardoe, Sarah Parker, Alexander Parker, Thomas [see Moore, John] Parks, James Parsons, John Parsons, Thomas & Parsons, Richard Paschall, Thomas Pascoe, Abraham Paske, Nathaniel Pawlin, Henry Paxton, Henry Pearce, John Penington, Edward Penington, John Penington, Mary, Jr. Penington, William Penn, Laetitia Penn, Richard

Mealman

Bristol Kingston, Sur. Kingston, Sur. Worcester, Worcs. Worcester, Worcs. London London?

Sale Date

Acres Payment

Pa. Land

Survey Date

City Lot

Sources 1,10

1,10,15 1,10,15

Gentleman

Wife of George Merchant Wife of William Haberdasher

Middlezoy, Som.

Carpenter

Bristol St. Anthony, Corn. London Padbury, Bucks. Slough, Bucks. Chester? Amersham, Bucks. Amersham, Bucks. Amersham, Bucks. Amersham, Bucks. Warminghurst, Sus. Middlx.

Pewterer

4/82

500 5000

£10 £100

10/81

1250

£25

84w,84s 82s 8iw

82w,83s,84p

500 250 500

1681

7/8 1 8/81

8/82

500 1250 250 1000 500 250 1250 1250 1250 1250 5000 5000

139 3-4,6,8-13,15 1,3-4,6,8-10,13 1,6,8-10,16 6

1000

3/82

Gentleman Spinster Druggist Daughter of WP Gentleman

Phila. Bucks Chester

£5

£5 £20 £10

Phila.

82w,82s,84p

83w,83s,86p

Bucks

828,855

835 838

Phila.

838

Phila.

83w,i7oip

1,6,8-10 1,3-4,8-10,15 6,8-9 6,8-9 1,6,8-13,15 2,5-6,8-10,15 2-4,6,8-10 2-4,6,8-10,15 2-4,6,8-13,15 2,4,6,8-12,15 1,6,8-10,15 1,6,8-12,15-16 1,6,8-10,15-16 1,6,8-10,15 6,8-10,13,16

5-6,9

168–5·1

Penn, William, Jr. Warminghurst, Sur. Perrin, Arthur Petre, James Bristol? Dublin, Ireland Petty, Sir William Phillips, Thomas Ireland? Phillips, William & Phillips, Joseph London Philsher, Thomas Limerick, Ireland Pickering, Charles Halton, Ches. Pierce, Richard Limerick, Ireland Pierce, Thomas Ireland? Piggot, William [see Rigge, Ambrose; Owen, Nathaniel] London Pimton, Richard Pindar, Richard Northshields, Northumb. [and Williamson, Joseph] Edenton, Som. Pleas, Thomas Minories, London Plumstead, Francis Potter, Joseph Notts.? Southwark, Sur. Powel, William Buckland, Som. Powell, George Charleton, Ches. Powell, Joseph Rudheath, Ches. Powell, Thomas London Powell, Thomas Pownali, George Lostock-Graham, Ches. Wales? Poyer, John Worcester, Worcs. Price, John Prichard, Edward Heref. London Pusey, Caleb

Son of WP

Gentleman

10/81

5000 1250 500 5000 1000

1250

Wine Cooper Son of William

Phila.

83w

1,6,8,13,16 2,8-10

£20 £25

Phila.

83w,8gp

Phila.

83w,83$,85s

84s,84p

83s

86p 84s

5000

2,10

1OOO

Apothecary

1OOO 10OO

1,6,8-10,13 2,5-6,9-10,16 3-4,6,8-13,16 1,3-4,6,8-10

£20 £20

Bucks

2,4,6,8-10,13,15 3-4,6,8-10,12,15-16 3-4,6,8,11-12 1,1O,15

1000

Miner

6/82

500

Sergemaker Iron Monger

10/81

2500

250 250

1250

500

Butcher Husbandman Yeoman

% £50 £5 £25

Phila.

84w

Phila. Chester

8$w 835

250

7 3-4.6,9,13

83P

1,3-4,6,8-13 1,3-4,6,8-10,13,15 2-4,6,8-12 1,3-4,8-10,14-16 1,8-10,15 2,4,6,8-12 2,4,6,8-10,15 3-4,6,8-9 2,4,6,8-10,13-15 6,8-9,11-12 1,3-4,6,8-10 6-10,13 1,3-4,8-13,15

83s,84P

1,3-4,8-13

835 845

250

250

3/82

£5

1OOO

£20

10/81

75° 500 2500 250

Tailor Glassmaker

£20 £10

Phila.

835

Phila. Phila. Chester

84w,85p 87s 83s

8iw 835

£lO

£50

£5

Pusey, John

London

Dyer

250

£5

Quare, Daniel

London

Clockmaker

250

£5

1,3-4,8-10

Name

TheFirstpucaeof Pensylvai·652

English Residence

Rakestraw, William Oxf. Rebye, John Marlborough, Wilts. Reynolds, John London Richards, Joseph Newgate, Oxf. Richards, Solomon Richardson, Richard London Rigge, Ambrose [and Piggot, William; Owen, Nathaniel] Roberts, Thomas London Robinett, Allen Ches. Robinson, Robert Newby Stones, Westm. Rochester, Robert West Firle, Sus. Rogers, Francis Co. Cork, Ireland Rogers, George Co. Cork, Ireland Balyfyn, Ireland Rolls, Samuel Roman, Philip Lineham, Wilts. Rowland, John Billingshurst, Sus.

English Occupation

Sale Date

Maltster

9/81

Acres Payment 2500 250 1OOO

Yeoman

500 1250 250 5000

Schoolmaster Merchant Yeoman Gentleman Merchant Merchant Gentleman Shoemaker Husbandman

Rowland, Thomas

Billingshurst, Sus.

Yeoman

Rowland, Thomas Rudyard, Thomas Runing, Philip Russel, William

Acton, Ches. London Lineham, Wilts. London

Lawyer Shoemaker Physician

Sagar, Thomas [and Bayley, Susannah] Salloway, William Samways, Edward Sansom, John [and May, John]

Christian Malford, Wilts.

Yeoman

Taunton-Dean, Som. London Chevelie, Berks.

Sergemaker Cook Woodmonger

8/82 1/81

1000

5/83 7/81

250 1250

£5o £5 £20 £10

Pa. Land

Survey Date

City Lot

Sources

Phila.

83s,85s

845

7,9,11-12 1,3-4,6,8-10,15

Bucks Chester Phila.

845 83s 83s,84s

83s 83s

1,9-1O

83s

250

845 83s

2500 2500

Phila.

83s

7/81

2500

3/82

1250 5000

Chester Phila. Bucks Phila. Bucks Chester Phila.

£5

£50 £50 5000 £34-18 250 £5 1250

250

£20 £5

2,4,6,8-12

5-6,15 82S

250

2,7-12 2,6-10

82S

86s,88s

4»6,9 4,9,11-13,15 2,6,8-12,15

828,835 845 83w,83s,86p

845

1,6,8-10,15

83w,83S

82S

82w,84s,85p

83w,84s,85p

2,4,6,8-13,15 1,4,8-14,16 1,3,8-10,15 1,6,8-10 1,6,8-10,15

500

500 500

6,9,11-12 7,9,1 1-12,15

1000

9/81 1/82

1,3-4,6,8-12 2,8-12 2,6,8-lO,l6

Chester Chester

8/82 9/81 3/82

2,6-12

£5 £10 £10

Phila.

8iw,83s,86p

83s 83w,83s

1,3-4,6,8-10,12-13,15 2-4,8-14 1,4,8-10,15

168–5·3

Saunders, Thomas Scarborough, John Scott, Thomas Selfe, Isaac Serey, Thomas Serghall, Robert [see Brothers, John] Shardlow, William Sharpless, John Sheires, John Shippard, Priscilla Shore, George Shorter, Elizabeth Shute, William Simcock, George Simcock, John Simkins, Edward Simmons, Thomas Sleighton, Henry Smith, Daniel, Sr. Smith, Daniel, Jr. Smith, Francis Smith, Francis Smith, Humphrey Smith, William Smith, William Smith, William Snashold, John Snead, Richard Somer, Robert Songhurst, John [and Barnes, John] Sonmans, Arent

Illmire, Bucks. London London Market Lavington, Wilts. Worcs.? Market Lavington, Wilts.

Yeoman Blacksmith Tailor Maltster

Spitalfield, Middlx. Hadderton, Ches. Grindleton, Yorks. Warminghurst, Sus. Athlone, Ireland London Seagry, Wilts. Ches.? Stoke, Ches. Southwark, Sur. Pern. London Marlborough, Wilts. Marlborough, Wilts. Devizes, Wilts. Great Ilford, Essex London Bristol Bristol Bromham, Wilts. Chiltington, Sus. Bristol Rowde, Wilts. Chiltington, Sus.

Merchant

Midlothian, Scotland

3/82 7/82

£5 £10

Chester

£10

Phila.

82S

5000

£100

Phila. Chester

83w,83s 82w,83s,84p

Yeoman

10/82 4/82 Spinster Merchant Glover; Widow Yeoman Yeoman Feltmaker Gentleman Turner Distiller Distiller? Gentleman Yeoman

1000 1000

250 500 500

7875

250 500 250

2OOO

2500

500

5000 1OOO

Mariner Brass Founder Yeoman

835

£100

83s,84w

1500

Gentleman

5000

500

2,6-13,l6

2,4,6,8-13,15 3-4,6,8-10,12

1,6,8-10,16 2,6-13,15

83w,83s,93p 83s,83p

83w,83s,87p 83w,83S

£5 £5 £40

825,835,855 82s,83w,83S

835 835

£50

Chester Phila. Phila. Phila. Chester Phila. Chester

848,865,895

86s

£25

Phila.

845

82w,84s

Phila. Phila. Chester

845

835 845

Phila.

835, 84w

83s

1,6,8-13,15 6,8-9,12,15 3-4,6,8-13,15

Phila.

835

83s

1,6,8-12,15-16

£5

£100

83s 83s 845 86s

£30

82s,83w,83s 825,835,845

1,3-4,8-13 1,6,8-10,15 4,6,8-9,11-12

2-4,6-13,15-6 1,3-4,8-12

£20

500

1500

1,6,8-10,13,15 3-4,6,8-9 1,6,8-10,15

Phila. Phila.

500 1250

Mercer Yeoman Carpenter

4,6,9,1 1-13 1,3-4,8-10

8?w

£20

1OOO

8/81 5/82

2-4,6,8-10,14-15 82W

500 5000

9/81 10/81 1/82 10/81 3/82 3/82

£10

500 250 500 250 500

4,8,11-12 1,3-4,8-12 1-4,6,8-12,14-15 3,8-10,12,15 1-2,6,8-10,15 1-4,6,8-13,15 3-4»6 1,8-12,16 1,8-12

1,6,9-10,15 5-6,9-10

Name

English Residence

Occupation

Sale Date

Acres Payment

Pa. Land

Date

City Lot

Sources

South, Humphrey Southworth, John & Southworth, Mary Sowle, Andrew Spencer, John Springett, Herbert Stanley, William Stanmore, Jonathan Stanton, Richard Stephens, John Stephens, Robert Stone, John Stringfellow, John Stroude, George Slubber, Edward Summers, John Summers, Robert Sunderland, Robert Sweetapple, Sir John Swift, John

London Middlx.? Middlx.? Middlx. London London Ireland London London? Usington, Berks. Rowde, Wilts.

Merchant

10/81

1000

Phila. Phila.

83s,84w,86p 835

83s,84w,84p 83w,84s,84p

6,9-13,16

Stationer Tailor Lawyer

8/82 1681 10/81

!25 1500

£2-10

Bucks

83s

5OOO

£100

Phila.

82w,83S,86p

250

£5

Chester

845

Chester Phila. Phila. Chester

83s 83s 85s

85s

Phila. Phila. Bucks

835,885 845 835,905

88s

English

TheFirstpucaeof Pensylvai·654

London Southampton, Hants. Billinaman, Ireland Heref.

Shoemaker

11/81

Sun>ey

500

6-7,9-10,12 1,3-4,8-12 1,8-10,12

83w,83s,84p

1000

Grocer Yeoman

5/82

250 250

500

Tailor 7/82 5/82

£5

500

£10 £10

500

£10

5000

500

London Southampton, Hants.

Goldsmith Printer?

9/81

500

£20 £10

Symms, Elizabeth Symms, Thomas

Steyning, Sus. Wilts.

Spinster

2/82

1000

£20

Tanner, John Tanner, Joseph Tanner, William Tavernor, Samuel Tavernor, William Taylor, Christopher

Love Lane, London

Distiller

Uxbridge, Middlx. Ireland?

Tanner

Edmonton, Middlx.

Schoolmaster

1OOO

2/82

1,8-13

83s 83s

7-!3 1,3-4,8-10,14 7 3-4,6,8-9,12 1,6,8-13,15 6 1,3-4,8-10 6-7,9,11-12,15 5-6,8-9,! 1-12 2-4,6,8-10,13

82W,Q2p

6,8,11-12 6 6-7,9,11-12 3-4,6,8-13,15

500

86s 845

5 1,6,8-10,12,14-1 2,4,6,9,11-12

500

845

2,8-12

500 500

2,8-10

845

1OOO

£20

5000

£100

2,8-12,14-15 3-4,6,8-9

6 Phila.

845

82w,83s,gip

3-4,6,8-13,15-16

168–5·

Taylor, Peter [see Taylor, William] Taylor, Robert

Sutton, Ches. Ches.

1000

Taylor, William [and Taylor, Peter] Thatcher, Richard Thomas, Edward [see Lloyd, Charles] Thomas, John

Sutton, Ches.

1250 5/82 1000

Berks. Mont.

Yeoman

Llaithgwm, Merion.

Yeoman

Thomas, Richard Ap Thrattle, William Tibby, John Tibby, Thomas Tizack, John Tizack, Peregrine Tomkins, Anthony Toomer, Robert Tovey, John Townsend, Richard Turner, John Turner, Robert

Whitford Game, Flint. Shrewsbury, Salop. London London Newcastle, Northumb. Newcastle, Northumb.? Southwark, Sur. Kingston, Sur.? London London London Dublin, Ireland

Vernon, Randle Vernon, Robert Vernon, Thomas

Sandiway, Ches. Stoke, Ches. Stanthorne, Ches.

Vickris, Robert & Vickris, Richard Virgoe, Thomas Vroesen, Adriaen

Chew Magna, Som. Bristol London Rotterdam, Netherlands

Shopkeeper Joiner Glassmaker Glassmaker Feltmaker

9/81 250 0 7/8 1 7/82

5000 25 0 250

250 250

1000 1OOO

1/82

5000

1250

Grocer Carpenter

250

1OOO

3/82 6000

£5 £5 £5 £20

Phila. Chester

85w,85s,86p 825,835

Bucks

4,10,15 83s,85w,86p

4,8-13

»5P

2,4,8-10,13,15 3-4,6,8-9,13

82w,82s,83s

£20 £25

£5

2OOO

500

8iw

845, &5w

84W,84S

Bucks

83w,84s,87p

83w,84s,87p

Phila.

82w,86p

845

82s,83s,84p

83w,84p,87p

Phila. Phila. Phila. Chester Phila.

625

5000

1,3-4,6,8-14

8iw,83s,84w

83w,83s

£120 . Phila.

500

3/82

Phila. Chester Chester

£20

625 Merchant Merchant Clockmaker Gentleman

82w,83s,87p

1,10

1000

Linendraper

£20

Bucks

£10

845 845 845

4,6-7,9,11-13 4,6,14-15 4

1,3,8-13,15 7>9- lc M5 7>9>!5 5,11-13 2-4,6,9 1,3-4,6,8-10 1,3-4.8-13

7

2-4,6-13,15-16

2,4,6,9-12,15 2,4,6,8-12,15 2,4,6,8-12,15

82S

83s

83s

1,3-4,7-12,16 1,3-4,8-10

9'H

Name

TheFirstpucaeof Pensylvai·65

English Residence

Waddy, Henry Holborn, Middlx. Wade, William Westham, Sus. Moorlinch, Som. Wall, John [and Wallis, John] Walley, Shadrick Bickley, Ches. Moorlinch, Som. Wallis, John [and 'Wall, John] Bristol Wallis, James Wain, Nicholas Yorks. Wain, Richard Walter, Edward Oxf. Middlx. Ward, Ralph Ward, Richard Swarford, Oxf. Wardell, Robert Durham [and Middleton, Joshua] Warring, Jeremiah London Webb, Richard Kingston, Sur. Welsh, Shadrick Ches.? West, Edward London St. Sepulchre, London West, John Sawley, Derby Whitby, Thomas White, George Whitehead, George Wigan, William Willard, George Williamson, Joseph [see Pindar, Richard] Wisdome, John

Bucklebury, Berks.

English Occupation

Milliner Yeoman Husbandman

Sale Date

9/81

City Lot

Sources

750 1250

Phila.

82w,84s,84p

831^835

1,8-13,16 1,6,8-10,15 1,3-4,6,8-10,15

Bucks

845

Phila. Phila.

82w,83s,84s

845

Phila.

848

83w,83s,84s

£5

2,4,6,8-13,15 1,6,8-10'

1000

Shoemaker Yeoman

1000

£20

250

£5 £2-10

!25 1OOO

10/81 1 0/8 1

4/82

Yeoman

11/81 Westminster, Middlx. Warre, Sus.

Survey Date

250

Merchant Yeoman

Merchant Girdler Cloth Worker

Pa. Land

250

Innholder Husbandman

Perfumer Linendraper

Acres Payment

Perfumer Yeoman

83s

500

£10

250 i ooo 500

£5 £20

Bucks

8iw

1000

1250 500

£20 £25 £10

2500

Phila. Phila. Phila. Chester

875? 835,845 83s 835,845

£50

500 500

1250

£10

Phila. Bucks Chester

83w,83s,85p 84 5 835,855

1,4,8-10,15 3-4,8-13,16 6,11-12,15 3-4,6,8-9 2-4,6,8-12 1,6,9-10 2-4,6 3-4,6,9,12-13 2-4,8-10,15 2,4,6,8-10

875? 83^ 83s

6-12

83s 82w,83s 83w,83s,85p

2,6,8-12,16

2,6-12,16 2-4,6,8-12,15

1,3-4,6,8-10,15

2-4,8-13

1,6,8-13

4,6

Bucklebury, Berks.

11/81

250

£5

2-4,8-10,12,15

168–5·7

Withers, Ralph Withers, William Wolff, Thomas Wood, George

Bishops Canning, Wilts. Bishops Canning, Wilts. Herts. Derby?

Yeoman Yeoman

Wooller, Richard Woolman, Sarah

Golding Lane, London Middlx.

Tanner

Woolrich, Thomas Worrell, John Worrell, Joshua [and Worrell, Peter] Worrell, Peter Worrell, Richard Worth, Thomas Wright, Henry Wynne, Thomas

Staffs.?

Yardley, William

8/8l 100 0

9/8 1 500 250

£20

4/82

500 250

£10 £5

3/82

1000

Wheelwright Maltster Tobacconist Surgeon

9/81

2500

Rushton-Spencer, Staffs.

Yeoman

3/82

500

Soap Boiler

Zachary, Thomas

London

Physician

!25 500

8/82

250

500

500 1 0/8 1

Bucks Phila. Chester

83w,83s 835, 84w 835

83s 83s

1,3,6,8-10,15-16 1,6,8-10,12,15 2-4,6,8-13 2-4,6,8-13,15

Phila. Bucks

83s 83w

83w,8yp

3-4,8-9,12,14 3-4,6,8-9,11-13

Chester Phila. Chester

83s 82w,84p

Phila.

83w,84s,84p

Phila. Bucks

845

2,4,6,8-10,12 2,4,6,8-10 4,6,8-9,11-12

250 500

Northwich, Ches. Hamstead Norris, Berks. Oxton, Notts. Shrewsbury, Salop. Caerwys, Flint.

Bristol

£5

10OO

Cheshire?

Young, Peter

£20

£10 £5 £30

82S

84w,84p 83s 845 84w,84s

2,6,9-12,15 2-4,8-10,13,15 2-4,6,8-12,15 4,6,9,11-12,15 1-2,4,6-13,15-16 2,4,6,8-12,15-16

82S

845

1,6,8-12,15 6,8-10,12,16

500

206 REPUTE1 9 FIRST PUEICHA SERS Allen, Charles Allibone, Joseph Ashmead, John Ashmead, Samuel

Glos.

500 250

10

Phila. Phila.

83s 82W

845

9,11-12 9-10,13 10

ReputdfirsPnylva·658

Survey Date

5/87 3/98 3/98

3000

Phila.

83w,83s,86p

Lanes, [bought in Pa.]

5/84

500

Kendal, Westm.

Quaker Leader

7/91 6/82

375 300

Treverigg, Glam.

Gentleman

Ashton, William Atkinson, Christopher Atkinson, John Austin, Elias

Scotforth, Lanes. Scotforth, Lanes.

Carter, Edward Chessal, Anthony Church, Thomas Clarke, William Coates, Richard Cock, Peter

Sale Date

Pa. Land

English Residence

Baker, Henry Ball, John Banks, Benjamin Barrow, Robert Beace, George Beach, William Bevan, Charles Bewas, Arthur Boncroft, John Bostock, John Bradley, John Brant, Susannah Bringley, William Brookes, Edward Browne, Joseph Buckley, Joseph Burdale, Arthur

English Occupation

Acres Payment

+

!75°

City Lot

Sources

g*11-^

9>*5 9>!3>i5 9

750 500

Bucks

84w,84s

11-13,15 10

3000

Phila. 500 500

Phila.

845 835

835,855 835

Yeoman

7/9 1

500 375

10/83

500 4000

10-12

9>!5 9,1 1-12

9 9 9,12,15

1000

Mobberley, Ches.

9 9,12,15-16 9

10

London [bought in Pa.] London

Grocer Brickmaker Calender

£80

200 9OO

Phila. Bucks Phila.

83s 83s 845

8,11-12

9,1 1-12,14, 16 848

5OO

Aston, Oxf.

250

Phila. Chester

88 83s

835

9,11-12,15

845

10 9 8-9,1 1-13,16

1500

Westminster, Middlx.

Confectioner

4/82

500 250

9,11-12,15 9,12 9

£30

Kent Phila. Phila. Phila. Chester

8ow,84p 83w,86p 845 755,765 69p,75s

9,11 10-13,15-16

Cole, William Cook, Arthur Cook, Margaret Cropp, John Cross, Thomas Cureton, William

168–5·9

Bristol? Portsmouth, R.I.

Customs Officer Currier

8-10

Phila. Bucks Chester

84w,86p 83w,83s,84p 845,865,875

845

Bucks Phila.

835 825

838 83w,83s,85p

1000

600 1000

Ireland

£20

g*11-^ 16

9-10

9,11-12

9-13 10

Decow, Isaac Durant, John Dwight, John

Drax Abbey, Yorks.

Yeoman

Middlx.

Gentleman

Eckley, John Edwards, William Ellis, Thomas

Haverfordwest, Pern. Dolserre, Merion.

England, Philip

Dublin, Ireland

Farmer, Jasper Faulkner, Daniel Fincher, John Fisher, John Fox, James Frampton, William

Co. Cork, Ireland

1 1/85 3/86

2500 600 500 25 1000

500

5000

9.12,15

£100

9 9

£22

Phila. Chester Phila. Chester Phila. Chester

845 83s 83w,83s 845,855 838 83w,84p

Phila.

84s,84p,gos

Chester Chester

85w 845

Phila. Kent

83w,83s,84p 85w,86p

835,845

845

845

835

Q2p

9,11-12, 15-16 10-12 9»n-i3» 15-16

848

9-13.15

g* 11 -^* 16 10

Clitheroe, Lanes.

Glazier

New York, N.Y

Merchant

Frankfort Company Furman, Robert Gardner, John Garretson, Marcus George, David Goshet, George

^50 5000

250 5000 500 15,000

Purton, Wilts.

5

Phila.

10

9,11-12, 15 9 9.H-13. 15-16 10,15-16 10 9,11-12, lb 10 10

10

Name

English Residence

Gotshim, Elizabeth [and Oliver, Evan and Mary] Gouldney, Henry London Griscom, Andrew

ReputdfirsPnylva·60

Hamilton, Andrew Hardy, Samuel Badsly, Hants. Harford, Thomas Hart, Robert London Hartsfelder, Jurian Hasell, Samuel [and Buckley, Samuel; see doc. 205] Hasevoet, Abraham Frankfurt, Germany Haynes, Richard Hazlegrove, John Hearne, William Hendricks, Herman Rotterdam, Netherlands Hill, Richard Maryland Histor, William Hobbs, Israel Hore, George Howell, Philip Howell, William Redstone, Pem. Llangelynin, Merion. Humphrey, Daniel Hyde, William Acton, Ches. Jefferson, Henry Jefferson, Mercy John, Griffith Jones, David Jones, John & Jones, Michael

English Occupation

Sale Date

Acres Payment

Pa. Land

Survey Date

City Lot

9-10

Merchant Carpenter

1500

500

Clerk

Phila.

82w,83s,8gp

500 250 250

Plasterer

Phila.

76w,76p,84s

83w,83s,8gp

83s

9^5 9-!3>i5 10 9,12 9 9- 12 '!5 10-13 10 15

5/83

10

500 4/82

Chester Chester

828,835

9,1 1-12

82S

1O-12

2000

9,12 10

8

Yeoman

500

Phila.

83w,83s,84p

83w,83s,gop

500

Chester Chester

84w 84s

83s

375

1500 1500

Bala, Merion.

Bucks

83w

Phila.

8iw

84w,85p Bristol Bristol

Sources

Linendraper Grocer

1000

g* 11 -^ 10 10,13

9,11-12,16 10,15 9' 12 '!5 9 9,16 10,13,15 10,13 8-10,13,15-16 10,15

168–5·1

Jones, Thomas

Llanworthin, Mont.

250

Knight, John

Bandon, Cork, Ireland

250

Laurentz, Johann Lawrence, Joshua Leech, Tobias Lewis, Henry Lewis, John Limerick, Thomas P. Lish, George Llewellyn, Morris Lloyd, Abraham Lloyd, Thomas Logan, James London Company Longworthy, John Lovett, Edmund Lum, Swan

Rotterdam, Netherlands

Maris, George Marsh, Elizabeth Martin, Catherine Martin, Samuel Mason, Henry Masters, Thomas Masters, William Mayling, Thomas Mell, Alexander Merian, Caspar Mickle, Samuel Mifflin, John Miller, Clement

Cheltenham, Glos. Narberth, Pem. Pern.

Chester

845

83w,83s,88p

9,11-13,15

83w,83s,86p

9,11-13.15

5/83

15 10

300 250

Carpenter

Phila. Phila.

845 835

838, 84p 835,848

5000

10,15 9,1 1-13,16 9,1 1-12

9 10

Castle Bight, Pem. Bristol Dolobran, Mont. Bristol

250

Phila.

835

5000

Bucks

84P

835

Mariner Linendraper

9-10,13,15-16 10,15

60,000

9 9

200 250

9-12,15 9.15

Bucks

9*15 10

Inkborough, Worcs.

Chester 500

Phila.

82w,83s,84p 828,835

10-13,15 845

3OO 500

Bermuda

845

Carpenter

9 9,11,13

9 9

10-11,15

10

Phila. Frankfurt, Germany

5/83

85w

10,13

9 15

250

10

Wilts. 5000

Phila. Phila.

83w,84s,84p 835

838

10-13,15 9,11-12

Name

English Residence

English Occupation

Sale Date

Musgrove, Hannah Musgrove, Thomas Nelson, Peter Norris, Isaac

ReputdfirsPnylva·62

Port Royal, Jamaica

Oliver, Evan Glascomb, Radnor Oliver, Mary [and Gotshim, Elizabeth] Orien, William Owen, Griffith Prescot, Lanes. Palmer, William Parkhurst, Thomas Parsons, Thomas Peckover, John Pemberton, Israel Pennock, Christopher Perrin, Matthew Phelps, John Phelps, Thomas Pierce, George [and Watson, William] Pierson, John Pike, Joseph Plumstead, William Powell, George Powell, James Powell, Samuel Puryor, William

London

Acres Payment

Pa. Land

750

Bucks

Survey Date

City Lot

10 9>!5 10 10,15

Merchant 4

Physician Stationer

Phila. Phila.

84w,84s 84w

Phila.

8os

9> 1 1 - 1 3' 1 5 10,13 10-12

5000 3/85

9^5

500 1000

2601 Cork, Ireland Limerick, Ireland Limerick, Ireland Frenchay, Glos.

Merchant

Hoveningham, Suff. Cork, Ireland?

Yeoman Linendraper

Lostock, Ches.

Yeoman

Sources

5/82

540 1000 1000 750

1000 5000

Bucks Phila. Phila.

84p 83w,84s,gop 8iw,82w,84s

Chester

84w,85S

Chester

83$

845

10 9^5 9-10 9 10,12-13 10-13,16 9> 1 1 ' 1 3 9.15 9^5 10,13,15

9,11-12 10,15 9 9^5 10 10

1000

9

Rees, Edward Remke, Covert Rhodes, Adam Roberts, Hugh Roberts, William Robinson, Patrick Rochford, Dennis Rowels, William Rudeman, Robinson Russel, John

168–5·3

Sandelands, Robert Saunders, Paul Schiitz, Johann Scotsink, George Scull, Nicholas Shaw, Anthony Shute, Thomas Sibthorp, Christopher Simpson, John Sipman, Dirck Smedley, George Sowle, William Spikeman, Randle Stamper, Francis Stevens, Henry Story, Thomas Strauss, George Streypers, Jan Stuber, James Swanson & Co. Taylor, Obediah

Llanfor, Merion. Krefeld, Germany Codnor, Derby Llanvawr, Merion. Merion. Brighthelmstone, Sus.

Phila. 1000 Phila.

84w

845

10,15 9.15 10,15 10-13,15-16 10

10,16 10,15 10 10

Grocer 300

Phila.

82S,83w,83s

500

Phila.

yyw

835

9,11-13,15 9,11-13 10

Frankfurt, Germany

5/83

!5

10

Ireland Ireland

10,15

Phila.

10

10,15 10,15

Phila. London Krefeld, Germany

Justice Town, Cumb. Frankfurt, Germany Krefeld, Germany

9.15

Brazier 5000 250 1000 600 4

Quaker Minister 5/83 3/83

Chester

845

845

Phila.

845,875

gis

Phila.

82w,84p,86p

10 9»i5 9,11-12,15 9 10-12 9 9 10,13,15 15 10,12,15-16

5000

10

Phila.

83W

10,13

Phila.

!7°3S

10,12,15

ReputdfirsPnylva·64

Name

English Residence

English Occupation

Telner, Jacob Thomas, Daniel Thomas, Evan Thompson, Henry Townsend, William Turner, Joseph

Krefeld, Germany

Merchant

Lanykeaven, Pern. Westminster, Middlx.

Uberfeldt, Johann

Frankfurt, Germany

Van Bebber, Matthias Vandewalle, Jacob

Krefeld, Germany Frankfurt, Germany

Waite, John Walsey, Joseph Warner, John Warner, William Watson, William [see Pierce, George] Webb, Richard Wethurst, Ralph Wharley, Daniel Whitton, Robert Wilcox, Barnabas Wilmer, John Wilson, Thomas Wynne, Jonathan

Worcester, Worcs.

Sale Date

3/83

Acres Payment

Pa. Land

Survey Date

5000

Phila.

82w,85\v

Sources

10,13,16 10

Vintner

4/95

250 600 300

Phila.

835

835

9,11-12,15 9,12 9 10

5/83 6/83 5/83

!5

1000

10,15

' 5°°

10 9 10,13,15 10-13,15

Blockley, Worcs.

15-16 Phila. Phila.

83\v,84p 83\v,84s,84p

10

4/95

500 500 3000

7/99

1000 3000

Rowde, Wilts. London

Woolen Draper

Bristol

Ropemaker

Phila.

82w,83s,84p

825

10,12,15 9 9,12,15 10 9-!3'!5 9 10

10,15

Son of Thomas [see doc. 205] Phila. Chester

Wood, William Wood worth, Richard Wooler, Thomas

City Lot

83\v,83s,84p 845

84p

10-13,16 10

500

9

CALENDAR OF MICROFILMED WP DOCUMENTS, 1680-1684

In the following list, figures in the first column give the reel and frame numbers of documents in the microfilm edition of The Papers of William Penn. Numbers in bold type identify documents printed in this volume. 1:084 2:388 2:720 2:752 2:769 2:772 2:774 2:784 2:786 2:788 2:791 2:793 2:795 2:798 2:803 2:806 2:808

2:811 2:812 2:815 2:820 2:823 2:824 2:827 2:830 2:832 2:835

On Adoration & Honouring Men by the Hat, [c. 1680] Bill of Charges from Thomas Rudyard and Herbert Springett, [1681] From Henry Sidney, 21 May 1680, 3 The Case of New Jersey, [1680] From Robert Barclay, 31 January 1680, 1 To Bristol Meeting, 19 February 1680 To William, Prince of Orange, 26 February 1680, 2 Petition to Charles II, [May? 1680], 4 Minute of the King's Report on WP's Petition, i June 1680, 5 Minute of the Committee of Trade, 14 June 1680, 6 Committee of Trade to Sir John Werden, 14 June 1680 Dedication to Charles II, 22 June 1680 Lord Baltimore's Agents to William Blathwayt, 23 June 1680, 7 Sir John Werden to William Blathwayt, 23 June 1680, 8 Minute of the Committee of Trade, 25 June 1680, 9 Henry Guy to Ordnance Committee, 2 August 1680 Duke of York Grant to WP in Trust for Edward Byllynge, 6 August 1680 From Plymouth Monthly Meeting, 14 September 1680 To Persons in Maryland, 16 September 1680 Sir Creswell Levinz to the Committee of Trade, [October?] 1680, 11

Sir John Werden to William Blathwayt, 16 October 1680, 12 From Samuel Jennings, 17 October 1680 Chief Justice North's Memorandum on WP's Draft Charter, [c. January 1681], 18 Chief Justice North's Proposed Restrictions on WP's Patent, [c.January 1681], 19 Minute of the Committee of Trade, i November 1680 Minute of the Committee of Trade, 4 November 1680 Committee of Trade to Attorney General, 8 November 1680

1680-1684 • 665

2:838 2:842 3:004 3:007 3:012 3:024 3:028 3:031 3:033 3:036 3:038 3:040 3:042 3:045 3:065 3:081 3:083 3:085 3:099 3:103 3:111 3:117

3:127 3:132 3:138 3:139 3:142 3:147 3:150 3:152 3:176 3:177 3:178 3:179 3:181 3:182 3:190 3:200 3:203 3:205 3:209 3:213 3:215 3:218

Minute of the Committee of Trade and Sir Creswell Levinz's Notes on WP's Draft for the Charter, [i i November 1680], 13 William Blathwayt to Sir John Werden, 18 November 1680 William Blathwayt to Lord Baltimore's Agents, 18 November 1680 Sir John Werden to William Blathwayt, 20 November 1680, 14 Petition to Parliament, [November 1680?], 16 Sir John Werden to William Blathwayt, 23 November 1680, 15 Lord North's Settlement of WP's Boundaries, [c. December 1680] Minute of the Committee of Trade, [16 December 1680] Committee of Trade to Richard Burke and Sir John Werden, 16 December 1680 John Darnall's Outline for the Charter of Pennsylvania, [July? 1680], 10 John Darnall's First Chart of Government, 51 John Darnall's Second Chart of Government John Darnall's Third Chart of Government, 52 The Fundamental Constitutions, [summer 1681?], 50 The Fundamental Constitutions of Pennsylvania First Draft of the Frame of Government, 53 Second Draft of the Frame of Government, 55 Counselor Bamfield's Draft Constitution, [1681], 54 Draft of the Intended Form of Government [Third Draft] Draft of the Intended Form of Government [Fourth Draft] Draft of the Intended Form of Government [Fifth Draft] Moneys Received for Land Sold in Pennsylvania, 6 July 1682, printed as part of 205 Moneys Received for Land Sold in Pennsylvania, 23 August 1682, printed as part of 205 Some Account of the Province of Pennsylvania, 1681 Brief Account of the Province of Pennsylvania, [1681]

To "Friends in the Countries," [March 1681?] List of Letters to James Harrison, 1681-1687 Minute of the Committee of Trade, 15 January 1681 Minute of the Committee of Trade, 22 January 1681, 17 Minute of the Committee of Trade, 24 February 1681, 21 To Friends in Bristol, 24 February 1681 Warrant to the Privy Seal Office, [28 February 1681], 22 Committee of Trade to King Charles and Draft of Charter, 24 February 1681 Entry in the Signet Docket Book, [c. 28 February 1681] Entry in Chancery Docket Book, 4 March 1681 Copy of the Charter, 4 March 1681 Duplicate of the Charter of Pennsylvania, 4 March 1681 To Robert Turner, 5 March 1681, 23 Acquittance to George Pownall, 25 March 1682 From Robert Barclay, 25 June 1681, 31 Charles II to Inhabitants of Pennsylvania (DS), 2 April 1681 Charles II to Inhabitants of Pennsylvania (broadside), 2 April 1681 Charles II to Inhabitants of Pennsylvania (copy), 2 April 1681 To Inhabitants of Pennsylvania, 8 April 1681 24

Calendar of Microfilmed WP Documents • 666

3:222 3:228 3:232 3:236 3:239 3:242 3:246 3:247 3:248 3:249

To Lord Baltimore, 10 April 1681, 26 Commission to William Markham, 10 April 1681, 25 To Robert Turner, Anthony Sharp, and Roger Roberts, 12 April 1681, 27 To Gawen Lawrie, 14 April 1681 From Robert Barclay, 15 April 1681, 28 From Robert Barclay, 26 April 1681 From Lewis Morris, 3 June 1681 From Lewis Morris, 25 June 1681 To Unknown Recipient, July 1681 Conditions or Concessions to the First Purchasers, 1 1 July 1681, 32

From Sir John Werden, 16 July 1681, 34 Acquittance to Richard Few, 2 August 1 68 1 From Robert Barclay, 19 August 1681, 35 Acquittance to Israel Brench, 20 August 1681 To Thomas Janney, 21 August 1681, 36 To James Harrison, 25 August 1681, 37 To Robert Turner, 25 August 1681, 38 Acquittance to Thomas Wynne and John Ap John, 15 September 1681 3:285 Acquittance to Thomas Rudyard, 16 September 1681 To Planters in Maryland, 16 September 1681, 39 3:287 3:293 To Planters in Maryland (copy), 16 September 1681 3:296 To Planters in Maryland (copy), 16 September 1681 3:298 From Robert Barclay, 23 September 1681, 40 3:305 Acquittance to Thomas Callowhill, 27 September 1681 3:307 Acquittance to William Lane, 27 September 1681 3:308 Acquittance to Edward Martindale, 27 September 1681 Initial Plans for Philadelphia, 30 September 1681, 41 3:310 3:319a Recommendation of Charles Marshall's Medicines, 2 October 1681 To Robert Vickris, 4 October 1681 3:320 From Robert Barclay, 10 October 1681, 42 3:320 Acquittance to Jonathan Stanmore, 11 October 1681 3:325 Acquittance to Edward Jefferson, 1 1 October 1681 3:326 3:328 To Algernon Sidney, 13 October 1681, 43 To William Markham, 18 October 1681, 44 3:331 3:337 To Kings of the Indians (LS), 18 October 1681, 45 To Kings of the Indians (LS), 18 October 1681 3:341 3:343 To Kings of the Indians (copy), 18 October 1681 3:345 To Kings of the Indians (copy), 18 October 1681 Acquittance to George Keith, 20 October 1681 3:347 3:349 Deed to Sarah Fuller, 23 October 1681 3:357 Commission to William Crispin, William Haige, John Bezar and Nathaniel Allen, 25 October 1681 3:359 First and Second Catalogues of First Purchasers, 25 October 1681 and 31 April 1682, printed as part of 205 3:360 Additional Instructions to William Markham, 28 October 1681, 46 To Lady Elizabeth Petty, 3 November 1681, 47 3:370 Acquittance to Leonard Fell, 9 November 1681 3:371

3:258 3:262 3:264 3:267 3:269 3:272 3:278 3:282

1680-1684 • 667

3:372 3:376 3:378 3:379 3:383 3:385 3:387 3:389 3:403 3:404 3:408 3:412 3:417 3:422 3:424 3:432 3:434 3:436a 3:4366 3:436